Education for Citizenship

All education regulated by nation-states is, in one sense, education for (some kind of) peace.  In the liberal “social contract” tradition, the purpose of any government is to protect citizens from violence, as a prerequisite for their individual pursuit of well-being (2006).  Collectively, citizens (defense, security) serve as justification for —and (through taxation) funders of— military spending and deployment (Franklin, 2006b).  Governments have had a monopoly on the legitimate use of force in order to serve as security guarantors.  Further, governments since the 19th century have had virtual monopoly on “legitimate education” (Gellner, cited in Tawil & Harley, 2004), used to create and maintain a sense of shared national identity and social cohesion (peaceful relations) among their citizens. Thus citizenship education has always had ramifications for peace and conflict, both domestic and international. This chapter does not ask whether citizenship education should include peace and conflict education.  Rather, it examines how implicit and explicit citizenship education in schools already does teach about peace and conflict, and what kinds of citizenship education about peace and conflict would be most fruitful for developing and sustaining inclusively pluralistic, democratic peace.

Aquest text recull part de la recerca desenvolupada per l’autor en el marc del projecte de R+D+I «Aprenentatge de la Ciutadania Activa. Discursos, experiencies i estrategies educatives»,1 financat pel Ministeri d’Educacio i Cultura, i presentada de forma mes detallada en la seva tesi doctoral. Des del moment en que es una construccio social i cultural, la ciutadania s’apren. Fins i tot ara, quan la democracia esta reduida a una questio de procediment i els limits del model hegemonic de ciutadania impliquen importants contradiccions i incerteses, presents no sols a l’analisi social, sino tambe a la nostra vida quotidiana. La recerca parteix de l’analisi de cinc histories de vida de ciutadanes i ciutadans actius, que es creuen, tot comencant per la d’un jove activista vinculat a l’anomenat moviment 15M. A partir de l’estudi dels relats autobiografics ens proposam identificar quin paper han jugat en la construccio del seu rol ciutada, no sols els diferents espais d’interaccio social vi...

When we first initiated this issue, Europe was only beginning to make sense of the Brexit referendum. Many scholars in the UK and across the continent were asking themselves the same question – how to make sense of the new developments; did we do anything wrong, did we do anything differently? We felt that, in the turbulent times of a rise of right wing movements, xenophobia, but also in times of growing heterogeneity of the societies within and beyond Europe citizenship education as a project challenge practitioners and researchers alike. On the one side, good practices need to be discovered, described and possibly used in other contexts. On the other, ways need to be found to engage in a meaningful dialogue between different actors representing different political and cultural contexts. As acutely aware as we were of the division between ‘traditional’ and ‘postcommunist’ democracies, we realized that in both, the very essence of European democratic arrangements was as stake. The r...

This edited volume offers a critical reflection on the failed experiment to redevelop the city of
Rio de Janeiro according to the neoliberal strategy of entrepreneurial urban governance and
mercantile regulatory transformations, which were leveraged by mega-sporting events. The
case of Rio de Janeiro is presented as an example of a failing global strategy for urban
redevelopment, entrepreneurial urban governance and the realization of mega-events. This
book aims to present the real and critical state of the legacies of such mega-events. It shows
how instead of the promised economic redemption, Rio is experiencing a severe economic,
politicaland social crisis,handling three observation perspectives: the first is the description of
urban transformations and mega events,assessing the contradictions in the model for the
intended urban development and taking into account historical factors both at local and
national level; the second restricts on neighborhoods as case studies representing an ensign of
a neoliberal urban transformation’ results; the third links city and citizenship focusing tensions
and inconsistencies and opening up a perspective on the importance of fostering the concept
of citizenship, including actions, movements and initiatives that express the resistance and
struggles around a possible new destination for Rio de Janeiro.
Prof. Luiz Cesar de Quieroz
Ribeiro and Dr.Filippo Bignami as General Editors thank Ana Paula Soares Carvalho, Humberto
Meza, Niccoló Cuppini and Orlando dos Santos Junior for their contributions as co-editors of this book.

