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In the modern digital age, there has been established a new public sphere. Whereas in the past only magazines, newspapers and TV stations spread photographs, film clips or pictures, nowadays everyone is able to do so. On internet platforms like YouTube or twitter, oppositional coalitions, war parties or terror organisations are able to published photographs and clips and therefore create a counter propaganda. As today nearly everyone can take photographs or films with his/her smartphone and edit the material afterwards at the notebook or PC, it is more important than ever to realise that photographs probably never tell the whole story or even the truth. This point should be clarified in the following essay using primarily the texts of Price 2009 and Lutz/Collins 2003 as sources.
This thesis engages with surveillance as a pervasive theme presented in several modes of modern visual culture and is approached with particular reference to Guy Debord's theory of the spectacle. Through an historically contextualized analysis, I locate the centrality of surveillance in Western culture as a visual regime that institutionalizes spectacle. This is revealed in a number of prominent events between 1920 and 2008 that illustrate ethical shifts in the historical subject in which the presence or the absence of the witness becomes a meaningful consideration. Surveillance is thus linked inextricably to two main discourses regarding the spectacle and the witness, a theme that is expanded upon through the analysis of specific films and other representations of modern visual culture, including painting and television. The spectacle within our ocularcentric society has, as I see it, not enhanced the world so much as it has separated us from it, and has thus consistently obscured instances of moral reflection by the individual in the form of witness. I link this concept to the thinking of Hannah Arendt, Walter Benjamin, Martin Heidegger and others.
Literary Oracle, 2021
The contents of all the articles included in this volume do not necessarily reflect the views of the editors. The authors of the articles are responsible for the opinions, criticisms and factual information presented. The contributors are also responsible for ensuring the proper adherence to the scientific rules of writing and copyright regulations. While the editors have tried their best to carefully review, format and make necessary corrections in the manuscripts, if there are still any lapses, the onus lies only with the authors of the articles..
"INTRODUCTION Our world of the society of the 20th and 21st centuries is becoming the realm of pictorial representation. Modern technologies of recording images and mediating them enable the press, the television, and the Internet to base their messages on images. As images have dominated our communication, their impact on our cognition of the world has grown substantially. This thesis attempts at discovering methods in which technology and underlying culture specific features are built into pictorial messages used in the press and posters. It also describes factors unintentionally or deliberately influencing every act of mediating information. The thesis is divided into seven chapters corresponding to various approaches and analyses employed within them. The first chapter analyses technological implications of mediating messages. Technology is understood here as both the mechanical and physical features of mediating messages with ‘tools’. The chapter also describes the influence senders and mediators of (pictorial) information may exert on final messages that reach readers. The chapter’s concluding part describes the diversity of discourses present in every society. The nature of discourses and their codes, as well as the manipulation of those, are analysed in chapter 3, devoted to presenting various linguistic and culture studies theories. Various linguistic and cultural theories are employed in analysis of the act of mediating. The chapter begins with the analysis of signs and systems of communication (de Saussure and Lévi-Strauss). Later, theories of culture-specific codes and mythologies are introduced (Eco, Barthes, Hall). Finally, Marxist approach is employed in the analysis of the mediation of pictorial messages (Althusser, Gramsci). The ideas of scholars are interwoven with graphic examples analysed according to the theories presented. Chapter 5 draws a conclusion from the analyses of chapters 1 and 3. The conclusion is graphically presented in a few versions of information chain. The chain evolves with the development of the theories it attempts to encompass. The final chain is described as a means of reading messages thanks to which readers may sift out information about an event from ideological elements of a message. The theoretical conclusion of chapter 5 is employed in the analysis of a few examples in chapter 6. This chapter presents a few examples of images and posters as it tries to postulate some reading techniques that a reader may use. Finally, in chapter 7, a general conclusion is sketched out of analyses and conclusions of the previous parts. The conclusion attempts to explain if and how ‘we readers’ are constantly manipulated. Chapters 2 and 4 are devoted to demonstrating a few representative examples of press photography, and war and film posters respectively. Images constitute a collection of press pictures from numerous newspapers (Time, Newsweek, The Guardian, The Daily Telegraph) and of film and war posters from picture collections by Hudson, Yapp and Mayes. As in the case of John Berger’s “Ways of Seeing”, the chapters presenting only images constitute an indispensable reading for the evaluation of the analysis presented in the thesis."
