Kurdish Question

This essay argues that the 2011 election results point to a number of important conclusions concerning the Kurdish question in Turkey. First, the Kurdish party will continue to be the main actor in "Kurdish question politics. " Second, the AK Party has been unable to halt the rise of the Kurdish party in a number of provinces with large Kurdish populations. Third, political parties, other than the Kurdish party and the AK Party, have been eliminated from "Kurdish question politics. " This essay will demonstrate that the support for the Kurdish party is gradually acquiring a territorial dimension. Thus, this essay argues that the notion of democratic autonomy proposed today for the whole of Turkey by the Kurdish party may over time give way to the political objective of "autonomy for Kurdistan" or even "federal Kurdistan. " It is also argued that the same trend may foster a political agenda of "Kurds to Kurdistan" to take hold in Turkish politics.

يشير مصطلح "التخطيط اللغوي" إلى ممارسات تخطيط اللغة، أي التدخلات المنظمة من قبل السياسيين واللغويين وغيرهم في استخدام اللغة وشكلها (كريستيان 1989: 193)، وإلى التخصص الأكاديمي الذي يتمحور موضوعه حول دراسة هذه الممارسات. لذلك، في الفصل الأول من هذه النظرة العامة التمهيدية، نركز على الجانب الأخير، متتبعين التغيرات التي عرفها هذا التخصص الأكاديمي على مر نصف القرن الماضي، بينما نستعرض في الفصل الثاني المفاهيم والمصطلحات التي قدمها هذا التخصص لوصف وتنظير أنشطة التخطيط اللغوي. ولكن، ننتقل أولاً إلى نشأة هذا التخصص.

This study aimed to identify the level and manifestations of psychological alienation, as well as to identify the level and manifestations of addiction to social media among students of the Faculty of Education, University of Misurata. The sample of the study consisted of (110) students from the Faculty of Education, University of Misurata. To achieve the objectives of the study, the descriptive correlative approach was used, and the social media addiction scale and the psychological alienation scale were used for university students. The results of the study indicated that there is a positive correlation with a positive statistical significance at the significance level (0.05) between social media addiction and psychological alienation, and there are also statistically significant differences about the level of social media addiction according to the gender variable, in favor of females, and there are no significant differences A statistic about the level of psychological alienation according to the variable of sex and age. There are also no statistically significant differences about the level of addiction to social media according to the age variable. There are also statistically significant differences about the level of social media addiction according to the specialization variable. There are also statistically significant differences about the level of psychological alienation among students of the Faculty of Education at the University of Misurata, according to the variable of specialization, and in favor of students of Islamic studies (Usoul). The study reached a set of recommendations, including: work to alleviate the psychological problems resulting from addiction to social media and psychological alienation by activating the role of psychological counseling in universities and the importance of the role of the psychological counselor.