This study examines the role of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in the
provision of citizenship education in England and South Korea. The practice of
citizenship education is investigated through comparing four NGOs, and the gap
between formal education and less formal education is explored. The four NGOs in
this research are Community Service Volunteers (CSV) in England, UNICEF in
England, YMCA in Korea and Young Korean Academy (YKA) in Korea.

Throughout the latter half of the twentieth century and into this new century of the American republic, the characteristics desired in the citizen have reflected distinct eras in late American history. Schools were not necessarily explicit in instilling these characteristics; in many ways, they were part of the hidden curriculum of schooling. These eras, which stretch from the immediate postwar nation through the civil rights movement and the Great Society to the present era of the standards and accountability movement, are time of increased federal involvement in schools, national concern over potential foreign and domestic threats, and a push for equality in schooling that was not always successful. Schools, however, were not isolated incubators of liberty and Deweyan conceptions of good citizenship. Instead, they were reflective of and responsive to the pressures of American society. This essay will argue that the hidden civic curriculum that was a strong component of schooling rejected the Deweyan notion of democratic participation and was not a product created by the school itself. Rather, this paper will show that societal factors shaped the hidden curriculum of schools and established characteristics of ‘good citizenship’ that were intended primarily to maintain social stability and secure American economic prosperity and military-political security in both the foreign and domestic arenas while providing a semi-illusory sense of democratic participation through controlled social change.

המאמר עוסק בחינוך ופוליטיקה, ובמיוחד בקשר בין מאבק חינוכי לאזרחות בשני הקשרים ביזרה הישראלית: אזרחים פלסטינים ביפו, וילדי מהגרי עבודה בדרום ת"א
מטרת המאמר לבחון אפשרויות של שינוי באמצעות מאבק בשדה החינוך המערער את הקשר בין לאומיות וחינוך לאומי לבין אזרחות ומעמד.

Nuestro póster virtual pretende exponer desde las claves contextuales sociológicas y éticas de la mano de Manuel Castells y Adela Cortina, el advenimiento de la sociedad de la información y la demanda de una educación para una ciudadanía digital crítica y activa. Así los planes estratégicos y políticas educativas globales y europeas (el último informe HORIZON 2018, el Consejo de Europa y el Marco Europeo de Competencias Digitales para Ciudadanos) incorporan la ciudadanía digital como línea de actuación necesaria e importante. Esto nos lleva a analizar de una manera gráfica, por una parte, el concepto radical de Emejulu y McGregor, y por otra las cinco dimensiones planteadas por Choi de ciudadanía digital. Tanto la concepción de referencia como la última dimensión de las cinco propuestas apuntan como elemento fundamental para construir una ciudadanía digital el activismo online. En este sentido y, en conclusión, incorporar al currículo la participación en línea, netactivismo o activismo online en todas sus vertientes y niveles de compromiso digital (clickativismo, ciberactivismo, cibervoluntariado, ciberdisidencia, hacktivismo) supone una propuesta educativa y una apuesta por una educación para la ciudadanía digital, radical, crítica y activa. Palabras clave en español (3-5 palabras): Ciudadanía digital, activismo online, educación para la ciudadanía, sociedad de la información Our virtual poster aims to expose from the contextual sociological and ethical keys of the hand of Manuel Castells and Adela Cortina, the advent of the information society and the demand for an education for a critical and active digital citizenship. Thus, the global and European educational strategic plans and policies (the latest HORIZON 2018 report, the Council of Europe and the European Framework of Digital Competencies for Citizens) incorporate digital citizenship as a necessary and important line of action. This leads us to analyze in a graphic way, on the one hand, the radical concept of Emejulu and McGregor, and on the other hand the five dimensions proposed by Choi of digital citizenship. Both the concept of reference and the last dimension of the five proposals point to online activism as a fundamental element for building a digital citizenship.

