Kurdish Question

Oil corruption in Iraqi Kurdistan arose from US/UK and Turkish patronage systems and clientalism. This investigative paper examines how IOCs and other businesses began preparing the ground in northern Iraq to benefit themselves long before Saddam Hussein was overthrown in 2003. The people of the region have not benefited from the wealth generated by their own natural resources. The swindling has created 5000 new millionaires in Erbil and bolstered the pockets of US and UK politicians, ex-military and SAS personnel and corporate criminals.

IPBD (Iraq Projects Business Development) was set up in the UK in September 2002 by Hareth Zahawi and his son, Nadhim along with  Mahmoud Yousuf in preparation for the invasion of Iraq. They had two other companies called Cupola. IPBD was initially set up to launder American and British military personnel uniforms.

IPBD had $30 million paid into it in January 2003, and $300 million in 2005. It was a major US Contractor under George W.Bush, Dick Cheney, Paul Wolfowitz, and Zalmay Khalilzad. IPBD was the first UK company to get into Iraq in April 2003, and they had access to DFI funds and stolen Iraqi gold and oil - just like Erik Prince's Blackwater mercenaries for hire... favoured by Washington and the Bush administration for protecting US interests over those of Iraqis.

Öz
Kürt kadınlarının, modernleşmenin/demokratikleşmenin bir tezahürü olarak gösterilmesi hem
aile, hem din/dindarlık hem de çocuk yetiştirilme tarzına uygun bir sosyolojik yapıyı
barındırmaz. Çünkü Kürtlerin kadim tarihinden beri İslamiyet ile olan alakaları bilinmesi ile
Kürt annelerinin başlarının örtülü olmasına ve hemen her evde bir Kur’an-ı Kerim bulunmasına
rağmen şu an tarih tersinden işletilmektedir. Farklı sosyalist ve seküler merkezlerden alınan
komutlarla kadınların siyasileştirilmesi şimdi olmasa dahi ileriki dönemlerde olumludan çok
olumsuz bir etki yaratacak gibidir. Din anlamında yaşanan dezenformasyonun Kürt gençliği –
(YDG-H gençliği bunun en bariz örneğidir)- üzerinde yaratacağı tahribatlar ise Kürt siyaseti ve
ülkemiz açısından da önlenemeyecek aşamalara gelebilir. İşte bu makale de bizim üzerinde
duracağımız konu Kürt kadınlarının siyasileştirilmesi ve bu siyasileştirmenin Kürt ailesine ve
de dindarlığa verdiği tahribat ve Kürt aile geleneğinin geleceği konusunda duyduğumuz
endişeyi dile getirmek amacı taşıyacaktır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Annelik, Aile, Kürt Siyaseti, Çocuk, Sekülerleşme.


Abstract
Kurdish women as a manifestation of modernization/democratization, does not have a
sociological structure that is suitable for family, religion/religiosity and child-rearing style.
Because; despite the fact that the Kurds have been familiar with Islam since immemorial times
and that, the heads of Kurdish mothers have been covered and a Qur'an has been found in
almost every house, the history is now reversed. The politicization of women with the
commands taken from different socialist and secular centers is likely to have very negative
impact on future periods, even if not today. The destructive effects of the disinformation
regarding religion on the Kurdish youth (YDG-H youth is the most obvious example of this)
(YDG-H: Patriotic Revolutionary Youth Movement Turkish: Yurtsever Devrimci Gençlik Hareketi) may
come at a stage that cannot be prevented for Kurdish politics and our country. Moreover, in this
article, we will aim to express our concerns about the politicization of Kurdish women, its
destruction of the Kurdish family structure and religiosity, and the future of the Kurdish family
tradition.
Keywords: Maternity, Family, Kurdish Politics, Secularization, Child.


