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The last forty years in Britain have been characterised by enormous changes that have led to the consequent change in the role of legal regulations and the employment relationship at the work place. There exists an explicit transformation from the traditional legal abstention of the state to the use of individualistic legal employment rights to protect workers. The change in employment relations in Britain is traced to the adoption of new statutory rights for individuals by the Labour government. Background In the 1960’s the employment relations in Britain were best described as Voluntarist as the public policy at that time envisioned abstention of the state. Trade unions and Employers had to consult to reach any conceivable agreement, and this gave trade unions colossal power in protection of the workers’ interests. Coats (2010,p.6) identified that the state at the time had the sole responsibility of regulating aspects of child labour, safety at work and payment of wages in low-income industries. According to Dickens (2009, p.1) the shift from collective bargaining as the distinct method of regulation of employment is because of the conservative governments between the years of 1979-1997. The said governments concentrated on increasing of managerial control and freedom to take independent action. The labour governments then took over and employed a different approach through the introduction of minimum employment standards of regulation that were aimed at promotion of equality at work places. The changed attitudes of employment relations by European Union and the introduction of National Minimum Wage in 1999 led to the expansion of statutory rights. The affected aspects included rights relating to working time, consultation of employees and antidiscrimination hence positively affecting the rights of atypical workers (Dickens 2009pp.1-2).
12(2) Contemporary Issues in Law pp 147-172, 2013
"This is a draft of a paper published in Contemporary Issues in Law. The paper is largely historical in that it reflects on the reasons why the British system of industrial relations was transformed from a system rooted in voluntarism or legal abstentionism to one which became increasingly juridified from the 1960s onwards. Juridification can be understood as a combination of judicial intervention in the arena of industrial conflict and the enactment of substantial legislation in areas previously left to employment contracts between employers and their employees and to non-legally enforceable collective agreements between employers and trade unions. The paper also involves critical reflection on Kahn Freund’s conception of collective laissez-faire. It is argued that the concept of collective laissez-faire failed fully to take into account the role that judges have played in the British system of industrial relations. Judges have been able to use the common law to intervene in or disengage from involvement with industrial relations in line with the needs of employers and the state to foster responsible trade unionism whilst simultaneously seeking to restrain trade union militancy. To substantiate this contention the paper focuses on the language used by judges, in the past and in more recent times, in judgments concerned with regulating the organisation of industrial action. In Britain, juridification on the part of the judges has been accompanied and implemented by what can be characterised as a process of judicial mystification of industrial relations. The other main contention of the paper is that, whatever the deregulatory preferences and instincts of the current government, it is not possible for governments to turn back the clock by creating a new form of laissez-faire which eliminates employment rights – be they individual or collective – from the workplace. This is partly because the juridification of workplace conflict must remain the State’s preferred mechanism for the resolution of employment disputes; and partly because, in contrast with the past, European law provides an important constraint on a government’s ability to deregulate the employment relation. The paper concludes by arguing that the key role for progressive employment lawyers today is to demonstrate the negative consequences of restricting employment rights whilst continuing to promote the case for more extensive and effective collective and individual rights in the future. "
British Journal of Industrial Relations, 2001
The Labour government's goal of social partnership embodies a particular view of the appropriate role of labour within the employment relationship, which requires the marginalization of trade unionism as an autonomous force. Its programme of employment law reform combines a dual focus: first, the reaffirmation of measures that weaken workers' collective power through the exclusion of autonomous trade unionism, and second, initiatives to regulate the labour market, strengthen workers' rights within the employment relationship, and include enterprise-confined, cooperative unions as subordinate`partners'. However, the second policy dimension has been diluted because of the commitment to free-market values.
