Politics as Social Text in India

Politics as Social Text in India This book explores the emergence of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) as an alternative political force in Uttar Pradesh, India. It focuses on the historical continuity of Dalit social justice movements and organizational politics from pre- to post-colonial India and its subsequent institutionalization as a political force with the rise of the BSP in the state since the 1980s. The volume discusses the new age Dalit–Bahujan politics and its ethnicization of caste groups to create a bahujan samaj. The book analyzes the focused political leadership of Kanshiram and Mayawati, the strong party organization, and how they evolved an empowered Dalit ideology and identity by grassroots mobilization and championing Dalit icons and history. The author also explores the party’s strategies, slogans and alliances with other political parties and communities and its political manoeuvrings to retain its influence over the electorate. The book also effectively identifies the reasons for the political marginalization of the BSP in present times in the context of the phenomenal rise of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) in the state. The book will be of great interest to researchers and scholars of political science, sociology, Dalit and subaltern studies, exclusion studies and those working on the intersectionality of caste and class. It will also be useful for policy makers, think tanks and NGOs working in the domain of caste, marginality, social exclusion and identity politics. Jayabrata Sarkar is an associate professor teaching at the Department of Political Science in Deshbandhu College, University of Delhi, India. He has researched and worked on the Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh extensively and on the Bodos, a plain tribe in Assam, India, and their struggles for rights, entitlements and ethno-cultural autonomy. His areas of interest include issues related to social exclusion, marginality, identity politics and the relational context of studying these themes within the process of globalization and international politics. Politics as Social Text in India The Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh Jayabrata Sarkar First published 2021 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 Jayabrata Sarkar The right of Jayabrata Sarkar to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record has been requested for this book ISBN: 978-0-367-34757-4 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-32771-1 (ebk) Typeset in Sabon by Deanta Global Publishing Services, Chennai, India For my father Professor B.B. Sarkar (1934-2010) A Humanist and an Inspiring Teacher Contents List of illustrations Acknowledgements Maps and table Introduction viii x xii 1 1 Landscaping Dalit Consciousness 15 2 Political Architecture of Social Justice 30 3 The Enterprise of Social Justice 60 4 In the Forecourt of Political Power 96 5 Remaking the Caste Calculus 129 Conclusions 198 Bibliography Index 217 236 Illustrations Figures 3.1 3.2 Formation of the BSP. Source: Author An Ideological Expose on Brahminism. Source: Kanshiram, Chamcha Yug (An Era of Stooges), Nagpur, Samta Prakashan, 1998, p. 124 61 62 Tables 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 5.1 5.2 5.3 Political Graph of Mayawati: Lok Sabha Elections (1984–1992) Political Graph of Kanshiram: Lok Sabha Elections (1984–1992) Uttar Pradesh Assembly Election Results 1989 Uttar Pradesh Lok Sabha Results 1989 Region-wise Party Performances in 1993 UP Assembly Elections UP Assembly Elections (1991 and 1993) Seats and Percentage of Votes Polled by Major Political Parties in 1996 UP Lok Sabha Elections Caste-wise Ticket Distribution in the 1996 UP Assembly Elections UP Assembly Elections 1996 Ambedkarization Programmes (status till 1997) UP Lok Sabha Elections (1998–1999) Changing Support Base of BSP and SP and Total Votes Polled (in Percentage) UP Assembly Elections 2002 77 78 83 83 100 101 113 114 115 118 130 136 138 Illustrations ix 5.4 5.5 5.6 Caste-wise/Community Support in UP Assembly Elections 2002 Seats Won, Percentage of Votes and Changing Support Base of BJP, Cong(I), SP and BSP in the 2004 UP Lok Sabha Elections UP Assembly Elections 2007 and 2002: A Comparison 139 146 153 Acknowledgements This book is the culmination of decade-long research that grew out of my Ph.D. awarded by the University of Delhi in 2010. In the course of my research, I have incurred the debts of many, whose assistance at various stages has proved immensely valuable. I am very grateful to Professor Ashok Acharya, who kindly agreed to act as my supervisor for this research. Conversations with him greatly refined several ideas that now appear in fuller form in this book. Early on when I started thinking about doing research on the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) Mr. Ashok Verma, then a senior functionary of the BSP at the central headquarters in New Delhi, was very gracious and helpful with his time and engagement. He put me in touch with several people in the BSP, which helped me conceptualize the magnitude of research that lay ahead for me. Manoj was critical to the early stages of my research: from his trunk-filled books and booklets, CDs and VCDs on North Indian dalit history, literature and politics, he was always prompt in servicing my ‘book orders’, which helped me greatly to get this research underway. I also want to thank Mukesh, the enterprising salesman of Gautam Book Centre, Shahdara, Delhi, who made available a growing body of bilingual books and related source material. Mr. Dhananjay Singh, the then Delhi Secretary of the BSP, assisted me with acquiring and accessing books that are not available. Along with him, I also want to mention my gratitude to a few others associated with the BSP, both in Delhi and in Uttar Pradesh, who have requested anonymity but interactions with whom were extremely helpful for me to gain an in-depth understanding of the BSP. And Dr. Sutapa Saryal (Chandigarh) helped me with important references in the initial stages of my research, for which I am very grateful. I would also like to thank Professor Mahesh Rangarajan (Ashoka University). Conversations with him helped me sharpen my ideas. I would like to thank Professor Priyavadan Patel (Maharaja Sayajirao University, Baroda) and Professor Chandrakala Padia (Banaras Hindu University), for their constructive comments as external examiners for my doctoral dissertation. Professor Patel went out of his way to give me a detailed analysis of how I could develop the arguments in my dissertation and turn it into a Acknowledgements xi monograph. I hope he will be pleased to see how I developed the ideas he so generously shared with me. Of particular interest for this book were three seminars where I presented parts of this research: the first at Nehru Memorial Museum and Library (NMML) in April 2012; the second, an ICSSR-UGC National Seminar in March 2017 in New Delhi; and the third at the University of Sydney Business School, University of Sydney, in July 2018 — audiences of each engaged me in thoughtful discussions and helped me expand the parameters of my research on the BSP. I have immensely benefitted from the collections and archival resources of NMML, the Indian Council for World Affairs (ICWA), the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), all in Delhi, and the Ratan Tata Library and the Central Reference Library in the University of Delhi. At ICWA I would like to put on record the gratitude of Mr. Qureshi and Mrs. Sherwani, who helped me look through a mass of newspaper articles. I was privileged to be able to visit London and use materials relevant for my research in the library of the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) and the British Library. Ansar Ali, Rabindranath Basu, Rana Behal, Seema Bose, Ritu Kohli, Satish Jha, Pralay Kanungo, Sharmishtha Lahiry, Sujit Lahiry, Lalit Mohan, Seema Narain, Rajnish Saryal and Krishnan Unni were always encouraging, and my brother Dr. Nilanjan Sarkar (London School of Economics) assisted me whenever he could with his acute sense of technical and editorial details. Finally, I would like to thank Dr. Shashank Shekhar Sinha, Antara Ray Chaudhury, Shloka Chauhan and Rennie Alphonsa of Routledge for assisting me through the various stages of the publication of this book and for answering my numerous queries related to it. A special thanks to Pratap who made the maps. This book has also benefitted from the comments from anonymous reviewers to whom Routledge had sent the manuscript. To Saswati, my wife, Arindam, my son, and Manju, my mother – I owe a colossal sense of gratitude. They are a source of joy and inspiration, nudging and encouraging me in my academic journey. Jayabrata Sarkar January 9, 2021 Delhi Maps and Table AFGHANISTAN INDIA LADAKH SRINAGAR JAMMU AND KASHMIR N States and Union Territories LEH JAMMU T A HIMACHAL PRADESH C SHIMLA S PUNJAB H I N A DEHRA DUN I CHANDIGARH K UTTARAKHAND A HARYANA