‫لقلق‬ ‫النفسية‬ ‫"التغيرات‬ ‫المبكرة‬ ‫الرعاية‬ ‫برنامج‬ ‫تطبيق‬ ‫بعد‬ ‫الوالدة‬ ‫لحديثي‬ ‫الوالدة".‬ 0.916 * 0.000 * ‫داللة‬ ‫مستوى‬ ‫عند‬ ً ‫إحصائيا‬ ‫دال‬ ‫االرتباط‬ 0.05 ≤ α ‫م‬ ‫الفقرة‬ ‫بيرسون‬ ‫معامل‬ ‫لالرتباط‬ ‫االحتمالية‬ ‫القيمة‬ (Sig.) -‫البرنامج.‬ ‫تطبيق‬ ‫من‬ ‫بالضيق‬ ‫أشعر‬ 0.836 * 0.000 -‫الجنين.‬ ‫حياة‬ ‫على‬ ‫بالخوف‬ ‫اشعر‬ 0.796 * 0.000 -‫مفاجئ.‬ ‫نزيف‬ ‫حدوث‬ ‫من‬ ‫بالقلق‬ ‫أشعر‬ 0.923 * 0.000 -‫الوالد‬ ‫أثناء‬ ‫بي‬ ‫الطبي‬ ‫الطاقم‬ ‫متابعة‬ ‫عدم‬ ‫من‬ ‫بالقلق‬ ‫أشعر‬ ‫ة.‬ 0.924 * 0.000 -‫وآالمها.‬ ‫الوالدة‬ ‫أعراض‬ ‫عن‬ ‫الحديث‬ ‫أتجنب‬ 0.956 * 0.000 -‫بالجنين.‬ ‫التصاقي‬ ‫ازداد‬ ‫كلما‬ ‫أكثر‬ ‫براحة‬ ‫أشعر‬ 0.826 * 0.000 -‫مدة‬ ‫زادت‬ ‫كلما‬ ‫بالراحة.‬ ‫أشعر‬ ‫بي‬ ‫الجنين‬ ‫التصاق‬ 0.709 * 0.000 -‫ضعيفة.‬ ‫التركيز‬ ‫على‬ ‫قدرتي‬ 0.877 * 0.000 -‫سبب.‬ ‫ألدني‬ ‫بالتوتر‬ ‫أشعر‬ 0.954 * 0.000 -‫صحتي.‬ ‫تدهور‬ ‫م‬ ‫احتمال‬ ‫من‬ ‫بالقلق‬ ‫أصاب‬ 0.946 * 0.000 -‫مشدودة.‬ ‫أعصابي‬ ‫أن‬ ‫اشعر‬ 0.955 * 0.000 -‫من‬ ‫خفف‬ ‫البرنامج‬ ‫تطبيق‬ ‫الوالدة‬ ‫عملية‬ ‫عن‬ ‫الناتجة‬ ‫اآلالم‬ . 0.888 * 0.000 -‫المفرطة.‬ ‫بالعصبية‬ ‫أشعر‬ 0.984 * 0.000 -‫المستقبل.‬ ‫من‬ ‫أخاف‬ 0.986 * 0.000 -‫المزعجة.‬ ‫التخيالت‬ ‫تنتابني‬ 0.957 * 0.000 -‫الوالد‬ ‫عملية‬ ‫بعد‬ ‫ما‬ ‫عليهن‬ ‫البرنامج‬ ‫بتطبيق‬ ‫األمهات‬ ‫انصح‬ ‫ة.‬ 0.839 * 0.000 -‫الوالد‬ ‫عملية‬ ‫قبل‬ ‫بها‬ ‫تزويدي‬ ‫تم‬ ‫التي‬ ‫واالرشادات‬ ‫النصائح‬ ‫ة‬ ‫القلق.‬ ‫تقليل‬ ‫في‬ ‫ساعدتني‬ 0.862 * 0.000 -‫أفضل.‬ ‫ستكون‬ ‫المستقبل‬ ‫في‬ ‫جنيني‬ ‫صحة‬ ‫بأن‬ ‫أشعر‬ 0.826 * 0.000

In this high-stakes power struggle, the Kurds must be vigilant against being used as mere pawns in Turkey’s internal conflicts. Americans must also pay attention to Turkish politics because Turkey, a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, is also home to American nuclear weapons. Thus, Turkish treatment of Kurds serves as a signal for the direction of the Turkish state, which should matter to the United States.

One significant although highly overlooked characteristic of Kemalism, the founding and official ideology of the modern Republic of Turkey, is its language of political communication. Kemalist political language, contrary to other totalitarian ideologies of the twentieth century, such as fascism or national-socialism, did not regard societydirected propaganda activities as core activities. The primary reason for this was the elitist understanding of society adopted by Kemalist ideology. 1 According to its common view, society is not a political category in that it does not conceive of society as a dynamic constituent composed of dissimilarities, classes, discrepancies, exchanges and tensions. Instead, Kemalism views society as a 'classless unprivileged' mass of people. Since society is not conceived of as a political category per se, one of the main components of political activity, propaganda activity toward society, is not deemed a top priority. For this reason, the Kemalist paradigm of communication is predicated on the 'education of society' instead of the 'persuasion of society,' and it conveys the message to the actors in this education process-the bureaucrats. In this sense, the primary audience of the Kemalist paradigm of communication are government officials, particularly teachers and military officers, or, in other words, Turkish elites in as much as these elites are the primary actors in citizenship education. Even though schools and the army stand out as instruments of educating ideal citizens, 2 they do not stand out as fora of official ideology propaganda. Rather, the official expectation of these two institutions is, in accordance with the Kemalist paradigm, that they assume the duty of imposing a collective identity on society and of teaching the people their obligations to the state.

