AARMS Vol. 20, No. 3 (2021) 5–19.
10.32565/aarms.2021.3.1
The Borderline between Private
and Public Security
Zsolt LIPPAI1¤ – Zágon CSABA2¤
A few years ago, a White Paper was published by the Confederation of European
Security Services (CoESS) with the collaboration of the Institut National des
Hautes Études de Sécurité (INHES) on the security market of the European
Union. The authors identified several reasons why public and private security
providers in the member states share the market and why they are bound to
cooperate for the public good, that is, the security itself. However, the states’
law enforcement capacities cannot cover all security demands of the public due
to the finite (mainly budgetary) resources that always set capacity limits hence
congestions in the assignments of police services occur from time to time. Private
security operatives fill into the supply gaps occurring in a fragmented security
landscape in Europe. Due to the variables in the market share, countries made
their patterns in public and private security components, the statutory frameworks,
and the traditions concerning the role played by the commercial security sector
in overall security provisions. Here a typology may be formed from the clusters of
countries following alternative approaches, respectively. There is a border zone
between the two sectors. The exclusive public security domain gives way to areas
of common interest and moves on to where private security takes precedence, and
public actors only play a supervisory role. This article examines the boundary
zone in multiple approaches, attempting to stipulate the red line between the two
security elements.
Keywords: private security, public security, law enforcement, armed security
guard
Introduction
Based on the findings of a volume of studies on the rise of private security in the European
Union (EU), the authors intend to analyse the borders between private and public security
and their possible intersections. They seek to answer how far private security goes and
1
2
Assistant Lecturer, University of Public Service, Faculty of Law Enforcement, Department of Private Security
and Local Governmental Law Enforcement; Doctoral School of Police Sciences and Law Enforcement, PhD
student, e-mai: lippai.zsolt@uni-nke.hu
Assistant Professor, University of Public Service, Department of Customs and Finance Guards, Faculty of
Law Enforcement, e-mail: csaba.zagon@uni-nke.hu
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Zsolt LIPPAI – Zágon CSABA: The Borderline between Private and Public Security
where the bearing point comes, and the area of public security begins. Is it possible to
define where precisely this line separates these two seemingly distinct territories, or
are there somewhat borderline issues that, under certain conditions, belong either here
or there, or can even be considered the overlapping responsibilities on security for both
entities? The analysis draws on eminent thinkers’ research findings and a series of study
examples of domestic private and public security. This paper intends to stimulate further
research into the fundamental structures of policing to contribute to the development of
policing studies.
Safety as a cooperative product
The right to security has a constitutional basis3 for the functioning of the state, and its
institutional guarantees are an objective obligation of the state. Its primary function is to
protect and promote shared values and legitimate interests of the enforcement.4 According
to Géza Finszter, law enforcement in the modern state is an administrative activity whose
social function is to avert the dangers of unlawful human behaviour,5 that is, to create
security. To ensure a state is free from threats, policing has emerged as the first form of
modern public administration.6 Public order and public safety were the first social needs
that the state had a duty to meet. As a result of the differentiation and historical separation
of public and private property, the need for private security has also arisen. There is
no doubt that private security forms a raison d’être in our societies.7
Law enforcement is part of the public administration;8 its mission is to maintain internal
order and public order and security, to protect the members of society and the fundamental
values of the law by preventing, averting and disrupting acts that violate or endanger
them. As a last resort, even force may be used for these purposes as specified by József
Pallo while identifying it as a compulsory element of policing.9 In the modern European
view, public security is the collective social product of the activities of individuals and
their communities, the actions of public authorities, the self-defence capacity of citizens
as well as the services provided by the business market.10 The significant realisation that
the sheer magnitude of crime in our societies prevents the criminal justice system from
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
6
In Hungary, for instance, the right to security is stipulated in the first entry of Article IV of the Fundamental
Law of Hungary (issued on 25 April 2011). Please note that all national legislation cited in this article was born
in Hungary if otherwise indicated.
István Kovács, ‘Magyarország határain átnyúló szervezett bűnözés és prostitúciós bűncselekmények
a schengeni térségben, különös tekintettel a SOCTA és EUROSTAT értékelésére’, Határrendészeti
Tanulmányok 14, no 4 (2017), 82–161.