DELHI N E P A P NEW DELHI JAIPUR RA JA STHA N HAL NAC ARU ADESH PR SIKKIM ITANAGAR L GANGTOK LUCKNOW DISPUR U T TA R P R A D E S H PATNA ASSAM NAGALAND KOHIMA MEGHALAYA SHILLONG BIHAR MANIPUR IMPHAL BANGLADESH AGARTALA G U J A R AT JHARKHAND M A D H YA P R A D E S H WEST BENGAL BHOPAL N D I A RANCHI TRIPURA MIZORAM KOLKATA DAMAN RAIPUR MYANMAR ODISHA BHUBANESHWAR CH HA TT Diu (D&D) (D&D) DADRA & SILVASSA NAGAR HAVELI IS GA I RH GANDHINAGAR AIZAWL MUMBAI MAHARASHTRA B A Y TELANGANA ARABIAN SEA O HYDERABAD AMARAVATI PANAJI GOA KARNATAKA B Yanam (PUDUCHERRY) E N F G A L Preparis I. (MYANMAR) ANDHRA PRADESH CHENNAI PUDUCHERRY (PUDUCHERRY) TAMIL NADU Karaikal (PUDUCHERRY) Narcondam (INDIA) Barren I. (INDIA) PORT BLAIR ANDAMAN SEA C O N I ALA A N D KAVARATTI ) I A ( I N D KER ) ( I N D I A THIRUVANANTHAPURAM B A P L A K S H A D W E E A N D A M A N BENGALURU Mahe (PUDUCHERRY) Coco Is (MYANMAR) R I S I N D I A N O C E A N Political Map of India (States and Union Territories). Source: Author. Maps and Table Saharanpur Kairana Muzaffarnagar Nagina Bijnor Moradabad Baghpat Rampur Meerut Amroha Ghaziabad Sambhal Pilibhit Bareilly Bulandshahar Gautam Aonla Budha Nagar Budaun Aligarh Shahjahanpur Kheri Bahraich Dhaurahara Hathras Mathura Etah Agra Farrukhabad Hardoi Mohanlalganj Firozabad Fatehpur Sikri Shrawasti Sitapur Mainpuri Kaisarganj Domriaganj Maharajgaj Gonda Barabanki Kannauj Basti Lucknow Gorakhpur Faizabad Etawah Ambedkar Nagar Kanpur Akbarpur Rae Bareli Amithi Fatehpur Hamirpur Pratpgarh Jaunpur Azamgarh Salempur Ghosi Lalganj Ballia Phulpur Kaushambi Banda Deoria Sant Kabir Nagar Bansgaon Sultanpur Jalaun Kushi Nagar Machhlishahr Bhadohi Ghazipur Chandauli Varanasi Allahabad Mirzapur Jhansi Parliamentary Constituencies of Uttar Pradesh. Source: Author. Robertsganj xiii xiv Maps and Table 1 4 2 3 6 7 5 17 13 9 8 12 14 16 10 11 18 19 22 21 15 50 20 44 26 24 23 45 47 39 49 48 46 57 60 53 54 59 55 56 58 61 66 42 62 64 67 65 51 43 34 27 25 40 35 52 28 29 41 33 32 36 69 70 121 126 124 125 123 122 115 31 113 71 77 82 81 116 100 74 137 139 117 131 102 143 155 145 79 85 91 86 89 88 87 90 92 96 95 97 107 108 110 98 157 146 159 162 202 200 163 164 208 201 203 205 204 206 207 219 218 220 221 225 223 222 229 228 224 231 230 295 296 316 305 293 303 306 317 318 315 304 329 167 169 268 171 172 174 173 269 175 170 176 272 298 300 301 309 312 319 320 299 270 307 308 310 321 322 313 271 274 324 275 276 273 330 334 333 323 311 314 325 278 265 383 399 395 226 335 332 331 338 326 337 327 336 167 184 279 277 281 339 177 328 340 178 342 187 280 188 189 166 185 343 344 345 179 341 191 353 180 186 349 348 190 182 357 354 365 181 359 347 346 355 244 238 248 239 356 249 364 366 350 362 183 358 240 242 245 247 351 352 361 250 367 376 377 241 373 368 360 246 378 372 371 243 251 255 232 374 375 369 254 233 379 257 370 384 385 261 262 252 253 263 256 388 386 381 382 258 392 389 235 391 393 236 394 387 390380 260 264 234 396 398 259 397 237 165 211 213 212 214 215 216 210 217 208 297 288 302 294 287 166 161 168 197 94 292 286 150 152 160 291 290 151 158 198 289 284 149 153 196 199 283 285 156 154 195 109 99 93 193 194 103 104 141 142 147 148 132 105 80 282 140 133 144 135 192 83 84 138 134 136 101 78 129 130 114 73 72 76 75 128 119 111 68 127 120 38 112 63 118 37 30 400 401 227 402 403 Assembly Constituencies of Uttar Pradesh. Source: Author. 363 Maps and Table xv Assembly and Lok Sabha Constituencies of Uttar Pradesh # Assembly Constituency Lok Sabha Constituency 1 Agra Cantt. Agra 2 3 Agra North Agra Rural 4 5 Agra South Ajagara 6 Akbarpur 7 8 Akbarpur – Raniya Alapur 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 Aliganj Aligarh Allahabad North Allahabad South Allahabad West Amanpur Amethi Amritpur Amroha Anupshahr Aonla Arya Nagar Asmoli Atrauli Atrauliya Aurai 25 Auraiya 26 27 28 29 Ayah Shah Ayodhya Azamgarh Babaganj 30 31 32 Baberu Babina Bachhrawan 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 Badaun Badlapur Bagpat Bah Baheri Bahraich Bairia Reserved ID Scheduled 87 Caste Agra 89 Fatehpur Sikri Scheduled 90 Caste Agra 88 Chandauli Scheduled 385 Caste Ambedkar 281 Nagar Akbarpur 206 Sant Kabir Scheduled 279 Nagar Caste Farrukhabad 103 Aligarh 76 Phulpur 262 Allahabad 263 Phulpur 261 Etah 101 Amethi 186 Farrukhabad 193 Amroha 41 Bulandshahr 67 Aonla 126 Kanpur 214 Sambhal 32 Aligarh 73 Lalganj 343 Bhadohi Scheduled 394 Caste Etawah Scheduled 204 Caste Fatehpur 241 Faizabad 275 Azamgarh 347 Kaushambi Scheduled 245 Caste Banda 233 Jhansi 222 Rae Bareli Scheduled 177 Caste Budaun 115 Jaunpur 364 Bagpat 52 Fatehpur Sikri 94 Pilibhit 118 Bahraich 286 Ballia 363 District Agra Agra Agra Agra Varanasi Ambedkar Nagar Kanpur Dehat Ambedkar Nagar Etah Aligarh Allahabad Allahabad Allahabad Kasganj Amethi Farrukhabad Amroha Bulandshahr Bareilly Kanpur Nagar Sambhal Aligarh Azamgarh Bhadohi Auraiya Fatehpur Faizabad Azamgarh Pratapgarh Banda Jhansi Raebareli Budaun Jaunpur Bagpat Agra Bareilly Bahraich Ballia (Continued) xvi Maps and Table Continued # Assembly Constituency Lok Sabha Constituency Reserved 40 41 Bakshi Kaa Talab Balamau 42 Baldev 43 Balha 44 45 Ballia Nagar Balrampur 46 47 48 49 Banda Bangarmau Bansdih Bansgaon 50 Bansi Mohanlalganj Misrikh Scheduled Caste Mathura Scheduled Caste Bahraich Scheduled Caste Ballia Shrawasti Scheduled Caste Banda Unnao Salempur Bansgaon Scheduled Caste Domariyaganj 51 Bara Allahabad 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 Barabanki Barauli Baraut Bareilly Bareilly Cantt. Barhaj Barhapur Barkhera Basti Sadar Behat Belthara Road Barabanki Aligarh Bagpat Bareilly Bareilly Bansgaon Moradabad Pilibhit Basti Saharanpur Salempur 63 64 65 Bhadohi Bhagwantnagar Bharthana Bhadohi Unnao Etawah 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 Bhatpar Rani Bhinga Bhognipur Bhojipura Bhojpur Bhongaon Bidhuna Bijnor Bikapur Bilari Bilaspur Bilgram-Mallanwan Salempur Shrawasti Jalaun Bareilly Farrukhabad Mainpuri Kannauj Bijnor Faizabad Sambhal Rampur Misrikh ID District 169 160 Lucknow Hardoi 85 Mathura 282 Bahraich 361 294 Ballia Balrampur 235 162 362 327 Banda Unnao Ballia Gorakhpur 304 Siddharth Nagar Allahabad Scheduled 264 Caste 268 72 51 124 125 342 19 128 310 1 Scheduled 357 Caste 392 166 Scheduled 201 Caste 340 289 208 120 195 108 202 22 274 30 36 159 Barabanki Aligarh Bagpat Bareilly Bareilly Deoria Bijnor Pilibhit Basti Saharanpur Ballia Bhadohi Unnao Etawah Deoria Shrawasti Kanpur Dehat Bareilly Farrukhabad Mainpuri Auraiya Bijnor Faizabad Moradabad Rampur Hardoi (Continued) Maps and Table xvii Continued # Assembly Constituency Lok Sabha Constituency 78 Bilhaur Misrikh 79 80 81 82 Bilsi Bindki Bisalpur Bisauli 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 Biswan Bithari Chainpur Bithoor Budhana Bulandshahr Caimpiyarganj Chail Chakia 91 92 Chamraua Chandausi 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 Chandpur Charkhari Charthawal Chauri-Chaura Chhanbey Chhaprauli Chharra Chhata Chhibramau Chillupar Chitrakoot Chunar Colonelganj Dadraul Dadri 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 Dariyabad Dataganj Debai Deoband Deoria Dhampur Dhanaura 115 Dhanghata 116 Dhaurahra Reserved ID Scheduled 209 Caste Budaun 114 Fatehpur 239 Pilibhit 130 Budaun Scheduled 112 Caste Sitapur 149 Aonla 123 Akbarpur 210 Muzaffarnagar 11 Bulandshahr 65 Gorakhpur 320 Kaushambi 253 Robertsganj Scheduled 383 Caste Rampur 35 Sambhal Scheduled 31 Caste Bijnor 23 Hamirpur 231 Muzaffarnagar 12 Bansgaon 326 Mirzapur 395 Baghpat 50 Hathras 74 Mathura 81 Kannauj 196 Bansgaon 328 Banda 236 Mirzapur 398 Kaiserganj 298 Shahjahanpur 136 Gautam 62 Buddha Nagar Faizabad 270 Aonla 117 Bulandshahr 68 Saharanpur 5 Deoria 337 Nagina 20 Amroha Scheduled 39 Caste Sant Kabir Scheduled 314 Nagar Caste Dhaurahra 141 District Kanpur Nagar Budaun Fatehpur Pilibhit Budaun Sitapur Bareilly Kanpur Nagar Muzaffarnagar Bulandshahr Gorakhpur Kaushambi Chandauli Rampur Sambhal Bijnor Mahoba Muzaffarnagar Gorakhpur Mirzapur Baghpat Aligarh Mathura Kannauj Gorakhpur Chitrakoot Mirzapur Gonda Shahjahanpur Gautam Budh Nagar Barabanki Budaun Bulandshahr Saharanpur Deoria Bijnor Amroha Sant Kabir Nagar Lakhimpur Kheri (Continued) xviii Maps and Table Continued # Assembly Constituency Lok Sabha Constituency 117 118 119 120 Dhaulana Dibiyapur Didarganj Domariyaganj Ghaziabad Etawah Lalganj Domariyaganj 121 Duddhi 122 123 124 125 Etah Etawah Etmadpur Faridpur 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 Farrukhabad Fatehabad Fatehpur Fatehpur Sikri Fazilnagar Firozabad Gainsari Gangoh Garautha Garhmukteshwar Gaura Gauriganj Ghatampur 139 140 141 142 143 Ghaziabad Ghazipur Ghorawal Ghosi Gola Gokrannath 147 Gorakhpur Rural 148 Gorakhpur Urban 149 Goshainganj Gorakhpur Gorakhpur Ambedkar Nagar Mathura Kanpur Budaun Bhadohi Barabanki 155 Hamirpur 156 Handia District 58 203 350 306 Hapur Auraiya Azamgarh Siddharth Nagar Sonbhadra Scheduled 403 Caste Etah 104 Etawah 200 Agra 86 Aonla Scheduled 122 Caste Farrukhabad 194 Fatehpur Sikri 93 Fatehpur 240 Fatehpur Sikri 91 Deoria 332 Firozabad 97 Shrawasti 292 Kairana 7 Jalaun 225 Amroha 