Acta Euroasiatica, volume 1 (2013)

ACTA EUROASIATICA Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of the Polish Academy of Sciences & Institute of Classical, Mediterranean and Oriental Studies University of Wrocław ACTA EUROASIATICA Studies on the Eurasian Nomadic Societies and Their Relations with the Outside World YEARBOOK Volume 1 2013 Wrocław Acta Euroasiatica Studies on the Eurasian Nomadic Societies and Their Relations with the Outside World 1, 2013 Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of the Polish Academy of Sciences & Institute of Classical, Mediterranean and Oriental Studies University of Wrocław Editorial Board: Aleksander Paroń (Editor-in-Chief), Gościwit Malinowski (Editor), Bartłomiej Sz. Szmoniewski (Editor), Hanna Urbańska (Secretary) Adress of the Editorial Board: Centre for Late Antiquity and Early Medieval Studies Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology Polish Academy of Sciences ul. Więzienna 6, 50-118 Wrocław, Poland Editorial Council: Florin Curta (University of Florida, Gainesville), Halina Dobrzańska (Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences, Kraków), Sławomir Kadrow (Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences, Kraków), Aleksey Komar (Institute of Archaeology, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Kiev), Igor Kyzlasov (Institute of Archaeology, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow), Li Jinxiu (Institute of History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing), Sławomir Moździoch (Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław), Svetlana Sharapova (Institute of History and Archaeology, Russian Academy of Sciences, Ural Branch, Ekaterinburg), Victor Spinei (Ioan Cuza University, Iaşi), Witold Świętosławski (Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences, Łódź), Valentina Voinea (National Museum of History and Archaeology, Constanţa), Sergey Yatsenko (State University of Humanities, Moscow) Reviewers: Florin Curta (University of Florida, Gainesville), Li Jinxiu (Institute of History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing), Witold Świętosławski (Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences, Łódź), Piotr Włodarczak (Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences, Kraków), Sergey Yatsenko (State University of Humanities, Moscow) Linguistic consultation: Michael Fyall, Violetta Marzec, Justin Nnorom, Anna Tyszkiewicz Cover designed idea by: Bartłomiej Sz. Szmoniewski On the cover: Petroglyphs from Central Asia (modiied) Technical Editor: Joanna Wagner-Głowińska Acta Euroasiatica © Copyright 2013. All Right Reserved All papers are copyright to their authors, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of the Polish Academy of Sciences and University of Wrocław ISSN PL 2353-2262 ACTA EUROASIATICA 1 (2013) ISSN PL 2353-2262 Table of contents Editorial 7 Studies 10 Valentina Voinea Cultural interference during the Eneolithic Period in Dobrudja Hanna Urbańska Some ancient Chinese stories about white rainbow 11 29 Mariusz Pandura Perceiving otherness, creating resemblance – the Byzantinization of nomads in the age of Justinian I: the Arabs 43 Erwin Gáll Márton Roska (1880–1961)and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries 71 Kristina A. Lavysh Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures (10th–15th centuries) on the territory of the present-day Belarus 105 Authors 144 Editorial “inter quos [Tartaros] cum intravi, visum fuit michi recte quod ingrederer quoddam aliud seculum”. “and when I came among them [the Tartars] I really felt as if I were entering some other world”1. William of Rubruck, Itinerarium (I 14) The interior of the Eurasian continent, stretching from the borderlands of Manchuria and Korea to the lower Danube and the Hungarian puszta lying on the other side of the Carpathians, once included the area known as the Great Steppe. Despite clear-cut differences between its western and eastern parts (the borderline was in the area of the present-day eastern Kazakhstan) the area was characterised by relatively similar natural conditions. Their speciicity made the area the domain of people representing a speciic culture, whose most striking characteristic was extensive breeding of livestock and the nomadic lifestyle connected with it, as early as the third millennium BC. Hegemony (primarily political) of the nomads did not exclude the existence of groups representing another culture within the steppe or its borderlands2, what is more, the developed form of nomadism of the Eurasian type made it necessary to maintain contacts with the farming peoples inhabiting the steppe or its neighbourhood. Therefore, it has to be remembered that the area of our interest never became merely an oddity or an incubator for hostile barbarians threatening the civilized world. Natural conditions on the Great Steppe were clearly favourable for great migrations that frequently accompanied political transformations. The latter often led to creation of great political structures of distinctly imperial character. Violence was associated with these phenomena English translation by Peter Jackson. Dobrudja, during antiquity called Scythia Minor, can serve as notable examlpe. Its ancient name and history indicate clearly that region was penetrated by steppe-dwellers, however it was dominated by the sedenary population. Valentina Voinea analyzes the issue of migartion to Dobrudja during the Eneolithic period. 1 2 8 Editorial and its victim and not infrequently were also political centres located beyond the steppe. It seems, however, almost impossible to describe the relations between the nomadic communities, or between them and their settled neighbours, only in terms of conlict combined with bloodshed. Periods of sometimes ierce struggle were interspersed with times of peace. Then the Great Steppe would become a place of exchange, communication and cooperation. Violence, which the nomads sometimes resorted to in relations with their settled neighbours, also served to overcome isolationist tendencies of the latter (see the history of relations between China and nomads). Strong relationships were relected not only in the sphere of material culture (cf. Kristina Lavysh’s paper), but also in the image of the nomad preserved in written records. A vast majority of those were produced by representatives of neighbouring settled civilisations. The image we obtained from them must necessarily be quite varied. Therefore, it should not be surprising that in times of rivalry and invasion the image of the steppe dweller was intensively dehumanized. His features became almost diabolic (see Timor Tartarorum), which seems best illustrated by records from the period of the Tartar incursion into Central Europe in the years 1241–42. However, accounts written beyond the time of terror and violence seem to be devoid of such stereotypes. Nevertheless, authors representing such different epochs and cultures as Herodotus (5th century BC), Sima Qian (2nd–1st c. B.C.)3 and the above quoted William of Rubruck (13th c. AD) seemed to express a common conviction concerning the essential cultural difference of the nomads, almost resembling a photographic negative. Their world seemed to be governed by rational rules; nevertheless, it was far removed from the observer’s reality. With the so outlined universe, it would be virtually impossible to try and present a complete register of issues which, according to the editors, might become a subject of debate in this periodical. If we perceive nomads as communities which came up with an alternative form of existence when compared with the settled peoples, then we must admit that it was not merely a stage in the evolutionary development of mankind, but a completely separate form of existence resulting from speciic natural conditions. The nomadic lifestyle and the cultural patterns associated with it were their world, i.e. a separate complex socio-cultural reality. Understanding them better is the crucial task which the editors of this journal have set themselves. Realisation of such an undertaking, even in its most modest form, requires cooperation and exchange of ideas among specialists representing almost all scientiic disciplines which deal with the past, from archaeology through history and ethnology, to philology (both classical and oriental). We wish to replace the much clichéd demand for interdisciplinary research with the category of integrated The problem of interactions between the Chinese and Ancient Indian literary traditions has been undertaken in a study by Hanna Urbańska, although the author does not raise the issue of perception of the other in both great literatures. 3 Aleksander Paroń, Gościwit Malinowski, Bartłomiej Sz. Szmoniewski, Hanna Urbańska 9 research. The latter assume cooperation of scientists representing diverse scientiic disciplines with their separate research methodologies integrated around a common problem. Therefore, Acta Eurasiatica aims at the most complete presentation of the issues concerning the widely understood Eurasian steppe zone. In contrast to the above mentioned written records which constitute a vast though relatively limited resource, in the case of archaeological sources we can observe their stable and signiicant increase. They have frequently been published in periodicals unavailable for a European reader, in addition mostly in Russian or national languages which renders them practically inaccessible to the wider public. Therefore, we also intend to obtain several valuable texts concerning the above mentioned areas and to have them published in English. The territorial range of our periodical overlaps the area covered by the steppe in the period from prehistory to the Middle Aged. However, the accepted geographical framework is not rigid since issues concerning borderline zones (e.g. the forest - steppe zone), as well as nomadic populations inhabiting other than the Great Steppe, areas of Eurasia, will also ind their place in the journal4. We wish to pay particular attention to the fate of larger groups of nomads who, in the course of history, were forced to settle beyond the area of the Great Steppe or on its border5. They constitute a very interesting case for the research on relations between nomads and peoples representing different cultures, as well as the ability of the former to adapt to new living conditions. Aleksander Paroń Gościwit Malinowski Bartłomiej Sz. Szmoniewski Hanna Urbańska Cf. Mariusz Pandura’s paper. The author analyzes phenomenon of the Byzantinization of the Ghassanids, inhabiting Syriac border area. 5 Cf. the study of Ervin Gall who presents the selected aspect of the history of research on the Hungarians culture of the 10th-11th centuries AD and the study of Mariusz Pandura which announces subsequent considerantions on the phenomenon of Byzantinization of other nomadic communities. 4 Studies Acta Euroasiatica 1 (2013) PL ISSN 2353-2262 Valentina Voinea Cultural interference during the Eneolithic Period in Dobrudja In this paper, an important issue was rised which is present in studies on the Late Stone Age in Europe: the synchronism of cultural phenomena in selected areas. The Author discusses it on the example of the Eneolithic period in Dobrudja, while making both critisism of the statements existing in the scientiic literature, as well as relying on her own analytical studies and ieldworks. Key words: Late Stone Age, Eneolithic Period in Dobrudja, cultural synchronism Dobrudja, owing to its geographic position has represented an area of cultural interferences and, implicitly, a space where the dynamics of habitation cannot be glimpsed only through some imports. This is from where the numerous uncertainties and the interpretation errors, artiicially established synchronicities, periodisations and unfounded conclusions originate. The study of the cultural interferences has been limited, most of the time, to synchronisms established based on ceramic imports. From here derived a never-ending series of discussions concerning the chronological partition into phases and sub-phases, regarding the veracity of the 14C data – differently calibrated, depending on the chosen method. The chronological reference points are absolutely necessary, perfectible in the course of the development of the interdisciplinary research; the image of the relations between the communities must be understood beyond mere material exchange. The genesis of the Gumelniţa – Karanovo VI cultural complex, as we have previously stressed, cannot be understood outside the Boian III/IV – Maritsa III/IV symbiosis. Without the cultural amalgamations from the beginning of the Eneolithic Period, the quick diffusion of the “southern fashion” would not have been possible. What was their nature? Along with material exchange, best illustrated by the ceramic imports, we also witness a process of cultural standardisation, only possible through population shifts, and peaceful cohabitation that have allowed the normal evolution, without intermittences, towards the Late Eneolithic Period. We encounter the same direction of diffusion of the new “fashion”, from north to south, in the Boian – Poljanca zone; thus, at a Boian – Vidra level, the graphite ceramics appear. How can we explain the dynamics of these exchanges? A simple chorological analysis of the discoveries allows us to delimit the main access points. Most of the settlements concentrate along the fertile valley of the 12 Valentina Voinea Maritsa River; starting from the Aegean Sea, the most accessible path ascended towards Plovdiv. In the Tudja Valley, you could advance towards the west, up to Kazanlîc. Towards the east, the nearest path descended on the Mociritza Valley, in the direction of the Gulf of Burgas. Then towards the second gulf, from the Varna area, you could advance on the Ludja Kamčea Valley, reaching Goljamo Delcevo and from here, on to the Provadiiska Valley, towards the “lake settlements”. From the Varna region, the path to the centres from the Danubian river meadow went northeast along the Lom River up to Russe. Another access point to the north of the Danube was the Valley of the Jantra River. From the Romanian Plain, the communities moved towards the north and the northeast, along the tributaries of the Danube (Mostiştea, Dâmboviţa, Teleorman, Vedea, Călmăţui, Olt, Buzău, Ialomiţa, Siret, Prut). Within Dobrudja, the Boian communities also spread along the rivers Teliţa, Taiţa, Casimcea, and Carasu. During the same period of the Early Eneolithic, the population shifts intensiied in the north-south direction; as proof of this, there is the presence of some imports, but also some imitations of the Precucuteni ceramics in the Boian and Hamangia environments. Other late Precucuteni imports, in a Gumelniţa A1 level were recorded in Medgidia – two ceramic fragments, characteristic to the “Luca Vrubleţkaia species” (Berciu 1961, 414), Hârşova. The intense exchanges between the two civilisations are proven by the presence of the Gumelniţa A1 imports in the late Precucuteni settlements of Traian – Dealul Fântânilor, Târpeşti, Isaiia, Hanska (Pandrea 2002). Cultural interference during the Eneolithic Period in Dobrudja 13 By analysing the ceramic material from the Durankulak tell, level VIII – Hamangia III, Vl. Slavčev has identiied a few Sava type imports – four ceramic fragments decorated with deep incisions (Slavčev 2004, 28; ig. 2/3, 4/9, 12, 14). The only foreign element present in the Hamangia III graves at the necropolis from Durankulak consists of a graphite-painted bowl, of a Boian type(Todorova 2002, II, tabl. 174/3). Otherwise, one can notice only novelties concerning the decoration and the shapes, which pertain more to the “fashion” of the epoch, as the origin and the diffusion direction are hard to state. We mention in this respect the globular vessels with a neck and the “cap” lids (sometimes prosopomorphic), common to the Hamangia – Sava environments, or the small “four-angled” vessels, decorated with concentric plies, found both in a Hamangia and in a Precucuteni area. I consider the interpretation of the latter as imports of Precucuteni III as unlikely, as the frequency and the variety of this type is much greater in the Hamangia area; moreover, the simplest forms appear only in Dobrudjan space. I express the same doubt concerning the bowl “typical for Precucuteni”, discovered in the necropolis from Limanu, as the shape and the decoration technique are common to more contemporary cultures – Marica, Sava, Boian. Whereas in this phase, the clear Boian imports are absent, in the Hamangia IV phase, the vessels of the Boian-Spanţov are numerous. In addition, “hybrid” pieces, modelled according to the local tradition, but decorated with “borrowed” motifs are encountered in the end of the Hamangia Culture (III/IV) and at the beginning of the “Varna”/ Gumelniţa A1 Culture. In this category, we can include the pieces of the Varna type – “four-angled” pieces, “storied” pieces, the fruit bowls with a long leg and an “S” proile. They were born in the “nuclear” area of the Hamangia Culture (Durankulak – Varna, possibly even Mangalia), the only one for which the evolution of the culture also continued during the Hamangia IV period. The new forms and decoration have been created by Hamangia communities, under the inluence of the southern cultural trend. Their fashioning in a particular way has given birth to some hybrid types, in which the old and the new elements have merged in an organic manner. This ceramic type was created at the end of the Hamangia culture, and it will have a long evolution, owing to their special funerary character; however, they did not represent a dominant feature of the ceramics from the coastal region, because they did not have a practical function. (Voinea 2005, 41; pl. 72, 73). In the rest of Dobrudja, the Boian communities had spread quickly, up to the coastal region – Sarichioi (E. Oberländer-Târnoveanu, I. Oberländer-Târnoveanu 1979)1. At irst, they cohabited with the local population2, then they gradually The archaeological discoveries from Mila 23 – Taraschina conirm the presence of early Gumelnita communities (A1 phase) in the Danube Delta (L. Micu Carozza et al. 2009). 2 In the survey of the B gallery of Gura Dobrogei Cave, the presence of Hamangia III ceramic “in association with a late Boian” was observed in same level (Nicolăescu-Plopşor et al. 1959, 17). 1 14 Valentina Voinea assimilated the old traditions, and the Hamangia elements disappeared from here at the end of phase III. It is interesting to observe how, during the irst stage of the Eneolithic Period, the region of Brăila and of northern Dobrudja had been avoided by these population shifts. Here, the local communities preserved the old Neolithic traditions of the Boian – Giuleşti type. Only in this context can we explain the presence of the ceramic imports of the Hamangia III type from the settlement of Suhat (Isaccea), included in the Boian – Giuleşti phase (Micu C., Micu S. 1998). In addition, in the Boian – Giuleşti settlements of Balta Brăilei, imports from Boian – Vidra Cultural interference during the Eneolithic Period in Dobrudja 15 and Boian – Spanţov appear which clearly demonstrates the conservatism and the “isolation” of the communities of this region (Pandrea, Sîrbu, Mirea 1997, 34). That is why I believe that the connections between the Tripolje A and the Hamangia communities were made more on the sea route, than through the northeast of Muntenia. This isolationism was surpassed during the Gumelniţa A1 phase, when the entire region was “colonised” by the overlapping of some old Boian – Giuleşti settlements, but especially by the founding of new ones (Pandrea 2002, 129). Thus, a new path was opened for the Precucuteni III communities, as the traditional marine route was more rarely used. The expansion of the Gumelniţa communities towards the north favoured the birth of the Cucuteni civilisation, as its area of genesis was located in the southeastern Transylvania, the southwestern Moldavia and the northeastern Muntenia. Why here and not in Ukraine or in the Republic of Moldova? In the context of some old cultural links, solidiied by the Gumelniţa “colonisations” from the Subcarpathian region and from the Northeast of Brăila, the Precucuteni communities have borrowed new decorative techniques – the white painting, and later the Petreşti – inluenced by trichromatism (Dumitrescu 1963, 66). The dynamics of the cultural exchanges had increased with the forming of the Cucuteni Culture, because the number of the Cucuteni A1–A3 imports increased considerably. Most of them are concentrated in the area of Brăila, in Gumelniţa A2 levels – Brăiliţa, Râmnicelu, Lişcoteanca – “Movila Olarului”, “Moş Filon”, “Movila din Baltă”, Cireşu, Însurăţei “Popina I” (Harţuche 1980). They are not absent in the settlements of Dobrudja, either – Hârşova (Popovici, Haşotti et al. 1992), Carcaliu (Lăzurcă 1984; 1991), Tîrguşor „Sitorman” (Haşotti, Wisoşenski 1984) (Fig.1). Gradually, the relation between the two civilisations started to be inverted, and the Cucuteni Culture dissemination zone spread towards the south. Cucuteni A3 communities settled on the old Gumelniţa settlements in Mănăstioara and Puricani. At the same time, the irst intrusive elements of an eastern origin appeared, identiied on the basis of the Cucuteni type “C” ceramics. In the Gumelniţa zone, the oldest imports of this kind are concentrated around Dobrudja, thus opening the way for the eastern iniltrations – Hârşova (Popovici, Haşotti 1988–1989, pl. 1/1; 3 / 4), Carcaliu (Lăzurcă 1984; 1991), “La Baba” Cave (Szmoniewski, Petcu 2008, 36; ig. 8/6), Năvodari (Marinescu-Bîlcu et al. 2000–2001; Voinea 2005, pl. 99 / 1a, 1b) (Fig.1). In the Gumelniţa B1 stage, when Dobrudja was occupied by the Cernavodă I communities, the ties with the Cucuteni zone had continued; thus, in the settlements from Căscioarele and Gumelniţa, we have discovered Cucuteni A3 imports (Dumitrescu 1964, 61) and in the tell from Hârşova, Cernavodă Ia level, Cucuteni A4 imports were found (Popovici, Haşotti 1988–1989). What exactly led to the end of these lourishing communities in Dobrudja, and how did their disappearance subsequently inluence the evolution of the Gumelniţa settlements from the neighbouring regions? The progress that we have seen during the last decades in the sphere of the interdisciplinary theory has left its mark on the archaeological investigation and 16 Valentina Voinea Cultural interference during the Eneolithic Period in Dobrudja 17 interpretation methods, too. It is not surprising that the theme of natural catastrophes, narrated metaphorically since ancient times, has returned to the attention of researchers after being considered, for a long period of time, a naïve interpretation of fantastic literature. By corroborating the climatic and geomorphologic transformations with the modiications that took place in the intercultural relations, we ind a plausible explanation concerning the end of the Gumelniţa Culture. The controversies concerning the amplitude and the duration of the Neolithic Transgression in the Black Sea are far from being solved; the theories vary from the diluvial theory, proposed by the geologist W.B.F Ryan (Ryan et al. 1997), supported by P. Dimitrov and D. Dimitrov (Dimitrov 2003; Dimotrov P., Dimitrov D. 2004), to the hypothesis of some slow geomorphologic changes, accelerated only during the last millennium, owing to the anthropic factor (Genov, Peychev 2001; Aksu et al. 2002). In this context, the causes that determined the end of the ancient Gumelniţa civilisation appear to us much more complex than it was initially thought, and the hypothesis of the violent diffusion of some North-Pontic3 tribes is still contested today (Anthony 2010). More than any other region, the area of the North-Pontic shore impresses both through the spectacular funerary discoveries from Varna (Eluère 1989), Durankulak (Todorova 2002), and Devnia (Todorova 1971a) as well as through the fast disappearance of the lourishing Eneolithic settlements, without the cultural metamorphoses that were so habitual in other regions. Prior to the presentation of the data referring to the end of the Eneolithic Period in the region mentioned above, we deem appropriate an analytical study of the last habitation level of the Gumelniţa settlement of the island “La Ostrov” of the Lake Taşaul (Năvodari) (Marinescu, Voinea et al. 2000–2001; Voinea 2001) (Fig. 2, 3). The stratigraphy indicates a looding of the settlement at a Gumelniţa A2 inal level: under the vegetal level, whose thickness does not surpass 0.30 m, we have discovered a compact layer of rocks, chaotically positioned, without delineating foundations as in the case of the constructions from Durankulak (Dimov 2003). The stratigraphic position of this rock layer suggests a moment that is close to abandonment, as the blocks of stone directly cover the last habitation level. Thus, vessels that could be made whole again, broken in situ, or even complete, have been discovered on the entire investigated surface, underneath and among the blocks of stone. The last level of habitation, having the texture of a looded layer (Haită 2000– 2001, 152), impresses by the richness and the diversity of the biological material: P. Roman wrote: “In the eastern half of Muntenia and in Dobrudja, and south of the Danube down towards Varna, partly over a Cernavodă I basis, and partly over a void produced by the dislodgement of these populations (s.n.), we see the settling of the tribes that penetrated during the Usatovo movement, whence a new culture resulted, which received its name from another representative settlement from Cernavodă (II), situated on a low terrain, close to the Danube”(Roman 1981, 40). Also, E. Comşa considered that the lack of the late Gumelniţa settlements around the coast could be explained by the penetration of the North-Pontic tribes, which have dislocated and assimilated the local communities (Comşa 1991, 174). 3 18 Valentina Voinea blades, “burinas”, graters, microlites, little axes, needles, spikes, small chisels, polishers, bone spindles, horn handles, spindles, weights, ceramic colanders, copper spikes, bones, stone and pierced shell beads, bone idols, with a rectangular upper side, and idols of the type en violon. The pieces display different stages of fashioning and wear: unreined, whole or fragmentary, with strong signs of wear, and burnt. The ceramic material discovered in this level inds its best analogies in the Gumelniţa A2 inal levels. Along with the typically Gumelniţa decoration – graphite painting, there are also, in a low percentage, elements of the Varna tradition: black polished engobe (pseudoirnis) and the decoration of the Ezerovo type (incised, notched motifs, covered with white or gray paste, alternating with polished surfaces). H. Todorova has dated these decorative elements, seen in a much larger percentage in the settlements from the regions of the Varna – Beloslav lakes, to the Varna IIc–IIIc phases (Todorova 1971b; Todorova, Tončeva 1975, 45). Also worth remembering are a few decorative elements used both at the end of the Gumelniţa A2 phase, and during the Gumelniţa B1 / Varna III phase. We mention the luxury category of the bi-tronconical, bulging shoulder vessels, for the decoration of which two techniques were associated: graphite painting – motifs organised in registers on the neck and “parantheses”-like impressions, positioned in horizontal rows, on the bulging part of the belly. Pieces similar to these from Năvodari (Voinea 2005, pl. 116), with or without little conical ears, have been discovered in the entire area of the Gumelniţa – Karanovo VI cultural complex: in the coastal region, in Kableshkovo tell – (Georgieva 2003, 228, ig. 4/1–4), in Northern Thrace – Karanovo (Hiller, Nikolov 1997, tab. 137:4, 8), in the vessel complex of Smjadovo (Popov 1987), in Dolnoslav (Fol, Lichardus 1988, 88, cat. 23/ig. 46), north of the Danube, in tells like Căscioarele (Voinea 2005, pl. 123), Sultana (Andrieşescu 1924, 88, 95, pl. XXV/3–4, pl. XXX–XXXI), Pietrele (Hansen, Dragoman et al. 2005, 23, ig. 19:4) etc. The chronological inclusion of the last level that was looded during the inal Gumelniţa A2 phase is also suggested by the presence, in this layer, of some Cucuteni type C imports – 2 sallow ceramic fragments, with shells in their paste, decorated with the “comb” (Voinea 2005, pl. 99/1a, 1b). After the periodisation proposed by A. Dodd-Opriţescu, the import dates from the old phase, when the string-like decoration had not appeared yet, being also partially contemporary with Cernavodă Ia Culture (Dodd-Opriţescu 1980, 548; 1981, 511). In the same looded level, a wholly special complex was discovered, unique until now in the Gumelniţa area – a double grave. Its hole, covered by cemented silt sediment, pierces the destroyed level of a dwelling (L.I) of the lower layer, and in the illing, there are pieces of baked adobe. It is possible that the double grave from Năvodari was not singular, because, among the fauna remains, sparse human bones have been discovered – 7 long bone fragments, and two metapodes, with no anatomical connection between them (Moise 2000–2001, 155–164). The lack of an abandonment level between the stones and the looded layer, the richness of the archaeological material dispersed on the entire investigated Cultural interference during the Eneolithic Period in Dobrudja 19 surface, as well as the presence of the double grave suggests a fast abandonment of the settlement, probably caused by a quick lood. Following the excavations in the zone of Lake Taşaul, Daniela Popescu and Caraivan Glicherie have put forward the next re-enactment of the landscape for the period in question: The level of the Black Sea was about 20 m lower than today’s level. In the current place of Lake Taşaul, the river Casimcea lowed through a deeply incised valley, with steep slopes, ending in a luvial-marine liman, probably barred by a coastal belt, situated much more in the ofing. (…) During the period 7000– 3000, an intense alluvial process of the coastal sector situated south of the Clisargic promontory takes place, in the context of the continuous rise of the sea level, nearing the current height. The coastal belt was probably situated between the two promontories, represented today by the islands of Ada and La Ostrov, but at much lower heights (between -15/-10 metres). The Casimcea River was rather strong, and pierced the coastal sand barrier (Popescu, Glicherie 2002–2003, 57). This data comes in concordance with the ichthyological analysis made on an osteological batch, taken from the looded level: it has been noticed that both the number of osteological remains and the dimensions of the determined individuals are superior for the fresh water taxa. Of the total of 154,673 kg, estimated on the basis of the reconstruction of the dimensions, 88 % represent fresh water ish: carp, catish, pikeperch, perch, average or large perch. The marine species – sturgeon and dorado – appear very rarely, as ishing in the open sea was of scant importance; because the dorado is harder to ish in the open sea. V. Radu suggested that it was captured on the Casimcea River’s canals that low into the sea, in the area of a lagoon (Radu 2000–2001, 168). Fishing was done chiely in fresh water, as the Eneolithic settlement was likely situated on a promontory near the mouth of the Casimcea River. The rise of the water’s level, veriied with the vertical, descending movement of the tectonic block, to which we add an important water presence from the Casimcea Valley – all these geomorphologic transformations could determine the looding of the settlement (Haită 2000–2001, 152). The same geographical position – at the mouth of a river, close to the sea – went also for the majority of the “lake” settlements4 of the West-Pontic coast, dating from the end of the Eneolithic Period and/or to the Early Bronze Age (according to Bulgarian periodisation): at the mouth of the rivers Djavolska, Rapotamo, Patovska, Batova, in the Kamcia Valley – from the juncture point of the Louda and Goljama Kamcia rivers, up to the point where they low into the sea – and in the Provadyska Valley, the most populated of them all (Lazarov 1993; Ivanov 1993; 1994; Draganov 1995). Only a rapid rise in the seawater’s level could have led to the simultaneous looding of the Eneolithic settlements clustered in this valley: The underwater research undertaken in Arsenala have demonstrated the lack of grounds for the term of lake settlements; what was initially thought to be palaitte dwellings have turned out to be suddenly looded constructions, with a wooden superstructure that was well-preserved in the sedimentary accumulations (Margos 1978; Zmeikova 1991; Ivanov 1993; Lazarov 1993). 4 20 Valentina Voinea Ezerovo I (Train station), Ezerovo II, Strachimirovo 1 (East), Poveljanovo, Morlotte (Varna I) and Arsenala. I. Ivanov was inclined to accept the idea of a large scale cataclysm, which would have ended the existence of the Eneolithic settlements of the Varna area, and he brought as arguments the following elements: the layer of rocks that directly overlaps the Late Eneolithic pieces and the presence of the pollen in the looded level, covered by the rock layer (Ivanov 1989, 56). How did this phenomenon come into being? According to the chronology that was established by the Bulgarian researchers, the end of the existence of settlements brought the end of the Eneolithic Period during the Varna I inal phase. Owing to the rise of the seawater’s level, the coastal area was abandoned for over 200 years (4139/4100–3850 BC), with the exception of the late settlement of Sozopol (Draganov 1995, 236; Filipova-Marinova, Giosan, Angelova et al. 2011, 234). By confronting the 14C data that were published for the “lake” settlements (Bojadžiev 1995, 183, tab. 5) with the chronological table of the Romanian Eneolithic Period (Bem 2000–2001, 44-45, 49/ig. 7), we obtain, for the 4100–3900 cal. BC interval, the following synchronicities: Gumelniţa A2c – beginning of Gumelniţa B1 – Cernavodă Ia – Cucuteni A3 / A4 – Varna III. Even if, at irst sight, the synchronicities may seem impossible, a thorough analysis of the 14C data, in relation to the ceramic imports coming from a Cucuteni environment (Cucuteni A3 and Cucuteni type C – the old phase), makes this simultaneouseness possible. While the Gumelniţa communities from Dobrudja and NorthEastern Muntenia kept their old traditions, as the ceramic material is predominantly of Gumelniţa A2 tradition, in the rest of the Romanian Plain, we notice more and more elements of a western persuasion (likely coming in from a Sălcuţa-Krivodol environment), which determines the transition to the Gumelniţa B1 phase. This explains the presence of the Cucuteni A3 imports, both in Gumelniţa A2 and B1 levels. In conclusion, in the area of the West-Pontic coast, nothing suggests a violent diffusion of the eastern tribes; over the level of the inal Eneolithic (Varna III), looded in most of the investigated settlements, a inal period of abandonment has followed, a period during which the destroyed dwellings have been covered in an alluvial layer, rich in sea shells. During the Early Bronze Age (according to the periodisation of the Bulgarian researchers) the habitation was resumed, but only for a short while, as the “lake” settlements were again looded. In the interval of time comprised between the end of the Eneolithic Period and the beginning of the Bronze Age, the eastern presences from the West-Pontic space boils down to funerary discoveries and isolated pieces. Situated in the central area of Dobrudja, the Casimcea grave (Haşotti 1997, 130–131) delimits the direction of the sporadic eastern diffusions, beyond the Danubian line, towards the interior of Dobrudja and from here, further on, down to the coastal area. Among the funerary discoveries from the West-Pontic region, we mention the tumulus grave from Reka Devnia (Mirčev 1961, 117–120) and the 17 graves from the Durankulak necropolis, dated to the Cernavodă Ic phase (Renie) / Protojamnaja (Todorova 2002; M.12, M.15, M.24, M.119, M.128, M.162, M.164, M.166, M.181, M.190, M.448, Cultural interference during the Eneolithic Period in Dobrudja 21 M.982, M.985, M.990, M.1028, M.1061, M.1126). To this, we add fortuitous, uncertain discoveries – a tumulus grave in Agigea, a grave in Baia – Hamangia (Haşotti 1997: 131) and other graves with an uncertain inclusion, discovered in Sarichioi (Oberländer-Târnoveanu E., Oberländer-Târnoveanu I. 1979). While the “lake” settlements from the Varna region have been looded, south of Burgas, in the Sozopol Harbour, a Late Eneolithic Period enclave has been maintained. The underwater investigations that were carried out here have allowed for the reconstruction of the terrain’s coniguration – the settlement, dating from the end of the Varna III Culture and the beginning of the Cernavodă I Culture (4100–3850 BC), was situated near the mouth of the Patovska River, in a marshland, where the Varna III communities could survive for a longer period of time (Lazarov 1993, 10; Draganov 1995, 236, 239). Also, the stratigraphic situation from Hârşova rules out the possibility of some violent invasions; between the Cernavodă Ia and Gumelniţa A2 levels, there is no stratigraphic pause, as the irst dwellings from Cernavodă were built over a layer of levelling with ceramics from Gumelniţa. After a simple analysis of the artifacts discovered in these dwellings, the Gumelniţa tradition is obvious, showing a peaceful cohabitation of the two communities. What were the causes of these population displacements – locals and aliens? The interdisciplinary studies complete more and more, like in a puzzle, a general picture of the climatic changes from the end of the Atlantic Period. The chronological interval 6050–5600 cal. BP / 4100–3650 BC was characterised by a pronounced warming of the climate, with long, hot summers (Tomescu 1998– 2000, 268). In order to stress the amplitude of these phenomena, we mention only a few timely conclusions, concerning the modiications of the paleoenvironment of different micro-regions. In Eastern Macedonia – the Drama Basin, the lowest alluvial accumulations on the Xeropotamos River have been recorded at the end of the Final Neolithic Period and during the Early Bronze Age, following a rainfall deicit (Lespez 2003). Again, for the Balkan Peninsula we mention the palinological data, obtained from sediments taken from two subalpine lakes (altitude: 2320–2340 m), situated in the Rila Mountains; we mention the same aridity of the area after 6000 BP, and the percentage of coniferous trees decreased, in favour of the deciduous species (Tonkov, Marinova 2005). In the area of the West-Pontic coast, the Late Atlantic Period (6300–6000 BP) was characterised, as the pollen diagrams made for the Varna, Durankulak, Shabla – Ezeretz Lakes indicate, by the receding of the mixed coniferous forests and by the expansion of the lands cultivated with cereals (Triticum monococcum, Triticum dicoccum, Triticum aestivum, Hordeum vulgaris) (Bozilova, Filipova 1991). The deterioration of the mixed coniferous forests can be explained by the expansion of the agricultural terrain, as the anthropic factor had a considerable role in the desiccation of the climate (deforesting, repeated cultures in the same area). Furthermore, the inlux of salinity suggests, for the same period, a rise of the seawater’s level (Christova 2003, 37/tab.1, 40). 22 Valentina Voinea Even if the problem of the presence of the stenothermal ish and of the molluscs of the Spondylus type in the Black Sea continues to remain unsolved, the data concerning the temporal and spatial repartition of the Spondylus ornaments come in concordance with the climatic changes. Continuing with the entire problematic issues connected with the presence of the Spondylus gaederopus species in the Black Sea, H. Todorova has again emphasised the amplitude of the natural phenomena and their catastrophic effects on the Eneolithic communities from Southeastern Europe5 (Todorova 1995, 90). According to the author, during the irst half of the 5th millennium BC, the West-Pontic shore, being both rocky as well having seawater – warm, rich in oxygen, and with a higher salinity than the current one – met the ideal conditions for the development of the Spondylus mollusc species. Subsequently, beginning in 4300 BC, the Spondylus species started to disappear gradually, thus explaining the scarcity of the shell ornaments in the Gumelniţa area, compared to the ones discovered in the necropolis from Hamangia (Todorova 2000). What could have been the causes of this disappearance? On the one hand, the rapid rise in the Black Sea’s water level, as a result of the strong climatic warming (as the average yearly temperature was 3º higher than presently) has led to a lower level of salinity; on the other hand, the rocky basis of the coast has been sanded through important sedimentary accumulations. Consequently, the eastern diffusions must be regarded in the context of the climatic changes from the end of the Eneolithic Period. The newcomers had preferred, at irst, the Dobrudjan Steppe, because they moved south on the Danubian line at the end of the Gumelniţa A2 phase, as is proven by the discoveries from Hârşova. The Cernavodă diffusions have taken place after or at most during the moment of the looding of the West-Pontic coast’s settlements. The disappearance of the Dobrudjan settlements has ruptured the balance of the cultural exchanges, determining the gradual decrease of the old Gumelniţa centres north of the Danube, situated in the Gumelniţa B1 phase. Similar phenomena also happened south of the Danube, as the area of Northern Thrace was gradually depopulated. While in the west of the Balkan Peninsula and in the area of Transylvania, new Sălcuţa and Bodrogkeresztúr settlements lourished (the III – IV phases), in Thessaly, Thrace, Muntenia and the West-Pontic zone, the natural catastrophes sped up the end of the Dimini, Dikili Tash-Slatino, Gumelniţa – Karanovo VI Cultures. To this, we add the diffusions of foreign populations, migrating in several successive waves, and coming from the east. The hypothesis H. Todorova considered that the climatic transformations have initially attacked (irst half of the 5th millennium BC) the south of the Balkan Peninsula, occupied by Dimini, Maliq and Dikili Tash – Slatino communities. During the second stage, corresponding to the Varna III phase (Gumelniţa B1 in Muntenia), the process was much more ample – the catastrophe was of colossal scope (Todorova 1995, 90) – as it comprised vast territories of northern Thrace, North-Eastern Bulgaria, Muntenia and the area of the West-Pontic coast. The desiccation of the climate, the increase in temperature, followed by the marine transgression and the looding of the low river meadows – all these transformations have determined the destruction of many Eneolithic settlements. 