Late Paracas Tools from Animas Altas, Peru

LATE PARACAS OBSIDIAN TOOLS FROM ANIMAS ALTAS, PERU RICHARD L. BURGER Yale University INTRODUCTION In 1959 Lawrence Dawson collected 238 obsidian bifaces and flakes at the Ocucaje Phase 9 site of Animas Altas in the Callango Basin of the Ica Valley (Figure 1). This assemblage affords an excellent sample for the study of the lithic material pertaining to one phase of the Paracas culture in the Callango Basin. With some notable exceptions (Bencic 2000; Burger et al. 2000; Gero 1983; Stone 1983), the stone tool industries of prehispanic Andean cultures possessing ceramics have been ignored because they seemed less useful than pottery as chronological markers. However, analysis of stone tools offers unique insights into subsistence, cultural continuity, trade patterns, site function, ethnicity, and other topics of archaeological interest. In light of the demonstrated potential of lithic studies elsewhere in the world (cf. Hester and Heizer 1973), the current dearth of research on the later stone industries in the central Andes is unjustified. This study is a contribution which will help to fill this lacuna for the Paracas culture of the Early Horizon (approximately 800-50 B.C.). Although the Paracas ceramic and textile style has been described in considerable detail (e.g., DeLeonardis 1991; Kroeber 1953; Kroeber and Strong 1924; Menzel et al. 1964; Paul 1990, 1991; Tello and Mejía 1979; Wallace 1960, 1962, 1975, 1979), the rich tradition of Paracas stone working has yet to be described for any of the ten Early Horizon epochs. The Animas Altas collection is particularly well suited for ANDEAN PAST 8 (200!): !-!. defining the Ocucaje 9 lithic assemblage because it is a large sample of complete artifacts with precise relative dating. As one of the largest collections of obsidian artifacts from a single Paracas site it provides the basis for a better understanding of the use of bifaces in late Paracas culture. In this article, I offer an analysis based on the projectile point morphology and breakage patterns of the Animas Altas collection.1 I observe that these are all bifaces that consequently do not represent a multifunctional tool kit. Moreover, the scarcity of debitage indicates that these tools were manufactured outside of Animas Altas. The ubiquity and large size of the obsidian bifaces suggest relatively easy access to the obsidian source 225 km away in the highlands of central Ayacucho. My analysis reveals evidence for the recycling and rejuvenation of the bases of the obsidian bifaces when they were broken. Finally, I suggest that some of these lithics were hafted in projectiles used in raiding, warfare, and perhaps hunting. Others could have hafted in short handles to form knives. Additional experimental work focusing on breakage patterns is necessary to distinguish between these alternatives. 1 Unfortunately, surface weathering prevents a wear pattern analysis, because all traces of microwear have been obliterated. ANDEAN PAST 8 (200!) THE ANIMAS ALTAS ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE Animas Altas is roughly 40 km inland on a low hill 1.5 km to the east of the Ica River and 2 km southeast of the hacienda buildings in Callango. Animas Altas (PV62-148) was discovered by Dwight Wallace in 1958, but Lawrence Dawson encountered the site the following year without knowledge of Wallace’s earlier visit (Menzel 1971:82). Adobe walls and twelve rectangular mounds dominate the site. The mounds are oriented in a north-south direction. Animas Altas covers some 100 hectares and also includes open plazas, storage structures, and temple walls. Sarah Massey studied the site, performing survey, including mapping, and surface collection, but she excavated only the temple structure (Massey 1986). During her investigations, she uncovered an unbaked clay frieze on the interior walls of the main Animas Altas temple structure. This decoration featured late Paracas iconography. Although Dawson originally referred to the site as Media Luna, it is better known to archaeologists as Animas Altas, the term applied to it by Massey. After a survey of archaeological sites in the Callango Basin, Lisa DeLeonardis concluded that Animas Altas was the center of a small regional system in Callango and that most settlement was concentrated at that site (DeLeonardis 1991:194). John Rowe has argued that Animas Altas was an urban settlement in which producers of food and raw materials lived within the nucleated core rather than in the surrounding countryside(Rowe1963:9). More recent survey indicates that Animas Altas was one of the two largest settlements in the Ica Valley during the late Early Horizon (Ocucaje 9; Cook 1999). Intensive collections of abundant surface materials and a small test excavation by Dawson revealed Ocucaje 9 pottery, and it is likely that the site was occupied for a very short -2 time, probably less than a century.2 Radiocarbon measurements obtained by DeLeonardis (1997: 160) in Ica for the Ocucaje sequence suggest a date of roughly 375 B.C. for the abandonment of Ocucaje 8 sites in the Valley. Given the problems with radiocarbon dating for the period in question, one can conservatively suggest that the Ocucaje 