60 Gonda 301 Amethi 185 Akbarpur Scheduled 218 Caste Ghaziabad 56 Ghazipur 375 Robertsganj 400 Ghosi 354 Kheri 139 Gonda Azamgarh Hardoi Goverdhan Govindnagar Gunnaur Gyanpur Haidergarh ID Robertsganj 144 Gonda 145 Gopalpur 146 Gopamau 150 151 152 153 154 Reserved Hamirpur Bhadohi 296 344 Scheduled 157 Caste 323 322 276 83 212 111 393 Scheduled 272 Caste 228 258 Etah Etawah Agra Bareilly Farrukhabad Agra Fatehpur Agra Kushinagar Firozabad Balrampur Saharanpur Jhansi Hapur Gonda Amethi Kanpur Nagar Ghaziabad Ghazipur Sonbhadra Mau Lakhimpur Kheri Gonda Azamgarh Hardoi Gorakhpur Gorakhpur Faizabad Mathura Kanpur Nagar Sambhal Bhadohi Barabanki Hamirpur Allahabad (Continued) Maps and Table xix Continued # Assembly Constituency 157 Hapur Lok Sabha Constituency Reserved ID 168 Isauli 169 Itwa Scheduled 59 Caste Rae Bareli 179 Hardoi 156 Dhaurahra Scheduled 147 Caste Basti 307 Amroha 42 Bijnor Scheduled 45 Caste Kushinagar 334 Hathras Scheduled 78 Caste Fatehpur 242 Hathras Scheduled 77 Caste Sultanpur 187 Domariyaganj 305 170 Jagdishpur Amethi 158 Harchandpur 159 Hardoi 160 Hargaon 161 Harraiya 162 Hasanpur 163 Hastinapur 164 Hata 165 Hathras 166 Husainganj 167 Iglas 171 Jahanabad 172 Jakhanian 173 Jalalabad 174 Jalalpur 175 Jalesar 176 177 178 179 180 Jangipur Jasrana Jaswantnagar Jaunpur Jewar 181 Jhansi Nagar 182 Kadipur 183 Kaimganj 184 185 186 187 188 Kairana Kaiserganj Kalpi Kalyanpur Kannauj 189 Kanpur Cantt. Meerut Scheduled 184 Caste Fatehpur 238 Ghazipur Scheduled 373 Caste Shahjahanpur 132 Ambedkar 280 Nagar Agra Scheduled 106 Caste Ghazipur 376 Firozabad 96 Mainpuri 199 Jaunpur 366 Gautam 63 Buddha Nagar Jhansi 223 Sultanpur Scheduled 191 Caste Farrukhabad Scheduled 192 Caste Kairana 8 Kaiserganj 288 Jalaun 220 Akbarpur 211 Kannauj Scheduled 198 Caste Kanpur 216 District Hapur Raebareli Hardoi Sitapur Basti Amroha Meerut Kushinagar Hathras Fatehpur Aligarh Sultanpur Siddharth Nagar Amethi Fatehpur Ghazipur Shahjahanpur Ambedkar Nagar Etah Ghazipur Firozabad Etawah Jaunpur Gautam Budh Nagar Jhansi Sultanpur Farrukhabad Shamli Bahraich Jalaun Kanpur Nagar Kannauj Kanpur Nagar (Continued) xx Maps and Table Continued # Assembly Constituency 190 Kanth 191 Kapilvastu 192 193 194 195 196 Kaptanganj Karachhana Karhal Kasganj Kasta 197 Katehari 198 Katra 199 Katra Bazar 200 Kerakat 201 Khadda 202 Khaga 203 Khair 204 Khajani 205 Khalilabad 206 Khatauli 207 Kheragarh 208 Khurja 209 Kidwai Nagar 210 Kishni 211 Kithore 212 Koil 213 Koraon 214 215 216 217 218 219 Kunda Kundarki Kursi Kushinagar Laharpur Lakhimpur Lok Sabha Constituency Reserved Moradabad Domariyaganj Scheduled Caste Basti Allahabad Mainpuri Etah Dhaurahra Scheduled Caste Ambedkar Nagar Shahjahanpur Kaiserganj Machhlishahr Scheduled Caste Kushinagar Fatehpur Scheduled Caste Aligarh Scheduled Caste Sant Kabir Scheduled Nagar Caste Sant Kabir Nagar Muzaffarnagar Fatehpur Sikri Gautam Scheduled Buddha Caste Nagar Kanpur Mainpuri Scheduled Caste Meerut Aligarh Allahabad Scheduled Caste Kaushambi Sambhal Barabanki Kushinagar Sitapur Kheri 220 Lalganj Lalganj 221 Lalitpur 222 Lambhua 223 Loni Jhansi Sultanpur Ghaziabad ID District 25 303 131 297 372 Moradabad Siddharth Nagar Basti Allahabad Mainpuri Kasganj Lakhimpur Kheri Ambedkar Nagar Shahjahanpur Gonda Jaunpur 329 243 Kushinagar Fatehpur 71 Aligarh 325 Gorakhpur 313 15 92 70 Sant Kabir Nagar Muzaffarnagar Agra Bulandshahr 215 109 Kanpur Nagar Mainpuri 46 75 265 Meerut Aligarh Allahabad 246 29 266 333 148 142 Pratapgarh Moradabad Barabanki Kushinagar Sitapur Lakhimpur Kheri Azamgarh 308 260 110 100 143 277 Scheduled 351 Caste 226 190 53 Lalitpur Sultanpur Ghaziabad (Continued) Maps and Table xxi Continued # Assembly Constituency Lok Sabha Constituency 224 225 226 227 228 229 Lucknow Cantt. Lucknow Central Lucknow East Lucknow North Lucknow West Machhlishahr Lucknow Lucknow Lucknow Lucknow Lucknow Machhlishahr Scheduled Caste Jalaun Ghosi Basti Scheduled Caste Maharajganj Scheduled Caste Akbarpur Bahraich Sitapur Hamirpur Dhaurahra Mainpuri Mirzapur Jaunpur Mohanlalganj Scheduled Caste Banda Kaushambi Scheduled Caste Gonda Scheduled Caste Mathura Etah Mirzapur Machhlishahr Bahraich Mathura Ghosi Jhansi Scheduled Caste Bijnor Bareilly Meerut Meerut Meerut Azamgarh Scheduled Caste Gonda Jhansi Scheduled Caste Allahabad 230 Madhaugarh 231 Madhuban 232 Mahadewa 233 Maharajganj 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 Maharajpur Mahasi Mahmoodabad Mahoba Maholi Mainpuri Majhawan Malhani Malihabad 243 Manikpur 244 Manjhanpur 245 Mankapur 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 Mant Marhara Madihan Mariyahu Matera Mathura Mau Mauranipur 254 255 256 257 258 259 Meerapur Meerganj Meerut Meerut Cantt. Meerut South Mehnagar 260 Mehnaun 261 Mehroni 262 Meja Reserved ID District 175 174 173 172 171 369 Lucknow Lucknow Lucknow Lucknow Lucknow Jaunpur 219 353 311 Jalaun Mau Basti 318 Maharajganj 217 285 151 230 145 107 397 367 168 Kanpur Nagar Bahraich Sitapur Mahoba Sitapur Mainpuri Mirzapur Jaunpur Lucknow 237 252 Chitrakoot Kaushambi 300 Gonda 82 105 399 370 284 84 356 224 Mathura Etah Mirzapur Jaunpur Bahraich Mathura Mau Jhansi 16 119 48 47 49 352 Muzaffarnagar Bareilly Meerut Meerut Meerut Azamgarh 295 227 Gonda Lalitpur 259 Allahabad (Continued) xxii Maps and Table Continued # Assembly Constituency 263 Menhdawal Lok Sabha Constituency 264 Milak Sant Kabir Nagar Rampur 265 Milkipur Faizabad 266 Mirzapur 267 Misrikh Mirzapur Misrikh 268 Modinagar 269 Mohammadabad 270 Mohammdi Bagpat Ballia Dhaurahra 271 Mohan Unnao Reserved ID District 312 Sant Kabir Nagar Rampur Scheduled 38 Caste Scheduled 273 Caste 396 Scheduled 153 Caste 57 378 144 Scheduled 164 Caste Mohanlalganj Scheduled 176 272 Mohanlalganj Caste 273 Moradabad Nagar Moradabad 28 Moradabad 274 Moradabad Rural 27 Azamgarh 275 Mubarakpur 346 Chandauli 276 Mughalsarai 380 Ghosi Scheduled 355 277 MuhammadabadGohna Caste 278 Mungra Badshahpur Jaunpur 368 Ghaziabad 279 Muradnagar 54 Muzaffarnagar 280 Muzaffarnagar 14 Nagina Scheduled 18 281 Nagina Caste Nagina 282 Najibabad 17 Kairana 283 Nakur 2 Bahraich 284 Nanpara 283 Banda Scheduled 234 285 Naraini Caste Amroha 286 Naugawan Sadat 40 Maharajganj 287 Nautanwa 316 Bareilly 288 Nawabganj 121 Nagina Scheduled 21 289 Nehtaur Caste Kheri 290 Nighasan 138 291 Nizamabad 292 Noida 293 Noorpur 294 Obra 295 Orai Lalganj Gautam Buddha Nagar Nagina Robertsganj Jalaun 348 61 24 402 Scheduled 221 Caste Faizabad Mirzapur Sitapur Ghaziabad Ghazipur Lakhimpur Kheri Unnao Lucknow Moradabad Moradabad Azamgarh Chandauli Mau Jaunpur Ghaziabad Muzaffarnagar Bijnor Bijnor Saharanpur Bahraich Banda Amroha Maharajganj Bareilly Bijnor Lakhimpur Kheri Azamgarh Gautam Budh Nagar Bijnor Sonbhadra Jalaun (Continued) Maps and Table xxiii Continued # Assembly Constituency 296 Padrauna 297 Palia Reserved Kushinagar Kheri Maharajganj Deoria Etah Pratapgarh Kaiserganj Phulpur Maharajganj Ballia Lalganj Phulpur Pilibhit Machhlishahr Gorakhpur Shahjahanpur Scheduled Caste Pratapgarh 312 Pratapgarh Bhadohi 313 Pratappur Pilibhit Scheduled 314 Puranpur Caste Bijnor Scheduled 315 Purqazi Caste Unnao 316 Purwa Rae Bareli 317 Rae Bareli Barabanki 318 Ram Nagar Kushinagar Scheduled 319 Ramkola Caste Rampur 320 Rampur 321 Rampur Karkhana Deoria Pratapgarh 322 Rampur Khas Scheduled 323 Rampur Maniharan Saharanpur Caste Pratapgarh 324 Raniganj Ghosi 325 Rasara Kannauj Scheduled 326 Rasulabad Caste Hamirpur Scheduled 327 Rath Caste Robertsganj 328 Robertsganj Varanasi 329 Rohaniya Faizabad 330 Rudauli Basti 331 Rudhauli Bansgaon 332 Rudrapur Hathras 333 Sadabad Sultanpur 334 Sadar 298 299 300 301 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 309 310 311 Paniyara Pathardeva Patiyali Patti Payagpur Phaphamau Pharenda Phephana Phoolpur Pawai Phulpur Pilibhit Pindra Pipraich Powayan Lok Sabha Constituency ID District 330 137 319 338 102 249 287 254 315 360 349 256 127 384 321 134 Kushinagar Lakhimpur Kheri Mahrajganj Deoria Kasganj Pratapgarh Bahraich Allahabad Maharajganj Ballia Azamgarh Allahabad Pilibhit Varanasi Gorakhpur Shahjahanpur 248 257 129 Pratapgarh Allahabad Pilibhit 13 Muzaffarnagar 167 180 267 335 Unnao Raebareli Barabanki Kushinagar 37 339 244 6 Rampur Deoria Pratapgarh Saharanpur 250 358 205 Pratapgarh Ballia Kanpur Dehat 229 Hamirpur 401 387 271 309 336 79 189 Sonbhadra Varanasi Faizabad Basti Deoria Hathras Sultanpur (Continued) xxiv Maps and Table Continued # Lok Sabha Constituency Reserved 335 Safipur Unnao 336 Sagri 337 Sahajanwa 338 Saharanpur Azamgarh Gorakhpur Saharanpur Scheduled 163 Caste 345 324 Scheduled 4 Caste 3 113 55 Scheduled 374 Caste 382 381 Scheduled 341 Caste Scheduled 181 Caste 33 Scheduled 158 Caste 161 44 182 170 154 391 150 155 365 135 10 116 69 98 386 302 339 340 341 342 Assembly Constituency Saharanpur Nagar Sahaswan Sahibabad Saidpur Saharanpur Budaun Ghaziabad Ghazipur 343 Saiyadraja 344 Sakaldiha 345 Salempur Chandauli Chandauli Salempur 346 Salon Amethi 347 Sambhal 348 Sandi Sambhal Hardoi 349 350 351 352 353 354 355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362 363 364 Sandila Sardhana