Zaman, düşünce tarihinde üzerinde çokça tartışılmış ve muhtelif tanımlamaları yapılmış bir kavramdır. Bu makale de zamanın tanımlamasından ziyade onun üzerinde özellikle an kavramı merkezli bir düşünce etkinliği ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır. Bilhassa zaman ve an kavramları arasındaki farka değinilmiştir. Zamanın hareketin olduğu yerde var olduğunu, anın ise hem hareketin hem de durağanlığın olduğu her yerde karşımıza çıktığını belirterek zamanın akışkan hayatı ölçülebilir kılma çabasında var oluşuyla, anın ise bu akışkanlığın her safhasında var olduğuna temas edilmiştir. Aynı zamanda anın varoluş ile mütemadiyen yan yana olduğu, algılanışının ise bireylerin tecrübeleriyle zuhur ettiği görüşü ortaya konulmuştur.

4.2 How do Kurdish bilinguals judge social norm violations differently when presented with scenarios in their native language compared to a foreign language? 67 4.3 How do the use of code-switching and the presenting of personal moral dilemmas in both the native and foreign language during simultaneous audio playback affect bilinguals' moral decision-making processes? .

The current paper, which is entitled “The Classification of Binomial Pairs in Kurdish: Bahdini Area as a
Sample”, sheds light on binomials semantically. Following descriptive analytical methods, the researcher
studies the influence of linguistic factors in arranging and classifying binomials.
The researcher puts two hypotheses: (1) Do the semantic and rhythmic factors affect on binomial pairs?;
(2) Do the cultural and social factors have any effect o binomial pairs? Here, according to the linguistic levels,
the researcher tries to prove whether such pairs are effective or not. Finally, the researcher comes to a
conclusion that all the semantic, rhythmic, cultural and social factors actually do have influence on structural
binomial pairs.
The paper is divided into an introduction and two sections. In section one, the concept of binomial pairs,
definitions, features, types,

The Kurdish left/socialist idea has been able to establish hegemony over an important part of the Kurdish society by expanding its social influence step by step since the 1970s. As a result of the ideological/political effects of the Kurdish left with legal and illegal organizations, many young people are still involved in the secular center of attraction of the left-socialist ideology and have experienced changes in their approach to tradition and religion compared to previous generations. This article tries to understand the secularization process based on various reasons by focusing on one of these reasons by the impact of the Kurdish left on the generations. In this study, where generation comparison is used as a methodological tool, "Grounded theory" and "biography" methods are used together. The aim of the study is to try to determine how the dominant left / socialist dynamics in the city of Diyarbakır have changed in the younger generation and to understand the differences between the younger generation and the previous generations in various dimensions. The study is based on the data obtained from the field research conducted in Diyarbakır in the summer months of 2018 and 2019. Throughout the study, in-depth interviews were conducted with 36 young and parent couples, 14 single and 3 focus group interviews, based on a semi-structured interview form with a total of 102 participants. According to the findings of the research, young people compared to their parents; they experience significant differentiation in view of religion/tradition, practice of worship, compliance with customs and traditions, practices such as dating, marriage and divorce, approach to gender and norms such as sin/haram and good deed/halal.

In recent decades, Kurdish nationalists have sought to portray Kurds as a vast, unified ethnic group by incorporating unrelated populations into their narrative. Among these are the Lurs, Faylis, Bakhtiaris, and Laks of western Iran, and the Zaza of eastern Turkey. This effort extends even to claiming descent from ancient civilizations such as the Sumerians, Medes, Gutians, and Hurrians. Yet serious academic research consistently refutes these claims.
In this paper, I challenge the assertion that the Lurs or Faylis are Kurds. Drawing on authoritative sources including the Encyclopedia of Islam, historical texts like the Sharafnama, and major ethnographic studies, I demonstrate that the Lurs, are a distinct Iranian people with their own political, linguistic, and cultural identity separate from the Kurds. Linguistic evidence clearly shows that Luri languages belong to the Southwestern Iranian group, while Kurdish languages are Northwestern Iranian, with significant structural and phonological differences.
Historical sources, including the 1971 U.S. Government Area Handbook for Iraq and the writings of scholars such as Martin van Bruinessen, George N. Curzon, and Erik Anonby, confirm that Lurs and Kurds have maintained separate identities across centuries. Genetic studies further reinforce these distinctions, particularly among Bakhtiaris and other Lur subgroups.
Finally, I address the broader misuse of historical terminology: the ancient term Kurd (Kwrt) originally referred to nomadic pastoralists and did not denote an ethnic identity. The modern nationalist redefinition obscures the diverse and complex history of the Zagros peoples, including the Lurs. Confronting these historical inaccuracies is essential to preserving the rich, authentic cultural heritage of the region.