9 occupation of Animas Altas probably occurred sometime between 375 B.C. and 100 B.C. Based on a consideration of Central Andean radiocarbon dates for this period beyond the Peruvian south coast, it can be suggested that the Ocucaje 9 occupation probably fell within the later portion of this time span (i.e.250 B.C. to 100 B.C.). During his explorations at Animas Altas, Dawson collected all of the obsidian artifacts and debitage that were visible. Complete bifaces (N=51) or fragments of broken bifaces (N=170) constitute 92.9% of the assemblage. Dawson believed that the paucity of obsidian debitage (N=17)at the site is not the result of bias from the sampling procedures. In Massey’s later work at Animas Altas, she recovered 38 obsidian points or biface tips, four utilized obsidian flakes, and three non-utilized obsidian flakes in randomly placed collection units across the 100 hectare site. As in Dawson’s sample, biface and biface fragments constitute the majority of the obsidian artifacts, in this case 85.4%. The morphology and breakage patterns of the numerous obsidian bifaces recovered by Massey strongly resemble those described in this article (Massey 1986: 299). The scarcity of 2 DeLeonardis (personal communication August 1, 2001) noted that Dawson excavated some graves at Animas Altas that pre-date Ocucaje 9 (Menzel et al. 1964:177) and that there is some Late Intermediate Period material in scattered areas although the site was never wholly reoccupied. These other components would not have compromised the integrity of the Dawson collection which was made in those portions of the site featuring only an Ocucaje 9 occupation. 3obsidian debitage in Massey’s sample is consistent with Dawson’s observations and the composition of the Animas Altas collection studied at the Phoebe Hearst Museum (ibid: 299). Obsidian tools were particularly abundant at the Animas Altas site, but bifaces similar in size and form have been recovered at other coeval sites of the Paracas culture. Tello found obsidian points similar to those from Animas Altas during his investigations at Cerro Colorado on the Paracas Peninsula (Tello and Mejía 1979: figure 20, 6-9). These points date to Cavernas II, which is contemporaneous with Ocucaje 9 sites such as Animas Altas(DeLeonardis 1991: 178). In their research in the Ica Valley, Menzel reports finding very similar obsidian points at Tajahuana (Menzel et al, 1971:82). Massey (1986:299) refers to a scatter of obsidian points discovered around 1971 to the north of Casa Vieja in the entrance to the Callango Basin. She examined some of these points, which are now in private collections, and observed that they resembled those from Animas Altas in their size, shape and breakage patterns. DeLeonardis, during her systematic survey of the Callango Basin in Ica, encountered obsidian points at three smaller Ocucaje 9 sites: D-12, D-16, and D-18. The style of these points resembles that described here for Animas Altas. At one of these sites (D-12), the points were whole, while at the others, only fragments were recovered (DeLeonardis 1991: 178, plates 4.1 a-b, 4.2 b-c). DeLeonardis (ibid: 194) raises the possibility that such points may be indicative of warfare, a possibility consistent with the earthen walls, interpreted as defensive, which surround Animas Altas on its southern and western boundaries (Massey 1986). Despite the exclusive presence of obsidian tools in the collection made by Dawson at Animas Altas, the lithic assemblage there probably included implements that were made of other raw materials. Massey (ibid: 293) mentions Burger: Late Paracas Obsidian Tools basalt core tools, and quartzite manos and batanes (grinding stones) on the surface at Animas Altas. Elsewhere in the Callango Basin, a careful study of the lithic assemblage obtained at another Paracas site (PV62D12) through systematic collection and excavation revealed that only 1-2% of the stone artifacts were made of obsidian. The vast majority were made of locally available raw materials all found within 5 km of the site (DeLeonardis 1997:136, 139). These more readily accessible materials include andesite and basalt. They made up more than 83% of the artifacts found on the surface and 86% of the lithics recovered in excavations at PV63D13 (ibid: Table 4.7, 4.8, 8.8). PV63D 13 was abandoned just prior to the occupation of Animas Altas and, although it is located some 25 km to the west on the other bank of the Río Ica, it seems likely that basalt, andesite and other local materials might also have been heavily utilized by the occupants of Animas Altas. If this was the case, the obsidian sample discussed here would reflect only one distinctive component of the total lithic assemblage. MORPHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS For the purpose of this study, the Animas Altas obsidian assemblage is divided into six groups: (1) complete or nearly complete bifaces, (2) fragments from upper portions of bifaces, (3) fragments from lower portions of bifaces, (4) fragments of mid-sections, (5) fragments from one lateral edge with portions of the tip or base, and (6) miscellaneous obsidian debitage. These categories were then subdivided. The categories do not constitute a