Diviso tra Turchia, Siria, Iraq e Iran, il Kurdistan rappresenta probabilmente uno degli scenari geopolitici più caldi del Medio Oriente. È il territorio di un popolo, i curdi, che vanta più di trenta milioni di persone la più grande "nazione" senza Stato - e che si sta rivelando un attore cruciale della regione. Nelle recenti crisi mediorientali, infatti, il "fattore curdo" si è rivelato una costante fondamentale: dalle guerre in Iraq sotto Saddam Hussein alla lotta contro il cosiddetto Stato Islamico, dal ruolo nei delicati equilibri politici turchi al conflitto siriano. Senza dimenticare che il Kurdistan è una delle regioni più ricche di petrolio. Conoscere i curdi, distinguere le loro istanze autonomiste o indipendentiste, le priorità che ne guidano l'operato nei diversi contesti statali in cui si trovano a vivere, è quindi fondamentale per comprendere cosa stia avvenendo oggi. In questo volume si offre un primo approccio globale alla "questione curda" grazie all'apporto di studiosi internazionali e alla curatela dell'lSPl, uno dei più importanti istituti di ricerca europei.

Kirkuk is a city and governorate in northern Iraq that holds significant importance to three different ethnic groups. Kurds, Turkmen, and Arabs each view themselves as the rightful heirs to the land and use history to legitimize their claims. Kurds assert they have inhabited the area for hundreds of years, while Turkmen feel their Ottoman past guarantees them rights to the land, and Arabs allege Kirkuk has been a fundamental part of the Iraqi state since its inception in 1921. Running parallel to ethnic disagreements, and complicating an already sensitive subject, is the fact that Kirkuk holds around 12 per cent of Iraq’s proven oil reserves—totaling 13.5 billion barrels. As a result, an Iraqi election law, hydrocarbons (oil) law, constitution, and national census have all been obstructed by debate over the future of Kirkuk. This book clearly and concisely tells the narratives of each ethnic group and explains the significance of ethnicity in Iraq in order to understand the conflict that persists today over Kirkuk.

Das Selbstbestimmungsrecht der Völker beinhaltet das Recht auf einen eigenen Staat. Jedoch vergrößert die Gründung eines Staates nicht das Maß der Freiheit eines Volkes. Das auf Nationalstaaten basierende System der Vereinten Nationen ist ineffizient geblieben. Mittlerweile sind Nationalstaaten zu ernsthaften Hindernissen für jegliche gesellschaftliche Entwicklung geworden. Der Demokratische Konföderalismus ist das Gegenparadigma des unterdrückten Volkes. Der Demokratische Konföderalismus ist ein nichtstaatliches gesellschaftliches Paradigma. Er wird nicht staatlich kontrolliert. Zugleich ist er der kulturell-organisatorische Entwurf einer demokratischen Nation. Demokratischer Konföderalismus basiert auf der Mitwirkung der Basis. Seine Entscheidungsfindungsprozesse liegen bei den Gemeinschaften. Höhere Ebenen dienen nur der Koordination und Umsetzung des Willens der Gemeinschaften, die ihre Delegierten zu den Vollversammlungen schicken. Für einen begrenzten Zeitraum sind sie sowohl Sprachrohr als auch ausführendes Organ. Jedoch liegt die grundlegende Entscheidungsgewalt bei den lokalen Basisorganisationen.

