British Studies

Raffe also adroitly narrates the shifting fortunes of both groups, as presbyterian government came to supplant the episcopal by 1691, and he makes clear that bound up in these labels are major shifts in the way the religion of Scotland was controlled and governed. Some of Raffe's points, especially those relating to the ways in which the selfidentification of different religious groupings as martyrs was contested, are not especially new and have been covered in earlier literature. There is, however, a valuable discussion of the impact of the controversial debates on clerical reputations and, finally, the interpretation of the way that printed debates could modulate into crowd violence is a useful opening out of a topic that hitherto has not often been examined in relation to the pre-eighteenth century.

During the winter of scarcity of 1794, Hannah More wrote "a few moral stories," drew up a plan for publication and distribution, and sent the package around to her evangelical and bluestocking friends. Their response was enthusiastic; even Horace Walpole abandoned his usual teasing to write back, "I will never more complain of your silence; for I am perfectly convinced that you have no idle, no unemployed moments. Your indefatigable benevolence is incessantly occupied in good works; and your head and your heart make the utmost use of the excellent qualities of both .... Thank you a thousand times for your most ingenious plan; may great success reward you!"2 Walpole then sent off copies of the plan to the duchess of Gloucester and other aristocratic friends. Following Wilberforce's example, such wealthy philanthropists subscribed over 1,000 pounds to support the project during its first year.3 Henry Thornton agreed to act as treasurer and Zachary Macaulay as agent, and the ball was rolling.4 In March 1795, the Cheap Repository of Moral and Religious Tracts issued its first publications. Prominent evangelicals and gentry SUSAN PEDERSEN is a graduate student in the history department at Harvard University. She wishes to thank Professor John Clive for his supervision of this research, Shelley Burtt for her detailed and critical comments on an earlier draft, and Anne Goldgar for permission to consult her paper "Cheap Repository Tracts and the Chapbook Tradition" (Harvard University, Department of History, 1982, typescript).

religious controversy on local neighborhoods. Houlbrooke and Durston express interest in social experience but make no persuasive argument about the political content of social experience or its significance in disputes over religious authority. The fundamental problem therefore remains the absence of an interpretive framework to unite disparate historiographical and research questions in a systematic approach to early modern English society. The books under review demonstrate the process whereby unconscious modes of classification and collective representation in a historical community may inform even the best critical intentions to reproduce the conventional categories of thought, in this case, the categories of religion, politics, and society. I have attempted both to confront the books on their own terms and to suggest the limitations of those terms. A more coherent social history, sensitive to religious symbolism and ceremony in early modern conceptions of politics and society, requires new maps and further exploration. We cannot just stick the maps of the old field system together and connect the lines.

During the winter of scarcity of 1794, Hannah More wrote “a few moral stories,” drew up a plan for publication and distribution, and sent the package around to her evangelical and bluestocking friends. Their response was enthusiastic; even Horace Walpole abandoned his usual teasing to write back, “I will never more complain of your silence; for I am perfectly convinced that you have no idle, no unemployed moments. Your indefatigable benevolence is incessantly occupied in good works; and your head and your heart make the utmost use of the excellent qualities of both…. Thank you a thousand times for your most ingenious plan; may great success reward you!” Walpole then sent off copies of the plan to the duchess of Gloucester and other aristocratic friends. Following Wilberforce's example, such wealthy philanthropists subscribed over 1,000 pounds to support the project during its first year. Henry Thornton agreed to act as treasurer and Zachary Macaulay as agent, and the ball was ro...