Economic and Industrial Democracy, 2007
ABSTRACT There is much evidence that the ‘European social model’ is under threat, with neoliberalism increasingly dominating policy both at EU and national levels. Within this trend, Britain stands out as already having a long-established free market tradition-Anglo-American in both industrial relations and corporate governance systems. This article seeks to illustrate how British state allegiance to a ‘flexible’ labour market has brought new restrictions to accessing statutory employment protection, the chief defence for ‘unorganized’ workers those who are neither unionized nor covered by collective agreements and who now comprise the majority of workers in Britain. The New Labour government, committed to voluntarism and fiexibility, has used the very instrument it avers to avoid legal regulation to limit access to employment tribunals, the final resort for legal enforcement of employment rights. The government has thus constrained its concessions to the European social model, which comprise a range of laws since 1997 enhancing individual employment rights, in its overarching neoliberal policy, by ensuring legal regulation remains difflcult to achieve and does not ‘burden’ business. This article, based on research both on legal developments, and on the social support mechanisms for non-unionized workers, seeks to demonstrate the extreme vulnerability of the unorganized worker in an increasingly free market Britain. How far this portrait has relevance to the rightward drift of Europe depends on the degree to which it can be exported, how far continental European systems are sufflciently institutionally embedded to resist this, and how successfully the European social model is defended.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2000
When debating the key issues in the labour regulatory environment, it is important to consider the wider legal framework-such as the relevant international conventions, the South African Constitutions and the set of South African labour laws-as well as the labour market environment which provides the context for the implementation of labour market regulations. These parameters, in fact, remain at the core of any discussion around labour regulation in South Africa. 2.1 International Conventions, Constitution and Labour Regulation South Africa is a member of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and as such has ratified a number of ILO Conventions. This means that the country's labour legislation and regulations have to comply with the ILO Constitution and those ratified Conventions. Amongst others, these obligations include upholding the rights to freedom of association, to engage in collective bargaining, to equality at work and to eliminate forced labour and child labour (Cheadle, 2006: 4; Van Niekerk, 2007: 6). The South African Constitution has a Bill of Rights that entrenches various rights that has to be taken into account when labour regulation is drawn up and implemented. These include the rights to equality, freedom of assembly, access to courts and administrative justice and also labour rights. Section 23 of the Constitution specifically relates to labour relations. It states that "everyone has the right to fair labour practice" and sets out the rights of workers, employers, trade union and employer organisations (RSA, 1996). These rights can be limited by a law of general application but only if it meets certain standards of justification set by the Constitution (Cheadle, 2006: 4). The incoherent and inconsistent, and in many cases, still racist, system of industrial relations which characterised the pre-1994 era was clearly in need of significant overhaul with the advent of democratic rule. Within the labour market policy environment, the immediate period following the election of the first majority government was characterised by a frantic process of recasting the country's labour regulatory environment. The outcome of negotiations between employers and employees as well as significant rewriting of existing laws, were four key pieces of legislation. These
Journal of Industrial Relations, 2020
The role of the state in directly regulating employment through enforcement mechanisms is increasingly significant and politically contentious in a context of weakened unions and the increasingly fragmented and precarious nature of the labour market. This article focuses on qualitative research on labour market regulatory actors in Britain, including the Health and Safety Executive, the Gangmasters and Labour Abuse Authority, as well as referencing relevant changes in HM Revenue and Customs, trade unions, legal and advice services and other state agencies. The article argues that a curious dynamic is emerging in labour market regulation involving simultaneous processes of deregulation, greater levels of direct intervention in some areas alongside marketisation, and innovative forms of collaboration between relevant state agencies. Much of this is, however, driven by constraints imposed through economic austerity and neoliberal policies with an increasing focus on immigration and pol...
Indian journal of industrial relations
2010
Historically, protective labour law pushed back against capitalist labour markets by facilitating workers’ collective action and setting minimum employment standards based on social norms. Although the possibilities, limits and desirability of such a project were viewed differently in classical, Marxist and pluralist political economy, each perspective understood that the pursuit of protective labour law would produce recurring regulatory dilemmas requiring trade-offs between efficiency, equity and voice and/or between workers’ and employers’ interests. Recently, some scholars have argued that labour law needs to be renormed in ways that are market constituting rather than market constraining, and that this change would avoid regulatory dilemmas. This article reviews the concept of regulatory dilemmas as formulated in the three major traditions of labour law scholarship, critically assesses recent work by Deakin and Wilkinson and by Hyde that proposes to renorm labour law and overco...
2000
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