Hegemonic Stability Theory

Donald Trump's renewed tariff threats underscore the United States' deep concern over the dollar's global dominance. While such threats may temporarily disrupt efforts to reduce dependence on the dollar, they could also hasten the search for alternatives.

En las últimas décadas, China ha fortalecido su presencia en América Latina mediante una cooperación Sur-Sur ampliada, que combina diálogo político, comercio e inversión, y ofrece alternativas atractivas frente a las propuestas estadounidenses, centradas en la seguridad y el neoliberalismo, las cuales han tenido una menor aceptación. Este escenario revela una reconfiguración de la hegemonía global, en la que China genera condiciones materiales, ideológicas y político-económicas que le permiten ejercer una influencia creciente, mientras Estados Unidos enfrenta crecientes dificultades para sostener su dominio. Este trabajo argumenta que, aunque no se trata de una confrontación abierta, estos procesos reflejan una pugna por el liderazgo global en un contexto de crisis estructural del capitalismo y de transformación del orden internacional.

En las últimas décadas, China ha fortalecido su presencia en América Latina mediante una cooperación Sur-Sur ampliada, que combina diálogo político, comercio e inversión, y ofrece alternativas atractivas frente a las propuestas estadounidenses, centradas en la seguridad y el neoliberalismo, las cuales han tenido una menor aceptación. Este escenario revela una reconfiguración de la hegemonía global, en la que China genera condiciones materiales, ideológicas y político-económicas que le permiten ejercer una influencia creciente, mientras Estados Unidos enfrenta crecientes dificultades para sostener su dominio. Este trabajo argumenta que, aunque no se trata de una confrontación abierta, estos procesos reflejan una pugna por el liderazgo global en un contexto de crisis estructural del capitalismo y de transformación del orden internacional.

Uluslararası sistemler güç dengelerine göre devletlerinin iç ve dış politikalarını belirledikleri yapısal etkenler olarak tanımlanabilir. Sistemsel yapılar ise kendi çerisinde her bir parçanın görevini ifa etmesi ile vücut bulur. Dolayısıyla, sistemsel değişikliğinden bahsedebilmek için yeni bir güç dengesinin yerleşik hala gelmesi ve aktörler tarafından kabul edilmesi gerekmektedir. Burada dikkat edilmesi gereken nokta güç dengesinin değişimidir. Bu makale, güç kavramını sert ve yumuşak güç ana ekseninde ele almaktadır. Güç kavramının kavramsal sınırlılıklarının farkında olmakla birlikte sert güç açısından Amerika ve Çin arasında güç kıyasının Çin lehine değiştiği veya açığı neredeyse kapatmak üzere olduğu bilinmektedir. Bu makalenin temel iddiası ise, İsrail-Gazze Savaşıyla beraber Batı’nın yumuşak gücünün de azaldığı veya üstünlüğünün sona erdiğidir.

Bu çalışmada, son dönemde dünyada yaşanan gelişmelerin  kaçınılmaz olarak Türkiye'yi de etkilediği ve bunun sonucunda başlatılan "terörsüz Türkiye" sürecinin de, önce PKK'nın tasfiyesini ardından da Suriye'de gerçekleşen devrimin neticesinde Şam yönetimi ile SDG arasında imzalanan entegrasyon anlaşmasını mümkün kıldığı ileri sürülmektedir.

The decline in the value of US dollar and the emergence of other currencies has opened the debate within OPEC, of whether it is possible to resort to the pricing of crude oil in alternative currencies. The debate was limited because of the inadequate liquidity of most other currencies. In this paper, we focus on the implications of the shift in the pricing of Iran’s crude oil to other currencies than the US dollar. The results demonstrated that the pricing for Iranian oil in US dollar had high reaction potential and responded moderately to the change in the exchange rate, when compared to the pricing in Euro and in Yen. Consequently, it appeared that stability on the financial market led to partial stability in the oil market.