In Ceremonies of Possession, her account of the varied ways in which Europe's expanding nations sought to mark their conquests abroad, Patricia Seed notes the particular emphasis seventeenth-century English colonists placed on fences and hedges, houses and gardens. If the Spanish marked ownership by proclamation and the French by ceremony and ritual, the English, true to their history of enclosure and improvement, "inscribed their possession of the New World by affixing their own powerful cultural symbols of ownership-houses and fencesupon the landscape." 1 And what was born of conquest flourished on homesickness, social aspiration, and cheap labor. Two centuries later, the British in India had stocked their faux-highlands summer resorts with the village churches, half-timbered Tudor villas, and cottage gardens of an imagined rural English world. 2 As late as the 1930s, as Evelyn Waugh put it, the Kenyan settlers were still trying "to recreate Barsetshire upon the equator." 3 Small wonder, then, that Britons so often represented their policies of rule (from policing in Bengal to counterinsurgency in Kenya) as the defense of "home." But how, exactly, could the British make the empire their "home"? And what happened to their trademark institutions and identities-to social clubs and Mothers' Unions, law codes and literatures, career officers and their housebound wives-in settings where the British were so profoundly ' 'out of place'' ? The articles presented in this issue all grapple with these questions. Through the study of such varied subjects as nationality law, Anglo-Indian clubs, the social lives of Anglo-Indian wives, and cinematic representations of Britain's late-colonial wars, they describe the strategies and practices through which various groups of Brit-

The following exchange was the result of ongoing informal conversations among the contributors, who are all, in different ways, interested in the emergent concept of the Anthropocene and the challenges it posed, and the opportunities it provided, for historians working on Britain and the world. The conversation began at the end of 2015 and continued for about a year.

The eighteenth century was a time of change in Scotland. The period saw political upheaval in the shape of the Union and subsequent Jacobite uprisings, changes in living conditions with population and economic growth, increased levels of urbanisation and industrialisation, and flourishing cultural and intellectual activity. Eighteenth-century Scotland was also, as both the volumes reviewed here make clear, a period of continuity with the past: the Church of Scotland and its teachings continued to be influential, the Scottish legal system stayed intact, power remained tied up with land ownership and patronage was still vital to political and social success. This backdrop is vital to understanding the lives of the women and men explored within these two related volumes. While the collection edited by Katie Barclay and Deborah Simonton focuses on the lives of women and Rosalind Carr's book considers both men and women, there are many points of connection between the two volumes. Both argue for the 'centrality and interconnectivity of issues of gender, progress, and the nation in Scottish Enlightenment discourse' (Carr, p. 60). Both books use gender as an analytical category to explore the signifiers and systems of social intercourse which, beyond articulating appropriate rules and behaviour for women and men, constructed and expressed individual and communal national identities. They also recognise that social rank intersected with gender in shaping the power and authority an individual of either sex was able to exert. Both highlight the constraints that Enlightenment discourse placed on women's ability to fully and openly participate in public life, while highlighting female agency in carving out space in which they could contribute and exert influence. A key theme of these books is that far from being passive observers, women were central to Scottish political, social and cultural life and all the developments that occurred during the