The concept of the "David's Corridor" refers to a strategic zone that Israel has sought to establish within Syrian territory, particularly in the context of the ongoing conflict and instability in Syria. This corridor is significant not only for its geopolitical implications but also for its potential impact on regional dynamics involving political, economic, social, and historical factors. Understanding these perspectives provides a comprehensive view of why this corridor is pivotal for Israel and how it interacts with the broader context of Middle Eastern politics.

Reduplications are grammatical and semantic word patterns consisting of morpheme and word repetitions. At the same time, they are structures that increase the power of interpretation, strengthen meaning and enrich concepts in sentences. Although some linguistic studies in Kurdish have included definitions and exemplifications of doubling, there are very few studies in the literature on categorization and selected examples from Kurdish texts. Our study analyzes the reduplications of Şey Şemseddin Akhlati's Diwan. One of the factors that led to this study is the literary expressions and musical harmony consisting of sound and word repetitions in Akhlati's poetry, which contains enough material for this subject. Our study consists of two parts. In our study, we have dealt with the subject in four categories, each category consisting of different headings. For each heading, we have explained the examples we have quoted from Ahlati Divan. In the appendix of our study, we have tabulated and presented the reduplications that we have divided into categories together with the ones we have arranged in alphabetical order. In this study, we have identified 106 reduplications in Akhlati's Diwan. We have found that Akhlati uses reduplications in the Diwan as consisting of the same words, synonyms, close meaning, antonyms. In the same way, we found out that he utilized the noun, adjective, adverb, verb and noun forms of doublets, and formed doublets with the help of prepositions and conjunctions. We also found out that Akhlati did not use reduplications formed with meaningless words. On the other hand, we revealed that a significant number of reduplications in Akhlati's Diwan point to his Sufi style and character and that this aspect is worthy of research.

Terrorism as a concept that includes the systemic use of terror methods has a complicated structure. In this complicated structure, radicalization processes have a crucial role. In this radicalization process, the main characteristic depends on the systematic use of violence under an ideological discourse. Terrorist organizations that carry terrorism as a main tool to represent themselves are violently radical entities. However, in the process that starts with taking the decision to participate to a terrorist organization, to be the member of a terrorist organization, and to become a terrorist as an identity are distinct levels in the process of radicalization with violence. In this radicalization process, indoctrination has a crucial impact factor in the identity transformation of a subject. In this study how radicalization with violence in the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan/PKK) terrorist organization is established is searched through identifying the indoctrination methods of the PKK.

En la obra de la catalana Najat El Hachmi, el tema de la travesía del Estrecho de Gibraltar aparece como un símbolo cargado de significado ya que se trata solo de una barrera geográfica entre África y Europa, sino también una metáfora de las divisiones culturales, sociales y personales que los personajes deben enfrentar. Para El Hachmi, que escribe desde su experiencia como migrante y mujer de origen amazigh, cruzar el Estrecho es un acto que trasciende lo físico: es un tránsito hacia un espacio de identidades múltiples y a menudo conflictivas.

When darkness rises from the North, and fate places the sword in the hands of a lone man, the future of the world trembles. A prophecy says the end is near, but will our hero be the savior, or will he become the monster they fear?
An epic tale, filled with fateful battles, bitter betrayals, and a power that perhaps no one should ever possess

This file, "Studies on Kurdish Women," examines the multifaceted roles of Kurdish women across political, social, and cultural spheres.  It highlights their significant contributions and resilience in complex challenges, including war and patriarchal traditions.
The file emphasizes the exceptional role of Kurdish women in the Kurdish movement, advocating for their rights amidst political conflicts and gender dynamics.  Kurdish women have demonstrably influenced political processes, becoming symbols of struggle for justice and equality. The file explores their challenges in navigating their identities and aspirations within a demanding socio-political landscape, often intertwining their personal lives with political projects.  This highlights their strong sense of political and social belonging and their participation in strategic decision-making.

