Jaipur

New analysis of winter pollution until 20 December of this year, done by Centre for Science and Environment (CSE), shows how clean air gains of the lockdown and monsoon period were lost with the reopening of the economy and hostile winter weather. While this was expected, the analysis of the realtime data from monitoring stations across Jaipur division as well as other major cities in Rajasthan show the changing pattern in winter pollution this year. Even though trapping of winter pollution in Rajasthan is not as high as that of the Indo Gangetic Plain but it seems to be catching up, the levels increase this year in identical fashion despite the geographical and meteorological advantage. Even though the overall average level of PM 2.5 for the 2020 (uptill 20 Dec) is lower than the previous year due to the pandemic related to summer lockdown, the PM 2.5 levels in winter rose beyond the standard in Jaipur and rest of Rajasthan. This is a typical and predictable winter trend when continuous emissions from local sources including vehicles, industry, construction, and episodic pollution from biomass burning get trapped due to meteorological changes. But this year, this trend has set in almost a week earlier in the season and the average PM 2.5 levels in November have been 26-33 per cent higher in Jaipur division compared to previous November. Combination of the reopening of the economy and changing meteorology is responsible. But the region cannot rely only on its advantage of being close to the sea. This demands speed and scale of action. This detailed data analysis points to the fact that the air pollution is a more pervasive problem in the Jaipur region and beyond and this requires quicker reforms and action in key sectors of pollutionvehicles, industry, power plants and waste management to control winter pollution and further bend the annual air pollution curve.

Wie der Titel bereits ahnen lässt, geht es in dem vorliegenden Sammelband um die Träger und Gestalter von Ritualen, die als jeweilige Spezialisten mit dem Neologismus »Ritualmacher« umschrieben werden. Traditionellerweise wenig beachtet, rücken so in den sich mit Ritualen aus unterschiedlichen Epochen und Kulturkreisen auseinandersetzenden Untersuchungen die eigentlichen Akteure in den Vordergrund. Unter dem vereinenden Gegenstand des Ritualmachers widmen sich die Fallstudien in chronologischer Reihenfolge römischen Prozessionen, der Selbstinszenierung fatimidischer Kalifen, byzantinischen Krönungszeremonien, mittelalterlichen Königswahlmessen und Hofzeremonien in Jaipur (Rajasthan). Bei einer derartigen Bandbreite an Material wollen die Herausgeber Jörg Gengnagel und Gerald Schwedler sicherstellen, dass die Frage nach dem methodischen Zugriff stets aufgeworfen wird (S. 7).

Abstract
Pt Madhusūdana Ojhā (1866-1939), a Maithili Brahman of great intellectual acumen, who was the chief pandit of the maharaja of Jaipur for almost four decades, is known today to a wide audience, especially in Rajasthan, as the author of an esoteric interpretation of the Veda. How did this happen is the question I address in this paper by presenting in their broader social contexts the Indian scholars, academics and journalists who since 1920 have helped build his legacy. I show how this disparate group of well-wishers endeavoured to make the pandit’s religious ideas available to readerships that given his belief in the restricted accessibility of the Veda he would never have contemplated addressing himself. The paper highlights that during the period under survey it became increasingly difficult for sanātana dharma supporters to keep the Veda out of reach for some Hindus on the ground of their birth.

Key words: India, Jaipur, Lahore, Benares; Hinduism, Ārya samāja, sanātana dharma; Veda, purāṇa; Sanskrit, Hindi; interpretation; pandit, academic, journalist; Rājasthāna Patrikā; Dayānanda Sarasvatī, Pt Giridhāra Śarmā Caturvedī, Pt Motilāla Śāstrī, Pt Mālavīya; Vāsudeva Śaraṇa Agravāla, Karpūra Cand Koṭhārī, A.S. Rāmanāthan, Ṛṣi Kumāra Miśrā.