Given the recent and ongoing economic crisis and high levels of consumer debt, the teaching of financial literacy in elementary and secondary schools has received widespread support. Too often, however, financial literacy education policy documents promote the individualization of economic risk and privilege the autonomy of the consumer or consumer-citizen over that of the critical citizen. This article argues for the necessity of a critical financial literacy education aimed at supporting critical citizens by providing a Marxist critique of the dominant liberal and neoliberal notions of freedom and responsibility reproduced in financial literacy education policy documents. The choice highlighted here is not between financial illiteracy and financial literacy but between accommodating oneself to neoliberal capitalism’s needs so as to remain in perpetual competition with others or understanding and collectively altering an economic system that promotes alienation, insecurity and exploitation.

Background: Faculty development lays the foundation for the quality enhancement in medical education. However, programs are not always based on the needs of the participants, and there is dearth of information on methods to derive faculty's needs. The Medical Education Unit at the University of Dammam, Saudi Arabia, carried out an innovative method to identify and prioritize faculty needs in order to plan future activities. Methods: A questionnaire was designed, pilot-tested and administered to all faculty members (N=200). The respondents rated the perceived importance (high, moderate, low) and their performance (good, average, poor) on twelve competencies described in the literature. The ratings of perceived importance-high/moderate, and self-rated performance-average/poor, were summed up to determine priority rankings for continuing education. The respondents' rating of various continuing education activities, their willingness to participate and commit time, and their suggestions for strengthening faculty development were also analyzed. Results: All the twelve competencies were perceived as 'highly important' by the subjects. They felt most confident in teaching in large and small groups, attitudes and ethical values, and decision making skills. The competencies prioritized as "gaps" were knowing how to develop learning resources, plan curriculum, evaluate courses and conduct research. The prioritized activities were specialized courses, orientation workshops for the new faculty, and training in educational research skills. This implied a multiphased approach to faculty development. A majority (62.4%) were willing to devote 2.2 hours per week to faculty development. Respondents suggested initiatives that should be undertaken by the Medical Education Unit and the broader institution.

This presentation talks about the role of adult education in active participatory citizenship and shortly presents a Horizon 2020 three-year research project, the so-called “Adult Education as a Means to Active Participatory Citizenship” (EduMap). This project focuses on the educational needs of young people with low levels of basic and functional literacy, with deficient language and cultural skills (foreign newcomers, ethnic minorities), those who have dropped out of school and those not in education or training due to disability. The project investigates new ways for the European education system to become more responsive to young adult’s educational needs and assist especially those at risk of social exclusion to get a foothold in the labour market, to make them more active citizens and enable them to express their aspects. (EduMap, http://blogs.uta.fi/edumap/2017/03/27/edumap-report-broad-research-on-adult-education-in-the-eu/).

This paper provides an overview of the 20 citizenship competences that are specified by the Council of Europe’s Reference Framework of Competences for Democratic Culture (Barrett et al., 2018a, 2018b, 2018c). The procedure that was used to identify these 20 competences is described, and some of the notable characteristics of the set of 20 competences are discussed. In addition, the descriptors that have been developed for the competences are explained. Descriptors are clear, explicit and concise descriptions of the concrete observable behaviours that a person will display if they have achieved a certain level of proficiency in a given competence. It is argued that these 20 competences, together with their accompanying descriptors, provide educators with a powerful set of tools for implementing a comprehensive, coherent and transparent approach to civic and citizenship education.

With the premise that investigation into impact of reforms on the educational outcomes like democratic citizenship is at best inconsistent, this study reports the findings of analyses of how secondary school pass-outs in Kerala from different streams of schools commit to democratic values. In order to judge the impact of post NCF (2005) school reforms on democratic commitment, sample was drawn in 2007 and 2013. A scale of democratic commitment with established factorial validity is applied.  Fall in democratic commitment is more pronounced and uniform across school types for ideology and practice of democracy.  Fall in commitment to socioeconomic democracy is less for Central than for Kerala stream students. Ethical beliefs related to democracy are the only area where commitment has increased from 2007 to 2013, that too in Central schools. The lead students from Kerala stream had over CBSE students before 2007 in commitment to democracy is almost lost by 2013.