Commentators, including myself, forecast a deepening crisis in Turkey and the wider Kurdish region-unless 'peace' talks resume and the sustained assault on the pro-Kurdish HDP's members and supporters cease. Conversely, the Turkish government appears to have little will to backtrack to the sunnier climes of diplomacy and instead emphasises intensified military action. Following the Ankara bombing attack on 17 February, Prime Minister, Ahmet Davutoğlu, claimed that a member of the PKK's sister organisation, the PYD (Democratic Union Party) had been responsible for the fatal explosion. 1 Salih Muslim, the party's leader rejected the accusation and the 'evidence' of a Syrian ID card found at the scene. Two days later, the Kurdistan Freedom Falcons (TAK) a PKK splinter group, is said to have claimed responsibility. Reuters reported: " The Kurdistan Freedom Hawks (TAK) said the bombing was in response to the policies of President Tayyip Erdoğan and said it would continue its attacks. It said the bomber was a 26-year old Turkish national born in the eastern city of Van. 2 The attack that left twenty-eight people dead was carried out just two days after the 17 th anniversary of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan's capture and can be understood to be part of the message to the Turkish state from the militants responsible. In their own words their website announces in broken English, " The attempts and eternal self-sacrificing efforts to solve the Kurdish problem with democratic and peaceful methods which had been unilaterally carried on for seven years by our leader have had no response… Because we are a people, which have a risk of destruction and we are in a war. TAK's call for youths: You can do all kind of big or small actions of burning and destruction. You must do Turkey worse than France. We are giving initiative to you. You are free. We call brave and heroic Kurdish youths for the more. Struggle together. Our number had been increased three times than last. Our people have hugged us. Since last year, a lot of person had joined our organization from HPG and different segment… 3 Clashes occurred between Turkish security services and ordinary Kurdish demonstrators in numerous locations as happens annually in commemoration of Öcalan's capture and continued imprisonment. 15,000 Kurds demonstrated in Strasbourg calling for him to be freed. Meanwhile, recruitment to the PKK and PYD, in Syria, is enjoying new levels of Kurdish support and by their own account, also to TAK. The youth response can be directly linked to the upsurge in Turkish military action against the PKK since Turkey's bombing campaign of PKK bases in both Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan since August 2015. Ömer Önen, head of the HDP's Diyarbakir branch, asserted " We refuse to let [Erdoğan] drag us into a war for his own politics…There's collective punishment and psychological warfare against Kurds, and the people are scared. " 4 1 http://www.turkeyanalyst.org/publications/turkey-analyst-articles/item/510-terror-likely-to-strengthen-turkish-militarism.html 2

Мировое сообщество в течение десятков лет подвергалось и подвергается непрерывной промывке мозгов,  когда утверждается, что отсутствие приемлемого  решения арабо-израильского конфликта является основным, чуть ли не единственным препятствием для урегулирования проблем Ближнего Востока и достижения мира и благоденствия во всем мире.
Такая пропаганда скрывает, в лучшем случае, упрощенный, а в худшем циничный подход, основанный на смеси заинтересованности в арабской нефти, в политической и экономической поддержке арабских стран и самого обыкновенного и элементарно примитивного антисемитизма... Однако был целый ряд независимых специалистов по Ближнему Востоку, которые не только отвергали это мнение, но и указывали на настоящие проблемы, характерные для Ближнего Востока, на их истинные причины, и на возможные пути решения этих проблем... Старый Ближний Восток был создан англичанами и французами,  учитывая, помимо собственных, в основном интересы лишь одной из многих этнических и религиозных групп местного населения – арабов суннитов. Эта группа населения действительно наиболее многочисленная, однако, как мы увидим далее, она составляет лишь четвертую часть жителей всего Ближнего Востока... Происходящие сейчас на наших глазах внутренние межэтнические и межрелигиозные столкновения в странах Ближнего Востока, связанны с объективными причинами... Принимая во внимание соотношение как внутренних, так и внешних сил, действующих в наше время на Ближнем Востоке, можно предположить, что процессы распада существующих государств и создания нового баланса сил будут продолжаться. В какой-то степени на Ближнем Востоке, только в ускоренном темпе, повторяется исторический процесс, происходивший в Европе после наполеоновских войн.
События на Ближнем Востоке, возможно, являются предвестниками подобных процессов, которые могут повториться во всех тех местах, где границы вновь созданных стран были установлены не естественным путем, а по прихоти тех или иных внешних сил... Поэтому, разговоры о том, что урегулирование арабо-израильского конфликта путем территориальных уступок Еврейского государства,  является ключевым для решения проблем Ближнего Востока, совершенно оторваны от действительности. Такие уступки ставят под угрозу не только оборонные возможности Израиля, но и само его существование.
Израиль, внимательно наблюдая за изменениями соотношения разных сил на Ближнем Востоке, должен поддержать те из них, с которыми сможет создать условия, обеспечивающие его безопасность и процветание на многие поколения вперед.