5 Cultural interference during the Eneolithic Period in Dobrudja 23 of some population shifts is also strengthened by the discoveries from the Rhodope Mountains – the Yagodina Culture, deined on the basis of discoveries from caves, and attributed “possibly to emigrants from Thrace” (Todorova 1995, 90). While the Gumelniţa area shrunk, and the traditional forms (Gumelniţa A2) were only kept south of the Danube, the Sălcuţa Culture extended towards Banat and east of the Olt river, and the direction of the cultural exchange was moved to the west. Many Sălcuţa settlements are dated to the IIc and III phases, a period during which the Gumelniţa civilisation had vanished (Şimon 1989). The shift of the populations towards the hilly area and towards the west resulted in the Krivodol – Sălcuţa – Bubanj cultural complex becoming the centre of cultural “dissemination”; the mining centre of Ai Bunar entered a decline, whereas Rudna Glava and the Transylvanian area, occupied by the Bodrogkeresztúr communities, imposed themselves. The old traditions “are reborn” in the Sălcuţa environment, but the traditional forms are metamorphosed; instead of the multitude of shapes and decorations, of plastic themes, instead of the skilfulness of the “artist” who, with a minimum of means, managed to “animate” his work, the utilitarian forms and the rigid imitations that followed a canon are all that remain. *** Far from giving inal answers to such a complex problem, my approach emphasises a few aspects: – The climatic changes that took place at the End of the Atlantic Period have determined chain processes, which surpass the cultural limits; – The ceramics’ typology, reduced to sites or microregions, risks offering an erroneous chronological succession. That is why reconsiderations of old periodisations are in order, in concordance with the 14C data and the ceramic imports. The partial Gumelniţa A2c – Gumelniţa B1 – Varna III contemporaneity demonstrates the existence of several regional aspects, with distinct evolutions, depending on each region’s features. – The cultural symbioses and the peaceful cohabitations make increasingly inoperative the notions of culture and phase – sometimes established a priori, only on typological bases. References Aksu et al. [Aksu A., Hiscott R.N., Mudie P.J., Rochon A., Kaminski M.A., Abrajano T. Yasar D.] 2002 Persistent Holocene Outlow from the Black Sea to the Eastern Mediterranean Contradicts Noah’s Flood Hypothesis’, GSA Today. A Publication of the Geological Society of America 12 (5), pp. 4–10. Andrieşescu I. 1924 Anthony D.W. 2010 Les fouilles de Sultana, Dacia 1 (1924), pp. 51–107. The Rise and Fall of Old Europe, In The Lost World of Old Europe. The Danube Valley, 5000–3500 BC, ed. by D.W. Anthony, pp. 29–57. 24 Berciu D. Valentina Voinea 1961 Bojadžiev J. 1995 Bem C. 2000–2001 Contribuţii cu privire la probleme neoliticului în România [Contribution on the problem of Neolithic in Romania], Bucureşti [in Romanian]. Chronology of prehistoric cultures in Bulgaria, In Prehistoric Bulgaria, ed. by D.W. Bailey, I. Panayotov (Monographs in World Archaeology 22), pp. 149–192. Noi propuneri pentru o schiţă cronologică a eneoliticului românesc [Chronological Scheme of the Romanian Chalcolithic], Pontica 33–34, pp. 25–121 [in Romanian]. Bozilova E., Filipova M. 1991 Palynological and Paleoethnobotanical evidence about the human impact on the vegetation along the bulgarian Black Sea Coast from the Neolithic till the Greek colonisation, Thracia Pontica 4, pp. 87–96. Christova R. 2003 Comşa E. 1991 Dimitrov P. 2003 Domov T. 2003 Biostratigraphical Analysis and Paleoecological Conditions in the Bulgarian Black Sea Zone During the Quaternary, Trudove na Insituta po Okeanologiya 4, pp. 36–41. Ensembles Néolithiques pres du littoral roumain de la Mer Noire, Thracia Pontica 4, pp. 167–176. The Black Sea – a Clue to the Secrete of World Flood, Trudove na Instituta po Okeanologiya 4, pp. 52–57. Torograiya, stratigraiya i arkhitektura na selishtata ot praistoricheskata kultura Khamandzhiya v Dobroudja [Topography, stratigraphy and architecture of the prehistoric culture Gumelnitsa in Dobrudja], Dobroudja 2, pp. 123–144 [in Bulgarian]. Dodd-Opriţescu A. 1980 Consideraţii asupra ceramicii Cucuteni C [Considerations on the Cucuteni C type pottery], Studii Şi Cercetări de Istorie Veche şi Arheologie 31 (4), pp. 547– 557 [in Romanian]. 1981 Ceramica ornamentată cu şnurul din aria culturilor Cucuteni şi Cernavoda I [Pottery decorated with cord decoration from Cucuteni and Cernavoda cultures], Studii Şi Cercetări de Istorie Veche şi Arheologie 32 (4), pp. 511–528 [in Romanian]. Draganov V. 1995 Dumitrescu Vl. 1963 1964 Submerged Coastal Settlements from the Final Eneolithic and the Early Bronze Age in the Sea around Sozopol and Urdoviza Bay near Kiten, in Prehistoric Bulgaria (Monographs in World Archaeology 22), ed. by D.W. Bailey, I. Panayotov, pp. 225–241. Originea şi evoluţia culturii Cucuteni – Tripolje (I) [Origin and evolution of the culture Cucuteni – Tripolje (I)], Studii şi Cercetări de Istorie Veche şi Arheologie 14 (1), pp. 51–78 [in Romanian]. Considérations et données nouvelles sur le problème du syncronisme des civilisations de Cucuteni et de Gumelniţa, Dacia. Nouvelle Serie 8, pp. 53–66. Cultural interference during the Eneolithic Period in Dobrudja Eluère C. (ed.) 1989 25 Le premier or de l’humanité en Bulgarie. 5é millénaire, Paris. Filipova-Marinova, Giosan, Angelova et al. [Filipova-Marinova M., Giosan L., Angelova H., Preisinger A., Pavlov D., Vergiev S.] 2011 Palaeoecology of the Submerged Prehistoric Settlements in Sozopol Harbour, Bulgaria, in Submerged Prehistory, ed. by J. Benjamin, C. Bonsall, C. Pickard, A. Fischer, pp. 230–244. Fol A., Lichardus J. (eds.) 1988 Macht, Herrschaft und Gold, Ausstellungskatalog Saarbrücken. Genov I., Peychev V. 2001 Holocen sediments from West part of Black Sea, Trudove na Instituta po Okeanologiya 3, pp. 29–42. Georgieva P. 2003 Haită C. 2000–2001 Harţuche N. 1980 Haşotti P. 1997 About the End of the Eneolithic along the West Black Sea Coast, Dobroudja 21, pp. 214-238. Consideraţii asupra evoluţiei Insulei „La Ostrov”, Lacul Taşaul, în perioada locuirii neo-eneolitice [Considerations on the evolution of the island “La Ostrov”on the lake Taşaul in neo-Neolithic period], în Aşezarea eneolitică de pe insula „La Ostrov”, Lacul Taşaul (Năvodari, jud. Constanţa). Raport preliminar – campaniile 1999–2000 [Neolithic settlement on the island “La Ostrov” on the lake Taşaul (Navodari, Constanta county). Preliminary Report – campaings 1999–2000], Pontica 33–34, pp. 150–154 [in Romanian]. Importuri cucuteniene în mediul culturilor eneolitice din zona Brăilei [The Cucuteni culture imports in the eneolithic period from Braila region], Studii şi Comunicări 3, pp. 9–25 [in Romanian]. Epoca neolitică în Dobrogrea [Neolithic epoch in Dobrudja], Bibliotheca Tomitana I, Constanţa [in Romanian]. Haşotti P., Wisoşenski W 1984 Descoperiri întâmplătoare în aşezarea neolitică de la Târguşor ”Sitorman” [The accidental discoveries of the Neolithic settlement in Târguşor ”Sitorman”], Pontica 17, pp. 37–49 [in Romanian]. Hansen, Dragoman et al. [von Hansen S., Dragoman Al., Benecke N., Görsdorf J., Klimscha F., Oanţă-Marghitu S., Reingruber A.] 2004 Bericht über die Ausgrabungen in der Kupferzeitlichen Tellsiedlung Măgura Gorgana bei Pietrele in Muntenien / Rumänien im Jahre 2002, Eurasia Antiqua 10, pp. 1–53. Hiller St., Nikolov V. 1997 Karanovo. Die Ausgrabungen im Südsektor 1984–1992, Salzburg – Soia. Ivanov I. 1989 La nécropole chalcolitique de Varna et les cités lacustres voisines, in Le premier or de l’humanité en Bulgarie. 5é millénaire, ed. by C. Eluère, Paris, pp. 49–56. 26 Valentina Voinea 1993 Lazarov M. 1993 Lăzurcă E. 1984 1991 Lespez L. 2003 Margos A. 1978 À la question de la localisation et des études des sites submergés dans les lacs de Varna, Pontica 26, pp. 19–26. Les sites submergés le long du Pont Ouest dans le contexte de l’histoire pontique et mediterranéenne, Pontica 26, pp. 7–18. Cercetări arheologice în staţiunea neolitică de la Carcaliu [Archaeological research on the Neolithic site in Carcaliu], Peuce 9, pp. 23–28 [in Romanian]. Ceramica cucuteniană în contextul aşezării gumelniţene de la Carcaliu (jud. Constanţa) [Cucuteni culture pottery in the Gumelnitsa settlement context from Carcaliu (Constanţa county)], Peuce 10 (1), pp. 13–19 [in Romanian]. Geomorphic responses to long-term land use changes in Eastern Macedonia (Greece), CATENA, An Interdisciplinary Journal of Soil Science – Hydrology, Geomorphology focusing on Geoecology and Landscape 51 (3–4), pp. 181–208. Les cites lacustres dans les lacs de Varna et la nécropole de Varna, Studia Praehistorica 1–2, pp. 146–148. Marinescu-Bîlcu, Voinea et al. [Marinescu-Bîlcu S., Voinea V., Dumitrescu S., Haită C., Moise D., Radu V.] 2000–2001 Aşezarea eneolitică de pe Insula “La Ostrov”, lacul Taşaul (Năvodari, jud. Constanţa). Raport preliminar – campaniile 1999–2000 [Neolithic settelemnt on island “la Ostrov” in lake Taşaul (Năvodari, county Constanţa). Preliminary Report – campaign 1999–2000], Pontica 33–34, pp. 123–170 [in Romanian]. Micu, Carozza et al. [Micu C., Carozza L., Carozza J.M., Mihail F., Jugănaru G.] 2009 Observations sur l’habitat Néo-Énéolithique dans Delta du Danube, in In medias res praehistoriae. Miscellanea in honorem annos LXV peragentis Professoris Dan Monah oblata, ed. by. G. Bodi, Iaşi, pp. 317–336. Mirčev M. 1961 Tri pogrebeniya ot eneolitnata epokha [Three burials from the Eneolithic epoch], Izvestiya na Varnenskoto Arkheologichesko Druzhestvo 12, pp. 117–125 [in Bulgarian]. Moise D. 2000 – 2001 Studiul materialului osteologic de mamifere în aşezarea eneolitică de pe insula „La Ostrov”, Lacul Taşaul (Năvodari, jud. Constanţa). Raport preliminar – campaniile 1999–2000 [The study of osteological materials from eneolithic settlements from island “la Ostrov” in lake Taşaul (Năvodari, district Constanţa. Preliminary Report – campaigns 1999–2000], Pontica 33–34, pp. 155–164 [in Romanian]. Nicolăescu-Plopşor et al. [Nicolăescu-Plopşor C.S., Păunescu Al., Harţuche N.] 1959 Cercetări paleolitice în Dobrogea [Paleolithic research in Dobrudja], Materiale şi Cercetări Arheologice 6, pp. 43–50 [in Romanian]. Oberländer-Târnoveanu E., Oberländer-Târnoveanu I. 1979 Aşezarea neolitică şi necropola de la Sarichioi [Neolithic settlement and cemetery in Sarichioi], Materiale 13, Oradea, pp. 58–70 [in Romanian]. Cultural interference during the Eneolithic Period in Dobrudja Pandrea St. 2002 27 Débuts de la culture Goumelnitsa au Nord – Est de la Plaine Roumaine, Cultură şi Civilizaţie la Dunărea de Jos 19 [Volume In memoriam Vladimir Dumitrescu], pp. 122–146. Pandrea St., Sîrbu V., Mirea M. 1997 Aşezări gumelniţene de pe Valea Călmăţuiului [The Gumelnitsa culture settlement from Călmăţuiu Valley], Istros 8, pp. 27–62 [in Romanian]. Popescu D., Glicherie C. 2002–2003 Evoluţia zonei Lacului Taşaul în Cuaternarul Târziu [The evolution of the lake Taşaul zone in Late Quaternary], Pontica 35–36, pp. 53–59 [in Romanian]. Popov N. 1987 Kolektivna nakhodka ot glineni sŭdove ot selishtnata mogila kră gr. Smyadovo, Shumenski okrŭg [Find of clay pitcher from settlement necropolis from Smyadovo, Shumen district], Godishnik na Muzeite ot Severna Bŭlgariya 13, pp. 5–14 [in Bulgarian]. Popovici D., Haşotti P. 1988–1989 Considerations about the syncronism of the Cernavoda I Culture, Pontica 21– 22, pp. 291–297. Popovici, Haşotti et al. [Popovici D., Haşotti P., Galbenu D., Nicolae C.] 1992 Cercetări arheologice din tell-ul de la Hârşova (1988) [Archaeological research on the tell in Hârşova (1988)], Cercetări Arheologice 9, pp. 8–18 [in Romanian]. Radu V. 2000–2001 Roman P. Studiul materialului arheoihtiologic în aşezarea eneolitică de pe insula „La Ostrov”, Lacul Taşaul (Năvodari, jud. Constanţa). Raport preliminar – campaniile 1999–2000 [The study of archeoichtiological materials from eneolithic settlements from island “la Ostrov” in lake Taşaul (Năvodari, district Constanţa. Preliminary Report – campaigns 1999–2000], Pontica 33–34, pp. 165–169. 1981 Forme de manifestare culturală din eneoliticul târziu şi perioada de tranziţie spre epoca bronzului [Cultural manifestation from the late Eneolithic, transition Period to the Bronze Age], Studii şi Cercetări de Istorie Veche şi Arheologie 32 (1), pp. 21–42. Ryan et al. [Ryan W.B.F., Pitman III.W.C., Major C.O., Shimkus K., Moskalenko V., Jones G.A., Dimitrov P., Gorür N., Sakinç M., Yüce H.] 1997 An Abrupt Drowning of the Black Sea Shelf, Marine Geology 138, pp. 119–126. Slavčev Vl. 2004 The Features of Cultural Development of Modern Southern Dobrudja during the First Half of the 5000 BC (According to the Pottery of the tell Golemiya Ostrov near the village Durankulak), in Prinos lui Petre Diaconu la 80 de ani, ed. by. I. Cândea, V. Sîrbu, M. Neagu, Brăila, pp. 25–34. Szmoniewski B., Petcu R. 2008 Preliminary report from the New Excavation in Baba Cave, Grădina Village, Constanta County, Pontica 41, pp. 35–47. Şimon M. 1989 Aşezarea sălcuţeană de la Ostrovul Corbului jud. Mehedinţi [The Sălcuţa culture settlement in Ostrovul Corbului, county Mehedinţi ], Studii şi Cercetări de Istorie Veche şi Arheologie 40 (2), pp. 107–145 [in Romanian]. Todorova H. 1971a Kŭsnoeneolitniyat nekropol kră grad Devnya-Varnensko [The late eneolithic cemetery by the town Devnya-Varnensko], Izvestiya na narodniya Muzĕ Varna 7 (22), pp. 3–40 [in Bulgarian]. 1971b Psevdoirnisova keramika ot eneolitnoto nakolno selishte pri s. Ezerovo, Varnenski okrŭg [Pseudoirnis pottery from the neolithic site near village Ezerovo, district Varna], Arheologia 2, pp. 66–75 [in Bulgarian]. 1995 The Neolithic, Eneolithic and Transitional Period in Bulgarian Prehistory, in Prehistoric Bulgaria (Monographs in World Archaeology 22), ed. by D.W. Bailey, I. Panayotov, pp. 79–98. 2000 Die Spondylus-Problematik heute, in Karanovo, ed. by St. Hiller, V. Nikolov, Wien, pp. 415–422. Todorova H (ed.) 2002 Durankulak, Band II. Die Prähistorischen Gräberfelder von Durankulak, Teil 1 – Textteil, Teil 2 – Katalogteil, Soia. Todorova H., Tončeva G. 1975 Die Äneolithische Pfahlbausiedlung bei Ezerovo im Varnasee, Germania 53, pp. 30–46. Tomescu M. 1998–2000 Holocenul – date cronologice şi climatice [Holocene – chronology and climate records], Cercetări Arheologice 11 (I), pp. 235–270 [in Romanian]. Tonkov S., Marinova E. 2005 Pollen and plant macrofossil analyses of radiocarbon dated mid-Holocene proiles from two subalpine lakes in the Rila Monutains, Bulgaria, The Holocene 15 (5), pp. 663–671. Voinea V. 2001 2005 Zmeikova I. 1991 Cultura Gumelniţa în centrul şi sudul Dobrogei [Gumelniţa Culture in the Central and South Dobrudja], O civilizaţie necunoscută: Gumelniţa, CIMEC 2001; http://www.archweb.cimec.ro/Arheologie/gumelnita [in Romanian]. Ceramica complexului cultural Gumelniţa – Karanovo VI. Fazele A1 şi A2 [Ceramics of the cultural complex Gumelniţa – Karanovo VI. Phases A1 and A2], Constanţa [in Romanian]. Certains aspects des problemes concernant la terminologie, la chronologie et la caracteristique culturelle des palaittes du Bronze Ancien pres de Varna, Thracia Pontica 4, pp. 137–144. Acta Euroasiatica 1 (2013) PL ISSN 2353-2262 Hanna Urbańska Some ancient Chinese stories about white rainbow The lecture concerns several stanzas of famous ancient Chinese poem Heavenly Questions by Qu Yuan (Tian Wen 9; 27; 39) referring to the immortality nectar myth. The last one mentioning the immortality herb in connection with the white rainbow seems particularly intriguing. Comparative analysis of the passage and the later sources (Warring States Chronicle – III/I century BC, selected works by the poet Li Tai Bo from Tang Dynasty Period) indicates that such beliefs could have been born as a result of observation of extremely rare atmospheric phenomena such as moon rainbow (moon-bow). The fragment of the afore mentioned Warring States Period poem presumably containing description of arctic halo display with parhelic circle seen only in the high latitudes deserves special attention.The question arises whether similar phenomena caused by refraction and relection of light on the ice crystals might have been watched also in the lower latitudes (e.g. in the mountains) and their extreme rarity made them into evil omens foreboding all kinds of misfortunes. Key words: Ancient Chinese literature, Warring States Period, Tang Dynasty, myth of the immortality The paper presented here is a continuation and extension of a lecture given by me at the conference “Serica – Da Qin: Over 2000 years of Sino-Western relations” (Wrocław 2009)1. The lecture titled Between India and China. Some stories about the moon hare presents a Chinese myth about the moon hare which together with a toad produces immortality drink on the moon. These beliefs were connected with the moon cycles on the basis of some passages in Indian (Vedic) texts referring to soma extraction on the moon. One of the sources referring to the moon-connected beliefs is Tian Wen poem – Heavenly Questions (天问). The author of this enigmatic text is Qu Yuan, a Chinese poet living at the turn of the 3rd and 4th century B.C. The poem consists of cosmogonic riddles about the beginning of the universe, ancient Chinese myths and beliefs. It is written in a very condensed form and was often considered one of the ancient Chinese texts most dificult for interpretation. Translations and interpretations of this enigmatic work were greatly inluenced by a notion created by Chinese commentators, especially Wang Yi (2nd century A.D.), who stated the following: “When Qu Yuan was in exile, his heart heavy with grief and sorrow, he was wandering about the mountains and marshes and looking at the sky sighing. In Zhu he came across a temple of ancient kings and 1 Cf. Urbańska 2012. 30 Hanna Urbańska a temple of the ancestors of dukes and high oficials; Deities were painted there and spirits of heaven and earth, mountains and rivers – their shapes were bizarre and misleading – and also various strange things and deeds of saint wizards of the ancient times (…) He started to write on the (temple) walls and shouted questions to relieve his grief and calm his painful thoughts. People of Zhu were full of compassion towards Qu Yuan so they talked about it a lot and passed the news (about the event)2 to one another”. What led Wang Yi to such hypothesis was the speciic structure of the poem written in a form of question-riddles. The idea was severely criticized by both Chinese and western researchers (Jabłoński 1958, 60). Asking questions seems to be characteristic of cosmogonic texts trying to explain the beginning of all things: such form of the poems is supposed to express the awareness of ignorance and desire to know. The following comparison of two irst stanzas from the two cosmogonic works: Chinese Heavenly Questions and Vedic Nāsadīya Sūkta clearly proves the universal nature of question form: 3 Heavenly Questions – China Nāsadīya Sūkta – India 曰：遂古之初，谁传道之? 上下未形，何由考之? 冥昭瞢闇，谁能极之? 冯翼惟像，何以识之? Of the beginning of old Who spoke the tale? When above and below were not yet formed Who was there to question? When dark and bright were obscured, Who could distinguish? When matter was inchoate, How was it perceived? (Field 1984, 3) Then was no non-existent nor existent: There was no realm of air, no sky beyond it. What covered in, and where? And what gave shelter? Was water there, unfathomed depth of water? Who verily knows and who can here declare it Whence it was born and whence comes this creation? The Gods are later than this world’s production. Who knows then whence it irst came into being?1 (Grifith 1995, 633) This article is dedicated to the Polish translation of Tian Wen, done by Janusz Chmielewski, with the emphasis on three stanzas of Chinese poem referring to the above mentioned myth about immortality drink produced on the moon. The irst one of them describes the nature of the Night’s Light in the context of the popular belief of a hare living in the moon’s belly: 2 Quotation from: Jabłoński 1958, 59-60. Romanizations of the Chinese words included were changed into Pinyin. 3 Cosmogonic work titled Nāsadīya Sūkta (“nāsadīya” from “nāsad” – the irst words of the Sanskrit original version) is one of the Vedic hymns included in Ṛgveda’s X mandala. Some ancient Chinese stories about white rainbow 31 夜 光 何 德, 死 則 又 育. 厥 利 維 何, 而 顧 菟 在 腹? (Qu Yuan, Tian Wen 9, p. 88-89). Translation – J. Chmielewski (Jabłoński 1958) Translation – H. Urbańska What is the nature of the moon, That dies at dawn – to be born at night? What good does the hare do Looking around in her womb? What is the nature of the Night’s Light That wanes to appear again; What good can do the hare Looking around in its belly? 死 – “to die, perish” 育– “to grow, fatten” 夜 光 – Night Glow”, “Night’s Light” “nature” – 德 (equivalent, relection of Dao in every creature, speciic nature of each creature, which is innate) One of the commentators gives the following interpretation of the stanza: 有旁死魄, 哉生明, 既生魄. 死魄, 朔也. 生魄, 望也 –“it is about the moon on the second day after the new moon, when the light side of the moon is being born, and then (again) the dark one. Dead moon is the new one; the new born is the full one”. The next commentary explains the relations between the moon and the hare by their common roots in the yin element: 月者, 陰精之宗, 稹而成獸, 象兔, 陰之類, 其數偶 – “the moon represents the source of the yin element, when full of it, takes on an animal form – the hare form, which is assigned to yin power, makes up its couple”. Later commentaries mention immortality herbs rubbed by the moon hare: 月中何有? 白兔捣药 – “What has the moon got inside? The white hare rubbing herbs”. In conclusion: commentaries state clearly that “dying and being born” of the Night’s Light refers to the moon cycles. Ancient Chinese literature mentions this particular aspect; nature of the moon very often (whereas being born at dawn and dying at dusk is mentioned more often in the context of solar myths). Let us quote here a poem from the Han Dynasty Period: 三五明月满, 四五蟾兔缺. (Dichtungen, poem no.17, p. 3) When three times ive nights pass – The full moon shines4 After the fourth ive – both The toad and the hare wane5. The full moon falls on the 15th night of the cycle. According to Chinese mythology the moon is inhabited – except for the hare – by a three-legged toad. 4 5 32 Hanna Urbańska It is worthwhile to emphasize, that earlier commentaries do not connect the presence of the hare in the moon’s belly with crashing immortality herbs. The presence is explained there as supporting the yin power, whose source is the moon. If we agree that the irst part of the stanza is caused by the other, dying and birth of the moon – the moon cycle is a result of “cooperation” of the moon and the hare which represents – like the moon – the female yin power in China. The connection between the hare’s presence in the moon‘s belly and crashing herbs seems to be a later development. Li Tai Bai (Li Bai) – a poet from the Tang Dynasty Period – assigns the task to a pair of animals – a toad and a hare: 白 兔 捣 药 成, 问 言 与 谁 餐? 蟾 蜍 蚀 圆 影, 大 明 夜 已 残. (Li Tai Bai, p. 202) A white hare [in his mortar] rubs, crashes herbs; The question is – for whom this drink? On the full moon’s face the shade of the toad can be seen; Then the Great Brightness of the Night wanes to disappear6. In this case the presence of the hare on the moon is connected with rubbing the herbs whereas the toad guards the moon cycle. Scholars agree that originally the moon was inhabited by the latter – just like the three-legged raven lived on the sun. The hare is only a substitute and his presence on the moon is supposed to be the later development (Jabłoński 1958, 81). So the idea of the moon hare crushing immortality herbs seems even later. The next stanza of Wen Tian referring to immortality drink myth is considered by some researchers as an allusion to the Taoist myth about Wangzi Qiao:7 白 蜺 嬰 茀, 安 得 夫 良 藥, 胡 爲 此 堂? 不 能 固 臧? (Qu Yuan, Tian Wen 39, p. 101) Originally 殘 – “defect, fault; to be faulty, not whole”. Some commentaries translate this line as follows “the toad darkens the disc of the full moon and its brightness (明) is not whole, faulty”. It’s worth considering that phrase 大明夜 – “the Great Brightness of the Night” (similar to 圆影 – “full moon”) is just a poetic word for the moon. The phrase 殘月 however means “the moon in its last phase (quarter)”. The sign appearing in the quoted above fragment from Han Period is 缺- “not whole, faulty, broken”; phrase 缺月 also means “the moon in its last phase”. Similar phrases are used in the text 明月 – “the bright moon”. The Li Tai Bai poem, which presents ancient beliefs connected with the moon, could be continuation of thought present in Han Period texts. 7 Wangzi Qiao was considered immortal in the Taoist tradition, worshipped as early as Han Period. For more information and legends connected with see Bujard 2000, 115-158. 6 Some ancient Chinese stories about white rainbow Translation – J. Chmielewski (Jabłoński 1958) Dragon-like, snake-shaped clouds How did they get to this hall, Life’s medicine how to ind without losing it too soon 33 Translation – H. Urbańska When white rainbow is arching – Will that school be of any use? Why should you grasp the best herb: You cannot keep it anyway 白 蜺 – “white rainbow” 嬰 – “encircle, touch” 茀 – “peak, women’s inery” (worn at the top of the head); “to cloud over” 胡 爲 此 堂 – “what for, what hall is this?” 堂– 1. “school chamber” 2. “temple” 良 – “good; the best” 不 能 固 臧 – “in no case can be (kept)” – the elixir it is not accessible to „mere” mortals! In the original version the term 白 蜺 – “the white rainbow” - appears. For understandable reasons it might have confused the translator, who decided to replace the verse containing the term with the corresponding fragment of the commentary. The passage explains the rare phenomenon in such a way: 蜺, 雲之有色似龍者也. 茀, 白雲逶移若蛇者也 – “this rainbow is something of the color of clouds, similar to the dragon and an ornament8 – white bands of long serpent-like clouds”. Another commentary mentions also the Taoist story about Wangzi Qiao, who preached immortality having taken the white rainbow form: Cui Wenzi (崔文子) learned immortality from Wangzi Qiao (王子僑); Wangzi Qiao turned into white rainbow and stretched himself holding the immortality herb for Cui Wenzi, who, terriied, grabbed a war-hammer and hit the middle of the rainbow so that he damaged the herb and could see his master’s dead body beneath9. Polish translator regards the Wangzi Qiao myth mentioned by Wang Yi as too late a version: on the same time he accepts the rejected hypothesis about the origin of mythological images described in Tian Wen – they were supposed to be descriptions of murals on the walls of the temple visited by the author of the poem. The sign 堂 (tang) appearing in this stanza – J. Chmielewski interprets as a temple chamber, a hall. As a consequence of the choice there is no connection The character 茀, meaning i.a. “an ornament”; also: “covering with clouds, overgrowing with grass”. 9 Based on commentary in the mentioned edition. The versions of the myth could be different; e.g. in some Wangzi Qiao is not killed, but turns into a white swan and lies to heaven. 8 34 Hanna Urbańska between the two parts of the stanza, between the description of the mural representing wisps of the clouds and the mention of immortality herb, which is so hard to keep. If we decided on the choice of another meaning of the word 堂 – not the temple but a school chamber and accepted slightly different version of the myth suggested by Wang Yi, then – keeping the literal meaning of the irst passage translation – the two parts of the stanza put together would make sense as a semantic whole. The translation of the irst phrase would go as follows: 白 蜺 嬰 茀, – “[When] white rainbow (bái hóng) is arching its back”, 胡 爲 此 [學] 堂? – “What for [for what purpose] this school (xué táng)”? The white rainbow phenomenon, seen as anomaly, is the key to understanding of the whole. Here is an example: [Wangzi Qiao] transformed into a white bow of light and bestowed divine drugs on his disciple Cui Wenzi, who, thinking the light an evil apparition, struck it down, only to see Qiao’s corpse – which then transformed into a large white bird and lew away. (Campany 1996, 193) What is this white rainbow – a thing – as it may seem – unheard of? The solution of the riddle could be this: the Tian Wen stanza is a description of rare but conirmed optical phenomenon, a moonbow (also known as a lunar rainbow, lunar bow) which is produced by refraction of the moonlight on droplets of rain or mist. It is dificult for the human eye to discern colors because the light is usually too faint. As a result, lunar bow often appears to be white. According to some Chinese tales the immortality herb can be found on the moon: using the format of the myth presented by Wang Yi we can form such hypothesis: observations of the undoubtedly rare optical phenomenon such as white (lunar) rainbow could have contributed to the birth of such a belief. Seen only during the full moon phase and some days afterwards could have been perceived as a stream of elixir pouring from the sky, inaccessible to mere mortals, except for Taoist wizards – who would manage to grasp the vanishing rainbow arch? Ancient Chinese texts often emphasize inaccessibility of the immortality herb: 服食求神仙, 多爲藥所誤 (Dichtungen, poem no.13, p.3) So many search for the elixir10 [Wanting to live among] the immortals; So many have been cheated by the Herb In the original version a term 服食 appears – “garment and food”, which represents taking immortality pills in the Taoist tradition. 10 Some ancient Chinese stories about white rainbow 35 Led along the wrong path! Other phenomena associated with rainbow (thunder, lightning) could create a consistent image of a ight, during which the disciple kills his master and causes the spilling and loss of the elixir. If we put together two parts of the stanza, of which the irst one mentions the white rainbow full of elixir11 and the other states that no mortal is able to keep the divine drug – the whole becomes a consistently built image, clearly inspired by one of many versions of the legends about the elixir and the failed attempt to capture it. It doesn’t mean that the stanza mentions Wangzi Qiao myth – no allusion to the Taoist master can be found here. The pattern presented here however, based on the observation of the said phenomenon could have caused the birth of the myth in a shape suggested by Wang Yi – probably much later one. White rainbow – references in the later literature The above featured phenomenon of white rainbow appears in the small work titled Zhan Guo Ce [战国策] that is the Warring States Chronicle. Certain fragment mentions the slaughter of three important personalities: Zhuan Zhu – the cook stabbed King Liao with a dagger hidden in ish; Yao Li attacked with a lance Qing Ji travelling by boat; Nie Zheng stabbed the Prime Minister Han Gui. Each of the dramatic events was heralded by a disturbing phenomenon: 夫专诸之刺王僚也, 彗星袭月; 聂政之刺韩傀也, 白虹贯日; 要离之刺庆忌 也, 苍隼击于殿上. 12 When Zhuan Zhu slew the king Liao, a comet attacked the moon; when Nie Zheng murdered Han Gui, white rainbow pierced the sun; when Yao Li killed Qing Ji, a hawk hit the terrace of the palace. The phenomenon mentioned above is a white rainbow but connected with the sun. Extraordinariness of it (as well as the corresponding passage of the Tian Wen stanza analyzed above) used to confuse translators; it was most often interpreted as a halo around the sun: When Zhuan Zhu assassinated king Liao, a comet collided with the moon; when Nie Zheng assassinated Han Gui, a white halo touched the sun; when Yao Li assassinated Qing Ji, a black hawk struck the palace roof. (Barr 2007, 151)13 According to Chinese mythology immortality elixir can be found in different places and things like e.g. rainbow. Hence the Chinese term 虹丹 – “rainbow pill, the pill in the rainbow”. 12 The passage from this book, quoted in this article, comes from the edition of Li Bai’s poems: Li Bai Tai, p. 12 – [望庐山瀑布二首 [其 一]. 13 Compare Crump (1996, 421-422): “When Zhuan Zhu assassinated king Liao a comet entered the moon; when Nie Zheng killed Han Gui a white halo pierced the sun. When Yao Li killed Qing 11 36 Hanna Urbańska In the original version however there is a verb 贯 (guàn) – “string [just like you string the bead]” - “pierce through”. That would deinitely exclude the interpretation suggested by Barr; a halo doesn’t pierce the sun, but encircles it. Besides it is described by a different sign. How should the passage be translated then? Is the white rainbow piercing through the sun an anomaly? Should the image be rather interpreted like in the commentary to the Tian Wen passage quoted many times (arch-shaped wisps of clouds)? Or perhaps metaphorically: the rainbow is a dagger, which stabs the ruler i.e. the sun. Ancient as well as contemporary commentaries speculate freely on the meaning of the passage. There is also another possibility of interpretation: the white rainbow piercing the sun is – like in case of Tian Wen passage - description of extremely rare optical phenomenon. Let us bear in mind that the other two omens heralding sudden death of a ruler are not mythological images, but accounts of alarming, since unusual, events (a hawk crashes into the comet or the palace terrace). So interpretation of the passage in a mythological sense would disturb logical order of the whole narration. If we presume that is description of a natural phenomenon, we should deinitely reject the lunar bow hypothesis: Chinese text clearly marks the connection between the arch and the sun. Except for the moonbow, which is only perceived as white, there is a really white rainbow called cloudbow or fogbow; it is produced by refraction and relection of the sunlight inside droplets much smaller than raindrops (like droplets of mist or clouds). Very small size of the droplets causes the refracted and relected colored rays to overlap. As a result beam of light leaving the droplet is white again. The fogbow is often accompanied by so called glory the luminous trails of light. Such fogbow can be seen somewhere high among the clouds like i.e. in the mountains. Such rare phenomena obviously alarmed people so they were interpreted as ill-boding omens. Let us note however that the Chinese text mentions piercing the sun. Phenomena described above would exclude such interpretation; rainbow can be observed in the direction opposite to the sun – it’s the arch surrounding anti solar point (Greenler 1980, 1). We would have to accept then, that the piercing is only a igure of speech. Let us pay attention to speciic structure of the sentence: killing rulers (piercing them with a sharp instrument) corresponds in each case with the part of the phrase describing disturbing phenomenon with the use of a verb expressing violent, aggressive movement. Ji a blue hawk struck the palace roof”. Romanizations of the Chinese words included were changed into Pinyin. Some ancient Chinese stories about white rainbow 37 The irst part of the phrase (slaughter of the ruler) The second part of the phrase – illboding omen Zhuan Zhu slays the king Liao A comet attacks [袭 xí] the moon Nie Zheng kills Han Gui Rainbow pierces through [贯 guàn] the sun Yao Li murders Qing Ji A hawk hits [击 jī] the terrace All the second parts of the sentences contain a verb meaning a blow, attack because the corresponding irst parts describe assassination of the ruler. There is one more possibility of interpretation of the fragment: the white rainbow piercing the sun could be an attempt to describe even rarer phenomenon – parhelic circle, visible on the pictures below14: Photo by Marcin Matusiński The suggestion is extremely tempting because of Chinese description’s exact conformity to the real appearance of the phenomenon: parhelic circle really pierces the sun threading it like a bead. The question is whether such circle might have been seen in ancient China: vertical ice crystals, which relect the sun rays, falling at 30 angle to the horizon line15, are necessary to produce this phenomenon. So it is quite possible that parhelic circle might have been seen high in the mountains. In ancient Chinese literature following phrase can be found: 霞虹–aureole surrounding the sun [connected with] (rain)bow. Could it be another attempt at description of this rare and intriguing phenomenon – parhelic circle usually accompanied by halo? (Оshanin 1983, 995, vol. 3). I am extremely thankful to Mr. Marcin Matusiński, author of these photos taken in Poland, who agreed to publish them in this article. 15 To be more speciic crystals must be hexagonal or in the shape of thin plates vertical to the falling sunrays. Relected light falling at such mirror at angle 30 grades is perceived by a viewer (at the angle 30 grades over the horizon line), produces image of parhelic circle piercing the sun (Greenler 1980, 74-75). 14 38 Hanna Urbańska Photo by Marcin Matusiński White rainbow phenomenon – mysterious, incomprehensible and frightening because of it – soon started to be interpreted as an ill-boding omen, herald of misfortune, especially the ruler’s death. Li Tai Bai a prominent poet from the Tang Dynasty Period mentions white rainbow several times in his works. In the irst one he compares lightning to dangerous (or announcing danger) white rainbow, clearly referring to the passage from Zhan Guo Ce:16 欻 如 飞 电 来, 隐 若 白 虹 起. (Li Tai Bai, p.12) Unexpectedly (quickly) comes the lash of lightning Ominous like an appearance of a white rainbow. Li Bai felt convicted that it is an ill-boding, mysterious and incomprehensible phenomenon. The epithet describing white rainbow is an adjective 隐 – “mysterious, incomprehensible, secret”, or “ill-boding, malign” the fragment of Zhan Guo Ce was known to the poet since he mentions it in another work of his; in this case however with no reference to the colour of the rainbow piercing the sun: 日 贯 虹 – “rainbow piercing the sun” (Li Tai Bai, p. 49). Extremely intriguing is the fragment of another Li Bai’s work, which contains references to Taoist studies at the monastery situated on the mountain top. Li Bai mentions here writings, concealing knowledge about Dao. White writing silk covered with red characters looks like aurora blending white with red: 羡 君 素 書 常 满 案, 含 丹 照 白 霞 色 烂. (Li Tai Bai, p. 226) I wish to taste my lord’s silk scrolls of [Taoist] scriptures covering the long table [It’s like] having inside red and luminous whiteness of aurora blending colours. 16 Commentary to this verse includes mentioned above passage from Zhan Guo Ce. Some ancient Chinese stories about white rainbow 39 White writing silk is compared here to white aurora, and the characters written with red ink on it to the red streaks blending with aurora’s whiteness17. In the next verses Li Bai mentions receiving instructions about Dao (学道); in his dream, at night his mind wanders to immortal lands inhabited by deities, to palaces situated high on the mountain tops; he mentions secret Dao (a secret place where the time lows in a different way). The commentary interprets the passage as an allusion to Dao studies connected with preparing elixir (or with immortality pills): 学大丹 之道, and to Dao itself helping achieve immortality, become an immortal deity: 成 仙 得 道 (Li Tai Bai, p. 228). Regarding the context in which the verse in question is set let us have another look at the phenomenon’s description included there: 含丹照白霞色烂 having inside red and luminous whiteness of aurora blending colours In case of this part of the verse ambiguity of some terms used by Li Bai seems striking. In the table below I am trying to point out, that choice of such characters is an intended poetical effect aiming at creation of dramatic vision of studying and spreading the Great Dao teachings, continued in the next poems: Chinese FIRST MEANING character SECOND MEANING 含 bear inside, hide inside have in the mouth; in the throat (contains the character 口 -mouth) 丹 red, red colour in the Taoist mythology: immortality pill, immortality elixir 霞 aurora in the Taoist mythology: beauty, splendor of immortals’ life (霞 人 – immortal, deity) 烂 to lash; to play, blend to be overcooked, brewed (contains the character 火 -ire) It seems that the choice of such terms is deliberate, conscious artistic effect aiming at creation of a consistent idea of spreading Taoist18 teachings, presented simultaneously in two aspects: the irst is studying scrolls, books, the second – taking into mouth prepared pill, elixir brewed in heaven, in the world of immortal deities – in the marvel of white aurora. The next verses support this hypothesis: Li Commentary from Song dynasty period (mentioned in Li Bai’s poems in the edition quoted above) states that Taoist scriptures (道書) were written on white silk with red ink. 18 The commentary to the next further verses mentions the spreading of the Taoist teachings. 17 40 Hanna Urbańska Bai mentions there secret mountains and a monastery, where juice is brewed – the immortality drink: 隐 居 寺, 隐 居 山, 陶 公 炼 液 栖 其 间. Hidden in the temple, hidden in the mountains Here ceramist19 brews the juice – Staying on the top of the mountain these days. The commentary declares that the poem is a reference to the tradition of drink production in specially designed ember pits hidden in stone temples; it is also symbolic representation of spreading of the Taoist teachings and studies in the mountain monasteries. Mentioned above brewing of the drink or juice (炼液) can be interpreted as preparing, smelting immortality elixir (炼丹液). This extremely interesting work of the most distinguished poet of the Tang dynasty Period would present the image similar to the descriptions of white rainbow mentioned before: Li Bai mentions white aurora, holding inside immortality elixir. It could conirm the hypothesis made during interpretation of the stanza 39 of Tian Wen poem: the birth of some mythological images might have been based on the observation of the natural phenomena. Li Bai, writing about studying and spreading Dao teachings, seems to combine effortlessly descriptions on several levels: mythological, natural as well as personal. The third stanza of Tian Wen referring to the Chinese immortality elixir myth mentions places, where there were attempts to achieve immortality: 黑水玄趾, 三危安在? 延年不死, 壽何所止? (Qu Yuan, Tian Wen 27, p. 96) Translation – J. Chmielewski (Jabłoński 1958) Translation – H. Urbańska Where can the Black River be found? Xuan-Zhi Mountain or San-wei land? Longevity of the immortals What is the limit and the cause? Where are the Black Waters, Xuan Zhi mountains; Where are San Wei dangerous peaks? (of) prolonged years, immortality Where is the source, has limits – longevity? J. Chmielewski’s commentary: “Xuan-zhi, San-wei – names of the mountains connected with legendary events” 三危 - “three dangerous” [com.: mountains] 不死– “not to die, immortality”; [不死仙 人 – “immortal, divine man, deity”] 何所止 – “where is the limit, place, source?” 陶公 means: “potter, ceramist, preparing (brewing) immortality juice (alchemist)”, but also “studying and teaching Dao”. 19 Some ancient Chinese stories about white rainbow 41 Structure of the stanza seems clear enough: it speciies three geographical names connected with immortality drink and three terms associated with prolonging life. The Black River, mentioned in the stanza, starts in the west Kun Lun Mountains; herbs growing on the river’s banks were supposed to give immortality. Similarly the Xuan Zhi Mountains and the San Wei peaks were connected with prolonging life. Obviously immortality is only deities and wizards’ privilege, out of mere mortals’ reach – therefore the questions of its limits. Three terms meaning longer life can be found in the text: 延年 – “prolonged years”, 不死 – “immortality” and 壽 – “longevity”. Commentary mentioning three ages of mankind interprets the passage as follows: in the ancient age longevity was something natural and common all over the world; in the middle age (from Han Dynasty Period) – usual; in the third age mortality started, which made long life something rare and precious. Each of the ages can be tied with another aspect of the prolonged existence; irst age – with immortality, the second – longevity: and at last the third with prolonging life. Except for that the commentary places a typical individual in each age; ancient age is domain of a true man20; the next period belongs to a perfect man – a saint, and the last one to wizards. So the three terms tied with long (or eternal) life do not appear in the Chinese text by chance. Each would express different aspect of prolonging existence, typical for the three ages: ancient age (上古), middle age (中古), and later times. This attempt at interpretation of three stanzas of Wen Tian poem shows that each mythological question presented in this enigmatic work requires separate profound studies. Confusing descriptions of anomalies (analyzed in this article); which might have been inspired by natural yet extremely rare phenomena, become more comprehensible when interpreted in the context the whole “mythological cycle” about the efforts to achieve immortality. Extremely dificult, laconic style of the work, typical for all ancient Chinese poetry, makes each translation an interpretation requiring extensive explanations and supplements. Let us emphasize that interpretation presented in this article is only one of many possible versions with no pretences to be the only right one. References Chinese written sources Dichtungen Dichtungen der T‘ang- und Sung-Zeit [唐宋詩集], ed. A. Forke, Hamburg 1929 [in Chinese and German]. 