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II. The major dialect regions o Dutch:
linguistic structure, spectrum o variation
and dynamics
5. A regional history o Dutch
1. Present and past boundaries of the Dutch language area
2. Ancestors: People and languages in the Low Countries before the Old Dutch period
(i.e. before c. 700)
3. The period of Old Dutch (c. 700⫺1150) and its delineation to related Old West Germanic
languages
4. The Low Countries during the Middle Ages ⫺ Middle Dutch (c. 1150⫺1500)
5. The Modern Era: Linguistic, political and cultural evolution in the North (1500 until now)
6. The Modern Era: Language history in the South, in its political and social context
7. References
1. Present and past boundaries o the Dutch language area
The Dutch language area, the area in Europe in which Dutch is the official standard
language, nowadays extends over two countries: the Netherlands and the northern part
of Belgium (Flanders). In the north and the west it is bordered by the natural border of
the North Sea. In the east and in the south, the Dutch language area has political boundaries. In the east it is bordered by the national border with Germany, which was officially
demarcated in 1815. In the south it is bordered by the Dutch-French language boundary,
which runs through the middle of Belgium and was finally fixed by law in 1962⫺1963.
The language boundary constitutes the political boundary between the present Flemish
and Walloon regions in Belgium. Dutch is, in addition, an important language in Surinam and the Netherlands Antilles (cf. De Kleine, ch. 44 in this volume).
In the past, however, the territory in which the different dialects of Dutch were written and spoken was larger than today. It enclosed not only the present-day Dutch dialect
areas, but also the French Westhoek, which nowadays belongs to France, and the Lower
Rhine region, nowadays a part of Germany. On the other hand, it did not include the
Frisian area, where Frisian dialects were spoken. This article will provide an overview
of the geographical, sociocultural and political circumstances under which the Dutch
standard language and its varieties arose and developed in the course of history. Moreover, attention will be paid to the historical relation of the dialects of Dutch to Old High
German, Old Saxon and Old Frisian.
In this contribution we will discuss some of the most important developments in the
external history of the Dutch language and its main varieties in chronological order.
Each section ends with a brief list of references to what we consider as key readings.
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II. The major dialect regions of Dutch
2. Ancestors: People and languages in the Low Countries beore
the Old Dutch period (i.e. beore c. 700)
As Dutch is a Germanic language, we start its history in the period of the arrival of
Germanic peoples in the Low Countries. Around 500 BC groups of Germanic farmers
migrated from northern Germany south-westwards to the north of the Netherlands. The
local population mixed with the Germanic newcomers and took over their language.
Around 200 BC the Germans reached the south of the Low Countries, where they encountered the Celts, a people that in the centuries before had spread over present-day
France, the south of Belgium as well as the British Isles. In northern Gaul, the Celts and
the Germans lived side by side and to a certain extent also intermixed. As the Celts had
a higher level of civilization, the early language contact resulted in the borrowing of a
number of Celtic elements by the Germans, possibly by way of Vulgar Latin. Relicts of
Celtic words in Dutch are e.g. ijzer < Celt. *isarno ‘iron’, ambacht < Celt. *ambaktos
‘trade’, rijk < Celt. *rigjon ‘realm’ (Maier 2003: 53, 23, 100). A number of place names
of Celtic origin also show the Celtic influence in the southern part of the present-day
Dutch language area, e.g. Nijmegen (< Celt. novio ‘new’ and Celt. magos ‘market’),
which was named by the Romans according to the Celtic name pattern (Gysseling
1960: 742).
In 58 BC the Roman political and military leader Julius Caesar started the conquest
of Gaul, which at this point in time was a territory with a partly German-speaking, a
partly Celtic-speaking and a partly linguistically mixed population. Caesar conquered
Gaul up to the Rhine river in the Netherlands. The area above the Rhine would maintain
its independence. This so-called ‘free Germania’ was mainly inhabited by the Frisians
and a small number of other Germanic peoples.
The Roman occupation lasted for more than four centuries (until 406) and had thorough consequences for the local population, its civilization and its language. The Celts
in Gaul were profoundly romanised: they even gave up their own language in favor of
Vulgar Latin. The Germans, on the other hand, kept their Germanic dialects, but the
German vocabulary was considerably expanded by the introduction of loanwords from
Latin. In those times, words for objects that were clearly related to the Roman world
were borrowed, e.g. wijn ‘wine’ (< vinum), straat ‘street’ (< via strata), kelder ‘cellar’
(< cellarium) (Van der Wal and Van Bree 2008: 171).
From the third quarter of the third century onwards, the Roman Empire weakened
at its borders due to the crumbling of the Roman central authority and the withdrawal
of the Roman military forces. Germanic tribes who lived north of the Rhine invaded the
Roman Empire: the Francs over land and the Ingvaeones over the sea. The Romans
reacted by strengthening the Rhine border and by installing the Limes Nervicanus, a
solid double line of defences along the Roman roads between Kortrijk and Tongeren
and Bavay and Cologne, respectively. Nevertheless, repeated raids by the Francs across
the Rhine at Cologne and Mainz led to the final collapse of the Roman Empire in
northern Gaul in 406, after which the Germanic Migration Period began.
The Francs advanced fast in the south. Around the year 500 they had almost completely conquered Gaul, which henceforth came to be called Francia. On the remnants
of the former Roman Empire they founded a strong Frankish Realm, in which the Low
Countries were included.
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Apart from the Francs, the Low Countries were at the time inhabited by various
Ingvaeonic people on the coasts of Holland, Sealand and Flanders, by the (also Ingvaeonic) Frisians in the north and by the Saxons, who settled there in the sixth and seventh
century, in the northeast. The Frankish Realm, which existed from the third until the
tenth century AD, reached its greatest bloom and expansion under the Carolingean
dynasty. The emperor Charlemagne (768⫺814) ruled over an empire that extended from
Friesland in the north as far as the middle of Italy in the south and from the Pyrenees
in the west to the Danube in the east. During the Carolingean sovereignty, the Frisians
and the Saxons maintained their native dialects, but the Ingvaeonic dialects at the western coastal regions were profoundly influenced by Old Low Franconian, the dialect of
the dominating Carolingeans, which around 700⫺800 was adopted by the inhabitants
on the coast. Only a number of Ingvaeonisms in the present-day coastal dialects survive
from the period in which these dialects were still entirely Ingvaeonic, e.g. the unrounded
s-plural riks for Dutch ruggen ‘backs’.
See Janssens and Marynissen 2008: 40⫺54, Van der Wal and Van Bree 2008: 48⫺60.
2.1. Emergence o the Germanic-Romance language boundary
In the Frankish Realm, the civilizations of two different peoples, the autochthonous
Gallo-Romance population and the Francs, the Germanic conquerors, ran into each
other. As a result, a multilingual, multicultural society developed in the southern part of
Flanders, central Belgium and northern France. However, within this society cultural
shifts gradually occurred, related to the structure of the population and the cultural
orientation of its elites. The emergence and the final fixation of the Germanic-Romance
language boundary was a result of this development.