المحتوى Naverok    Contents   

قسم المقالات  Beşa gotaran                Articles section             
مشكلات التنوّع اللغوي في الترجمة الآلية
بين اللغات العربية والإنكليزية والكردية
(صوتياً- صرفياً- نحوياً- دلالياً)
Linguistic diversity problems in machine translation
In Arabic, English and Kurdish languages
(phonetically - morphologically - grammatically – semantically)

Pirsgirêkên cihêrengiya zimanî di wergera makîneyê de
Bi zimanên Erebî, Îngilîzî û Kurdî

د. صافية زفنكي (برفسوراه فخرية)
College of Applied Interdisciplinary- London- UK
25
قراءة  فيلو- سوسيولوجية لمفهوم الديمقراطية وجوهرها
Une lecture philosociologique du concept et de l'essence de la démocratie
د.شونم يحيى
المركز الديمقراطي العربي- برلين- ألمانيا 45
تأثير الثقافة التنظيمية كمتغير وسيط في العلاقة بين الإدارة الاستراتيجية وأداء المؤسسات
بالتطبيق على مستشفى الملك خالد بحفر الباطن
د. سامي الشيخ سعيد الشيخ
كلية الخليج بالمملكة العربية السعودية- حفر الباطن 57
التحكيم الإلكتروني كوسيلة حل للمنازعات في عقود التجارة الدولية
Electronic arbitration as a means of resolving disputes in international trade contracts
أ.م.د. رجاء حسين عبد الأمير
كلية العلوم- جامعة القاسم الخضراء – العراق 114
استكشاف تأثير الذكاء الاصطناعي على التحصيل الأكاديمي
من رؤى وتحديات طلاب كلية التجارة في مصر
"Exploring the Impact of Artificial Intelligence on Academic Achievement: Insights and Challenges of Business Students in Egypt"
محمد متولى محمد متولى
جامعة بنها- مصر
133

إضاءة على الدراسات عن المرأة الكردية
(السياسية- الاجتماعية- الثقافية)
Highlights of Studies on Kurdish Women (Political, Social, and Cultural)

إعداد: د. صافية زفنكي
      ص 150

Hatırlamak ve Anlatmak için Şehre BAK
BAK: Li Bajêr Binihêre, ji bo ku Tu Di Bîr Bînî û Bibêjî
BAK: Revealing the City through Memory
Anadolu Kültür 2013

Yayına Hazırlayanlar / Amadekarên Bo Çapê / Editors
Eylem Ertürk, Övgü Gökçe
Metinler / Deq / Texts
BAK Proje Ekibi
Tasarım / Sêwirandin / Design
Vahit Tuna Tasarım ve Danışmanlık
Tasarımcı / Sêwirandinvan / Designer
Ece Eldek
Çeviriler / Werger / Translations
Kawa Nemir
Türkçe–Kürtçe ve Kürtçe–Türkçe / Tirkî–Kurdî û Kurdî–Tirkî / Turkish–Kurdish and Kurdish–Turkish
Nazım Dikbaş
Türkçe–İngilizce / Tirkî–Îngilîzî / Turkish–English