classification, but rather a heuristic device that was employed to elicit a better understanding of this collection (Table 1). Group 1. Group 1 consists of bifaces in excellent condition (Figures 4a, b, d, 5a, b, d, 6a, b, d, and 7a, b, d), bifaces missing a single tang (Figure 2a), missing a small part of the ANDEAN PAST 8 (200!) distal end (Figure 2b), and bifaces missing both a tang and a small part of the distal end (Figures 4f and 5f). It was required that their original form be easily reconstructible. It is worth noting that the complete or nearly complete bifaces make up 33.2% of the sample (35.7% if debitage is excluded). Of these bifaces, 51 were in excellent condition. Fourteen showed some damage to the tip, 28 were missing a tang, and 6 had lost the tip and a tang. Ninety-six percent of the bifaces from Animas Altas are triangular. Measurements based on the complete or nearly complete (and therefore reconstructible) triangular bifaces (N=76) were computed. The bifaces vary in length from 2.2 cm to 5.7 cm. The modal length is 3.6 cm, and the mean length is 3.75 cm. They range from 1.7 cm to 4.0 cm in width, but almost all of them fall between 2.0 cm and 2.8 cm. The modal maximum width is 2.4 cm, and the mean maximum width is 2.5 cm. The thickness of the bifaces is quite standardized and is almost never less than 0.5 cm or more than 0.8 cm. The mean thickness is 0.6 cm. The length/width ratio may be calculated to give a better idea of the proportions of these triangular bifaces. Ratios of 9:1 to 2.5:1 were recorded, but most bifaces fall unto the into the range of 1.3:1 to 1.7:1. Nine of the bifaces were substantially shorter than the mean or modal length, and had ratios below 1.3:1. Similarly, 10 of the other bifaces were substantially longer than the mean or modal length and had ratios greater than 1.7:1. The triangular bifaces were also weighed. However, because of breakage on the tips and tangs, not compensated for in the weight calculations, these figures are less representative than the other measurements. Weights vary from 1.9 g to 15.4 g. The lightest complete biface weighs 2.1 g. The modal weight is 4.8 g, and the mean weight is 5.4 g. -4 Two bifaces (Figures 4a, b, 5a, b) were distinguished from the triangular bifaces because of their lanceolate form. They have greater length and narrower proportions. Their measurements provide an interesting contrast to the proportionally wider triangular bifaces. Their length/ width ratio is 3.1:1. The mean length of the lanceolate bifaces is 6.9 cm, and the modal length us 6.5 cm; both are substantially larger than comparable figures from the triangular bifaces. On the other hand, all three are 0.7 cm thick with a mean average width of 2.1 cm at the base, figures quite similar to those from the triangular bifaces. Not surprisingly, the lanceolate bifaces are heavier than most of the triangular bifaces, with a mean weight of 11.8 g and a modal weight of 12.5 g. The lateral edges of the Animas Altas bifaces are usually straight or slightly convex. On some of the smaller pieces, the convexity is more marked, perhaps due to reworking. The basal edge is usually straight, although a few fragments show an intentional concavity (e.g. Figures 4e, 5e, 6b, 7b). The flaking of the obsidian bifaces from Animas Altas consisted of removing relatively large primary flakes by percussion to produce a pre-form, and then bifacially removing a simple row of small trimming flakes along all three margins. The flakes taken from the lateral edges of the tool are short and both faces of the tools are usually dominated by the irregular flaking which preceded the edgework. A single biface edge may show short, wide percussion flaking (4.0 mm x 4.0 mm), and longer thin pressure flaking (3.0 mm x 7.0 mm). The direction of the force of the flaking is roughly parallel on an edge, but is not parallel to the flaking on the other edges. Occasionally, the lateral flaking creates a serrated edge (Figures 4g, 5g). Basal thinning usually consists of a single row of four to six small flakes taken from each face. Both types of thinning can occur on a simple biface. 5One large biface with a concave base has unusual basal thinning. Twelve small and regular flakes have been removed to shape and thin the basal edge (Figure 4e). Transverse sections of the biface are usually biconvex with varying degrees of facial flattening. The edge angle as estimated with a goniometer is usually less than 25º. A few pieces exhibit alternate beveling, i.e. alternative faces on different edges, with edge angles up to 60º. Another biface was beveled on both working edges unifacially and also had a steep edge angle. This produced a plano-convex cross section. Finally, two pieces were beveled on a single working edge. The pieces displaying beveling are a minority of the collection. Group 2. Group 2 consists of small distal tips and larger upper portions (including the tips) of projectiles. Although these two sub-categories were distinguished largely on the basis of size, an overlap was permitted in the 2.5 cm to 2.9 cm range in order to include tips from large and small points. a) Thirteen distal tips were recovered, varying in length from 1.5 cm to 2.9 cm. The largest of these