Tarihsel Süreç içerisinde Kürdistan coğrafyasında Pek çok Emirlik kurulmuş bu emirlikler Kürt Tarihini, coğrafi yapısını ve siyasi hayatını oluşturmuştur, bu Emirliklerden Botan Emirliği, Etki alanı bugünkü Kuzey Kürdistan'da yer alan Cizre bölgesi olmuştur, Varlığı 13.yüzyıldan Osmanlının son dönemine kadar sürdüren emirlik Bedirhan bey döneminde en güçlü dönemini yaşamıştır, Osmanlı devletinin teşvikiyle Kadim topraklarında yaşayan Asuriler katliamlara maruz kalmış ve bu süreç Emirliğin sonunu hazırlamıştır, Bu çalışmamızda Diğer Kürt emirliklerine nazaran Coğrafyası nedeniyle pek çok tarihi olayla anılan Botan emirliğinin Tarihini ve Bedirhan dönemini kısaca irdelemeye çalıştık.

This chapter focuses on the Iraqi Kurdish response to the rapid and devastating advance of ISIS. Of course, the Iraqi Kurdish response to the ISIS advance has been a multifaceted, complex, and evolving one that includes military strategy, pragmatic politics, and aspirations of independence. Leaving aside the fact that the ISIS advance has granted the Iraqi Kurds unprecedented access to Iraq’s rich oil reserves and the fact that the initial Kurdish reaction was to ramp up their rhetoric toward complete secession from Iraq, this chapter focuses on two further dimensions of the Iraqi Kurdish response. Firstly, it documents the Iraqi Kurdish seizure of the so-called “disputed territories,” especially
Kirkuk, and their stated intent to hold a referendum on the future of these
regions (effectively to force a resolution to Article 140 of the constitution). Secondly, the chapter documents the Iraqi Kurdish use of the ISIS advance as leverage to enhance Kurdish relations dramatically with the US and Europe via direct military support (including airstrikes and weapons supply) and to become the key launchpad
in the fight against ISIS planned for 2015. The chapter concludes by briefly assessing the efficacy and wisdom of the Kurdish strategy of leveraging the ISIS onslaught to advance their own interests.

This book scrutinizes the transformation of pro-Kurdish political parties in Turkey from an ethno-national stance to a civic one promoting integration to the wider society, known as "Turkiyelilesme" (Turkeyfication). For an ethno-national movement, it is a renunciation from secessionism which also influences the public debate on the definitions and practices of citizenship in Turkey. This transformation is investigated in the elite discourse via the party manifesto, parliamentary debates and in-depth interviews with its MPs and in its voters' views based on a field research conducted in 2010. The author observes a tension between the ethnic priorities of the voter and the integrationist attitude of the party elites that attempt to shift it from an exclusively ethnic party to a non ethnic one, publicly expressed as 'Turkiye partisi' meaning a party operating for the entire Turkey rather than for the Kurds only. This transformation enables the peaceful and voluntary cohesion of an ethnic group to the wider society as well as raising the awareness for the minority's political and cultural rights in the majority public opinion that would help the society to fill in democratic deficit.

KURDISH BELONGS to the Western Iranian group of the Indo-Iranian branch of the Indo-European family. The two principal branches of modern literary Kurdish are (1) Kurmanji, the language of the vast majority of Kurds in Turkey, Syria, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, the area designated by Kurdish nationalists as “North Kurdistan,” with an estimated fifteen to seventeen million speakers, and (2) Sorani, the language of most Kurds in Iraq (four to six million speakers) and Iran (five to six million speakers), the area designated as “South Kurdistan.” Although the two are closely related, Kurmanji and Sorani are not mutually intelligible and differ at the basic structural level as well as in vocabulary and idiom. Since Kurdish is fairly closely related to and has been massively influenced by Persian, the dominant literary and cultural language of the area for the last millennium, Kurdish is best approached with a basic knowledge of Persian.

The ultimate outcome of ultranationalism is the disappearance of the state altogether, and its replacement by power structures that do not recognize any form of democratic control by the very people these structures affect. Nor do these structures restrict themselves to what used to be known as national borders. This reality of globalism after the annihilation of the nation-state forms a dark and perverted version of that other dream of decentralized powers that reaches beyond the nation-state: the progressive project of stateless internationalism. I will introduce here a number of examples of the infrastructures proposed by groups advocating for different practices of stateless internationalism. These examples are gathered from my work as founder of the New World Summit—an artistic and political organization that develops parliaments for stateless and blacklisted organizations—and as cofounder (with BAK, basis voor actuele kunst, Utrecht) of the New World Academy, where stateless political groups have developed collaborative projects with artists and students, exploring the role of art in political struggles for representation. The aim of the New World Academy is to investigate artistic practice in relation to the stateless state, with the concept of “state” referring as much to a condition as to an administrative structure.