Table of contents special issue in Citizenship Studies 19(2), 2015 'Citizenship agendas in and beyond the nation-state' Guest-editors: Martijn Koster, Rivke Jaffe & Anouk de Koning Citizenship agendas in and beyond the nation-state: (en)countering framings of the good citizen Anouk de Koning, Rivke Jaffe & Martijn Koster pages 121-127 Between ballots and bullets: elections and citizenship in and beyond the nation-state Rivke Jaffe pages 128-140 Of ordinariness and citizenship processes Catherine Neveu pages 141-154 Citizenship agendas for the abject: the production of distrust in Amsterdam's youth and security domain Anouk de Koning pages 155-168 Muslim sound, public space, and citizenship agendas in an American City Alisa Perkins pages 169-183 Post-conflict reconstruction and citizenship agendas: lessons from Beirut Najib B. Hourani pages 184-199 Vigilantes, gangsters, and alcohol: clashing citizenship regimes in postwar Guatemala Ellen Sharp pages 200-213 Citizenship agendas, urban governance and social housing in the Netherlands: an assemblage approach Martijn Koster pages 214-228

This article explores the possibilities of treaty education for reconciliation with First Nations people, as corrective to the foundational myth of Canada and as a means of fostering ethically engaged citizenship. Lack of historical understanding demonstrated
by Canadians regarding treaties and the treaty relationship is examined in relation to discourses of liberal democratic citizenship. Drawing on ‘remembrance as a source of radical renewal’ ‘ethical relationality’ and ‘justice-oriented citizenship’, the argument is made that treaty education has the potential to help all students learn from and through events and experiences of the past in ways that inform not
only their historical consciousness, but their dispositions as Canadian citizens, and their relationships with one another. While the discussion in this article is specific to treaty education, it is relevant to broader conversations about the role and value of including more diverse stories/experiences in national histories. Throughout the
discussion, attention is paid to the interconnections of citizenship and history education, particularly with respect to possibilities for engaging differently in the world, alongside one another, politically, socially, culturally and ethically as part of the necessary and urgent process of reconciliation.

This position paper outlines the main negative implications of the increasing commercialization of higher education, of viewing education as a commodity, students as consumers, and educators as service providers as they relate to the outcomes of the liberal education for the twenty-first century in its emphasis on ethical citizenship. It explains what the commercialization of post-secondary higher education means in the context of globalization and argues that the process and its outcomes systematically, if often implicitly, disengage both students and educators from the ethical values that inform a culture of civic engagement, thus eroding the traditional principles of ethical citizenship.

Willem III, maar het verhaal vau Nederlaud eu Europazijn werelclin crisistijd. '(p. 13) Het boek is ingedeeld als eeu toneelstr-tk, 1l1et ee1ì voorspel, eerste bedrijf, tr-rssenspei, tweede bedrijf en een naspel. Uit deze indeling blijkt dat de auteur de voorkeur geeft aan eerÌ narratieve benacleling. Rietbergen heeft ervoor gekozen om de nadruk te leggen op twee kantelmomenten in het leveu van Willem III: het Ranrpjaar 1672 (eercte bedrijf) en cle'Glorious Revolution' van 1688 (tweede bedrijf). Heel verrassend is clit nief wie ir-r rttwweg 150 pagina's Willem lII en de Repurbiiek in eer-r breclere context wi1 plaatsen zalkeuzes moeteu makett. De keuze voor twee crisisperiodes is in die zin dan ook niet meer clan logisch te 1loemen. Het korte tussenspel is becloeld otn het verdere verloop van het ievet-t