Géza Finszter, A rendészet elmélete és rendészeti eszközrendszer (Budapest: Nemzeti Közszolgálati és
Tankönyv Kiadó, 2013), 16.
Géza Finszter, ‘A változó rendészet és a rendészettudomány’, Pécsi Határőr Tudományos Közlemények
14 (2013), 5–12.
Géza Finszter, Rendészettan (Budapest: Dialóg Campus, 2019), 63.
Zoltán Balla, A rendészet alapjai és egyes ágazatai (Budapest: Dialóg Campus, 2017), 26.
József Pallo, ‘Gondolatok a rendészet fogalmi és alkalmazási kérdéseiről’, Börtönügyi Szemle 7, no 2 (2000),
33–40.
Resolution No. 115 of 2003 (X.28.) on the national strategy of societal crime prevention of the Parliament.
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Zsolt LIPPAI – Zágon CSABA: The Borderline between Private and Public Security
adequately controlling or preventing crime11 ensures that a collective effort is needed to
counter threats effectively. Public security is, therefore, a cooperative product.12
Blurring the lines between public and private security (security
market size and the strategies of the countries)
The state starts from the premise that public order is a fundamental value for the nation’s
advancement. To achieve the state’s objectives in public security, it has declared that
cooperation with persons (bodies) performing law enforcement functions, as regulated by
law, is essential to maintain public order and security.13 The legislation stipulates armed
security guards, bodyguards and property guards, nature conservation guards, forestry
guards, mountain guards, professional hunters, forestry staff with law enforcement duties,
state and professional fish guards, land wardens, municipal nature conservation guards
and field guards. It establishes a legal framework for protecting private and public property
by extending the constitutional protection of property, using the means of personal and
property protection.
At the same time, it is quite difficult to separate private and public security providers
based on their activity itself. Both sides provide guarding and patrolling functions;
therefore, it is not always differentiating. However, key distinction factors could be
the possession and exercise of police powers. Furthermore, private security functions
are essentially client-oriented, while public law enforcement functions are society- or
community-oriented efforts.14
In 2008, the CoESS, a European employers’ organisation representative of the private
security services in cooperation with the French INHES university, published a White
Paper on the private sector security and its role in European security. The study paper
identified public and private security territories with four strategies among the EU
member states based on a detailed analysis of statistical figures of 2004 and 2005.15 In
six countries, mainly but not exceptionally from the eastern part of the EU, the number
of private security agents are far more than public security officers. Three countries have
more or less identical numbers in the public and private security sectors. Twelve countries
11
12
13
14
15
Robert J. Fischer et al., Introduction to Security, 9th ed. (Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann, 2013), 12.
Géza Finszter, ‘Közbiztonság és jogállam’, Jog, Állam, Politika 1, no 3 (2009), 173–196.
Act CXX of 2012 on the activities of certain law enforcement officials and amendments to certain acts
ensuring action against school evasion.
Fischer et al., Introduction to Security, 32; Nigel D. White et al., ‘Blurring Public and Private Security in
Indonesia: Corporate Interests and Human Rights in a Fragile Environment’, Netherlands International Law
Review 65, no 2 (2018), 217–252.
Similar analyses have been carried out, for instance, for the Czech Republic and Finland, and a comparing
study of private security characteristics of two countries, Hungary and Slovenia. Cf. Oldřich Bureš, ‘Private
Security Companies in the Czech Republic: An Exploratory Analysis’, Central European Journal of
International and Security Studies 6, no 2 (2012), 41–60; Teemu Santonen and Jyri Paasonen, ‘Evaluating
the adequacy of private security industry regulation in Finland’, Security Journal 30, no 2 (2017), 585–604;
László Christián and Andrej Sotlar, ‘Private Security Regulation in Hungary and Slovenia – A Comparative
Study Based on Legislation and Societal Foundations’, Varstvoslovje 20, no 2 (2018), 143–162.
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have half as many private agents as public officers, and just four have marginal private
workforces compared to the public security sector.16
Three categories may be identified if we consider the size of the security market
compared with the number of inhabitants. Seven hundred or more public and private
security workforce per 100,000 inhabitants existed in seven EU members, where the peak
figure had Hungary with 1,083. This figure shows that about 1 per cent of the population
works in the security sector in these countries. Four of these countries invest more in
private security (Hungary, Ireland, Poland and Luxembourg), two invest more in public
security (Cyprus and Portugal), and the Czech Republic supports equally in both. At the
other end of the figure, distribution are five countries with less than 420 workforces per
100,000 inhabitants. Austria has marginalised its private forces, while the Netherlands has
lower public police forces, and the Scandinavian countries have low levels of investment
in both. The remaining thirteen countries have accumulated between 500 and 700 security
professionals per 100,000 inhabitants.17
These strategic patterns led to the fundamental questions: what size the security market
should be, and who pays the bill?