Western modernity with its colonial application has created an identity trauma and patriarchal domination of the memory of colonized and oppressed peoples. Critiques from colonized territories encourage us to reread the colonial epistemes of modernity, whether or not centered on the West. The Kurdish political movement thus defines a new interpretation of modernity based on the critique of colonialism and global capitalism: "democratic modernity." This chapter problematizes the relations between modernity, the nation state, the destruction of ecology, social confinement, the relationship of the forces of these relations, but above all the modalities by which it becomes possible to act on them to break the "stalemate" of the modernity of thought in the twenty-first century.

Ekonomi kavramı evrenseldir. Tüm canlılar âleminde metabolizma olayındaki madde alışverişinin düzenlenmesi olarak en genel bir tanıma kavuşturulabilir. Cansız maddeden canlandırıcı madde elde etmek ve bunu tüketerek tekrar cansız maddeye dönüştürmek ekonomik faaliyetin özüdür. Toplumun da oluşum ve varlığını sürdürmede bu faaliyetten yoksun kalamayacağı açıktır. Fakat diğer bağlantılı gerçek, canlılık olmadan da -zihniyet, ruh olarak anlamlandırılır-ekonomi olmaz. Dolayısıyla yalnız bir unsura ağırlık vererek çözümlemek yanlış sonuçlara götürür. Zihniyet ve ekonomiyi iç içe -ara toplumsal gruplar, devlet ve ailedir, daha genel olarak siyasal ve sosyal olgulardır-çözümlemek en doğru yöntemdir. Yalnız başına ekonomi veya zihniyet analizleri fili kıllarla tarif etme hatasına götürür.

Para muchxs kurdxs, la lucha significa navegar todos los días entre una utopía y la realidad. El lado utópico es soñar con una sociedad democrática, comunal, ecológica y sin jerarquías ni privilegios; y el lado real es despertar con la guerra, la muerte, la pobreza y la humillación. La navegación entre estos dos puntos se refiere a una resistencia cotidiana colectiva y muchas micro-resistencias. Lxs kurdxs definimos estas resistencias con la palabra de "roj bi roj", que se refiere a la resistencia "día a día".

Türkiye Cumhuriyeti, gerek kuruluşunda ve gerekse günümüzde yaşadığı önemli çözülüş sürecinde, çeteleşme biçiminde kuruluşlara gitmekte ve içindeki engelleri olduğu kadar karşısındaki hedeflerini de düşürmek için bu yöntemi kullan-makta da epey ustalaştığı görülmektedir. Mustafa Kemal hareketinin kendisi, dönemin Osmanlı nizamında bir çete ha-reketi olarak ortaya çıkar ve bu o zaman açıkça da söylenir. İttihat Terakkicilik ta-mamen bir çete sistemi altında çalışır. Hele oluşturduğu TeĢkilatı Mahsusa yani o dönemin MĠT‟i, dünyada örneği az görülen ve hatta belki de ilk örneği sayıla-bilecek bir Ģekilde, devletin içinde ama gizli bir çete olarak kendisini örgütlen-dirir. Özellikle Osmanlı İmparatorluğu‟nu dağılış sürecinde ayakta tutmanın temel yöntemi, Teşkilatı Mahsusa‟nın çeteleşme tarzıdır. İmparatorluğun kurtulamayacağı anlaşılınca, aynı çeteler Anadolu‟ya yayılırlar. Kuva-i Milliye adı altındaki teşkilat-lanmalarda oldukça etkilidirler. Mustafa Kemal başlangıçta bunları oldukça kullanır. Örneğin Çerkez Ethem‟in hareketi de, Teşkilatı Mahsusa‟nın bir üyesi olması itiba-rıyla son tahlilde çetedir. Ama eğilimi padişah yanlısı isyancılardan değil, özellikle Bolşevik etkilenmeden ötürü Anadolu İhtilali yönündedir. Ve buna benzer Efeler hareketi de tipik bir çete hareketi olarak anlaşılır. Zaten o zaman ismi de odur.