The Nigeria and Niger relationship under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's administration has seen significant developments, particularly in the areas of economic cooperation and regional security. During his first year in office, Tinubu's administration has focused on strengthening economic ties with neighboring countries, including Niger, as part of its broader efforts to promote regional integration and economic growth. In terms of regional security, Nigeria has continued to play a key role in the fight against terrorism and insurgency in the Sahel region, with Niger being a crucial partner in this effort. However, the relationship between the two countries has also been shaped by Nigeria's domestic challenges, including economic instability and security concerns, which have impacted the country's ability to engage effectively with its regional partners. Overall, the Nigeria-Niger relationship under Tinubu's administration has been marked by a mix of cooperation and challenge.

In this brief paper, provoked in part by Pieter Kooijmans' The Doctrine of the Legal Equality of States, the author returns to his 2004 book, Great Powers and Outlaw States and reads it in light of criticisms by two sympathetic interlocutors, and in the shadow of the 2003 Iraq War and more recent efforts to conceptualise the possibilities of constraining hegemony (when it threatens the 'rule of law') and promoting it (when it might secure some superseding political ends). Keywords Sovereignty Á Equality Á Hegemony Contents 4.1 Sovereign Equalities.

The dissertation analyzes the relevance of economic primacy in terms of global leadership and hegemony in the history of international relations. Elaborating on the ideas of Robert Keohane, Charles Kindleberger and Michael Beckley the author compares the British economic dominance within Pax Britannica with the US economic leadership within Pax Americana as well as the rise of the USA with the rise of mainland China. The scholar coins his framework to assesses economic potential of the leading powers that includes various general and specific economic indicators which allows to evaluate the overall size of economy, welfare level, participation in trade and capital movement, sectoral division, progress of industrialization and the role of an economy in global value chains, etc. The remarkable fact is that most considered indicators are common for the 19th and 21st centuries that allows to compare Pax Britannica and Pax Americana. Finally, he concludes whether in the 2020-s there is a state that may repeat the destiny of the USA of 1940-s and convert into a new leader taking advantage of their economic resources endowment superiority. What is more, this research provides a substantial proof for the international relations law that implies that claiming a political status without having sufficient economic resources is the road to nowhere. The examined cases of successful global leadership aspirations (the British Empire and the United States) and failures to pay world primacy bills (the German Empire, the Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union) support it. It is extremely relevant amid the war in Ukraine of 2022 that is another illustration of …

As stated by the book named as “The Future is Asian” written by famous Indian-originated American thinker Parag Khanna, the 19th century was regarded as Europeanized world whereas in the 20th, the same paradigm would be shifted the Americanized world. Within this direction, Khanna does envisage that the 21st century’s world politics and economy will be dominated by the Asian continent and that century is going to be Asianized. When it is considered in terms of Asian politics, the most important political phenomenon undoubtedly stands the rapid growth of the People’s Republic of China within the past several decades. Thus, the fundamental issue that is expected to dominate towards the 21st century’s world politics and international order stays the power struggle  accompanied by geopolitical competition that has been started to experience between Beijing and Washington. The United States and China are among the leading nations with the world’s most powerful economies today. Although these two countries share a robust interaction, they have also maintained a deep-rooted rivalry for many years. The strong interaction and competitive dynamics between these nations in areas such as finance, trade, economics, politics, technology not only influence their respective industries but also play a decisive role in shaping global economic and political equilibria. This study aims to analyze the trade wars, commercial activities, and overall economic dynamics between the two superpowers, the United States and China.

The ongoing Russo-Ukraine war has stagnated, creating a barrier to reconciliation between the involved parties, thus precluding peaceful coexistence. This study investigated, analysed and interpreted the limits of peace agreement in bringing Russo-Ukraine war to an end. It was grounded on Hegemonic Stability Theory. It further adopted a case study design utilizing a qualitative approach for data collection and analysis. Thematic analysis was adopted for qualitative data analysis. The study results showed ineffective communication, question of equity and justice, power imbalance within UN Security Council, inability of actors to compromise and absence of hegemonic leader are the limiting factors that impede successful signing of peace agreement to bring Russo-Ukraine war to an end. In addition, this study highlights the relevance of hegemony and specifically a hegemonic leader in influencing the direction of multilateral engagement and vice versa. It is recommended that the various stakeholders involved in this conflict should adjust on their demands, make some compromise, appreciate and help in the making of a hegemonic power that enables peace to thrive in this region. In essence, effective multilateral diplomacy is essential for bringing an end to the Russia-Ukraine war and promoting regional and global stability on condition that it is aligned to the hegemony of the day.