Drivers to increase the private security share in the markets
The appearance of new forms of property and consumption creates mass private properties
such as market halls, leisure parks, sporting and cultural arenas and similar spaces.
Despite the fact that they are under private ownership, they are open to the public. The
emergence of privately owned public spaces has created the opportunity for owners to
tailor the security of such facilities to their own and their customers’ needs. This does
not mean that in these areas, they rely only on their private security service operators or
those provided by other companies or security contractors, but they primarily provide
their security. They cooperate with the public police services and, if necessary, call them
to act on private community spaces.
In line with the White Paper mentioned above, other researchers agree that police
services are often congested by their increasing burdens, while they are facing difficulties
in funding and ensuring their resources. Due to the sluggish capability of changing
character, law enforcement agencies often cannot follow highly volatile policing needs
with their capacity developments. Finszter, Newburn and Ratcliffe observe18 the opening
demand gap between police expenditures, indicating in broader terms the slowly increasing
tendencies in capabilities of the police services and the swift changes in the recorded
crime that outlines their assignments.
16
17
18
8
CoESS and INHES, White Paper – Private Security and Its Role in European Security (2008), 26–30.
Ibid. 30.
Compare: Géza Finszter, ‘Közbiztonság és közbátorság’, in Írások Tauber István emlékére, ed. by Zsolt
Németh (Budapest: ELTE Állam- és Jogtudományi Kar, Magyar Kriminológiai Társaság és Rendőrtiszti
Főiskola, 2009), 66–83; Tim Newburn, Crime and Criminal Justice Policy (London: Longman, 1995), 61–64;
Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Intelligence-Led Policing (Cullompton: Willan Publishing, 2008), 18–20.
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Despite their steady growth, both in costs and numbers of personnel, public law
enforcement agencies have increasingly been compelled to remain reactive instead of
acting proactively, and they concentrate more on the maintenance of public order and the
apprehension of criminals. Most policing models depend on a cooperative approach to law
enforcement because public law enforcement personnel cannot possibly protect all those
who need it.19
The finite financial resources of the law enforcement sector could be a possible reason
for the rise of private security. Furthermore, taxpayers’ money could be spent legally less
flexible, whereas private companies can do their financial resources as their business
requires because they are not bound to strict public procurement regulations.
According to the White Paper, the financial resources available to maintain public
safety in a complete state monopoly cannot be guaranteed, which would make it easy to
conclude that a significant part of the policing tasks will be shifted to private security
service providers and companies20 because of the ideology of their ‘higher degree of cost
effectiveness’.
However, the overall picture is much more complex because, in creating public
security as a cooperative product, the boundaries between private and public security
also seem to be blurred. This is particularly the case in those areas of law enforcement
where public control is not visibly compromised, even when market actors are involved in
creating security as a public good. An example of this is the protection of persons, where
the state while maintaining its exclusivity (compare: protection of persons of particular
importance), recognises the need (or necessity) for individual security and allows such
services to be provided or used on a market basis.21
An example of the apparent blurring of boundaries is the existence of several policing
functions that are reserved for the state police. However, even in these areas, some
privatisation can be observed. Numerous functions that were traditionally performed by
bodies and employees of the state, such as the running of prisons, prisoner escort and
protection services, guarding facilities of the state inter alia, but not exceptionally military
ones are outsourced to private companies.22 The legal regulation of private investigative
activities is also aligned here.23 Therefore, it became difficult to label some type of conduct
as an ‘act of state’ for which the government is legally responsible. Different degrees
of outsourcing are reflective of what is achievable politically and ideologically, rather
than what is legally or ethically acceptable. In effect, outsourcing is a redrawing of what
constitutes inherent state functions or at least a blurring. In areas in which outsourcing
is deeply entrenched, the government is no longer in effective control of the conduct of
19
20
21
22
23
Fischer et al., Introduction to Security, 12.