20 In Taoism the term refers to a distinguished activist or monk, higher ranking than a saint, an immortal (仙人); the title was given by the emperor’s decree in the ancient times. 42 Hanna Urbańska Li Tai Bai 李白诗选, 葛景春 选注 [Anthology of Li Bai’s Poetry, ed. by Ge Jingchun], Beijing 2005 [in Chinese]. Qu Yuan 楚辭補注, [宋] 洪興祖撰 [Commentaries to Zhu-Songs, ed. Hong Xingzu] Beijing 1983 [in Chinese]. Translations of written sources Grifith The Hymns of the Ṛgveda, transl. by R.T.H. Grifith, Delhi 1995. Field Tian Wen. A Chinese book of origins, transl. by S. Field, New York 1984. Crump Chan-kuo Ts’e, transl. by J.L. Crump, Michigan 1996. Modern works Barr A.H. 2007 Bujard M. 2000 Liaozhai zhiyi and Shiji, Asia Major 20 (1), pp. 133-153. Le culte de Wangzi Qiao ou la longue carrière d’un immortel, Études chinoises 19, pp. 115-158. Campany R.F. 1996 Strange writing: anomaly accounts in early medieval China, New York. Greenler R. 1980 Rainbows, halos and glories, London. Jabłoński W. (ed.) 1958 K’ü Jüana Pieśni z Cz’u [Qu Yuan’s Songs of Zhu], Warszawa [in Polish]. Künstler M. 1981 Mitologia chińska [Chinese mythology], Warszawa [in Polish]. Oshanin I.M. (ed.) [Ошанин И.M. (ред.)] 1983 Большой китайско-русский словарь [The Great Chinese-Russian Dictionary], [in four volumes], Moсква [in Russian]. Urbańska H. 2012 Between India and China. Some stories about the moon hare, in Serica – Da Qin. Studies in Archaeology, Philology and History on Sino-Western Relations (Selected Problems), ed. by G. Malinowski, A. Paroń, B.Sz. Szmoniewski, Wrocław 2012, pp. 53-62. Acta Euroasiatica 1 (2013) PL ISSN 2353-2262 Mariusz Pandura Perceiving otherness, creating resemblance – the Byzantinization of nomads in the age of Justinian I: the Arabs This is the irst in a series of papers describing the process of the Byzantinization of nomads in the middle of the 6 century AD. The model of Peter Schreiner has been applied. The paper is focused mainly on the Ghassanids. Key words: Arabs, Byzantinization, Byzantium, Ghassanids, nomads In an important article “Byzantine Concepts of the Foreigner. The Case of the Nomads” (Ahrweiler 1998) Hélène Ahrweiler once again outlined the main characteristics of the Byzantine attitude to the nomadic populations. She has shown that these groups were considered as quintessential “others” and indicated the Christianization as a pivotal element of the process leading to blurring of the perceived sharp cultural difference1. Basing on the same example of Bulgarians, whose population served as a main illustration of Ahrweiler’s theses, Peter Schreiner (Schreiner 1989, 47–60) formulated a ive-element scheme of the process of Byzantinization of that society, focusing mainly on the source material pertaining to the period after their Christianization and sedentarization. Both of scholars were referring – for obvious reasons – to the Middle Byzantine period. Earlier history of the Byzantine state is illed with the occurrences of contacts between nomad societies and sedentary communities living in the territories under the rule of the emperors. The frequency of these connections was the consequence of the geopolitical location of the Empire, whose territories comprised most of the areas surrounding the Mediterranean, with the fringes extending to the boundaries of the lands inhabited by sedentary populations. Nomads living mainly outside the limits of the Byzantine provinces, usually not completely independent of the Constantinopolitan inluence, were maintaining both peaceful and hostile relations to their settled neighbours. These connections often relected the dependence of the nomad societies on the existence of these contacts. The impact of the Byzantine culture might have been even stronger as a result of the settlement of the nomads on the territory of the Empire. The question that rises here is: did the process of Byzantinization of the nomads differ from the progress of the assimilation of other non-Roman groups? In 1 See also (basing mainly on the information about the steppe nomads): Carile 1988. 44 Mariusz Pandura fact, can we distinguish a model of Byzantinization, unique to the societies leading initially a mobile way of life? Focusing on the so-called age of Justinian we will discuss here some features of the relations between the different nomad gentes and the Byzantine state and society following the model of Schreiner. Subsequently, we will be striving to construct the model of the Byzantinization of nomads in the aforementioned period, determining the major differences between this process and the assimilation of other non-Roman populations into the Byzantine culture. Since the main groups of νομάδες in the works of early Byzantine authors were the Hunnic peoples (Procopius, De bellis, I 3, 3, p. 10), Arabs (Menander Protector fr. 15, p. 220; Jeffreys 1986, 306–312) and Moors (John of Antioch fr. 224, p. 398)2, we will be discussing the Byzantinization of these three group separately in three distinct papers, followed by a concluding paper, summarizing results of the study. At the beginning let us make some preliminary remarks: 1. The term “age of Justinian”3 is widely used by the scholars, although not with complete consistency. It can already be found in the work of Gibbon. J.B. Bury deined it as a period spanning from 518 to 5654. It seems that there is the tendency in contemporary Byzantine studies to share this view5, but other approaches are also occurring6. 2. There is strong disagreement between the scholars on the issue of nomadism of some Arab groups, especially the Ghassanids. Some see them as nomads, shifting the location of the pastures during different seasons of the year7. On the other hand, there are scholars who have identiied them as sedentary8. We are not obliged to discern between these two opinions, for us it is important that Byzantines, as relected in the narrative sources, perceived them as nomads, not sedentaries. The fact that Ghassanid rulers possessed their residences in no way See also valuable remarks concerning the Procopius’ treatment of the Slavs (Curta 1998, 327, Curta 2001, 38–39). 3 The idea that the reign of Justinian was a new period for the empire was formulated by the emperor himself in the earlier period of his reign and later was inherited by modern historiography. See: Meier 2003. 4 Bury 1889, XXXII, 331 (the title of part I) but on 351 he states: “The sixth century may be called the age of Justinian”; Bury 1958, VII. 5 For example: “The Age of Justinian” of J.A.S. Evans corresponds to the reigns of Justin and Justinian (Evans 1996). 6 527–565: Elton 2007, 532–550. Michael Maas in 1992 deined it roughly on the irst part of the sixth century (Maas 1992, 8). In later publication the age of Justinian covered the period from around 500 to 602: Maas 2005, 3. 7 This tradition is expressed by F.E. Peters (1977–1978, 100–107), who tried to determine the location of the seasonal pastures of Ghassanids, as well as the route of their movements. See also: Peters 1994, 65; Key Fowden 1999, 149, 169–170; Key Fowden 2000, 315; Demaret 2004, 593. 8 Shahîd 2002, 4–10. Shahîd shortly described the history of the creation of – in his opinion – alleged nomadism of Ghassanids, recounting the formation of this image by the Byzantine historians (especially Procopius of Caesarea), as well as the perpetuation of that conception by modern scholars e.g. Theodor Nöldeke. 2 Perceiving otherness, creating resemblance – the Byzantinization of nomads in the age of Justinian I 45 can determine the sedentarism of the gens they ruled, because many rulers are attested who did have their seats, like Mongol Karakorum or the palaces of Attila9. 3. The term “Byzantinization” is not wholly a consistent one. Among many of the appearances of this concept in the Byzantine studies we have chosen the one developed by Peter Schreiner, since he had organized the model of that process in the clear-cut set of phenomena. Schreiner deines the Byzantinization as the inluence of the Byzantine institutions and culture on the peoples inhabiting the territory of the Byzantine Empire or living near the border (Schreiner 1989, 47). He has grouped the processes of Byzantinization in ive groups: pertaining to the state, state ideology, the church, literature with education and visual arts with music (Schreiner 1989). We will be following that scheme, although in the case of the sixth-century nomads in the Mediterranean we do not have much information about the last two groups. *** Among the sixth-century Arabs, who met the criteria established by Schreiner, the Ghassanids will deserve special attention, since during the period under our scrutiny they are the most important Arab group for the Byzantines and they are far better represented in the sources, than the other Σαρακηνοί. Ghassanids had arrived to the Byzantine territory during the two last decades of the ifth century (Shahîd 1958b, 150). After the fall of Salīḥ in 502, they themselves became the clients of Byzantium (Shahîd 1958a, 245). Ghassanids had been chosen to be the one of the main supporters of the Byzantine rule in the eastern part of the Empire. The high position of their leaders, who were called Jafnids10, was an effect of the direct activities of the emperor Justinian. But existence of other tribes allied with the Byzantium and subjected to the authority of Ghassanid rulers should not be overlooked11. We have clear evidence that many groups, among them Tanūkh and Salīḥ, earlier dominant in that area, later appeared in the sources during the period of Islamic conquest ighting in Syria against the Muslim invaders (Shahîd 1958b, 158; Shahîd 1989a, 304). One of the Salīḥids was mentioned in 586 during the siege of Mardin, after the abolishment of the Ghassanid supreme phylarchate (Theophylact Simocatta II 2, 5, pp. 72–73; EI 8 1995, 982, s.v. Salīḥ – I. Shahîd). They were ighting against the Muslims at Dūmat al-Jandal (aṭ-Ṭabarī, vol. 11, p. 58; Shahîd 1958a, 158) and near Zīzāʾ (aṭ-Ṭabarī, vol. 11, p. 76–77; EI 8 1995, 982, s.v. Salīḥ – I. Shahîd). The important remark of F. Donner is worth noting: „...nomadic and sedentary ways of life are really but the opposite ends of a spectrum of ways of life, with many groups falling somewhere in between” (Donner 1989, 75). 10 The name of the dynasty was widespread among the orientalists after the publication of Nöldeke’s “Die Ghassānischen Fürsten aus dem Hause Gafna’s” (Nöldeke 1887). 11 According to Michael the Syrian (X 19, p. 350–351), after the capture of al-Mundhir b. alḤārith his kingdom was divided by ifteen sheiks (cf. Hoyland 2009, 394). 9 46 Mariusz Pandura The fate of the Ghassanids in the age of Justinian was strictly connected with the contemporary state of the Byzantine-Persian relations. After the death of Justin and Justinian’s assumption of the sole imperial power the new ruler who earlier, during the reign of his uncle, had a tremendous inluence on the policy of the Byzantine State, launched a new course in the eastern policy of the Empire. In the irst years of his sole reign he uniied the command of all the Arab foederati of Byzantium in the hands of al-Ḥārith b. Jabala, the ruler of the Ghassanid tribe (529–569) (EI 3 1966, 222, s.v. al-Ḥārith b. Djabala (I. Shahîd) bestowing upon him the dignity of βασιλεύς. Only the Arabs, who were to be commanded by his brother Abū Karib, were not subject to his power. This change is seen by some scholars as a part of a reform attempting to reorganize the defence of Byzantine eastern frontier. Here our main source is Procopius, who in the Secret History attested that Justinian, after some period of dificulties with the payment to limitanei, deprived them of the name of soldiers (Procopius, Anecdota XXIV 12–14, p. 148–149). This is understood as the main proof of the partial abandonment of some places on the limes, a fact that is conirmed by the archaeological excavations (Kennedy, Liebeschuetz 1988, 88; Alston 2002, 404; Parker 2002, 80; Casey 1996, 220–222; Fiema 2007, 314). This change is chronologically connected to the elevation of al-Ḥārith and the Ghassanids. Following the account of Procopius, scholars tended to see economic causes that were responsible for that change. The Empire wanted to save money in that way, cutting expenses on maintenance of the army – we know that the overdue wages had not been paid too. The second cause of that reform could be the success of the actions undertaken by the Lakhmid king of Ḥīra, which limitanei could not effectively oppose. This situation must have been thoroughly analyzed by the ruling circles of the Empire. During the existence of the Ghassanid kingdom there were also periods of takeover of power by the Byzantines. The irst Byzantine intervention leading to the removal of the powerful Ghassanid king occurred during the reign of Tiberius II in 581, when the emperor commanded to imprison al-Mundhir b. al-Ḥārith and to send him to Constantinople and later to Sicily. After that the Byzantines were trying to place a brother of the captured ruler on the throne (John of Ephesus, Church History III 43, p. 242 (Payne-Smith), p. 140 (Schönfelder)). The same procedure was repeated later in the case of al-Nuʿmān b. al-Mundhir. The elevated position of Ghassanids among the Arab foederati of Byzantium probably had not been restored even before the Persian invasion of 613–614, neither during the Islamic conquest of Syria and Palestine, although they had participated in the defence of these territiories together with their king Jabala b. al-Ayham and fought at the battle of Yarmūk in 636 (EI 2 1965, 1021, s.v. Ghassān (I. Shahîd)). It was a situation parallel to the fate of Lakhmids of Ḥīra. The reign of the Naṣrid dynasty was interrupted by the Sasanid authorities, once after the death of Qābūs when Suhrāb ruled for over a year (573–574), second time in 602, which marks the beginning of the reign of Iyās b. Qabīsa (Rothstein 1899, 105–107, 119–120; Perceiving otherness, creating resemblance – the Byzantinization of nomads in the age of Justinian I 47 Abu Ezzah 1979, 59–60; EI 5 1982, 633–634, s.v. Lakhmids (I. Shahid); EI 7 1992, 568, s.v. al-Mundhir IV (I. Shahîd); Shahîd 2009, 666). Ghassanids were participating in the Byzantine-Persian Wars, for example when al-Ḥārith was ighting along with his 5000 men on the right wing of the Byzantine army at Callinicum in 531 and during the Assyrian Campaign of 541 (EI 3 1966, 222, s.v. al-Ḥārith b. Djabala (I. Shahîd)). Furthermore, they were acting as middlemen of Byzantine inluence in the Arabian Peninsula. For example, in 543 both of the Ghassanid rulers, Harith and Abū Karib, sent embassies to Abraha, Abissynian ruler of Himyar (Glaser 1897, p. 49–50, datation: p. 68). Moreover, the inluence of the Ghassanidts on the Arabian Peninsula was achieved thanks to the kinship ties with Arab tribes living in that region. For instance, the Ghassanids were kinsmen of the Balḥārith of Najrān (Shahîd 1989a, 401; EI 7 1992, 872, s.v. Nadjrān (I. Shahîd); Shahîd 2002, 151–152; Shahîd 2009, 20), as well as al-Aws and al-Khazraj from Yathrib12. Ghassanids and the gentes subjected to them, dwelling on the extreme eastern edge of the Byzantine Empire, were exposed to the continuous inluence of the factors of Byzantinization due to their constant contacts with the Roman authorities as well as the population of the diocese of Orient. Their fate was connected to the events of the contemporary international relations, as well as to the internal situation of the Empire. The ruling family of the Ghassanids – the Jafnids – was converted to Monophysite Christianity, as it would seem, during the reign of proMonophysite emperor Anastasius (491–518). As a result of the acceptance of the new faith their contacts with the Empire became even stronger. We omit here the process of Byzantinization of the sedentary population of the eastern provinces of the Byzantine Empire that was using the Arabic language, since they were not considered by the Byzantines as nomads. *** The process of the Byzantinization of Arabs during the age of Justinian is in fact far better observed within the spectre of Arab foederati of Byzantium. Among them the bulk of information we possess pertains mostly to the main gens – Banū Ghassān and their ruling family – the Jafnids. However, it should be noted that the Byzantine East was populated not only by them, but there were living other groups of Arab tribes as well: Balī, Judhām together with Syrian branch of Lakhm, Balqayn, ʿĀmila, Kalb, Bahraʿ, Taghlib, Iyād, al-Namir, and the Arabs of Sinai (Banū-Ṣāliḥ) and in later period Ṭayyiʾ (Shahîd 1984, 382; Shboul, Walmsley 12 EI 12 1981, 229, s.v. Djabala b. al-Ḥārith (I.A. Shahid); Shahîd 1995a, 49; Shahîd 2002, 31; Shahîd 2009, 21–22. 122–124. The Ghassanid action in Medina presumably was aiming to restrict the Persian inluence there: Kister 1968, 145–149; Yarshater 1998, 28–29. P. Crone (1987, 49–50, n. 169), however, dated the presence of the Persian governor in Yathrib and Tihāma to the period of Sasanian occupation of the eastern provinces of the Byzantine Empire. 48 Mariusz Pandura 1998, 267; Shahîd 2002, 52–53). Under the control of the Jafnid rulers were also former principal foederati of Byzantium – Tanūkh and Salīḥ (Shahîd 1989a, 302). Following Schreiner’s ive-element scheme of Byzantinization we begin with the Byzantine inluence on the level of state. According to Schreiner, Byzantine inluence could be visible in the spreading of the Byzantine idea of the emperor as a head of the state. The dissemination of that model implied not only agreement on the elements of Byzantine imperial ideology, according to which Byzantine emperor was holding a central place in the so called “family of princes”, idea that was further developed in the Middle Byzantine period. The subsequent element related to that belief was the opinion, that the Byzantine emperor, even if only potentially, ruled over the whole οἰκουμένη. In that context we have to see that the conclusion of the foedus implied in fact the recognition of the Byzantine emperor as supreme ruler and acceptance of the Byzantine view of the role of their state in the world. Schreiner noted also that an accordance with the Byzantine doctrine of the place of the ruler in the state could lead to subsequent adaptation of that model in the Byzantinized society, to restriction of the power of local tribal leaders to the advantage of the ruling dynasty and in the end to the loss of the separate tribal identity and to homogenization (Schreiner 1989, 48–49). In the case of the Arab foederati we can only see effects of the early stages of that process in the form of subordination of local leaders to the power of Jafnid ruler, performed on the order of the emperors. In the case of the Arab foederati of Byzantium this did not lead to the disappearance of the tribal identities (Schreiner 1989, 49), because Salīḥ, Tanūkh, Syrian Lakhmids and other tribes are still attested as separate units during the period of Islamic conquest and later under the rule of the caliphs (Shahîd 1958b, 158; Shahîd 1989a, 304). However, the tribal leaders did in fact perform the function of aristocracy indicated by Schreiner – they were commanding the “local” community (tribe). An element of this process was also the function of king as the main military leader (Schreiner 1989, 49), which is attested repeatedly for the Jafnids. Finally, Byzantine inluence is visible in the emergence of a group of administrative oficials, like the inancial oficial Flavios Seos mentioned in an inscription in 578 (Prentice 1908, 290–291; Shahîd 2009, 523). Another element of Byzantinization of the Arab foederati of Byzantium – the Christianization – must have been proceeding without obstacles, such as religiousmotivated rebellions, which could be the symptom of weakness of the power of the Ghasanid kings (Schreiner 1989, 49). There is strong contrast between the course of that process and the parallel which had taken place among the Lakhmids and other tribes subordinate to the Naṣrid dynasty. Despite the fact that Ḥīra was an important centre of Eastern Christianity, only few members of the ruling dynasty were Christians (al-Nuʿmān III, Hind bt. al-Ḥārith) and the adherence to the traditional religion was strong13. 13 See the sacriices to al-ʿUzzā performed on the order of al-Mundhir. Perceiving otherness, creating resemblance – the Byzantinization of nomads in the age of Justinian I 49 The Byzantinization could lead to the formation of one seat of the ruler on the model of Constantinople or there could be few such places (Schreiner 1989, 49). In the case of Ghassanids the second pattern occurred. One of these main centres was Jābiya (Nöldeke 1875, 430), which was mentioned as a seat of the Ghassanid ruler already during the reign of Jabala b. al-Ḥārith (Simeon of Bēth Arshām, p. 63; EI 12 1981, 229, s.v. Djabala b. al-Ḥārith (I.A. Shahid); Shahîd 1995a, 48). It was located to the north-west of the Syrian city of Nawā (Kaegi 1992, 112–114). Its importance must have been great, as the evidence of the course of battle of Yarmūk in 636 shows. It had taken place in the vicinity of Jābiya and was preceded by the clash of the Muslim and Byzantine forces right next to the seat of Ghassanid ruler (Kaegi 1992, 120). Jābiya was a ḥirthā a large encampment with some permanent buildings (EI 2 1962, 360, s.v. al-Djābiya (H. Lammens – J. SourdelThomine)), just like the Lakhmid Ḥīra. Jābiya fulilled an important function also in the years after the Islamic conquest. It was one of the amṣār, military encampments, which later could evolve into the form of early cities (Whitcomb 1994a, 22–23; Whitcomb 1994b, 166–169; Hillenbrand 1999, 79–80). Jābiya however became deserted in the result of an outbreak of the plague which occurred in ʿAmwās (Emaus) in 639 (MacAdam 1986, 532; MacAdam 1994, 64. Compare with: Conrad 1981, 212; Conrad 1994, 31, 46; Stathakopoulos 2004, 349). The second centre of Ghassanid power was Jilliq, ḥirthā located probably near the modern village of al-Kiswa south of Damascus14. It seems that it was not so much important as Jābiya, because one of the gates of Damascus carried in later times the name of Bāb al-Jābiya (not Bāb al-Jilliq, notwithstanding the small distance)15. Let us notice that Muslim forces under the command of Khālid b. al-Walīd defeated Ghassanids on the Easter of 634 on the plain of Marj Rāhiṭ not far from Jilliq16. Another centre of signiicant importance for Arab foederati of Byzantium was probably the camp near Chalcis ad Belum (Qinnasrīn), sometimes called in sources Ḥāḍir Qinnasrīn (al-Balādhurī, p. 224; aṭ-Ṭabarī, vol. 12, p. 178). It was connected with the Tanūkh. It should also be noticed that the location of Tanūkh and Salīḥ at the end of the Byzantine-Arab clashes in Syria was exactly in the neighbourhoods of Qinnasrīn. In fact this situation can be compared with the important role of Jābiya in the beginning of the battle of Yarmūk river in 636. The place of the battle between Ghassanids and Lakhmids as well as the death of Lakhmid Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, p. 120, n. 195, p. 158, n. 1; EI 2 1963, 541, s.v. Djilliḳ (N. Elisséeff).; Kaegi 1992, 114. Irfan Shahid (Shahîd 2002, 110–115) is more careful and locates it to the south of Damascus, without establishing a precise location. 15 But it could ensue from the fact that the Damascus in some cases could have been identiied with Jilliq (Sartre 1982, 179). 16 Al-Balādhurī, p. 172. About the location of battle: EI 6 1989, 544–546, s.v. Mardj Rāhiṭ, (N. Elisséeff). It should be noticed that the plan of a sudden, unexpected attack resulting from a march through the desert was aimed not at the Byzantines, but at the Ghassanids. The battle of Ajnādayn had taken place later. 14 50 Mariusz Pandura king al-Mundhir III was in the region of Qinnasrīn too. The name of Chalcis was used to describe whole portion of the northern part of eastern limes, as shows the passage from the chronicle of John Malalas. He used the expression διὰ τοῦ λιμίτου Χαλκίδος in describing the invasion of Persian army in 265 during the reign of Sapor II17. Qinnasrīn was playing a major role during the early period of Islamic rule when it became the location of one of the four ajnād, what is one of the indicators of its earlier function. Its position must have been similar to that of Jābiya and Jilliq. The function of Qinnasrīn as an Arab settlement was preserved in the name of the village, lying near the ruins of ancient Chalcis – Hader. In later times the position of Qinnasrīn had been taken over by Aleppo18 in the same way as Jābiya and Jilliq were overshadowed by Damascus and Ḥīra by Kūfa. The contacts of the rulers of non-Byzantine society with the imperial circles of power were an important factor of the process of Byzantinization (Schreiner 1989, 51). Personal contacts of the Ghassanid phylarchs and kings with the high-ranking representatives of Byzantine administration and military commanders were frequent19. The Jafnids were repeatedly participating in the military expeditions of the Byzantine army against the Persians, they were taking part in the defence of the eastern provinces too (EI 3 1966, 222, s.v. al-Ḥārith b. Djabala (I. Shahîd)). During the wars there must have occurred mutual cognition of the allies (their beliefs, customs) between the Ghassanids and the Byzantine soldiers, leading to the facilitation of the process of Byzantinization. The most important contacts were the personal encounters of the Jafnids with the Byzantine emperors (Schreiner 1989, 51). The special relationship that connected Jafnids with the emperors was underlined by their use of cognomen Flavius20 – corresponding to the use of Septimius by the Palmyrene rulers (Shahîd 1995a, 296; Sartre 2005, 352). Al-Ḥārith did also visit Constantinople, probably two times21. In 580 al-Mundhir was in Constantinople too, to receive a crown from the emperor Tiberius. There he was striving to remove the rift in the Monophysite church by summoning the meeting of the representatives of conlicting sides (Hainthalter 2007, 74). Two of the sons of al-Mundhir had travelled with him to the capital (John of Ephesus, Church History IV 39, p. 298 (Payne-Smith), p. 170 (Schönfelder)). Such contacts are well attested by the Malchus’ account of John Malalas XII 26, p. 228; this term was later used by Mouterde and Poidebard in his famous study (Isaac 1988, 136). 18 Where another encampment was located: Ḥāḍir Ḥalab with the population consisting in part of the Tanūkh. In the vicinity was also Ḥāḍir Ṭayy, connected with the Ṭayyiʾ tribe: al-Balādhurī, p. 224–225; as-Saraḫsī, p. 141; EI 10 1999, 402, s.v. Ṭayyiʾ (I. Shahîd). 19 John of Ephesus, Church History III 40–41, p. 237–238 (Payne-Smith), p. 137–138 (Schönfelder) wrote about the friendship of Mundhir b. al-Ḥārith and the curator Magnus the Syrian. On Magnus see: Martindale 1992, 805–807, s.v. Magnus 2; Feissel 1985, 465–469; Khoury 2005, 300. 20 Schlumberger 1939, 371; Alt 1945, 261; Shahîd 1995a, 66–69; 260–261; 295–297; Trombley 2004, 96–97; Genequand 2006, 70; Fisher 2011, 58. The use of this expression is also attested by a Syriac source: Ps. Zachariah IX 2, p. 223–224 (Hamilton – Brooks), p. 170 (Ahrens – Krüger). 21 Shahid supposes that Mariya, wife of al-Ḥārith, took part in the irst visit (Shahîd 2009, 225). 17 Perceiving otherness, creating resemblance – the Byzantinization of nomads in the age of Justinian I 51 a visit of Imruʾ al-Qays in Constantinople in 47322. We should not omit the fact that not only the court of the emperors, but also Constantinople itself made a great impression on the visitors during the whole existence of the Byzantine Empire. Ghassanids were strengthening their bonds with the ruling dynasty of the Empire by the mutual exchange of gifts. In that way we should interpret the passage from the History of Wars of Procopius, pertaining the so called Phoinikon – oasis of the Palm Groves. We are informed that Abocharabos (i.e. Abū Karib, brother of al-Ḥārith) handed over this place to Justinian as a gift (Procopius, De bellis I 19, 10, p. 102). Al-Mundhir received gifts from the Emperor when he visited Constantinople in 580 (John of Ephesus, Church History IV 39, p. 298 (Payne-Smith), p. 170 (Schönfelder)). It was the pattern that pertained to other rulers too. For example the Herul king Grepes at the end of his visit to the Byzantine capital was bestowed with precious gifts, as well as Grod, one of the Hunnic kings in 52823. *** The second group of factors of the Byzantinization, according to Schreiner, are elements of state ideology. Its impact was mainly limited to the ruler and his court (Schreiner 1989, 52–53). The irst and most common element was the assuming of the Byzantine titles by the ruler of the Byzantinized population (Schreiner 1989, 49). The Jafnid rulers as well as other sheiks of tribes occupied a deinite position in the structure of the Byzantine state. They were the leaders of the foederati and they appear in the source material as φύλαρχοι. From that perspective a phylarch was usually an indigenous oficial in charge of the allied tribes (Grouchevoy 1995, 127–128), for example Abū Karib, brother of al-Ḥārith was performing this function (Procopius, De bellis I 19, 10, p. 102). The Jafnid kings are seldom mentioned as στρατηλάται, a term corresponding to the Latin magistri militum (Schlumberger 1939, 368; Sartre 1982, 182; Shahîd 1995b, 505–506; MacCoull 1996, 157–158; Shahîd 2002, 26–27). Already Jabala b. al-Ḥārith, the Jafnid ruler, who died in the battle of Thannūris in 528, was called king in the sources (Simeon of Bēth Arshām, p. 63, (commentary) 273; Ps. Zachariah IX 2, p. 224 (Hamilton – Brooks), p. 170 (Ahrens – Krüger); EI 12 1981, 229–230, s.v. Djabala b. al-Ḥārith (I.A. Shahid); Shahîd 1995a, 48). But it was his son al-Ḥārith whose royal power over the other foederati of Byzantium was recognized by the emperor Justinian24. The position of Malchus fr. 1, p.113; Shahîd 1989a, 493. See also the stay of young Kindite prince Muʿāwiya in Constantinople (not unlike Theodoric the Amal and many others, see for example: Shepard 2006) and planned visit of his father, Qays in Constantinople, which eventually did not occur (Nonnosus, p. 179; Millar 2010, 208). 23 John Malalas XVIII 6, p. 356; XVIII 14, p. 360–361; Ps. Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, p. 49. 24 Al-Ḥārith was acknowledged as king by the Ghassanids right after the death of his father, because the inscription from Usays (528/529) mentions him as “al-Ḥārith al malik” – “Al-Ḥārith the king” (MacAdam 1996, 49; Fisher 2008, 319). 22 52 Mariusz Pandura βασιλεύς, shared with other contemporary rulers25, was only one step lower than that of the Byzantine Emperor and Persian shah, who even in the eyes of the Byzantines held a higher place in the hierarchy than other kings, apart from the emperor of Byzantium (Chrysos 1978, 35; Chrysos 1980, 144). This was leading to the use by the Byzantine diplomats of the designation “brother” pertaining to the shah and “son” to the other kings (Ostrogorsky 1956, 12; Kazhdan 1992, 123). By the obtaining of the new title al-Ḥārith achieved the same level in the international relations, as the Lakhmid ruler al-Mundhir III (Shahîd 1955, 212), who himself was elevated earlier to the royal dignity by the Sasanid shah (Procopius, De bellis I 17, 45, p. 90). In one instance – the Syriac manuscript of An-Nabk – Abū Karib too was described as king (malkā) (Wright 1871, 468; Nöldeke 1887, 25–26 (wrongly identifying Abū Karib with Mundhir b. al-Ḥārith); Shahîd 2002, p. 29). By obtaining the authority of king al-Ḥārith’s position in dealings with other tribal leaders, like Terebon or Aswad (Sartre 1982, 176–177), must have increased. Another element of Byzantinization was the granting of the title patricius to al-Ḥārith, a fact that is conirmed by the Byzantine and Arab narrative sources, as well as inscriptions (Procopius, De bellis I 18, 47, p. 90; Schlumberger 1939, 371; Alt 1945, 261; I. Shahîd 1959, 329–332; EI 1 1960, 1249, s.v. Biṭrīḳ (I. Kawar); EI 3 1966, 222, s.v. al-Ḥārith b. Djabala (I. Shahîd); Genequand 2006, 70). The patriciate of al-Mundhir (John of Ephesus, Church History IV 39, p. 297 (Payne Smith), p. 169 (Schönfelder); Lamy 1898, 133; Prentice 1908, 290–291) and Jabala b. al-Ayham (Shahîd 2001, 371–372) are also attested. Another instance of application of the Byzantine titles was counting of the Arab phylarchs among the ranks of Byzantine hierarchy, usually the clarissimi (Shahîd 1959, 323–324; EI 2 1965, 1020, s.v. Ghassān (I. Shahîd)). However after the elevation of his position al-Ḥārith was given the rank of gloriosissimus (EI 2 1965, 1020, s.v. Ghassān (I. Shahîd); EI 3 1966, 222, s.v. al-Ḥārith b. Djabala (I. Shahîd); MacCoull 1996, 158), and later his son al-Mundhir and another al-Ḥārith mentioned in Upper Egypt in 595/6 are holding the rank of famosissimi (Shahîd 1995a, 521; MacCoull 1996, 157–158). Another element of Byzantinization of state ideology was the receiving of the Byzantine insignia of power (Schreiner 1989, 54–55). As a result of the formal recognition of the royal title by the Byzantine authorities al-Ḥārith must have obtained them (Shahîd 1990, 45) probably in the form of Arabic crown – tāj. Several insignia of this type were received from the emperor by other kings. One of this was Lazic king Tzath who obtained a στεφάνιον from emperor Justin in 522 (John Malalas XVII 9, p. 340; Vasiliev 1950, 260–261; Shahîd 1984, 511; Shahîd 1989a, 84; Shahîd 2009, 165–166). This recognition of power surely elevated his position among other Arab rulers. The Persian shahs were also granting the crowns to their Arab allies like Imruʾ al-Qays, al-Nuʿmān III or Hawdha b. ‘Alī al-Ḥanafī (Simon 1989, 38, 134, n. 123; EI 10 1998 (1936), 57, s.v. tādj (W. Björkman); ʿAthamina See also the other rulers who received in that time the dignity of king from the Byzantine emperors, e.g. Lazic Tzath, or Grepes, ruler of the Heruls. 25 Perceiving otherness, creating resemblance – the Byzantinization of nomads in the age of Justinian I 53 1998, 20–21, 27, 32–33; Madelung 2003, 157). In 580 al-Ḥārith’s son al-Mundhir also received a crown from the emperor Tiberius (John of Ephesus, Church History IV 39, p. 298 (Payne-Smith), p. 170 (Schönfelder); Shahîd 1995a, 402–406). *** Jafnids were Christians, as well as many of the Ghassanids. They were baptized after coming to the limes. On the area of Gaulanitis they surely encountered Christians, a fact indicated in the inscriptions (Gregg, Urman 1996, 319), who could act as the middlemen of the new faith. As Schreiner correctly observed, the existence of population having earlier contacts with the Byzantine culture on the area of the migration of newcomers, facilitated the Byzantinization of the latter (Schreiner 1989, 47). The activity of al-Ḥārith took place after the period of temporal disagreement with Byzantium during the reign of Justin I (EI 3 1966, 222, s.v. al-Ḥārith b. Djabala (I. Shahîd); EI 12 1981, 229, s.v. Djabala b. al-Ḥārith (I.A. Shahid); Gray 2005, 228). In 540 al-Ḥārith achieved, with the help of the empress Theodora, who was supporting Monophysites (Meyendorff 1989, 222), the ordination of two Monophysite bishops: Jacob Baradaeus and Theodore (EI 2 1965, 1021, s.v. Ghassān (I. Shahîd)). During their reigns Al-Ḥārith and his son al-Mundhir were striving to preserve the unity of the Monophysite church by trying to resolve the occurrences of conlict (EI 2 1965, 1021, s.v. Ghassān (I. Shahîd); EI 3 1966, 222, s.v. al-Ḥārith b. Djabala (I. Shahîd); Frend 1972, 326–328). In 580 the latter summoned the Monophysite bishops to meet in Constantinople (John of Ephesus, Church History IV 39–40, p. 298–299 (Payne-Smith), p. 170–171 (Schönfelder); Hainthalter 2007, 74). Jafna was another Ghassanid phylarch engaged in the same pursuit of keeping integrity of the Church, as he was striving to reconcile Damian of Alexandria and Peter of Callinicum in 587 (Shahîd 1993, 491–503; Shahîd 1995a, 554). At least during the reign of Justinian the Monophysitism of the Ghassanids did not pose any obstacle in the relations between them and the court in Constantinople. As Hélène Ahrweiler has stated in the article mentioned above, Byzantine church and Byzantine state nearly always had the same foreigners, but not in all the cases (Ahrweiler 1998, 6). Ghassanids were strongly attached to the Monophysitism (EI 2 1965, 1021, s.v. Ghassān (I. Shahîd)), which is exempliied by the anecdote contained in the history of Michael the Syrian. He described the visit of Ephraim, Chalcedonian patriarch of Antioch in one of the encampments of alḤārith. After patriarch refused to eat camel meat26, the Ghassanid ruler rejected the proposal of conversion, saying that the apostasy is for him so disgusting, like the Arab meal for the patriarch (Michael the Syrian IX 29, p. 247–248; Shahîd 1995b, 746–755). Their support for the Christianity was so strong that after the Islamic invasions some of them, together with their king Jabala, although after some hesitation, decided to remain Christian (Shahîd 2001, 372). 26 An example of the limits of Byzantinization in daily life of the Ghassanids (Shahîd 1995b, 754). 54 Mariusz Pandura Jafnids were supporting the formation of the church hierarchy on the territories under their rule27. In 542 al-Ḥārith himself sent an embassy to the empress Theodora (not to Justinian) (John of Ephesus, Lives, p. 153) with the request for the ordination of Monophysite bishop (John of Ephesus, Lives, 153–154; Ashbrook Harvey 1990, 105–106. Compare with Meyendorff 1989, 230). It should be noticed that this situation was parallel to the one, when Mavia demanded a homoousian bishop for her subjects from the Arian emperor Valens. The request of the Ghassanid ruler was granted. Two bishops were ordained – Theodore for Bostra, who was to be assigned to Ghassanids, and Jacob, later called Bar ʿAddai, for Edessa, who in short time was to restore the Monophysite hierarchy in Syria and Palestine (Meyendorff 1989, 253). It should be noticed that the existence of the bishop was fundamental for the existence of clergy as a separate social group. It could lead also to gradual sedentarisation. Jafnids remained in contact not only with their own bishops, but also with numerous other members of Monophysite hierarchy – let us not forget of the earlier encounter of Jabala with Simeon of Bēth Arshām – and the Chalcedonian bishops, like Ephraim, patriarch of Antioch. As devout Christian rulers Jafnids were founding churches. The location of some of them is known: in Jābiya, in the vicinity of Yathrib, in Ḥarrān al-Lajā, Najrān, Jalliq, Ḥuwwārīn, Sammāʾ, Maʿarrat al-Nuʿmān, Maḥajja, in al-Mayṭūr in the vicinity of Damascus, as well at Nitl in Jordan (Shahîd 1996, 10–11. Shahîd 2002, 29, 149–156; Piccirillo 2003, 267–284; Shahîd 2003, 285). They were also founding many monasteries28 and some nunneries, for example in Jābiya and probably in Jilliq (Dayr Kiswa)29. The complexes of Qasr al-Hayr al Gharbi (monastery of Haliorama) and at Umm al-Raṣāṣ should be probably connected with the foundation of Ghassanid monastery (Shahîd 2002, 184, 188–189, 206–211; Shahîd 2003, 287; Key Fowden 2004, 568). By the way of founding the monasteries the Jafnids were continuing the tradition which went back to the times before the arrival of the Ghassanids on Byzantine territory. For instance, the rulers of Salīḥ (the Ḍajāʿima dynasty) are credited with the construction of Dayr Dāwūd located between Seriane (Isriye) and Sergiopolis (Ruṣāfa) (Shahîd 1989a, 473). The praetorium extra muros in Sergiopolis was a building founded by Jafnids too. It is widely considered as an audience hall for al-Mundhir b. al-Ḥārith. It was proposed however that it was a church built on the site of a grave of St. Sergius (Brands 1998, 233) performing two functions – secular and ecclesiastical (Key Fowden 1999, 169–171; Key Fowden 2000, 323). It was connected to the main centre of the cult of the saint important to the Jafnids30, but also venerated See also the similar efforts of Mavia to obtain a bishop: Socrates IV 36, 1–12, p. 270–271. The role of monasteries in dissemination of Byzantine culture is underlined by: Schreiner 1989, 57. 29 For the Ghassanid monasteries and nunneries, see Shahîd 2002, 183–200. 30 There is a reference in the poetry of al-Nābigha al-Dhubyāni about the way which the Ghassanids honoured St. Sergius. Al-Nuʿmān, the Ghassanid king, when returning from the campaign 27 28 Perceiving otherness, creating resemblance – the Byzantinization of nomads in the age of Justinian I 55 by Arabs and other Christians from Syria and Mesopotamia (Evagrius VI 21, p. 235–238; Peeters 1944, 89; Peeters 1947; Garitte 1956, 436–437; Key Fowden 1999, 101–129) and even in Constantinople (Key Fowden 1999, 130–133). There was a proposition connecting the Ghassanids with the martyrion of St. John the Baptist founded in 377 by Flavios Naʿman in the location of presentday Ramthaniyye on the Golan Heights (Dauphin 1994, 61; Dauphin 1995, 669, 671–672; Sivan 2008, 99, 102–104). The construction of that sanctuary, as well as the whole complex embracing the monastery, baptistery, in later times also chapel and a funerary cave could not be linked to Ghassanids. Nevertheless, it is possible that when it was rebuilt in the sixth century by clarissimus Balbionos, it could have been visited by them, since the main camp of the Ghassanids – Jābiya – was situated nearby. We could see the next element of Byzantinization described by Schreiner, the interference of the church in the matters pertaining to Byzantinized society (Schreiner 1989, 55–56), in the meeting of patriarch of Antioch, Ephraim, with alḤārith. The point of this meeting, as mentioned above, was an offer of conversion to the Chalcedonian position, which was subsequently rejected by the Ghassanid ruler (Gracianskij 2006, 89–90). Did the pagan beliefs survive among the Ghassanids in the age of Justinian? There is a spurious statement that the same al-Ḥārith, whom Justinian elevated to the position of king, gave two swords in the offering to the al-Mushallal shrine of the goddess Manāt in Qudayd, the deity worshipped particularly by the tribes relatives to Ghassanid – Aws and Khazraj (On the shrine: EI 6 1987, 373–374, s.v. Manāt (T. Fahd); Peters 1994, 16. On the offering by al-Ḥārith: Ibn al-Kalbī, p. 13–14; Whittow 1999, 217; King 2004, 223; critique of this thesis: Shahîd 2000, 140; Shahîd 2009, 221–223). The same source gives also another version of this offering – to Ṭayyiʾ idol al-Fals on the mountain of Ajaʾ (Ibn al-Kalbī, p. 51–53; EI 10 1999, 402, s.v. Ṭayyiʾ (I. Shahîd); EI 1 1960, 203, s.v. Adjaʾ and Salmā (W. Caskel)). Another indication of Arab paganism is the information in the Pratum spirituale by John Moschos about three warriors leading the captured young boy from Tyre to be sacriiced by the priest. There is no indication that they were necessarily the Arabs subject to the Jafnids, but the context suggests that they did, because it happened during the plundering on the behalf of al-Nuʿmān b. al-Mundhir (John Moschos, col. 3024; Shahîd 1995a, 597; Sahas 1997, 133). This information cannot be rejected, because it is conirmed by Evagrius. The Byzantine historian claimed that same Ghassanid leader was sacriicing humans to the pagan demons with his bare hands, although later he received baptism and melted the golden statue of the goddess Aphrodite (identiied with al-ʿUzzā) (Evagrius VI 22, p. 238). There are also indications of the cult of the Morning Star (al-ʿUzzā) among the Arabs of Sinai, and the belief of local inhabitants that these against the Banū Asad, handed over the camels – the booty from the expedition (Shahîd 2002, 121; Shahîd 2009, 220–221). 