After the end of the World War II, the United States supplanted Great Britain as the Global hegemon. After the end of the Cold War in 1991, the U.S. hegemony became a unique superpower. But the U.S. economic hegemony began to erode by the year 2000, with the rise of the rest as China. However, the U.S. economy remains the world's leading economy. This thesis aims to investigate whether the rise of China has an impact on the U.S. dollar and the U.S. manufacturing job. This thesis is a theory consuming study. Two theoretical perspectives have been used in this thesis. In order to be able to reach the aim and to answer the research question; a qualitative method has been used in this thesis based on secondary materials. The findings show that the rise of China has an impact on the U.S. economic hegemony. Since 2001, the U.S. trade deficit with China has considerably increased. The U.S. has become the first debtor country in the world. However, the U.S. dollar remains the currency of the international trade. In twenty years, the U.S. will be an influential country, but one amongst several influential countries, as well China, in a multipolar world. But the U.S. will not experience the same situation as Great Britain did after WWII. China will observe a decline of its economic growth due to factors like the increase of the cost of productivity, which in turn could cause a domestic instability with serious consequences in Asia and in the rest of the world.

In recent years, the international political system has witnessed the unforeseen emergence of regional actors: middle powers such as Brazil, China, India, and Russia; the European Union; South Africa; and Nigeria have been consistently urged to advocate for the development, peace, and security of their respective regions. As a result, regional powers are increasingly expected to offer effective leadership that fosters international security and facilitates growth in their areas. This research aims to operationalise the idea of regional hegemony by utilising insights from a comparative foreign policy analysis of African regional powers, focussing on Nigeria and South Africa. The paper investigates the foundational claims on the potential hegemonic impact of both nations, therefore addressing the scarcity of literature on regional power and leadership dynamics, notably in Africa. The notable accession of South Africa to the African democratic landscape has resulted in alterations to the power dynamics, leadership structures, and economic relationships within the continent. This study employed a qualitative research methodology, wherein secondary data was augmented by primary data collected from a cohort of 11 strategically chosen informants pertinent to the thematic concerns of the research. The gathered data underwent rigorous qualitative analysis utilising content analysis, descriptive-historical analysis, and textual criticism. This paper suggests, based on a theoretical analysis of hegemonic theory, that there is an indisputable connection between the foreign policies of Nigeria and South Africa and their hegemonic aspirations on the continent. Nevertheless, by projecting the theory of hegemony to a regional level of analysis, the study reveals minimal empirical evidence to support the applicability of the theory at this level. Nigeria and South Africa have frequently been urged to assume hegemonic roles on the continent; however, the study indicates that both nations lack the requisite conditions to fulfil such roles amidst significant historical, internal, and external constraints that undermine the potential for hegemonic influence. The hegemonic assertion in Africa is essentially (un)official rhetoric devoid of substance. This research advocates for Africa's growth through authentic collaborative endeavours between Nigeria and South Africa, fostering a climate of constructive competition to enhance the continent's prospects.

La importancia geopolítica, geoeconómica y estratégica del continente antártico (el cuarto en extensión del planeta, después de Asia, África y América) así como de sus mares adyacentes, nunca ha estado en duda. El estudio de estas dimensiones de la Antártica ha sido y es un fenómeno muy estudiado tanto a nivel internacional como a nivel nacional, siendo bastante consensuado entre los expertos que esta importan-cia solo tiende a aumentar con el paso del tiempo. Como tempranamente (1957) señaló el geopolítico australiano John Andrews: "La geografía política de la Antártica es, por lo tanto, una historia muy corta en términos de tiempo, pero es una historia que se está complicando rápida-mente y demandando más atención en los círculos internacionales… intere-ses que se afirman hoy en caso de que la importancia económica, científica, política o estratégica del continente aumente sustancialmente en el futuro. Gran parte de la discusión actual, por lo tanto, es en términos de lo que 'po-dría ser' en lugar de 'lo que es'".