Will the PKK return to its original Manifesto endorsing a 'national liberation struggle' for a greater Kurdistan given Kurdish territorial gains beyond the watchtowers and the barbed wire in Rojava and the quasi-independent Kurdistan region of Iraq? Five young men wearing flared trousers and fitting shirts, in keeping with the fashions of the mid 1970s, walk side by side smoking cigarettes and discussing the goals of the Turkish left. Among them is Abdullah Öcalan, Apo, not yet envisioned as group 'leader'. (Apo the Kurdish abbreviation of the longer name Abdullah, like Memo for Mehmet and Hemo for Hamit). It did not mean 'Uncle' as some said much later.

Kurdistan has always been a problem for European powers that have colonial zed and then instituted their mandates in the Middle East. Although constituting the 4th major ethnicity in the Middle East after the Arabs, Turks, and Iranians (Persians) the Kurds were always denied their rightfully owned independent country. With the American invasion in Iraq in 2003 and the major geopolitical shifts that the invasion brought to the area, an autonomous Kurdistan is now a reality. Turkey, Iran, Syria, and the Iraqi central government vehemently defy the idea of the creation of an independent Kurdistan. They are even against the creation of an autonomous Kurdish enclave in a federative Iraq.

Turkish Newspaper Milliyet Position Of The Kurdish Movement and September Revolution in Iraq (1958-1963)
Turkish newspaper Milliyet, founded in 1950, one of the leading civil newspapers in Turkey in terms of its broad audience, and stand a group of pioneers journalists, past and present, behind it. This newspaper, in principle, was in constant agree with successive Turkish governments in the fifties and sixties the last century. Gazette focused on coverage of the Kurdish movement and the revolution in September 1961 on a number of issues, most notably, the Kurdish movement relationship with Abdul Karim Qassem, commander of the July 14 coup in Iraq, the movement relationship with communism and the Soviet Union, the events of Kirkuk and the role of the Kurds in 1959, immigration to Turkey as a result of the war between the Kurds and the Iraqi government , fighting between Kurdish tribes on the Turkish-Iraqi border. The Gazette's position came from these events and issues identical to the interests of the Turkish state and the threats to its security, and moved away a little bit about neutrality in the dissemination of news and report. And highlighted, often, everything that is not in favor of the Kurdish movement, the Revolution and leadership of Barzani, and thus moved away from a professionality in the performance of the press function on this topic.

The connotation of hair flattop in Jaziri poetry is the title of this research based on the meaning of gnosis of hair flattop word as a member of human's face, and put it to the content of gnostic poetry. This knowledge gives a poetry field as a text of gnosis. All classic poems have been well known as gnostic users and taken good benefits from Islamic gnosis for their poetries, and particularly

Depuis quelques années, le PKK turc et le PYD syrien sont au centre de l'attention des gauches mondiales. Certains observateurs, comme l'anthropologue David Graeber, l'historien Immanuel Wallerstein ou le linguiste Noam Chomsky les considèrent comme une des rares lueurs d'espoir dans le chaos moyen-oriental et comparent leurs expérimentations politiques à celles des zapatistes du Chiapas. En effet, ces organisations apparaissent comme un point de convergence de nombreuses luttes « nouvelles » : le combat militaire contre l'« obscurantisme » de Daech ; une forme avancée de féminisme contre le « patriarcat » islamiste et traditionaliste ; une volonté de promouvoir un « confédéralisme démocratique » postmarxiste et libertaire ; ou encore une manière renouvelée de contester le capitalisme et le culte de la croissance, au profit d'une écologie radicale. Pourtant, le PKK et ses organisations soeurs restent très méconnus. Fondé en 1978 et dirigé par son chef Abdullah Öcalan, emprisonné depuis 1999, ce parti radical, d'abord indépendantiste puis autonomiste, revendique s'être défait de ses oripeaux marxistes-léninistes pour développer une forme d'autogouvernement proche de la conception municipaliste de l'anarchiste américain Murray Bookchin. Qu'en est-il en vérité ?