56 Mariusz Pandura Arabs may be sacriicing young boys (Christides 1974, 50). The cult of al-ʿUzzā is also mentioned there in the sixth-century source (Ps. Antoninus Placentinus 38, pp. 184–185). In comparison, the bloody sacriices made by al-Mundhir III the Lakhmid to al-ʿUzzā are good attested in the sources31. Furthermore, in some parts of the Gaulanitis an interesting form of JewishGhassanid coexistence emerged. Claudine Dauphin has found the Christian symbols intermingled with the Jewish ones on the lintel of a late-antique building in Farj. This has been interpreted as the proof for the Ghassanid-Jewish coexistence in that region32. It is quite possible, giving that Gaulanitis in late Antiquity was the area of Jewish settlement, as well as the place where the Ghassanids lived. *** We do not know much about the Ghassanid education33. The main intermediary in the transfer of literature, as well as the proliferation of education must have been the clergy. They were the main propagators of the use of non-Arabic language, in this situation the Syriac, the Greek or the Latin. The main cause of their proliferation of these must have been their earlier sojourn on the territories without the Arabic population (Schreiner 1989, 57). The use of another language was an important indicator of Byzantinization (Schreiner 1989, 57–58). In the case of Ghassanids there is attested the use of Greek language in the inscriptions, with some cases of Syriac usage (Sachau 1881, 169–190). As Schreiner showed (Schreiner 1989, 58), the development of a local script is possible during the occurrence of the processes of Byzantinization. In the case of sixth-century Arab foederati of Byzantium we have several inscriptions that are illustrating this process – from Zebed, Ḥarrān al-Lajā and Usays (Robin 2006, 330; Hoyland 2007, 232–234). There are no known translations of ecclesiastical works from Syriac to Arabic made by the Ghassanid monks, which could be considered as another mark of Byzantinization (Schreiner 1989, 58), but we may assume that there were some (Shahîd 2009, 294–295). It is hard to discern the existence of the Byzantine inluence on the oral poetry (Schreiner 1989, 58) in the case of Arab foederati in Byzantium. There were poets creating on the court of Ghassanids – al-Nābigha al-Dhubyāni and Ḥassan b. Thābit – yet the instances of their adopting of Byzantine motifs, structures of composition or words are scanty (Shahîd 2009, 311–314). Nothing certain can be said about the existence of distinctive Ghassanid hymnography (Shahîd 2009, 315–321). The son of al-Ḥārith b. Jabala: Procopius, De Bellis II 28, 13, p. 284; the 400 nuns from Emesa: Ps. Zachariah VIII 5, p. 206–207 (Hamilton – Brooks), p. 158 (Ahrens – Krüger). 32 Dauphin 1982, 138; Dauphin 1998, 322; Sivan 2008, 22, 98. Another interpretation of these indings was given by Zvi U. Maʽoz (1985, 63) who claimed that these signs are the testimony of existence of a Christian sect, probably Christianized Jews. 33 See the remarks of Shahîd 2009, 77–79, 113–115. 31 Perceiving otherness, creating resemblance – the Byzantinization of nomads in the age of Justinian I 57 One of the instances of Byzantinization was – according to Schreiner – the occurrence of Byzantine inluences in the visual arts and music. The Byzantinized society usually had contacts with the works of Byzantine architecture (Schreiner 1989, 59). The rulers visiting Constantinople as well as the other cities of the Empire and Ghassanid soldiers must have seen Byzantine buildings. Although there even emerged a term “Ghassanid subculture” concerning architecture (Ettinghausen 1972, 64), but it seems that the Ghassanid structures were built mainly in the Byzantine (Constantinopolitan) or Syrian style, the most notable example being Qaṣr Ibn Wardān where are clear connections to Constantinopolitan buildings34. The adaptation of Byzantine motives in decorative art was also occurring35. An example of this is the existence of Byzantine-style mosaics in the territory inhabited by the Ghassanids. Ghassanids used to have contacts with different musical traditions. During the stay at the court of Jabala b. al-Ayham, Ḥassan b. Thābit saw and heard the performance of ten singing-girls. Five of them were Byzantines singing their songs with the accompaniment of an instrument called barbaṭ. The other ive, sent from Ḥīra by Iyās b. Qabīsa, were singing their native songs respectively36. *** After the death of Justinian in 565 his successors did not maintain the elevated status of the Jafnid kings. First conlicts occurred already during the reign of Justin II (565–578). The Ghassanids were charged with treason, a frequent accusation levelled against the Arabs in the Byzantine sources (Christides 1971). In fact, as the result of the victorious ights against the Lakhmids (al-Mundhir and his son Qābūs) Ghassanids resolved one of the main problems on the eastern frontier of Byzantium (EI 2 1965, 1021, s.v. Ghassān (I. Shahîd)), so they were not indispensable anymore. During the reign of Tiberius II (578–582) it occurred an abolition of the Ghassanid supreme phylarchate. Al-Mundhir and his son al-Nuʿmān shared the fate of Romulus Augustulus and Gelimer. They were sent to the distant province of the Empire. The previous model of defense strategy with the use of Arab forces concentrated under the command of one Jafnid leader was not replaced by a new solution. Grabar 1964, 70: “The monuments which are deinitively Ghassānid or Lakhmid are few and do not seem to have developed original styles, techniques or functions”; Krautheimer 1986, 248; Genequand 2006, 77, 80. 35 Schreiner 1989, 59. Genequand 2006, 80: “From an artistic point of view, if considering architectural decoration and sculpture one reaches a similar conclusion: there is no proper Ghassanid style, which can be differentiated from proto-byzantine eastern provincial art”. 36 Goldziher 1888, 25; Shahîd 2009, 184–185, 189. On these slave singing-girls (qaināt) in Arabic pre-Islamic culture see Farmer 1929, 10–13; Farmer 1944, 181. On the instrument allegedly used by these Byzantine singers on the court of Jabala b. Ayham see Farmer 1930; EI 10 2000, 768 s.v. ʿŪd (J.-Cl. Chabrier). 34 58 Mariusz Pandura In the beginning of the sixth century the eastern territories of Byzantium became conquered by Persians as an effect of the disturbances during the reign of Phocas (602–610). In connection with the Persian occupation of Himyarite Kingdom, a process beginning in the 570s (Smith 1954, 434; Frye 1983, 158; Peters 1994, 100–101; Potts 2008, 206–211), there emerged a situation which facilitated the coming to being of a new religious movement with important political and social aspects – the Islam. When emperor Heraclius reasserted control over the eastern provinces he did not have suficient time to impose a new order, which could enable the keeping of that territory. As a result of the subsequent Islamic conquest the Arab-Byzantine synthesis took a different shape. A part of the former foederati of Byzantium joined the new rulers, converted to Islam, and fulilled important functions in the state of Umayyads (Shahîd 1992, 305–306) – most notable example of the Arab Ghassanids was Ḥassan b. al-Nuʿmān al Ghassānī. Nevertheless, some remained Christian (Shboul, Walmsley 1998, 267) and many Ghassanids, along with their ruler Jabala b. Ayham departed with the Byzantines to Anatolia (Shahid 2001, 369–377; Haldon 2007, 96–97). It was sign of at least partial success of the process of Byzantinization37. References Written sources al-Balādhurī The Origins of the Islamic State. Being a Translation (...) of the Kitāb Futūḥ al-Buldān of al-Imām abu-l ʿAbbās Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri, by Philip Khūri Ḥitti, vol. 1, (Studies in History, Economics and Public Law 68) New York 1916. Evagrius The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius with the Scholia, ed. by J. Bidez, L. Parmentier, London 1898. Ibn al-Kalbī The Book of Idols. Being a Translation from the Arabic of the “Kitāb al-Aṣnām” by Hishām Ibn-al-Kalbī, transl. by Nabih Amin Faris, (Princeton Oriental Studies 14) Princeton, N.J. 1952. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa The Travels of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa. A.D. 1325–1354, translated with revisions and notes, from the Arabic text edited by C. Defrémery and B.R. Sanguinetti by H.A.R. Gibb, vol. 1, (Works Issued by the Haklyut Society, Second Series 110) Cambridge 1958. John of Antioch Ioannis Antiocheni Fragmenta ex Historia Chronica, a cura di Umberto Roberto, (Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur 154) Berlin – New York 2005. 37 Some medieval historians claimed that emperor Nicephorus I (802–811) was a descendant of Jafnids: Shboul 1979, 249; Alexander 1985, 66, n. 21; Shahîd 1989b, 325, 334 n. 7; El-Cheikh 2004, 95. Perceiving otherness, creating resemblance – the Byzantinization of nomads in the age of Justinian I 59 John Malalas Ioannis Malalae Chronographia, rec. Ioannes Thurn, (Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 35. Series Berolinensis) Berolini – Novi Eboraci 2000. John Moschos Joannes Moschus, Pratum Spirituale, in Procopii Gazaei Christiani Rhetoris et Hermeneutae Opera quae reperiri potuerunt omnia, t. 3, (Patrologiae cursus completus. Patrologia Graeca 87.3) Paris 1865, coll. 2851–3112. John of Ephesus, Lives John of Ephesus, Lives of the Eastern Saints. Syriac text edited and translated by E.W. Brooks, III, in Patrologia Orientalis, t. 19, ed. R. Grafin, F. Nau, Paris 1926, pp. 151–285. John of Ephesus, Church History (transl. by J.M. Schönfelder) Schönfelder J.M., Die Kirchen-Geschichte des Johannes von Ephesus, aus dem Syrischen übesetzt. Mit einer Abhandlung über die Tritheiten, München 1862. (transl. by R. Payne Smith) The Third Part of the Ecclesiastical History of John Bishop of Ephesus, now irst translated from the original Syriac by R. Payne Smith, Oxford 1860. Malchus Malchus Philadelphensis, Βυζαντιακά, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, coll. Carolus Müllerus, vol. 4, Parisiis 1868, pp. 112–132. Menander Protector Menander Protector, Continuatio historiae Agathiae, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, coll. Carolus Müllerus, vol. 4, Parisiis 1868, pp. 201–269. Michael the Syrian Chronique de Michel le Syrien patriarche jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), transl. par J.B. Chabot, t. 2, Paris 1901. Nonnosus Nonnosi fragmenta, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, coll. Carolus Müllerus, vol. 4, Parisiis 1868, pp. 179–180. Procopius, Procopii Caesariensis Opera omnia, rec. Jacobus Haury, (Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Latinorum Teubneriana) Lipsiae: vol. 3: Historia quae dicitur arcana, 1963. vol. 1: De bellis libri I–IV, 1962. – Anecdota – De bellis Ps. Antoninus Placentinus Antonini Placentini Itinerarium, in Itinera Hierosolymitana saeculi IIII–VIII, rec. Paulus Geyer, (Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum 39) Pragae – Vindobinae – Lipsiae 1898, pp. 157–191. Ps. Dionysius of Tel-Mahre Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle (known also as the Chronicle of Zuqnin), Part III, transl. by Witold Witakowski, (Translated Texts for Historians 22) Liverpool 1996. Ps. Zachariah (ed. Hamilton – Brooks) The Syriac Chronicle known as that of Zachariah of Mitylene, transl. by F.J. Hamilton, E.W. Brooks, (Byzantine Texts) London 1899. (ed. Ahrens – Krüger) Die sogenannte Kirchengeschichte des Zacharias Rhetor, hrsg. von K. Ahrens, G. Krüger, (Scriptores Sacri et Profani 3) Leipzig 1899. 60 Mariusz Pandura as-Saraḫsī Rosenthal Franz, From Arabic Books and Manuscripts IV. New Fragments of as-Saraḫsī, Journal of the American Oriental Society 71 (1951) 2, pp. 135–142. Simeon of Bēth Arshām Shahîd Irfan, The Martyrs of Najrān. New Documents, (Subsidia Hagiographica 49) Bruxelles 1971. Socrates Sokrates, Kirchengeschichte, hrsg. von Günther Christian Hansen, (Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte, N. F. 1) Berlin 1995. aṭ-Ṭabarī The History of al-Ṭabarī, (Bibliotheca Persica. SUNY Series in Near Eastern Studies) Albany, NY: The Challenge to the Empires. A.D. 633–635/A.H. 12–13, transl. by Kh.Y. Blankinship, 1993. The Battle of al-Qādisiyyah and the Conquest of Syria and Palestine. A.D. 635–637/A.H. 14–15, transl. by Y. Friedmann, 1992. (vol. 11) (vol. 12) Theophylact Simocatta Theophylacti Simocattae Historiae, ed. C. de Boor, (Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana) Stuttgardiae 1972. Modern works Abu Ezzah A. 1979 Ahrweiler H. 1998 Alexander P.J. 1985 Alston R. Alt A. The Political Situation in Eastern Arabia at the Advent of Islam, Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 9, pp. 53–64. Byzantine Concepts of the Foreigner. The Case of the Nomads, in Studies on the Internal Diaspora of the Byzantine Empire, ed. by H. Ahrweiler, A.E. Laiou, Washington, pp. 1–15. The Byzantine Apocalyptic Tradition, Berkeley – Los Angeles – London. 2002 Managing the Frontiers. Supplying the Frontier Troops in the Sixth and Seventh Centuries, in The Roman Army and the Economy, ed. by Paul Erdkamp, Amsterdam, pp. 398–419. 1945 Eine Huldigung für den Ghassanidenfürsten Arethas, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 67 (1944–1945), pp. 260–262. Ashbrook Harvey S. 1990 Ascetism and Society in Crisis. John of Ephesus and the Lives of the Eastern Saints, (The Transformation of the Classical Heritage 18) Berkeley – Los Angeles – London. Perceiving otherness, creating resemblance – the Byzantinization of nomads in the age of Justinian I ʿAthamina Kh. 1998 Blockley R.C. 1992 Brands G. 1998 Bury J.B. 1889 1958 Carile A. 1988 Casey P.J. 1996 Christides V. 1971 1974 Chrysos E.K. 1978 1980 Conrad L.I. 1981 1994 Crone P. Curta F. 61 The Tribal Kings in Pre-Islamic Arabia. A Study of the Epithet malik or dhū al-tāj in Early Arabic Traditions, Al-Qanṭara 19, 1, pp. 19–37. East Roman Foreign Policy. Formation and Conduct from Diocletian to Anastasius, (Arca 30) Leeds. Der sogenannte Audienzsaal des al-Munḏir in Resafa, Damaszener Mitteilungen 10, pp. 211–235. A History of the Later Roman Empire from Arcadius to Irene (395 A.D. to 800 A.D.), vol. 1, London – New York. History of the Later Roman Empire. From the Death of Theodosius to the Death of Justinian, vol. 1, New York. I nomadi nelle fonti bizantine, in Popoli delle steppe. Unni, Avari, Ungari. 23–29 aprile 1987, t. 1, (Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo 35) Spoleto, pp. 55–87. Justinian, the limitanei, and Arab-Byzantine relations in the 6th c., Journal of Roman Archaeology 9, pp. 214–222. Saracens’ prodosia in the Byzantine Sources, Byzantion 40 (1970), pp. 5–13. Once again the „Narrations” of Nilus Sinaiticus, Byzantion 43 (1973), pp. 39–50. The Title βασιλεύς in Early Byzantine International Relations, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 32, pp. 29–75. Der Kaiser und die Könige, in Die Völker and der mittleren und unteren Donau im fünften und sechsten Jahrhundert. Berichte des Symposions der Kommission für Frühmittelalterforschung, 24. bis 27. Oktober 1978, Stift Zwettl, Niederösterreich, hrsg. von H. Wolfram, F. Daim, (Denkschriften der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 145. Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Frühmittelalterforschung 4) Wien, pp. 143–148. The Plague in the Early Medieval Near East, Diss. Princeton University. Epidemic Disease in Central Syria in the Late Sixth Century. Some New Insights from the Verse of Ḥassān ibn Thābit, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 18, pp. 12–58. 1987 Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam, Princeton. 1999 Hiding behind a Piece of Tapestry. Jordanes and the Slavic Venethi, Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas n.F. 47, pp. 321–340. 62 Mariusz Pandura 2001 Dauphin C.M. 1982 1994 1995 1998 Demaret F. 2004 Donner F.M. 1989 The Making of the Slavs. History and Archaeology of the Lower Danube Region, c. 500–700, (Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, ser. 4, 52) Cambridge – New York. Jewish and Christian communities in the Roman and Byzantine Gaulanitis. A Study of Evidence from Archaeological Surveys, Palestine Exploration Quarterly 114, pp. 129–142. Villages désertés juifs et chrétiens du Golan, Archéologia no. 297, pp. 52–64. Pèlerinage ghassanide au sanctuaire byzantin de Saint Jean-Baptiste à ErRamthaniyye en Gaulanitide, in Akten des XII. Internationalen Kongresses für Christliche Archäologie, Bonn 22.–28. September 1991, Tl. 2, (Studi di Antichità Cristiana 52, Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum, Ergbd. 20) Münster, pp. 667–673. La Palestine byzantine. Peuplement et Populations, vol. 1: Texte, (BAR International Series 726) Oxford. Review of: Shahîd 2002, Mélanges. Institut Dominicain d’Études Orientales du Caire 25–26, pp. 589–595. The Role of Nomads in the Near East in Late Antiquity (400–800 C.E.), in Tradition and Innovation in Late Antiquity, ed. by F.M. Clover, R.S. Humphreys, (Wisconsin Studies in Classics) Madison, Wis. – London, pp. 73–85. El-Cheikh N.M. 2004 Byzantium Viewed by the Arabs, (Harvard Middle Eastern Monographs 36) Cambridge, Mass. – London. Elton H. 2007 EI Army and Battle in the Age of Justinian (527–65), in A Companion to Roman Army, ed. by P. Erdkamp, (Blackwell Companions to the Ancient World) Oxford, pp. 532–550. Encyclopaedia of Islam. New edition prepared by a number of leading orientalists, vol. 1–12, Suppl., Leiden 1960–2004. Ettinghausen R. 1972 From Byzantium to Sasanian Iran and the Islamic World. Three Modes of Artistic Inluence, (The L.A. Mayer Memorial Studies in Islamic Art and Archaeology 3) Leiden. Evans J.A.S. 1996 Farmer H.G. 1929 1930 1944 The Age of Justinian. The Circumstances of Imperial Power, London – New York. A History of Arabian Music to the XIIIth Century, London. The Origin of the Arabian Lute and Rebec, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, pp. 767–783. The Music of The Arabian Nights, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, pp. 172–185. Perceiving otherness, creating resemblance – the Byzantinization of nomads in the age of Justinian I Feissel D. 1985 Fiema Z.T. 2007 Fisher G. 2008 2011 Frend W.H.C. 1972 Frye R.N. 1983 Garitte G. 1956 Genequand D. 2006 Glaser E. 1897 Goldziher I. 1888 Grabar O. 1964 63 Magnus, Mégas et les curateurs des “maisons divines” de Justin II à Maurice, Travaux et Mémoires 9, pp. 465–476. The Byzantine Military in the Petra Papyri – A Summary, in Late Roman Army in the Near East from Diocletian to the Arab Conquest. Proceedings of a Colloquium held at Potenza, Acerenza and Matera, Italy (May 2005), ed. by A.S. Lewin, P. Pellegrini, (BAR International Series 1717) Oxford, pp. 313–319. The Political Development of the Ghāssan between Rome and Iran, Journal of Late Antiquity 1,2, pp. 311–334. Between Empires. Arabs, Romans, and Sasanians in Late Antiquity, (Oxford Classical Monographs) Oxford – New York. The Rise of the Monophysite Movement. Chapters in the History of the Church in the Fifth and Sixth Centuries, Cambridge. The Political History of Iran under the Sasanians, in The Cambridge History of Iran, vol 3: The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian Periods, ed. by E. Yarshater, pt. 1, Cambridge, pp. 116–180. La Passion géorgienne de Ste Golindouch, Analecta Bollandiana 74, 3–4, pp. 405–440. Some Thoughts on Qasr al-Hayr al-Gharbi, its Dam, its Monastery and the Ghassanids, Levant 38, pp. 63–84. Zwei Inschriften über den Dammbruch von Mârib. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte Arabiens im 5. u. 6. Jahrhundert n. Chr., (Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft 1897, 6) Berlin. Muhammedanische Studien, Tl. 1, Halle a.S. Islamic Art and Byzantium, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 18, pp. 67–88 [= O. Grabar, Studies in Medieval Islamic Art, London 1976, IV]. Gracianskij M.V. [Грацианский М.В.] 2006 Миссионерские предприятия 40-х годов VI в. в контексте церковной политики императора Юстиниана [Missionary undertakings in the ifth decade of the sixth century in the context of ecclesiastical policy of the emperor Justinian], in ΚΑΝΙΣΚΙΟΝ. Юбилейный сборник в честь 60-летия профессора Игоря Сергеевича Чичурова [ΚΑΝΙΣΚΙΟΝ. Studies Presented to Igor Sergeevič Čičurov on his Sixtieth Birthday], отв. ред. М.В. Грацианский, П.В. Кузенков, Москва, pp. 57–101 [in Russian]. 64 Mariusz Pandura Gray P.T.R. 2005 The Legacy of Chalcedon. Christological Problems and their Signiicance, in Cambridge Companion to the Age of Justinian, ed. by Michael Maas, Cambridge, pp. 215–238. Gregg R.C., Urman D., 1996 Jews, Pagans, and Christians in the Golan Heights. Greek and other Inscriptions of the Roman and Byzantine Eras, (South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism 140) Atlanta, Ga. Grouchevoy A.G. 1995 Trois “niveaux” de phylarques. Étude terminologique sur les relations de Rome et de Byzance avec les Arabes avant l’Islam, Syria 72, 1–2, pp. 105–131. Hainthalter Th. 2007 Haldon J.F. 2007 Hillenbrand R. 1999 Hoyland R.G. 2007 2009 Isaac B.H. 1988 Jeffreys E. 1986 Kaegi W.E. 1992 Christliche Araber vor dem Islam. Verbreitung und konfesionelle Zugehörigkeit. Eine Hinführung, (Eastern Christian Studies 7) Leuven – Paris – Dudley, MA. “Citizens of Ancient Lineage…”? The Role and Signiicance of Syrians in the Byzantine Elite in the Seventh and Eighth Centuries, in Syriac Polemics. Studies in Honour of Gerrit Jan Reinink, ed. by W.J. van Bekkum, J.W. Drijvers, A.C. Klugkist, (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 170) Leuven – Paris – Dudley, MA, pp. 91–102. ʿAnjar and Early Islamic Urbanism, in The Idea and Ideal of the Town between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, ed. by G.P. Brogiolo, B. WardPerkins, (The Transformation of the Roman World 4) Leiden –Boston–Köln, pp. 59–98. Epigraphy and the Emergence of Arab Identity, in From al-Andalus to Khurasan. Documents from the Medieval Muslim World, ed. by P.M. Sijpesteijn, L. Sunderlin, S. Torallas Tovar, A. Zomeño, (Islamic History and Civilization 66) Leiden – Boston, pp. 219–242. Arab Kings, Arab Tribes and the Beginnings of Arab Historical Memory in Late Roman Epigraphy, in From Hellenism to Islam. Cultural and Linguistic Change in the Roman Near East, ed. by H.M. Cotton, R.G. Hoyland, J.J. Price, D.J. Wasserstein, Cambridge, pp. 374–400. The Meaning of the terms Limes and Limitanei, Journal of Roman Studies 78, pp. 125–147 [= B. Isaac, The Near East under Roman Rule. Selected Papers, (Mnemosyne Supplementum 177) Leiden – New York – Köln 1998, p. 366–378]. The Image of the Arabs in Byzantine Literature, in The 17th International Byzantine Congress. Major Papers. Dumbarton Oaks/Georgetown University, Washington, D.C., August 3–8, 1986, New Rochelle, N.Y., pp. 305–323. Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests, Cambridge. Perceiving otherness, creating resemblance – the Byzantinization of nomads in the age of Justinian I Kazhdan A. 1992 65 The Notion of Byzantine Diplomacy, in Byzantine Diplomacy. Papers from the twenty-fourth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Cambridge, March 1990, ed. by Jonathan Shephard, Simon Franklin, (Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies. Publications 1), Aldershot, pp. 3–21. Kennedy H., Liebeschuetz J.H.W.G. 1988 Antioch and the Villages of Northern Syria in the Fifth and Sixth Centuries A.D.: Trends and Problems, Nottingham Medieval Studies 32, pp. 65–90 [= J.H.G.W. Liebeschuetz, From Diocletian to the Arab Conquest. Change in the Late Roman Empire, Aldershot 1990, XVI]. Key Fowden E. 1999 The Barbarian Plain. Saint Sergius between Rome and Iran, (The Transformation of the Classical Heritage 28) Berkeley – Los Angeles – London. 2000 An Arab Building at al-Ruṣāfa-Sergiopolis, Damaszener Mitteilungen 12, pp. 303–327. 2004 Christian Monasteries and Umayyad Residences in Late Antique Syria, Antigüedad y Cristianismo 21, pp. 565–581 [= G. Fowden, E. Key Fowden, Studies on Hellenism, Christianity, and the Umayyads, (Μελετήματα 37) Athens 2004, pp. 175–192]. Khoury W. et al. 2005 Hawarine. Premiers résultats, campagnes 2003–2004, in Mélanges Jean-Pierre Sodini, (= Travaux et Mémoires 15) Paris, pp. 299–316. King G.R.D. 2004 Kister M.J. 1968 The Paintings of the Pre-Islamic Kaʿba, in Essays in Honor of J.M. Rogers, ed. by D. Behrens-Abouseif, A. Contadini, (= Muqarnas 21) Leiden, pp. 219–229. Al-Ḥīra. Some notes on its relations with Arabia, Arabica 15, pp. 143–169 [= M.J. Kister, Studies in Jāhiliyya and early Islam, London 1980, III]. Krautheimer R. 1986 Early Christian and Byzantine architecture, Harmondsworth. Lamy M.Th.-J. 1898 Maas M. 1992 2005 MacAdam H.I. 1986 Profession de foi adressée par les abbés des couvents de la province d’Arabie à Jacques Baradée, in Actes du onzième congrès international des orientalistes. Paris–1897. Quatrième section: hébreu – phénicien – araméen – éthiopien – assyrien, Paris, pp. 117–137. John Lydus and the Roman Past. Antiquarianism and politics in the age of Justinian, London – New York. Roman Questions, Byzantine Answers. Contours of the Age of Justinian, in Cambridge Companion to the Age of Justinian, ed. by M. Maas, Cambridge, pp. 215–238. Some Notes on the Umayyad Occupation of North-East Jordan, in The Defence of the Roman and Byzantine East. Proceedings of a Colloqium held at the University of Shefield in April 1986, ed. by Ph. Freeman, D. Kennedy, vol. 2, (British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara Monograph 8. BAR International Series 297) Oxford, pp. 531–547. 66 Mariusz Pandura 1994 1996 Settlements and Settlement Patterns in Northern and Central Transjordania, ca. 550-ca. 750, in The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East, vol. 2: Land Use and Settlement Patterns, ed. by G.R.D. King, A. Cameron, pp. 49–93. A Note on the Usays (Jebal Says) Inscription, al-Abḥāth 44, pp. 49–57. MacCoull L.S.B. 1996 Notes on Arab Allies as foederati in Inscriptions, Tyche 11, pp. 157–158. Madelung W. 2003 Maʽoz Z.U. 1985 Rabīʿa in the Jāhilliyya and in Early Islam, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 28, pp. 153–170. Comments on Jewish and Christian Communities in Byzantine Palestine, Palestine Exploration Quarterly 117, pp. 59–68. Martindale J.R. 1992 The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, vol. 3: A.D. 527–641, vol. 3B: (Kālādji – Zudius) Cambridge – New York – Oakleigh. Meier M. 2003 Meyendorff J. 1989 Millar F. 2010 Nöldeke Th. 1875 1887 Ostrogorsky G. 1956 Parker S. Th. 2002 Das andere Zeitalter Justinians. Kontingenzerfahrung und Kontingenzbewältigung im 6. Jahrhundert n. Chr., (Hypomnemata 147) Göttingen. Imperial Unity and Christian Divisions. The Church 450–680 A.D., (The Church in History 2) Crestwood. Rome’s „Arab” Allies in Late Antiquity. Conceptions and Representations from within the Frontiers of the Empire, in Commutatio et contentio. Studies in the Late Roman, Sasanian and Early Islamic Near East. In Memory of Zeev Rubin, ed. by H. Börm, J. Wiesehöfer, (Reihe Geschichte 3) Düsseldorf, pp. 199–226. Zur Topographie und Geschichte des Damascenischen Gebietes und der Haurāngegend, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 29, pp. 419–444. Die Ghassānischen Fürsten aus dem Hause Gafna’s, (Abhandlungen der Königlichen Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philolosophisch-historische Klasse 1887, 2) Berlin. The Byzantine Emperor and the Hierarchical World Order, Slavonic and East European Review 35, no. 84, pp. 1–14. The Roman Frontier in Jordan. An Overview, in Limes XVIII. Proceedings of the XVIIIth International Congress of Roman Frontier Studies held in Amman, Jordan (September 2000), ed. by Ph. Freeman, J. Bennett, Z.T. Fiema, B. Hoffmann, vol. 1, (BAR International Series 1084) Oxford, pp. 77–84. Perceiving otherness, creating resemblance – the Byzantinization of nomads in the age of Justinian I Peeters P. 1944 1947 Peters F. E 1977–1978 1994 Piccirillo M. 2003 Potts D.T. 2008 Prentice W.K. 1908 Robin Ch.J. 2006 Rothstein G. 1899 Sachau E. 1881 Sahas D.J. 1997 Sartre M. 1982 2005 67 Sainte Golindouch, martyre perse († 13 juillet 591), Analecta Bollandiana 62, pp. 74–125. Les ex-voto de Khosrau Aparwez à Sergiopolis, Analecta Bollandiana 65, pp. 5–56. Byzantium and the Arabs of Syria, Annales Archéologiques Arabes Syriennes 27–28, pp. 97–113. Muhammad and the Origins of Islam, (SUNY Series in Near Eastern Studies) Albany. The Church of Saint Sergius at Nitl. A Centre of the Christian Arabs in the Steppe at the Gates of Madaba, Liber Annuus 51 (2001), pp. 267–284. The Sasanian Relationship with South Arabia. Literary, Epigraphic and Oral Historical Perspectives, Studia Iranica 37, 2, pp. 197–213. Greek and Latin inscriptions, (Publications of an American Archaeological Expedition to Syria in 1899–1900 3) New York. La réforme de l’écriture arabe à l’époque du califat médinois, Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph 59, pp. 319–364. Die Dynastie der Laḫmiden in al-Ḥîra. Ein Versuch zur arabisch-persischen Geschichte zur Zeit der Sasaniden, Berlin. Eine dreisprachige Inschrift aus Zébed, Monatsberichte der Königlich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, pp. 169–190. Saracens and Arabs in the Leimon of John Moschos, Βυζαντιακά 17, pp. 121–138. Trois études sur l’Arabie romaine et byzantine, (Collection Latomus 178) Bruxelles. The Middle East under Rome, Cambridge – London. Schlumberger D. 1939 Les fouilles de Qasr el-Heir el-Gharbi (1936–1938). Rapport préliminaire (Deuxième article), Syria 20, 4, pp. 324–373. Schreiner P. 1989 Die Byzantinisierung der bulgarischen Kultur, in Kulturelle Traditionen in Bulgarien. Bericht über das Kolloquium der Südosteuropa-Kommission 16.–18. Juni 1987, hrsg. von R. Lauer, P. Schreiner, (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen. Philologisch-Historische Klasse. Dritte Folge 177) Göttingen, pp. 47–60. 68 Mariusz Pandura Shahîd I. (Kawar I.) 1955 Arethas, Son of Jabalah, Journal of the American Oriental Society 75, 4, pp. 205–216. 1958a Ghassān and Byzantium. A New terminus a quo, Islam 33, pp. 232–255. 1958b The Last Days of Salīḥ, Arabica 5, pp. 145–158. 1959 The Patriciate of Arethas, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 52, 2, pp. 321–343. Shahîd I. 1984 Byzantium and the Arabs in the Fourth Century, Washington. 1989a Byzantium and the Arabs in the Fifth Century, Washington. 1989b Ghassān post Ghassān, in The Islamic world from classical to modern times. Essays in honor of Bernard Lewis, ed. by C.E. Bosworth, Ch. Issawi, R. Savory, A.L. Udovitch, Princeton, pp. 323–336. 1990 The Insignia of the Byzantine Client-Kings. The Ghassānid Crown, Abstracts of Papers. Byzantine Studies Conference 16, pp. 45–46. 1992 Ghassānid and Umayyad Structures. A Case of Byzance après Byzance, in La Syrie de Byzance à L’Islam. VIIe–VIIIe siècles. Actes du colloque international, Lyon, Maison de l’Orient Méditerranéen, Institut du Monde Arabe, 11–15 septembre 1990, publ. par P. Canivet, J.-P. Rey-Coquais, Damas, pp. 299–307. 1993 The Restoration of the Ghassanid Dynasty, A.D. 587: Dionysius of Tellmahre, Aram 5, pp. 491–503. 1995a Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century, vol. 1, part 1: Political and Military History, Washington. 1995b Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century, vol. 1, part 2: Ecclesiastical History, Washington. 1996 The Authenticity of Pre-Islamic Poetry. The Linguistic Dimension, al-Abḥāth 44, pp. 3–29. 2000 Byzantium and the Arabs in the sixth century. À propos of a recent review, Byzantinische Forschungen 26, pp. 125–160. 2001 Sigillography in the Service of History. New Light, in Novum Millenium. Studies on Byzantine History and Culture Dedicated to Paul Speck. 19 December 1999, ed. by C. Sode, S. Takács, Aldershot, pp. 369–377. 2002 Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century, vol. 2, pt. 1: Toponymy, Monuments, Historical Geography, and Frontier Studies, Washington. 2003 The Sixth-Century Church Complex at Nitl, Jordan. The Ghassanid Dimension, Liber Annuus 51 (2001), pp. 285–292. 2009 Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century, vol. 2, pt. 2: Economic, Social, and Cultural History, Washington. Shboul A.M.H. 1979 Al-Masʿūdī and his World. A Muslim Humanist and his Interest in Non-Muslims, London. Shboul A., Walmsley A. 1998 Identity and Self-Image in Syria-Palestine in the Transition from Byzantine to Early Islamic Rule. Arab Christians and Muslims, in Identities in the Eastern Mediterranean in Antiquity. Proceedings of a Conference held at the Humanities Research Centre in Canberra, 10–12 November, 1997, ed. by G. Clarke, D. Harrison, (= Mediterranean Archaeology 11) Sydney, pp. 255–287. Shepard J. 2006 Manners Maketh Romans? Young Barbarians at the Emperor’s Court, in Byzantine Style, Religion and Civilization. In Honour of Sir Steven Runciman, ed. by E.M. Jeffreys, Cambridge, pp. 135–158. Perceiving otherness, creating resemblance – the Byzantinization of nomads in the age of Justinian I Simon R. Sivan H. Smith S. 69 1989 Meccan Trade and Islam. Problems of Origin and Structure, (Bibliotheca Orientalis Hungarica 32) Budapest. 2008 Palestine in Late Antiquity, Oxford. 1954 Events in Arabia in the 6th Century A.D., Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 16, 3, pp. 424–468. Stathakopoulos D.Ch. 2004 Famine and Pestilence in the Late Roman and Early Byzantine Empire. A Systematic Survey of Subsistence Crises and Epidemics, (Birmingham Byzantine and Ottoman Monographs 9) Aldershot – Burlington. Trombley F.R. 2004 Vasiliev A.A. 1950 Epigraphic Data on Village Culture and Social Institutions. An Interregional Comparison (Syria, Phoenice Libanensis and Arabia), in Recent Research on Late Antique Countryside, ed. by W. Bowden, L. Lavan, C. Machado, (Late Antique Archaeology 2) Leiden–Boston, pp. 73–104. Justin the First. An Introduction to the Epoch of Justinian the Great, (Dumbarton Oaks Studies 1) Cambridge, Mass. Whitcomb D. 1994a Amṣār in Syria? Syrian Cities after the Conquest, Aram 6, pp. 13–33. 1994b The Miṣr of Ayla. Settlement at al-ʿAqaba in the Early Islamic Period, in The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East, vol. 2: Land Use and Settlement Patterns, ed. by G.R.D. King, A. Cameron, (Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 2) Princeton, pp. 161–170. Whittow M. 1999 Wright W. 1871 Yarshater E. 1998 Rome and the Jafnids. Writing the History of a 6th-c. Tribal Dynasty, in The Roman and Byzantine Near East, vol. 2: Some Recent Archaeological Research, ed. by J.H. Humphrey, (Journal of Roman Archaology. Supplementary series 31) Portsmouth, pp. 207–224. Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum Acquired since the Year 1838, pt. 2, London 1871. The Persian Presence in the Islamic World, in The Persian Presence in the Islamic World, ed. by R.G. Hovanissian, G. Sabagh, (Giorgio Levi Della Vida Conferences 13) Cambridge – New York – Melbourne, pp. 4–125. Acta Euroasiatica 1 (2013) PL ISSN 2353-2262 Erwin Gáll Márton Roska* (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries Motto: Carpathian Basin is an intermediate macro-region between East and West (Béla Pósta) Márton Roska’s name is organically intertwined with the archaeological school of Cluj that started in the same time with the founding of the archaeological department within the university in 1872. Later on, in 1898 the department developed into a professional institution under the leadership of Béla Pósta. As one of the leading igures of this school, archaeologist and ethnographer, Márton Roska, has not only conducted excavations and published important works regarding the Prehistoric and Migration periods, but fundamental publications and excavations concerning the archaeology of the 10th and 11th centuries in Transylvania are connected to his name. This paper discusses Márton Roska’s contribution to the speciic phenomena of this historical period through his research and interpretation of data gathered in Gâmbaş, Hunedoara and Moldoveneşti cemeteries and the role he played in the development of different theories concerning the incursion of the “conquering Magyars” in Transylvania. Key words: History of archaeological research, Márton Roska, Transylvania, 10th–11th centuries The dualist age and its post perception Probably there has not been another state, in the whole history, which, after its disappearance has been more condemned as the Austro-Hungarian Empire1. Its multi-faceted problems resulted from the fact that in the beginning of the nineteenth century, the cosmopolitan philosophical ideas of the Enlightenment were Márton Roska’s entire work cannot be resumed in just a few pages especially by a scholar who is mainly interested in the early medieval period. That is why in the following pages I will refer only to Roska’s research of the tenth and eleventh centuries and not to his extended activity in its whole. I hope that other researchers with interests in the Pre- and Protohistoric period will continue our initiative to analyze Márton Roska’s prodigious activity. 1 For the most recent analysis regarding the dualist monarchy: Somogyi 2007, 109–122; Deák 2000, 59–80; Helczmanovszki 1979, 27–79; Eddie 2004, 202–218; Hanák 1988; 1999. About the Habsburg myth: Magris 1963; Karlsson 1997, 10; Gusield 1997, 16–18. * 72 Erwin Gáll replaced by the concepts of the Herderian Nationalism2 that ultimately fuelled strong nationalist feelings3. At the same time, in opposition to this phenomenon, there existed the multinational empires, amongst which the most liberal was the Austro-Hungarian Empire (beginning with the second half of the nineteenth century4), that resembled in a way, through its characteristics (organization, trade and movement of people, multicultural and multi-ethnic facet) the European Union. The multicultural character was best illustrated by the existence of two capital cities (Wien and Budapest), true emblems of the ethno-cultural diversity speciic to Central Europe, where many different nationalities and religious movements coexisted5. For example, in 1900, in the second capital city of the empire, Budapest6, there were 37.873 Slovakians; while the number of Germans and Jews, which formed 23.60 % of the population was equally important. Amongst Germans, only 27 % were born in Budapest while 42% came from other parts of the empire and the remaining 31% came from abroad. The economic boom encouraged the migration of people from all over the empire towards the capital cities7. It cannot be proved that the empire led an active denationalization policy, of which it was later to be accused of. The identity loss The so-called nation building theories are irst and foremost linked with the name of Johann Gottlieb Fichte, which he developed in his main work (Fichte 1808). These are later completed by an erroneous interpretation of Johann Gottlieb Herder’s theses in his work (Herder 1784–1791), by supporters of the already existing national ideas which also make vague references to Fichte’ work. 3 The main problem with historiography is that it started at a time when modern nations and their ideologies were being deined based most often on made up facts with the sole purpose of justifying political interests. 4 National movements from all across the Empire developed differently in this period than the ones from France, Spain and Russia. In support of this idea, one should not forget that the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy admitted the existence of a Croatian parliament with an extended autonomy (Gratz 1934, Vol. I, 57; Ress 2011, 54–56). We think it is necessary to point out: for the irst time in the history of Europe, the Hungarian Kingdom’s Parliament passed the statute of nationalities in 1868 (http://www.hhrf.org/kisebbsegkutatas/kk_1999_01/cikk.php?id=20; http://nemzetisegek.hu/ repertorium/2003/05/Bar02.pdf). That is why one cannot talk about the empire as a classic form of a national state as Lucian Boia suggested it (see: Boia 2005, 63). 5 Adolf Hitler, born in a small Austro-Hungarian town, lived during his youth in Vienna, but hated the capital city, not, just because of the many hardships in his personal life but also because of the city’s multiculturalism, as we learn today from his letters (Lukács 1997, 63–87, 189–213). 6 Poet and politician Octavian Goga, renowned for his nationalistic and anti-Semitic beliefs, used to describe Budapest at the beginning of the twentieth century as a Babylon without Hungarian traits but only Jewish ones. According to Miskolczy (2005, 164, 170), Goga’s nationalism and anti-Semitism is fairly relected in his remaining manuscripts: Încă o dată Alba Iulia, Biblioteca Academiei Române, Bucureşti, ms. R. 4090, 31. 7 During this period Budapest had become the second largest grain processing centre in the world after Minnesota and Vienna the most important fashion centre of Europe. The population of Budapest had reached at the beginning of the twentieth century 880.371 inhabitants, from an earlier 275.000 registered in 1868 (L. Marjanucz, Magyarország ipartörténetének összefoglalása az I. világháborúig, www.magyarorszag.hu/orszaginfo/adatok/gazdasag/gazdasagtorteenet/gazdasagtortenet_1.html; Djuvara 2007, 112; Márkus, Budapest építési és népesedési fejlődése 1880–1940 között, http://www.omikk.bme.hu/mee/ web/fajlok/1944-109-111.pdf; Kövér 2007, 44–73). 2 Márton Roska (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries 73 is a process closely linked to the cultural environment; therefore the assimilation of nationalities must be linked in this case – like elsewhere in the world – with the individual need of social integration8, a natural action in the process of social evolution9. The same multinational, multicultural issues (due to merchandise and population movement) were common in cities all over the Transylvanian basin10, the Banat, the Crişana, Valea Ierului and lower Someş region (Upper Partium), areas where, at the beginning of the twentieth century, different ethnic groups from all across Central and Eastern Europe were living together. In such a multinational, multicultural and colourful background was Márton Roska born, at the beginning of the twentieth century in the town of Gherla (G.: Neuschloss; H.: Szamosújvár)11. The young Armenian, who later became one of the most important Transylvanian archaeologists, studied in a setting marked by political rivalries between the political elites of the empire12 and during a period of unprecedented economical development. The best example comes from the construction industry: in 1880 40% of masons were Germans, 9 % Slovaks and 51 % Hungarians. Among the glass-workers, 24 % were Germans, 15 % were Slovak and 61% Hungarians, half of the later being of Mosaic religion. A German domination can be noted in the following working ields: bakers 55 %, coffee sellers 30 %, and restaurant owners 42 %. In the commercial and banking sector, alongside the old bourgeoisie that was mostly German, in the dualist period one can ind Romanians, Germans, Hungarians and a percentage of 66 % Jewish merchants (Kövér 2007, 44–73). 