The contemporary international system is undergoing a profound transformation characterized by the emergence of a new multipolar world order. In "A New Multipolar World Order," the author examines the shifting dynamics of global power, moving away from the unipolar dominance of the United States towards a more complex and interdependent arrangement of multiple influential states. This paper explores the historical evolution of global power structures, the decline of Western hegemony, and the rise of new power centers in Asia, Europe, and other regions. Enahce analyzes the implications of this multipolarity on international relations, security, and economic policies, highlighting the challenges and opportunities that come with a diversified power distribution. The study utilizes a multidisciplinary approach, integrating perspectives from political science, economics, and international law to provide a comprehensive understanding of the emerging global landscape. Through a detailed examination of key actors, strategic alliances, and geopolitical shifts, this paper argues that the new multipolar world order presents a unique chance for redefining global governance, fostering cooperative frameworks, and addressing transnational issues more effectively. Enache concludes by discussing potential future scenarios and the need for adaptive strategies to navigate the complexities of this evolving international order.

Since its formation, with a few notable exceptions, WTO members have not been able to negotiate new rules on policies that generate negative international spillovers. The Doha Development Agenda negotiations, launched in 2001, became deadlocked in 2008. Problems extend beyond negotiationsother functions of the WTO are also not performing well. The dispute settlement mechanism, long perceived as the crown jewel of the organization, no longer is operational because of US refusal to appoint new WTO Appellate Body members. Calls for WTO reform have been mounting. This article provides an overview of the WTO reform agenda, drawing on the findings of recent multidisciplinary research to provide context for the papers included in this special issue on trade conflicts, multilateral cooperation and WTO reform. Policy Implications • The WTO faces two interconnected challenges: reestablishing an effective dispute settlement mechanism and reviving the negotiation function. Doing one and not the other will not suffice to revitalize multilateral trade cooperation. • Overcoming the legislative crisis calls for direct engagement among China, the EU and the US on new rules for subsidies, state-owned enterprises and industrial policy. Agreement to address associated policy spillovers is needed to permit reestablishment of an Appellate Body. • Negotiations on open plurilateral agreements among groups of WTO members are a way to address the WTO consensus working practice constraint and to complement traditional trade agreements with issue-specific cooperation among likeminded economies. • Reforms should build on innovations adopted in several WTO bodies to open and encourage greater participation by stakeholders in committee meetings, including business, regulators, and other international organizations. • The WTO reform agenda should include a focus on improving the ability of the Secretariat to provide information and analysis, link the WTO to epistemic communities in regulatory policy areas that are salient for trade, and ensure that adjudicators at the panel and appellate level fully control the WTO dispute settlement system.

Se discuten los procesos formativos establecidos por la modernidad a partir de las ciencias de la educación como territorio hegemónico de educabilidad, lo cual distancia a la pedagogía de la enseñanza, y por esto, de su incidencia en la configuración y comunicación de los saberes. Así, se propone un viraje hermenéutico de las condiciones concretas de racionalidad moderna a la capacidad de contorsión de las imágenes estéticas, las cuales posibilitan relaciones políticas y existenciales mirados desde la Paideia, mediando procesos de enseñanza y aprendizaje desde el gobierno de sí mismo y de los otros en el escenario dela cotidianidad.

Estaríamos às vésperas de uma guerra hegemônica? Com o tabuleiro geopolítico global sendo chacoalhado por grandes e médias potências, com a dificuldade de Washington de promover ações que preservem seu nível relativo de poder militar e econômico em comparação com seus principais desafiantes, e com o nítido colapso da hegemonia ético-moral de sucessivos governos norte-americanos na esfera internacional, estaria aberto o pregão para uma sucessão hegemônica nos próximos cinquenta anos?