tips is from a long lanceolate biface similar to two described earlier in this paper. The most common length is 2.2 cm. The width of these tips ranged from 1.6 cm to 2.7 cm. The three tips whose width was 2.5 cm or greater were from tools with rounded, rather than pointed, tips. This may have been from secondary retouching since none of the tools from Groups 1 or 2b have tips resembling these. The most common type of breakage is a transverse break which would have run parallel to the base of the tool (Figures 3b, 6g, 7g). Much less common is a complex break which results in two straight lines forming an oblique angle at the bottom of the fragment (an oblique break). Burger: Late Paracas Obsidian Tools b) Upper sections of bifaces are much more common than tips. Forty-seven of these were found at Animas Altas. They range in length from 2.9 cm to 5.7 cm, and from 1.9 cm to 3.7 cm in width (2.2 cm to 2.5 cm being the most common range). Some of these upper sections are quite large and are comparable in size to the largest of the complete bifaces. The largest of these fragments (16-14343) weighs 13.8 g. These fragments suggest that the large bifaces may have been more frequently produced than the statistics on whole or nearly whole bifaces would suggest and that longer ones were more likely to get broken. Two types of breaks are found on most of the upper fragments from the bifaces. The most common break is concave curved, usually occurring roughly perpendicular to the axis of the biface (Figures 2d, e, f, 4g, 5g). This concave breakage usually spans the width of the fragment. A minor variation of this is a break similar to the oblique break described for bifaces, except that one or both lines are curved. The next most common break is transverse across the width of the fragment, usually perpendicular to its axis. A few oblique breaks also occur. Group 3. Group 3 includes small basal fragments and larger lower fragments of the bifaces (including the base). As in Group 2, the subdivision is numerically based on height, but also includes some subjective judgement. a) Eight basal fragments were collected. They range from 1.2 cm to 2.5 cm in length, and 2.3 cm to 3.0 cm in width. Curiously, two of these are from lanceolate bifaces (Figures 3c, 6h, 7h). Because only three complete lanceolate bifaces were collected by Dawson, the three base fragments probably reflect a pattern of breakage and, by extension, use which differs from that of the triangular bifaces. A straight break roughly parallel to the base is found on six of the frag- ANDEAN PAST 8 (200!) ments. The remaining two have rounded convex breaks. b) Thirty fragments of the lower portion of bifaces were found (Figures 4e, 5e). As mentioned earlier, this subgroup was defined as having the base and part of the adjoining midsection. These range from 2.3 cm to 5.5 cm in height (with most being below 4.1 cm), and in maximum width from 2.0 cm to 3.7 cm (most falling in the range of 2.4 cm to 3.1 cm). Of these fragments, eleven had one of the tangs missing from the base. Once again, the overwhelming majority of breaks are transverse, usually running parallel with the base. Four fragments show the removal of part of the lateral edge. The flute-like flake that was removed was widest at the distal end and tapers as it approaches the base. This type of breakage is sometimes attributed to the impact of a projectile point. Several fragments have more complex breakage patterns. -6 (Figure 3e). In addition, there were six other fragments which had portions of one lateral edge and part of the basal edge. Group 6. Very little debitage (17 pieces in all - 7.1%) was recovered in the surface collection, despite conscious effort to locate it. Only one small fragment showed remnants of primary cortex. The remainder are interior flakes. The largest of these is 4.9 cm by 4.5 cm with a thickness of 1.6 cm (Figure 3f). One smaller interior thinning flake was collected. The absence of large numbers of primary flakes and the presence of interior flakes suggest that the obsidian was brought to Animas Altas as finished bifaces or as preforms to be completed at the site. Given the paucity of debitage, it seems more likely that the tools arrived as completed bifaces which were sometimes repaired and reworked there. PROVENIENCE OF THE SOURCE MATERIAL Group 4. Group 4 consists of fragments which are missing both tip and base, but display portions of both lateral edges (Figure 3d). Twenty-six body fragments were found with both lateral edges intact. These fragments are fairly small, with most being 2.8 cm to 3.7 cm in height, and 2.1 cm to 3.2 cm in width. By definition, two of the edges of these fragments were created by breaks. Most fragments have transverse breaks on both edges, although often only one of the breaks is perpendicular to the biface’s axis. Less common are fragments with straight breaks and only one fragment shows a curved or oblique break. The curved and oblique breaks usually occur on the lower edge of the fragment (as defined by greater width). Finally, there are a few fragments with more complex breakage. Group 5. Twelve fragments with only one lateral edge were recovered from Animas Altas. Three of these seemed to be pieces