9 As an example from my own family I can mention a similar phenomenon, which took place in Bucharest: my great-grandfather’s sister (a Roman-Catholic Hungarian) emigrated in the kingdom of Romania at the beginning of the twentieth century and married a Romanian citizen of Greek origin, who originally emigrated from Greece. After a few years she was baptized in the Orthodox religion and assumed a Romanian cultural and religious identity. 10 I refer here to the Transylvania (Ultransilvana Terra from the 10th–12th century, with the newer form of Transylvania appearing in 1462), from which the later province took its name. In the last decades, there has been a widespread misconception that Transylvania means the land situated at the eastern border that is nowadays between Romania and Hungary (the Niread, Ier, Crisana, Banat, and the Transylvanian basin areas) (Benkő 1994, 188–192). 11 Gherla, alongside Gheorgheni (G.: Niklasmarkt; H.: Gyergyószentmiklós), Frumuşeni (H.: Csikszépvíz) and Dumbrăveni (G.: Elisabetsdorf; H.: Erzsébetváros) was one of the main headquarters of the Armenian minority in Transylvania that was colonized beginning with 1637 up to the middle of the eighteenth century (Ávedik 1896, 124–130; Szongott 1902; Kölönte 1910; Tarisznyás 1994). 12 For the most signiicant moments of the Romanian nationalist movement is the “Memorandum” from 1892 and the publishing of A.C. Popovici’s book, where one can ind a combination of Herderian nationalism with Fichte’s theories and the racist phantasms of the twentieth century (Branişte 1972, 188; Jancsó 1920, 135–152; Popovici 1906). At the beginning of the twentieth century the leading igures of the Romanian nationalist movement for independence and who, also remained involved in the political activities after 1920, were Iuliu Maniu and Alexandru Vaida-Voievod. At the beginning of the century, Alexandru Vaida-Voievod had become a conidant of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, who was planning the abolishment of the dualist system and the suppression of Hungarian independence within the monarchy (Vaida-Voevod 1998, 60; 1994, 116). The political conlicts denounced later by Romanians as “the Magyarization policy” evolved around Albert Apponyi’s school legislation also known as “Lex Appony” voted in 1907, which stipulated the raising of salaries for school teachers. Since most of the time, the Romanian schools were under the patronage 8 74 Erwin Gáll The School of Archaeology of Cluj and its leading igure, Pósta Béla13 The ield of archaeological research made a considerable breakthrough when, in 1859, the Erdélyi Múzeum Egyesület/Societatea Muzeului Ardelean (Transylvanian Museum Association) was created under the inluence of the Transylvanian Saxons, who in 1840 initiated the Verein für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde (Szabó 1942; Egyed 2005, 233–241). The association had varied interests, ranging from history to natural sciences and under the leadership of Brassai Sámuel its annual journal enjoyed a wide distribution. Archaeology as a science reached a more professional level (at least in theory) once the emperor; Franz Josef signed on the 12th of October 1872 a decree, establishing the Franz Josef University in Cluj (Szabó 1942, 12). As a consequence the association handed over all its documentary collections to the newly founded university; from this point on the association’s activity was intertwined with that of the university’s, maintaining at the same time a certain degree of independence. Once the uniication of the two institutions was completed, towards the end of the nineteenth century, Cluj became an academic city of strong macro-regional importance, where 30 % of the population was made up of teachers and students. The archaeology chair within the university was created following the German – Austrian system, thus guaranteeing considerable autonomy14. The library and the documentary collections handed over by the Erdélyi Múzeum Egyesület, as well as, a research institute named “The National Transylvanian Museum of Archaeology and Numismatics”, also belonged to the Department of Archaeology. After a period of almost two decades of stagnation, the activity of the Department of Archaeology received an impulse from Béla Pósta, one of the greatest igures of the Hungarian archaeology at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the of the Greek-Catholic or Orthodox churches they had no inancial means of implementing the legislation so they had to turn to the Hungarian oficials for help. In return the Hungarian government claimed its right to interfere with the curricula: they demanded that the Hungarian language be taught and if the percentage of students in those particular schools was over 50 %, the Hungarian language became mandatory, but only in those particular classes (Jancsó 1920, 285–289; Miskolczy 2005, 163). On the other hand, the relations between nationalist Romanians from Transylvania and those from the Romanian Kingdom were far from perfect. V. Branişte wrote in his memoirs: “This past year we have demoralized ourselves more that the Hungarian government did in the last 50 years.” (Branişte 1972, 187). Regarding the political thinking of the Romanian leaders from Transylvania here it must be underlined that after the 1st of December 1918, when the uniication of all Romanians from Banat, Hungarian Land (Partium) and Transylvania with the Romanian Kingdom was decreed, the “Consiliul Dirigent” led by Iuliu Maniu introduced the 1868 nationality’s legislation (this time the other way around): a sign that the “peoples prison” veiled with so much passion later on was not so inhumane, not even regarding the legislation of national minorities. Actually, in Andrew Vincent’s opinion, in our day the national states are the “peoples prison” (Maniu 2001, 16; Vincent 2002, 48). 13 For details on the Béla Posta’s academic activity and the archaeological school led by him, see: http://postabela.ro 14 In the Romanian educational system “an academic chair” corresponds to a faculty department. Márton Roska (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries 75 following century (on the Béla Pósta’s school of archaeology, see: Buday 1925, 5–17; Banner 1961, 44–47; Banner 1963, 17–28; Csorba 1969–1970, 117–146; Ferenczi 1999, 56–63; Vincze 2003, 640–657; Vincze 2004, 2004, 58–73; Langó 2007, 99–104). He was an archaeologist, who traveled to Russia only to identify analogies for Hungarian artefacts15. Pósta was named chairman of the Department of Archaeology at the University of Cluj in 1898 by the emperor himself. After Henric Finaly’s mediocre organizational activity, Béla Pósta created professional structures, which eventually led to the development of an exceptional generation of young archaeologists16. From the beginning of his activity as chairman Béla Pósta emphasized the usage of elementary archaeological documentation methods such as site description and topographic plans but also burial documentation with drawings and photography. He also pointed out in 1907 that archaeological excavation in sections was a mistake (Vincze 2002, 43). During his courses he used to explain to his students the importance of the Carpathian Basin, which he considered to be an intermediate macro-region between East and West (Vincze 2002, 34–39). Every summer he used to organize courses for museum staff from small provincial museums (Csorba 1969–70, 122–126). Learning from his experience Béla Pósta tried to establish a research institute in Kazan, intended to research Magyar artefacts prior to the “conquest/settlement of the Magyars” (honfoglalás kora) (Buday 1925, 12); furthermore he tried to create an Institute for Oriental Studies in Constantinople (Pallag 2003, 117–134). In view of the completion of this important project, he sent Balázs Létay to Paris and London on a scholarship that would help him specialize in oriental studies. Unfortunately the beginning of the First World War put an end to the completion of his ambitious scientiic projects17. With the advent of Béla Pósta’s school Fig. 1. Jenő Zichy (left) and Béla Pósta (right) during the Russian expedition and the formation of a new generation Here I refer to three expeditions taken place in the eastern parts of Russia, planned and inanced by count Jenő Zichy at the end of the nineteenth century (Pósta 1905). 16 Ten years later, still unsatisied with the results, Béla Pósta described his activity in a letter to József Hampel: “Out of 40 years of nothing is hard to make something”. It is also true that years later, in the Transylvanian Museum’s annual journal he expressed a much more optimistic view of the future of archaeology in Transylvania (Vincze 2002, 43; Pósta 1907, 230). 17 About August 15, 1914 the man that might have become the coordinator of this project, Balázs Létay, was one of the irst to fall on the front in Galicia (Vincze 2004, 25–58; Pallag 2002, 108). 15 76 Erwin Gáll of students (Márton Roska, István Kovács, Balázs Létay, Árpád Buday, Ferencz László, János Gulyás, János Banner), one can start to discuss the beginnings of professional archaeology in Transylvania. Their excavations and writings have remained to this day some of the most important landmarks of Transylvanian archaeology; their inventory registers found at the National Museum of Transylvanian History remain to this day valuable from a documentary point of view. I. Kovács and M. Roska’s excavations were the irst in Transylvania to document the Visigoth culture (the necropolis of the Sântana de Mureş [G.: Sankt Anna an der Mieresch; H.: Marosszentanna]) and the Gepid cultural continuity (the necropolis of Bandu de Câmpie [G.: Bendorf; H.: Mezőbánd] and Unirea-Vereşmort [G.: Rothberg; H.: Marosveresmart]) after the military and political changes of 567. After the dismemberment of Austro-Hungary, “Pósta’s school” was dismantled (Banner 1963, 17–28). Most of his students continued their archaeological activity in Szeged (in Romanian: Seghedin), where the University itself was transferred (part of the collections remained still at Cluj), while János Banner (Bóna 2001, 72) perpetuated the spirit of the archaeological school of Cluj within the archaeological department of Eötvös Lóránd University in Budapest18. Others like István Kovács and Márton Roska remained in Cluj, becoming teachers or assistants at the Ferdinand University. Life and work of Márton Roska There are some interesting publications about the life and scientiic activity of Márton Roska written by József Korek and Zoltán Vincze. They used archival documents (some of these still unstudied) from Budapest and Cluj (Korek 1962, 89; Vincze 2005, 7–15). Márton Roska was born on the 20th of June 1880 in Cubleşu Someşan (H.: Magyarköblös), Cluj County and was raised in an orphanage. The evolution of his identity bears the dual mark so speciic to Armenians living in Transylvania: alongside his Armenian origin (which he considered to be his national identity), he considered Hungarian as his native language. Márton Roska’s identity was marked by the social and cultural conditions of the dualist era and also by the multicultural speciicity of Transylvania. From this conjuncture derived his interest toward the Romanian language, culture and tradition, to which he dedicated several ethnographic studies (Roska 1943, 2, 186–189; 1944, 125–129). In 1900, after graduating high school he enrolled the department of philosophy, literature and history at the University of Cluj. Within a year he became Béla Pósta’s assistant after mentioning in his application letter that “alongside Among students who would later contribute to J. Banner’s work I can single out István Bóna (works on the Bronze age tell excavation at Békés Várdomb: Banner–Bóna 1974), the future chairman of the department of archaeology at Eötvös Lóránd University in Budapest. Therefore Béla Pósta’s teaching methods continued to steer the archaeological education at Eötvös Lóránd University (see the history of the University in: Kalla 2002, 419–421). 18 Márton Roska (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries 77 Hungarian, I luently speak Romanian and I have strong knowledge of Latin and German” (Vincze 2005, 8). In 1903 he became research assistant at the Transylvanian Institute of Archaeology and Numismatics. Alongside listing artefacts from excavations and isolated inds, he also led rescue excavations on a small scale in Simeria Veche, Fizeşu Gherlii, Iclozel, Iclodu Mare, Balsa, Dezmir, Petroşani and Zlatna (Vincze 2005, 8). In 1904 he graduated and in the following academic year (1905–1906) he was appointed assistant at the Department of Archaeology, position that was later prolonged. During this time he gathered numerous Prehistoric and Roman artefacts from isolated excavation sites like Cubleşu Someşan, Corneşti, Lacu, Feldioara, Cetan, Pintic, etc. He also enriched the museum collection with artefacts from Denmark (Seeland Island) and France (Saint Acheul). In 1904 he was delegated by Béla Pósta to Deva where he helped with the systematization of the local museum’s collection19. Meanwhile his academic career continued. In 1908 he defended his Ph.D. on the inluence of the Mediterranean on the Neolithic funerary rituals of the Carpathian Basin. In 1912 he was promoted and in 1913 received credentials in paleontography (Vincze 2005, 10). Up to 1914 he made several study trips abroad: in 1908 he had a European scholarship, during which he toured museums of Berlin, Brussels and Paris. Next year he visited museums in Germany and in the Czech-Moravian region. In 1912 he participated on an excavation in Frankfurt am Main where he had the opportunity to demonstrate how a skeleton must be investigated, documented and extracted from its grave. In the same year, he attended the International Congress of Archaeology and Anthropology in München (Roska 1927, 351–352). If until 1909 he rarely had opportunities to conduct systematic excavations, being only conined to small scale digs, after this date, he started to participate in several excavation campaigns at important sites which became a part of the history of archaeology (Table 1). The outbreak of the First World War impeded many of his plans including those to continue excavations at Gâmbaş and Unirea-Vereşmort sites. On 15 March 1915, Márton Roska was enrolled in the army and sent off to ight on the Galician front; later on he became lieutenant. After seizure of Cluj by the Romanian troops dificult times began for M. Roska. Béla Pósta died and Árpád Buday was appointed director of the Institute (Sas 2003, 495–505). He is the one, who on 14 May 1919 handed over the Institute to the Romanian authorities (Vincze 2005, 11). The university, now Romanian, maintained a part of the former staff, but the authorities began a series of political actions, during which M. Roska and Á. Buday were arrested. They were released a few days later and acquitted by the court-martial in May 1920. The letter that he wrote to his superior Béla Pósta described his activity in Deva (see Vincze 2005, 9). 19 78 Erwin Gáll Table 1. Excavations conducted by Márton Roska during 1910–19141* Place Chronological sequence Year Site character G.: Perjamosch/H.: Perjámos/R.: Periam 1910 Bronze age Tell Villa Roman period Rustica Neolithic age Settlement Neolithic age Settlement Bronze age Tell Palaeolithic age Cave Neolithic age Settlement Early Arpadian Necropolis age Early Arpadian Necropolis age H.: Apahida/R.: Apahida 1910 G.: Thorendorf/H.: Oláhtordos/R.: Turdaş H.: Nagyikland/R.: Iclodu Mare G.: Perjamosch/H.: Perjámos/R.: Periam H.: Csoklovina/R.: Cioclovina (cave) H.: Nándorválya G.: Eisenmarkt/H.: Vajdahunyad/ R.: Hunedoara G.: Burgdorf/Hung.: Várfalva/R.: Moldoveneşti, Varfalău G.: Gombasch/H.: Marosgombás/ R.: Gâmbaş G.: Gombasch/H.: Marosgombás/ R.: Gâmbaş G.: Gombasch/H.: Marosgombás/ R.: Gâmbaş G.: Perjamosch/H.: Perjámos/R.: Periam G.: Gombasch/H.: Marosgombás/ R.: Gâmbaş G.: Gombasch/H.: Marosgombás/ R.: Gâmbaş 1910 1910 1911 1911 1911 1912 Scythian period Necropolis 1912 Avar period Necropolis H.: Igric/R.: Igriţa 1911 1912 1912 10th century A.D. Necropolis 1913 Bronze age Tell 1913 Avar period Necropolis 1913 10th century A.D. Necropolis 1913 ? Settlement (cave) Necropolis H.: Felsőszőcs/R.: Suciu de Sus 1913 Eneolithic age G.: Unterwinz, Winzendorf/ 1913 ? H.: Alvinc/R.: Vinţu de Jos G.: Rothberg/H.: Marosveresmart/ 1914 Gepid epoch R: Vereşmort (today: Unirea-Vereşmort) ? Necropolis *1 I publish also the German and Hungarian names of the sites, because until 1920 they belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, as well Romanian. It is important, because in the archaeological literature the names of these archaeological sites before 1920 can be found just in German and Hungarian: G.: German; H.: Hungarian; R.: Romanian. Márton Roska (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries 79 In September 1920, M. Roska took an oath of abjuration to the Romanian state, but he wasn’t downgraded to the position of assistant. Only in 1924 he is promoted as project supervisor at the Institute while Á. Buday is appointed chairman of the Department of Archaeology in Szeged. Subsequently he became member of the Transylvanian section of the Commission for Historical Monuments, for the Transylvanian. If we follow his archaeological researches until 1930, we can see that this was a proliic period, thanks to the new director of the Institute Dragoş M. Theodorescu (who occupied this position between 1920 and 1929). Referring to Theodorescu’s inluence on the Institute and the scientiic milieu, M. Roska wrote two decades later: “the administration was taken over by foreigners, and fortunately, at the head of the Institute of Archaeology and Numismatics was appointed D.M. Theodorescu, a remarkable specialist and an understanding and noble colleague, who understood well the sufferings of his new co-operators, appreciated their scientiic background, under his guidance research and ieldwork could begin again” (Roska 1941a, 3). These lines relect perfectly the fact that no matter the age or the nationality, the borderline must be drawn irst and foremost between competence and incompetence, between work and indolence, and in this respect both Theodorescu and Roska were top of the line competent and hard working researchers. Roska’s opinion about the humanism and professionalism of Theodorescu is once more conirmed by János Herepei’s (Herepei 2004, 87–88) annotations on his emigration from Romania, which he wrote in 1955 at Kajdacs. Meanwhile it seems that between M. Roska and the founder of the Romanian school of archaeology some dissentions appeared20. Without a doubt there was a need for M. Roska and I. Kovács’s knowledge in the ield of archaeology. No one knew better the deposited artefact lists and the existing archaeological registry books. M. Roska also exchanged artefacts with museums from Bucharest, Iaşi, Timişoara (G.: Temeschwar; H.: Temesvár); he traced the origin of several sites at the request of Hermann Schroller from Braşov (G.: Kronstadt; H.: Brassó). He also took part in the 50 year jubilee of the Székely National Museum where he selected pictures of Neolithic artefacts which later “It is a mistake to assume in your letter that you can deal with me like your equal, on the base of equal responsibility. You are one of the many contributors placed under my command at the national Romanian Institute of Archaeology. If you were to leave for Hungary, I will not be losing 1:2 of the archaeological potential of the Romanian Kingdom, but a much smaller part, on which I am working to replace by nurturing young and wise researchers for the Prehistoric period than study both here and abroad. Therefore, I believe that you, as a legal citizen of the Romanian state and an objective scholar, have the obligation to justify your honourable position as project supervisor within a Romanian university by publishing scientiic papers in Romanian journals” (cf. Pârvan 1983, 275; Anghelinu 2003, 127, footnote 397). Anghelinu considers that Roska hesitated to bring his contributions to Pârvan’s publication (Dacia. Recherches et découvertes archeolohiques en Roumanie) which is not entirely true, because I considered that Roska wrote about the 11th and 12th centuries burial site from Biharia-Ţiglărie. I wish to express my gratitude here to Gheorghe Alexandru Niculescu, who drew my attention to the letter that V. Pârvan wrote to M. Roska from which I quoted here. It would be interesting to see the response of the Transylvanian archaeologist. 20 80 Erwin Gáll were sent by D.M. Theodorescu to the Hungarian National Museum in Budapest. He was also the one who selected the artefacts from the Turdaş (H.: Tordos) excavation that were to be sent to the University of Gröningen (The Netherlands). In 1928 he passed the Romanian language exam with an excellent rating. There is no doubt that his most important work was done in the ield of archaeological research. With D.M. Theodorescu’s support he excavated numerous sites, especially from the Prehistoric period, but also from the Migration and early Arpadian (11th and 12th centuries) periods (Table 2). Table 2. Excavations conducted by Márton Roska during 1920–1930 Location Year Chronological Site character sequence G.: Perjamosch/H.: Perjámos/R.: Periam H.: Csoklovina/R.: Cioclovina H.: Ohábaponor/R.: Ohaba Ponor H.: Igric/R.: Igriţa H.: Körösloró, Remetelórév/R.: Lorău H.: Fegyér/R.: Federi G.:Christendorf, Kratschendorf/H.: Alsókarácsonyfalva/R.: Crăciunelu de Jos H.: Ottomány/R.: Otomani H.: Érmihályfalva/R.: Valea lui Mihai H.: Bihar/R.: Biharea-Ţiglărie/ Téglavető H.: Csoklovina/R.: Cioclovina H.: Bihar/R.: Biharea-Ţiglărie/ Téglavető G. Ponor Ohaba/H.: Ohábaponor/ R.: Ohaba Ponor H.: Ottomány/R.: Otomani G. Ponor Ohaba/H.: Ohábaponor/ R.: Ohaba Ponor H.: Csoklovina/R.: Cioclovina G. Ponor Ohaba/H.: Ohábaponor/ R.: Ohaba Ponor H.: Ottomány/R.: Otomani H.: Csoklovina/R.: Cioclovina (cave) G. Ponor Ohaba/H.: Ohábaponor/ R.: Ohaba Ponor 1921 1921 1923 1924 1924 1924 Bronze age Paleolithic Paleolithic Paleolithic Paleolithic Paleolithic Tell Habitation layer Habitation layer Habitation layer Habitation layer Habitation layer 1924 Paleolithic Habitation layer 1924 Bronze age 1924 Eneolithic Early 1924 Arpadian age 1925 Paleolithic Early 1925 Arpadian age Tell Tell Necropolis Habitation layer Necropolis 1925 Paleolithic Habitation layer 1925 Bronze age Tell 1926 Paleolithic Habitation layer 1927 Paleolithic Habitation layer 1927 Paleolithic Habitation layer 1927 Bronze age 1928 Paleolithic Tell Habitation layer 1928 Paleolithic Habitation layer Márton Roska (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries H.: Szitabodza/R.: Sita Buzăului H.: Szentgerice/R.: Gălăţeni H.: Baszarabásza/R.: Basarabasa H. Brotuna/R.: Brotuna H.: Jószáshely/R.: Iosăşel G.: Perjamosch/H.: Perjámos/R.: Periam G. Ponor Ohaba/H.: Ohábaponor/ R.: Ohaba Ponor H.: Gyulavarsánd/R.: Vărşand H.: Gyulavarsánd/R.: Vărşand H.: Gyulavarsánd/R.: Vărşand 1928 1928 1928 1928 1928 1928 81 Paleolithic Paleolithic Paleolithic Paleolithic Paleolithic Bronze age Habitation layer Habitation layer Habitation layer Habitation layer Habitation layer Tell 1929 Paleolithic Habitation layer 1930 Bronze age Tell Sarmatian 1930 Necropolis period Early 1930 Necropolis Arpadian age After D.M. Theodorescu’s resignation from position of head of the Institute of Archaeology in Cluj in February 1929, hard times began for M. Roska (Roska 1941a, 3). Until 1930 he was allowed to excavate at Vărşand with the support of the Commission for Historical Monuments, but afterwards he did not receive funds and thus turned his attention to publishing his works, mostly in prestigious foreign journals. The new chairman of the institute, Emil Panaitescu, objected to the use of Roska’s name (in his opinion the Transylvanian scholar should have spelled his name Rosca) and was vexed because of the position Roska had in the hierarchy of the Transylvanian Museum Society21. During the Great Depression (1929–1933) M. Roska mostly dealt with the working out of his excavation materials in a repertoire that was published only in 1942. In order to avoid personal blows he asked permission to retire and applied for a study trip abroad, his application was rejected. Amid these tensions and because he had published in the volume about the Transylvanian archaeology of the 10th century, edited by M. Asztalos (Roska 1936, 162–173), he was accused by Constantin Daicoviciu during a press conference22, and later suspended from his academic position (June 11, 1936) (Vincze 2005, 13). After several search raids, on the 13 November 1936, he was sentenced to 3 years in prison, he was forced to pay 5000-lei ine, and he lost all his civil rights during the sentence23. The next Vincze 2005, 13, quoting documents from the archive of National Museum of Transylvanian History. 22 Based on Tudor Soroceanu’s data, Roska, before 1936, helped Constantin Daicoviciu to obtain inancial aid to continue his studies. C. Daicoviciu was assisted in the court by Sándor Ferenczi, who was a witness in this case. I would like to express my acknowledgment for these data. 23 Patria, November 14, 1936. Information from Vincze (2005, 13). 21 82 Erwin Gáll day the Romanian historian Nicolae Iorga24 demanded the immediate suspension of this inhumane sentence25. Following an amnesty act given on the National Day of that year, Roska was released on the 1st December26 but unable to return to his previous university position, he was forced to leave Romania. He spent the next 4 years working at the University of Debrecen (in Romanian: Debreţin), where he published articles on prehistoric archaeology in Finnish and Hungarian journals. Major events occurred in Márton Roska’s life after the Second Vienna Award (August 30, 1940). Beginning with the 19th October 1940 he became the head of the Institute of Archaeology and Numismatics and teacher of prehistoric archaeology at the university which moved back from Szeged to Cluj. The German university administration model was readopted in Cluj: in parallel to the Department of Archaeology (with a very substantial autonomy) the Institute of Archaeology was also re-established. Thus the theoretical training of young archaeologists had a more practical facet. Alongside activities such as systematization and registration of archaeological artefacts (some of the cemeteries excavated three decades before had not yet been registered) he resumed excavations at Igriţa, Aşchileu Mare (G.: Gross-Schwalbendorf; H.: Nagyesküllő) and many other sites with the help of a new generation of archaeologists from Cluj (Gyula László, Amália Mozsolics, Gyula Novák, Aladár Radnóti, Wilhelm Schneller). He founded the journal entitled Közlemények az Erdélyi Nemzeti Múzeum Érem és Régiségtárából (I–IV) and dedicated the irst issue to the memory of his mentor Béla Pósta. He also initiated the irst excavations at Dăbâca (G.: Dobeschdorf/H.: Doboka) which were implemented together with topographical measurements made by Károly Chrettier (Chrettier 1943, 197–208). Because he did not undertake as many excavations as he had used to and obviously because of old age, Márton Roska focused his attention on the publishing of his most important works (Roska 1941a; 1942). The advancement of the front towards Cluj thwarted several research projects among which the chronological pursue of the Archaeological Record of Transylvania. In October 1944, several of Roska’s colleagues were deported to the Ural Mountains, from where only Gy. Szabó returned a year later. The others took refuge in Hungary. Shortly after, M. Roska followed them and he never returned to the garden of Fairies (the romantic denomination of Transylvania). In Hungary, the last years of his life were quite tenebrous. Because he was not a member of the communist party he got sidelined as many other intellectuals of that period. A good example is that of Nándor Fettich, the most important Hungarian archaeologist of the interwar years, who ended up working as a day labourer According to Tudor Soroceanu’s data, Iorga, for this assistance, asked the Armenian community for a possibility to research in their archives, which was closed to the foreigners. I would like to express my acknowledgment for these data. 25 Neamul Românesc, 15th November 1936. 26 Keleti Újság, December 5th 1936. after Vincze (2005, 14). 24 Márton Roska (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries 83 in constructions during the rules of the pro-Russian Mátyás Rákosi (the original name was Mano Roth) in Hungary. In the irst years of the regime Márton Roska worked as a professor at the Szeged University and from 1950 at The Institute of Geology. During this time he led an archaeological excavation in the Bakony Mountains. Due to health problems he could not accept in 1955 the invitation of The Institute of Geology to excavate in the Tokaj area. In 1956, he defended Cardinal Mindszenty for which he was presecuted. We cannot forget the name of the “red-archaeologist”, the Moscovitan comunist, Gyula Gazdapusztai by discussing this issue27. Roska’s troubled life ended on the 16th July 1961, the Farkasrét cemetery in Budapest is his inal resting place (Korek 1962, 89). Through the multitude of themes which he approached regarding various historical periods, the vast documentation he used for his works, the balanced nature of his opinions, the respect and concern for the heritage that he researched (all the artefacts discovered during his excavations have been thoroughly registered and organized and are still available at the National Museum of Transylvanian History) and with the creation of an archaeological repertoire which is still used today, Márton Roska offers an example to follow for the new generations of archaeologists in Romania. The 10th and 11th century sites excavated by Márton Roska During his prodigious activity, Márton Roska excavated sites spanning through different centuries, among which some date back to the 10th and 11th centuries (Tabs. 1–2). He only investigated cemeteries as it was typical for the Hungarian archaeology at that time. Investigations of settlements from these centuries started much later due to the “noble preconception” which existed at the end of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century28. Márton Roska’s name is linked to the unveiling of the irst cemetery in the county centres of the medieval Hungarian Kingdom, from Hunedoara, and Moldoveneşti, dated to the irst decades of the 11th century. He also investigated the Gâmbaş site where he discovered Scythian and ancient Avar burial sites dated to the 10th century. After 1920, as an employee of the Ferdinand University, Márton Roska continued his archaeological work on the sites from the 10th and 11th centuries although not in the Transylvanian basin, but in the Bihar region and later in Vârşand (Arad county). It is impossible for us to state whether his reasons for choosing 27 htm. Magyar Életrajzi Lexikon 1000–1990: http://mek.niif.hu/00300/00355/html/ABC04834/05068. The research of settlements has been hindered by the fact that the conquering Hungarians (honfoglaló magyarság) were considered nomads and, therefore, it was supposed that their camps could not leave material traces. Furthermore, there were logistic and inancial problems because these settlements could be spread over several acres of land, which would have required substantial research cost (the best example of this is the site at Hajdúdorog, Hungary) (Langó 2007, 41–43). 28 84 Erwin Gáll Fig. 2. Gâmbaş, Alba county. Topographic outline of 10th century, Scythian and Avar sites discovered in 1912 and 1913 (fragment from a letter sent by Márton Roska to Béla Pósta) to excavate these regions were mostly contextual or they were part of a larger research plan that he was working on, since in Transylvania this kind of research was not supported29. A good example are experiences of János Herepei who was denounced to D.M. Theodorescu30, that he had gathered several S-shaped Radu Harhoiu (2004, 159–162), talks about the existence of a research program forgotten after 1920. I note that the project in question which R. Harhoiu named “Miereschprogramm” was actually a “Szamosch- Miereschprogramm”, which means that it covered the Someş area as well and not just the Mures one. 30 D.M. Theodorescu was in turn attacked by some of the so called “Romanian patriot professors” to have allowed Herepei to access the 12th century cemetery in order to research his “Turanian ancestors”(sic!). Cf.: „A munkásokkal folytatott eszmecserémet – szerencsétlenségemre – meghalotta egy, a gödröt kerítő palánk résein kivácsiskodó iatalember. Másnap azután a helybeli Keleti Újság című napilapban hosszú cikk számolt be a Kolozsvár főterén előkerült „turáni” jellegű temetőről. E híradás – a benne foglaltakért – erősen bosszantott, sőt nagyon lehangolt, mivel e cikknek különösen a bevezető sorai egyenesen végzetesek voltak. Ezek szerint ugyanis engemet az Erdélyi Múzeum igazgatója küldött volna ki az ásatás vezetésére, holott – érthető okok miatt – az én jelenlétemnek a nyilvánosság előtt titokban kellett volna maradnia. Ez a hírlapi híradás azután nem kerülte el egyik-másik egyetemi tanár igyelmét, ezek meg haladéktalanul meg is támadták az egyetemi Régiségtani Intézet áldott emlékű igazgatóját azért, amiért eltűri, hogy egyik másik tisztviselője a magyar elődők emlékei után kutasson. Teodorescu professzortól erre megkaptam a valóban szelíden tudtomra adott tanácsot, hogy kerüljem el a főtéri földmunkákat” (Herepei 2004, 87–88). 29 85 Márton Roska (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries lock-rings31, from the 12th century necropolis situated in the central square of Cluj (Herepei 2004, 87–88). There is no doubt that if it had been published, the most important of Roska’s excavations would have been the one from Biharea-Ţiglărie (Roska 1924, 313; 1925, 403; Rusu, 1975, 204; Dumitraşcu 1983, 51–95; Bóna 1988, 194–237). Till to-day it is still a mystery why Roska did not publish this very important excavation, neither between 1925 and 1940 nor between 1940 and 1944. In the interwar period, M. Roska excavated at Vârşand in 1930, a site where amateur archaeologists had previously “done some research” at the beginning of the century. He unveiled 11 graves belonging to the early Arpadian period and tombs from the Sarmatian period, which have been dug into a bronze age tell (Roska 1941b, 45–61). It should be noted that Roska used to draw the plans of the sites he investigated, a practice, which he acquired from Béla Pósta’s methodology: Table 3. Excavations of 10th and 11th century funeral sites conducted by Márton Roska Year Place G.: Eisenmarkt/H.: Vajdahunyad/R.: Hunedoara G.: Gombasch/H.: 1912 Marosgombás/R.: Gâmbaş Germ.: Burgdorf/ Hung.: Várfalva/R.: 1913 Moldoveneşti, Varfalău G.: Gombasch/H.: 1913 Marosgombás/R.: Gâmbaş H.: Bihar/R.: 1924–25 Biharea-Ţiglărie/ Téglavető H.: 1930 Gyulavarsánd/R.: Vărşand 1911 chronological sequence Number of graves Year of publication Plan of the necropolis 11th century 54 1913 Accomplished 10th century 3 1927, 1936 - 11th century 54 1914 Accomplished 10th century 3 unpublished Accomplished 11th–13th centuries 506 unpublished Accomplished 11th century 11 1941 Accomplished The artefacts are in the custody of the Hungarian National Museum in Budapest. They were published by Gáll, Gergely (2009, 151–156, pl. 58; Gáll, Gergely, Gál 2010, pl. 58). 31 86 Erwin Gáll One can notice in the above compiled Roska’s chronological table of research that he had a special interest in the cemeteries of the royal county seats from the 11th and 12th centuries (Biharea, Hunedoara, Moldoveneşti); seats which were also mentioned in written sources. It is worth mentioning that M. Roska was the irst professional archaeologist who had the chance to investigate such spectacular archaeological sites32. He excavated three cemeteries with both pagan and Christian traits, situated between the rich 10th century pagan graves illed with weapons and horse skeletons and cemeteries surrounding the church, established by the royal decrees of the Szabolcs (1092), Tarcal (ca. 1100) and Esztergom (1104, 1112–1113) synods33. Roska ceased to research the sites form 10th–11th centuries until 1941–1944. He only directed K. Chrettier to explore the earth fortiication of Dăbâca34. Márton Roska’s view of the 10th and 11th centuries Until the last decade of the 19th century then around 1944, when Elemér Moór (Karácsonyi 1896, 456–483; Moór 1944) published his prominent study, most of the Hungarian historians used to consider that the Hungarian cultural traits can be detected in the Transylvanian Basin beginning only with the 10th century when the area was fully incorporated into the Hungarian Realm. Archaeological discoveries made after 1895 (Herepey 1896, 426–430) and József Hampel’s (Hampel 1905) studies radically changed this historiographical conception. In this controversy between historians and archaeologists, Márton Roska’s research plays an important part. Márton Roska joined the historical investigation of the 11th century after excavations in 1911 and 1912 in Hunedoara and Moldoveneşti, the results of which he quickly published in Hungarian and French (Roska 1913, 166–198; 1914, 125–167, 168–187). In the following lines I will briely mention the ideas that M. Roska outlined within the irst of these published works (cf. Karácsonyi 1896, 456–483; Moór 1944). After a brief description of the tombs along with graphic illustrations, Roska makes an exemplary chronological analysis of the ield data, interpreting for the irst time the archaeological discoveries in the Someş and Mureş Basins as traces of migration and conquest by the “Magyars” in the 10th century, a period that he calls “the age of the leaders” (a vezérek kora). Thus M. Roska made it In other parts of the Carpathian Basin (Slovakia, Hungary) the investigation of this cemetery type begun only a few decades ago (Bóna 1988, 197; 1998, 31–34). 33 The decree of Ladislaus I:”Si quis? mortuos suos ad ecclesiam suam non sepeliret duodecim diebus pane et aqua poenitate in cippo”; and in the decree of Coloman I the Book-lover: “Sepultura christianorum non nisi in atriis ecclesiarum iat’’ (CIH, 56. l. art. 25,116. l. art. 73). 34 K. Chrettier made topographic measurement of the fortiication which was later used by Ştefan Pascu’s team (Chrettier 1943, p. 65–67. On the chronology of the fortiication: Gáll 2011a, 50–51, ig. 35, 152; Gáll 2011b, 339, ig. 15). 32 Márton Roska (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries 87 clear, contrary to what was thought earlier, that inds belonging to the Hungarian conquerors can be documented both in the Someşul Mic area (Cluj, Zapolya Street) and in the Mureş area at Gâmbaş and Lopadea Nouă (G.: Schaufeldorf; H.: Magyarlapád). On this basis built a theory, which after nine decades is still relevant, stating that the Magyar conquerors entered these micro-areas in the 10th century. If one is to follow M. Roska’s research evolution one can notice that the theories and concepts he used in his works from 1927 and 1936 were already outlined in his publication from 1913. In his second work published a year later, dealing with the cemetery from Moldoveneşti (cf. Karácsonyi 1896, 456–483; Moór 1944), M. Roska slides towards a thoroughly historic interpretation, an attitude, which we will no longer ind, at least not in such a well deined form, in his later works. For example he connects the inds from the Mureş area with the “Black Hungarians”35 and with the Szeklers, and those from the Someşu Mic area with the “royal nation” and the great princes (künde)36 of the 10th century (Roska 1914, 166). Roska’s idea to discuss the presence of the Szeklers in the Mureş valley in the th 10 century was inspired by an Géza Nagy’s article written in 188337. Furthermore Roska (1914, 167) made a note, disregarded by Romanian archaeology of the early medieval period, that the cemeteries from the 10th and 11th centuries do not belong to any heroes fallen in battle38 but to persons belonging to established communities. The bodies from the tombs were dated to the 10th century on the basis of the coins found inside (from the reign of Stephen I, Peter Orseolo, Aba Sámuel, Andrew I, Béla I, Géza I, Solomon and Ladislaus I), and thus they must On the “White” and “Black” Hungarians: Tóth 1983, 3–9; 1985, 23–29; Kristó 1985, 11–17; Klima 1993, 115–126. 36 The name “kundu” or “kende” refers to the highest position one could hold during the early Magyar dual kingship, following the Khazar and early Turanian political structure. The model characterized also the Hungarian power structure already in the 9th and probably at least the irst half of the 10th century. “Kundu” was the “sacred king” with while “gyla” held the executive power and was the head of the army. The existence of the “kundu” functions is mentioned by Gaihani who cited Ibn Rusta, but we also have information about this from Gardezi who stated that the Hungarians have two kings: kundu and gyla, who they respect a lot. It is therefore still unclear whether this power structure was also applied in the Carpathian Basin at the beginning of the 10th century. Kundu might have been Álmos, respectively Kursan, but the latter had participated in the Western military campaigns where he was killed by the Bavarians, fact that contradicts the thesis of the sanctity of the ofice that does not allow the holder to effectively participate in battles. In any case at the middle of the 10th century, when Bulcsú visited Constantine Porphyrogenitus, the Byzantine emperor stated that the Hungarians are ruled by a prince, archon in Greek, making no mention of the title “kundu”. However the titles “gyla” and “karha” are mentioned but there is no telling if the prince was actually ruling, which would mean that by the middle of the 10th century, the dual kingship had disappeared (Róna-Tas 1997; Csorba 1997). 37 For details regarding G. Nagy activity see: Langó 2007, 35–38. 38 It is surprising that an archaeologist as renowned as Mircea Rusu would claim that the tombs discovered at Biharia-Şumuleu belonged to Hungarian soldiers, who died during the siege of Menumorut’s stronghold, information that is later implicitly assumed by Radu Popa as well. This is a classic example of “Gemischte Argumentation’’ (see: Rusu 1975, 204; Popa 1994, 181). 