Initially, three languages were used in the Frankish Realm: classical Latin was used
in official documents such as charters, legal and ecclesiastical texts and Low Franconian
and Gallo-Romance were used in everyday speech. The use of both vernaculars was
geographically distributed: in the largest part of Gaul (present-day France and the south
of Belgium), the Frankish conquerors gradually adopted Gallo-Romance Vulgar Latin,
i.e. the Latin that was spoken by the local population, instead of their own Germanic
mother tongue. Around the ninth or tenth century, Vulgar Latin had developed into Old
French, which would later evolve into modern French. In the northernmost part of Gaul
(present-day Flanders and the south of the Netherlands), however, Low Franconian
remained the favoured vernacular of the Germanic inhabitants. Multilingualism developed into bilingualism and finally into monolingualism in the communities involved,
which process lasted from the sixth until the ninth century, and as a result a linguistic
boundary was formed between the Romance-speaking Gallo-Romans and the romanised
Germans on the one hand, and the Germanic-speaking non-romanised Germans on the
other hand. At the time of its formation, the language boundary more or less coincided
with the former Limes Nervicanus: it ran from Etaples-Montreuil (nowadays in northern
France) in the west to the tripoint around Aken-Vaals in the east. Later on, the language
boundary continued to move northward, especially in the western part of this area, i.e.
in French Flanders until northern Hainault. From the ninth until the twelfth century
this movement to the north was due to the high economic and cultural prestige of the
Romance-speaking Picardy. After the annexation of French Flanders by the French king
Louis XIV in the seventeenth century, this region was gradually further frenchified. More
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II. The major dialect regions of Dutch
to the east, in Brabant and Limburg, on the other hand, the linguistic boundary remained virtually unchanged.
See Gysseling 1976, Van Durme 2002, Janssens and Marynissen 2008: 62⫺67.
3. The period o Old Dutch (c. 7001150) and its delineation to
related Old West Germanic languages
After the rule of the emperor Charlemagne, the Frankish Empire broke up into three
parts by the Treaty of Verdun (843): East, Central and West Francia. The largest part
of the Low Countries belonged to the Central Frankish Realm. Only Flanders stricto
sensu was part of the Western Realm. The river Scheldt constituted the border between
Central and West Francia. In 855, the Central Frankish Empire in turn was divided into
three parts. The Low Countries, except for Flanders (which belonged to the western
realm), belonged to the northern part, which in 925 was added to the Kingdom of
Germany, the former East Francia.
In this politically fragmentated territory, the first documents in Old Low Franconian
were written, the dialects that were used by the Francs during the early Middle Ages in
the Netherlands and the northern part of present-day Belgium. Only a few written testimonies dating from this era are preserved, as Latin was still the official written language
at that time. Moreover, no texts at all have been preserved in Ingvaeonic, the dialect
that was spoken by the inhabitants of the coastal areas. The old Ingvaeonic dialect had
so strongly been influenced by Franconian that it had almost completely disappeared.
Only a number of Ingvaeonisms that were adopted by the Frankish dialects could reach
present-day SD, e.g. vijf ‘five’ (cf. chapter 6, by Van Bree, in this volume).
Old Low Franconian has come down to us in an eastern and a western variety. The
most important surviving text in Old East Low Franconian is a translation of Latin
psalms, the so-called Wachtendonckse psalmen, written in the tenth century by a monk
who lived in the region between Venlo and Krefeld.
Old West Low Franconian is preserved in a number of place and personal names in
Latin charters and other historical documents, e.g. place names ending on -heim/-hem
‘home’, -lo ‘small wood’, -beke ‘stream’ or -zele ‘small house’ as in 966 Berechaim
(Berchem), 838 Uttarlo (Otterlo), 877 Thobacem (Tubeke/Tubize), 1133 Wenekensele
(Winksele) (Gysseling 1960: 122, 777, 980, 1081). A number of glosses are also attested:
words in the vernacular that were written in the margin or between the lines of Latin
texts, e.g. durpilus < Dutch dorpel ‘threshold’ in the Lex Salica, the law of the Salian
Francs, which was recorded in Latin.
A larger text is the so-called Leidse Williram, a Dutch adaptation of around 1100 of
a comment written on the Song of Songs by Williram, abbot of Ebersberg. The Dutch
copier, who probably worked in the abbey of Egmond in North-Holland, adapted the
language of the original East Low Franconian text to his own western Dutch dialect.
The most famous piece of western Old Dutch is no doubt a short love verse that was
written down at the end of the eleventh century by a West Flemish monk in the abbey
of Rochester on a piece of parchment: hebban olla uogala nestas hagunnan hinase hic
enda thu uuat unbidan uue nu ‘all birds have started to build a nest, except me and you,
what are we waiting for now?’ For those colleagues who did not understand his West
Flemish vernacular, the amorous copier added the Latin translation of the verse (for a
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discussion of this sentence see Van Oostrom 2006: 93⫺100, De Grauwe 2004). The language used in both western and eastern texts is called Old Dutch or Old Low Franconian. Since the eighth century the Low Franconian dialects, which included a limited
number of Ingvaeonisms, underwent a number of linguistic changes, through which they
were differentiated from the other continental Old West Germanic languages, Old High
German, Old Saxon and Old Frisian.
Old Dutch can be neatly contrasted with Old High German by means of the High
German consonant shift, a phonological development that affected the dialects of central
and southern Germany. The dialects of Dutch did not undergo this sound change, except
for a part of Limburg, in which the stop k in Dutch ik, ook, -lijk ‘I’, ‘also’, ‘-ly’ and
maken ‘to make’ changed into the fricative x, just like in High German ich, auch, -lich,
machen. A map showing the course of the ik/ich-isogloss (the so-called Uerdinger Line)
and the maken/machen-isogloss (the so-called Benrather Line) in Limburg is presented
in Van Bree (1996: 235). The Old Saxon or Low German dialects, which were mainly
used in northern Germany and the eastern part of the Netherlands, were also unaffected
by the second Germanic consonant shift, which therefore led to a very important northsouth contrast within the West Germanic dialect continuum: the split between Low German and Dutch on the one hand, and High German on the other.
The demarcation between Old Dutch and the Old Saxon dialects that were spoken in
the eastern part of the Netherlands is much more unclear. From a geographical point of
view, the river IJssel is the traditional border between the Saxon-speaking and the Franconian-speaking regions. Linguistically speaking, the use of one grammatical ending in
the whole plural paradigm, the so called eenheidspluralis ‘unity plural’, is traditionally
mentioned as the borderline, although this is a rather weak criterion. As a matter of
fact, hardly any traces are left of an old contrast between Dutch and Low German in the
northeastern Dutch dialects. The differences that are found rather rely on the distinction
between western innovations and relics of eastern dialect features that had been autochthonous already for a long time. Not before the fifteenth century did eastern Gelderland,
Overijssel, Drenthe and Groningen switch to a written language with mainly Dutch
characteristics.