CoESS and INHES, White Paper – Private Security and Its Role in European Security, 32.
Tamás Nagy and Zsolt Lukács, ‘A személyvédelem rendészeti jellemzői és magánbiztonsági szerepe’ in
Biztonsági vezetői kézikönyv, ed. by László Christián et al. (Budapest: Ludovika Egyetemi Kiadó, 2019),
168–169.
White et al., ‘Blurring Public and Private Security in Indonesia’, 223–224.
Bence Mészáros, ‘A magánnyomozói tevékenység szabályozásának aktuális kérdései’, in Pécsi Határőr
Tudományos Közlemények XI. Tanulmányok a „Quo vadis rendvédelem? Szabadságjogok, társadalmi
kötelezettségek és a biztonság” című tudományos konferenciáról, ed. by Gyula Gaál and Zoltán Hautzinger
(Pécs: Magyar Hadtudományi Társaság Határőr Szakosztály Pécsi Szakcsoport, 2010), 285–294.
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private companies. It could also correspond to an increase of corporate influence on some
governments. In some cases, this might extend to a ‘corporate capture’ situation whereby
an economic elite could undermine the public trust in the police and ruin the realisation of
human rights by exerting undue influence over decision-makers and public institutions.24
It becomes very difficult to label some type of conduct as an ‘act of state’ for which the
government is legally responsible although the government must ensure access to effective
judicial remedy for human rights abuses. Business enterprises should establish effective
grievance mechanisms for adversely impacted individuals and communities.25
Staying at the private investigations, one of the fundamental issues is the legislator’s
confidence in the legality and objectivity of information-gathering activities for financial
gain and the financially motivated or potential interest in concealing the truth. Another
distinctly public law enforcement privilege is that of the police in the context of their
team-based service, many of whose crowd management tasks also have private security
implications. As the scope of the private security sector has expanded, the person and
property guards are now not only able to check the legality of entry to and exit from the
event site, often on private property, but to ensure that the rules of the event are observed
but are also actively involved in the various stages of event security. They are involved
in the process of risk classification of sporting events, escorting and transporting groups
of supporters, detaining supporters after sporting events, organising music festivals that
attract large crowds and so on.
The National Police issue the licences necessary for the pursuit of activities in the
field of the protection of persons and property and the required licences for the pursuit of
activities by natural persons. They keep a public register of these licences and carry out
the tasks of weapons licensing and other administrative police tasks.26 Police supervise
licenced activities from such as the administrative and on-the-spot checks and are also
actively involved in the training and examination of person and property guards.27 An
essential element of this activity is that the private security company provides the service
to the private sector. Its content is laid down in a contract governed by private law within
a relatively broad framework. The range of the contract is characterised by the freedom of
form and the juxtaposition of equal parties. The means of protection available to the private
security provider are the same as those available to the property owner. The effectiveness
of the safety of persons and property, which can be seen as an ‘extension of the client’s
hand’, can be significantly enhanced by using high-quality technical equipment and
trained staff.
The concept of critical infrastructure protection originated in the United States in the
1990s, where the issue was already being addressed as a scientific problem. The terrorist
attacks of 11 September 2001 brought about a paradigm shift in thinking about security
and gave impetus to several research activities, including critical infrastructure protection.
24
25
26
27
10
White et al., ‘Blurring Public and Private Security in Indonesia’, 224; Bureš, ‘Private Security Companies in
the Czech Republic’, 50–55.
White et al., ‘Blurring Public and Private Security in Indonesia’, 223–224.
Act CXXXIII of 2005 on the rules of personal and property protection and private investigation.
Decree of the Minister of the Interior 68/2012 (XII.14.) on the training and examination of persons performing
law enforcement duties, assistant supervisors, and personal and property guards.
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Critical or vital infrastructure is defined as infrastructure, or infrastructure elements,
interconnected or networked and interacting with other infrastructure. If disrupted, lost
or rendered inaccessible would cause severe damage. It is difficult to define the precise
threshold at which damage is considered extreme, but this should be considered in terms
of the system’s operation against which the criticality of the infrastructure is assessed.28
For example, this could be the EU, Hungary, a specific municipality or organisation, or
even an individual.