35 88 Erwin Gáll be placed in the context of a population living in the strongholds of the counties (castle folk), an observation, which was without a doubt later documented in several places throughout the territory of the medieval Hungarian Kingdom. Without doubt the most important work of Márton Roska, both from a conceptual and also a theoretical point of view is entitled A honfoglalás és Erdély (The Age of the Conquest and Transylvania; Roska 1936, 162–173), which was published in Miklós Asztalos’ synthesis A történeti Erdély (The historic Transylvania). Besides listing and describing the archaeological inds from the Transylvanian Basin (more precisely nine funeral sites and other isolated discoveries) Roska presented his cultural and historical interpretation (as most of the archaeologist from his age did) regarding these monuments. His most important ideas regarding the 10th century, seen as the “age of the conquering of the homeland”, written down at the very beginning of his paper, are: 1. A critical review must be made for the period of the migration of the Magyars to the Transylvanian Basin. I have to point out that 19th century historians (Karácsonyi 1896, 456–483) stated that the Hungarian migration (more precisely the occupation of the Transylvanian Basin) did not happened in the 10th century („a vezérek korában” = the age of the chiefs) but only later, during the creation of the Western-Christian type Hungarian state (in other words only after the campaign of Saint Stephen against Gyla, in 1003). M. Roska clearly stated that these ideas are in contradiction with the archaeological inds that are characteristic for the “conquering Magyars”. In his time, researchers believed that a typical Hungarian from the 10th century was an individual buried with his weapons and his horses, while individuals found with no weapons in their tombs were thought to have belonged to the “subjugated Slavs”39. This projection of the Hungarians can still be found in nowadays Romanian archaeology, with the distinction that the dead found with no weapons are considered to be Romanians or Christians (Theodorescu 2001, Vol. III; 2010, Vol. III). Nevertheless, even today, certain funeral rites and parts of material culture, as an archaeological expression are considered to be distinctive “Hungarian” features (Daim–Lauermann 2006; Révész 2006, 297–302), that can be chronologically traced from the Vienna Basin (Gnadendorf) to the Transylvanian Basin (Cluj, Plugarilor and Zápolya street, or in Alba Iulia [G.: Karlsburg, Weissenburg, Keist; H.: Gyulafehérvár, Károlyfehérvár; old R.: Bâlgrad]). It is appropriate to summarize the current state of research concerning the cultural phenomena connected to the “conquering Magyars”. The material culture of the Magyars cannot be classiied as a particular ethnic one40, but rather For the historiography on this topic see: Langó 2007, 61–135. In the Romanian archaeological research there are not original theories regarding ethnicity (nor are there in other countries from the Carpathian basin). In recent years some scholars tried to present to the Romanian academic world the results of researches on this topic made in the West-European countries (Szűcs 1997; Curta 2002, 5–25; Bálint 2006, 277–347; Lăzărescu 2008, 55–77; Niculescu 39 40 Márton Roska (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries 89 as a regional culture (a macro-regional one) that used to characterize large areas of the Carpathian Basin in the 10th century. The archaeological artefacts (known especially from cemeteries) from the 10th century, discovered in the Carpathian Basin could not have belonged to a population with a homogeneous ethnic identity (such identities did not exist at that time). Even the narrative sources, otherwise highly subjective by nature, refer to the usage of two languages and offer details about the rapid assimilation of the Slavic-speaking population by the Magyars. The link between ethnicity and material culture (in this case archaeological culture) is shifty, luid and instable (thus burials do not provide clear evidence about the ethnic identity of an individual). Furthermore the archaeological record does not provide clues of different ethnic identities, but rather distinct material traces that we can indirectly link to traditions, cultural connections and other cultural interactions. It is worth mentioning that human beings can have multiple identities. The interpretation of archaeological data cannot objectively assert a persons’ ethnicity (for example that one is an “Avar” or a “Magyar form the period of conquest”) due to the fact that over time various self-identiication criteria were used, different from the criteria used in the modern epoch (18th and 19th centuries). From this point of view, the archaeology of the “conquest age” (honfoglalás korának kutatása)41 does not refer to the Magyars, but to a period when the land was conquered (honfoglalás kora), and more precisely to the conquerors themselves (honfoglalók) without any particular ethnic connotations. In the Carpathian Basin, during the early Middle Ages no population, mentioned in narrative sources, can be associated or identiied with a deinite anthropological typology, and no anthropological type can be associated with a particular ethnic group42. Thus, the 10th century Magyar is an individual who lived in an area belonging to a political structure, which is mentioned in written sources (for example in Constantine Porphyrogenitus’ work) and can be archaeologically deined through a macro-regional archaeological culture, which spreads from the Vienna region to Alba Iulia. It remains a goal for future research to analyse different processes of acculturation, integration or assimilation that took place during the 10th century, resulting in the rapid or slow disappearance and/or integration of the previous inhabitants. 2009, 15–39). A systematization of the issue regarding the connection between ethnicity and material culture in: Jones 1997, 106–127. 41 This word entered the scientiic vocabulary after the 1848 revolution as “hont foglalni” (to occupy the homeland). The word was included in Gergely Czuczor and János Fogarasi’s dictionary. In the historical literature, the term is used for the irst time in K. Szabó’s work: A magyar vezérek kora. Árpádtól Szent Istvánig, Budapest, 1869 (Vékony 2005, 198). 42 Out of many works written on this subject, I mention here only a few that refer strictly to the Carpathian Basin and the early Middle Ages: Brather 2004; Bálint 2006, 277–347; Pohl 1991, 15–24; Pohl 2009, 17–29. About the populations from the Transylvanian Basin in the tenth century: Gáll 2011b, 271–314. 90 Erwin Gáll Narrative sources contemporary with the events offer indisputable information about the outcome of the migration and the settlement process in the Carpathian Basin. Consequently, an independent political structure with not ethnic but rather social and regional implications was organized, which in time evolved into the foundation of the medieval Hungarian Realm43. These issues were not debated during Roska’s lifetime and unfortunately in the Romanian archaeology (and historiography) regarding the early medieval period they are still disputed predominantly at the same level as in Roska’s time44. 2. M. Roska’s second contribution to the 10th century phenomenon refers to the directions from which the Hungarians entered the Transylvanian basin. He used many examples from the prehistoric and migration periods arguing that the path followed by the Hungarians crossed the Eastern Carpathian passes, in particular the Oituz pass. In support to his theory, M. Roska brings the following arguments: 2.1. The mountain passes from the Eastern Carpathians, which linked the Ghimeş and Oituz areas with Moldavia, were well-known and used by different populations since the Neolithic. Regarding the importance of this route it should be noted that it crosses the mountains near the Târgu Ocna salt mines. Roska underpinned his theory with a linguistic argument, namely, that in his opinion the sufix -tuz referred to salt. 2.2. Among the archaeological arguments, M. Roska points to the research from the Székely land, more precisely to the ind from Eresteghin (H.: Eresztevény), discovered in 1908 (Gáll 2008, II, 24–25). The historical and archaeological theory of Roska can be challenged from various directions. Nevertheless, it should be noted that his observations about the use of the east–west oriented roads45 from the pure historical point of view is correct. The most commonly known examples which conirm Roska’s interpretation are nomadic incursions of 11th century and the Mongol invasion of 1241, when the same Eastern Carpathian passes were used. We must add, that, even if Roska did not mention them, Tătar, Bârgău, Bicaz, Radna, Bodza passes were also used. It is not our intention to discuss the linguistic issues raised by the Roska’s interpretation of the Oituz toponym, but from the archaeological point of view there are several remarks to be made: A signiicant example from the 18th century, relevant for our discussion, is that of Ádám Kollár, a Slovak born intellectual considered himself “Hungarus”, i.e. inhabitant of the Hungarian Realm (Dümmert 1987, 276–277). 44 In archaeology the term “gemischte Argumentation” is used for the method in Romania (independent of the national identity of the author). It means that when the analysis of archaeological inds or archaeological facts is made, it is supported by the interpretation of other archaeological data or hypotheses, or by historical facts and circumstances, or in some worse cases by historical hypotheses. The term was irst used by Joachim Werner and Rolf Hachmann. Regarding the mixed argumentation (gemischte Argumentation) see: Bálint 1995, 245–246; Niculescu 1997; Brather 2004. 45 Here Roska was probably inluenced by Pósta, who believed that the Carpathian Basin was a contact zone between the East and the West side of the continent. 43 Márton Roska (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries 91 A. The stirrup found at Eresteghin belongs to the typological group of stirrups of trapezoidal form, having spherical buttons between the sole and the bars (type III, subtype 1) (Gáll 2008, I, 339, tab. A.5, typological table 38). Laszló Kovács has clearly demonstrated that these types of small ladders have not been used prior to the second half of the 10th century (Kovács 1986, 195–225). Therefore this ind cannot be linked with the Hungarian migration from the late 11th century. B. M. Roska disregarded the possibility of other migrations or attacks coming from the East towards the Transylvanian Basin in the 10th century although such events are described in narrative sources. On the basis of certain artefacts, such as one piece of bridles, which appeared in a larger number in cemeteries of southern Transylvania (Alba Iulia – Staţia de Salvare: 2 pieces; Orăştie [G.: Broos; H.: Szászváros]: 2 pieces) than in other parts of the Carpathian Basin, one can assume that a population shift from the East towards the Carpathian Basin took place during the second half of the 10th century. Roska’s theory, that the Székely land (Szeklerland) was occupied in the 10th century (Roska 1936, 171) resulted from the idea that this land was a border area. Hungarian and Romanian historiographies look at this issue from different angles. While the Hungarian historiography makes a clear distinction between “habitation areas” and “border areas”, even for the 10th century; the Romanian one does not use such concepts. For us it is obvious that the Someş and Mureş basins cannot be regarded as “border areas” (gyepű of Hungarian historiography) due to the high density of archaeological inds. Some scattered inds support the assumption that there was a system similar to that from the Avar period, when around Avar habitats different groups of Slavic origins were settled. Archaeological excavations from Frumuşeni (a punctured coin from the time of Leon VI the Wise), Jigodin (H.: Csíkzsögöd) in the Ciuc region (Gáll 2008, II, 24–25) and those from Eresteghin and Sfântu Gheorghe (G.: Gergen; H.: Sepsiszentgyörgy) (Székely 1945, 1–15; László 1943, 82, ig. XV. 3–4), seem to mark the eastern borderline. This area resembles the archaeological situation from the western borderline of the Carpathian Basin (Őrség, presently Oberwart, Austria) and the area around Enns (Austria). In M. Roska’s opinion at the beginning of the 11th century, the eastern border-region expanded at the same time as the main habitation. This hypothesis cannot be archaeologically veriied46 yet, on the one hand, because of the geographical conditions which make the research in the area dificult, on the other hand due to the inadequacy of the archaeological research, which can be explained An archaeological complex excavated at Sâncrăieni (G.: Heilkönig; H.: Csíkszentkirály) (Harghita county) by István Botár, was dated to the 11th century. I cannot agree with the leader of the excavation, who dated the site to the 10th century relying on an artefact, found in a secondary position in this complex. I express my gratitude to my colleague István Botár from the Székely Museum in Miercurea Ciuc (G.: Szeklerburg; H.: Csíkszereda) for sharing this information with me. 46 92 Erwin Gáll by the lack of professional personnel and funds47 but also by the fact that the excavations made so far have not yet been published48. Roska’s publication from 1936 represented an important step forward in the research. Lack of consideration on the acculturation phenomena and the integration of other populations (western Slavs, Kabars) is weak point of his work although narrative sources (Theotmar, 150, lines 10–13; Regino, 35) were available to him. There is neither debate on the acculturation issue nor on the integration of populations living in the Transylvanian Basin in the 10th century, even though the old Slavic toponyms from the Mureş basin should have caught his attention49. Nevertheless we cannot criticize Roska for overlooking these problems, if even till today these issues have not been fully examined because of lack of anthropological and archaeogenetic analysis50. Furthermore, we think that it is worth mentioning some of the archaeological data regarding the acculturation processes of some individuals, found in the cemetery of Alba Iulia, Staţia de salvare. In tomb 1, section IV, which also contained the remains of a horse, the deceased was placed laying in an E–W direction and covered with stones, a situation which does not resemble other tombs containing horse remains (Fig. 3). Fig. 3. Hungarian burial customs of the 10th–11th century In 1943 M. Roska published two isolated inds from Periam (Roska 1943, 140– 143). The irst one, found on the Poşta Veche Street, contained two horse stirrups and a temple ring (which has since disappeared). The second discovery was found on the Şanturi site, in disturbed layers of a Bronze Age tell and the 15th and 16th The irst archaeologist was hired by the Gheorgheni Museum only in 2007 (I refer to Andrea Demjén). At the Székely Museum in Miercurea Ciuc from 1990 up to 2004 there were no archaeologists at all. 48 The isolated ceramic inds from the 8th and 11th centuries found in the Ciuc basin have not been published till now and the documentation of the incineration cemetery from Lăzarea (H.: Szárhegy) (Giurgeu basin) which was excavated in the 1960’s was only recently recovered. These are the reasons why the Giurgeu and Ciuc basins are still blank spots on the archaeological maps of Transylvania of the period from 5th to 11th century. 49 In the same period, one of the most important papers on analysis of toponyms was published by Kniezsa (1938, 367–454). 50 For example in the case of the necropolis from Alba Iulia (Brânduşei street) the lack of anthropological and archaeogenetic analysis deprive us of important data (Dragotă et al. 2009). For comments on the funerary rituals, cultural ties and horizontal-stratigraphical analysis of the necropolis, see the work of Gáll (2010a, 297–335). 47 Márton Roska (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries 93 century layers. It was an appliqué from the 10th century with some other artefacts dated to the Avar period. After analyzing the stirrups he observed several button shaped knobs between the bars and the sole of the stirrups for which he then identiied typological similarities (Szentes-Naphegy, Kecskemét-Magyari tanya, Székesfehérvár-Demkóhegy). These stirrups, later called “stirrups of trapezoidal form” have inlay decorations on one side of the bar. He prepared also a small repertoire of decorated stirrups from the 10th century but without marking the differences between the types of decorations. As Roska mentioned, the irst decorated stirrups have been documented in Immenstadt. In the second part of his work, together with the inds from the migration period, Roska published data about a decorated appliqué for a waist belt, which he correctly dated to the 10th century. Another important Roska’s article about the cultural diffusion51 and/or trade in the 10th and 11th centuries concerned a sword anvil found at Alba Iulia (in an unknown archaeological context) which was brought in 1943 (Roska 1944, 102–108) to The National Museum of Transylvanian History in Cluj. After a thorough description of the piece and its close analogies from the Carpathian Basin (Beszterec, Székesfehérvár-Demkóhegy), Roska pointed out several similarities from the Balkan area: Madara, Rupkite-Grădište, however the most resembling was one from Biljarsk, on the Volga river. In the German area he found a similarly shaped piece, in the tomb 125, from Linkuhnen, with the speciication that the adorned anvils found in the northern areas can be classiied in a different typological group52. Using analysis results of P. Paulsen, V. Reinerth, T.J. Arne, N. Fettich and others, Roska identiied several resemblances with decorated artefacts found at Krasnojarsk, Treyden, Gotland, Oland and Kurland53. Next, he examined the decorative patterns found on the anvil, giving analogies from different cultural backgrounds from the East (Minusinsk area) and Eastern-Europe. At the end of his typological and cultural analysis, Roska formulated three important questions: where was the anvil created, how did it come to Alba Iulia and what was its chronological time-frame? Using Peter Paulsen’s (Paulsen 1933) results, M. Roska argued that these types of weapons could have reached Transylvania from the Eastern Prussian area. However he found himself in a dilemma: he could not decide whether these weapons came here as a result of trade activity or with the migration and the Hungarian conquest? He wrote: “regarding this issue we should examine whether this artefact was brought by the conquering Hungarians, through the Verecke pass, or it reached our country on the same trade circuit that branched out from the trade routes on the Elba, Oder and Vistula areas and headed towards the Danube”54. I refer to a theory developed by Boas (1911); Goldschmidt (1959). For a modern approach on the issue: Hedenstierna Johnson (2006, 89–92). 53 The analysis and data offered by M. Roska are the solid proof that he was up to date with the European archaeological writings of the 30’s and 40’s (especially the Scandinavian, German and Russian literature) 54 The original quotation: “ebben a tekintetben mérlegelnünk kell, hogy vajon a honfoglalás rendjén a Vereckei szoroson bevonuló magyarság hozta-e magával vagy pedig a honfoglalás tényének 51 52 94 Erwin Gáll In fact this statement is rhetorical and one can see this in the next lines of Roska’s study. Roska, based on P. Paulsen and Gy. Laszló’s results dated the artefact to the 11th century and he connected it to a “warrior” from the army of Stephen the Great, after the campaign of 1003. I agree with the dating suggested by Roska, but we have to emphasize that the analogies used in the case of the anvil from the Carpathian Basin can be dated to an earlier period. Therefore the anvil could have reached Alba Iulia coming from the South (as a large number of inds from Bulgaria conirms this). From a chronological point of view the artefact can be dated between the second half of the 10th and the beginning of the next century (Gáll 2007, 444). This was the last important article concerned the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries signed by M. Roska. After his departure to Hungary, being deprived of a direct link with the archaeological collections, he could not continue his research of this period of Transylvanian history. This was one of his greatest regrets. * Beeing also an ethnographer Márton Roska worked mainly as an archaeologist, who did not abuse the available historical sources and who did not fall into the trap of Gemischte Argumentation, in spite of the fact, that this was a very popular approach in the historiography of the last century, frequently used by great names of the Hungarian historiography (e.g. Gyula László)55, after the third and forth decade of the 20th century. A list of positive traits, such as his critical attitude with demure conclusions, his non-abusive way of working with archaeological artefacts (some of his contributions are still used today), his broad bibliographical research, the great variety of excavations that he participated in, the quality of his published works56, still useful for today’s specialists, the fact that he initiated a new direction in medieval archaeological research (he researched the 11th century cemeteries from the irst counties of the Hungarian Realm), the concern he expressed for the cultural heritage he studied (his archaeological excavations are fully listed and ordered), all these are the hallmarks of an exemplary professional career, which should inspire and encourage the new generations to follow his activities. Márton Roska remains a great example of professional excellence, a most worthy igure to follow for the young archaeologists from Romania, interested in the research of the early medieval age and whose mission is to break down the scientiic isolation imposed by the communist period. befejezése után észak felől azon a kereskedelmi úton jutott hazánkba, amely az Elba, Odera és Visztula mentén haladó kereskedelmi útakból ágazik el Észak-Magyarország felé s innét a Dunának tart” (Roska 1944, 108). 55 László’s example was followed by many east-European archaeologists. About Gyula László’s work, see: Balassa (2001, 9–136); Langó (2007, 117–124). 56 Among which we can recall an archaeological repertoire for the Prehistory. Márton Roska (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries 95 Fig. 4. 10th and 11th century archaeological excavations and isolated inds published by Márton Roska: 1. Moldoveneşti; 2. Hunedoara; 3. Gâmbaş; 4. Biharea; 5. Vărşand; 6–7. Periam; 8. Alba Iulia; 9. Heria References Written sources CIH Corpus Iuris Hungarici, ed. by Márkus Dezső, Budapest 1899. Regino Reginonis abbatis Prumiensis chronicon cum continuatione Treverensi, in Világirodalmi kisenciklopédia [Encyclopaedia of World Literature], vol. 2, eds. B. Köpeczi, L. Pók, Budapest 1976, p. 35. Theotmar Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanourum und der Brief des Erzbischofs Theotmar von Salzburg, ed. F. Lošek, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Studien und Texte, vol. 15, Hannover 1997. Modern Works Anghelinu M. 2003 Ávedik L. 1896 Evoluţia gândirii teoretice în arheologia din România. Concepte şi modele aplicate în preistorie [The evolution of theoretical thought in Romanian archaelogy. Concepts and Models Applied to Prehistory]. Târgovişte [in Romanian]. Szabad királyi Erzsébetváros monographiája [The monography of the royal free city Erzsébetváros], Szamosújvár [in Hungarian]. 96 Balassa I. Erwin Gáll 2001 Bálint Cs. 2006 Banner J. 1961 1963 László Gyula életútja [The biography of Gyula László], in László Gyula 1908– 1998. Emlékkönyv, ed. by I. Balassa, Budapest, pp. 9–136 [in Hungarian]. Az ethnosz a kora középkorban (A kutatás lehetőségei és korlátai) [The Ethnos in the Early Middle Ages. (Possibilities and limits of research)], Századok 140 (2), pp. 277–347 [in Hungarian]. A budapesti egyetem és a kolozsvári régészeti iskola [The Budapest University and the archeological school of Cluj], Dissertationes Archaeologicae 3, pp. 44–47 [in Hungarian]. Emlékezés Pósta Bélára, születése száz éves fordulóján [In memoriam Béla Posta on the centennary of his birthday], Dissertationes Archaeologicae 5, pp. 17–28 [in Hungarian]. Banner J., Bóna I. 1974 Mittelbronzezeitliche Tell-Siedlung bei Békés, Budapest. Benkő E. Boas F. 1994 Erdély, in Korai magyar történeti lexikon (9–14. század) [Lexicon on early Hungarian history (9–14th centuries)], ed. by Gy. Kristó, Budapest, pp. 188–192 [in Hungarian]. 1911 The Mind of Primitive Man, New York. 2005 Două secole de mitologie naţională [The two centuries of national mythology], Bucureşti [in Romanian]. 1988 Erdély a Magyar honfoglalás és államalapítás korába [Transylvania in the age of the Hungarian Conquest and the founding of the state], in Erdély története I, ed. by B. Köpeczi, Budapest, pp. 194–237 [in Hungarian]. Az Árpádok korai várairól [On the early castles of the Árpádians], Debrecen [in Hungarian]. Erdély a magyar honfoglalás és államalapítás korában. Régészeti áttekintés [Transylvania in the time of the Hungarian conquest and the establishment of the Hungarian state. An archeological overview], in Erdélyi a keresztény magyar királyságban [Transylvania in the Christian Hungarian Kingdom], Erdélyi Tudományos Füzetek 231, pp. 58–86 [in Hungarian]. Boia L. Bóna I. 1998 2001 Brather S. 2004 Branişte V. 1972 Ethnische Interpretationen in der frühgeschichtlichen Archäologie. Geschichte, Grundlage und Alternativen, Berlin–New York. Amintiri din închisoare [Memories from the jail], Bucureşti [in Romanian]. Buday Á. 1925 In memoriam Pósta Béla 1863–1919, Dolgozatok a Szegedi Tudományegyetem Régiségtudományi Intézetéből 1, pp. 5–17 [in Hungarian]. Márton Roska (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries Curta F. 2002 Chrettier K. 1943 97 Consideraţii privind conceptul de caracter etnic (etnicitate) în arheologia contemporană [Some remarks on the concept of ethnicity in contemporary archaelogy], Arheologie Medievală 4, pp. 5–25 [in Romanian]. A dobokai vár [The Doboka castle], Közlemények az Erdélyi Nemzeti Múzeum Érem-és Régiségtárából 3, pp. 197–208 [in Hungarian]. Csorba Cs. 1969–70 (1971) Pósta Béla kolozsvári régészeti iskolája és a „Dolgozatok” [Béla Posta’s archeological school in Cluj and the ’Studies’], Debreceni Déri Múzeum Évkönyve, pp. 117–146 [in Hungarian]. 1997 Árpád népe [The Arpad’s people]. Budapest [in Hungarian]. Daim F., Lauermann E. (eds.) 2006 Das frühungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederösterreich), Mainz. Deák Á. 2000 Djuvara N. 2007 „Nemzeti egyenjogúsítás.” Kormányzati nemzetiségpolitika Magyarországon 1849–1860 [”Equal national regulations”. The national policy of the government in Hungary 1849–1860], Budapest [in Hungarian]. Civilizaţii şi tipare istorice [Civilisations and historian patterns], Bucureşti [in Romanian]. Dragotă et al. [A. Dragotă, G.T. Rustoiu, M. Drambărean, V. Deleanu, S. Oţa] 2009 Necropola medieval timpurie de la Alba-Iulia str. Brânduşei. Cercetările arheologice din anii 1997–2008 [The Early Medieval cemetery from Alba Iulia Brânduşei street. Archaeological excavations of the years 1997–2008], Alba Iulia [in Romanian]. Dumitraşcu S. 1983 Dümmert D. 1987 Eddie S.M. 2004 Egyed Á. 2005 Ferenczi I. 1999 Podoabe şi piese de îmbrăcăminte din mileniul I. e. n. [Jewelleries and pieces of clothing from the 1st milennium BCE], Crisia 13, pp. 33–142 [in Romanian]. Írástudók küzdelmei [Struggles of literary people], Budapest [in Hungarian]. A pénzügyi függetlenség korlátai a vámunió szuverén államaiban: az OsztrákMagyar Monarchia mint „adóunió” 1868 és 1911 között [The limitations of inancial independence in the sovereign states of the customs union: the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as a ‘tax union’ between 1868 and 1911], Aetas 1, pp. 202–218 [in Hungarian]. Az Erdélyi Múzeum-Egyesület megalakulásának előzményei [The preliminary events of the establishment of the Association of Transylvanian Museum], Csíki Székely Múzeum Évkönyve, pp. 233–241 [in Hungarian]. Pósta Béla, a múzeumszervező tudós [Béla Pósta, a scientist and museum organiser], Erdélyi Múzeum 66 (1–2), pp. 56–63 [in Hungarian]. 98 Erwin Gáll Fichte J.G. 1808 Jancsó B. Gáll E. Reden an die deutsche Nation, Berlin. 1920 A román irredentista mozgalmak története [The history of Romanian irredenta movements], Budapest [in Hungarian]. 2007 Az Erdélyi-medence, Partium és Bánság 10–11. század sír- és szórvány fegyverleleteinek elemzése [An analysis of the grave and stray weapon inds from the Transylvanian Basin, the Partium and the Banat from the 10th–11th centuries], Hadtörténeti Közlemények 119 (2), pp. 395–474 [in Hungarian]. A honfoglalás- és kora Árpád kori temetők és szórványleletek elemzése az Erdélyi-medencében, a Partiumban és a Bánságban. Doktori disszertáció [The analysis of the 10th and 11th centuries’ burial sites and stray inds from Banat, Partium and the Transylvanian Basin. PhD Dissertation], Budapest. vol. 1–3 (vol. 1.: http://doktori.btk.elte.hu/hist/gall/diss.pdf) [in Hungarian]. An analysis of the cemeteries from the 10th and 11th centuries in Brânduşei street, Alba Iulia (Gyulafehérvár, Karlsburg). New theories on the migration of people in Transylvania in the 10–11th centuries, in Între stepă şi Imperium/ Zwischen der Steppe und dem Reich/Between the Steppe and the Empire, ed. by A. Măgureanu, E. Gáll, Bucharest, pp. 297–335. Burial customs and the problem of 10th century populations in the Transylvanian Basin, Acta Archaelogica Carpathica 45, pp. 271–314. Doboka-IV. vártérség templom körüli temetője. Régészeti adatok egy észak-erdélyi ispáni központ 11–13. századi fejlődéséhez [The churchyard cemetery in Dăbâca/ Doboka, castle area 4. Archaeological data on the developement of the North Transylvanian county centre in the 11th–13th centuries], Kolozsvár [in Hungarian]. The churchyard cemetery in Dăbâca/Doboka, castle area 4. Archaeological data on the development of a North Transylvanian county centre in the 11–13th centuries, in Arheologia mileniului I. p. Chr. Interferenţe culturale la Dunărea de Jos, ed. by L.M. Voicu, B. Ciupercă. Ploieşti, pp. 311–351. 2008 2010a 2010b 2011a 2011b Gáll E., Gergely B. 2009 Kolozsvár születése. Régészeti adatok a város kora középkori történetéhez [The Birth of Cluj. Archaeological data concerning the early medieval history of the city], Kolozsvár [in Hungarian]. Gáll E., Gergely B., Gál Sz. 2010 La răscruce de drumuri. Date arheologice privind teritoriul oraşului Cluj-Napoca în secolele X–XIII [At Crossroads. Archaeological data concerning the territory of Cluj-Napoca city in the 10th–13th centuries], Cluj-Napoca [in Romanian]. Goldschmidt W.(ed.) 1959 The Anthropology of Franz Boas. Essays on the Centennial of his birth. The American Anthropological Association, Menasha. Gratz G. 1934 Gusield J.R. 1997 A dualizmus kora. Magyarország története 1867–1918 [The epoch of dualism. The history of Hungary 1867–1918], Vol. I–II. Budapest [in Hungarian]. Primordialism şi naţionalitate [Primordialism and nationality], Altera 5 (2), pp. 14–22 [in Romanian]. Márton Roska (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries 99 Hampel J. 1905 Alterthümer des frühen Mittelalters in Ungarn, vol. 1–3, Braunschweig. Hanák P. 1988/19992 A Kert és a Műhely [The Garden and the Workshop], Budapest [in Hungarian]. Harhoiu R. 2004 Das Miereschprogramm. Ein vergessenes Forschunsgprojekts? in Europa Barbarica. Ćwierć wieku archeologii w Masłomęczu (Monumenta Studia Gothica 4), ed. by P. Łuczkiewicz, pp. 159–162. Hedenstierna Johnson Ch. 2006 The Birka Warrior. The material culture of a martial society. Doctoral Thesis in Archaeological Science at Stockholm University, Stockholm. Helczmanovszki H. 1979 Das Kind in Österreich: Eine Demographische Analyse aus Anlass des “Jahres des Kindes”, in European Demography and Economic Growth, ed. by W.R. Lee, London, 1979, pp. 27–79. Herder J.G. 1784–1791 Herepei J. 2004 Herepey K. 1896 Jones S. Jotov V. Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit, vol. 4, Berlin. Kolozsvár történeti földrajza [The historical geography of Cluj], Kolozsvár [in Hungarian]. A gombási népvándorláskori sírokról [On the early medieval graves in Gombás], Archaeologiai Értesítő 16, pp. 426–430 [in Hungarian]. 1997 The Archaeology of Ethnicity. Constructing Identities in the Past and Present, London. 2003 2004 Vikinitite na Balkanite – Vikings on the Balkans, Varna. Văorăženieto i snarjaženieto ot bălgarskoto srednevekovie (VII–XI. vek) [Weaponry and military equipment of the Bulgarian Middle Ages (7th–11th centuries)], Varna [in Bulgarian]. 2002 Régészeti kutatás és oktatás az egyetemeken [Archeological research and education at the university], in A magyar régészet az ezredfordulón [Hungarian archeology at the turn of the millenium], ed. by V. Zsolt, Budapest, pp. 419–423 [in Hungarian]. Kalla G. Karácsonyi J. 1896 Karlsson I. 1997 A honfoglalás és Erdély [Transylvania and the Hungarian conquest], Katholikus Szemle. Szent István Társulat irodalmi és tudományos folyóirata 10, pp. 456– 483 [in Hungarian]. Naţionalism şi minorităţi din perspectiva europeană [Nationalism and minorities from the European perspective], Altera 5 (2), pp. 7–13 [in Romanian]. 100 Erwin Gáll Klima L. 1993 Kniezsa I. 1938 Korek J. 1962 Kovács L. 1986 Kölönte B. 1910 Kövér Gy. 2007 Kristó Gy. 1985 László Gy. 1943 Langó P. 2007 Fehér és fekete. Duális társadalmi struktúrák a népvándorlás kori népeknél [Black and white. Dual social structures among early medieval folks], Hermán Ottó Múzeum Évkönyve 30–31, pp. 115–126 [in Hungarian]. Magyarország népei a XI. században [Ethnic groups in Hungary in the 11th century], in Emlékkönyv Szent István király halálának 900. évfordulóján [A Book commemorating the 900th anniversary of the death of King St. Stephen], ed. by J.Serédi, Budapest, pp. 367–454 [in Hungarian]. Roska Márton, Archaeologiai Értesítő 89, p. 89 [in Hungarian]. Über einige Steigbügeltypen der Landnahmezeit, Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientarium Hungaricae 38, pp. 195–225. Gyergyó története a kialakulástól a határőrség szervezéséig [The history of Gyergyó from the beginning until the border patrols were organized], Gyergyószentmiklós [in Hungarian]. Az Osztrák-Magyar Monarchia gazdasági teljesítménye. Lépték és tempó [The economic achievement of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Scale and pace], in A Monarchia kora – ma [The age of the Monarchy – today], ed. by A. Gerő, Budapest, pp. 44–73 [in Hungarian]. A fekete magyarok és a pécsi püspökség alapítása [Black Hungarians and the foundation of the episcopate in Pécs], Acta Universitatis Szegediensis. Acta Historica 82, pp. 11–17 [in Hungarian]. A honfoglaló magyarság művészete Erdélyben [The art of the conquering Hungarians in Transylvania], Kolozsvár [in Hungarian]. Amit elrejt a föld? A 10. századi magyarság anyagi kultúrájának régészeti kutatása a Kárpát-medencében [What is hidden in the ground? The archeological research of the material culture of the 10th century Hungarians in the Carpathian Basin], Budapest [in Hungarian]. Lăzărescu V–A. 2008 Arheologia funerară. Schiţă de abordare teoretică [Mortuary Archaeology. Outline for theoretical approaches], Arheologie Medievală 7, pp. 55–77 [in Romanian]. Lukács J. 1997 2004 Magris C. 1963 The Hitler of History, New York. Budapest 1900, Budapest. Il mito Habsburgico nella letteratura austriaca moderna, Torino. Márton Roska (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries Maniu I. 2001 Miskolczy A. 2005 Moór E. 1944 101 Patria de lux, Cluj-Napoca [in Romanian]. Románok a történelmi Magyarországon [Romanians in the historical Hungary], Budapest [in Hungarian]. A honfoglaló magyarság megtelepülése és a székelyek eredete [The settlement of the Hungarians of the conquest period and the origins of the Szeklers], Szeged [in Hungarian]. Niculescu Gh.A. 1997 Interpretarea fenomenelor etnice de către istorici şi arheologi. Pericolele argumentaţiei mixte [The interpretation of the ethnic phenomena by the historians and archaelogists], in In honorem emeritae Ligiae Bârzu. Timpul Istoriei I, ed. by M. Ciho, V. Nistor, D. Zaharia, Bucureşti, pp. 63–69 [in Romanian]. 2009 Populaţia romanică dintre Dunăre şi Alpi în antichitatea târzie [Romanized population from the Danube and the Alps in Late Antiquity], Bucureşti [in Romanian]. Pallag Z. 2002 2003 Paulsen P. 1933 Pârvan V. Pohl W. Corespondenţă şi acte [Correspondence and documents], Bucureşti [in Romanian]. 1991 Conceptions of ethnicity in Early Medieval studies, Archaeologia Polona 29, pp. 39–49. Conceptions of Ethnicity in Early Medieval Studies, in Eastern Central Europe in the Early Middle Ages. Conlicts, Migrations and Ethnic Processes, ed. by C Spinei, C. Hriban, Bucureşti – Brăila, pp. 17–29. 1994 Popovici A.C. 1906 Pósta B. Wikingerfunde aus Ungarn im Lichte der Nord- und Westeuropäischen Frühgeschichte – Magyarországi viking leletek, Archaeologia Hungarica 12, Budapest. 1983 2008 Popa R. Az első magyar mezopotámiai régészeti expedíció terve [The plan of the irst Hungarian archeological expedition to Mesopotamia], Őstörténeti Levelek 4, pp. 105–110 [in Hungarian]. Pósta Béla és a Magyar Keleti Archaeológiai Intézet terve [Béla Pósta and the plan of the Hungarian Eastern Archeological Institute], Debreceni Déri Múzeum Évkönyve 2002–2003, pp. 117–134 [in Hungarian]. 1905 Biharea, in Enciclopedia arheologiei şi istoriei vechi a României [The Encyclopedia of Archaelogy and Ancient History of Romania], ed. by C. Preda, Bucureşti, p. 181 [in Romanian]. Die Vereinigten Staaten von Gross-Österreich, Leipzig. Régészeti tanulmányok az Oroszföldön – Archäologische Studien auf russischen Boden, Budapest–Leipzig [in Hungarian and German]. 102 Ress I. Erwin Gáll 1907 Régészeti tanfolyam az Erdélyi Nemzeti Múzeum érem és régiségtárában [Archaeological course in the department of coins and antiquities of the Transylvanian National Museum], Erdélyi Múzeum 25, pp. 228–237 [in Hungarian]. 2011 Horvát–magyar összecsapás és kiegyezés [The Croatian–Hungarian clash and conciliation], História – történelmi folyóirat 2011/5–6, 46–57 [in Hungarian]. Révész L. 2006 Róna-Tas A. 1997 Roska M. 1913 1914 1924 1925 1927 1936 1941a 1941b 1943 1944a 1944b A Gnadendorf-program: gondolatok egy sír feldolgozása és bemutatása [The Gnadendorf project: observations concerning the elaboration and presentation of a certain grave], Communicationes Archaelogicae Hungariae 2006, pp. 297– 302 [in Hungarian]. A honfoglaló magyar nép [The Hungarians conquering their homeland], Budapest [in Hungarian]. Árpádkori temető Vajdahunyadon – Sepulture de l’epoque d’Arpad, á Vajdahunyad, Dolgozatok az Erdélyi Nemzeti Múzeum Érem-és Régiségtárából 4, pp. 166–198 [in Hungarian and French]. Árpádkori temető Várfalván – Cimetiere de l’époque des Árpádes á Várfalva, Dolgozatok az Erdélyi Nemzeti Múzeum Érem- és Régiségtárából 5, pp. 125–167, 168–187 [in Hungarian and French]. Recherches préhistoriques pendant l’année 1924, Dacia. Recherches et découvertes archéologiques en Roumanie 1, pp. 297–316 (Biharea: p. 313). Rapport préliminaire sur les fouilles archéologiques de l’année, Dacia. Recherches et découvertes archéologiques en Roumanie 2, pp. 400–416 (Biharea: p. 403). Emlékek a magyarság erdélyi honfoglalásához [Archaeological remains of the Hungarian conquest in Transylvania], in: Márki Emlékkönyv, ed. by L. György, Kolozsvár, pp. 132–138 [in Hungarian]. A honfoglalás és Erdély [Transylvania and the Hungarian conquest], in A történeti Erdély, ed. by M. Asztalos, Budapest, pp. 162–173 [in Hungarian]. Előljáróba [Introduction], Közlemények az Erdélyi Nemzeti Múzeum Érem-és Régiségtárából 1, pp. 3–4 [in Hungarian]. A gyulavarsándi (Arad m.) Laposhalom rétegtani viszonyai [Stratigraphy of the „Laposhalom” hill in Gyulavarsánd (prov. Arad)], Folia Archaeologica 3–4, pp. 45–61 [in Hungarian]. Perjámosi leletek I–II [Findings from Perjámos], Közlemények az Erdélyi Nemzeti Múzeum Érem-és Régiségtárából 3, pp. 140–143 [in Hungarian]. A hari (Hiria, Alsó-Fehér vm.) honfoglaláskori sírlelet (Der landnahmezeitliche Grabfund von Hari (Hiria, kom. Alsó-Fehér, Alba de Jos), Közlemények az Erdélyi Nemzeti Múzeum Érem-és Régiségtárából 4, pp. 97–101 [in Hungarian and German]. A gyulafehérvári (Alba Iulia, Alsófehér M.) viking bronzkardokvég [Viking bronze ortband from Gyulafehérvár (Alba Iulia), province Alsó-Fehér (Alba de Jos)], Közlemények az Erdélyi Nemzeti Múzeum Érem-és Régiségtárából 4, pp. 102–108 [in Hungarian]. Rusu M. 1975 The Autochtonous Population and the Hungarians on the Territory of Transylvania in the 9th–11th, in Relations between the Autochtonous Population and the Márton Roska (1880–1961) and the archaeological research of the 10th and 11th centuries 103 Migratory Populations on the Territory of Romania, ed. by M. Constantinescu, Ş. Pascu, P. Diaconu, Bucharest, pp. 201–218. Sas P. 2003 Somogyi É. 2007 Szabó T.A. 1942 Székely Z. 1945 Szongott K. 1902 Szűcs J. 1997 Tarisznyás M. 1994 Buday Árpád kolozsvári évei [Árpád Buday’s years in Cluj], in Emlékkönyv Kiss András születésének nyolcvanadik évfordulójára [A Book Commemorating the 90th birthday anniversary of András Kiss], ed. by S. Pál-Antal, G. Sipos, A.W. Kovács, R. Wolf, Kolozsvár, pp. 487–509 [in Hungarian]. A dualizmus államrendszere [The system of the dualist state], in A Monarchia kora – ma [The age of the Monarchy – today], ed. by A.Gerő, Budapest, pp. 109–122 [in Hungarian]. Az Erdélyi Múzeum-Egyesület története és feladatai [The history and tasks of the Association of Transylvanian Museum], Kolozsvár [in Hungarian]. Adatok a Székelyföld népvándorlás korához [Data on the early medieval history of the land of the Székelys], Sepsiszentgyörgy [in Hungarian]. Szamosújvár sz. kir. Város monographiája [The monography of the royal free city of Szamosújvár], Szamosújvár [in Hungarian]. A magyar nemzeti tudat kialakulása [The formation of the Hungarian national concept], Budapest [in Hungarian]. Gyergyó történeti néprajza [The historical folklore of Gyergyó], Budapest [in Hungarian]. Theodorescu R. (ed.) 2001 Istoria Românilor, Vol. III [History of the Romanians], Bucureşti [in Romanian]. 2010 Istoria Românilor, Vol. III [History of the Romanians], Bucureşti [in Romanian] Tóth S.L. 1983 1987 A fehér és fekete magyarok kérdéséhez [On the issue of Black and White Hungarians], Acta Universitatis Szegediensis. Acta Historica 75, pp. 3–9 [in Hungarian]. Kabarok és fekete magyarok [Kabars and Black Hungarians], Acta Universitatis Szegediensis. Acta Historica 84, pp. 23–29 [in Hungarian]. Vaida-Voevod A. 1994/1998 Memorii [Memories], vols. 1,4, Cluj-Napoca [in Romanian]. Vincent A. 2002 Vincze Z. 2002 Nationalism and Particularity, Cambridge. Pósta Béla-iratok az Erdélyi Nemzeti Múzeum Érem- és Régiségtárának levéltárában [Béla Pósta’s documents in the Archive of the Transylvanian Museum 104 Erwin Gáll 2003 2004 2005 Vékony G. 2002 Association’s Coin and Antiquities Collection], Erdélyi Múzeum 64 (1–2), pp. 25–44 [in Hungarian]. A Keleti Intézet Pósta Béla-i terve [The Béla Posta’s project of the Oriental Institute], in Emlékkönyv Kiss András születésének nyolcvanadik évfordulójára, ed. by S. Pál-Antal, G. Sipos, A.W. Kovács, R.Wolf, Kolozsvár, pp. 640–657 [in Hungarian]. Létay Balázs: derékba tört régészpálya [Balázs Létay: a broken career], Keresztény Magvető. Az Erdélyi Unitárius Egyház Folyóirata 1, pp. 58–73 [in Hungarian]. Roska Márton, a kolozsvári régészeti iskola megalapítója [Márton Roska, the founder of the archeological school in Cluj], Honismeret Szövetség Folyóirata 33 (5), pp. 7–15 [in Hungarian]. Magyar Őstörténet–Magyar Honfoglalás [Hungarian Prehistory – Hungarian Conquest], Budapest [in Hungarian]. Acta Euroasiatica 1 (2013) PL ISSN 2353-2262 Kristina A. Lavysh Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures (10th–15th centuries) on the territory of the present-day Belarus In this study archaeological inds have been presented which were found on the territory of presentday Belarus. They are associated with the nomadic peoples living in the Eastern Europe in the period from the 10th to the 15th century. The Author discusses: bone artefacts, metal belt appliqués and ittings, elements of weaponry (bronze head of mace, decorations of quiver and bow case), Golden Horde pottery, beads of quartz frit and pouch appliqués. These inds, particulary of the Golden Horde origin, discovered on the territory of present-day Belarus, is to testify a constant presence of the nomadic population and its craft tradition on the areas located far beyond the steppe and forest stepe zones. Key words: Belarus, indings of the nomadic origin, Golden Horde, 10th–15th centuries On the territory of the present-day Belarus, in the urban strata as well as in burrials, some groups of artefacts belonging to the material culture of East European nomads have been found. These inds are an indication of the presence of nomads and/or their inluence on the local, Slavonic craft tradition. Bone artefacts with an animal head The earliest inds from the mentioned area, which belong to nomadic culture are bone artefacts discovered in burial mounds. One of them was found in the burial mound no. 34 in a cemetery near the village Novye Volosovichi (district Lepel, province Vitebsk) (Vaitsyakhovich 2006, 95). It was a fragment of a larger bone object, of which a ram’s head with long neck and big bent down corns, a handle and two other small fragments were preserved (Fig. 1: 1). The surface of the analysed artefacts was ornamented with concentric circles and other geometric motifs such as braid, criss-cross and zigzag. A ram’s head with bent horns which was found in a cemetery in Saltovo is stylisticly similar to the analysed artefacts. According to S.A. Pletnieva it was used as an amulet (Pletneva 1967, 172–173, ig. 47:3.). It is possible that to the same circle as the indings mentioned above, belongs the bone artefact from the mound dated back to the 9th–10th century A.D., located in Rudnia villlage (Polock district, Vitebsk province) (Shtykhau, Zakharenka 1971, pl.11). Only a horse head decorated with geometric ornaments, 106 Kristina A. Lavysh Fig. 1. 