تناقش المقالة دور اللغة في تعزيز اندماج اللاجئين في المجتمعات المستضيفة، حيث تُعتبر اللغة وسيلة أساسية للتواصل والتعبير، كما تسهم في تقليل شعور الاغتراب والعزلة. وبحسب الدراسات، يعاني اللاجئون الذين لا يجيدون لغة البلد المستضيف من صعوبات كبيرة في الاندماج الاجتماعي. كما تُبرز المقالة إشكالية اللغة في مجال العمل الإنساني الدولي، حيث إن معظم النازحين في العالم هم من الناطقين بالعربية أو اللغات الإفريقية، في حين تعتمد المنظمات الدولية على الإنجليزية والفرنسية بشكل رئيسي. وتوضح المقالة أن تجاهل العامل اللغوي يؤدي إلى عدم وصول المعلومات الإنسانية والصحية للسكان المحليين، خاصة في الأزمات مثل وباء إيبولا في غرب إفريقيا. وتؤكد على ضرورة اعتماد سياسات لغوية أكثر شمولًا تأخذ في الاعتبار اللغات المحلية والخصوصيات الثقافية للمجتمعات المتضررة.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The article discusses the crucial role of language in facilitating refugees' integration into host societies. Language is highlighted as a fundamental tool for communication and self-expression, significantly reducing feelings of isolation and alienation among refugees. Studies have demonstrated that refugees lacking proficiency in the host country's language encounter substantial integration challenges. Furthermore, the article examines the language issue within international humanitarian work, noting that most displaced individuals worldwide speak Arabic or various African languages, while international organizations predominantly utilize English and French. This linguistic gap results in vital humanitarian and health information not effectively reaching local populations, particularly in crises such as the Ebola epidemic in West Africa. The article emphasizes the necessity for inclusive language policies that incorporate local languages and respect the cultural specificities of affected communities.

First published 2005 by Pluto Press
345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA
and 839 Greene Street, Ann Arbor, MI 48106
www.plutobooks.com
Copyright © Kerim Yildiz 2005. Foreword © Noam Chomsky 2005
The right of Kerim Yildiz to be identifi ed as the author of this work has
been asserted by him and the right of Noam Chomsky to be identifi ed
as the author of the Foreword has been asserted in accordance with the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN 0 7453 2489 4 hardback
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data applied fo

Este curso, pionero en España en el campo de la kurdología, ha sido diseñado por expertos de distintas universidades españolas y tiene por objetivo acercar a un alumnado interdisciplinar a un campo de estudio de gran relevancia para la comprensión de Oriente Próximo, proporcionándole conocimientos clave sobre la sociedad y la cultura de los pueblos kurdos.

Collective memory serves as a foundational pillar for both individual and communal identities, molding our understanding of historical events and guiding contemporary narratives. This piece offers a deep dive into Turkey's interpretation of collective memory, emphasizing its formation, preservation, and societal implications. By integrating theoretical models and hands-on research, we shed light on the intricate relationship between history, politics, and culture in the evolution of Turkey's collective memory.

Copyright © Bu kitabın Türkiye'deki her türlü yayın hakkı Eğitim Yayınevi'ne aittir. Bütün hakları saklıdır. Kitabın tamamı veya bir kısmı 5846 sayılı yasanın hükümlerine göre kitabı yayımlayan firmanın ve yazarlarının önceden izni olmadan elektronik/mekanik yolla, fotokopi yoluyla ya da herhangi bir kayıt sistemi ile çoğaltılamaz, yayımlanamaz.

The student movement of '68 was both a major source of inspiration and subject of research for the social movement scholars. One persistent disagreement about studying '68 lies between the world-system theory-Wallerstein views the movement as "a single revolution"-and the contentious politics approach-McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly refuse to consider '68 "one grand movement." Expanding this theoretical debate, this article overviews Turkey's '68 movement and discusses its divergence from the global movement. Wallerstein summarizes "the single revolution" of '68 with five points: challenging US hegemony, working-class solidarity, demanding education reform, counter-culture, and challenging the old left. This article revisits these points and cross-reads them with insights of the contentious politics approach to evaluate Turkey's '68 movement. It then focuses on mobilizing structures, framing processes, and repertoires of contention that have shaped student activism.