The EU decided at the end of 2008 to identify and designate the critical infrastructures
in Europe and to improve their protection. The EU Directive on the identification and
designation of European Critical Infrastructures and the need to improve their protection
was adopted.29 Subsequently, the law on identifying and designating critical systems and
installations and their protection was created in the Member States, including Hungary.30
The law has been used to define the scope of vital systems and installations and
decide which organisations are responsible for critical infrastructure protection, including
security services, law enforcement agencies such as the police and disaster management
organisation, and the ASG, all with their specific areas of responsibility. The ASG is
responsible for protecting activities, facilities and cargo that are of paramount importance
for the operation of the state or the supply of the inhabitants, if the Hungarian Defence
Forces, law enforcement agencies, the Parliamentary Guard or the National Tax and
Customs Administration are not legally obliged to provide such protection, but the guarding
is justified in the interests of public security or the safety of the national property.31 ASG
has been authorised to use more effective powers of action than the person and property
protection guards. In Hungary, the police monitor compliance with the provisions of
the decision establishing the body, and they issue, withdraw, temporarily withdraw and
register the service card of the armed security guard at the expense of the debtor or the
organisation operating the body. The police shall also approve of the rules of guarding
and guard instruction and shall carry out supervisory checks on the performance of the
service. The police initiate the temporary restriction or confirmation of guard duty, check
the data required to assess the suitability of the ASG, and take part in the theoretical and
practical training and examination of the staff.
28
29
30
31
István Bukovics and Antal Vavrik, ‘Infrastruktúrák kockázata és biztonsága: Kritikai problémaelemzés’,
Hadmérnök 1, no 3 (2006), 32–40; György Potóczki, ‘Áttekintés a kritikus infrastruktúra védelem jelen
helyzetéről, a továbblépést nehezítő tényezők elemzése útján’, Hadmérnök 5, no 2 (2010), 203–218.
See details in Council Directive 2008/114/EC of 8 December 2008 on the identification and designation of
European critical infrastructures and the assessment of the need to improve their protection.
The respective legislation is Act CLXVI of 2012 on the identification, designation and protection of critical
systems and installations.
See Article 1 of Act CLIX of 1997 on the Armed Security Guard, Nature Protection and Field Guard Service.
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Armed security guards at the border zone between private and
public security
Before the First World War, the Hungarian Government had the good sense to recognise
the need to increase the number of police officers and create temporary police organisations
to maintain public order and security. There was a need for an armed corps that was not
part of the central authority but still operated under state control. On 14 September 1914,
the Minister of the Interior issued a decree on the organisation of civil guards. Based on
a uniform code of organisation and procedure throughout the country, the Civil Guard,
without official authority, was charged with protecting citizens and their property, and
thus indirectly with the protection of the state, as ordered by the police authorities. Their
actions had to be in line with the law, the regulations and the instructions they received,
and they could only take action by force in urgent cases, pending action by the police
authorities.32 A study by Károly Őry reveals a striking similarity between the activities
of the now-defunct civil guards, which were auxiliary to the police service but lacked
individual police authority, and the current statutory role of the ASG.
Looking for such similarities and differences, it could be helpful to review the activities
of armed guards of property and persons covered by the Protection of Persons and Property
Act and the activities of the ASG personnel covered by the ASG Act.33 Armed guards may,
for example, act as cash escorts or bank security guards. At the same time, ASG performs
its tasks as a designated organisation for the protection of activities, installations, cargo
or critical infrastructure of primary importance for the functioning of the State or the
supply of the population, in cases where the State-owned law enforcement agencies or the
national defence forces are not explicitly required to do so – as mentioned above.34
The activities of the ASG are mainly assessed within the framework of private security,
which in our view, is far from being so clearly defined. Critical infrastructure and its
designated elements may be subject to both publicly and non-publicly owned properties
and even under mixed ownership, operation and management. It has been defined as a legal
obligation to establish an ASG body and to operate it in a detailed manner, financed by the
obligor. This raises the question of whether the ASG protects private or public property or,
if it does both, has any of them a priority;35 and whether is it possible to identify the precise
boundary between private and public security? The question is further complicated in
the case of ASGs established in the police, the armed forces, the penitentiary services
or civilian national security services. We can find ASG guards at our nuclear facilities,
at the Paks Nuclear Power Plant or the Central Institute for Physical Research, where
an experimental nuclear reactor is operating, as well as at our low and medium-level
32
33
34
35
12
Károly Őry, ‘A rendvédelmi szervek az első világháború, az őszirózsás forradalom és a proletárdiktatúra
időszakában’, Rendvédelem-történeti füzetek 3, no 5 (1993), 42–54.