Old Frisian, the precursor of modern Frisian, was spoken from the eighth until the
sixteenth century on the continental North Sea coast. In the early Middle Ages, Frisia
stretched from the area around Bruges to the river Weser in northern Germany. However, by 1300 the Frisian territory had been pushed back to the Zuyder Zee, the part of
the North Sea east of Amsterdam which is largely surrounded by land and which, after
a long dam had been built, was transformed into a lake, called IJsselmeer, in 1932. In
the course of history, Frisian lost ever more territory to Dutch in the west and to Low
German in the north and northeast. Being an Ingvaeonic language, Old Frisian had a
number of linguistic features in common with Old English.
See Van den Toorn et al. 1997: 23, 185⫺186, Janssens and Marynissen 2008: 49⫺56,
Van der Sijs and Willemyns 2009: 150⫺157.
4. The Low Countries during the Middle Ages Middle Dutch
(c. 11501500)
Around the year 1000, the Low Countries had disintegrated into a patchwork of small
territories. Within this politically fragmentated area a number of feudal lords were able
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II. The major dialect regions of Dutch
to establish their power in a greater region. They became seigniors, subordinated to the
German King, except for the count of Flanders, who was a vassal of the French Crown.
Important seigniorial domains that developed were, among others, the County of Flanders, the County of Holland and Sealand, the Duchy of Brabant, the Prince-Bishopric
of Liège, the Duchy of Guelders and the Prince-Bishopric of Utrecht.
In the second half of the fourteenth century, the Burgundian House took over power
in the Netherlands. The new rulers initiated the political unification of the area. Between
1369 and 1443 the Dukes of Burgundy acquired almost half of the seigniorial domains
in the Netherlands, mostly by means of favourable marriages and inheritances. Under
the Burgundian governance, large parts of the Netherlands were united into one realm.
In 1477 Mary, Duchess of Burgundy, was married to archduke Maximilian of Austria.
As a result of this marriage the Burgundian Netherlands came under the rule of the
Habsburg Dynasty. Their grandson, Charles the Fifth, emperor of the Holy Roman
Empire, completed the unification of the Netherlands. He acquired all remaining seigniorial domains, except for the Prince-Bishopric of Liège. In 1548 this complex became
a separate entity within the Holy Roman Empire. It was called the Burgundian Circle
or, more commonly, the Seventeen Provinces.
The fairly long-standing political fragmentation was reflected linguistically. The term
Middle Dutch refers to the different dialects that were written and spoken between 1150
and 1500 in the Netherlands, except for Old Frisian. Five main dialect groups, each with
its own linguistic characteristics, are usually distinguished: Flemish-Zeelandic, Hollandic, Brabantian, Limburgian-Low Rhenish and the northeastern dialects. Thanks to the
large number of medieval manuscripts that were written in the vernaculars and have
been preserved, official documents as well as literary texts, the similarities and dissimilarities between the various Middle Dutch dialects could be investigated in detail.
The oldest Middle Dutch literary texts emanate from the Meuse-Rhine-region. The
most famous text is the legend of Saint Servatius, which was written about 1170 by the
Limburger Hendrik van Veldeke, the first Middle Dutch poet we know by name. He
lived and worked in the Low Rhenian culture area of the twelfth century, a transitional
region between the Dutch and the German language area. His texts contain a number of
High German features, which are still preserved in the present-day Limburgian dialects.
Hendrik van Veldeke’s literary works are considered to mark the beginning of both
Dutch and German poetry.
The switch from Latin to the vernacular in the administration was first made in the
County of Flanders, which in the twelfth and thirteenth century was the most mighty
and thriving region in the Low Countries. The oldest known official document in Dutch
that was not a translation, is a letter of the bench of eldermen of Bochoute, dating from
1249 (cf. Taeldeman and Van Durme 1999). By the third quarter of the thirteenth century, the civilians in important Flemish cities like Bruges, Gent and Ypres commonly
made use of their vernacular for official documents, e.g. charters, while Latin maintained
its functions as language of the church and of science.
In the so-called Corpus Gysseling, all texts that were written in the vernacular before
1301, original texts as well as copies, are diplomatically edited. The first nine volumes
contain more than 2000 official documents, the following six volumes contain all literary
texts that have come down before the end of the thirteenth century (Gysseling 1977⫺
1987).
Literature also flourished in the County of Flanders in the thirteenth century. The
satirical beast epic Reynard the Fox, written in East Flanders by a certain Willem, and
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the extensive scientific and historical works of the Flemish poet Jacob van Maerlant are
highlights of Middle Dutch literature. The creation of a great number of literary texts,
some of which were commissioned by noble rulers, reflects the economic and cultural
prosperity of the southwestern part of the Low Countries in this period of time.
The writing tradition that had developed in Flanders would serve as a model for the
Middle Dutch literary and official language, also outside of the County. The language
used by writers in the Duchy of Brabant was strongly influenced by the Flemish writing
tradition, especially in the thirteenth and fourteenth century. Although in the Middle
Ages Brabantish was linguistically more closely related to the Limburgian than to the
Flemish or Hollandic dialects, many Brabantish medieval texts show both Flemish and
Brabantish characteristics, as the language of the influential Flemish scriptoria was imitated. In the fourteenth and the fifteenth century, the economical and cultural hegemony
shifted from Flanders to Brabant. The Brabantish cities of Louvain, Brussels, Mechlin
and Antwerp became important centres of political, economic or cultural activity. From
the fifteenth century onwards, an increasing number of Brabantish dialect features appeared into texts. The mystic Jan van Ruusbroec (1293⫺1381), who worked in a monastery near Brussels, especially contributed to the high prestige of Brabantian in the next
centuries with his mystic tracts.
The Hollandic medieval dialect was first known from official documents that originated in the chancellory of the counts of the House of Holland. A lot of charters, written
by Hollandic clerks since the last quarter of the thirteenth century, stood the ravages of
time. As an illustration of a literary text in the Hollandic vernacular we can mention the
Rijmkroniek, a chronicle in rhyme on the countship of Holland, which was written about
1300 by Melis Stoke. The language of this historiographical text, at that time a new
genre, was still influenced considerably by the Flemish writing tradition. Texts that originated one century later, however, e.g. Der minnen loep, a collection of stories and anecdotes about love that was written by Dirc Potter, already reveal more typically Hollandic
dialect features. For a short time, a number of Hollandic texts manifested a certain
influence of German, due to the presence of rulers of the House of Bavaria at the Dutch
court from the second half of the fourteenth century until the early fifteenth century.