In April 2003, Brian Walski, a photographer for the Los Angeles Times, was fired after his editors discovered that he had manipulated his photographs taken in Basra, Iraq. In order to get a better composition, Walski combined two of his photographs into one to get a unique image evoking Géricault and Delacroix, thereby undermining the truthfulness of the image (Barthes’ ''what happened''). He betrayed some of the basic journalistic principles — accuracy and ethics — and the LA Times director of photography Colin Crawford firmly condemned the violation of readers’ trust. April 2017. Zijadin Sela, Albanian MP, was photographed as he was being carried through the Macedonian parliament building, his head bloody, following a violent intrusion of protestors who were dissatisfied with the choice of a new Parliament Speaker. This time there was no image manipulation. On the contrary, the very digital context — the social network — in which the photo had spread became manipulative a priori. The process of changing the conditions of reception has been completed, and what is shocking is not just the display of the consequences of physical violence, but also the violent overthrow of the hierarchy of meaning and the change of the status of the ‘documentary’. The platform on which every user and their ‘friends’ jointly perform the job of the editor/curator, and where the border between the producer and the consumer of content is blurred, suddenly becomes a space not only of constant scepticism (of the content of the information unit, but also its source and carrier), but of the negative democratization of content: violence in real-time, in the heart of a democratic institution, becomes equivalent to a photograph of someone’s dinner. Such qualitative and semantic leveling eliminates the boundary between exceptional and banal events, private and public space, individual and collective (in)action, paving the way for resignation or debilitating doubt in the time of alternative truth. The latter reactions become defense mechanisms when ‘'reality itself becomes unrecognizable’' (John Berger, Ways of Seeing), and in this talk I am going to explore the ethical dimensions of the dissolution of reality, but also try to identify some possible solutions in (virtual) practice.
1 The first documentary photographs and films of the mass murder of six million Jews that came to public attention were taken by soldiers and professional photographers of the Allied forces at the time of liberating the concentration and extermination camps. Images of corpses piled high, walking skeletons, dying survivors, captured guards and the sites of torture, death and cremation shocked the world-to the degree, that is, to which photographs still had the power to shock. In the US and British zones of occupation, Germans who lived close to camp sites were made to watch, and sometimes bury, corpses while others were shown films and photographs documenting the atrocities. Among the various reasons for the program "to view the atrocities,"1 it may be assumed, was the desire to replace the collective pictorial memory of the previous heroic twelve years with a new imagery, an imagery constructed with the help of photographic documentation. The aim was to diffuse the grandiose images of Nazi party rallies, the Autobahns and urban architecture, organized leisure and advanced war technology, which the National Socialist-system had so successfully deployed as its vision of the present and the future. Memories of grandeur were supposed to give way to images that represented the past as a criminal and barbaric time. In their efforts to document this program, American soldiers took photos of various Germans in front of such photos. More often than not these viewers, mostly women, older men and children, were shown with stern or emotionless faces often trying to avoid looking at the photos, their eyes cast down or turned away. There is a remarkable contrast between those Germans who turn their faces away, because they do not wish to confront these images, and others who have been characterized precisely by their pathologic compulsion to look at scenes of torture and murder.2 We know of men who took photos of the war of extermination in defiance of an official ban and often persisted in retaining them, even in circumstances that, after 1945, turned them into incriminating evidence against their owners. An extremely strong emotional attachment seems to have emanated from these images, tying their owners to them. For many years, these private photos were all but forgotten and the main focus was on 'official' visual documents from Allied sources and German offices and archives. Among these, a limited number of photographs have been continuously reproduced in illustrated history books on the Holocaust, in textbooks for schools and universities, exhibition catalogues, tour guides and similar publications. They continue to be shown either for educational purposes or as visual evidence in support of written texts, although they have by now become metonymical and lost their visual power. They no longer produce the urge to look away. It is intriguing to ask the question in what ways these photos contributed to the creation of memory.