Sareni Sarojini Nagar Sawayazpur Sevapuri Sevata Shahabad Shahganj Shahjahanpur Shamli Shekhupur Shikarpur Shikohabad Shivpur Shohratgarh 365 Shrawasti 366 Sidhauli 367 368 369 370 Sikanderpur Sikandra Sikandra Rao Sikandrabad 371 Sirathu 372 Sirsaganj Misrikh Muzaffarnagar Rae Bareli Mohanlalganj Hardoi Varanasi Sitapur Hardoi Jaunpur Shahjahanpur Kairana Aonla Bulandshahr Firozabad Chandauli Domariyaganj Shrawasti Mohanlalganj Scheduled Caste Salempur Etawah Hathras Gautam Buddha Nagar Kaushambi Firozabad ID District Unnao Azamgarh Gorakhpur Saharanpur Saharanpur Budaun Ghaziabad Ghazipur Chandauli Chandauli Deoria Raebareli Sambhal Hardoi 290 152 Hardoi Meerut Raebareli Lucknow Hardoi Varanasi Sitapur Hardoi Jaunpur Shahjahanpur Shamli Budaun Bulandshahr Firozabad Varanasi Siddharth Nagar Shrawasti Sitapur 359 207 80 64 Ballia Kanpur Dehat Hathras Bulandshahr 251 99 Kaushambi Firozabad (Continued) Maps and Table xxv Continued # Assembly Constituency Lok Sabha Constituency Reserved 373 374 375 376 377 Sishamau Siswa Sitapur Siwalkhas Soraon Kanpur Maharajganj Sitapur Bagpat Phulpur 213 317 146 43 Scheduled 255 Caste Scheduled 140 Caste 34 188 66 331 278 378 Sri Nagar 379 380 381 382 383 Suar Sultanpur Syana Tamkuhi Raj Tanda 384 385 386 387 388 389 390 391 392 Tarabganj Thakurdwara Thana Bhawan Tilhar Tiloi Tindwari Tirwa Tulsipur Tundla 393 394 395 396 397 398 399 400 401 402 Unchahar Unnao Utraula Varanasi Cantt. Varanasi North Varanasi South Vishwanathganj Zafrabad Zahoorabad Zaidpur 403 Zamania Kheri Rampur Sultanpur Bulandshahr Deoria Ambedkar Nagar Kaiserganj Moradabad Kairana Shahjahanpur Amethi Hamirpur Kannauj Shrawasti Firozabad Scheduled Caste Rae Bareli Unnao Gonda Varanasi Varanasi Varanasi Pratapgarh Machhlishahr Ballia Barabanki Scheduled Caste Ghazipur ID District Kanpur Nagar Maharajganj Sitapur Meerut Allahabad 299 26 9 133 178 232 197 291 95 Lakhimpur Kheri Rampur Sultanpur Bulandshahr Kushinagar Ambedkar Nagar Gonda Moradabad Shamli Shahjahanpur Amethi Banda Kannauj Balrampur Firozabad 183 165 293 390 388 389 247 371 377 269 Raebareli Unnao Balrampur Varanasi Varanasi Varanasi Pratapgarh Jaunpur Ghazipur Barabanki 379 Ghazipur Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_constituencies_of_the_Uttar_Pradesh_Legislative _Assembly xxvi Maps and Table UTTARAKHAND (A separate state since November 9, 2000) WEST ROHILKHAND CENTRAL EAST BUNDELKHAND Regionwise Division of Uttar Pradesh. Source: Author. Introduction In the context of diverse and plural developing societies, where people engage with differing sociocultural norms and values, the perception of social justice can often expose the conflictual and contested claims among multiple groups. A varied range of social groups are inclined to seek the predominance of one’s own community interests and/or rights, so that, apparently, the ‘ends of social justice’ are properly achieved. In a significant way, the penetration of democracy in the social life world of developing societies has seen the political advocacy of community interests through a variety of patterns of social mobilization of the in-group(s) – that has often led to participation in elections to legitimize the protection of a range of civic and political rights. However, to a substantial extent, the emergence and consequent legitimacy of a variety of social movements in the public sphere and a political regime’s approved strategy or policy of accommodation, assimilation or outright acceptance depends on the character of the state (from democratic to authoritarian), including even those which are ‘democratictype’, with their respective cultural and political traditions. In post-colonial India, values and methods of democratic politics based on ‘legitimate authority, representative power and the notion of social justice’ have transformed the ‘hybrid nature of caste associations that have appeared as both ascriptive and voluntary’ and made it possible for ‘caste to continue to shape identity politics as it has found new and creative ways to define itself and act collectively in political arenas’. Notwithstanding subaltern caste-based social protests that have their political roots in colonial India, lower castes, the ‘bahujan’ Indian electorate, have acted collectively through caste associations which have fostered a ‘channel of communication and bases of leadership and organization’ for the affected groups to participate in electoral politics. Mobilized around caste, affected social groups have sought to use the resulting political power to chart a political course to access increased availability of benefits and patronage and ‘gained a seat at the table and earned social respect’.1 Therefore, caste in its modern sense is a normative identitarian category to outline a democratizing politics of representation. However, a question remains: whether varied types of anti-caste/identity-based struggles/movements have been able to foreground 2 Introduction and imbue a causative effect to the interplay between a subjective experience of the world and the cultural and historical settings in which the fragile subjectivity of the socially disenfranchised is formed.2 Further, have these social movements effected even a semblance of material advancement in the social lives of the affected group? It is in this regard that this book seeks to outline the socio-ideological frames of political activity of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in the electorally significant north Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. BSP’s anti-caste strategized ‘ethnic-electoral politics’ was ideologically conceived by it as a ‘type of resistance’ contextualized in an ‘unequal social world’ – an exploitative social ordering of caste where materiality, acquisition, wealth and power are highly skewed, where the severity of caste-class hierarchical relations and inequality of social and economic dominance in a pre-capitalist economy have been reinforced by prolonged periods of state domination through laws, policies and practices.3 The Bahujan Samaj Party was formed in 1984 in Uttar Pradesh (UP), coinciding with a brewing decade and a half old political crisis of the Congress Party in Uttar Pradesh. In the context of UP, three political factors have had a significant bearing on the future prospects of the Congress Party: First, a populist regenerative programme for the poor propagated nationally which was ineffective in terms of delivery of public resources and goods to the marginalized sections of society, while being effectually considered as a new form of political mobilization of India’s vast population of the poor. Second, the political impress of Congress Party’s politics of the early 1970s coincided with the consolidation of the middle castes landholding gentry through the centrally planned Green Revolution in parts of the UP. Despite being economically prosperous, the middle castes faced representative blockage in state politics that was largely monopolized by the upper caste elites. The Congress consistently set aside any demand for state quotas in government services etc. for the middle castes and instead officially approved quotas for the most backward castes in the state. Third, by the end of the 1970s and the beginning of the 1980s the Congress Party’s vote base among the poor in the state began to fragment, notably, the low-caste Other Backward Class (OBC); the dalits, especially the populous and dominant Jatavs competing for state sector jobs with upper castes and being discriminated and who were simultaneously seeking political avenues to address their concerns. This became evidently clear as the early 1980s witnessed intense caste atrocities against Scheduled Castes (SCs) by the nouveau-riche middle castes in tandem with the upper castes in the state. This is also the period when the Congress Party, forced by extenuating circumstances of political survival in UP, outlined a series of fiscal and agrarian policy measures that would wholly benefit the rising middle caste, though in the know that they were not a vote constituency for the party and were already affiliated to certain agrarian-based political parties in the state that had begun to emerge during that period. By the end Introduction 3 of the 1980s, larger sections of the new landholding castes were supporting the Janata Dal, an emerging political force in the state which promised to alter the ‘status quo’ and ‘majoritarian politics’ of the Congress Party and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and in the process claiming to usher in an ‘alternative’ politics. The political decline of the Congress Party in UP coincided with the mid-1980s ‘temple movement’ in Ayodhya, which had gathered political momentum under the auspices of Hindu nationalist organizations with the BJP focussing on carving a Hindu majority vote. As the ‘Ram Janmabhoomi (birthplace of Lord Ram) movement’ gathered a feverous pitch, the arrival of significant portions of upper-caste voters of the state to the BJP dealt a political blow to the Congress