A wealth of Old Hindi texts in the Rajasthani and Brajbhasha dialects survives from the
early modern period, but they remain an underused archive of Mughal history. The
Māncarit (“Biography of Man Singh,” 1585) of Amrit Rai, one of the earliest known examples
of Rajput literature about a Mughal manṣabdār, provides fascinating perspectives on
Mughal power, as seen from the perspective of the court of Man Singh Kachhwaha, one of
the leading regional kings of Akbar’s day. Amrit Rai was as much a poet as an historian,
which makes the Māncarit and the many Rajput texts like it challenging to interpret, but
the possibility of gaining alternative perspectives on Mughal state formation makes such a
hermeneutic enterprise essential.
Bien qu’il existe un riche corpus de textes en vieil hindi (dans les dialectes rajasthani et
brajbhasha) datant de la période de la première modernité, ceux-ci demeurent une archive
sous-exploitée de l’histoire moghole. Le Māncarit (« Biographie de Man Singh », 1585)d’Amrit Rai, un des plus anciens exemples de littérature rajput concernant un manṣabdār
moghol, offre de fascinantes perspectives sur le pouvoir moghol du point de vue de la cour
de Man Singh Kachhwaha, un des principaux royaumes régionaux de l’époque d’Akbar.
Amrit Rai était autant poète qu’historien, ce qui fait de l’interprétation du Māncarit et des
nombreux textes rajputs lui ressemblant une tache épineuse. Parce qu’elle peut permettre
d’accéder à des perspectives alternatives sur la formation de l’État moghol, une telle entreprise
herméneutique est toutefois essentielle.

The exhibition of decorative and industrial arts that was held in Jaipur in 1883 under the patronage of Maharaja Sawai Madho Singh II (1880–1922) brought together the work of artists and craftsmen from many regions of India, but gave special treatment to the neighbouring states of Rajasthan, and to the pupils of Jaipur’s own recently established School of Art. It led to the establishment of a permanent museum of industrial arts in Jaipur, which still exists and continues to hold many of the original exhibits. One of many ambitious exhibitions that followed in the wake of the Great Exhibition of 1851, the Jaipur Exhibition was the first such to be held in an Indian state, coinciding with the International Exhibition in Calcutta and preceding the Indian and Colonial Exhibition in London of 1886. The widely canvassed view of such events is that they projected a distinctively colonial perception of Indian tradition, arts and even society. An examination of the nature and objectives of the Jaipur Exhibition, however, suggests that such consideration of the British perspective alone is inadequate to explain it fully, overlooking as it does the agency and motives of the Indian participants. This article considers the Exhibition within the broader context of the arts and their institutions in late-nineteenth century Jaipur. It also examines the role of the Jaipur court, of the participating artists, and of the local audience, to suggest that the Jaipur Exhibition may be interpreted as an instrument that was intended to change perceptions of Rajasthani identity and the Jaipur State.

Youth subcultures have distinct clothing styles with combination of dress, ideology, music, technology and/or activities that differentiate them from mainstream popular culture. Jaipur has a vast history for subcultures based on traditional cultures, but now subcultures are changing and developing with the influence of the western and Asian subcultures style i.e. Euro-America and Japanese, Jaipur society. The aim of this research was to examine Jaipur youth subculture styles in terms of how they have evolved in a short period of time and how they have been affected by foreign and domestic elements focusing on their clothing styles, and interpret why the differences in styles exist, using aspects of their respective social circumstances, status of youths, and traditional values as indexes, and to ultimately help deepen understanding of the relationship between clothes and culture, youths today, and the issues and trends that most affect youths. It provides insight on the symbolization of Jaipur youth subculture styles and the changing styles reflection on the state of mind and society values of Jaipur youths today.

Many societies in the world show a coexistence of traditional and modern cultures, as old techniques and methods have been revived or updated to stand alongside newer systems. For example, thatching is a building technique that goes back centuries and is still in use in modern Europe. The continued use of such techniques, however, is not an indication of continuance of the culture or lifestyle of the past, for they sit on the modern palette alongside other techniques as one of many. Herein lies a difference in the coexistence of tradition and modernity between Europe and, say, India. Aspects of traditional lifestyles are still followed by the most modern and 'hi-tech' communities in India, not in a bid for revival, but as part of a world-view or belief system. For example, a calendar that gives both solar and lunar dates, which lists auspicious and inauspicious days, and which marks all the festivals and reminds us of their associated rituals, is the most popular format that is sold every year. These calendars also carry information about government holidays and recipes for microwave cooking. The two sets of information are recognizably traditional and modern but sit alongside each other without conflict, and are read not as alternatives but as aspects of one whole. Textiles, dress, food, music, and dance are all strands of Indian culture where this kind of coexistence flourishes. The story of architecture, however, is different. How, and why, will be explored below.