This article analyzes the Turkey Statement and Action Plan concerning the concept of hegemony, Europeanization, and migration diplomacy. In contrast to the mainstream literature, which exclusively concentrates on the idea of the Europeanization process and balance politics in its analysis of the deal, this study explains the deal with the perspective of hegemony and hegemonic stability theory, along with mentioning discourses of Turkey and EU officials. In other words, the Europeanization process with the migration crisis in 2016 led to—especially economic—hegemony, which resulted by consent, not coercion, in the relationship between Turkey and the EU. Based on the deal, externalization, trade relations and rhetoric of Turkey and the EU, the article concludes that the migration crisis established a based hegemony between Turkey and the EU on the subject of the migration crisis.
KEYWORDS: Hegemony, consent, Europeanizationthe, EU-Turkey statement and action plan, externalization.

Connectivity infrastructure and its financing, as well as relevant regional visions and initiatives have consistently prominently figured in Japan’s diplomacy and development cooperation in the post-World War 2 and the post-Cold War periods. Following the emergence of the Indo-Pacific Vision, Japan’s international infrastructure initiatives came to the fore of this agenda. The COVID-19 pandemic, however, altered the connectivity landscape of the 2010s and affected global and regional connectivity in diverse ways, through dis-connectivity and re-connectivity: by disrupting and reshaping global value chains, affecting people’s mobility, and incentivizing state actors and commercial actors to readjust their approaches to connectivity, infrastructure, and finance. The crisis also created an additional opportunity for major powers to compete and cooperate in the exercise of providing public goods. This paper will examine the evolving role of connectivity infrastructure and finance in Japan’s development cooperation and its diplomacy vis-à-vis Asian and Eurasian countries in the COVID-19 pandemic environment of the early 2020s. Furthermore, this analysis will seek to test the applicability of Charles Kindleberger’s theories on concessional lending and the “stabilizer” role of major powers to the field of COVID-era connectivity with a particular focus on Asia.

Tous droits réservés © Études internationales, 1999 Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne.

The aim of this paper is a review of the conceptualization of national interest in the theoretical assumptions of realism. A review of the literature and its analysis provides an overview of the main findings of prominent realists who shaped the national interest and created a solid foundation for future research: Hans Morgentau, Raymond Aron, and Kenneth Waltz. Consequently, the scientific goals of this paper are to summarize the scope and manner of national interest’s thematization in realist’s research and, to analyze the significance of their scientific contribution to the Science of Security. National interest remains one of the most important terms in Security Science. A prudent articulation of national interests is a key factor for the security of any state, so understanding this concept is extremely important for Security Science theorists. A realistic understanding of the national interest as a key driver, but also a determinant of the behavior of states concerning other st...

WWII evidenced the blockade of oil supply is the synthesis of the defeat and self-sufficiency of energy has the victorious outcome. Oil ensures the life of industrial economy. The developed could never be sustained developed if energy defaults. US and the allies post WWII technically and diplomatically suzerain the M.E oil reservoirs. US/UK/French oil companies maintained the monopoly from exploring/surveying/ drilling/exploiting the regional oil wells up-to fixing the prices. For the sustenance of oil companies contractual assignments the regional authoritarian/dictatorial regimes were fit to the realist interests' augmentation of imperialist/capitalist actors. The regional politics amalgamated the world's necessity of oil into oil politics. The exterior profound penetration in regional political cores fueled the regional rivalries and generated the oil anarchy to protect the Jewish state and to rule diplomatically/economically on regional entities. Hegemony on IPE the US dollar leading status was strategized with petrodollar: no oil with no dollar

PT: China têm desempenhado sua mais assertiva cooperação em segurança. Neste artigo, apresenta-se o desenvolvimento histórico de tal colaboração desde o fim da Guerra Fria, assim como o teor dos documentos que embasam a gravitação securitária da Ásia Central em torno de Moscou e Pequim, culminando-se, desta forma, em um regime de segurança centro-asiático liderado por China e Rússia.