Not until the fifteenth and sixteenth century did the language of the Hollandic manuscripts start to obtain a clearly Hollandic character.
The designation ‘northeastern Middle Dutch’ refers to the language of the area north
of Limburg and east of Utrecht, i.e. eastern Gelderland, Overijssel, Drenthe and Groningen. This language appeared in official documents in the second half of the fourteenth
century and in spiritual, moralizing and didactic works from the circle of Geert Groote
(1340⫺1384), the founding father of the Modern Devotion. As was mentioned above,
the northeastern dialects initially belonged to the Low German language area. As Dutch
influence only slowly trickled through in the local written language, a number of Low
German characteristics occur in northeastern medieval texts. A mainly Dutch written
language came into use in this region only in the fifteenth century.
It should be clear that in the course of the Middle Ages the Dutch vernaculars were
finally established as fully fledged written languages. Nevertheless, the role of two other
languages, Latin and French, should be discussed briefly as well. Although Latin had
lost its monopoly in the domain of administration, it continued to be used in the church,
i.e. in the liturgy and the ecclesiastical organization and in science, as scientists communicated in Latin. The use of French was favoured by political and social factors. In the
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II. The major dialect regions of Dutch
County of Flanders, which belonged to the French Crown, the aristocracy, the prominent merchants and the clergymen needed a command of French in order to get in
touch with fellows in the French-speaking regions of Hainault, Artois and Picardy. The
assumption of power by the Burgundians, who chose Brussels as their residence, further
strengthened the familiarity with the French culture in Flanders and Brabant. Ever since
the County of Holland came under the influence of the French-speaking House of
Avesnes (Hainault) in 1299, French became prominent as the everyday language of the
Hollandic nobility as well. The use of French at the Dutch court would last until 1890.
Due to these social and political circumstances, particular groups in society became
bilingual. Most ordinary people, however, continued to speak their native dialect, the
only language they actively commanded.
At the end of the Middle Ages, certain external factors created the need for a language
that could be used in larger parts of the language area. The growing mobility in the
politically unified territory stimulated trading and cultural contacts between the Provinces, which led to increasing language contact between speakers of different vernaculars.
The invention of the printing press caused the practical need to standardize the language
and of course the spelling, since many copies of a book could now be produced and be
distributed across large areas. The rise of a feeling of national identity also stimulated
the development of a standard language. Nevertheless, in spite of these favouring conditions, the prototype of a supraregional Dutch did not develop until after the Middle
Ages, in the sixteenth and seventeenth century (Van den Toorn et al. 1997: 186).
See Janssens and Marynissen 2008: 69⫺88.
5. The Modern Era: Linguistic, political and cultural evolution in
the North (1500 until now)
In this section, we will discuss the development of Dutch as a written and spoken language in the northern part of the language area from the sixteenth century until the
present day, in relation to the particular political, social and cultural circumstances.
5.1. Standardization o Dutch in the Republic o the United Netherlands
(sixteenthseventeenth century)
The sixteenth century was a tempestuous period in the history of the Low Countries. In
this era major political, religious and economic changes occurred, which were to have
important consequences for the development of the language.
From 1530 onwards the influence of Protestantism, a religious renewal movement
that had entered the Netherlands from both Germany (Martin Luther) and northern
France (John Calvin), increased. The harsh reaction to the Reformation by the catholic
king Philip II of Spain (Charles the Fifth’s son, overlord of the Habsburg Netherlands)
as well as Philip’s strong centralization of power and the controversial taxations he
imposed, led to a rebellion against his regime. Under the leadership of William of Orange, the Seventeen Provinces started a war against the Spanish Empire in 1568, which
lasted until 1648: the Eighty Years’ War. Between 1583 and 1586, the Spanish army
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5. A regional history of Dutch
89
conquered most of the Flemish and Brabantian cities. The important city of Antwerp
was captured by Philip’s troops in 1585. After the Fall of Antwerp, the southern part of
the Netherlands definitively came under the rule of catholic Spain. The northern provinces separated from Spain: they founded the independent Republic of the Seven United
Provinces, better known as the Dutch Republic. The independence of the Republic was
internationally recognized in the peace treaty of Westphalia (Münster) in 1648: the
Northern and the Southern Netherlands had become legally separated.
After the separation of the North, the Southern Netherlands culturally and economically declined rapidly. The stagnation of the Southern Netherlands was due to the exodus
of many industrials, tradesmen, intellectuals, artists, printers and clergymen, who fled
from the catholic South to the North, where they could practice their protestant faith in
freedom. This protestant elite greatly contributed to the bloom of the northern United
Provinces in the seventeenth century, the so called Dutch Golden Age. The Dutch Republic became a world power and experienced a period of high economic, intellectual
and cultural prosperity.
The Dutch trade, arts and sciences were among the most acclaimed in the world. The
Dutch East and West India Companies, chartered companies of Dutch merchants, had
a trade monopoly to carry out colonial activities in Asia and the West Indies, respectively. Both companies remained important trading concerns for almost two centuries.
Due to the economic wealth, seventeenth century Dutch art was flourishing. Famous
writers included Vondel, Hooft, Bredero and Huygens. Dutch masters such as Rembrandt, Vermeer and Hals made Dutch painting world famous. At the university of
Leiden renowned scientists lectured, who were often of southern origin, such as the
botanist Rembert Dodoens and the mathematician Simon Stevin.
The loss of policital unity and the shift of the economic, political and cultural centre
from Brabant to Holland led to a diverging development of the language in the North
and the South.
In the sixteenth century the spoken language still showed considerable regional variety. The dialects of the southwest (Flemish and Zeelandish), of the central south (Brabantine), of the southeast (Limburgian), of the northwest (Hollandic) and of the northeast
(Low Saxon) differed from each other in important ways. An overarching standard language had not yet been developed.
The earliest attempts to set up a general written Dutch language were initiated in the
South, in Brabant. After the political separation to the North, however, the southern
standardisation process came to a standstill. From the end of the sixteenth century onward and in the course of the seventeenth century, a national SD language was developed
among the upper classes in the well-to-do Hollandic cities. The Hollandic dialect, enriched with influences from the southern writing tradition and the spoken language of
the numerous Flemish and Brabantian immigrants, became the basis of the Dutch standard language. Contemporaneous linguists deliberately reflected upon which language
variants would actually be part of the standard language-under-construction. Many publications reflecting on language, such as dictionaries, normative grammars and proposals
for uniform spelling rules, were published, which all contributed to the codification of
written Dutch.
The Dutch written language quickly rose to great esteem. The rise of a national
identity in the young Dutch Republic and the spread of the Reformation, which intended
to reach all social classes by distributing printed bibles and by preaching in Dutch,
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promoted the interest in and the positive attitude towards SD. The use of Dutch for
scientific communication by scientists like Stevin and Dodoens also contributed to the
prestige of the mother tongue, although Latin still maintained its status as the international language of science.