İçinde yaşadığımız evren anı anına, durmaksızın bir değişim, dönüşüm ve gelişim içerisinde oluşumunu sürdürmektedir. Bizler görsek de görmesek de, duysak da duymasak da, bilsek de bilmesek de, farkında olsak da olmasak da bu oluşum bir kaynaktan çıkar gibi akıyor, aktıkça genişliyor ve yeniyi de içine katarak sonsuza eviriliyor.

On the occasion of the inauguration of the Kurdish community-house in Berlin, Germany in September 1997, the well-known Kurdologist Dr. Jemal Nebez held a warmly received speech under the title: The Kurds –
their history and culture.

This speech was not only of great importance because of its contents and coverage, but also because it was based on precise data and historic scientific evidence. In his speech, Dr. Nebez covered various subjects, e.g. pre-Christian ancient history and the mythology of the Kurds, the cultural height and depth of the Kurdish people in the
shadow of the numerous expeditions by alien peoples through Kurdistan, the astounding variety of religions in Kurdistan, with special stress on syncretism as the most striking feature of the Kurdish religious culture,
delineating syncretism as inherently different from mixed religions.

Handan Çağlayan’ın Diyarbekir’den başlayıp farklı Kürt ailelerin gündelik hayatlarında dil kullanımının peşine düşerek yaptığı alan araştırmasına dayalı Aynı Evde Ayrı Diller çalışması, bize Kürtçe’nin farklı kuşaklar arasında hangi durumlarda aktarılabilmiş olduğunu, fakat daha çok da nasıl aktarılamamış olduğunu göstermektedir.Çalışma, birçok bakımdan hem güncel siyasi tartışmalara hem de bu alandaki akademik literatüre önemli katkılar sunmaktadır. Aynı Evde Ayrı Diller çalışması, Türkiye bağlamında ve Kürtçe özelinde genellikle eğitim ile ilgili tartışmalara konu olmuş anadili meselesini hem daha geniş bir çerçeveye oturtarak gündelik hayatın diğer alanlarında tartıştığı için hem de sadece anadilinin yasaklanmasından kaynaklanan sonuçlara odaklanmakla kalmayıp aynı zamanda kuşaklar arasında dil aktarımının kesintiye uğramasının hangi sosyal, psikolojik ve siyasi etkiler sonucu gerçekleştiğini de gösterdiği için literatüre oldukça önemli bir katkıda bulunmaktadır. Ayrıca Handan Çağlayan, bu kitapta Kürt hareketinin uzun süreli mücadelesinin dil alanına nasıl yansıdığını, bunun Kürtçe için ne gibi kazanımlar sağladığını kitap boyunca ele alarak anadili etrafında dönen tartışmaları siyasal ve tarihsel olarak da hakikatleri gören ve hakkaniyetli bir bağlama oturtmaktadır. Bununla beraber, çalışmanın saha araştırması devam ederken cereyan eden siyasi gelişmelerin ele alınması, anadili ile ilgili tartışmalarının nasıl bir ortamda cereyan ettiğini göstermesi bakımından oldukça önemli.

With the demise of the rule of the Ba‘ath party in Iraq, the country’s
Kurdish population faces a new chapter in the political and regional
development of its region. For over a century the Kurds have been
subject to the grand schemes of other powers, denied autonomy, and
have faced the onslaughts of military assaults, economic embargoes,
and the destruction of their native regions.

This publication is intended to provide an outline of some of the
issues affecting the Kurds in Iraq. It provides a brief exploration of
the past’s effect on the present, and of how both the Kurds and the
international community may avoid repeating previous mistakes,
laying the foundations for an internationally recognised autonomous
region committed to pluralistic democracy and human rights.
Such a region would require a commitment to the rule of law and
internationally recognised human rights standards.