of the tip which had been roughly halved along the axis All of the stone artifacts collected by Dawson at Animas Altas were made of obsidian. Visually, most of the obsidian was opaque and gray, but some of it was translucent, with occasional dark streaks. Thirteen percent (N=31) of the Animas Altas artifacts were analyzed to determine the source of the obsidian used in their manufacture. These measurements were conducted at the Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory in collaboration with Frank Asaro and with the assistance of Helen Michel. Thirty of these fragments were tested using X-ray Fluorescence, and provenience was identified using measurements for five trace elements. A single fragment was tested by neutron activation as a control over the X-ray Fluorescence. Neutron activation provides high precision measurements for more than two dozen trace elements. The procedures used have been described in detail in another publication (Burger and Asaro 1979:190-202). Both methods indicated that all thirty-one 7artifacts were chemically identical and were therefore made of obsidian from a single source (ibid:211, figure 11).The measurements from the Animas Altas artifacts collected by Dawson matched those of actual geological material from the Quispisisa Source near Sacsamarca, Province of Huanca Sancos, Department of Ayacucho (ibid; Burger and Glascock 2000). On these grounds, it can be stated with confidence that the obsidian came from a distance of about 225 kilometers. It remains uncertain where the bifaces were made. They could have been manufactured near the quarry or in a community located between the Quispisisa area and Animas Altas. As noted, the scarcity of debitage and the near absence of flakes with cortex strongly argues against production at the site itself. Judging from a recent review of obsidian tools from the southern highlands (Burger et al. 2000), the vast majority of obsidian tools throughout prehistory were significantly smaller than those from Animas Altas. Moreover, the size of the Animas Altas bifaces when originally produced was larger than that suggested by the average biface in the assemblage because many of these are the result of reworking broken points to a squatter, but still functional, form. Thus, it is likely that most triangular points at Animas Altas were originally closer to the 5.7 cm length of some unreworked artifacts than the mean length of 3.75 cm calculated for the entire group of triangular points. The lanceolate bifaces from Animas Altas were still longer at 6.9 cm. These impressive dimensions suggest relatively easy access to the exotic raw material from the distant obsidian source at Quispisisa in Ayacucho. Burger: Late Paracas Obsidian Tools Animas Altas have the potential for indicating the use of the tools. However, before these archaeological remains can be confidently interpreted in this light, additional experimentation must be carried out concerning the types of breakage which occur while using obsidian knives and arrows. An examination of the cross sections of the broken edges of the bifaces at Animas Altas reveals that most breaks are roughly perpendicular to the ventral and dorsal surfaces. This pattern, referred to as lateral snap, results when impact occurs on one end of the artifact and the break occurs in an entirely different section of the artifact (Purdy 1975:134-135). Such a break could result from dropping an obsidian knife on a hard surface or from shooting it as a projectile against a hard object. However, it would not result from twisting a knife against a hard surface. Some of the biface points seem to have been broken by pressure applied to the tip. The resultant break is conchoidal and flake-like rather than flat. It can be suggested that a wide basal area was preferred for hafting. Apparently, when a triangular biface broke, the basal portion was, when possible, retained for reworking. Some broken biface tips show evidence of use wear along their edges produced after the breaks had occurred, suggesting their opportunistic reuse. The reworked basal sections could be transformed into squatter versions of the original larger triangular points. Indeed, many of the bifaces (perhaps some 80%) show some evidence of such reworking. This scenario would help to explain the considerable range in the height/ width proportion of these points which contrasts with the homogeneity in thickness and the predominance of the triangular form. DISCUSSION The relative proportion of fragment types and the kinds of breakage which are present at A few bifaces have working edges that are bevelled in cross section. This bevelling may be the outcome of resharpening. ANDEAN PAST 8 (200!) Based on late Paracas and early Nasca iconography, it can be suggested that at Animas Altas, some obsidian tools may have been hafted for use as darts or spears, and utilized in raids and hunting (Burger and Asaro 1979). Judging from the iconography of Ocucaje 8-10 pottery, some bifaces may also have been hafted on knives associated with the taking of trophy heads. However, the absence of distinctive knife breaks suggests that the Animas Altas obsidian bifaces were not used as knives in household or ritual contexts. This