Türkiye’de kayyım uygulaması, yönetsel, siyasal ve hukuksal açıdan önemli tartışmaları beraberinde getiren ve günümüzde de güncelliğini sürdüren bir yönetim pratiği olarak, yerel demokrasi, merkeziyetçilik ve hukuk devleti ilkeleri çerçevesinde çeşitli değerlendirmelere konu olmaktadır. Özellikle idari açıdan özerk ve ayrı bir tüzel kişiliğe sahip belediyelere merkezi yönetim tarafından kayyım atanması, yerel demokrasi ve yönetim anlayışı bağlamında farklı değerlendirmeleri beraberinde getirmektedir. Bu değerlendirmeler genellikle kayyım uygulamasını bir çözüm olarak gören yaklaşım ile bir kriz olarak gören yaklaşım şeklindeki iki eksen üzerine kuruludur. Çalışma buradan hareketle son dönemlerde yeniden gündeme gelen kayyım uygulamasını: Belediye yönetimleri, yerel demokrasi, merkezi yönetim ve yerel yönetim arasındaki ilişki çerçevesinde ele alarak bir kriz aracı mı yoksa bir çözüm aracı mı? sorusuna açıklık getirmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Ayrıca çalışma dünyada kayyım uygulamasına benzer yönetsel pratiklerin olup olmadığını da ortaya koyarak konuyu daha geniş bir kapsamda ele almayı hedeflemektedir.

Abstract
One of the fundamental characteristics of democracies is ensuring the regular participation of the people in governance. Local governments not only facilitate this practice but also serve as a complement to the central administration while providing services closer to the public and enabling decision-making in line with local dynamics. To fulfill these and similar functions more effectively and efficiently, local government units are granted certain constitutional safeguards, such as administrative autonomy, separate public legal personality, and supervision under administrative tutelage within the framework of their respective laws. However, at certain times and under specific circumstances, the unique structure of local governments can become a subject of debate. One such situation is the practice of trustee appointments, which has been implemented in Turkey from time to time. The practice of trusteeship in Turkey, as a governance practice that has led to significant administrative, political, and legal debates and continues to be a current issue today, is subject to various evaluations within the framework of the principles of local democracy, centralism, and the rule of law. In particular, the appointment of trustees by the central government to municipalities, which are administratively autonomous and have a distinct legal personality, brings about different assessments in the context of local democracy and governance. These assessments are generally built on two main axes: the approach that considers trusteeship as a solution and the approach that views it as a crisis. Based on this perspective, the study analyzes the recently re-emerging practice of trusteeship by examining it within the framework of the relationship between municipal dministrations, local democracy, the central government, and local governance. It aims to clarify whether this practice serves as a crisis mechanism or a solution tool. Additionally, the study broadens the scope of the discussion by exploring whether there are similar administrative practices to trusteeship in other parts of the world.

ÖZ 1990'lı yıllardan başlayarak geçmişle hesaplaşma meselesinde en çok zikredilen kavramlardan biri olan hakikat hakkının genel uygulama sahası ağır insan hakları ihlalleridir. En açık şekliyle tanındığı ve uygulandığı alan ise zorla kaybetmelerdir. Bu hak, geçmişte işlenmiş insanlığa karşı suçlar ve ağır insan hakları ihlallerinin aydınlatılması, hangi suç ve ihlallerin kimlere karşı kimler tarafından hangi imkân ve yöntemlerle, neden işlendiğinin ortaya çıkarılması ve ilan edilmesi talebini içermektedir. Hakikat hakkı, Arjantin askeri darbesinde gerçekleşen kaybetmeler bakımından da uygulanmıştır. Darbenin en altüst edici ihlallerinden biri olan, kurbanların bebeklerini sistematik biçimde çalma ve satma eylemlerine karşı, kurbanların anneleri bir araya gelmiştir. Mayo Meydanı Büyükanneleri olarak adlandırılan bu topluluk, kaybedilen çocukları tarafından dünyaya getirilen torunlarının akıbetini öğrenmek için hakikat mücadelesi yürütmüştür.

The theory of justice of ressentiment developed by Rabia Sağlam in her book titled Justice of Ressentiment and Forgiveness argues that in a society where the legal order has become corrupt and has lost its function of securing justice, resentful victims can take their rights from the perpetrators with their own hands. According to the author, the legitimacy of the revenge of the ressentiment subject depends on the condition that the victimized person is on the disadvantaged side of socioeconomic inequality and that justice is perverted by powerful perpetrators. Crimes committed or harms caused by socioeconomically advantaged perpetrators are the subject of justice of ressentiment if the law protects the perpetrators or if these perpetrators can escape its judgment by manipulating the law through their power. According to Sağlam, when these conditions are met, it should be considered both morally and legally legitimate for resentful victims to take their rights into their own hands. This paper offers two critiques. The first criticism claims that the justice of ressentiment does not sufficiently address the philosophical difficulties that may arise when arriving at an idea of justice from the psychology of ressentiment.. In this framework, questions such as whether all acts of revenge by the resentful victim are legitimate and whether there is a limit to the violence of justice of ressentiment are raised. The second critique argues that the conditions of socioeconomic inequality and legal corruption are not sufficient or appropriate for the moral and legal legitimacy of a singular act of extra-legal violence, and that some of its shadowy aspects should be illuminated and the debate expanded accordingly.