The decision by the European Union (EU) of 17 December 2004 that
Turkey is to become a candidate for accession heralds a new era for
the Turkish Kurds. The logic of ethnic nationalism in Turkey has long
generated attempts to repress Kurdish identity. Subject to unremitting
attempts by the Turkish government to disband Kurdish networks,
suppress cultural expression and quell dissent, the Kurds residing in
southeast Turkey have borne decades of persecution effected through
discriminatory legislation, forced displacement, judicial harassment,
arbitrary detention, torture, and extra-judicial execution. Now, for
the first time since the ascendancy of Atatürk in 1923, EU accession
has the potential to offer them a real prospect of lasting security in
an open, pluralist society.

Zakho has a strategic position in terms of connecting all parts of Great Kurdistan most importantly, it bridges south, north and west parts of it. Moreover, it was a connecting point between borders of two Kurdish emirates namely, Badinan and Botan in the era of the Ottoman Empire. It also connected Soran and Botan Emirates at the time of collapsing Emir Mohammed's rule the king of Rwandz. Flowing Khabur river through Zakho and crossing it using boats (Kalek) by Travelers also helped them to be better familiar with its natural and human phenomena. They recorded many historical events, most important is the travel of Ten thousand army of Greek Xenophon through Zakho. All these events that happened in Zakho and its surrounding areas attracted the attention of historian and Travelers, and made them give explanations about the events. Moreover, some Travelers proved the existence of Jewish community in and outside Zakho. What led to Travelers to pay attention to Zakho was. Zakho situated among Amedi, Botan, and Diyarbakir. It was also a small commercial center related to Mosul Vilayet after the collapse of Badinan Emirates and when Rashid Mohammed Pasha attacked Soran and ended the rule of Soran Emir. Generally speaking some Travelers perspectives about Zakho are recorded thoroughly and accurately. Some Travelers that visited Zakho in 19th century is Spanish diplomat (Adolf Rivedenira) British Traveler (John Asher), American Doctor and missionary (Lobdell), Henry A. Stern, Karl Baedeker, Horato Southgate, George Percy, Badger. Lieut-Col. J. Shiel a British officer.

This book elucidates the political and economic history of the Kurdish
people who first composed a significant part of the Ottoman Empire, and
later, of Republican Turkey. It goes on to explore the development of Armenian-Kurdish relations with its entire vicissitudes. It comprehensively illustrates manifestations of the Armenian and the Kurdish Questions at international diplomatic forums and the political interactions of the two neighboring nations in the last few decades. The Armenian Question is touched upon here only as much as it is closely linked with the Kurdish Question. This volume brings to the reader's attention that the Kurdish factor has had a negative impact on the development of the Armenian Question and was one of the reasons for the ultimate failure of the Armenian liberation movement.

THE materials collected in the ensuing pages are the results of about 7,500 miles of riding and innumerable conversations with policemen, nluleteers, mullahs, chieftains, sheep drovers, horse dealers, carriers and other people capable of giving one first hand information. The results I fear are extreinely meagre, but I hope they may prove of use to future travellers. As hardly anything has been written on the subject in the English language heretofore, I have not been able to make a study of the Kurds from a bibliographical point of view. However, I trust that this will not detract from the interest of the work. I may add that I had among my servants on my last journey representatives from the three most important sections of the Kurds, so that I was able to obtain interpreters without any great difficulty, a matter of some importance amidst the conflicting dialects of the nomads and sedentary mountaineers. In preparing the following list of the various tribes of the Kurdish race I have endeavoured to simplify the work of future students by marking down and cataloguing as many of the tribes as have come either directly or indirectly under my notice. After various abortive attempts at setting them down in a manner compre-hensible to any one but myself, I have decided for the purposes of this work to break up the regions inhabited by Kurds into six zones; to each of these zones a section of the catalogue is devoted, each section containing a separate enumeration. Thus in the alphabetical list a tribe will be found, as for instance the Merzigi 76B, section A. To find the position of the tribe the reader must look in zone A on the map for the number 76; he will find this number is connected to a chain of letters; the letter B in this chain will mark the spot where this tribe is to be found, in the catalogue he will find such particulars as I can supply under the number 76B in the printed section A. Before closing this preface may I say that the zones marked on the map are not ethnological but merely a convenient form of grouping. SECTION A.