conclusion may be unwarranted if, as Dwight Wallace suggests (personal communication, February 17, 2002), a jabbing and rocking motion rather than a sawing or slicing motion was performed with late Paracas knives. This possibility can generally be evaluated by use-wear experiments, but not in the case of the wind-blasted animas Altas collection. The conspicuous dearth of obsidian unifaces and utilized flakes likewise suggests that the lithic assemblage studied from Animas Altas does not represent a multi-functional tool kit. Rather, it appears that the lithics recovered by Dawson make up a narrow range of tools, projectile points and perhaps knives. Obsidian projectile points have been encountered in their original hafting in late Early Horizon contexts. Frédéric Engel (1966), for example, published a well-preserved obsidian-tipped dart from the Paracas Necropolis. Points of comparable size have been recovered from Ocucaje 10 graves at the Hacienda Ocucaje in Ica. These were held in wooden foreshafts by a combination of resin and cotton thread. These, in turn, were connected to long cane shafts. If some of the obsidian bifaces from Animas Altas were utilized as the tips of darts or spears, what was their target? While wild game could have been the goal, the most common animal remains encountered at late Paracas sites are the -8 domesticated llama and guinea pig. Wild game consists primarily of small animals such as birds, which would have been hunted using slings (e.g., DeLeonardis 1997:276). In contrast, there is empirical evidence suggesting that, at least in some cases, the intended victims of the obsidian-tipped projectile points were human. At the site of Karwa, on the shores of Bahía de la Independencia (Figure 1), an obsidian point was found lodged in a human forearm. It had pierced the arm of its victim with so much force that the point had penetrated the other side of the arm bone (Engel 1966: figure 59). This vivid evidence of the function of obsidian bifaces probably dates to the late Early Horizon. Similarly, Ravines (1967) reports an obsidian point from Huancavelica that caused the immediate death of its victim. Thus, the bifaces of Animas Altas may have been produced for use in warfare as well as for the bagging of occasional wild camelid or deer. The possibility that the obsidian bifaces were primarily weapons of war has been raised by earlier investigators who were cognizant of the prominent fortifications at Animas Altas and the coeval Ocucaje 9 center of Tajahuana. The latter center has three to six parallel fortification walls protecting the northern and eastern side of the site. These walls are 2 m in height (Massey 1986: 295). Massey (ibid:301) argued that: The construction of defense walls, the presence of shallow burials within architecture, the large numbers and random distribution of obsidian points at Animas Altas, the isolated scatter of obsidian points at the entrance of Callango and the subsequent abandonment of the region lend support to a conquest theory. While the lithic analysis offered here cannot test Massey’s bold hypothesis, the results are consistent with the interpretation of the Ocucaje 9 obsidian points as weapons and therefore, they do not preclude using the bifaces in an Burger: Late Paracas Obsidian Tools 9argument positing inter-group violence as a cause of the abandonment of the Callango Basin following Ocucaje 9. The likelihood that some of the obsidian bifaces may have been set in a short straight wooden haft for use in battle or as knives in ceremonies is supported by the late Early Horizon and early Early Intermediate Period iconography of the south coast. For example, a famous Nasca 1 painted textile (Sawyer 1979: 113, figure 2) features a decapitator with a hafted triangular point. There are numerous depictions of the Oculate Being in flying position holding a trophy head in one hand and a knife with a short, straight haft and triangular point in the other. Wallace (personal communication, February 17, 2002) reports finding one such representation in a Chongos style midden in the upper Cañete Valley. Although depictions of darts with possible obsidian tips do appear in some textiles, they are less frequent than those of knives. This is true of images on ceramics, as well: From Ocucaje 8 to Nasca 6, the pottery styles of Nasca and Ica show representations of black tipped darts and knives. The more naturalistic of these depictions can be linked to archaeological finds of obsidian weapons at local contemporary sites. This has led Lawrence Dawson to hypothesize that many of these are representations of obsidian objects (personal communication). Beginning in Ocucaje 8 the hypothsized obsidian knives are associated with the taking of trophy heads in the iconography. Burger and Asaro (1977:15) One of the few published examples of an actual ceremonial knife appears in Disselhoff (1972:277). This early Nasca knife was a triangular obsidian blade hafted in a delicately painted palate of a dolphin. A second focus of this article is the source of the raw material for the obsidian bifaces described here. As noted, all of the obsidian was brought from a single geological source 225 km away. This source the Quispisisa