Party: already denuded of subaltern voting constituency, including Muslims now at an even greater pace, the latter, post-temple movement, attracted to the Janata Dal (and with the fragmentation of the Janata Dal in UP in the early 1990s becoming a core vote base of the Samajwadi Party and only then showing political allegiance to the BSP), it signalled the end of a broad aggregative party system of the ‘Grand Old Party’ in Uttar Pradesh. The BSP can be traced a decade prior to its inception to the formation of ‘union-type’ associations, the Backward and Minorities Communities Employee Federation (BAMCEF) and the Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti (DS-4), that conjured Kanshiram’s vision for conceptualizing a possible bahujan samaj (majority society) politics. BAMCEF was founded in 1973 in Pune, and in three years, in 1976, an office was opened in Lucknow, in a state undergoing social and political change. Apparently, BAMCEF’s non-political associational front to foster a ‘unity of purpose’ for a variety of subaltern castes was a critique of the Poona Pact (1932) and ‘its consequences’: the legitimacy of the ‘Brahminic Social Order’ (BSO), a weak and enervated Dalit movement in India and more specifically that Kanshiram experienced in Maharashtra, considered the centre of Dalit politics, where the Republican Party India (RPI) and the Dalit Panthers (DP) were split into several factions. BAMCEF defined in terms of it being a useful prop to launch a political party in future, in a sense, outlined the incremental preparedness of a ‘motivated’ Dalit leadership. They comprised primarily the ‘quota-based’ office staff of central government offices and departments, who were to find ‘time, intellect and (resources) money’ to lead the ‘fragmented, poor, exploited and disunited’ Dalit-Bahujan class. Activities of the association-type unit found its political worth in Uttar Pradesh, considered by Kanshiram the ‘nucleus’ of Brahmanism, where a ‘future political experiment’ could be conducted. There the organization spread into urban localities and even engaged in casual and informal chats to create political awareness in rural areas. On an all-India level (1978–1983), Kanshiram engaged in constructing the cultural resources for a ‘new age’ bahujan consciousness: the ‘subjugated’ yet ‘glorious histories’ of low-caste groups were retrieved in innovative ways: seminars, conferences, slide shows of Dalit icons, cheap handbooks of jati-purana, posters, cycle marches that 4 Introduction connected important cities across India. However, Uttar Pradesh would remain the centre of Dalit-Bahujan politics. In 1981, Kanshiram founded the Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti, a quasi-political organization, staffed by students and youth activists who were directed to mobilize rural bahujan masses. They were specifically advised not to pursue confrontational politics as it could lead to a violent casteist backlash by local structures of power operating within social contexts of inequality, oppression and powerlessness. The DS-4 carried out provocative programmes and forged crisp political slogans particularly in rural hinterlands with the purpose of determining the magnitude of support of marginalized social groups. The consummate ease with which Kanshiram founded the BSP underscores the political belief for a new-age ‘revised’ Dalit politics in UP considered as the ‘laboratory’ for the experimentation of BSP’s brand of anti-caste politics: to upturn the BSO that has had a pervasive control over all spheres of life. Despite constant emphasis on the ‘bahujan’ aspect of politics, the political vision was reposed to the dominant and populous Chamar/Jatav caste elite of the state. Much before the post-1990 ‘Mandal politics’ that took political effect, the BSP was already contemplating a ‘party-based opposition’, which traditionally has been labelled as ‘single-caste’ movements, whose political assessment in post-1947 India leading to the decade of the 1980s had been its inability to forge a broad-based socio-political struggle. The RPI is an example of this. Yet, BSP was going to change that predicament: ‘Chamar elites’ were to ‘unofficially’ take a leading political position in the party as Kanshiram outlined a ‘set of favourable political circumstances’ in the early 1980s that would relate them to the precise ‘historic and political role’ they were entrusted to perform: as core supporters of the party with a large number of activists, privileges of government control were to be utilized howsoever modest for the sectional benefit which would create opportunities for political action to challenge caste oppression in society and politics. The Chamars (known by other caste names across north and central India) were ideologically sourced by Kanshiram as being privy to a ‘historical struggle of Dalit mobilization and politics in colonial and postcolonial India’ for equality and political power. However, evidence suggests that the UP Chamar elite operated through various caste-based associations in the colonial and post-independence period till the end of the 1960s and their preponderant objective was ‘defence of caste interests’ and legislative reforms for certain political and administrative concessions. Kanshiram further observed that under oppressive caste-ordered society in UP, a large body of poverty-stricken bahujan ‘landless and victims of caste violence’ and the rural and urban jobless poor youths were ‘ready-made electoral capital’ for the new political party. For a party that called on Ambedkar’s social justice objectives, termed by Kanshiram as ‘fraternizing principles’ – while critiquing state ‘Dalit’ political outfits (Uttar Pradesh Republican Party of India or Bharatiya Dalit Panthers) Introduction 5 of gross political failures – and ‘bahujanwad’ that resembled Phule’s egalitarian vision and social politics, the actual political course belied any broad similarity either in essence or in style of politics. Clearly, the political ideology of BSP was interpolated: a contentious ‘fraternity-bahujanism principle of ethno-electoral politics’ that would ‘cut out intermediaries’ for the benefit of the subaltern majority by pursuing the goal of a ‘Bahujan State’. There was no question of leading a mass-based political movement to project an ethnically conceived samta-mulak (equality-based) bahujan samaj howsoever different it would be from its philosophic conceptualizations by past Dalit-Bahujan reformers and political thinkers alike. Thus, to resurrect the politics of the marginalized ‘differently’, the BSP was disinclined to engage with humiliation and deprivation, the central question that deeply impacted the inner core of dalits and lower castes psyche and selves; mindful of the fact that it was humiliation and deprivation which fostered political mobilization and a spate of subaltern movements among lower castes in the late 19th and early 20th centuries which questioned exploitative caste hierarchies by reaffirming their identity of community and history. For a party that equated the political success or failure of a bahujan-based party only on electoral outcomes by withholding a political exploration into the more subjective dimensions of Dalit-Bahujan politics, the post-independence period that represented an evolving dynamism and complexity of subaltern politics did not hold political appeal. Take for instance the manner in which the notion of social justice which sought to confront the dual imperatives of ‘abolition’ and ‘redress’ for the dalits and low-caste groups through state legislations developed a specific relationship between ‘types’/categories used in government practices and the character of ‘identities’ that began to govern historically subjugated groups and lower backward castes. It led to a ‘consolidation of narratives beyond the objective criterion’ into an overarching narrative about social suffering and oppression, human rights and social justice.4 Admittedly, there was a question for the BSP to politically comprehend the changed character of caste consciousness among the disenfranchised, and thereby perceive a broader social justice narrative. Yet, by default, albeit knowingly to ‘cut intermediate thoughts and agency out of purview’, the BSP stayed clear of such gainful discursive debates, disinterested to evolve a socio-political public space to conceptualize rights, claims and responsibilities or confronting values deeply inimical to human and social rights in society.5 Based on ideological perceptions of ‘failed Dalit movements’, the forging of a ‘priority principle’ for the BSP rested on authoritative ‘Dalit’ leaders Kanshiram and Mayawati, considered to be most effective in ‘vision casting’, who would maximize the commitment of the marginalized groups to the political goals of the BSP. They would maintain a relationship of formal and informal – symbolic and organic – power through a tightly controlled party structure conveying to the poor subaltern masses that they had to be led for the ‘unity of the movement’ towards a ‘greater altruistic mission’. 