Literary authorities like Vondel and Hooft, who actively participated in the debate
on language norms, greatly contributed to the acceptance of Dutch as a cultivated language. The so called ‘States Bible’ (1637), the first official Dutch translation of the bible
directly from Greek and Hebrew, made by order of the States-General of the Netherlands, had a profound influence on the standardization and the spread of written Dutch
(see Van der Sijs and Willemyns 2009: 234⫺239). It was written in a ⫺ supposedly ⫺
generally acceptable Dutch, designed to be understandable for every Dutch-speaking
person. In order to ensure that all churches in the country would commit themselves to
God’s word in Dutch, the translators and proofreaders who worked on the new translation were selected from all regions of the language area.
The process of constructing a supraregional Dutch written language took place in the
seventeenth century among cultivated people in the Hollandic cities. In oral communication and in local texts, on the other hand, a considerable level of regional variability
was retained.
See Janssens and Marynissen 2008: 101⫺107, 113⫺127.
5.2. Language regulation and elevation o the written language in the
eighteenth and nineteenth century
The eighteenth century was a period of stagnation for the Dutch Republic. Several wars
with England weakened its political and economic position.
In 1795, the French revolutionary troops, who had occupied the Southern Netherlands one year earlier (see section 6.2. below), advanced to the North. The French proclaimed the Batavian Republic (1795⫺1806), a vassal state of the French Empire. In
1806, the Kingdom of Holland was founded; Napoleon’s brother Louis Bonaparte accessed to the throne. A few years later, in 1810, the Kingdom of Holland was annexed
by the French Empire. In 1813 the French were chased out of the Netherlands. At the
Congress in Vienna (1814⫺1815) the Northern and Southern Netherlands were, after
almost 250 years of separation, reunited in a unitary state, the so called United Kingdom
of the Netherlands, under King William I of Orange.
The political reunification of the North and the South was not a success, however
(see section 6.3. below). The growing opposition against William I in the South in 1830
led to the Belgian Revolution and the proclamation of the independent Kingdom of
Belgium. After a union of hardly 15 years, the North and the South were separated
again.
In the eighteenth century, reflection on the Dutch written language continued. Ever
more normative grammatical rules and prescriptions were issued, even if these did not
correspond to actual usage. Influenced by eighteenth century rationalism, grammarians
like Arnold Moonen and Balthasar Huydecooper intended to improve and elevate the
Dutch written language by regulating it ever more. As a result, an artificial written
language developed, which was characterized by long and complex sentences, archaic
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case forms and gender distinctions that had by then almost disappeared from the spoken language.
By the end of the eighteenth century, after an age-long process of selection, codification and functional spread, a clear unity in the written language was obtained. This
written uniform Dutch was known and accepted by intellectuals in all provinces across
the country. The spoken language, however, still showed considerable regional and social
variation. The fact that the small noble elite and courtly circles continued to use French,
which was very prestigious, as its preferred language for conversations in salons and for
international correspondance, possibly slowed down the standardization of spoken
Dutch.
In the beginning of the nineteenth century written SD was consolidated in an official
spelling regulation (Siegenbeek, 1804) and a grammar (Weiland, 1805). Although the
grammatical rules described by Weiland were actually respected, the written language
was criticized because of its unnatural character and because it was too far removed
from the spoken language.
The topic of the proper relation between the written and the spoken language dominated the linguistic debate in the nineteenth century. An increasing number of authors
shared the opinion that the written language should conform to the spoken language,
and not the other way round. The author Multutali (writer’s name of E. Douwes Dekker)
and, at the end of the century, a group of writers referred to as the Eightiers were
passionate supporters of a written language that would follow spoken Dutch as closely
as possible. A movement for renewal in education, in which simplification of the written
language was pursued (A. Kollewijn), further contributed to the ongoing modernization
of written Dutch.
At the end of the nineteenth century, the spoken language had shifted away from the
traditional dialects towards written SD. Moreover, a consensus had been reached among
the upper class in the Hollandic cities about a generally used, cultivated pronunciation
of Dutch, called ‘Algemeen Beschaafd Nederlands’ (ABN): ‘General Civilized Dutch’.
Three centuries after the beginning of the standardization of written Dutch, spoken
Dutch had also become standardized.
See Janssens and Marynissen 2008: 127⫺135.
5.3. Expansion o ABN in the twentieth century and broadening o the
norms o SD
In the twentieth century, spoken SD (ABN) quickly expanded from the urban Hollandic
elites, by whom it had been developed, to other social groups and to regions outside of
Holland. Due to improved education, growing geographical and social mobility, and the
influence of modern means of communication, by the 1950s and 1960s ABN was generally accepted and used across the Netherlands. Nearly all Dutch people were able to
read and understand ABN, and most of them could speak and write it as well, although
the intellectuals felt more familiar with SD than less educated people. For many young
people, SD became their mother tongue.
Until about 1970 the norms for SD were quite restricted. The fairly strict norms for
ABN that had been established were quite generally accepted. Especially the middle
classes considered a thorough command of ABN as an instrument of social mobility.
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In the second half of the 1960s, Dutch society was affected by important social
changes. The democratization of society involved a growing informality of manners,
which had consequences for the status and the norms for the use of spoken Dutch: a
more tolerant attitude against variation in pronunciation and choice of words developed.
Informal registers of language were increasingly used, also in more formal settings, originally by the younger generation, and later also by other groups of Dutch people.
Due to this broadening of norms, a number of substandard variants that had already
been used by certain sections of the population gradually reached SD. Famous examples
of innovations in pronunciation are the devoicing of the fricatives g, v and z in the onset,
the only prosodic position in which voice contrasts occur in varieties of Dutch, the
diphthongization of the long monophthonghs ee, oo and eu and the lowering of the
diphthongs ei, ui and ou to aai, au and aau (Van de Velde 1996). These pronuncation
variants had already been prevalent for a long time in broad city dialects of western
Holland. However, these variants are nowadays used in situations in which previously
this was not acceptable: in radio and television broadcasts, in education, at university,
even in the House of Representatives. The initially substandard pronunciation variants
are no longer regarded as broad talk, but are more or less accepted in spoken SD. As a
result of the broadening of these norms, present-day spoken SD differs audibly from the
ABN that was used in the fifties and sixties.
In 1997 the linguist Jan Stroop introduced the term ‘Polder Dutch’ for the variety of
Dutch speech in which ee, oo and eu are pronounced as diphthongs and the first elements
of the diphthongs ei, ui and ou are lowered in articulation. According to Stroop, current
speakers of Polder Dutch are especially middle-aged, educated, successful women. Recent research by Jacobi (2008) showed that it is not the speakers’ gender, but their socioeconomic background that plays a role: if social class is higher, they will show more
diphthongization. Whether such pronunciation variants will succeed in expanding to all
speakers of Dutch across the country should become clear in the next decades.