本文嘗試從文化政治與教育學互動的框架下審視香港的公民教育所面臨的困境，並建議一些公民教育發展與研究的方向。無論回歸前後，公民教育的隱性與否均是政治化的產物。殖民地時期的政經制度、文化生活與學校課程，皆模塑著港人的政治與社會認知。殖民主義是一種涵蓋政治、社會與文化層面的宰制性系統，故香港人對公民身份的理解亦難免受其被殖民的經驗影響。本文嘗試探討這種政治認知與文化習性，如何延伸至後殖民時期的國民教育爭議，並說明官方的國族身份論述是怎樣置放於此宰制性的文化政治環境中操作。本文主要欲論述後殖民時期的公民教育所面臨的困境，並在此意義下提出以批判教育學倡議的命名、反思與行動為公民教育的方略，強調著重政治啟悟、公共文化及在地性歷史的公民學習，讓教師與學生直面殖民地前後的文化政治脈絡，以培養學生對社會與政治的批判性認知及反思社會行動的價值意涵。

Onder verwijzing naar relevante literatuur laten we zien dat er meerdere, sterk verschillende, redelijk te verdedigen opvattingen zijn van wat burgerschap is en wat een goede burger is. Aanknopend daarbij brengen we uiteenlopende benaderingen van burgerschapsvorming in kaart. Daarna kenschetsen we op basis van een analyse van documenten wat de Nederlandse overheid verwacht van burgerschapsvorming. We laten we zien dat de overheid een bepaalde benadering begunstigt. Tenslotte houden we deze gefavoriseerde variant van burgerschapsvorming kritisch tegen het licht.

De opvattingen over burgerschap lopen uiteen. Meerdere theorieën en ideologieën aangaande burgerschap zijn goed te rechtvaardigen. De Nederlandse overheid lijkt dit te onderkennen. Burgerschapsvorming is wettelijk verplicht, maar de scholen mogen zelf bepalen hoe en wat. We hebben twee bedenkingen. Ten eerste: Is de overheid zo bescheiden als ze voorwendt of trekt ze een specifieke optiek voor? Ten tweede: Doen beleid, regelgeving en toezicht met betrekking tot burgerschapsvorming recht aan voor de hand liggende principes die onderwijspraktijken normeren? Kortom, (ten eerste) is de overheid democratisch genoeg en (ten tweede) is ze kritisch genoeg? Om te beginnen laten we zien dat er verschillend gedacht wordt over wat burgerschap is en over wat een goede burger is. Vervolgens geven we een overzicht van concepten van burgerschapsvorming. Daarna schetsen we hoe de Nederlandse overheid tegenover burgerschapsvorming staat en leggen we uit waarom we menen dat ze een bepaalde opvatting van burgerschap prefereert en een bepaalde benadering van burgerschapsvorming begunstigt. Tenslotte houden we deze gefavoriseerde variant van burgerschapsvorming tegen het licht en laten we zien wat eraan mankeert. Onze exercitie is theoretisch en normatief. Theoretisch: we beschrijven, vergelijken en ordenen theorieën over burgerschap en theorieën over burgerschapsvorming en we kenschetsen beleid met betrekking tot burgerschapsvorming. Bij het eerste gaan we af op alle ons bekende literatuur. Bij het laatste gaan we af op wetteksten en relevante documenten van aan de overheid gelieerde instanties (Onderwijsinspectie, Onderwijsraad, SLO en CITO). Normatief: we beoordelen het beleid en we beoordelen de dominante variant van burgerschapsvorming; voor deze beoordelingen maken we gebruik van bekende politiekfilosofische en onderwijsfilosofische principes.