As the world population increasingly becomes an urban one, the importance of the city as a place to live in, work in and relax in increases. There is an ever present dichotomy, however, of past and present, of resident values and the market place values; of developed and the developing. Contradictions are apparent between rehabilitation for the provision of better living environments for residents and preservation and retention of urban environments through restoration projects often aimed at beautification. It is also a dichotomy of inside and outside: the resident seeking the modern facility and a damp free, equipped environment while the visitor values the external appearance, at times the romantic ruin, ignorant of the living conditions of the occupant.

This paper examines and takes precedents from the concept and application of Vastu Shastra in the walled city of Jaipur situated in the Rajasthan state of India, planned by architect Vidyadhar in 1700s. The study puts emphasis on the architecture and planning of cities through the context of the Vastu Shastra guidelines while understanding its urban context and further explores the interrelation between those guidelines and sustainability to investigate potential approaches. This is due to an absence in attempting to develop a sustainable urban planning system based on the principles of Vastu Shastra. With the case study of walled city of Jaipur, the paper aims to start a conversation among experts where all these aspects of Vastu Shastra guidelines can be studied in detail, especially to design new infrastructures within the historic cities by applying the knowledge of the historic, architectural, and urban planning philosophies in India.

This paper [i] explores the work of Sir Samuel
Swinton Jacob, a prominent colonial architect in India who was intricately involved in
the revival of traditional building crafts in Jeypore state (now Jaipur) in the early nineteenth century. In particular, the focus is on the ‘Jeypore Portfolio of Architectural Details’, which was a collection of architectural details from various historic buildings compiled as a record by Jacob.
The paper examines the context of the Portfolio as well as the impact it had on the local
crafts. It also looks at the evolution of architectural documentation in India and its general implications.

This paper questions established accounts of national identity and modernity in Indian art in the light of the experience of a princely state. The princely states were regions under indirect British control, ruled by maharajas, nawabs, etc., and their officials. The most prominent role in the story of India's artistic modernity is commonly assigned to the Bengal School, but the implied equation of India with one part of it may be misleading. Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, contrary to the experience of British India, the boundaries of nationhood were already in place for the many princely states, large and small, which numbered well over 500 and together constituted nearly two-fifths of India. In many of these states the chief factor in the fashioning of identity was not nationalism, but modernity. Paradoxically, while the nationalist artists looked ever deeper into India's limitless past to define an Indian identity that stretched beyond current boundaries of time and region, in the princely states Indian-ness was an unselfconscious living reality. My study explores identity and modernity in one political and social context very different from, but concurrent with, the Bengal Schoolnamely the state of Jaipur during the reign of Maharaja Madho Singh II . What were the terms for negotiating modernity and tradition in Jaipur? How was this particular negotiation reflected in the art and architecture patronised by the maharaja, and how did it compare with the contemporary architectural vision in British India? In exploring these questions, the sources used reflect indigenous voices of both British and Indian India.

The article critically discusses the underlying principles for the writing of literary history. It rejects a universalized model and proposes a new approach of "localized literary history" that is theoretically rooted in metahistorical concepts of "textory" and "sub-text". The method takes its starting point in local text-collections rather than national literature. With the Jain Āmer Śāstrabhaṇḍhār repository in Jaipur as a point of departure, it is demonstrated how a study of a local manuscript collection reveals a literary history, which cannot be encountered by the universalized approach.