See Stroop 1997, Jacobi 2008, Janssens and Marynissen 2008: 187⫺196.
6. The Modern Era: Language history in the South, in its political
and social context
This section deals with the conflictual relation of Dutch and French in Flemish society
up to the nineteenth century, to the acquisition of a SD language by the Flemings and
to the so-called Flemish language struggle in the nineteenth and twentieth century, and
finally, to the emergence of a new substandard variety in Flanders from the 1970s onwards.
6.1. Dutch in an inerior position during the late Spanish period (until
1713) and under Austrian rule (17141794)
After having been dominated by the Spanish Habsburgs for more than 150 years, the
Southern Netherlands came under the sovereignty of the Austrian branch of the dynasty
in 1714. As a result of their different political and economic evolutions (cf. section 5.1.),
the Northern and Southern Netherlands went through different linguistical evolutions
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during the seventeenth and eighteenth century as well. In contrast to the North, the
standardizing process of the Dutch language came to a standstill in Flanders, in the
South. For government and administration purposes at the highest level, French was
used, whereas at the regional and local level people adhered to the Flemish or Brabantine
writing systems, which had been used since the end of medieval times (cf. section 4).
The French-speaking part of the population in Flanders increased, especially during the
eighteenth century, because the nobility and the higher bourgeois families started to
consider French as the cultivated language par excellence. The upper ranks of society
practically all turned to French. French also became the language of secondary education, next to Latin. Due to these circumstances, the Dutch vernacular acquired a mark
of social inferiority in Flanders. At the end of the eighteenth century, some Flemish
intellectuals reacted against the neglect of the Dutch language, such as the Brussels
politician Jan Baptist Verlooy, who wrote a famous essay pleading in favour of the native
language and calling on the Flemish population to resist the pressure of French.
See Kossmann-Putto and Kossmann 1997: 30⫺37, Willemyns 2003: 137⫺171.
6.2. Frenchiication o the middle class during the French period
(17941814)
The Southern Netherlands were occupied by the French in 1794, and annexed in 1795.
The country underwent far-reaching reforms. The use of the French language was made
mandatory or was strongly favoured in all official domains. Of great importance was
the fact that in Flanders the middle class, too, had begun to use French, which widened
the gap between them and the masses of peasants and workers, who continued to speak
their local Dutch dialects. By the year 1810, public life in Flanders had become practically completely Francophone. In addition, many inhabitants of the country, particularly
those of the well-to-do and well-instructed middle class, had become Francophile. They
were thoroughly convinced of the cultural, intellectual and linguistic superiority of the
French language. The Dutch vernacular used by the common people in Flanders was
left with no prestige at all. In this way, the social language gap that had arisen in the
centuries before was strengthened during the French period.
See Willemyns 2003: 172⫺183.
6.3. Redutchiication o oicial domains during the Dutch period
(18141830)
After Napoleon had been defeated in October 1813 near Leipzig, the French were forced
to leave the annexed Southern Netherlands some months later. The Vienna Congress
(1814⫺1815) decided to reunite the Southern and the Northern Netherlands into a unitary state, the so-called United Kingdom of the Netherlands, under the new Dutch King
William I of Orange. William aspired to weld the catholic Southern and protestant
Northern Netherlands together on the basis of a shared sense of national identity, which
he wanted to achieve through a policy of economic and social integration, of religious
tolerance or neutrality, and through a language policy aiming at installing one national
language in the whole country. This national language would be Dutch, the language
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II. The major dialect regions of Dutch
that had been standardized and was already successfully used as official language in the
northern provinces. Hence, William promulgated laws installing Dutch as the official
language for administration, courts of justice and education in Flanders. Several influential groups and individuals in the South opposed William’s language policy: the Catholic
Church, which regarded the Dutch language as an instrument of Calvinism, the liberals,
who wanted individual freedom of language, and many common Flemings too, who
perceived the Dutch language of the North as quite different from their own vernaculars.
In spite of this opposition, by 1828, French had almost completely been abandoned in
the official domains mentioned above in Flanders, and Dutch was being used instead.
In 1829⫺1830, the southern opposition to William’s authoritarian regime grew stronger
and the King was obliged to some political concessions, also concerning his language
policy. The Belgian Revolution in September 1830 brought an end to William’s ambitions. The United Kingdom fell apart and the Southern Netherlands became a separate,
independent state, the Kingdom of Belgium. Its Constitution created a modern parliamentary monarchy, a unitary state with a Chamber of Representatives directly elected
by a limited number of voters from the well-to-do French-speaking classes.
See De Jonghe 1967, Janssens and Steyaert 2008: 35⫺65.
6.4. Belgium as an independent state (1830 onwards) emergence o
the Flemish movement
According to the Belgian liberal Constitution, language usage was a matter of choice.
But in reality the country was governed in French, the language of the ruling classes,
and a language with international prestige. Dutch, which was considered the language
of the northern ‘enemy’ just after the Revolution, disappeared almost completely from
public life in Flanders. Thanks to its early heavy industry at the time of the Industrial
Revolution, Wallonia (in the south of Belgium) was the most prosperous part of the
country in the nineteenth century. Flanders, on the other hand, which had had its heyday
during the Middle Ages, went through a deep crisis. The majority of the Flemish population remained fairly passive with respect to language matters, but as early as the 1830s
a number of Flemish intellectuals and ‘language lovers’, such as Jan Frans Willems and
Jan Baptist David, started reacting against the hegemony of French and the discrimination of their own native language in Belgium. These intellectuals wanted to work actively
for the development and promotion of the language of the Flemish people. Their ideas
were clearly inspired by romanticism and nationalism; in the nineteenth century many
places in Europe became convinced of the close relationship between people, country,
language and history. The Flemish intellectuals we just mentioned represented the very
outset of the so-called Flemish movement, a complex cultural and social current aiming
at the statutory recognition of the language of the Flemish people as an official language
in Belgium, and at the intellectual, cultural, social and economic emancipation of Flanders.
See Kossmann-Putto and Kossmann 1997: 41⫺44, Willemyns 2003: 205⫺213.
6.4.1. Acquiring a standard language
The question which kind of Dutch should be used in Flanders was a point of discussion
for the young Flemish movement. Evidently, the absence of a standard Flemish language
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weakened its claims for the recognition of the native language of the Flemings as an
official language. Two different answers to the language issue were proposed by two
different tendencies within the Flemish movement: the integrationist option and the particularist one. The integrationists proposed to adopt the existing SD language of the
North. They argued that only a standard language based on a linguistic and cultural
solidarity or unity with the North would be strong enough and would have the necessary
prestige to counter the French language in Flanders. The particularists, on the other
hand, wished to create an authentically Flemish civilized standard language, on the basis
of one of the dialects in Flanders, since they regarded the mother tongue as a central
factor in the identity of the Flemish people. There were two groups of particularists.