EN: Since 1991 Central Asia has been the region where Russia and China have built their most assertive cooperation in security. In this article, we present the historical development of such partnership since the end of the Cold War as well as the nature of the documents which uphold the security gravitation of Central Asia around Moscow and Beijing, resulting in a Central Asian security regime led by China and Russia.

We propose a game-theoretic model to investigate how non-superpowers with heterogenous preferences and endowments shape the superpower competition for a sphere of influence. Two superpowers play a Stackelberg game of providing club goods while non-superpowers form coalitions to join a club in the presence of externalities. The coalition formation, which depends on the characteristics of non-superpowers, influences the behavior of superpowers and thus the club size. In this sense, non-superpowers have a power over superpowers. We study the subgame perfect Nash equilibrium and simulate the game to characterize how the US and China form their clubs depending on other countries.

Adopting the FESTA77 as its case study, this paper looks at culture as an instrument of Nigeria’s foreign policy. It discusses the country’s hosting of the Festival of Arts and Culture (FESTAC77), as a foreign policy instrument for the promotion and preservation of African culture within the parameters of Nigeria’s Afrocentric foreign policy principles, and her general efforts to shield Africa from the imperialistic intimidations of the West. Using secondary method of data collection, the paper argues that though the place of culture in international relations and foreign policy calculations is not in doubt, but its application in Nigeria’s FESTAC77 case is fraught with problems. Inter alia, the paper finds that the hosting of FESTAC77 and its attendant huge financial spending was done without any target to benefit Nigeria and its citizens economically. The paper concludes that such unprofitable Afrocentric foreign policy pursuit does not worth Nigeria’s financial commitment.

En este trabajo se plantea que el acceso a las fuentes del mineral de litio está adquiriendo un carácter
estratégico y de seguridad nacional para Estados Unidos, en el marco del cambio climático y la urgente
necesidad de sustituir la malla energética global “fósil”. Esta situación, unida a la rivalidad que tiene
Estados Unidos con China, estaría llevando a una renovada injerencia estadounidense sobre los países de
América Latina que tienen grandes explotaciones y reservas de este recurso, como es el caso de Chile.
La superpotencia americana ha comenzado a ejercer presión sobre el gobierno, autoridades y opinión
pública del país, con el objetivo de expulsar o disminuir significativamente la creciente importancia de los
capitales chinos en la explotación de este recurso. Presión que tendería a aumentar en la medida en que
la rivalidad con China siga aumentando.

O objetivo do artigo é fazer uma leitura, a partir de um breve diálogo com os autores, Fernand Braudel, Immanuel Wallerstein e Giovanni Arrighi, sobre o conceito de capitalismo na longa duração. O estudo consiste em demonstrar as contribuições conceitual e metodológica destes autores, para se pensar e compreender a constituição do capitalismo em suas análises de sistemamundo, que se fundamentam empiricamente. O objetivo consiste em compreender as características e a dinâmica do capitalismo nos dias atuais, a partir da perspectiva do conceito de capitalismo histórico. Para tanto, iremos percorrer uma análise sobre a concepção da dinâmica do capitalismo em Fernand Braudel, seguido pela compreensão do conceito de capitalismo histórico, de acordo com Immanuel Wallerstein, e, por fim, analisar a perspectiva dos ciclos sistêmicos de acumulação, de acordo com Giovanni Arrighi. PALAVRAS CHAVE: Capitalismo. Capitalismo histórico. Ciclos sistêmicos de acumulação. Trabalho.