Source, is at 3,780 meters above sea level. It would have taken a llama caravan some two weeks to carry the volcanic glass to the Callango Basin from the quarry in central Ayacucho. The large size of the bifaces suggests a relatively easy access to the source area or its products, but the clear evidence that the bifaces were recycled and rejuvenated rather than discarded suggests that, once acquired, the obsidian bifaces were highly valued. One of the more striking findings of this study is that the bifaces were apparently not made at Animas Altas because obsidian debitage is extremely rare at the site judging from systematic surface collections and excavations. On Peru’s south coast, the pattern of acquiring bifaces made of Quispisisa obsidian apparently did not originate with the occupation of Animas Altas. DeLeonardis has documented a similar pattern for the nearby site of PV62D12, which predates Animas Altas. At PV62D12, as at Animas Altas, the only projectile points were made of obsidian. A sample of them was analyzed by neutron activation at the University of Missouri Research Reactor in collaboration with Michael Glascock, and all of these materials likewise proved to be made of obsidian from the Quispisisa Source (personal communication Lisa DeLeonardis August 1, 2001). Obsidian debitage was so rare at PV62D12 as to suggest to DeLeonardis (1997:279) that the artifacts were acquired as blanks or preforms. She also noted that in contrast to the “reckless use of local lithic materials and tools”, obsidian was reworked for further use rather than being discarded. DeLeonardis (ibid:136-139) believes that this general pattern of obsidian may have begun by early Paracas times and consequently is not a good temporal indicator of late Paracas ANDEAN PAST 8 (200!) occupations. Additional work on Paracas lithics will be necessary to evaluate this hypothesis. Nevertheless, it is clear that the pattern found at the Paracas site such as Animas Altas and PV62D12 differed significantly from that found in much earlier and later sites along the south coast. For example, at the Late Preceramic site of San Nicolás on the shores of the Nasca drainage, obsidian from the Quispisisa Source was used for a wide range of tools rather than just bifaces. Moreover, there is considerable chipping debris including primary flakes with cortex which indicates that obsidian was being imported as nodules and then transformed into tools on site (Burger and Asaro 1997, Vescelius 1963). Similarly, recent work by Kevin Vaughn at Marcaya, an Early Nasca village, indicates that obsidian was brought to the site as nodules from the Quispisisa Source (Vaughn and Glascock 2002). To understand why variability in obsidian acquisition and production occurred, we will need to know far more about the economic and political organization of Peru’s south coast prior to the Middle Horizon. While at present we may not be able to explain the pattern of lithic procurement and production observed at Animas Altas and why it differs from these earlier and later sites, we cannot ignore its implications. At the very least, the ubiquity in the Callango Basin of numerous large obsidian bifaces made of exotic highland material manufactured in an unknown location undermines the image of selfsufficient village life that has so often characterized discussions of the Paracas culture. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This paper is dedicated to the memory of Lawrence Dawson. Larry recovered these materials, encouraged me to analyze them while I was a graduate student at Berkeley, and provided helpful suggestions on these and other matters. I will always cherish my memory of him as a wise and gentle teacher. Special thanks to Tom Hester who supervised my research on the lithic material from Animas - 10 Altas and made many editorial suggestions, and to Sergio J. Chávez for his critical comments on breakage and chipping patterns. Sergio’s photographs provide an invaluable addition to the text. I am also grateful to Lisa DeLeonardis, Jack Rossen, and Dwight Wallace for encouragement and critical commentary on the draft of this paper. Finally, my thanks to Rosemary Volpe for her help with the map. REFERENCES CITED Bencic, Catherine M. 2000 Industrias líticas de Huari y Tiwanaku. Boletín de Arqueología PUCP 4:89-118. Burger, Richard L., and Frank Asaro 1977 Trace Element Analysis of Obsidian Artifacts from the Andes: New Perspectives on Pre-Hispanic Economic Interaction in Peru and Bolivia. Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory Preprints LBL6343 (Berkeley, California). 1979 Análisis de rasgos significativos en la obsidiana de los Andes centrales. Revista del Museo Nacional 43:281-325. Burger, Richard L., Sergio J. Chávez, and Karen Mohr Chávez 2000 Through the Glass Darkly: Trace Element Analysis of Obsidian and Patterns of Interaction in Southern Peru and Northern Bolivia. Journal of World Prehistory 14(3):267-362. Burger, Richard L., and Michael D. Glascock 2000 Locating the Quispisisa Obsidian Source in the Department of Ayacucho, Peru. Latin American Antiquity 11(3):258-268. Cook, Anita 1999 Asentamientos Paracas en el Valle Bajo de Ica, Perú. Gaceta Arqueológca Andina 25:61-90. DeLeonardis, Lisa 1991 Settlement History in the Lower Ica Valley, Peru VIst Centuries, B.C. M.A. thesis, Catholic University of America, Washington, D.C. 1997 Paracas Settlement in Callango, Lower Ica, Ist Millennium B.C., Peru. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Catholic University of America, Washington, D.C. Disselhoff, Hans Dietrich 1972 Das Imperium der Inka und die Indianischen Fruhkulturen der Andenlander. Berlin: Safari-Verlag. Engel, Frédéric 1966 Paracas: Cien siglos de cultura peruana. Lima: Editorial Mejía Vaca. Gero, Joan M. 1983 Material Culture and the Reproduction of Social Complexity: A Lithic Example from the Peru- Burger: Late Paracas Obsidian Tools 11 vian Formative. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Hester, Thomas R., and Robert Fleming Heizer 1973 Bibliography of Archaeology I: Experiments, Lithic Technology, and Petrography. AddisonWesley Modular Publications 28: An AddisonWesley Module in Anthropology. Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company. Kroeber, Alfred Louis 1953 Paracas Cavernas and Chavín. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 40(8):313-348. Berkeley: University of California Press. Kroeber, Alfred Louis, and William Duncan Strong 1924 The Uhle Pottery Collections from Ica, with three appendixes by Max Uhle. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 21(3):96-133. Massey, Sarah 1986 Sociopolitical Change in the Upper Ica Valley, B.C. 400 to A.D. 400: Regional States on the South Coast of Peru. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles. Menzel, Dorothy 1971 Estudios arqueológicos en los valles de Ica, Pisco, Chincha y Canete. Arqueología y Sociedad 6. Menzel, Dorothy, John Rowe, and Lawrence Dawson 1964 The Paracas Pottery of Ica: A Study in Style and Time. Berkeley: University of California Press. Paul, Anne 1990 Paracas Ritual Attire: Symbols of Authority in Ancient Peru. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press. 1991 Paracas Art and Architecture. Iowa City, Iowa: University of Iowa Press. Purdy, Barbara 1975 Fractures for the Archaeologist. Lithic Technology: Making and Using Stone Tools, edited by Earl Swanson, pp. 133-141. Chicago: Aldine. Ravines, Rogger 1967 A Pre-Columbian Wound. American Antiquity 32(2):230-231. Rowe, John H. Urban Settlements in Ancient Peru. Ñawpa Pacha 1:1-27. Sawyer, Alan 1979 Painted Nasca Texiles. In The Junius B. Bird PreColumbian Textile Conference, edited by Ann Pollard Rowe, Elizabeth P. Benson, and AnneLouise Schaffer, pp. 129-150. Washington, D.C.: The Textile Museum and Dumbarton Oaks. Stone, Jane 1983 The Socio-Economic Implications of Lithic Evidence from Huari, Peru. Ph.D. Dissertation, SUNY, Binghampton. Tello, Julio C. And Toribio Mejía Xesspe 1979 Paracas Parte II Cavernas y Necropolis. Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos. Vaughn, Kevin J., and Michael D. Glascock 2002 Exchange of Quispisisa Obsidian in Nasca: New Evidence from Marcaya. Andean Past 7:93-110. Vescelius, Gary 1963 New Finds at San Nicolas. Ñawpa Pacha 1:43-46. Wallace, Dwight 1960 Early Paracas Textile Techniques. American Antiquity 26:279-281. 1962 Cerrillos, an Early Paracas Site in Ica, Peru. American Antiquity 27:303-314. 1975 The Analysis of Weaving patterns: Examples from the Early Period in Peru. In Archaeological Textiles: 1974 Proceedings, Irene Emery Roundtable on Museum Textiles, edited by Patricia L. Fiske, pp. 101-116. Washington, D.C.: The Textile Museum. 1979 The Process of Weaving Development on the Peruvian South Coast. In The Junius B. Bird PreColumbian Textile Conference, edited by Ann Pollard Rowe, Elizabeth P. Benson, and AnneLouise Schaffer, pp. 16-82. Washington, D.C.: The Textile Museum and Dumbarton Oaks. 1963 ANDEAN PAST 8 (200!) Condition Detail Complete bifaces - 12 Number Percentage 51 21.40% Nearly complete bifaces Tang missing 28 11.80% Fragmentary bifaces Upper section (including tip) 47 19.70% Tip 13 5.50% Bottom section (including base) 30 12.60% 8 3.40% 26 10.90% Body fragments (one lateral edge) 9 3.80% Fragments with two contiguous sides 6 2.50% Fragments of tip with one lateral edge 3 1.30% 17 7.10% Base Body fragments (both lateral edges) Debitage Total 238 Table 1. Tools and tool fragments analyzed from, Animas Altas, Ica Valley, Peru. 13 - Burger: Late Paracas Obsidian Tools Fig- ure 1. The Ica Valley and vicinity with the locations of Paracas sites mentioned in the text (after DeLeonardis 1991). ANDEAN PAST 8 (200!) Figure 2. Obsidian bifaces from Animas Altas, Ica Valley (photograph by Richard L. Burger). Figure 3. Obsidian bifaces,biface fragments and debitage from Animas Altas, Ica Valley (photograph by Richard L. Burger). - 14 15 - Burger: Late Paracas Obsidian Tools Figure 4. Animas Altas obsidian bifaces and biface fragments coated to highlight chipping technique (photograph by Sergio J. Chávez). Figure 5.The reverse sides of artifacts in Figure 4 (photograph by Sergio J. Chávez). ANDEAN PAST 8 (200!) Figure 6. Animas Altas obsidian biface fragments coated to highlight chipping technique (photograph by Sergio J. Chávez). Figure 7. The reverse sides of artifacts illustrated in Figure 6 (photograph by Sergio J. Chávez). - 16 17 - Burger: Late Paracas Obsidian Tools