6 Introduction Yet, how would the ‘unified Bahujan struggle’ materialize? Kanshiram had observed that since ‘individuals represented hierarchically ordered castes, the primary objective of the party was to ‘equalize caste’, that is, of the ‘exploited’ with ‘dominant’ castes in terms of power, resource and hegemony, to fulfil the potential of an equality-based society. Apparently, caste would be used against caste to weaken caste mindset.6 Tactically, the justified logic to uplift Dalit politics from the present social and political morass required ‘not a moral or ethical position’ but a malleable political space to manoeuvre expedient Dalit politics to map electoral nodes that defied common political logic: often taking a political gamble by losing in party’s electoral strongholds and winning in regions where earlier the party had no political presence. Can the BSP be categorized as a mainstream social movement considering that the party seeks a ‘social transformation from above’? Clearly, it is difficult to conceptualize the BSP into a single mainstream category of social movements: but it appears to be reformative. This becomes clearer if the political objectives of a bahujan state are known: to ‘gain access and exclusive control over state structures to accomplish the administrative and political potential within the state necessary towards the emancipation of the Bahujan by altering and effecting the implementation of existing government policies rather than the enactment of new legislations in favour of the poor’.7 The early years that coincided with BSP’s steady popularity among sections of Dalit-Bahujan groups was reminiscent of Kanshiram and Mayawati touring certain north Indian states, holding political rallies. During this period, ‘prestigious electoral contests’ in Uttar Pradesh and Punjab thrust upon the party to scheme the weakening of vote share of national political parties (such as the Congress Party) to support regional parties. It underlined the mobilization of dalits, OBCs and Muslims across electoral constituencies to vote as a cohesive political unit as to orient the revised Dalit politics. On the other hand, a ‘righteous’ ideological ‘political discourse’ was also being scripted by Kanshiram and Mayawati to build a political context needed to correspond to the bombast of emerging ‘electoral goals’ of the party. Abrasive ideological narratives for the ‘awakened bahujan mass’ posed reasonable arguments: exhorting the bahujan constituency to ‘acknowledge their social plight’ in an exploitative caste-based society and state; and further, since the bahujan class had ‘no source of information about their plight or social inequality’ across India, they were ‘unable to comprehend their struggle-based history and their present position of a marginalized existence’; that Brahmins and other upper caste sections of the society, the ruling political elites and the ‘savarna’ parties epitomised a ‘degraded (manuvadi) character of the social and political system’, and through ‘mean political tactics like vote bank and money power, weakened the resolve of the oppressed majority and false promise’. Bahujan samaj exists in binary opposition to socio-political control legitimised through Introduction 7 state, that is, it is in sufferance of social violence, economic insecurity, social exclusion and powerlessness; that BSP was the political axis around which the ‘looted and beaten bahujan community with a negated and effaced persona’ will have to mobilize through caste-based unity on its own by taking ‘more responsibility of its rights by voting for themselves and use it as a political resource to deny space to manipulate elections’, which is the actual (and the only viable) terrain of political opposition for the bahujan samaj. It is difficult to fathom what degree of political success BSP would have achieved in terms of ethnic-driven politics of the bahujan class if it was not for the impact of ‘Mandal’ politics in the post-1990 period. The political effect in north India was significant as major political parties required a readjustment of their ideological and political objectives. Mandal polity endorsed a cleavage-based politics as political parties, both established ones and new political entrants, began to represent not broader and more inclusive aggregation of social groups but narrower identities and interests. It opened the possibility of the polity growing accustomed to several leading ideological discourses on Indian politics, shifting the arena of contestation for power towards state politics. One of the significant aspects of Mandal politics was that it exposed the irreparably upper-caste governing elite of the Indian state to the realistic prospect of losing power to politically assertive economically powerful backward castes. In Uttar Pradesh, a fervent political mobilization of numerous caste groups began coinciding with the rise of the Samajwadi Party (SP) with an intact social base of Yadavs and Muslims, a major contender for power in the state. Yet post-Mandal politics opened political space for victims of social discrimination, significantly expanding the participatory base of Indian democracy. It represented a greater vote potency and a raised level of expectation and validity for the democratic system among these groups compared to more privileged sections of society. Irrespective of the historical closure of the ‘(Mandal) democratic upsurge’, which did not bring any new demands or claims on the system,8 the BSP adjusted its brand of ethnic politics to the possible social division of votes across other contending political parties – SP and BJP – in the state. Uttar Pradesh of the 1990s would usher in an era of coalition politics that for nearly two decades shaped the political outcome of BSP’s claimed goal of ‘transformative’ politics. The institutional space that Mandal politics generated organized the form and character of BSP’s politics. To leverage governmental power in a divided polity, the BSP outlined the principle of ‘majboor sarkar, not mazboot sarkar’ (a dependent government not a stable government), termed as ‘guru-killi’ or innovative politics with which every lock, whether social, economic, political or cultural, could be opened. The analogy was self-explanatory: that an ‘unstable’ government in a political alliance with the BSP would be forced to consider its (Dalit-Bahujan) agenda of social justice. A ‘stable’ government would marginalize the bahujan class and assert dominant hegemonic interests of the governing elite. Therefore, by the mid-1990s, at the height of coalition 8 Introduction politics, BSP’s ideological props to build a ‘bahujan state’ was eased out in favour of a single-minded target to achieve an increased space to leverage for power vis-à-vis other political parties in the state. Electoral politics of that period institutionalized a sense of permanency reminiscent of ‘political rally’ speeches by Mayawati, who read out staid prepared ‘tactics-based’ scripts to voters. The communally charged atmosphere that preceded and followed the demolition of the Babri mosque in Ayodhya in December 1992 had left no option for the Narasimha Rao-led Congress Party government (with ‘outside political support’ from the BJP) to promulgate president’s rule. After a year, the November 1993 state polls were held. Yet electoral outcomes in UP post-Mandal politics would depend on the capacity of the political parties to wean away ‘plus votes’ from contending state actors. In order to keep the BJP out of power, Kanshiram fashioned a plebeian alliance between the BSP and the SP. The tenuous pact underlined by irreconcilable social divisions, between the exploiters (middle caste landowning Yadavs) and the exploited (landless dalits), was two-pronged: to keep a national political party (BJP) out of power; also, with the emergence of a SP-led ruling coalition, the BSP would take advantage of its ‘political support’ to the SP to push ahead with a ‘Dalit agenda’. However, politics of negativity and internal schisms dominated the unfinished term of the SP-BSP coalition government. Mayawati personalized a style of leadership that increasingly began to represent as one who was the ‘benefactor and protector’ of Dalit interests; acting authoritatively to intervene and change the ‘upper caste’ character of state administrative officers with Dalit officers; launching a tirade against a poorly managed coalition led by Mulayam Singh Yadav, who on his part had turned state recruitment of police personnel on its head by only selecting candidates belonging to the Yadav caste. The Yadav-dominated state police across various districts of the state meant that ‘physical security’ of Dalit-Bahujans had been compromised. There was a distinct possibility that Yadav political activists with tacit support from the local police could run amok against local BSP party workers at the slightest provocation. The two political parties appeared not keen to address critical economic