There are many indications that China’s unquestionable successes in expanding its own reserve of economic and military power have simultaneously awakened the national pride and ambitions of the Chinese people. This, however, has led to an awareness of China’s limited ability to shape the international environment and to pursue its own interests in the international arena. As a result, the Chinese have adopted a revisionist policy with the aim of finally undermining the existing global order – after all, the ultimate goal is to achieve the position of hegemon (with all the benefits and responsibilities that implies). It should be noted, however, that a change of hegemon can only occur through a hegemonic war – which will result in the emergence of a new prestige hierarchy with a pretender as the new world leader. To prepare for a hegemonic clash, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is constantly expanding its economic and military influence (both internally and externally). Above all, China is trying to attract other dissatisfied states into its own coalition, forming the so-called „revisionist coalition”. To do so, the Chinese offer other countries potentially lucrative trade deals, extensive investment, low- or no-interest loans and development assistance. This paper intends to popularize the author’s perspective on hegemonic change within international relations – termed „hegemonic realism” as it best reflects the assumptions of the proposed theory. These theoretical assumptions and the author’s model of hegemonic change will be used in the rest of the article to analyze the dynamics of the relations between selected revisionist states and China as a contender for global hegemony. The author’s thesis is that states join the revisionist coalition in order to increase their own military and economic power. The case study will focus on China’s relations with Russia, Pakistan and Iran – all of which are seen by the author as key allies of the PRC on the Asian continent – due to their resources of power and revisionist policies. The study used secondary research sources, including academic publications and journalistic articles in Polish and English. Three methods were used in the research process: comparative analysis, historical-critical method and desk research method.

It is possible to look for the foundations of the USA's hegemonic security understanding in the days when the Second World War ended. In fact, it is undeniable that this situation creates a perception of confusion all over the world, but especially in countries classified as "allies" of the USA. In the formation of this perception, in addition to the practices of the USA, the discourses of the US Presidents and the imposing policies of the Soviet period have a share, albeit at different rates. Although the number of opponents has increased today, the US military power is superior to that of other states, and the technological repercussions of this power still continue to be envied. This article examines the change in the understanding of hegemonic security within the framework of a combination of the research methods, which consists of historical and content analysis, using the concepts related to the subject.

The migrants from Niger Republic move into the neighboring Nigerian communities in numbers in search for greener pastures. Previously, research in the region has shown migration to be male dominated (Liman, 2021). However, a new wave of women participation was noticed hence the need for literature update. The study was conducted at Daura Local Government Area, Katsina state in Nigeria. The study area shares with Niger Republic a manned border at Kongolom and unmanned borders throughout the expanse of its several remote villages making the influx of both human and animal resources uncontrolled. Women, just like men move freely into the study area yearly. In order to understand the reasons behind the decision by these women to cross the borders, four (4) Focus Group Discussions were conducted with the 35 migrants using a checklist as a guide. Four (4) Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) also held with their hostesses. Qualitative data was therefore collected and reported in descriptive narration. The results of the FGD show all respondents were female within the age range of 12-56years. Some were married, some widowed, a good number divorced and the rest were spinsters. None of them had formal education but some had basic Islamic knowledge. They engaged in farming, post harvest activities, domestic chores such as cleaning, cooking and babysitting and others street begging. Findings reveal that economic gains were the major reason for coming to Nigeria. For some respondents, this is the first time of partaking in migration, others have had the joy of returning yearly thereby making them circular migrants. These ladies and others practicing this migration type are commonly referred to as 'Yan Tabiradi. Information gathered from the 3 of 4 of the hostesses, who were elderly women, all widowed and lived in 2-3 room houses explained that some migrants pay a token fee to stay (N150-N200 monthly/less than 50cents) for accomodation. The fourth hostess, relatively younger, entertained her relatives at no cost. Finally, it can be concluded that, women from southern Niger Republic do partake actively in short distance, seasonal, circular migration in parts of northern Nigeria. They come due to availability of work, a good network of family and friends that secure the work and accommodate them and also the ease of crossing the border.

Who supports multilateral treaties and who does not? We offer a systematic account of treaty ratification patterns paying particular attention to different states' roles in international legal cooperation in relation to the United States' ratification behavior. States' ability to influence the terms of treaties and their acceptance increases their incentives for treaty ratification. Multilateral powers—states that are powerful and independent from the United States—support multilateral legal cooperation because it offers them an opportunity to shape treaty content. Their engagement in multilateral treaties is strongest when the United States does not lead. States that are weak and/or dependent cannot greatly affect treaties and are therefore less supportive of them but are subject to US pressure. An empirical analysis of states' decisions to ratify prominent postwar multilateral treaties covering a wide range of global issues supports our argument.