free-trade service sector, they ultimately returned home from Canton to set up as city bankers, Scottish estate owners, members of Parliament, and Pall Mall club members. Not the least of the strengths of Grace's engagingly written account is that it immerses the reader in the remarkably broad-ranging business of these vigorous men of affairs. Grace's professed aim as an even-handed biographer is to rescue his subjects from the enormous condescension of posterity. Far from being bloody-minded drug kingpins, these gentlemanly capitalists were indeed gentlemen. They topped many a list of charitable subscriptions not only in England and Scotland but also in China. Their business associates-Parsi and Chinese as well as English, Scottish, and American-admired not only their shrewdness but also their scrupulosity. It is quite true that they encouraged the Whig government of the late 1830s to get tough with China after the Celestial Empire banned opium imports. But Grace argues that the first Opium War was hardly orchestrated by Jardine and Matheson. Lord Palmerston at the Foreign Office needed no convincing to try to force open Chinese markets, as he perceived free trade (in opium as in everything else) was a good in its own right. As for the opium trade itself, Jardine and Matheson truly believed, as did their many rivals, that they bore no responsibility for China's growing addiction problem. It was up to the purchaser to moderate his opium smoking; if he overdid it, this was no fault of the seller's. A great many Britons of Jardine's and Matheson's generation readily agreed with their reasoning about opium. Alcohol was no less widely abused in Europe and America than opium was in China, it was commonly argued, but no western government sought to forbid its consumption. Far from upholding the emperor's ban, opium apologists insisted, many mandarins actively trafficked in it themselves; Qing corruption was to blame as much or more than any other factor in the opium flood. Opium could indeed become addictive, apologists conceded, but in the age before aspirin it was the most effective painkiller known to medicine, and for this reason it was as widely swallowed in pill form in the West as it was smoked in the East. One can concede all these points and still conclude that in his effort to polish Jardine's and Matheson's tarnished reputations, Grace lets his subjects off a bit too easily. Matheson was a particularly avid propagandist for the use of British arms to force opium on the Chinese. His mid-1830s pamphleteering bristled with a bellicose contempt for Chinese authority (and to some extent for the Chinese people more broadly) that makes for wincing reading today. It is indeed a gross distortion to say that Jardine and Matheson cajoled the Whig government into going to war with China in 1839. But it is no exaggeration to call them warmongers, and Grace's account has very little to say about the first Opium War itself. Recent scholarship has made clear that this was a sordid affair, full of hostage-taking, reprisal killings, and systematic pillage. The war was a most ungentlemanly way to force the Qing Empire to legalize the opium trade. For this reason, Jardine and Matheson were perhaps not quite as simonpure as Grace suggests, even though he is clearly right to conclude that they were much more upstanding characters than the drug-lord stereotype would concede to them.

In the 1760s and 1770s, rancorous struggles over the rights of French Catholic subjects threatened the political and economic stability of Grenada and Quebec, both formerly French colonies ceded to Britain at the close of the Seven Years' War (1756–63). This article analyzes claims of subject status made during those decades, focusing on petitions in which numerous inhabitants made demands for privileges they believed to be their due. These memorials reveal the fundamental role that “new” and “adopted” subjects played in shaping the boundaries of “British” subjecthood, as well as highlight key characteristics that made subjecthood an organizing principle of the mid-eighteenth-century British Empire. Indeed, the bonds between subject and sovereign, the ones articulated and performed each time subjects approached their monarch or his representatives, operated at a symbolic and functional level to integrate an empire that had become increasingly diverse by the 1760s.

This is a Chinese translation of the book, Made in Britain: How the Nation Earns Its Living by Evan Davis (2011). This book is about the things that Britain produces in order to pay its way in the world, from physical goods that we can see and feel, to intangible services that are much harder to quantify. The author argues, we don't have to be prejudiced in favour of certain types of value: we shouldn't assume finance is modern, and manufacturing out of date for example. What matters is what sells and for how much. From manufacturing to technology, design and the services industries, this book will provide a cutting edge analysis - via entertaining stories - about what we make and why it matters.

This paper explores John Henry Newman’s intellectual engagement with English Enlightenment apologetics, the dominant framework for justifying Christian belief in the eighteenth and early nineteenth century. While Newman’s relationship with the “Age of Evidences” is often characterized as antagonistic, this study uncovers his early theological and philosophical debt to this tradition. Drawing on his personal correspondence, sermons, and essays, the paper examines how Newman initially embraced evidential arguments, particularly those grounded in miracles and natural theology. However, his exchanges with skeptics, including his own brother Charles, led him to reevaluate the reliance on external proofs. Instead, he gradually foregrounded conscience as the primary means of encountering God, shifting away from the Enlightenment’s evidentialist paradigm.