and social programmes that were part of a ‘common programme’ when the pact was finalised ahead of the state polls. The intensity of friction between the two coalition party leaders increased as Mulayam Singh made all-out efforts and was successful in creating political factions within the BSP. At the ground level, spread over numerous districts, ‘symbolic’ politics of building Ambedkar statues on government land as a mark of Dalit assertion was met with several incidents of caste violence. The infamous Guest House incident of June 2–3, 1995, when Mayawati and seven of her MLAs were locked in without food, water or electricity only to be rescued the next morning epitomised the personal struggle of Mayawati, the ‘victim of oppression’ embodying the bahujan collective against the ‘oppressor’ Mulayam Singh Yadav and his ‘Yadav’ dominant political party. Introduction 9 As a coalition partner of a ‘backward caste-Dalit’ front with the SP against upper-caste status quo, the BSP after the collapse of the coalition expediently set aside its political creed from a general review of the ‘failed historic opportunity’ of the November 1993 state election. The BSP considered the political fallout not a ‘loss’; instead, it was looking ahead to fulfil a new political role – that it had with clarity and purpose set out to pursue. In June 1995, the BSP, a ‘minority coalition partner’, headed a coalition government with the BJP, a ‘majority coalition partner’. Based on the principle of ‘dependence syndrome’, it was BJP which was invested with the task of running the ‘majboor’ (dependent on BSP’s support) coalition government. The BSP-BJP ruling coalition governments in 1995 (a minority party–led coalition government), 1996–1997 (a six-month rotational chief ministership that ended after the BSP completed its tenure in March 1997) and 2002–2003 (BSP had more seats than BJP in the 2002 state polls) were marked as much by the incompleteness of the term as by the potency of palpable political instability of the ruling coalition, which provided political space for the BSP to direct the coalition government. Mayawati, the three-time CM, in a coalition pact with the BJP (1995–2003), endorsed a series of patronage-driven pro-Dalit legislations, economic and educational initiatives inclusive of costly Dalit iconography. This period occasioned an increased tempo of a vengeful ideological turf war between the BSP and the SP as the ‘Dalit chief’ used tough administrative measures to contain SP political activity in the state. Perhaps it was at this juncture that Mayawati’s personal stature, both symbolically and materially, as the indefatigable Dalit-Bahujan icon elevated. Underlying Mayawati’s assertive Dalit politics were a set of political truths that the BSP had to contend: the idiom of ‘percentage politics’ to incrementally expand new ‘voter base’ to augment traditional social constituency ‘nationally’ was being impressively conducted by the BJP: for instance, the state polls and Lok Sabha elections in UP in 1996 and the 1998 and 1999 Lok Sabha elections, the latter culminated in a BJP-backed NDA alliance at the Centre for a full five-year term in office. Yet, what led to the political downfall of the BJP in Uttar Pradesh (1999–2002) was the intense intra-factional rivalry between ‘OBC, Brahmin and Thakur caste groups’, which led to three caste-based choices of Chief Minister in as many years. Clearly there was a disjuncture between national-level upswing of votes and fragmentation of vote base in UP. Aware of the internal strife the ‘central command’ of the party gave clear directives to the state unit to keep the ruling coalition with the BSP intact in the larger interest of an ‘anti-SP’ front. In a general sense, BJP’s cautious approach towards an unpredictable coalition partner was to be viewed in a long-term context for the party: cultivating a ‘national’ image by transcending its majoritarian style of politics to portray itself as a party that catered to the interests of the poorer castes and weaker sections of society. It paid political dividends for the BJP in a series of state polls held during that period. On the other hand, in marked 10 Introduction contrast, the BSP leader Kanshiram’s tour across states in 1993–1994 to forge bahujan coalitions with like-minded parties was a political failure as was the participation of the BSP in numerous assembly polls thereafter. To the BSP, clearly proven a ‘UP-based political party’ by the mid-1990s, the percentage politics of ‘caste’ votes in the state became the most important political preoccupation as it served to mobilize ‘plus votes’ against the SP and the BJP. Yet, ‘percentage’ caste-oriented politics to increase vote share posed a political challenge for the BSP in its quest to realize the objective of a broader stream of bahujan votes in the context of a restrictive ethnic model of mobilization which was in operation to achieve it. It is noted that between 1996 and 2004, the party with its approved ethnic electoral model had begun to downplay the image of a Jatav-dominated party by the inclusion of a substantial number of non-Jatav bahujan castes and Muslims as candidates for state and Lok Sabha polls. In fact, a minimal number of upper caste Brahmins were also given assembly ‘tickets’. The inherent weakness of the BSP was a structural inadequacy to adhere to a representative political model of accommodating diverse social groups. An assessment of the BSP post-coalition pact with the BJP in 2003 suggests an intact ethnic-political interlinkage of caste elites led by Jatavs despite the need for a broader institutional support of multiple caste groups with the party at the grassroots level. The mere inclusion of candidates from different castes or religious backgrounds for election was no guarantee for a high proportion of votes for the party. The BSP was solely relying on the crystallization of a favourable social context for a ‘windfall of bahujan votes’. Yet the contours of a two-party electoral contest in the state, the ‘encouraging political atmosphere’, was set not in the depths of electoral strategizing by the BSP but in the context of deep fissures that arose in the state unit of the BJP which fragmented the vote capital of the party with disastrous political consequences in the state polls of 2002 and the 2004 state Lok Sabha elections. The BSP and the SP began cultivating BJP’s fragmenting traditional vote base, notably the Brahmins and the Thakurs. The poor election result for the BJP in the 2004 Lok Sabha elections in Uttar Pradesh also set the political stage for BSP’s experimentation with a ‘sarvajan’ (for all castes and groups) poll strategy for the 2007 assembly elections. It was a question of politically outmanoeuvring the SP as both the parties realized that the quantity of free-floating electoral capital was substantial. The SP in a coalition with the Congress Party, after the collapse of the BSP-BJP coalition in August 2003, was completing the unfinished five-year term of the 2002 state polls. The BSP, free from the political responsibility of running a cash-strapped poorly governed state by 2005 had outlined the rudiments of the sarvajan electoral model. The sarvajan model was considered as an innovative method of reorganizing grassroots politics of the party. The core feature of the electoral scheme was to accommodate dominant and/or upper caste voters, primarily the ‘anti-SP’ Brahmins and to a lesser extent the influential Thakurs across several constituencies of the Introduction 11 state who could be mobilized to find ‘refuge, identity and self-respect’ within the BSP. Brahmins were central to sarvajan politics as their support for the ‘Dalit party’ would ensure legitimacy and enable diverse bahujan groups to cling together. The ‘model’ would operate on the premise of a caste arithmetic based upon mobilization of Brahmin and Dalit castes through apex social engineering and Brahmin jodo sanmelans (integration conferences) and bottom social engineering through bhaichara (brotherhood) committees. Likewise, component parts of the bahujan samaj and Muslims would be individually, that is caste or community-wise, mobilized and conscientized to vote tactically for Brahmin BSP candidates to increase the party’s vote share by 2–3%. There was no guarantee that Brahmin voters would vote consistently for bahujan candidates of the party. The bahujan samaj would have to transfer votes to one another to further consolidate the party’s vote share. About a year before the state polls, the BSP had finalized its list of candidates and intensified its carefully organized electoral campaign even as SP’s credibility of running the government was going down. Acrimony and tussle for assembly tickets and internal schisms significantly affected the poll prospects of the SP. In the state elections, a low winning margin in triangular and certain quadrangular electoral contests worked to the political advantage of the BSP. The BSP won 206 seats and formed the first majority ‘sarvajan’ government led by a