RÉSUMÉ. Cet article explore les liens qui s’articulent entre le rapport que les élèves développent aux règles scolaires comme cadre proto-légal faisant partie du curriculum caché et la formation citoyenne. La robustesse du concept de rapport au droit (legal consciouness), défini selon le modèle de Ewick et Silbey (1998), ainsi que la typologie de citoyenneté de Westheimer et Kahne (2004) pour décrire ces liens est évaluée dans une étude de deux cas où les élèves sont appelés à résoudre une situation relative au droit. Les résultats de l’analyse portent à conclure que le dernier niveau du modèle de Ewick et Silbey ne permet pas de distinguer entre une contestation légitime des lois (ou des règles) et un rejet anomique de la loi et qu’il importe de distinguer le droit des droits. ABSTRACT. This article explores the relationship between how students conceive school rules and codes as a proto-legal framework of the hidden curriculum and citizenship education. The robustness of Ewick and Silbey’s legal consciouness model, as well as Westheimer and Kahne’s citizenship typology in describing this relationship is evaluated through the study of two cases where high school students must resolve a legal situation. The results of the analysis lead to conclude that the third level of Ewick and Silbey’s model does not allow for a distinction between legitimately contesting a law and an anomic rejection of the law. It further highlights the importance of distinguishing legal education from rights education.

Following the 2005 London bombings, there is widespread public debate about diversity, integration, and multiculturalism in Britain, including the role of education in promoting national identity and citizenship. In response to official concerns about terrorism, a review panel was invited to consider how ethnic, religious and cultural diversity might be addressed in the school curriculum for England, specifically through the teaching of modern British social and cultural history and citizenship. The resultant Ajegbo report proposes a new strand on "identity and diversity: living together in the UK", be added to the citizenship education framework. While the report gives impetus to teaching about diversity, it does not strengthen the curriculum framework proposed in the Crick report. It fails to adopt a critical perspective on race or multiculturalism or adequately engage with young people's lived experiences of citizenship within a globalised world. I analyse how the review panel conceptualises identity, democracy and diversity. I then consider its assumptions about racism, human rights, and citizenship education, concluding with reflections on how citizenship education might be developed in the task of re-imagining the nation and meeting the needs of emergent cosmopolitan citizens.

En el presente libro se exponen algunos resultados de la investigación titulada «La argumentación en las clases de ciencias y su contribución a la construcción de civilidad», financiada con recursos del patrimonio autónomo Fondo Nacional de Financiamiento para la Ciencia, la Tecnología y la Innovación, Francisco José de Caldas (Colombia) y desarrollada entre los años 2010 y 2013 con el apoyo de la Universidad de Antioquia (Medellín, Colombia) y la Escuela de Ingeniería de Antioquia (Envigado, Colombia). El libro consta de dos partes. En la primera se presenta el referencial teórico y la perspectiva epistemológica que fundamentan la investigación y dan sentido a las propuestas pedagógicas diseñadas e implementadas. En la segunda parte se detallan los aspectos conceptuales y metodológicos de las diferentes propuestas pedagógicas diseñadas e implementadas a lo largo de la investigación, así como las potencialidades. Esperamos que este libro constituya un referente de propuestas que, a modo de caja de herramientas, permita vislumbrar posibles caminos para la problematización de la enseñanza de las ciencias, es decir, para la construcción de nuevos proyectos pedagógicos que, alejados del cientificismo, el dogmatismo y la instrumentación de la enseñanza, posibiliten el tránsito hacia una formación científica civilista.

Het is een klassieke wijsheid: de rechtsstaat is onbestaanbaar zonder vorming tot burgerschap. Voor de democratie geldt het zeker. Zonder bekwame en betrokken burgers is democratie farce of facade. En vorming moet de mens toerusten voor zulk burgerschap, want de nodige kwaliteiten zijn niemand aangeboren en komen niemand aanwaaien. Nu men zich allerwegen zorgen maakt over de toestand en de toekomst van de democratie is het bijgevolg geen wonder en terecht, dat vragen rond vorming tot burgerschap actueel zijn en urgent geacht worden. Een van de belangrijkste vragen is wat kinderen met het oog op democratisch burgerschap moeten leren.