The globalized socioeconomic system seems to be undergoing a profound crisis and radical structural transformation. This transitional era appears to be leading gradually to a form of a “new globalization,” which has not been definitively shaped yet. This article aims to establish why this new globalization emerges nowadays. First, it examines the postwar phases of world capitalism (from 1945 onward) based on the “evolutionary structural triptych” that explanatorily unifies different theoretical approaches to conclude that the previous globalization period of 1980-2008 has come full circle. Then, it concludes by presenting a critical overview of different approaches to the new globalization and proposes a novel definition of the phenomenon. Finally, it outlines some points that appear crucial for the advent of the desirable new globalization—towards an innovational and realistic global liberalism.

The last 30 years have seen a dramatic reshaping of the geography of the world economy. China and the Asia-Pacific region have witnessed rapid economic growth. Drawing on Wallerstein's and Hobson's work on the changing structure of the world economy and focusing on a number of economic changes that have taken over the last 30 years, including a analysis of changes in gross domestic product (GDP) manufacturing output, exports, foreign trade balances and GDP per capita, this paper concludes that, on most measures, the West is clearly in long-term relative economic decline and that the rate of change has increased since the 2008 global financial crisis. The centre of gravity of the world economy has undeniably shifted from West to East.

The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden.

The paper examined the silent, but sometimes overt contest between Nigeria and France for hegemony and control in West Africa, and also identified the threats and opportunities that may be accrued to regional hegemony in West Africa. With the several interventions of Nigeria in West Africa, Nigeria remains an important regional player in the sub-region, thereby justifying the opportunities the country benefits from, in the course of its hegemonic adventures. The Classical Realism theory was adapted to the study in order to situate the role of national interests in the spectrum of inter-state relations. Data were gathered from existing literature, while analysis was done using textual methods. There is a strong belief that Francophone West African countries are tied to the apron-strings of their colonial masters, making it difficult for them to completely detach from such foreign influence and which Nigeria finds difficult to break in its quest to gain more influence in the region. T...

Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l'

La declinación hegemónica estadounidense y la emergencia del multipolarismo: desafíos para Latinoamérica The Decline of the Hegemonic Power of the United States and the Emergence of Multipolarism: Challenges for Latin America O debate sobre o declínio do poder hegemônico estadunidense e a emergência do multipolarismo: desafios para a América Latina

The focus of analysis in this article is the process of hegemonic law-making regarding terrorism utilizing unilateral power and the collective legitimization function of the UN. In order to explore how hegemony influences the development of international legal norms concerning the use of force and terrorism, the article examines the ways in which the United States as a prevailing actor in the international system has sought to translate its political power to develop a new norm of preemption and to impose international legal obligations on states with regards to the suppression of terrorism through the United Nations Security Council's Chapter VII resolutions after September 11 terrorist attacks.

The focus of analysis in this article is the process of hegemonic law-making regarding terrorism utilizing unilateral power and the collective legitimization function of the UN. In order to explore how hegemony influences the development of international legal norms concerning the use of force and terrorism, the article examines the ways in which the United States as a prevailing actor in the international system has sought to translate its political power to develop a new norm of preemption and to impose international legal obligations on states with regards to the suppression of terrorism through the United Nations Security Council's Chapter VII resolutions after September 11 terrorist attacks.

This article, which appears in the latest issue of PRAKSIS, examines the link between globalization and inequality. It accepts Fareed Zakaria’s description of globalization as the “rise of the rest,” characterized by the economic and political empowerment of the developing world. This has led to growing “equality among countries,” since the spread of capital across the developing world has led to increased prosperity and the unprecedented growth of the global economy. However, the World Bank’s former Chief Economist, Francois Bourguignon, also pointed out that while globalization has led to greater “equality among countries,” it has also engendered increasing “equality within countries.” Because inequality has become one of the most pressing and powerful threats to human progress, various social movements have emerged across the globe to address this malady.