The nature of tenure 'contracts' that exist within the low-income settlements involves more than title deeds. Accordingly, 'tenure security' manifests itself beyond legal or de jure construction as it also involves de facto forms of tenure and dweller's perception of security. The perceived tenure security is in turn a function of people's lived experiences which shape the trust they may grant to the future effectiveness of land tenure arrangements. Contextual and historical factors, ranging from political patronage to market pressure to policy provisions, govern the perception of tenure security which usually gets overlooked in policy formulations. With a focus on Mumbai and Jaipur in India, this paper aims to generate and examine the viability of a list of indicators that influence perceptions of land and housing tenure security. The intention is to engender a method towards housing solutions beyond the unidirectional aim of titling and in favour of incremental approaches.

In this paper, I compare the use of photography
by Sawai Ram Singh, the maharaja of the Princely
State of Jaipur in colonial India, and by James
Fergusson, the earliest historiographer of Indian
architecture. Contrasting the “objective” use of
photography by the colonist, with the maharaja’s hybridized and illusionistic images, I argue that
photography, on the one hand, helped fix “India”
into stereotypical brackets, but on the other en- abled the colonized to re-invent himself in more
contemporary and potentially threatening ways.
Foreshadowing the contadictory nature of
postcolonial modernity, photography, in other
words, enabled the maharaja to simultaneously
resist the hegemonic interests of the colonizer
while coveting and appropriating the instruments
and signs of the West to his own ends.

This paper questions established accounts of national identity and modernity in Indian art in the light of the experience of a princely state. The princely states were regions under indirect British control, ruled by maharajas, nawabs, etc., and their officials. The most prominent role in the story of India's artistic modernity is commonly assigned to the Bengal School, but the implied equation of India with one part of it may be misleading. Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, contrary to the experience of British India, the boundaries of nationhood were already in place for the many princely states, large and small, which numbered well over 500 and together constituted nearly two-fifths of India. In many of these states the chief factor in the fashioning of identity was not nationalism, but modernity. Paradoxically, while the nationalist artists looked ever deeper into India's limitless past to define an Indian identity that stretched beyond current boundaries of time and region, in the princely states Indian-ness was an unselfconscious living reality. My study explores identity and modernity in one political and social context very different from, but concurrent with, the Bengal School – namely the state of Jaipur during the reign of Maharaja Madho Singh II (1880–1922). What were the terms for negotiating modernity and tradition in Jaipur? How was this particular negotiation reflected in the art and architecture patronised by the maharaja, and how did it compare with the contemporary architectural vision in British India? In exploring these questions, the sources used reflect indigenous voices of both British and Indian India.

The paper gives a detailed analysis of the series of near life-size portraits of the Maharajas of Jaipur, now displayed in the Sabha Niwas of Jaipur City Palace, that were produced by the workshop of the court artist Sahib Ram. The paper also discusses some later derivative works.

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Jaipur, in Rajasthan, is one of India's most famous cities, and is renowned for its palaces and museums, its craft traditions, and its distinctive pink shops and houses. A planned city within walls, it was built in pre-modern times according to a distinctive Indian theory of architecture. As architecture subsequently developed in India, in response to British and latterly post-colonial policies, this system became increasingly marginalized and fragmented, decreasingly practised and understood. Taking Jaipur as a test case, the authors use this lost tradition to explain historic Indian buildings according to the rationale of their original architects. The authors also examine the place of traditional architectural theory in a modern context - post-modern architecture in India has often sought to recapture the spirit of the past, and yet been reluctant to engage with traditional theory. By chronicling the gradual eclipse of Indian architectural theory, the authors explain how this...

1911 में दिल्ली के तीसरे दरबार में अंग्रेज राजा जॉर्ज पंचम ने ब्रिटिश भारत की राजधानी को कलकत्ता से दिल्ली बनाने की घोषणा की। उसके बाद अंग्रेज दिल्ली में राजधानी योग्य भूमि की तलाश में जुट गए। ऐसे में जयपुर के राजा ने अंग्रेजों की नई दिल्ली के लिए भूमि (जयसिंहपुरा और रायसीना) उपलब्ध करवाई। पर यह सब इतनी आसानी से नहीं हुआ। इसके लिए जयपुर के तत्कालीन कछवाह नरेश माधो सिंह द्वितीय (1861-1922) के वकीलों और अंग्रेज अधिकारियों के मध्य काफी लिखत-पढ़त हुई।