Différentes études, menées pour l'essentiel en Amérique du Nord, ont cherché à analyser l'impact de l'école, en particulier de son enseignement civique, sur le rapport des élèves au politique. En dépit des débats qui ont marqué ce champ de recherche, il a généralement été reconnu que les pratiques éducatives pouvaient avoir un effet sur la socialisation politique des enfants et des adolescents. Cet effet est certes limité, l'école n'étant pas le seul milieu de socialisation et bien d'autres éléments, en particulier le milieu socioculturel des élèves, influant sur leurs connaissances et leurs attitudes politiques. Il n'en demeure pas moins réel. A travers l'éducation civique, l'école représente d'abord une source essentielle de connaissance du système politique, de ses institutions et de ses acteurs 1 . Bien que ces résultats soient plus controversés, un certain nombre d'études montrent également que l'école peut contribuer à encourager certaines attitudes à l'égard du monde politique. La recherche comparative menée par C. Hahn dans différents pays (Etats-Unis, Danemark, Angleterre, Pays-Bas et Allemagne) dans les années 1990 souligne que le fait que les élèves parlent de politique en classe, comme c'est le cas dans certains pays et dans certains établissements, favorise chez eux une image moins cynique des hommes politiques, un sentiment accru de pouvoir influer sur la vie politique et surtout un intérêt politique plus important 2 . D'autres auteurs insistent plus particulièrement sur l'effet positif des discussions en classe sur des enjeux de société controversés 3 . L'inclusion de la politique dans les programmes scolaires et dans les débats en classe semble donc pouvoir encourager chez les élèves des éléments (connaissance et intérêt pour la politique, sentiment d'influence) favorables à une implication politique future.

Eigenaarschap is een buzzword in het onderwijs. Intussen is het in de praktijk even problematisch als populair. Het lastigst zijn de paradoxen van eigenaarschap. De paradoxen van eigenaarschap raken kernvragen van de pedagogiek. Ze vormen daarom bruikbare stof voor het oefenen van denken over onderwijs.

Using ‘Montessori and Social Progress’ by Arthur St John, The Montessori Fellowship (pamphlet 2), July 1927, and the activities of Sylvia Pankhurst, and the community of Suffragists and Suffragettes working in education and schools, and part of the New Ideals in Education Conferences, the nature of schooling and its relationship with our identities and developing a community of equals based on human rights is explored. The heartfelt cry is 'for how long' will we fail to listen to the voices of those who fought for equality, rights and democracy and their struggle to 'liberate our children'?

Opmaat voor visievorming NRO Werkplaats Democratisering van Kritisch Denken [versie maart 2020]

De inhoud van middelbaar beroepsonderwijs (het totaal van de leerstof) telt vier verdiepingen:
• Beroepsvorming = ontwikkeling van taakverantwoordelijkheden.
• Burgerschapsvorming = ontwikkeling van medeverantwoordelijkheid.
• Bildung = ontwikkeling van zelfverantwoordelijkheid.
• Leren kritisch denken = ontwikkeling van verantwoordelijk denken.

We beginnen met een bespreking van de vier, afzonderlijk van elkaar en in relatie tot elkaar. Vervolgens geven we enkele concrete voorbeelden van leeractiviteiten waarin aan alle vier gewerkt wordt.

The practice of youth work in India has been influenced mainly by two perspectives: deficit and asset. Most of the awareness building, sensitization programmes and targeted initiatives
assume that young people lack the necessary knowledge and attitude; hence the need to bridge the gap, by offering them the required training and skills. These programmes are either
preventive or therapeutic in nature or both. Another set of initiatives, perceive young people
as resource. These initiatives perceive young people as skilled, passionate and energetic individuals and use them as a tool to achieve developmental outcomes. This paper, examines the underline assumptions, strengths and weaknesses of different approaches to work with youth and advocates for a review of the youth work in India.

This qualitative study investigates the role of Canadian Civil Society Organizations (CCSOs) in educating Canadians through public engagement activities to become better global citizens. It clarifies Canada’s role and international commitments to international development, and calls for more global citizenship education.  The findings show that the major crown corporations, the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and the International Development Research Centre (IDRC), responsible for international development in Canada, have mandates for global citizenship education but do not have adequate programs, and consequently the role and responsibility fall on the shoulders of CCSOs.  The study reveals some of the difficulties and successes the CCSOs encounter and makes some suggestions for future studies.