for the highest tier; "the spaces in which books are kept," he insists, are "integral to any understanding of their history" (20). Purcell mines everything from letters and diaries to wills and bills of attainder-not to mention books themselves (marginalia, bindings, bookplates)-for evidence of how books were valued affectively and materially, how they were read, and how they dwelled, together with their readers, in country house libraries. The volume's lavish illustrations highlight Purcell's attention to detail and careful documentation. Purcell, formerly libraries curator for the National Trust and currently a deputy director at Cambridge University Library, knows whereof he speaks. Many-though importantly, not all-of the libraries he surveys fall under the care of the National Trust, which superintends roughly 170 country house libraries and their nearly 300,000 books. Purcell makes the case that country house libraries should be preserved in situ, but also that those still in private hands be catalogued, that these catalogues be readily available to researchers online, and that owners be held to obligations regarding public access (the public has the right to see books, for example, that have been "conditionally exempted" from taxation). Purcell seems resigned, but also sanguine, about the future of Britain's country house libraries. While those in private hands might flourish or falter together with their owners, those in public hands will benefit from recent scholarly developments in such fields as cultural and book history and the digital humanities. The Country House Library is meticulously researched and liberally illustrated, as intellectually satisfying as it is visually compelling; academic and amateur enthusiasts alike will find much to ponder and relish in these pages.

This essay explores changes in eighteenth-century male clothing in the context of the history of sexual difference, gender roles, and masculinity. The essay contributes to a history of dress by reconstructing a range of meanings and social practices through which men's clothing was understood by its consumers. Furthermore, critically engaging with work on the “great male renunciation,” the essay argues that the public authority that accrued to men through their clothing was based not on a new image of a rational disembodied man but instead on an emphasis on the male anatomy and masculinity as intrinsically embodied. Drawing on findings from the material objects of eighteenth-century clothing, visual representations, and evidence from the archival records of male consumers, the essay adopts an interdisciplinary approach that allows historians to study sex and gender as embodied, rather than simply performed. In so doing, the essay not only treats “embodiment” as an historical cat...

In the early 1960s, the College of African Wildlife Management opened in northern Tanzania. The institution was designed to lessen the impact of decolonization by training the first generation of African wildlife wardens in the tradition of their European predecessors. The product of racialized narratives about African violence and the growth of international conservation organizations, the college could be understood as a straightforward neocolonial institution designed to perpetuate British and western influence over land and animals in East Africa. In contrast, this paper pays close attention to the circumstances and context of the college's founding, the debates over funding and control, and its institutional culture. These aspects all suggest that African governments sought to use the college as a vehicle for pursuing the Africanization of the civil service and for formalizing a contractual relationship with international organizations about mutual obligations not only to T...

John Foxe\u27s The Book of Martyrs had enormous impact in Elizabethan England. His presentation of women was an effective guide to women readers about appropriate behavior patterns. The ideals for women in the Renaissance were basically the passive Christian virtues such as modesty, humility, sweetness and piety. Foxe was certainly concerned with these Christian virtues for women; however, in certain ways his positive examples of strong women not only reinforced, but also modified this point of view

John Foxe\u27s The Book of Martyrs had enormous impact in Elizabethan England. His presentation of women was an effective guide to women readers about appropriate behavior patterns. The ideals for women in the Renaissance were basically the passive Christian virtues such as modesty, humility, sweetness and piety. Foxe was certainly concerned with these Christian virtues for women; however, in certain ways his positive examples of strong women not only reinforced, but also modified this point of view

The idea that Protestantism in post-Reformation England was inherently hostile to the visual arts has a long history and has become embedded across an interdisciplinary scholarship and within popular consciousness. While more recent historiography addresses numerous exceptions to this prevailing trend, this article provides a new assessment of how English Protestantism in a more positive mood not only came to terms with the image but actively embraced it. In identifying patterns of thinking within a wide body of contemporary comment, we offer a chart in the mode of early modern figurative diagrams to emphasize the diverse criteria that Protestants weighed when considering whether an image was suitable for its intended purpose, from the circumstances of its making and using through audience response to location, medium, subject matter, and patron. In doing so, we stress the importance of historicizing the sense of the terms civil and religious use, which do not map neatly onto a modern reading of secular and sacred spaces. We further illustrate how the criteria of the model operated in practice, through detailed analysis of two extant artworks commissioned by committed Protestants, highlighting keen engagement with pictorial art in theory and in practice. The shift in emphasis from rejection to reconciliation captures the spirit of English Protestantism's negotiation and rapprochement with the image over the period ca. 1560-ca. 1640.