A hallmark of (post)modern warfare is its excessive mediatization. Noting the propensity in contemporary media culture to reduce even war and violence to a spectacle, Baudrillard (1995) has famously claimed that the Gulf War actually did not take place, but was a carefully " simulated " media event. The very proliferation of the images of war has come to reveal the limits of visual data from conflict scenarios, eroding the epistemological privilege assigned to the visual as a reflection of the truth/ real. A controversy over a video footage 2 from the recently concluded conflict between the state military of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), fueling allegations of war crimes against both sides, attests to the power of the visual image, as well as its tenuousness in an era saturated with images. This chapter examines the visual (re)presentations of the conflict between the separatist Tamil Tigers and the government of Sri Lanka as a site that reveals the limits, cracks, and unreliability of visual data. However, it also contends that as the only remaining visual testimonies to the " War PAGE \* MERGEFORMAT 18
It has been said that "a photo is worth a thousand words."1 The thought here is that a single picture is sufficient to show an idea so complicated that hundreds of words are required to do it justice If this is so, then photographs which are immediate and unadulterated articulations of the truth seen by the camera, ought to be the superb and unequaled medium for expressing truth.2 Photos contain a wealth of information which may be used effectively in historical research. Visual materials might be utilized as evidence, for illustration, for comparison and contrast, and for analytical purposes. To some degree confounding is the moderately negligible utilization of photos as primary sources in historical inquiry. Many visual clues exist which can help to explain the historical cases in specific areas. Photographs help our comprehension of an occasion by catching the scene; and if witnessing something first hand is the only way to accept something that's difficult to believe, at that point photos show reality.3 The term 'photograph examination's introduced here alludes to different visual research strategies with the appropriation of photos. The survey of the writing has portrayed that fusing a visual angle into inquire about utilizing photos is beneficial in investigations of exceptionally unique or complex marvels either subjectively or quantitatively, or both. Methods in visual research are chiefly qualitative, but often involve qualitative quantification or quantitative elements by design.4 As far as photograph examination, some visual specialists have given different ways to deal with the utilization and investigation of photos.5 As per those analysts, visual information, for example, photos can be utilized for documentation, affirmation of literary
Journal of Artistic Research (JAR), 2024
AI and Deepfake have become a trend for creating media through photographs, videos, and voice manipulations through prompts. This feature generates results quickly and simply with high accuracy. Advanced technology has shaped people's approach to obtaining information and polishing creative skills. Visual media like photography and video need convincing figures or narratives to get the audience's attention. For example, the video deepfake of Suharto (originally written as Soeharto) showed that a famous leader is powerful enough to influence Indonesians for the election. However, this causes risks of collective memory remodification into a disinformation of history. Could it follow the other media like photography that must re-curate the authenticity to speak the truth? How can political art and history be comprehended in this contemporary period? This paper highlights what we can learn from AI in the context of history through video and photography. Moreover, the application of artwork to learn history questions whether we should redevelop or stay authentic without reducing the accuracy of information.
Visual Studies, 2020
The first time I saw the image of that old man I was beginning a research on clandestine cinema in Spain (1967–1981). What I did not know at the time was that this very image would crop up again and again in the course of my work. More surprisingly, each and every time I saw it, the image conveyed a different range of meanings. The reason was that the image was framed in different productions made at distant times, such as the Spanish Civil War (1939), in the middle of the dictatorship (1959) and in the 1970’s, when the clandestine film I was watching, Between Hope and Fraud, was made – or even today. In each encounter, my emotions changed, allowing me to experience the same image as a different one. All this made me expand the scope of the research project to the afterlife of images. While I was analysing clandestine cinema practices in Spain and their peculiar ability to intervene in ‘the sensible’ without being seen, I was also tracing the genealogy of the footage. Suddenly, I realised that these images had a common pattern, which allowed me to think about them from a broader perspective. In this paper, I relate the making of my research to finally proposing the idea of ‘clandestine images’ as a visual model, which I define in relationship to its behaviour and its effects on bodies. Ultimately, I create and propose a theoretical tool whose aim it is to make it possible to think about and predict the behaviour of other images, beyond the particular one I will discuss here.
The increasing use of the body for embedding technology as well as the convergence of multiple features in mobile telephony have made image capture an important phenomenon that presents new ways to capture events and their constructs, which cast new forms of gaze into everyday life. The ways in which one captures and gazes has increasing ethical, legal and social implications for societies. The civilian gaze through mobile recording devices can be empowering in terms of holding authorities accountable, but it can equally debilitate societies by transgressing privacy and enabling new forms of voyeurism and deviance. In recognition of this, many governments and authorities are restricting the ways in which we capture and upload images. This paper looks at how this image economy is creating new ways of looking and how the new rules are, for different reasons, seeking to curb this architecture of capture.
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