Stipulated in Act CLIX of 1997 on the Armed Security Guard, Nature Protection and Field Guard Service.
Ibid. See further details at Balázs Bognár et al., ‘A létfontosságú rendszerek és létesítmények védelméről szóló
szabályozás végrehajtása Magyarországon’, Bolyai Szemle 23, no 2 (2014), 105–111.
From the perspective of addressing the threat to the country, László Botz considers that public and property
security and protection are inseparable and interdependent areas, yet he proposes prioritising public security
over private security. László Botz, ‘Hazánk biztonsági rendszerének és elemeinek helyzete és felkészültsége
a várható fenyegetések elhárítása’, Felderítő Szemle 6, no 1 (2007), 15–34.
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radioactive waste storage facilities, or at our priority energy facilities, such as the Mátra
Power Plant or the MOL Plc’s Danube Refinery in Százhalombatta, which are undoubtedly
part of Hungary’s vital infrastructure.
When looking at the activities of the ASG guarding police premises, it is necessary
to start with the premises to be protected, where the outsourcing of guarding tasks from
the police organisation’s area of responsibility, as mentioned above, has already been
accomplished. According to the National Police Headquarters commander, the crime
situation in the 1990s justified the need for professional police officers to carry out the
organisation’s essential tasks and devote as little human resources as possible to tasks
not closely related to the organisation as guarding objects. The savings in the workforce
and working time ensured that the police could increase their presence on the streets and
in public places, thus improving their sense of security. The ASG took over guarding the
premises with the right to use legitimate force. The guards may, under certain conditions,
use coercive means such as physical force, tear gas, handcuffs and, in the last resort, even
firearms to maintain order and security in the premises.36
At the same time, the guards are present in the so-called guarded accommodation linked
to the police’s tasks in the field of aliens policing and also patrol the temporary security
border crossing for border surveillance purposes. By performing their duties in border
security, the ASG must pay particular attention to avoiding all forms of xenophobia.37
A similar diversity of tasks as mentioned before can be observed when examining
the ASG’s key role in protecting the privately-owned Budapest Liszt Ferenc International
Airport operated by Budapest Airport Plc. and which is also part of the critical
infrastructure. The airport operator has delegated the maintenance of the internal order of
the facility, including the guarding tasks related to the protection of critical infrastructure
and the control of passenger security, to the ASG.
The police previously carried out the passenger safety audit supervised by the Ministry
of Innovation and Technology’s Transport Authority and approved under an administrative
procedure. Transferring this task to private security providers can also be considered
outsourcing, as it was not part of the police’s core tasks. The delegation of this task was
accepted by the international experts who regularly audit the airport’s security, as it is in
line with national and international standards and does not compromise security.
Also related to airport security is the status classification of regulated suppliers,
regulated agents, known consignors,38 which is carried out by the Aviation Risk
Assessment Authority of the Transport Authority and is also related to private security. By
establishing a legislative environment for ratings, the legislator has laid the foundations
for a uniform set of requirements and measures to address dangerous and unlawful acts
from the point of view of civil aviation safety and has formulated a framework for action.
36
37
38
In cases of guarding facilities of vital importance. See details in Act CLIX of 1997.
See details in Krisztina Görbe Attiláné Zán, ‘„Mi” és „ők”. Migráció és idegenellenesség a társadalmi
megítélés tükrében’, in Szakmaiság, szerénység, szorgalom: Ünnepi kötet a 65 éves Boda József tiszteletére,
ed. by Imre Dobák and Zoltán Hautzinger (Budapest: Dialóg Campus, 2018), 241–251.
See details at points 26–27, Article 3 of the Regulation (EC) No. 300/2008 of the European Parliament and of
the Council of 11 March 2008 on common rules in the field of civil aviation security and repealing Regulation
(EC) No. 2320/2002.