1 – Fragments of ornamented bone artefacts from the 10th century found in burial mound no. 34 in mounds cemetery near village Novye Volosovichi, district Lepel, province Vitebsk. Excavations conducted by A.V. Vaitsyakhovich. Photo by A.V. Vaitsyakhovich. Lepel, Lepel Regional Museum of Local History. 2 – Head of mace from burial mound no. 2 group VII in Zaslavl’, district Minsk, province Minsk. Yu. A. Zayats excavations. Photo by K.A. Lavysh. Minsk, National Museum of History. 3 – Fragment of ornamented bone artefacts from 9th-10th century found in burial mound near village Rudnia, district Polotsk, province Vitebsk. Excavations conducted by A.G. Mitrofanov. Minsk, National Museum of History. After Shtykhau, Zakharenka 1971, pl.11. Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 107 which represents the bridle, has been preserved (Fig. 1: 3). These two bone items are stylistically close and probably served a similar function. Metal belt appliqués and ittings Metal appliqués of rich ornamented belts are another group of artefacts, which can be connected with the steppe area. However, the tradition of their use and production was also borrowed by members of the Old Rus’ squad keeping relations with the nomadic environment, especially with regions under the Khazar’s control. This area is considered to be a place of the origin of the Old Magyar type of belt with a loosely hanging strap-end. The Rus’ version of the belts was characterised by the presence of metal appliqés on the internal supplementary small belt (Murasheva 1998, 256). Veronica Murasheva, the author of recent publications on Old Rus’ belts with metal appliqués, based on stylistic analyses, divided a few traditions which had strong inluence on the development of Old Russian belts with metal appliqués. We have to mention the following traditions: a) Khazar, b) Volga Bulgarian, c) nomadic from the Migration Period (especially Avar decoration art) d) Sasanian and post-Sasanian e) Scandinavian and f) Finno-Ugric tradition (Murasheva 2000, 97). Fig. 2. Metal appliqués and belt ittings: a5 and b6 – horse-riding appliqués. Cast bronze. a–c Zaslavl’, district Minsk, province Minsk. Zaslavl’, Zaslavl’ Museum-Reserve of History and Culture: а – burial mound no. 16, group II, 2nd half of the 10th century. Excavations conducted by A.N. Lyaudanski; b – burial mound no.5, group I, end of the 10th – beginning of the 11th century. Excavations conducted by Yu.A. Zayats; c – Hillfort Zameczek, end of the 10th – beginning of the 11th century. Excavations conducted by Yu.A. Zayats (after Zayats 1995, ig. 51); d – Berdyzh, district Čečersk, province Gomel. Excavations conducted by S.A. Dubiński. Archaeological exhibition of the Institut of History of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus (after Levko (ed.) 2012, 127). 108 Kristina A. Lavysh The majority of the discovered elements with metal belt apliqués are known from the burial mounds of the Old Rus’ warriors dated to the end of the 9th and beginning of the 11th centuries A.D. (Gnezdovo, Chernihiv, Kiev). On the presentday territory of Belarus, similar belt elements were found in Zaslavl’ in the burial mounds situated in the Gomel, Brest, Witebsk and Minsk regions (Sizov 1902, 45–46, 117, tab. III; Zayats 1995, 69, ig. 51). Many of them have a heart-like shape with ornamentation in most cases consisting of a lower motif with three or ive petals. This motif was often inscribed in a heart-shaped contour. Most of the appliqués from Zaslavl’ can be related to Murasheva’s class XXII (the image of an owl face (?), background concave), variant 1 (external surface with relief), type 1A (pentagon with parallel lateral sides, on the head of an owl (?) a lower with three petals; Murasheva 2000, 47, ig. 67, 1А-1, 1А-2; Zayats 1995, ig. 51, б, 2–3, 6) (Fig. 2: b 2–4). To this group also belong appliqués discovered in burial mounds near Zayamochnoe (Minsk district, Minsk province) (Fig. 6: 2–6) in a settlement in Lemeshevichi (Pinsk district, Brest province) (Fig. 5: 4; cf. Ken’ko 2006, 145–148). In Zaslavl’ an appliqué with pomegranate motifs has been found (decoration from the Sasanian area) with close parallels to inds from Gnezdovo (Zayats 1995, 69, ig. 51:а1, 3; Sizov 1902, tab. III, 33–35). The metal appliqué with a double pomegranate motif was discovered in a burial mound from a cemetery near Bierdyz village (Čečersk district, Gomel province) (Fig. 2 d, cf. Levko (ed.) 2012, 127). According to Murasheva’s classiication it belongs to class III, type E (pomegranate-shaped, rim in the form of a repeated line contour, ornament-circle, cavity, oval cross-section) (Murasheva 2000, 30, ig. 34, е-1, е-2). Another appliqué from Zaslavl’ belongs to class IV Murasheva’s typology (bent collar, corrugated rim, lack of ornaments or a small geometric igure on the base, ornaments recessed), group 1 (external surface is lat), type 1Б (heart-shaped, oval with a sharp end at the base) (Fig. 2: b 5, c; por. Murasheva 2000, 31, ig. 35, 1Б;2; Zayats 1995, ig. 51, б, 4). The analogical appliqué belongs to the class IV group 1, type 1A (heart-shaped with a corrugated rim), are known from burial mound no. 57 at Gorodische (Pinsk district, Brest province). In Zaslavl’, a pentagonal appliqué was found which is close to Murasheva’s class III, varia, type 6 (pentagonal with parallel side faces, oval ornament and cavities), circular in cross-section, and the corrugated rim is just a short distance from the internal outer edge (Fig. 2: a1; see Murasheva 2000, 30, ig. 34, 6; 2; Zayats 1995, ig. 51, а, 4). Another piece of metal belt discovered in Zaslav – itting or appliqué of longitudinal form – is ornamented with two lower motives with three petals, each of which is inscribed in a heart shape contour in the system of one above another (Fig. 2: c). A similar ornamental composition consisting of two arranged, one above the other three-petal lowers, inscribed in a circular line are on the patrix used to press appliqués or ittings of longitudinal shape known from Mstislavl’. An analogical lower motif with three-petals in a double vertical position is on the buckles from Volkovysk (Fig. 8, 7). The inspiration for this theme, according to Veronica Murasheva, is Avar art. This motif is also known from Hungarian art (Murasheva 2000, 87). Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 109 Fig. 3. Metal appliqués for studded belt (a1–10; b1–32) and bag (a11–14; b32–36), and burial accessories (b 37–44). Cast bronze. Vitunichi, burial mound no. 2, district Dokshytsy, province Vitebsk. 2nd half of the 10th – beginning of 11th century. Excavations conducted by A.V. Vaitsyakhovich. Drawings and photo by A.V. Vaitsyakhovich. Vitebsk, Museum of Land Lore of the Province Vitebsk (after Vaitsyakhovich 2007, 103, ig. 17,1–6; Ken’ko 2007, 145, ig. 6). 110 Kristina A. Lavysh Fig. 4. 1 – belt appliqués. Cast bronze. Vetochka, district Rokhachev, province Gomel. 10th century. Excavations conducted by G.F. Solovieva. Gomel, Museum “Gomel Park-Palace Complex”; 2–4 – bag appliqués. Bronze, cast. Found in Vitebsk province. 11th century, Polotsk, Polotsk National Museum-Reserve of History and Culture; 5 – bag appliqués. Cast bronze. Settlement Nisimkovichi I, district Čečersk, province Gomel. 10th century. Excavations conducted by O.A. Makushnikov. Gomel, Museum “Gomel Palace-Park Complex”; 6 – bag appliqués. Cast white metal. Polock, province Vitebsk. 10th–11th century. S. Mikheyko’s collection. Polotsk, Polotsk National Museum-Reserve of History and Culture; 7–11 – appliqués, belt itting, horseridding appliqués. Cast bronze. Burial mound near village Zamosh’e, district Polotsk, province Vitebsk. End of the 10th – beginning of the 11th century. Excavations conducted by Z.M. Sergeeva (after Levko (ed.) 2012, 128); 12 – belt itting. Cast bronze. Ozertso, burial mound no 1, district Minsk, province Minsk. End of the 10th – beginning of 11th century. Excavations conducted by V.A. Karpenko (after Karpenko 1979, ig. 68); 13–15 – buckle and belt appliqués. Cast bronze. District Loyev, province Gomel. Stray inds. 11th – irst half of 12th century. P.M. Ken’ko’s collection of materials. Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 111 Fig. 5. 1 – belt appliqué. Cast bronze. Lisiatnik II, district Dobruš, province Gomel. 10th century. Excavations conducted by O.A. Makushnikov. Gomel, Museum “Gomel Palace-Park Complex”; 2 – belt appliqué. Cast bronze. District Polock, province Vitebsk. 10th century, Polock, Polock National Museum-Reserve of History and Culture; 3a–b – belt appliqués. Cast bronze. Voznovo, district Verkhnyadzvinsk, province Vitebsk. 10th century. P.M. Ken’ko’s archaeological materials; 4 – belt appliqué. Cast bronze. Settlement in Lemeshevichy, district Pinsk, province Brest. 2nd half of the 10th century. Excavations conducted by V.S.Vyargej (after Iou, Vyargej 1993, 127, ig. 3:4); 5 – belt appliqué. Gilded silver. District Polotsk, province Vitebsk. 11th century. Excavations conducted by A.N. Lyaudanski (after Lyaudanski 1930, 165–166, tab. ІІ:5); 6a–b – belt appliqués. Cast white metal. Settlement Novye Volosovichi, district Lepel, province Vitebsk. 2nd half of the 10th–11th century. Stray ind. Private collection (after Vaitsyakhovich 2006, 101, ig. 17:3, 4); 7a–b – belt appliqués. Cast bronze. Kimborovka, district Mozyr, province Gomel. 2nd half of the 10th century; 8–9: belt appliqués. Cast bronze. Burial mounds Gomel area. 10th century. G.F. Soloveva’s archaeological materials. Photo by Soloveva. Gomel, Museum “Gomel Palace-Park Complex”; 10 – belt appliqué. Cast bronze. Rovnushina, burial mound no. 25 (former Mogilev governorate). 11th century. Excavations conducted by L.Yu. Lazarevich-Shepelevich. Moskva, State Historical Museum (after Murasheva 2000, 36, ig. 42: 1А-1, 1А-2); 11–14: appliqués and belt ittings. Cast bronze. Vyadec (former Mogilev governorate). 2nd half of the 10th century. Excavations conducted by E.R. Romanov. Moskva, State Historical Museum (after Murasheva 2000, 39, ig. 47: 1А-1, 1А-2; 65, ig. 98: 1А; 63, ig. 94: 1А). 112 Kristina A. Lavysh Fig. 6. 1 – metal appliqués for studded belt (1–2, 4–9) and horse-riding ittings (3). Cast bronze. Hillfort on Menka, district Minsk, province Minsk. 2nd half of the 10th century (2, 5, 10, 12, 11, 13), 1st half of the 11th century (1, 3, 4, 8, 9), 12th century (6, 7). Stray inds. Minsk, Museum of History of Minsk (1–9). Akt no. 5 in 2007. Drawing by P.M. Ken’ko. Archaeological exhibition of the Institut of History of National Academy of Sciences of Belarus (10–13). Photo by K.A. Lavysh; 2 – metal appliqués for studded belt. Cast bronze. Zayamochnoe, burial mound, district Minsk, province Minsk. 2nd half of the 10th century (9–13), 11th century (1–8). P.M. Ken’ko’s archaeological materials (after Ken’ko 2006, 147, ig. 1). Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 113 Another interesting ind of nomadic origin is a buckle decorated with ornamental patterns found in Zaslavl’ (Fig. 2: b1). Artefacts from the Volga Bulgarian Circle and late Khazar one show stylistic similarities to the presented buckles. An analogical ornamental pattern was used on the end of the strap-end from the Nisimkovichy III site (Čečersk district, Gomel province; Makushnikov 1985, 20, 61, ig. 34:4). The main ornamental element is a ive petal lower close to the motifs presented in appliqués of Murasheva’s class XXII. A drawing of a lower with three petals of round contour was placed on the buckle from Polotsk (Fig. 8: 8; cf. Duk 2005, 70, foto 8). The developed vine motif with three-petal lowers on its end was engraved on the surface of the strap-end from burial mound no. 101 at Izbishche site (Lagoysk district, Minsk province) (Fig. 8: 9; cf. Shtykhau 2007, c.64, ig.12:9). Decorated with the motif of vine is also a longitudinal appliqué with a loop for hanging, discovered in burial mounds of the Gomel region (Fig. 8: 1, 1; 2,1; cf. Ken’ko 2006a, 139–147). The expressive plant ornamentation is represented on a series of appliqués and the strap-ends from a burial mound near the village of Zamosh’e (Tolochin district, Vitebsk province) (Fig. 4: 7–9). Vegetable lagellum creates a igure close to the shape of a heart (Lyauko 2000, 105). Quite strict analogies to these indings are silver belt appliqués with gilding from a hoard in the village of Myshelovka (region Kiev), dating back to the 11th century. They indicate a connection with Central Asian and Iranian tradition (Darkievich 1976, tab. 41:13 – 16). They are linked by extensive, clearly modelled plant ornamentation, although the appliqués from Zamosh’e are not as rich as those from the Myshelovka hoard. A similar ornament consisting of three palmettos, placed three times on the vertical axis creating the shape of the tree of life, is a decorative itting from Vidgoshch (Minsk district, Minsk province) (Piotrowski ed. 2005, 190, 255, tab.23d). Tree-like loral compositions adorn a number of strap-ends from the burial mounds of the Gomel region (Fig. 7, 12–14; cf. Ken’ko 2006a, 139–147). The composition consisted of a freely distributed lagellum plant and is located on a stencil made of bark, found in David-Gorodok (Piotrowski ed. 2005, 89, 243, tab.11h). A large silver gilded applique has been found in Polock (Lyaudanski 1930, 165–166, tab.ІІ: 5). It has the shape of a heart with loral ornamentation (Fig. 5: 5). This artefact was found during Alexander N. Lyaudanski’s excavations (the 20’s of the 20th century). Unfortunately, it is known only from a drawing, which makes it dificult to analyse the ornamental pattern. The heart-like shape has yet another appliqué from Polotsk (Fig. 5: 2) (Polotsk The National Museum of History and Culture, S. Mikheyko’s collection). It is lat, without ornamentation, with a hole at the base and belongs to the class I type 1Г of Murasheva’s classiication. Ornametation of another appliqué found in Polotsk was imbued with loral motifs (Fig. 4: 6) (Polotsk National Museum of History and Culture, S. Mikhejko’s collection). In the rectangular shape of the appliqué are presented a heart-like palmette and two half-palmettos arranged along its longitudinal axis. A group of appliqués of heart-like shape with an engraved ornament of plant lagellum were also featured in (site Lisiatnik II (Fig. 5: 1) Dobruš district, Gomel 114 Kristina A. Lavysh province and other sites in the Gomel region Figs. 7: 9–11; 8:1,2; 2,2), Khomsk, (Drahichyn distrct, Brest province) (Makushnikov 1991, 64, tab. 28:1; Ken’ko 2006a, 139–147; Pobol’ 1979, 86, ig. 55.). They belong to class XXVIII, type 1A, 1Б, 1B according to Murasheva’s classiication. Two heart-like appliqués from Khomsk belong to class XXVIII, type 1A. Their main ornamental motif is a ivepetal lower whose side petals of wide strip shape are bent upwards (Pobol’ 1979, 86, ig. 55:9,40; Murasheva 2000, 41–42, ig. 52: 1А). The appliqués from Vyadec (former Mogilev Governorate, 43 specimens) belong to class XIV according to V. Murasheva’s classiication (bent collar, pentagon with parallel lateral sides and a corrugated rim, a central element of composition – a lower with three petals, above which there are geminate petals, background concave), type 1A (ring at the base of a three-petal lower) (Fig. 5: 11–12) (Murasheva 2000, 39, ig. 47, 1А-1, 1А-2). The appliqués from Rovnushina (former Vitebsk Governorate, 20 specimens) belong to class X (the center of the composition is a multi-petal lower or tree of life, half-palmettes arranged on both sides, background concave), type 1A (heartlike, a three-petal lower, smooth rim) (Fig. 5:10) (Murasheva 2000, 36, ig. 42, 1А-1, 1А-2). A rich belt made up of about 50 appliqués (Fig. 3), was found in cremation burial mound no. 2 with two graves in the mound cemetery near the village of Vitunichi (Dokshytsy district, Vitebsk province) (Vaitsyakhovich 2007, 103, ig. 17,1 – 6). Most applications belong to two types of class XXVI (a multi-petal lower placed on the stem surrounded by leaves, background concave) type 1A (pentagon with parallel side faces) (Figs. 3: b,1–16) and type 1Б (square with a rectangular hole at the base) (Figs. 3: a,1–9). V.V. Marusheva sees in the used ornamental patterns reminiscences of a double axe motif which is a symbol associated with the cult of heaven. At the base of the stems are symmetrically arranged crescentshaped elements which are close to double axe presentations, known from the oriental fabrics of the „zandaniji” type (Murasheva 2000, 86). A reconstruction of the presented belt is practically impossible due to destruction of the leather part and mixing of the appliqués during cremation. There is no buckle, because only fragments could be preserved and one of them is tongueprong. We can only assume that it was a very richly decorated belt, with a long dangling end. It consists of around 50 appliqués, each about 2 cm wide, so its length can be about 120 cm. Apart from belt appliqués, two other types of appliqué were also found – rectangular with a semi-circular lip and a concave on opposite sides, with plat ornament in the centre and sunken into the surface of the appliqué. (Fig. 3: 32–33). These appliqués, just like other small pentagonal ones (Fig. 3: 34), are smaller and can be used as a decoration of a bag attached to a belt. One of them (Fig. 3: 34) could have been used as a belt itting which fastened a bag. Very characteristic is a fragment of a large appliqué/buckle of rhomboidal shape with a square hole in the centre for a loop and belt fastener bag (Fig. 3: 36). The Appliqués/ Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 115 Fig. 7. Appliqués and belt ittings. Cast bronze. District Loyew, province Gomel. Stray inds. 11th – irst half of the 12th century. P.M. Ken’ko’s archaeological materials. 116 Kristina A. Lavysh Fig. 8. 1–2 – appliqués and belt itting. Cast bronze. District Loyev, province Gomel. Stray inds. Materials and drawings by P. M. Ken’ko: 1 – appliqué dated to the 1st half of the 12th century; 2–3 – appliqué and itting, 2nd half of the 10th – beginning of the 11th century; 3 – bend for studded belt. Cast bronze. Novogrudok, province Grodno. 1st half of the 12th century. F.D. Gurevich’s excavations (after Gurevich 1981, 112–113, ig. 90:7); 4 – belt appliqué. Cast bronze. Novogrudok, province Grodno. 12th century. F.D. Gurevich’s excavations (after Gurevich 1981, 108, ig. 85:2); 5 – belt appliqué. Cast bronze. Minsk. 12th–13th century. Yu.V. Kolosovski’s excavations. Minsk, Archeological exhibition of the Institut of History of Belarus National Academy of Sciences; 6 – buckle. Cast bronze. 11th century. Vishchin, district Rogachev, province Gomel. Excavations conducted by E.M. Zagorulski. Minsk, University Laboratory of Museum Studies of Historical Faculty of Belarusian State University; 7 – buckle. Cast bronze. 11th century. Volkovysk. Excavations conducted by Ya.G. Zverugo. Minsk, Museum of Old-Belarus Culture at the Institute of History of Art, Ethnography and Folklore of National Academy of Sciences of Belarus; 8 – buckle. Cast bronze. 11th century. Polock. D.V. Duk’s excavations. Polotsk, Polotsk National Museum-Reserve of History and Culture; 9 – belt ittings. Cast bronze. 2nd half of the 12th century. Found in burial mound no 101 on burial mounds cemetery Izbishche, district Logoysk, province Minsk. 11th century. Excavations conducted by V.V. Kazey. Minsk, Archaeological exhibition of the Institut of History of National Academy of Sciences of Belarus. Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 117 buckles of this type are ornamented with loral motifs. Thery are known from discoveries made in Gnezdovo, Shestovitsa, Chernihiv, Birka, Rösta and in Hungary (Arbman 1941, tabl.129; Graslund 1984, 148; Dienes 1972, 64; László 1944, ig. 54; Gräslund 1975, ig. 2 a–b; Blifel’d 1977, Murashova 1997а, 73–76, ig.3, 5; Sizov 1902, tabl. 2:7, tabl.12). Similar belt elements were found in Bulgar on the Semenovska settlement no. 1, in the Danube Bulgaria and in Mordva (Panov cemetery), in the Kama river basin (cemetery in Malo-Anikovo) and in Khomsk in Belarus (Drogichin district, Brest provionce). They can be dated back to the 2nd half of the 10th–11th century (Murasheva 2000, 54, ig. 79:1,2; Pobol’ 1979, 86, ig. 55). From the Vitebsk burial mounds1 (Fig. 4: 2–4) and Gomel region (Fig. 7: 17–19) (stray inds) appliqués are known with a shape close to the shape presented above, except that in the centre is a rhombus instead of a braid motif. Similar appliqués were found in Gnezdovo and Kumbit. They belong to the type O 21 according to Murasheva’s classiication and have close analogies to the inds from Bulgar (Murasheva 2000, 54, 120, ig. 79:1,2). Conirmation that the buried in burial mound no. 2 in Vitunichi had a bag are indings such as: the iron ire striker (Fig. 3: 42), two silex, two spirally twisted pieces of bronze (Fig. 3: 40–41), an iron knife fragment (Fig. 3: 44) and a piece of silver dirhem emitted in Nuch ibn Mansur’s epoch2 (Fig. 3: 43; cf. Ken’ko 2007, 137). In addition to the above items a hand made clay pot covered with bones was found. The pot is not burned and has a slightly curved rim. Its height is 16 cm, with a bottom diameter of 8 cm and a rim with a diameter of 15 cm. In the burial, apart from human bones, ired animal bones have been found (dog, swine, muddy turtle and birds according to determination of Angela A. Razlutska). In the second burial a hand-made unired pot (height 9 cm, diameter of the bottom 4 cm, diameter of rim 7 cm.), calciied bones, bead fragments (segmental beads, black beads with small eyes) and a bronze fragment of ornament, similar to a small bell (Ken’ko 2007, 137) were found. From the Gomel region come a number of appliqués with ornamental patterns of the Kama region. In the site of Vetochka, two appliqués were found (Fig. 4: 1), similar to indings from the village of Anikovo in the Kama region (Murasheva 2000, 53, ig. 77). They have rectangular shape at the base – rectangular with a lancet ending and a hole and the ornament – a three-petal lower with developed side petals. Another appliqué (Fig. 4: 5) related to the Kama region ornamental patterns was found in the site of Nisimkovichi I (Čečersk district, Gomel province). According to Murasheva’s classiication it belongs to the type O11 (pentagon with parallel lateral sides at the base with triangular concavity and Finds from mound in village Biruli, (Dokshytsy district, Vitebsk province), and others mounds preserved in Polotsk National Muzeum of History and Culture. 2 976–977 AD, according to attribution of Valentin N. Rabcevich 1 118 Kristina A. Lavysh on the opposite side with semicircle convexity an ornament in the form of two intersecting helical twists). A number of metal belt elements and horse-riding equipment have been found on the site of Menka (Minsk district, Minsk province) (Fig. 6: 1). Among them is a remarkable pentagonal appliqué with an image of a ive-petal lower (class XXII, type 1Б according to Murasheva’s classiication) and a buckle with a heartlike motif in the centre (Fig. 6: 1, 2). Identical appliqués were found in a hoard located near the village of Shpilevka (Kharkiv province, Ukraine), in Kiev (Orlov 1982, 172, ig. 6:11), in grave 716 in Birka (Sweden) (Murasheva 2000, 115, 43, ig. 56,1Б) and in archaeological material from Danube Bulgaria. A wide heartlike appliqué with an oval hole at the base and with a ive-petal lower motif has close analogies to Kiev’s indings (Orlov 1982, 172, ig. 6:12), and its shape and decoration indicate similarities to class XXII, type 1A according to Murasheva’s classiication from the hoard near the village of Shpilevka (Kharkiv region). R.S. Orlov considered that similar appliqués from Kiev were part of horse riding equipment (Orlov 1982, 172). It is possible that to this equipment belongs a trapezoidal itting with a ive-petal shape extension in the upper and lower part with a corrugated rim (type O6 according to Murasheva’s classiication). Analogical belt ittings have been found in cemetries in Lucyn, Zaslavl’ and Zamosh’e (Murasheva 2000, 67–68, ig. 103, О6; Zayats 1995, ig.51; Lyauko 2000, 105). The pentagonal applique with parallel sides, a sharp top and triangle cavity at the base (Levko (ed.) 2012, 81) belongs to class X, type 1З according to Murasheva’s classiication (Murasheva 2000, 35–36, ill. 42,1З), differing only by the presence of two round holes in the upper and lower part of the appliqué (Fig. 6: 1,12). The decoration on the appliqué surface shows a complicated loral composition where narrow half palmettes with four petals are located on both sides of the central element. Similar appliqués have been found in burial mound 137 near the village of Vasilki (Volodimir-Volin’skij district) (Murasheva 2000, 111). Another pentagonal appliqué with an elongated triangular top and triangular concavity at the base, with a motif of two combined scrolls is close to type O11 according to Murasheva’s classiication (Fig. 6: 1,11) (Murasheva 2000, 53, ig.77, О11). It is worth noting that the appliqué, as opposed to most others, has a signiicant thickness and on the back is completely lat without any traces of negative relief, usually created by ornament. We have to pay attention also to the long, horizontal appliqué with four circular medallions with a geometric rosette motif shaped of seven circles repeated along its entire length (Fig. 6:1,6). There is no exact analogy to the presented appliqué but circle appliqués with the same motif have been found in mound nos. Ц-255 and 67 in Gnezdovo, in the Semionovskoe settelement I, Bulgar, in the materials of Danube Bulgaria, Southern Ural (Starohalil mounds) and in Hungary (Bezded) (Murasheva 2000, 110, 33, ig. 38,1В). Also, in the site of Menka two small appliqués with a three-petal motif with side petals curled down were found. One of which has a heart-like shape (class VIII, type 1A according to Murasheva’s Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 119 Fig. 9. 1 – Stone mould for belt appliqué. Grodno. 11th–12th century. Excavations conducted by Durchevski. Grodno, State Historical and Archaeological Museum in Grodno; 2 – Stone mould for belt appliqué. Grodno. 12th–13th century. Grodno, State Historical and Archaeological Museum in Grodno. classiication) (Fig. 6: 1,5) (Murasheva 2000, 34, ig. 40,1А), and the second has a semi-circular shape (class IX according to Murasheva’s classiication) (ig.6:1,4) (Murasheva 2000, 35, ig. 41). Only one appliqué in Belarus in the form of a human face (Fig. 6: 1, 13) has been found. It is convex and on its back and in the centre there is a ixing clinch. Similar appliqués are usually associated with the Scandinavian circle but the appliqués with the shape of a human face are known in the East, in so called Tiuchtat culture (Minusinsk Land, Altai) (Korol’ 2008, 96, 97, 103, ig.22, 24). Among buckles found at the site of Menka, one buckle (with a motif similar to a heart in the centre) has close analogies to archaeological materials from Sarkel-White Tower and Timerevo (burrial mound no. 450) (Fig.6: 1,1) (Murasheva 2000, 47, ig. 67,1; 73, ig. 110, а1) The second buckle has close analogies to archaeological materials from Danube Bulgaria (Fig. 6: 1,7), and the third has close analogies to archaeological materials from Hungary (Fig. 6: 1,8). The inal buckle is bisected, lyre-shaped with a highly constricted middle part with a separate place for the bow. The bow is curved, its external side is decorated with 14 oval nodules, and the frame of the bow is decorated with incisions. It is interesting that these inds are associated with Old Magyar discoveries from the Carpathian 120 Kristina A. Lavysh Basin (Bodrogvécs, Zemplin, Hajdúdorog-Temetohegy, Nyíracsád, Tiszalök-Kisfástanya), particularly from its north-eastern part and from the Old Magyar cemetery in Przemysl (grave no. 6) and Halicz (district Kamień, Chełm county, Lublin voivodeship, Poland). The last group of inds date back to the 10th century A.D. (Bronicki, Michalik, Wołoszyn 2003, 212, 216 – 218, ig. 1a). A strap-end from burial mound no. 1 near the village of Ozertso (district Minsk, province Minsk) is decorated with a heart-like palmette, with a three-petal lower located in a heart-shaped contour, which in the upper part of the palmette forms two loral spiral scrolls (Fig. 4: 12). According to Russian and Ukrainian scholars, in the territory of Rus’ in the Early Middle Ages, there were local production centres where metal appliqués were produced (Middle Dnieper area, perhaps Gnezdovo area). Some inds discovered there were also produced there (Murasheva 1997, 80; Orlov 1984, 32–50), but the majority of inds were imports from Volga Bulgaria. According to the observations of V. Murasheva, who is the author of the monograph on the Old Rus’ belts with metal appliqués, the dominant production centre of the belt elements for Rus’ was Volga Bulgaria (Murasheva 2000, 95). The only group of metal belt details which scholars clearly associated with Old Rus’ production are products of the so-called „Chernikhiv School”. Characteristic features distinguishing them from other types of appliqués are: silver inlay, clinches to attach to the belt and the lat surface of upper and lower sides (Murasheva 2000, 94). Metal appliqués could have been imported from steppe and then attached to a leather belt in Rus’. This fact seems to explain a variety of appliqués attached to one belt. During their repair, in case of a lack of similar appliqués, available appliqués were attached. The new appliqués did then not always match the old one. Besides, in the production circle, craftsman can use models or appliqués known in the region of his origin and produce new appliqués. Most of the appliqués and strap-ends were cast of copper alloy. V. Murasheva distinguishes 8 technological schemes of their production. Six of them are associated with different variants of the lost wax technique. The reconstructed process of production consisted of two steps: irst, the mould for the wax model was made and then the wax model was modulated and cast in the lost wax technique. Apart from these techniques, traditional jewellery casting methods were used: casting in stone moulds or in clay moulds (Murasheva 2000, 94, 8–13). The technology of casting in stone mould in the territory of Belarus is conirmed by discoveries from Grodno. Moulds found there were used for the casting of strap-ends decorated with an image of a two multi-petal lower and heart-shaped appliqués with a so called “lourishing cross” (Fig. 9). Bronze mace A mace (bulava, kind of blunt weapon) from Zaslavl’ (Fig. 1:2), found in burial mound no. 2, group VII (inhumation) could be linked to nomadic tradition. The Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 121 head of the mace has the shape of a cube with four pyramidal spikes, and is placed on a long cylindrical sleeve extending at both ends. At the top and bottom of the mace head, at the point where it connects to the sleeve, two strips are placed. The bronze trunk of the mace is illed with lead, i.e. not only the head of the mace but also the upper part of the sleeve (Plavintskij 2009, 363–364). The mace belongs to the oldest known Rus’ type of mace (type I according to A.N. Kirpichnikov’s classiication, dated back to the 9th–11th, but mainly the11th century A.D; cf. Kirpichnikov 1966, 48, 54, tabl. 14). The group of burial mounds to which belongs the one in which the mace was found is dated back to the end of the 10th and beginning of the 11th century (Zayats 1995, 70, 50, ig. 50). Other scholars, however, (A.V. Vaitsyakhovich) dated the mounds back to the middle of the 11th century. Close analogies to the mace from Zaslavl’ come from sites related to nomadic tradition: a mace from Tsymlanskoe hill fort (Sarkel – White Tower) dated by A.N.Kirpicznikov to the 9th–10th century (Kirpichnikov 1966, 48, 130–131, tab. XXVI, 5) and a bronze mace dated back to the 10th–11th century from Bilar hill fort in Volga Bulgaria (Izmajlov 1997, 97, ig. 66:1, 67, tabl. Х: 1). Similar maces were found on the island of Chortica, northern Caucasus, Danube Bulgaria, Croatia (Kirpichnikov 1966, 48), and also in Novogrod in the irst level of the 12th Troitskij trench dated back to the irst quarter of the 12th century and in Gretlingbo in Gotland (Plavintskij 2009, 364; Volkov 1999, 107–110, ig. 1:2). Taking into consideration the rarity of maces of this type in Rus’ such as the uncharacteristic, for Slavdom, head shape of the mace with a sleeve as well as the material (bronze not iron), I.V. Volkov considers that the mace found in Novogrod got there as an import from the South-East, probably from the Caspian area, due to trade, military or other kind of contacts. He explains the fact that the Novogrod mace described above was discovered in the 12th century stratum and it was used as an unusual relict type of weapon in NorthWestern Rus’. It could have had there, not only pure military, but also ceremonial functions (Volkov 1999, 109). A similar interpretation may also be applied for the mace from Zaslav. Taking into account the close analogies which came from the steppe zone and the South East, as well as early chronology, it can be assumed that it was imported from these areas. Golden Horde Pottery A large group of the glazed pottery inds which appear in the 2nd half of the century indicate contact between medieval towns of the present Belarus with the Golden Horde. Glazed pottery was one of the prominent cultural expressions of a Golden Horde town. Pottery was the most common artistic production and was widely used, not only by the elites, but also by ordinary people. Formation of Golden Horde pottery was inluenced by the ceramic traditions of Iran, Syria, Central Asia, Bizantium, the Crimean-Caucasian region and the Far East. These traditions were transferred by enslaved potters who came from the oriental territories conquered by Genghis Khan’s kinship. With the movement of craftsman, 13th 122 Kristina A. Lavysh an important role was played by imported tableware which was used as a model. The Iranian tradition had particulary strong inluence on Golden Horde pottery. The practice of tableware painting with thin quartz frit (Rus. kashin), which was the base for further polychrome painting, comes from this tradition. Pottery decorated in such a way was widespread in the Golden Horde. From Iranian pottery was also borrowed a lotus-like shaped bowl (hemispherical in cross-section). It became a model for the pottery, which is an indicator for Golden Horde ceramics – a hemispherical bowl with a slightly bent edge. The ornamental motifs of Golden Horde pottery also show close similarity to the Near-East as well Iranian patterns (Koval’ 2005, 76). Golden Horde pottery is characterised by a number of artistic peculiarities. It shows a huge variety of decoration, freedom of pictorial expression and intensity of colors. The artistic style of Golden Horde glazed pottery is characterised by striving for picturesque effect, for which the clarity of drawing was adandoned, and by general impression of pervading movement, which brings together all elements of decoration. A similar impression was often created with dots in the colour of turquoise or blue, scattered over the whole surface of the vessel. Along with artistic peculiarities in Golden Horde pottery, a number of technological peculiarities were also observed. In the Golden Horde hard kashin (quartz frit) was never produced, and only the soft one was used, which indicates deviations from the conventional technology (insuficient saturation with water and use of coarse sand). Similar kashin was applied in Syria and Iran in the 13th and 14th century. The hard kashin, sintered to the stoneware was used in the earlier/previous period. Among Golden Horde glazed pottery, we have to mention ceramics made of red kashin, unknown in the inds from the Orient. The way to obtain red colour is not exactly examined, because of a lack of chemical and petrographic analysis. According to Vladimir Yu. Koval, the red color of kashin was obtained by adding red clay instead of white. It was probably the consequence of a lack of white clay deposits in the Volga region. (Koval’ 2005, 77). On the territory of modern Belarus were found fragments of the most widespread Golden Horde pottery – quartz pottery with a relief surface, painted under glaze. Pottery of that type was decorated with embossed under-glaze decoration, made in the majority of cases by painting with the dense engobe of composition of silicone – in fact, thin quartz frit (Rus. kashin). A relief surface could also be obtained by modelling in a form. A characteristic feature of this pottery, which distinguishes it from similar Iranian or Middle Eastern pottery, is colouring of the surface in grey or grey-green. Such a surface served as a background for later painting with quartz frit and under-glaze paints. Sometimes background was not coloured, and then the painting with engobe would lose its contrasting brightness. In Iran the background of pottery was coloured in light brown, and in Egypt in grey and blue (Koval’ 2005, 81). Polychrome painting is characterized by the dark green, less frequently deep blue or dark brown pattern contour and also by deep blue dots and turquoise patches, spread on the bright surface Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 123 of the pottery. Quite often void spaces were illed with squaring and dots. The outer side of bowls was almost always decorated with stylized lotus petals, with addition of deep blue dots, but rarely with medallions with deep blue dots. Ornamentation of the inner side of bowls was varied. An ornament was usually placed concentrically or radially to the central motif. Popular motifs were: a lotus lower, various plant-like and geometric small rosettes and stylized diving small ish. Zoomorphic motifs are less frequent. Epigraphic decoration also was used. Ceramics of this type were found in Novogrudok, Lukoml, Slonim, Drutsk and Grodno (Fig. 10) (Gurevich 1981, 110, ig. 89,2; Shtykhov 1969, 321, 339, ig. 15,6). These are small fragments of bowls with an ornament, made with green contour on a light grey background, supplemented by deep blue dots. A loral ornament is visible on a fragment of pottery from the town of Lukoml and a diagonal grid made of cobalt, can be seen on fragments from Novogrudok and Slonim (Fig. 10: 2, 8) Some fragments of Golden Horde pottery of different types were found in Belarus. From Novogrudok comes a piece of the white soft quartz frit with browngrey under-glaze painting in the form of an ornament of zigzag-shape (Fig. 10: 2, 4). In Drutsk was found a fragment of pottery of soft white quartz frit with semi-transparent turquoise glaze (14th century AD) (Koval’ 1998). Golden Horde pottery was most probably getting to the medieval towns of Belarus not due to trade, but rather as personal items belonging to the Tatars (Koval’ 1997, 17). The irst mention of Tatar presence in the Grand Duchy of Lithunania date back to the 14th century AD. In the years 1316 and 1319 Tatars took part in Gedimin’s battles against the Teutonic Knights (Grishin 1995, 10). It is possible that after the completion of expeditions some of them remained at the military service of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, where they were valued as excellent warriors. The mass migration of Tartars to the Lithuanian state began in the reign of Vytautas (1392–1430). At that time, the Golden Horde was affected by civil wars between Genghis Khan’s heirs. The unknown author of “Risale-i Tatar-i Lech” („Treaty on the Polish Tatars”, 1558 AD), which is a work drawn up for the sultan Sulaiman the Magniicent, wrote: “Our families, tired of turbulent life, move to these parts”. The Grand Duke Vytautas in the year 1427 AD in a letter to the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order Paul Bellitzer von Russdorff wrote about the same phenomenon. He stated that a multitude of Tatars came to Lithuania to search for peace (Girshin 1995, 13; Muchliński 1858, 250). It should be noted that the location of the indings of Golden Horde pottery in Belarus relects the location of the irst Tatar settlements in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. They were near Vilnius, Grodno, Lida, Novogrudok, Krevo, i.e. in the north-western parts of modern Belarus, where Golden Horde pottery was also found. According to V.Yu. Koval’ it could have got into Lithuanian Rus’ due to trade connections and as gifts or booty, gained during military conlicts between Lithuania and the Duchy of Moscow. He also states that a small number of indings explain the predominance of European fashion in the table pottery of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (Koval’ 124 Kristina A. Lavysh Fig. 10. 1–2, 5 – fragments of vessels of quartz frit with paintings with engobe and under-glaze polychromatic painting. Golden Horde, second half of the 14th century. Discovered in Novogrudok, province Grodno. Excavations conducted by F.D. Gurevich. Novogrudok, Museum of History and Local Lore; 3 – fragment of the vessel of quartz frite of the „ladzhvardzina” type, covered with dark blue glaze form both sides, from the outside visible traces of white and black paintings. Golden Horde or Iran. 14th century. Found in Novogrudok, province Grodno. Excavations conducted by F.D. Gurevich. Novogrudok, Museum of History and Local Lore; 4 – fragment of plate of quartz frit with dark grey under-glaze paintings. Golden Horde(?). 14th century (?). Found in Novogrudok, province Grodno. Excavations conducted by T.S. Bubenko. Novogrudok, Museum of History and Local Lore; 6 – fragment of bowl of quartz frit with paintings with engobe and under-glaze polychromatic paintings. The Golden Horde Volga Region. 2nd half of the 14th century. Found in Lukoml, province Vitebsk. Excavations conducted by G.V. Shtykhov. Minsk, National Historical Museum of Belarus; 7 – beads of quartz frit. Golden Horde. 2nd half of the 13th century. Found in the stronhold „Castle Hill” in Mstislavl’, province Mogilev. Excavations conducted by L.V. Alekseev. Mogilev, Museum of Land Lore of the Province Mohylev; 8–10 – fragments of vessels of quartz frit with paintings with engobe and with under-glaze polychromatic paintings. Golden Horde. 2nd half of the 14th century. Found in Slonim, province Grodno. Excavations conducted by G.I. Pech. Slonim, Museum of Land Lore of the District Slonim. Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 125 2010, 196–197). The presence of the Golden Horde Tatars can be indirectly testiied by the indings of the red-clay Byzantine-Crimean pottery with white engobe under the green or turquoise glaze. These objects, dated to the 13th–14th centuries AD, were found in Novogrudok and Volkovysk. They could also belong to the Tartars who bought Byzantine ceramics on the north Black Sea markets. Beads of quartz frit Another interesting group of artefacts, besides glazed pottery worth examining are beads of quartz frit (Rus. kashin) (6 specimens), found by L.V. Alekseev on Castle Hill in Mstislavl’ (Fig. 10: 7). They are covered with turquoise glaze and have a complex shape, mainly barrel-like, with rollers by the channel and criss-cross diagonal cuts creating a chequered pattern or zigzag. A large number of Golden Horde beads of quartz frit were found in the Novogrudok Land (Yurij M. Lesman estimated their number at 384 specimens). The vast majority of indings come from the Izhora Plateau and a smaller number were found in cemeteries of Prichud. Six specimens were discovered in Novgorod and ive in Oreshek (Lesman 1994, 187, 192). The earliest specimens come form the synchronic complexes of the 14th layer in Novgorod which is dated to the years 1238–1268 AD. It is interesting that 50 % of beads can be connected to the period of existence of buildings of the 14th layer. Findings dated to the 14th century AD are not numerous in Novogrod. According to Yu.M. Lesman, such early dating of a massive inlux of beads of quartz frit to the Novgorod Land and their quick exit from circulation prooves their simultaneous and single inlux, practically immediately after the Mongol conquest of Rus’. Russian scholars connect this inlux with the trade activity of merchants who came to Novgorod together with the Golden Horde envoys in the year 1257, or tax collectors in the year 1259 (Lesman 1994, 191– 193). All beads are covered with turquoise glaze. Yu.M. Lesman distinguishes 15 types of shape of these beads: from a simple sphere to complex forms with three channels. Complicated forms prevail. About 49 % (188 specimens) of all indings are beads with hoop-rollers and cuts intersecting in various ways in the middle part of the bead. About 36 % (137 specimens) are ribbed lat-edge zonal beads and only 10 % (37 specimens) are lat-spherical beads (Lesman 1994, 191–192, ig. 1). Beads from Mstislavl’ are analogous to one type of igural bead found in the Novgorod Land (Lesman 1994, ig. 1,6). Appliqués of quiver To the Golden Horde circle can be counted a number of appliqués used for the decorating of quivers found in Turov, Brest, Mstislavl’, Minsk, Drutsk, Grodno, Novogrudok, Lukoml and Volkovysk. They all have a common shape of narrow elongated plates and also general characteristics and manner of ornamentation, which used geometrical, loral and zoomorphic motifs. These appliqués are 126 Kristina A. Lavysh analogous to the 13th–14th century bone appliqués of quiver found in the Volga Region (Povolzhe). Quivers from the mentioned area were characterized by a lat cylindrical or hemispherical cross-sectional shape, sometimes extended at one or both ends. They were made of birch bark, wood and leather. The length of quivers reached 60–72 cm with a diameter of 12–15cm (Medvedev 1966, 19–21; Malinovskaya 1974, 134). The front side of the more decorated quivers were ornamented with carved bone appliqués of long narrow shape. They adorned the quiver over the entire length or its upper part creating three, or sometimes two belts of the same length and width. For decoration was used a cutting technique of triangles and rhombuses. Engraving, lat and openwork sculpture, inlay with black, red and sometimes green and white paste was also used. The edges of a quiver were adorned with narrow long plates of the same ornamentation as the main plates. They were used to attach the main plates with the base of the quiver and a loop for hanging. Ornament was arranged in horizontal stripes, and geometric, loral and zoomorphic motifs were presented alternately. Ornamental stripes could also differ due to different techniques of execution. Among the geometric motifs prevail triangles, rhombuses, zigzags, and diagonal crosses of simple and complex shape, and also straight and oblique hatching which was often used as a background of the drawing. Spiral and S-shaped motifs are characteristic. A motif of a plant shoot (vine) was also used. It formed separate ornamental stripes or was positioned in the central part of the appliqué, where it was connected with spiral igures. Another group consists of presentations of animals (deer, dogs, rabbits, cat predators, dragons, horses), and sometimes people and birds. The motif of a deer was the most popular. The unity of ornamental patterns and motifs, and general production technique indicate that the production of quivers with carved bone appliqués was conducted in the same social milieu and also in the same time. G.A. Fedorov-Davydov, S.A. Pletneva, N.V. Malinovskaya came to the conclusion that these quivers are dated from the 13th–14th centuries AD and belong to the Golden Horde tradition. In the earlier nomadic burials such quivers were not present (Malinovskaya 1974, 132–133, 160). Findings of quivers with bone appliqué come from the Volga Region (Povolzhe), Dnester Region (Podnestrove), Don Region (Podone) and Lower Dneper Region (Lower Podneprove) and a number of the Slavonic urban centers of the Bug Region, Crimea, northern Caucasus, Ural and Kazakhstan. The majority of indings come from the 13th–14th century Polovtsian burials but they were also found in Pecheneg and Uze (Rus. Torki) graves which indicates that such quivers were common to all steppe people of Eastern Europe and – in the later period – the Golden Horde. According to N.V. Malinovskaya, carved appliqués on quiver were produced for steppe warriors in Golden Horde towns (Malinovskaya 1974, 164, 169–174). Among the indings coming from the medieval urban centres of modern Belarus, a group of quiver bone appliqués with a deer motif stand out. On the appliqués from Turov and Brest ornamentation was arranged in horizontal stripes on Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 127 the stretched vertically narrow rectangular plate (Fig. 11). On a inding from Brest, in the lower stripe of the appliqué, a lying deer with bent legs and large branched antlers is presented (Fig. 11: 3) (Lysenko 1985, 279, ig. 190:4). The image is made schematically. Above are placed two horizontal stripes, one of which is made of rhombuses and another of diagonal crosses. These stripes are separated by two unornamented stripes, over which there is loral ornament, of which only one spiral swirl has survived because the rest of the plate has broken off. The plate was most probably placed on the left side of the quiver, because there is a wide rim on the right side of the plate, indicating that there was mounted the central plate, which covered the rim. The ind from Brest, as regards distribution of ornament and ornamental motifs, resembles the plates of quiver from a late nomadic burial, dated from the 13th–14th centuries AD (burrow 14, burial 1), located near the village of Sidory (Mikhailovsky district, province Volgograd) (Kruglov et al., 2001, 19, kat. 59; Malinovskaya 1974, 154, tab. VIII, 22). On the plate from Turov, (Fig. 11: 1a), an image of a lying deer but with more compact features and small horns, is placed in its lower part (Shtykhov, Pobol’ 1972, 103, ig. 38:1–3). The background of the image is covered with diagonal hatching. In the upper part of the plate is presented a spiral loral motif, which divides the plate vertically into two parts, one of which is illed with diagonal hatching (Fig. 11: 1b). As the deer’s head is facing right, referring to the analogy of the quiver appliqué from the village of Sidory, we can assume that the plate was located on the left or center of a set. Location of the plant shoot in its upper part can be seen to indicate that it was placed on the far left side of the set. The second analogous plate from Turov, ornamented at the top in the same manner (the lower part has not survived) was placed on the right side. Thanks to the inds of quivers from the late nomadic burials we know that two lateral plates were usually symmetrical and decorated in the same way. The third plate from Turov was placed on the rim of the quiver, surrounding the lateral plate of the main set (Fig. 11: 1c). It is decorated with zigzag which divides its narrow surface in two rows of triangles, one of which is covered with diagonal lines. In Brest yet another fragment of quiver appliqué was found. Presented on the lower part of the plate is a standing deer in the background illed with diagonal hatching and a stripe of geometric ornament which surrounds the lower edge (Fig. 11: 2). Particularly noteworthy are six bone plates of quiver from Mstislavl’, ornamented with geometric, loral and zoomorphic motifs (Fig. 12) (Alekseev 1962, 198, ig. 1). The largest part of the surface is decorated with geometric ornamentation. The central plate is composed of three parts, carved from separate pieces of bone. Its upper part was ornamented with stripes of zigzags and braid. The middle part was illed with big rhombuses, disposed vertically and shaped by crossed lines. In the middle of these rhombuses were placed crosses with crossed ends, created with the help of small rhombuses in the cutting technique. Particularly noteworthy is the zoomorphic motif located in the central part of the plate which has a shape of a small shovel. It consists of feline predators (lions?) forming one body. The animal heads are dynamically facing each other and are holding in their 128 Kristina A. Lavysh Fig. 11. 1a–c – appliqés of quiver. Bone, carving. Golden Horde. 2nd half of the 13th–14th century. Found in Turov, province Brest. Excavations conducted by P.F. Lysenko (after Shtykhov, Pobol’ (eds.) 1972, 103, ill. 38:1–3); 2–3 – appliqés of quiver. Bone, sculpture. Golden Horde. 2nd half of the 13th–14th century. Found in Brest. Excavations conducted by P.F. Lysenko. Brest, Museum of Land Lore of the Province Brest. Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 129 Fig. 12. Appliqé of quiver. Bone, carving. Golden Horde. 2nd half of the 13th century. Found in Mstislavl’, province Mogilev. Excavations conducted by L.V. Alekseev. Mogilev, Musuem of Land Lore of the Province Mogilev. 130 Kristina A. Lavysh Fig. 13. 1 – appliqé of quiver. Bone, carving. Golden Horde. 2nd half of the 13th–14th century. Found in Minsk. Excavations conducted by V.R. Tarasenko. Minsk, National Museum of Art of Belarus (after Vysotskaya 1983, ig. 12); 2 – appliqé of quiver (?). Bone, carving. Golden Horde (?). 2nd half of the 13th–14th century. Found in Volkovysk, province Grodno. Excavations conducted by V.R. Tarasenko. Minsk, National Museum of Art of Belarus (after Vysotskaya 1983, ig. 10); 3 – appliqé of quiver (?). Bone, carving. Golden Horde (?). 2nd half of the 13th–14th century. Found in Volkovysk, province Grodno. Excavations conducted by Ya.G. Zverugo. Volkovysk, Military-Historical Museum in Volkovysk; 4 – appliqé of quiver (?). Bone, carving. Golden Horde (?). 2nd half of the 13th–14th century. Found in Lukoml, province Vitebsk. Excavations conducted by G.V. Shtykhov. Minsk, National Museum of History of Belarus. Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 131 mouth two human heads with caps. The image has been masterfully engraved with a shallow line. This composition most likely includes symbolic content that remains for us unfortunately hidden. A fantastic zoomorphic motif of this kind is quite unusual for the Golden Horde appliqués of quiver, although it can be compared with motifs of the zoomorphic appliqués (mainly cat predators) from the village of Verkhnee Pogromnoe (Malinovskaya 1974, 149–150, 156, 158, tab. IV). The lower part of the plate, below the image of the fantastic beast, is decorated with stripes of four-armed crosses, plats and zigzags, separated by unornamented sections. Lateral plates were ornamented with alternating horizontal stripes with motifs of zigzag of various shapes, plats, four-armed diagonal crosses, various combinations of triangles composed of small sunken rhombuses, and vines. The sixth plate of narrow shape and decorated with a vine motif, was placed on the edge of the quiver, surrounding one of the lateral plates of the main set. The bone appliqué from Minsk has clear nomadic traits (Alekseev 1962, 205, ig. 6: 1). It has a narrow elongated shape, is decorated with geometric ornament and a characteristic spiral motif (Fig. 13: 1). Three zones, ornamented with stripes of zigzag, rhombuses and circles, made in the cutting technique were placed alternately with two sections of open-work, one of which contains a motif of a volutelike spiral speciic for the art of nomads, and the second – a motif of a grid of four-armed diagonal crosses. During excavations of the central part of a stronghold in Drutsk, in a layer from the 13th century AD, fragments of two appliqués of nomadic character were found (Alekseev 1962, 208–209, Fig. 6:3–4). One of them belongs to a quite thin plate on which four horizontal ornamental stripes are preserved (Fig. 14: 1). The upper one consists of zigzags, the other is composed of two contiguous zigzags, and the third and fourth were decorated with small sunken triangles and rhombuses, which form a diagonal grid. All stripes are separated with unornamented sections. The second plate is a small circle with cogs on the periphery. In the center there are ive circular holes, one of which is placed exactly in the center and surrounded with concentric circles (Fig. 14: 2). Every cog is additionally ornamented with a triangle made using the cutting technique. In Grodno several fragments of plates were found which can be associated with the decoration of a quiver and bow-case (Fig. 14: 3–5, 8–9). One of them can be interpreted as part of the overlay on the quiver or bow-case. It is a lower edge of a plate extending slightly towards the broken off end (Fig. 14: 9). It is decorated with small squares arranged in a checkerboard pattern, and with a narrow zigzag stripe. Decorations were made using the cutting technique and decorated with concentric circles. The checkerboard pattern, although rare, is found in the ornamentation of quiver appliqués, for instance on the appliqués from the I Berezhnovskoe cemetery (burrial mound no. 49) (Malinovskaya 1974, 148, tab. III, 7). So far in Grodno four narrow plates have been found, which could adorn the edge of a quiver (Fig. 14: 3–5, 8). They were all ornamented with various kinds of zigzags: in one place – a narrow zigzag formed using the cutting technique, in the second – wide engraved zigzag, detailed inside with vertical bars, and in the other 132 Kristina A. Lavysh Fig. 14. 1: appliqé of quiver. Bone, carving. Golden Horde. 2nd half of the 13th century. Found in Drutsk, district Tolochin, province Minsk. Excavations conducted by L.V. Alekseev. Vitebsk, Museum of Land Lore of the province Vitebsk; 2 – appliqé of quiver. Bone, sculpture. 13th century. Found in Drutsk, district Tolochin, province Minsk. Excavations conducted by L.V. Alekseev. Vitebsk, Museum of Land Lore of the province Vitebsk; 3–6, 8–9 – appliqés of quiver (?) and case-bow (?). Bone, carving. 13th–14th century. Found in Grodno. Excavations conducted by Polish archaeologists in the years 1920–1930. Grodno, State Historical and Archaeological Museum in Grodno; 7 – Loop for hanging the quiver. Bone, carving. 13th century. Found in Novogrudok, province Grodno. Excavations conducted by F.D. Gurevich (after: Gurevich 1981, ig. 79:7); 10 – appliqé. Bone, carving. 13th century. Found in Novogrudok, province Grodno. Excavations conducted by F.D. Gurevich (after: Gurevich 1981, ig. 79:6). Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 133 Fig. 15. 1 – appliqé of pouch. Cast bronze. 14th century. Found in the western part of the former governorate Vitebsk. Vitebsk, Museum of Land Lore of the Province Vitebsk; 2 – appliqé of pouch. Cast bronze. End of the 13th–14th century. Found in Turejsk, province Grodno. Excavations by Ya.G. Zverugo. Grodno, State Historical and Archaeological Museum in Grodno; 3 – appliqé of pouch. Cast bronze. 2nd half of the 13th–14th century. Found near the village Venzovshchizna (Borok), district Shchuchin, province Grodno (after: Kvyatkovskaya 1998, ig. 48:4); 4 – appliqé of pouch. Bronze, casting. Second half of the 13th–14th century AD. Found near the village Wezowszczyzna (sacred spot Goncharikha), district Shchuchyn, province Grodno. Excavations conducted by V.A. Shukevich (after: Kvyatkovskaya 1998, ig. 48:1); 5 – appliqé. Cast bronze. 14th century. Found in Rogachev, province Gomel. Excavations conducted by E.M. Zagorulski. Minsk, University Laboratory of Museum Studies of Historical Faculty of Belarusian State University; 6–8 – earrings in the shape of the question mark. 2nd half of the 13th century. Found in Novogrudok, province Grodno. Excavations conducted by F.D. Gurevich (after: Gurevich 1981, 11, ig. 4); 9 – earring in the shape of the question mark. Bronze. 14th century. Found in Grodno. Excavations conducted by Z. Durczewski. Grodno, State Historical and Archaeological Museum in Grodno; 10 – Earring in the shape of the question mark. Metal, amethyst, bone. 14th century. Found in Grodno. Excavations conducted by O.A. Trusov. Grodno, State Historical and Archaeological Museum in Grodno. 134 Kristina A. Lavysh places – large engraved zigzag separates sections of ornamentation, limited on both sides with lines, in two rows of triangles, one of which is illed with simple hatching. In Grodno was also found a loop for hanging a case-bow and quiverwhich is decorated with concentric circles (Fig. 14: 6). Fragments of two bone appliqués were discovered in Novogrudok in a layer from the 12th–13th centuries AD, one of which is decorated with scale ornament, and another with indented lines (Fig. 14: 7). According to Frida D. Gurevich the irst fragment is part of the case-bow and the second – part of the loop for hanging a quiver (Gurevich 1981, 102, ig. 79: 6–7). On a separate issue are appliqués form Volkovysk and Lukoml, on which the ornament is arranged along the longer side of the plate (Zveruto 1975, 56, ig.18:9). Ornamentation of known appliqués of a quiver is organized by the opposite principle – narrow horizontal stripes of ornament are placed on the surface of the narrow vertical plate. It is possible that these appliqués earlier adorned another object or were local variations, referring to the nomadic theme. At the end of the plate found in Volkovysk (Fig. 13: 3) is placed a stripe of geometric ornament of hatched and plain squares arranged in a checkerboard pattern. In the next ornamental zone an image of a deer is depicted and further away – loral motifs. The background of the plate is illed with diagonal hatching. This appliqué is similar to another, also discovered in Volkovysk, on which were presented animals walking in single ile: a dragon, cat and deer and as in the case of the former appliqué, a checkerboard pattern of hatched and plain squares (Fig. 13: 2; cf. Vysotskaya 1983, ig. 10). Presentation of the dragon, as well as the other animals, has simple circular contours. The igure is shown very conventionally, right from the proile. The surface of the body was detailed with dots, the mouth and the ends of legs with lines, the eye is round, and by the neck is a small wing. The background is illed with diagonal hatching arranged in a checkerboard pattern. Animal bodies depicted on the appliqués of nomadic quivers were quite often adorned with dots (inds from the burials near the village of Verkhnee Porgromnoe, Ust-Bystryanskaja, cemetery Berezhnovskoe II and cemetery Kamenskoe) (Malinovskaya 1974, 149–150, 156, 158, tab. III,8, IV, X,37, XII,42). On both appliqués from Vowkovysk a frieze arrangement of ornament and the same geometric motifs were used (hatched and plain squares arranged in a checkerboard pattern). It is possible that they were made by the same artist, which seems to be indicated by the similarity of execution, particularly visible in the outlines of igures. On the appliqué from Lukoml lions with lowering tails walking in single ile are depicted (Fig. 13: 4; cf. Vysockaya 1983, ig. 11). These presentations are very conventional and the animals look rather like dogs. Their bodies are decorated with girths. It is known that the custom of decorating wild animals’ bodies with collars, girths and dots is typical for the oriental tradition. This appliqué, in terms of nature of composition and stylistic peculiarities, is very close to the appliqué from Vowkovysk, depicting a dragon, cat and deer, and has features making it similar to the circle of the steppe monuments. The background is illed with diagonal hatching, conventional indented contour, a motif of a dragon and deer and Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 135 Fig. 16. Appliqés of the set of belt found in the treasure near the village Litva, district Molodechno, province Minsk. Silver, gold plating. East Crimea, niello. Beginning of the 15th century. Minsk, National Museum of History of Belarus (after: Kramarovskij 2000, 180, ig. 18). frieze arrangement of animals make the indicated appliqués similar to nomadic appliqués of a quiver. However, the arrangement of igures along the longer side of the plate, the lack of triangles, rhombuses and zigzags made using the cutting technique, are features untypical for Golden Horde patterns. As can be seen above, the bone appliqués of quivers belonging to the Golden Horde circle represent quite a numerous group among inds discovered in the medieval towns of present-day Belarus. In other East-Slavonic towns, appliqués of that kind are only represented in Novgorod and Pronsk (Ryazan Land) (Malinovskaya 1974, 164, nos. 81–82). Appliqués of a pouch Appliqués of a pouch consist of another group of artefacts related to the Golden Horde tradition. They have a round shape with six petals on the perimeter, and in the center is a presentation of a feline predator with his head turned back with a raised tail. The head and tail almost touch each other, so the whole igure forms a circle. In the Vitebsk Provincial Museum of Local History there is one of these appliqués (Fig. 15: 1). It comes from a collection gathered before 1917 and was found in the western part of the former province of Vitebsk. Presentation of which is made conventionally, but carefully. It is interesting that the petals do not have the ordinary split end shape for this type of appliqué, but semicircular with a sharpened protrusion in the center. It is possible that this shape was done at the time of casting, but it is most likely a consequence of the use of the object. It is not out of the question that the product over time changed its applications. Appliqués with the analogous presentation in the center but with ordinary shaped petals with split ends come from excavations in the lower castle in Vilnius and from Pskov (Kozlova 2006, 143, ig. 2:2; Museum of Applied Arts in Vilnus). 136 Kristina A. Lavysh Another two similar appliqués were found in Novgorod (Gaydukov 1992, 182, ig. 91А). Similar to specimens from Pskov and Novgorod is an appliqué form Tureysk, however, an animal was depicted so schematically that it is dificult to decipher the details (Fig. 15: 2; Historical and Archaeological State Musem in Grodno). It is possible that the craftsman did not understand what the image on the pattern, which he copied, presents, or the applique was cast using the clay impression of the inished product. Two appliqés of the same shape, however, deprived of zoomorphic motif in the centre were found near the village of Venzovshchizna (district Shchuchin, province Grodno) (Fig. 15: 3–4; cf. Kvyatkovskaya 1998, 129, ig.48:1, 4; photo no. 40). In Lithuania such appliqués were found in the burials of the cemeteries of Diktarų (burial no. 83), Šulaičių (burial no. 14–1), Obelių (burial no. 139), and Sariai (Kvyatkovskaya 1998, 130; Svetikas 2003, 246–247, ig. 8: 1–2, Fig. 9). Appliqués for decoration of bags form the Golden Horde town of Ukek (Nedashkovskij 2000, 32–33, ig. 6: 8, 16) and the Narovchatskoe stronghold (province Penza) can be seen as analogies for all appliqués from Rus’ and Lithuanian sites. The presence of similar appliqués in the Old-Rus’ materials is the result of Golden Horde inluences. With this group of products can be connected the bronze appliqué form Rogachev (Fig. 15: 5). It is noteworthy that it is identical to the central part of the pendant from Riklikų (burrow no. 2, burial no. 10) (Svetikas 2003, 246, ig. 8: 3). It is possible that as a pendant it was used secondarily, similar to the specimen from the cemetery. Golden Horde Costume Decoration Connected with the Golden Horde tradition are earrings in the shape of a question mark, widespread in Rus’ in the 14th century AD. They consisted of wire rod, bent in the shape of a question mark, at the end of which was impaled a bead. In Belarus such earrings were found in Grodno, Novogrudok, Volkovysk, the village of Rodz’ki (former Chołomer district of the former Gorodok county) and in the rural settlements of the Neman river (Fig. 15: 6–10). Analogous earrings come from Volga Bulgaria and Golden Horde (Sedova 1981, 15–16; Gurevich 1981, 4; Lyauko ed. 2001, 290–291; Sementovskij 1890, 72; Kramarovskij 2001, 232–233, 305–306, catalogue nos. 75–76 366–369). Widespread in Rus’ was also part of women’s head-gear, known as “pus jeppi”, i.e. a thin pin with a round and angular head. It was used to attach the headscarf to the hard base of the head-gear. According to M.V. Sedova its presence in Rus’ is related to the penetration of fashion, brought from the East by Mongols and Tatars (Sedova 1981, 158). Artefacts of that kind were found in Belarus in Minsk, Vitebsk, Orsha and some rural settlements of the Neman Region (Lyauko ed. 2001, 291; Shtykhau 1993, 52). To the beginning of the 15th century AD can be dated the appliqués for belts from a hoard found in the early 1990’s near the village of Litva (Molodechno county, province Minsk). The hoard consisted of 11 round appliqués (Fig. 16): Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 137 a buckle, itting of the end of a belt, two square appliqués which consist of one set of belts and also four coins, two of which were minted during the reign of Wenceslas IV (1379–1419) by the mint in Kutna Hora in the Czech Republic (identiication by Valentin N. Rabcevich). Mark G. Kramarovskij, who participated in the expert research of the hoard in 1994, associated this set with principal or merchant belts of the turn of the 14th and the 15th century AD. All the 11 appliqués, buckle, forge and minor appliqués were made of silver and the majority of them were gilded and nielloed. M.G. Kramarovskij named the afore mentioned set of belts to monuments of the Minor Asian – Latin group which he separated within the East Crimean toreutics. In his opinion “it combines the features of late Gothic (the shape of buckle and itting, images of the basilisks and birds) with ornamental compositions typical for the East Crimean toreutics. They are built on a base of semi-palmette, consisting of a leaf shaped as a triangle with a lourish at the base (Kramarovskij 1995, 42)”. The set belongs to the epoch of Khaji Giray (died 1466/1467). This ruler, who was born in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, with the assistance of Grand Duke Vytautas subdued about 1428 Crimea and had close relations with the Lithuanian monarch. It is not excluded that the belt from the treasure near the village of Litva got to the Lithuanian Rus’ as a gift for Vytautas or for someone from his court, when the Grand Duke welcomed in Minsk Tatars form the southern borders of his state (Kramarovskij 1995, 43). Some inds (13th–14th century Golden Horde and Black Sea pottery, bone appliqués of quiver, various products of non-ferrous metals) can be associated with the Tatars who moved to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania at the invitation of the local rulers. The mass migration of the Tatars in the lands of the Lithuanian Duchy, as has been stated above, was started by Vytautas’ reign (1392–1430). In the Lithuanian state the Golden Horde settlers received estates and in return they took part in military service. Tatars enjoyed all privileges of nobility, except the right of holding state dignity, and freedom of religion was guaranteed to them. These priviledges did not affect the Tatar captives who were usually baptized and resettled in the countryside. Tatars initially settled in dispersion around Vilnius, Grodno, Lida, Novogrudok and Krevo. Location of the irst Tatar settlements indicates that the early Tatar colonization had a military character. Tatars’ seats were located, as we see, mainly around the important towns, which proves that they served as military posts. Findings testifying to the contacts of medieval towns of Belarus with the world of nomads of the 10th–12th centuries AD and with the Golden Horde are quite numerous and varied. They include pottery and products of bone and nonferrous metals. These objects, especially from the early period, before the Mongol conquest, testify to the inluence of the steppe tradition on the communities of East Slavdom. The most notewothy example of this interaction is the acquisition of the nomadic decoration motifs by the local population. Findings of the nomadic origin, however, are also proof of the short presence of the steppe-dwellers, in the form of invasion, trade or diplomatic mission, but also long-term presence in the form of colonization. 138 Kristina A. Lavysh References Alekseev L.V. [Алексеев Л.В.] 1962 Художественные изделия косторезов из древних городов Белоруссии [Artistic products of sculptors in the bone from the ancient towns of Belarus], Советская археология 4, pp. 197–209 [In Russian]. Arbman H. 1941 Birka. Die Graber, Uppsala. Blifel’d D.I [Бліфельд Д.І.] 1977 Давньоруські пам’ятки Шестовиці [The Old-Rus sites from the Shestovitsya village], Kiev [in Ukrainian]. Bronicki A., Michalik M., Wołoszyn M. 2003 Kolejny tzw. staromadziarski zabytek z Małopolski [Another so-called Old-Magyar site form Lesser Poland], in Polonia Minor Medii Aevi. Studia oiarowane Panu Profesorowi Andrzejowi Żakiemu w osiemdziesiątą rocznicę urodzin, ed. by Z. Woźniak, J. Garncarski, Kraków – Krosno, pp. 211–237 [in Polish]. Darkevich V.P. [Даркевич В.П.] 1976 Художественный металл Востока [The artistic metal of the Orient], Moskva [in Russian]. Dienes J. 1972 The Hungarians cross the Carpathians, Budapest. Duk D.U. [Дук Д.У.] 2005 Справаздача аб археалагічных раскопках і наглядзе ў г. Полацку ў 2005 г. [Report on the excavations and observations conducted in Polock in 2005] Архіў Інстытута гісторыі НАН Беларусі. Справа № 2284 [unpublished manuscript, in Belarusian]. Gajdukov P.G. [Гайдуков П.Г.] 1992 Славенский конец средневекового Новгорода. Нутный раскоп [Slavenskij konets (district) of medieval Novgorod. Nutnyj excavation]. Москва [in Russian]. Gräslund A-S. 1975 1984 Vikingatids Väskan frĺn Rösta I Ĺs, Jämten 1975–76. Östersund. Beutel und Taschen, Birka 11. Grishin Ya.Ya. [Гришин Я.Я.] 1995 Польско-литовские татары. Наследники Золотой Орды [Polish-Lithuanian Tatars. Inheritors of the Golden Horde], Kazan [in Russian]. Gurevich F.D. [Гуревич Ф.Д.] 1981 Древний Новогрудок. Окольный город [Ancient Navahrudak. Suburbium], Leningrad [in Russian]. Iou A.V., Vyargej V.S. [Іоў А.В., Вяргей В.С.] 1993 Гандлёва-эканамічныя сувязі насельніцтва Заходняга Палесся ў IX – пач. XI ст. [Economic and trade relations of dwellers of the Western Polesia from the 9th until the beginning of the 11th century AD], in Гістарычна-археалагічны зборнік: Памяці Міхася Ткачова, ed. by A.A. Myatsel’ski, vol. 1, Minsk, pp. 117–134 [in Belarusian]. Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 139 Izmajlov I.l. [Измайлов И.Л.] 1997 Вооружение и военное дело населения Волжской Булгарии Х – начала XIII вв. [Arms and warfare of dwellers of the Volga Bulgaria from the 10th until the beginning of the 13th century AD], Kazan’-Magadan [in Russian]. Karpenko V.A. [Карпенко В.А.] 1979 Отчет о раскопках курганов в верховьях Птичи в 1979 г. [Report on the excavations of kurgans in the upper course of the river Ptich, conducted in 1979], Архив Института истории НАН Беларуси, [unpublished manuscript, in Russian]. Ken’ko P.M. [Кенько П.М.] 2006 Наборный пояс второй половины Х – первой половины XI вв. из д.Заямочное Минского района [Belt with metal appliqués, dated to the second half of the 10th–irst half of the 11th century AD from the village Zayamochnoe, province Minsk], Матэрыялы па археалогіі Беларусі 12, pp. 145–148 [in Russian]. Kirpichnikov A.N. [Кирпичников А.Н.] 1966 Древнерусское оружие. Вып.2. Копья, сулицы, боевые топоры, булавы, кистени IX–XIII вв. [The Old-Rus arms. Volume 2: Spears, battle axes, bulawas, manguals of the 9th–13th centuries AD], Moskva – Lenningrad [in Russian]. 2006a Реконструкция поясных наборов X–XII вв. из Гомельской области [Reconstruction of sets of the 10th–12th century belts from district Gomel], Гістарычна-археалагічны зборнік, 22, pp. 139–147 [in Russian]. 2007 Элементы поясного набора из курганной группы Витуничи [Elements of the set of the belt from the kurgan group Vitunichi], Материалы по археологии Беларуси 14, pp. 136–148 [in Russian]. Korol’G.G. [Король Г.Г.] 2008 Искусство средневековых кочевников Евразии [Art of the medieval nomads of Eurasia], Moskva [in Russian]. Koval’ V.Yu. [Коваль В.Ю.] 1997 Керамика Востока и Византии на Руси (конец IX – XVII вв.) [Oriental and Byzantine Pottery in Rus’ (end of the 9th–17th century AD)]: Автореферат дисс. канд. истор. наук., Moskva [in Russian]. 1998 Заключение по результатам осмотра коллекций археологических фондов Национального музея истории и культуры Беларуси на предмет определения керамики восточного происхождения [Conclusion based on the results of research of archeological collections of the National Museum of History and Culture of Belarus with aim to determine the pottery of Oriental origin], Minsk [in Russian]. 2005 Кашинная керамика в Золотой Орде [Pottery of quartz frit in the Golden Horde], Российская археология 2, pp. 75–86 [in Russian]. 2010 Керамика Востока на Руси IX–XVII века [Oriental Ceramics in Rus’ 9th–17th centuries], Moskva [in Russian]. Kozlova A.V. [Козлова А.В.] 2006 Восточные традиции украшений и бытовых предметов на Руси [Oriental traditions of jewelry and household objects in Rus], in Город и степь в контактной евроазиатской зоне. Тезисы докладов III Международной научной конференции, посвященной 75-летию со дня рождения Г.А.Федорова-Давыдова (1931–2000), ed. by V.V.Murasheva. Москва, рр. 141–144 [in Russian]. 140 Kristina A. Lavysh Kramarovskij M.G. [Крамаровский М.Г.] 1995 “Когда кони были потны…” Крым и Литовская Русь по материалам Раковского клада XV в. [„When the hores were sweaty...” Crimea and Lithuanian Rus according to materials of the Rakowski’s treasure from the 15th century AD], in Эрмитажные чтения. Памяти В.Ф.Левинсона-Лессинга, Sankt-Peterburg, pp. 40–44 [in Russian]. 2000 Сокровища Золотой Орды [The treasures of the Golden Horde], Sankt-Peterburg [in Russian]. Kruglov E.V. et al. [Круглов Е.В., Мыськов Е.В., Ситников А.В., Хабарова Н.В.] 2001 Культура средневековых кочевников и городов Золотой Орды [Culture of medieval nomads and towns of the Golden Horde], Volgograd [in Russian]. Kvyatkovskaya A.V. [Квятковская А.В.] 1998 Ятвяжские могильники Беларуси (конец XI–XVII вв.) [Yatvyags’ cemeteries in Belarus (late XI–XVII centuries], Vilnius [in Russian]. László Gy. 1944 A honfoglaló magyar nép élete [The life of the Magyar people], Budapest [in Hungarian]. Lesman Yu.M. [Лесман Ю.М.] 1994 Кашинные бусы в Новгородской земле: материалы к изучению русскоордынских связей [Beads of quartz frit in the Novgorod Land: materials for studies of the Rus-Golden Horde relations], in Новгородские археологические чтения, Novgorod, pp. 187–193 [in Russian]. Levko O.N. (ed.) [Левко О.Н.] 2012 Археологическое наследие Беларуси [Archaeological Heritance of Belarus], Minsk [in Russian and English]. Lyaudanski A.N. [Ляўданскі А.Н.] 1930 Археолёгічныя досьледы ў Полацкай акрузе [Archaeological researches in the region of Polock], Запіскі аддзелу гуманітарных навук. Працы археолёгічнай камісіі 11,ІІ, pp. 157–198 [in Belarusian]. Lyauko V.M. [Ляўко В.М.] 2000 Новыя археалагічныя даследаванні Друцка і яго акругі [New archaeological researches of Drutsk and its surroundings], in Друцк старажытны: Да 1000-годдзя ўзнікнення горада, ed. by G.P. Pashkou et al., Minsk, pp. 87–113 [in Belarusian]. Lyauko V.M. (ed.) [Ляўко В.М.] 2001 Археалогія Беларусі, T. 4: Помнікі XIV–XVIII стст. [Archaeology of Belarus, vol. 4: Sites of 14th–18th centuries AD], Minsk [in Belarusian]. Lysenko P.F. [Лысенко П.Ф.] 1985 Берестье [Berest’e], Minsk [in Russian]. Makushnikov O.A. [Макушников О.А.] 1985 Отчет о полевых археологических исследованиях 1985 г. близ д. Нисимковичи Чечерского района Гомельской области [Report on the archaeological ield researches, conducted in 1985 near the village Nisimkovichi, district Chechersk, province Gomel], Архив Института истории НАН Беларуси. Дело № 934 [unpublished manuscript, in Russian]. Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 1991 141 Отчет об археологическом обследовании территории Добрушского района в 1991 г. по теме «Выявление, изучение, паспортизация памятников археологии Гомельской области в 1991–1995 гг.» [Report on the archaeological researches in the area of the Dobrush district, conducted in 1991, on theme „Identiication, research, certiication of archaeological sites of the Gomel province in the years 1991–1995], vol.1, Архив Института истории НАН Беларуси. Дело № 1545 [unpublished manuscript, in Russian]. Malinovskaya N.V. [Малиновская Н.В.] 1974 Колчаны XIII–XIV вв. с костяными орнаментированными обкладками на территории евразийских степей [Quivers of the 13th–14th centuries AD with ornamented bone appliqués on the territory of Eurasian steppes], in Города Поволжья в средние века: Сб. ст., ed. by A.P. Smirnov, G.A. Fedorov-Davydov, Moskva, pp. 132–175 [in Russian]. Medvedev A.F. [Медведев А.Ф.] 1966 Ручное метательное оружие (лук и стрелы, самострел). VIII–XIV вв. [Hand ranged weapon (bow and arrows, crossbow). 8th–14th AD], Moskva [in Russian]. Muchliński A. 1858 Zdanie sprawy o tatarach litewskich [Report on the Lithuanian Tatars], Teka Wileńska, 4, pp. 241–269. [in Polish]. Murasheva V.V. [Мурашева В.В.] 1997a Поясной набор [Set of the belt], in: Древняя Русь. Быт и культура, ed. by B.A. Kolchin, T.I. Makarova, Moskva, pp. 79–80 [in Russian]. 1997b Реконструкция облика древнерусского наборного пояса X–XI вв. (По материалам «дружинных» курганов) [Reconstruction of appearance of the Old-Rus belt with metal appliqués from the 10th–11th centuries AD (on the basis of materials from the “druzhina” kurgans], Труды ГИМ 93, рр. 71–79 [in Russian]. 1998 Наборные пояса Гнездова (проблемы реконструкции) [Belts studded with metal appliqués from Gnezdovo (problems of reconstruction)], in Труды VI международного конгресса славянской археологии, 4: Общество, экономика, культура и искусство древних славян, ed. by V.V. Sedov, Moskva, pp. 252–257 [in Russian]. 2000 Древнерусские ременные наборные украшения (X–XIII вв.) [The Old-Rus decorations studded to the belt (10th–13th centuries AD)], Moskva [in Russian]. Nedashkovskij L.F. [Недашковский Л.Ф.] 2000 Золотоордынский город Укек и его округа [The Golden Horde town Ukek and its surroundings], Moskva [in Russian]. Orlov R.S. [Орлов Р.С.] 1982 Некоторые особенности формирования древнерусского художественного ремесла [Some peculiarities of development of the Old-Rus artisanal handicraft], in Новые памятники древней и средневековой художественной культуры, ed. by V.D. Baran, Kiev, pp. 163–174 [in Russian]. 1984 Среднеднепровская традиция художественной металлообработки [The Middle Dneper tradition of the artistic metalworking], in Культура и искусство средневекового города, ed. by I.P. Rusanova, Moskva, pp. 32–52 [in Russian]. 142 Kristina A. Lavysh Piotrowski A. (ed.) 2005 Zabytki z okresu wpływów rzymskich, średniowiecza i czasów nowożytnych z Białorusi w zbiorach Państwowego Muzeum Archeologicznego w Warszawie [Monuments from the Period of the Roman Inluences, Middle Ages and Modern Times from Belarus in Collection of the State Archaeological Museum in Warsaw], Warszawa [in Polish]. Plavintskij N.A. [Плавинский Н.А.] 2009 Булавы конца X–XIII вв. на территории Беларуси [Bulawas of the end 10th– 13th centuries AD in Belarus], in Археология и история Пскова и Псковской земли, Pskov, pp. 363–381 [in Russian]. Pletneva S.A. [Плетнева С.А.] 1967 От кочевий к городам. Салтово-маяцкая культура [From nomad camps to the towns. The Saltovo-Mayatskaya culture], Moskva [in Russian]. Pobol L.D. [Поболь Л.Д.] 1979 Древности Белоруссии в музеях Польши [Antiquities of Belarus in museums of Poland], Minsk [in Russian]. Sedova M.V. [Седова М.В.] 1981 Ювелирные изделия древнего Новгорода (X–XV вв.) [Jewlery products of the ancien Novgorod (10th–15th centuries AD)], Moskva [in Russian]. Sementovskij A.M. [Сементовский А.М.] 1890 Белорусские древности [Belorusian antiquities], Sankt-Peterburg [in Russian]. Shtykhau G.V. [Штыхаў Г.В.] 1969 Раскопки в Лукомле в 1968–1969 гг. [Excavations in Lukoml, conducted in 1968– 1969], in Древности Белоруссии: Доклады к конференции по археологии Белоруссии, ed. by V.D. Byd’ko et al., Minsk, pp. 316–351 [in Russian]. 1993 Пус ейпі [Pus jepi], in Археалогія і нумізматыка Беларусі, ed. by V.V. Getau et. al., Minsk, p. 521. [in Belarusian]. 2007 Археалагічны комплекс Ізбішча – Дзвінаса на Лагойшчыне [Archaeological complex Izbishcha-Dzvinasa in the Lahoysk Land], Acta Archaeologica Albaruthenica 2, pp. 45–67 [in Belarusian]. Shtykhau G.V., Zakharenka P.N. [Штыхаў Г.В., Захарэнка П.Н.] 1971 Старажытныя скарбы Беларусі [The ancient treasures of Belarus], Minsk [in Belarusian, Russian and English]. Shtykhov G.V., Pobol L.D. (eds.) [Штыхов Г.В., Поболь Л.Д.] 1972 Очерки по археологии Белоруссии [Essays on the archaeology of Belarus], part 2, Minsk [in Russian]. Sizov V.I. [Сизов В.И.] 1902 Курганы смоленской губернии. Вып. 1. Гнездовский могильник близ Смоленска [Kurgans of the Smolensk Governorate. Vol. 1: Gnyozdovo cemetery near Smolensk], in Материалы по археологии России, издаваемые императорской археологической комиссией 28, Sankt-Peterburg [in Russian]. Svetikas E. 2003 Tretininkų odiniai kapšeliai: jų apkalų tipologija, chronologija ir simbolika [The leather pouches from Tretininkas: typology of cladding, chronology and symbolism], Lietuvos archeologija, 24, pp. 241–266 [in Lithuanian]. Selected elements of East European nomadic cultures 143 Vaitsyakhovich A.V. [Вайцяховіч А.В.] 2006 Курганны могільнік каля вёскі Новыя Валосавічы Лепельскага района [Kurgan cemetery near the village Novyya Valoslavichy, district Lepel], Материалы по археологии Беларуси 11, pp. 94–103 [In Belarusian]. 2007 Пахавальны абрад курганнага могільніка канца Х–ХІІ стст. каля в. Вітунічы Докшыцкага района Віцебскай вобласці [Funeral rite of the 10th–12th century kurgan cemetery near the village Vitunichy, district Dokshytsy, province Vitebsk], Материалы по археологии Беларуси 14, pp. 86–108 [In Belarusian]. Volkov I.V. [Волков И.В.] 1999 Бронзовая булава из раскопок 1998 г. в Новгороде [The bronze bulawa from the excavations conducted in Novgorod in 1998], in Новгород и Новгородская земля: история и археология, 13, pp. 107–115 [In Russian]. Vysotskaya N.F. [Высоцкая Н.Ф.] 1983 Пластыка Беларусі XII–XVIII стст. [Sculpture of Belarus of the 12th–18th centuries AD], Minsk [in Belarusian]. Zayats Yu.A. [Заяц Ю.А.] 1995 Заславль в эпоху феодализма [Zaslawye during the feudal epoch], Minsk [in Russian]. Zverugo Ya.G. [Зверуго Я.Г.] 1975 Древний Волковыск X–XIV вв. [Ancient Vowkovysk of the 10th–14th centuries AD], Minsk [in Russian]. Authors Dr Ervin Gall Institute of Archaeology “Vasile Pârvan” Romanian Academy of Sciences, Bucharest ardarichus@yahoo.com Dr Kristina A. Lavysh Institute of Arts, Ethnography and Folklore, National Academy of Sciences Minsk, Belarus klavysh@mail.ru Dr Mariusz Pandura University of Wrocław mariusz.pandura@uni.wroc.pl Dr Hanna Urbańska Institute of Classical, Mediterranean and Oriental Studies University of Wrocław hanna.urbanska@gmail.com Dr Valentina Voinea National Museum of History and Archaeology, Constanţa, Romania vialia_rahela@yahoo.fr