John Foxe\u27s The Book of Martyrs had enormous impact in Elizabethan England. His presentation of women was an effective guide to women readers about appropriate behavior patterns. The ideals for women in the Renaissance were basically the passive Christian virtues such as modesty, humility, sweetness and piety. Foxe was certainly concerned with these Christian virtues for women; however, in certain ways his positive examples of strong women not only reinforced, but also modified this point of view

The impending collapse of Waterloo Bridge (built 1811–1817) in 1923 led to wide-ranging debate among professional and political elites about the need for preserving or replacing the bridge and about London's inadequate river crossings in general. Over a fifteen-year period, cabinet-level discussions on the problem of the Thames bridges occurred every year; the government struck a number of committees and a royal commission on solving cross-river traffic issues. A powerful elite lobby formed to fight for the preservation of old Waterloo Bridge, and the building of a new bridge at Charing Cross, a constitutional squabble arose over the respective authorities of Parliament and of London municipal government over the bridges, and a rancorous debate among politicians, town planners, architects, engineers, and the general public raged over the issue of the existing and proposed new bridges. A number of issues were at play and are discussed, but ultimately this article argues that it was competing, temporally connected conceptions of modernity that divided the two camps into preservationists and rebuilders.

Conservationist Lisa Schneidau's collection of folk tales connects the natural landscape and plants with the human and enchanted worlds. It is a world of fairies, witches, nature spirits and 'magical beings'. Ideally, the book's short stories might inspire the reader to feel a curiosity or a closer connection to nature and folklore. It consists of 39 stories about how indigenous 'British' plants (flowers, bushes and trees) affect our imagination and collective consciousness.

This paper critically examines a lecture given in 1869 by Emil Hegg titled, das sogennante apostolische Glaubensbekenntnis (“The So-Called Apostles’ Creed”), which sparked a dispute among ecclesial and civil authorities in Bern, Switzerland, leading to the Reformed Church in Bern becoming Bekenntnisfrei (“confession-free”). Considered by many to be a landmark moment in the modernization, liberalization, and secularization of the Reformed Church in Switzerland, Hegg’s lecture provides vibrant insights into the logic, culture, conflicts, and concerns of modern Swiss Reformers in Bern during a key point of cultural and societal transformation. This inflection reveals a blend of Hegelian speculative theology, strong anti-Catholic tendencies, and a driving emphasis on Protestant reform (both civil and ecclesial). This is mediated by the vital concept of “freedom of conscience”, which allowed the Reformers to expand their focus on civil-ecclesial centralization and the free operation of the sciences in relation to the church. Hegg’s lecture demonstrates this logic and strategy as it is employed successfully by his labor and the work of the larger Reformverein (“Reform-association”) in Bern to enact ecclesial reform, reform that encouraged a more expansive Protestant piety (with its more inclusive confession-less church) and a more civil relation between the church and the academy.

This essay sheds new light on the supposedly familiar world of Victorian philanthropy by considering charity in relation to market regulation. Focusing on the “charity fraud,” we suggest that in the shaping of this exclusive and paradoxical marketplace, charities eagerly seized fraud denunciations to advertise and authenticate their legitimacy. This reflected the massive changes in the charitable world since the days of paternalist social relations and, paradoxically, illustrates the extremity of the problem facing the donating public: if one could not be entirely certain of a local charity, how could he or she discern between the national organizations that undertook fund-raising for international disasters? This contest for legitimacy and the exposure of fraud shaped a contested but oddly virtuous exchange market: by the turn of the twentieth century, charities not only published account sheets but debated them publicly, too.

Teaching practices in the field of British studies have become more innovative over recent decades. Advances in the field of digital technologies have prompted a need to use primary sources in order to motivate students and help them to deepen their knowledge of the content. This paper discusses the benefits but also limitations of using primary sources in teaching British Studies as an academic subject.