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One of the most significant aviation security risks can be posed by unchecked baggage
in air transport, whether on passenger or cargo aircraft. Adopting the opinion of István
Németh,39 the issuing of the certificates is a crucial step forward from the authorities’
side. A strict system of security measures and institutions practised and maintained
exclusively by the authorities has now been extended to the civil security sector.40 It
is recognised for the well-trained, experienced and security-conscious professionals
working in the industry. This is about developing and operating cost- and time-effective,
standardised, documented and verifiable processes that meet the legislation and security
plan requirements. In private security companies, these processes are under the direct
control of the company’s top management, but the responsibility for organising them
lies with the security officers. To this end, non-intrusive inspection (NII) technology and
technical means must be used, which do not require damage to the packaging or the goods
or baggage during the examination.
In the case of damaged packaging, whether due to accidental damage or deliberate
tampering during transportation or in the case of a risk identified during the non-intrusive
inspection, a thorough examination of the package shall be carried out, in all other cases,
security staff shall carry out random checks.
Public good, common cause
According to Hungary’s crime prevention strategy: “Public safety is part of the quality
of life of society, a collective product of value, the creation and preservation of which
is a common concern.”41 Article 46(1) of the Fundamental Law of Hungary defines the
protection of public order and public security as a fundamental task of the police, but
this does not mean that the police are the only state body dealing with this task. All three
concepts of policing, as used in the Lexicon of Law Enforcement Science, consider policing
to be a state task, the main element of which is the maintenance of public order and public
safety, but which is not only carried out by the police but also by law enforcement and
administrative bodies (practically state and municipal law enforcement) jointly on behalf
of the state.42 Béla Galántai and other researchers draw attention to the fact that, although
the police, and in some countries police forces, are essentially responsible for ensuring
public order and security, they do not have the capacity or the powers to prevent or deter all
illegal actions that threaten security.43 Although they play a crucial role, police authorities
can only provide part of public safety as a service.
39
40
41
42
43
14
István Németh is the CEO of IBM DSS IT Kft.
Supply Chain Monitor, ‘Ismert szállító, meghatalmazott ügynök’, 01 May 2013.
Conceptual background of crime prevention. See at point 2.2. Government Decision 1744/2013 (X.17.) on the
National Crime Prevention Strategy (2013–2023).
Policing, law enforcement. Cf. József Boda (ed.), Rendészettudományi szaklexikon (Budapest: Dialóg
Campus, 2019), 461.
Béla Galántai, ‘A magánbiztonsági szolgáltatás közbiztonsági aspektusairól’ in Publikációk, szakdolgozatok
(Személy-, Vagyonvédelmi és Magánnyomozói Szakmai Kamara, s. a.).
AARMS (20) 3 (2021)
Zsolt LIPPAI – Zágon CSABA: The Borderline between Private and Public Security
In parallel with the development of police science and the evolution of law enforcement,
private security organisations have shifted their focus from law enforcement and criminal
investigation to crime prevention. This has led to increasing demand for security services
from the public and private sectors to protect property and maintain order. Today, private
security service providers far outnumber public law enforcement agencies, and private
security has become an essential element of security as a public good.44
Therefore, public security is affected by cooperation between public law enforcement
organisations and collaboration with private security providers. Because of this, the
authors of this article do not argue that the state is responsible for policing. They do,
however, contest the approach taken in the Dictionary of Police Science glossary. State
bodies do not have exclusive powers to safeguard public order and public safety, which are
closely linked to the internal order of the state.
This activity (i.e. the sum of measures to protect) is the essence of policing and is
intended to achieve the primary objective of policing: security. In reality, however, this
is not achieved by the state alone but by the joint efforts of the state and local authorities
responsible for policing, private security companies, civil society organisations and
individual citizens.
The authors, therefore, propose to emphasise the corporative nature of policing, with
the need for cooperation between state bodies and between state and non-state actors in
the new definition of policing.
In our opinion, policing is, therefore, an activity under the responsibility of the state
(or of the local government acting on behalf of the community), which means the legally
regulated protection of public order and public safety in cooperation between the authorities
of the state, the local government and other actors performing law enforcement functions.
The state (or the local government) is responsible for policing directly or through law
enforcement agencies.