First, there was a very active group of West Flemish particularists, who wanted to create
a civilized language on the basis of the West Flemish vernaculars, in particular the dialect
of Bruges, which had been very prestigious during the Middle Ages. Second, there was
an Antwerp group of particularists, who wished to create a more Brabantine-like literary language.
The discussion between particularists and integrationists continued for many decades
in the nineteenth century. Around 1900, it became clear that the integrationists were on
the winning hand. However, the Flemings did not adopt the Dutch standard language
of the North as it was, especially not its pronunciation. Since hardly any samples of
spoken northern Dutch were available in Flanders in the first decades of the twentieth
century, it was the written Dutch language that was taken as a model, for instance in
school books. Generation after generation, Flemings have worked at acquiring a standard language that little by little and more and more resembled northern SD, among
other things by eliminating dialectisms, archaisms and gallicisms from their native vernaculars. In fact, the actual SD language in Flanders is the result of an ample but not full
adaptation to northern Dutch, in combination with autonomous southern standardizing
processes. Today, the Dutch language written in Flanders and the one written in the
Netherlands are very similar, except for (among other things) a relatively small number
of so-called referential belgicisms (words referring to typically Belgian institutions or
notions, such as assisenhof, a court of justice in Belgium that has no exact equivalent in
the Netherlands) and a number of southern, mostly Brabantine words (such as hesp
instead of northern Dutch ham) and (often older or archaic) grammatical features (such
as the preservation of masculine and feminine gender differentiation in non-human pronominal reference, e.g. ze (⫽ the door) staat open instead of northern Dutch hij staat
open) that have been largely accepted in Flanders. In the spoken language, these southern
words and grammatical features are more frequent, and the pronunciation of Dutch in
Flanders is quite different from that in the Netherlands (see the sketch in section 5.3.
above). Note that for most Flemings the SD that they have learned at school has remained a rather artificial, unnatural, almost ‘foreign’ language that is only spoken at
school and in other quite formal circumstances. Most Flemings do not feel at ease with
the SD language. At home and with friends, and in informal situations in general, they
speak either dialect or, more recently, a type of civilized vernacular to which we will
return in section 5.5.
See Willemyns 2003: 249⫺298, 320⫺338, 341⫺350, 353⫺358, Janssens and Marynissen 2008: 148⫺159, and also see Haeseryn in the present volume for the structural aspects of Belgian Dutch (ch. 37).
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6.4.2. The Flemish language struggle
The first significant political action of the Flemish movement was the so-called Flemish
petition in 1840: thousands of Flemings insisted on the right to use the vernacular language for public administration, justice and school education in Flanders. The petition
was ignored by the Belgian authorities. In 1856, under pressure of supporters of the
Flemish movement, the government installed a commission to investigate the principal
Flemish language grievances, but the commission’s proposals, which more or less met
the claims of the 1840 petition, were brushed aside by the new government some time
later. This refusal led to the start, around 1860, of a second phase in the actions of the
Flemish movement. By means of better organization, campaigning and involvement in
the press and in elections, militants of the Flemish movement tried to acquire political
power themselves in order to redress their language grievances. In the 1870s, this change
of strategy started to be rewarded. The Flemish people obtained the right to be tried in
their own language (1873), to be attended to by civil servants in their own language
(1878), and to be educated in state secondary schools at least partly in their own language instead of exclusively in French as before (1883). In 1898, the so-called Equality
Law was passed ⫺ a law with great symbolic value, that recognized Dutch as an official
legal language in Belgium, next to French. However, this first piece of Belgian language
legislation still guaranteed the French language a place in all public domains in Flanders.
Flanders had a bilingual status by the end of the nineteenth century ⫺ no more, no less.
This meant that French could still be used in Flanders, and in practice in many cases
was indeed used, since French remained the language with the highest prestige and social
power. Consequently, the Flemish people continued to feel discriminated in their own
region. To put an end to this situation, Dutch had to become the only official language
in Flanders. Flanders had to become an officially monolingual Dutch-speaking region.
In the 1920s, Flemish and Walloon politicians agreed to divide Belgium into language
territories. Flanders would officially have monolingual Dutch status, while Wallonia
would be monolingually French, and Brussels would become officially bilingual.
Through the approval of language laws in the 1930s, the principle of territorial linguistic
integrity was fully applied to all sectors of public life in Flanders. By the end of the
1930s, Flanders had become an officially monolingual territory. One problem remained,
however: the boundary between the Flemish and the Walloon territories had not been
definitively fixed, and this regularly led to (new) quarrels and discussions between the
language communities. In 1962⫺1963, the Dutch-French language boundary was finally
fixed by law. Some Flemish and Walloon communes with large minorities of Francophone and Dutch-speaking inhabitants, respectively, acquired ‘language facilities’. The
monolingual status of Flanders was further strengthened.
See Willemyns 2003: 213⫺241; <ucl.ac.uk/…/flemish_movement/>.
6.5. Federalization o Belgium (1970 onwards) emergence o an
intermediate language in Flanders
By the end of the 1960s, Flemish and Walloon politicians decided to change Belgium
into a federal state. The process of federalization started in 1970. Today, Flanders has
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achieved political autonomy in many important domains. Moreover, over the last decades it has become economically prosperous. At present, the use of Dutch is compulsory
in public life in Flanders.
Over these last decades, a new variety of Dutch has been developing in Flanders, a
variety that is linguistically situated somewhere in between the dialects, on the one side,
and the Dutch standard language on the other. Because of this intermediate position,
the variety in question is referred to as Flemish ‘intermediate language’ by linguists
(more recently also as modern colloquial ‘Flemish’, and Colloquial Belgian Dutch).
From the 1970s onwards, more and more Flemings turned away from the dialect in
informal situations, for raising children and for contacts with colleagues, casual acquaintances and even friends, because dialects had become socially stigmatized, and
branded as definitely lower class. However, they did not want to use standard (Belgian)
Dutch in these informal situations either, because they did not sufficiently master it, or
because they considered SD to be ‘unnatural’, too formal, too official, almost as ‘foreign’
language (see 6.4.1. above). So, these Flemings wanted to speak a language variety that
did not sound as coarse as the stigmatized dialects, but at the same time remained close,
familiar and natural to them, away from the ‘stiff and formal’, almost ‘estraneous’ official standard (Belgian) Dutch. Speakers of this intermediate language variety tried and
nowadays still try to avoid broad dialectal accents, allowing widely accepted regional
words and grammatical features they feel rather close to, especially words and grammatical features originating from the prestigious Brabant area, the economic heart and linguistic centre of Flanders. From the end of the 1980s onwards, this language mix, which
many call Schoon Vlaams (literally: ‘fair Flemish’) and Tussentaal (‘intermediate language’), has started to be used in television broadcasts such as soap operas and popular
game shows as well, and it can also be heard in interviews and commercials. For many
people, this use in the media in a way legitimizes the intermediate language. More and
more Flemings speak it, in ever more ⫺ even formal ⫺ situations. Intermediate language
has become the mother tongue of many young people. A growing number of Flemings
consider it as a valuable spoken alternative to standard (Belgian) Dutch.