This book provides an important contribution by critiquing the historical narratives surrounding the economic backwardness of the Kurdish region. Yadırgı positions himself against the dominant narrative and social scientists who argue that capitalism was unable to take root in the region due to the dominance of feudal structures, claiming that these traditional cultural codes hindered entrepreneurship and capital accumulation. To refute this widespread (particularly Weberian) argument, he takes a step back to examine the period from the 16th century to the mid-19th century. During this period, although feudal structures and traditional social arrangements were dominant, the region's economy, compared to other regions, did not lag behind.

This article revisits the Kurdish Question and Kurdish struggle offering a fresh examination through the societal securitization perspective of the Copenhagen School. There is insufficient analysis of the struggle between the statal and societal conceptions of security and (de)securitization regarding the Kurdish Question. I therefore identify a gap in the literature on the securitization of the Kurdish Question-which adopts a state-centric approach without paying attention to the highly understudied societal security of the Kurds. Extant literature tends to reduce the Kurdish Question to debates concerning minorities and terrorism, usually ignoring or legitimizing racist statal securitization through counterterrorism. Instead, I emphasize the intertwined relations between the (de)securitization of the Kurdish Question and the struggle for Kurdish societal security. The article discusses the dialectics of the Kurdish Question-which are as societal as they are territorial-that cannot be analyzed in isolation or independently from one another. Following key elements of the Copenhagen School approach, it constructs the Kurdish movement as the securitizer of societal security, claiming that the realization of societal security is a milestone in desecuritization and the path to a solution to the Kurdish Question.

يستعرض الكتاب تأثيرات التغير المناخي على النزاعات المسلحة في إفريقيا، موضحًا كيف يفاقم الظاهرة من الأزمات الأمنية، ويستغله الفاعلون المسلحون كأداة لكسب النفوذ. كما يؤكد المؤلف على ضرورة اتباع مقاربات إفريقية لمعالجة التأثيرات البيئية، بعيدًا عن التنميط الغربي، ويشدد على أهمية السياسات الاستباقية لمواجهة تداعيات المناخ على الأمن والاستقرار في القارة الإفريقية.

Zaman, düşünce tarihinde üzerinde çokça tartışılmış ve muhtelif tanımlamaları yapılmış bir kavramdır. Bu makale de zamanın tanımlamasından ziyade onun üzerinde özellikle an kavramı merkezli bir düşünce etkinliği ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır. Bilhassa zaman ve an kavramları arasındaki farka değinilmiştir. Zamanın hareketin olduğu yerde var olduğunu, anın ise hem hareketin hem de durağanlığın olduğu her yerde karşımıza çıktığını belirterek zamanın akışkan hayatı ölçülebilir kılma çabasında var oluşuyla, anın ise bu akışkanlığın her safhasında var olduğuna temas edilmiştir. Aynı zamanda anın varoluş ile mütemadiyen yan yana olduğu, algılanışının ise bireylerin tecrübeleriyle zuhur ettiği görüşü ortaya konulmuştur.

This paper examines the role of official authorities in public policies at different stages (policy making, policy implementation, policy evaluation and evaluation), in a comparative analytical framework between the status of these authorities in many countries, Arab Republic of Egypt, United States of America, French Republic and the Republic of Brazil. Republic of South Korea. Before beginning to address the roles of different authorities in public policies, the concept was defined by the Constitution and its importance, in particular the importance of ensuring it and defining it to the various state authorities. We used a various methodology; the analytical descriptive approach was used to analyze the legal texts in the constitutions of the countries in question. On the other hand, the comparative approach was use when comparing the constitutions of the above-mentioned countries.