Fundamentals of law enforcement concepts to be revised
László Korinek writes that “… the dysfunctions of law enforcement have already become
apparent in everyday life. […] the basic structures of law enforcement are in need of
renewal, therefore a scientific analysis of them cannot be postponed any longer”.45 Law
enforcement and the organisations involved need continuous renewal and adaptation to
change the circumstances.46
44
45
46
Fischer et al., Introduction to Security, 18–19; László Christián and Zsolt Lippai, ‘Kakukktojás vagy új
rendészeti alappillér’ in Tehetség, szorgalom, hivatás. Tanulmánykötet, ed. by Zágon Csaba and Ágnes
Zsámbokiné Ficskovszky (Budapest: Magyar Rendészettudományi Társaság Vám- és Pénzügyőri Tagozat,
2021), 17–30.
László Korinek, ‘Út a statisztikától a rendészet elméletéig’, JURA 14, no. 1 (2008), 69–94.
József Czilják, ‘Magánbiztonsági szervezetek és a rendvédelem’ in Pécsi Határőr Tudományos Közlemények
XII. Tanulmányok a „Rendészeti kutatások – A rendvédelem fejlesztése” című tudományos konferenciáról,
ed. by Gyula Gaál and Zoltán Hautzinger (Pécs: Magyar Hadtudományi Társaság Határőr Szakosztály Pécsi
Szakcsoport, 2011), 363–368.
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Zsolt LIPPAI – Zágon CSABA: The Borderline between Private and Public Security
Our research indicates that public order and security may not be achieved by stateowned law enforcement alone. As we have seen, there are significant areas of policing
where security as a public good can only be achieved in cooperation with non-state actors.
The authors argue that the resources of the state enforcement sector are considered
finite at a given point in time. Their capability development goes relatively slowly and
reaches expectations in longer terms. Regardless of these, we have seen the growth of the
total capabilities as a trend but the intensity of the developments is unequal. Non-state
actors in policing are well adapted to changes in crime as a phenomenon. They are not
bound by the funding and other operational rules specified for the public sector. The private
security sector’s close relationship with the security beneficiaries gives them flexibility in
providing their services. This statement is true for both private security providers and
civilian volunteer self-defence organisations. However, governments must ensure access
to effective judicial remedy for human rights abuses.
Ideally, complementary activities between the private and public security sectors
can create mutually reinforcing synergies. The boundary line between the labour, the
responsibility and the competency distinction of the two sectors are not always clearly
delineated. These ideas and patterns of cooperation can be seen in the law enforcement
strategies and strategic decision-making in different countries.
The scientific need for conceptual improvements and the combination of dogmatics and
practice was the focus of the Third Faculty Day of Law Enforcement at the University of
Public Service.47 During the event, Zoltán Balla presented his article entitled ‘Ockham’s
Razor and Law Enforcement’,48 explained the need for change respectively.
Examining the relatively narrow domestic literature on private security reveals that it
is a controversial area in many aspects, requiring further research and academic rigour.
Private security is covered by a larger academic law enforcement science unit,49 which
raises several questions to be answered. It is a relatively young discipline that has been at
the centre of academic interest in Hungary since the regime change. Perhaps therefore, the
theoretical foundations of the domain are still fresh, and specific questions have yet to be
answered. The authors of this study have tried to contribute to this, even if only modestly,
by pointing out what they consider to be one of the most exciting questions. In other words,
whether private security is to be understood as part of public security or as a concept
juxtaposed to public security50 and, as we have seen in the study, closely interacting with it
and challenging to separate from it. If we accept the latter as a basic premise, this must be
reflected both in our scientific thinking and in the conceptual framework of police science.
47
48
49
50
16
József Deák, ‘A jövőformáló rendészettudomány – Kari Nap online konferenciával’, RTK Hírek, 23 November
2020.
Zoltán Balla, ‘Ockham borotvája és a rendészet’, Magyar Rendészet 20, no 3 (2020), 15–26.
According to the nomenclature of disciplines published by the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in 2016, police
science as a discipline is a component of the discipline of Law and Political Sciences within the discipline
of Economics and Law. See details in Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, ‘Ki hová tartozik? Elkészült az új
tudományági besorolás’, MTA, 12 September 2016.
László Christián, ‘Két új ág a rendészettudomány fáján’, in Rendészettudományi gondolatok: Írások a Magyar
Rendészettudományi Társaság megalapításának egy évtizedes jubileuma alkalmából, ed. by Gyula Gaál and
Zoltán Hautzinger (Budapest: Magyar Rendészettudományi Társaság, 2014), 85–91.
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Zsolt LIPPAI – Zágon CSABA: The Borderline between Private and Public Security
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