dalit Chief Minister in post-independence period and also the first ‘stable’ state government in more than one and a half decade with impressive vote share from the Most Backward Castes, the Muslims and the non-Jatav castes. The ‘high-value’ upper caste (Brahmin and Thakur) votes were a contributory factor in increasing the number of seats of the party, with the BSP representing a winning social narrative ‘defector’ seats, and a large number of ‘reserved constituency’ candidates also won. BSP’s new and successful ‘sarvajan’ electoral scheme became the governing ethic: with the apparent reverse of the existing upper-caste social order, the dominant castes would in the present disposition receive patronage and not the dalits who would control the dynamics of state power. It was expected to be an inclusive and non-sectarian governance model. The ‘sarvajan’ government of 2007 was to be seen as representing all sections of society, where ideologically opposed groups and those low in societal hierarchy could form alliances with their ‘social oppressors’. It was meant to broad-base the party at the cost of diluting even a formal adherence to ‘protecting the interests’ of the marginal social groups. The ‘governance model’ incapacitated the ‘bhagidari’ (partnership) framework of ethnic politics, considered as the determinant of political participation, represented by social groups based on their comparative demographic position. As an identity-based political party in state power, the weakening of the ‘core’ bahujan interests by a new credo of electoral-cum-governance style would cast a pervasive effect on the political fortunes of the party. Overt political representation of Brahmins in state administration and governance; lack 12 Introduction of access of grassroots BSP activists to critique a non-performing lower level bureaucracy; growing frustration of multiple bahujan groups to failed expectations from the party; and the inability to access and receive public delivery of goods and resources compounded the political difficulties of the party. In the 2009 Lok Sabha elections in Uttar Pradesh, the BSP was not able to reproduce the proportion of vote share, and perhaps more that it polled in the 2007 state elections across diverse social groups, into Lok Sabha seats. In fact, a comparative analysis of BSP’s earlier stints in a coalition government and the implementation of ‘Dalit agenda’ despite its avoiding consequences was significantly better than the first two years under the sarvajan government. Reactively, in the remaining three years, Mayawati outlined policy directives ‘proclaiming’ and ‘inaugurating’ innumerable social, educational and economic programmes for the marginalized poor. Yet, by that time, the BSP government was mired in bad governance and mega-project corruption even as Mayawati became aloof, assuming a halo of supreme-ness among fleeting bahujan voters of the party. Clearly, the sarvajan governance model had failed in its political objectives. With the 2012 state polls approaching, populist social schemes to a fragmenting vote base inclusive of hastily earmarked bhaichara committees hastened the discredit of the BSP among the voters. The ‘bahujan face’ of the BSP, which required an ideological rallying call, had been set aside much earlier in favour of flexible electoral schemes in BSP’s pursuit of state power. The BSP was now faced with a political paradox: a search for the ‘votes of the poor’ to which was attached the primary identity (purpose) of the party by availing an electoral model that ran counter to it. The 2012 assembly election was a political contest between the BSP and SP, not between two ideological and caste-opposite state actors which defined the ‘oppressor-oppressed’ syndrome of identity politics. Unlike the BSP, which post-election loss felt defeating the SP was a mere re-working of caste politics, the SP, under Mulayam Singh Yadav’s son, Akhilesh Yadav, the CM candidate, successfully incorporated an election campaign based on development, employment, electricity and education. It set aside SP’s twodecade-old election campaign set on emotive religious issues and ideological contests between a neo-Brahminical Hindutva, plebeian caste consolidation and minority insecurity. The SP won 231 assembly seats, an electoral result that bore a significant shift in upper caste votes towards it and a young class of Dalit (inclusive of young Jatavs), OBC and Muslims. The re-emergence of the BJP in India under Narendra Modi since 2014 has had deeper political consequences for the state of Uttar Pradesh. A nationwide political campaign on a new narrative of (anti-corruption) development appeared as a highly successful ideological crusade against the ‘corrupt and tainted’ Congress Party-led United Progressive Alliance II government. The talisman slogan of development ‘Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas’ (Together with All, Development for All, Trust of All) based on the maxim ‘Minimum Government Maximum Governance’ had an immediate political Introduction 13 impact in Uttar Pradesh. Since BJP’s massive 2014 Lok Sabha verdict (71 seats) in the state, consolidated in 2017 state polls (312 seats) and the 2019 state Lok Sabha elections (65 seats), the party has outrightly dominated India’s most populous and electorally significant state. A tribute to BJP’s success has been the fulfilment of target-oriented development goals that have grown exponentially, providing a re-assurance to rural and urban voters of a guaranteed public delivery of programmes despite questions raised about the estimates, figures and the success rate. BJP’s political dominance in the state has been based on a continual success of a micro-managed electoral strategy infused with a socio-symbolic space of majoritarian politics to successfully mobilize the state’s ‘60% non-core (that is non-Jatav, non-Yadav and nonMuslim) electorate’ – a term that came into common parlance during the 2019 UP Lok Sabha elections when both BSP and SP teamed as ‘coalition partners’ against the BJP but were defeated. Three successive electoral failures of the BSP requires a thorough introspection. After three and a half decades, it is fair to suggest at the present moment that the BSP is no longer a ‘party that wins’, a term Kanshiram had used in a context to suggest the means that the party must possess – new tenets of anti-caste Dalit politics – to unseat the BSO in contemporary India. By the mid-1990s, the BSP became distinctly inclined to territorialize power to a particular region – Uttar Pradesh. A decade of poor electoral outcomes has put paid to BSP’s political future in the state. Certain presumptions which hold BSP’s social justice politics must undergo review: first, a ‘coalition era mentality’ of a ‘dependent’ not ‘stable’ government in present-day Uttar Pradesh is a wrong political assumption to begin politics in a post-coalition era; second, did the BSP in essence pursue the objective of equalizing oppressed castes and weakening caste mindset through ethno-identity politics? – a question that can be answered in the negative. Rather than the goal of a ‘social transformation from above’, BSP ardently requires a political transformation at the level of leadership which is oligarchic, neo-patrimonial and less participatory. How can the BSP rejuvenate itself? There is a need to explore a genre of popular democratic politics: the bringing back of an ideology of subaltern politics which must frame programmatic goals and outline measures to generate popular activism. A decentred-from-party politics and its brand of ethnic politics must centre the notion of Dalit subjectivity and the associative concept of a fair and more equal society in the context of achieving political power. Notes 1 Norman. P. Barry, An Introduction to Modern Political Theory (2nd edition), London: Macmillan Publishers, 1989, p. 150; Andrew Heywood, Key Concepts in Politics, USA: Macmillan Publishers, 2000, p. 135; Adi. H. 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Deepa Reddy, ‘The ethnicity of caste’, Anthropological Quarterly, 78, 3, 2005, pp. 555, 561–62; Ajantha Subramanian, ‘Making merit, the Indian Institute of Technology and the social life of caste’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 2015, 57, 2, p. 297. Valerian Rodrigues, Dalit-Bahujan Discourse, New Delhi: Critical Quest, 2008, pp. 17, 27, 29, 30; Anupama Rao, The Caste Question; Dalits and Politics of Modern India, 2010, Ranikhet: Permanent Black, p. 27. Sudha Pai, ‘Dalit question and political response: Comparative study of Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh’, Economic and Political Weekly, 39, 11, March 11, 2004, pp. 1141–50; Sambaiah Gundimeda; Dalit Politics in Contemporary India, 2015, New Delhi: Routledge, p. 116. PAI, ‘Dalit question and political response: Comparative study of Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh’, Economic and Political Weekly, 39, 11, March 11, 2004, pp. 1141–50. K.K. 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