Nevertheless, this new, intermediate language variety has several problematic aspects.
First of all, its emergence has made the language spectrum in Flanders more complex
than it was already ⫺ even opaque for people from outside. In fact, three or four different types or varieties of Dutch are being used in Flanders today: standard (Belgian)
Dutch for writing and for oral communication (the latter only in more formal situations,
and nearly only by the well educated), intermediate language as a civilized go-as-youplease speech variety in most informal and semi-formal situations by very many Flemings, and dialect or regiolect in informal situations, at least with people from the same
region, e.g. with relatives or close friends (mostly by elderly people, and the less well
educated). The two ‘civilized’ speech varieties in this language spectrum, standard Belgian Dutch and intermediate language, are very different.
A second problematic aspect of Flemish intermediate language is the question of its
acceptance or acceptability, not only among the Flemish themselves, but also among
other Europeans. A number of Flemish intellectuals do not accept the new variety as an
alternative to standard (Belgian) Dutch. They consider it to be a language without a
literature (in writing, it is almost solely used for internet chat and in text messages), and
without cultural prestige. They ironically call it Soapvlaams, ‘soap Flemish’, or Verkavelingsvlaams, ‘suburban Flemish’, meaning the kind of common Flemish spoken in the
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new suburbs. They regard it as a variety that endangers the language unity with the
Netherlands, weakening the linguistic position of Flanders within the European Union.
Just like in the nineteenth century, integrationists are opposed to particularists, the former in favour of a standard language shared with Dutchmen (apart from pronunciation
and other Belgian characteristics ⫺ section 6.4.1.), the latter striving for a civilized Dutch
language variety with clear roots in Flanders. The discussion between the two continues
to this very day, although this time the particularists seem to be winning. Optimistic
integrationists hope that the intermediate language gradually will grow closer to standard Belgian Dutch as time goes by. In the meantime, the acceptance of the new variety
abroad is problematic: opinion polls among students and teachers of Dutch abroad show
that when given the choice between northern Dutch or Flemish intermediate language,
they would prefer the first, because the latter is judged to be too limited in geographical,
social, cultural and functional reach.
A third problematic aspect of Flemish intermediate language is that it still shows
(great) individual and regional variation. Although Flemish intermediate language does
show aspects of stabilization in the recent past, at the same time a situation of diaglossia
(Bellmann 1998; cf. ch. 1, section 4) has become a fact of linguistic life for many Flemings, in which the intermediate language plays a central role.
See Taeldeman 1992 and 2008, Janssens 1995, Van de Velde 1996, Geeraerts 1997,
Goossens 2000, Jaspers 2001, Plevoets, Speelman and Geeraerts 2007, Janssens and Marynissen 2008: 196⫺204, De Caluwe 2009, and see also Geeraerts in the present volume
for more information on the features and structure, the sociolinguistic distribution and
the attitudinal and critical reception of Colloquial Belgian Dutch.
7. Reerences
Bellmann, Günter
1998 Between base dialect and standard language. Folia Linguistica 32: 1⫺2, 23⫺34. [Special
issue: Peter Auer (ed.), Dialect levelling and the standard varieties in Europe.]
De Caluwe, Johan
2009 Tussentaal wordt omgangstaal in Vlaanderen. Nederlandse taalkunde 14(1): 8⫺25.
De Grauwe, Luc
2004 Zijn olla vogala Vlaams, of zit de Nederlandse filologie met een koekoeksei in (haar)
nest(en)? Tijdschrift voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde 120: 44⫺56.
De Jonghe, Albert
1967 De taalpolitiek van Koning Willem I in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden (1814⫺1830). SintAndries-bij-Brugge: J. Darthet.
Geeraerts, Dirk
1997 Standaardisering en substandaardisering in Belgisch-Nederlands. In: Ariane van Santen
and Marijke van der Wal (eds.), Taal in tijd en ruimte, 289⫺298. Leiden: SNL.
Goossens, Jan
2000 De toekomst van het Nederlands in Vlaanderen. Ons Erfdeel 43(1): 3⫺13.
Gysseling, Maurits
1960 Toponymisch Woordenboek van België, Nederland, Luxemburg, Noord-Frankrijk en WestDuitsland (vóór 1226). 2 vols. Belgisch Interuniversitair Centrum voor Neerlandistiek.
Gysseling, Maurits
1976 Ontstaan en verschuiving van de taalgrens in Noord-Frankrijk. Jaarboek De Franse Nederlanden, 71⫺85.
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5. A regional history of Dutch
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Gysseling, Maurits
1977⫺1987 Corpus van Middelnederlandse teksten (tot en met het jaar 1300). Reeks I: Ambtelijke
bescheiden, Reeks II: Literaire handschriften. 15 volumes. ’s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff.
Jacobi, Irene
2008 On variation and change in diphthongs and long vowels of spoken Dutch. Ph.D. thesis,
University of Amsterdam.
Janssens, Guy
1995 Algemeen Vlaams extra muros? In: José Cajot, Ludger Kremer and Hermann Niebaum
(eds.), Lingua Theodisca. Beiträge zur Sprach- und Literaturwissenschaft. Jan Goossens
zum 65. Geburtstag, 877⫺884. Münster: Lit.
Janssens, Guy and Ann Marynissen
2008 Het Nederlands vroeger en nu. Leuven/Voorburg: Acco.
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II. The major dialect regions of Dutch
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Ann Marynissen, Cologne (Germany)
Guy Janssens, Liège (Belgium)
6. The spectrum o spatial varieties o Dutch:
The historical genesis
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Introduction
Changes and contrasts
Discussion
Atlases
References
1. Introduction
Many patterns in the Dutch dialectal landscape have very old roots; some of them reach
back to a stage before the diversification of continental West Germanic. In this contribution I will try to describe and explain the patterns in question, according to their supposed times of origin and their geographical shapes.
1.1. Selection o data
The present-day Dutch dialect landscape is fairly complex. Because there are many isoglosses, which haphazardly criss-cross each other, we have to look for a reliable criterion
to select them. As far as phonology is concerned, the most important isoglosses, resulting
from important changes are described in Van Bree (1987, mainly based on Van Loey
1970). These are mostly isoglosses pertaining to contrasts in the vowel system. We can
base the choice of syntactic contrasts on Van Bree (2009), whose data were taken from
De Schutter (1990, 2002⫺2003). As far as morphology is concerned, we will focus on
the morphological effects of phonological developments and some changes in the system.
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