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Stories of origin are far more telling of their time of telling, than of the time they claim to tell.-Robin Evans When one talks of an Indian architect, or of an architect from the "non-Western" world, it seems necessary to deal with the question of identity. While discussing Western architects one can get away with dealing with supposedly universal architectural issues like aesthetics and technology, but it seems necessaiy that in discussing the work of an architect from India the issue of identity be specifically raised in addition to, or in dialogue with, issues more directly aesthetic or architectural. Architects of the West do not specifically make Western buildings. Architects of the non-West are expected to. Even architects of the West working in the non-West in one way or another find themselves obliged to deal with the issue of non-Western identity. The question of origin underlies any claim to identity. However, simple recovery of the unmediated or unspoiled essence is not the usual stated goal of commen tary on contemporary Indian architecture. Rather, it is the phrase "modern Indian" that is the critical password and evaluative touchstone of such commentaries. It is something of an oxymoron because while "Indian" is an identity claim that in some way or other inevitably relies on a backward look to the past or a beginning, "modern" signifies the simultaneous desire for a telescoped rush into the future, freed from a dragging anchoring in the past. The immense power of suggestion that the phrase exerts, then, must be an effect precisely of its sense of compression of seeming opposites. In 1984, in the preface to a monograph, Bombay-based architect Charles Correa affects this compression as follows: We live in countries of great cultural heritage. Countries which wear their past as easily as a woman drapes her sari. But in understanding and using this past, let us never forget the actual living conditions of many of the peoples of Asia, and their desperate struggle to shape a better future. Only

Focusing on the idea of genealogical affiliation (sampradāya), Kiyokazu Okita explores the interactions between the royal power and the priestly authority in eighteenth-century north India. He examines how the religious policies of Jaisingh II (1688-1743) of Jaipur influenced the self-representation of Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇavism, as articulated by Baladeva Vidyābhūṣaṇa (ca. 1700-1793). Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇavism centred around God Kṛṣṇa was inaugurated by Caitanya (1486-1533) and quickly became one of the most influential Hindu devotional movements in early modern South Asia.

In the increasingly volatile late Mughal period, Jaisingh II tried to establish the legitimacy of his kingship by resorting to a moral discourse. As part of this discourse, he demanded that religious traditions in his kingdom conform to what he conceived of as Brahmaṇicaly normative. In this context the Gauḍīya school was forced to deal with their lack of clear genealogical affiliation, lack of an independent commentary on the Brahmasūtras, and their worship of Goddess Radha and Kṛṣṇa, who, according to the Gauḍīyas, were not married. Based on a study of Baladeva's Brahmasūtra commentary, Kiyokazu Okita analyses how the Gauḍīyas responded to the king's demand.

Blogpost to accompany the podcast A Bloody Difficult Woman: Mayalee Dancing Girl vs. The East India Company: https://soundcloud.com/user-513302522/a-bloody-difficult-woman-mayalee-dancing-girl-vs-the-east-india-company . Published originally on the British Library Asian and African Studies blog. Please cite the original blogpost/podcast: https://blogs.bl.uk/asian-and-african/2019/03/musicians-and-dancers-in-the-india-office-records.html

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Understanding travel behaviour and travel demand is of constant importance to transportation communities and agencies in every country. Nowadays, attempts have been made to automatically infer transportation modes from positional data, such as the data collected by using GPS devices so that the cost in time and budget of conventional travel diary survey could be significantly reduced. Some limitations, however, exist in the literature, in aspects of data collection (sample size selected, duration of study, granularity of data), selection of variables (or combination of variables), and method of inference (the number of transportation modes to be used in the learning). This paper therefore, attempts to fully understand these aspects in the process of inference. We aim to solve a classification problem of GPS data into different transportation modes (car, walk, cycle, underground, train and bus). We first study the variables that could contribute positively to this classification, and statistically quantify their discriminatory power. We then introduce a novel approach to carry out this inference using a framework based on Support Vector Machines (SVMs) classification. The framework was tested using coarse-grained GPS data, which has been avoided in previous studies, achieving a promising accuracy of 88% with a Kappa statistic reflecting almost perfect agreement.