Non-State Armed Groups

Military chaplains have historically provided vital spiritual, moral, and psychological support to armed forces. This article explores the evolution of military chaplaincy during the First and Second World Wars and forecasts its anticipated role in emerging hybrid and fifth-generation warfare (5GW). Drawing on historical records, theological scholarship, and military doctrine, the study highlights the chaplain's evolving function-from sacramental caregiver and moral advisor to trauma counselor and interfaith bridge-builder. As warfare increasingly targets psychological and ideological domains, the chaplaincy must adapt to emerging digital technologies, religious pluralism, and mental health challenges to remain effective within modern and future conflict environments.

This study conceptualizes grief as a politically instrumentalized emotion strategically mobilized by state and non-state actors to legitimize authority, galvanize support, and sacralize political agendas. Drawing on interdisciplinary insights from memory politics and political theology, this argument posits that public rituals of mourning-from national commemorations to insurgent martyr cults-serve as effective mechanisms for consolidating identity, demarcating moral boundaries, and justifying violence. While existing literature addresses memory, trauma, and symbolic politics, it seldom treats grief itself as a discrete tool of governance or resistance. To address this gap, the study formulates testable hypotheses regarding how mourning is leveraged for political gain. Employing qualitative content analysis, it examines four illustrative cases: U.S. discourse post-9/11, Russia's WWII commemorative regime, Hezbollah's martyr narratives, and ISIS's grief-saturated propaganda. Across these cases, grief emerges as a ritualized force that forges a polarized "us vs. them" dynamic, reaffirms legitimacy, and frames sacrifice as sacred. The findings advance theorizations of effect in international politics and offer a grounded corrective to critiques of emotionalist approaches as speculative. By foregrounding grief as a structured political instrument rather than mere sentiment, the article contributes a novel analytic lens to the study of emotional governance and symbolic power.

This paper explores the legal status of non-international armed conflicts (NIACs) under international humanitarian law (IHL) and international human rights law (IHRL). It examines treaty and customary law provisions governing NIACs, focussing on the threshold of violence that distinguishes these conflicts from internal disturbances and the involvement of non-state actors. Identifying the applicable legal framework is crucial for ensuring compliance with international law, but determining when a situation escalates to an armed conflict is challenging due to the lack of a precise legal definition. The article delves into key issues such as protecting civilians and their rights in NIACs, emphasising the complexities these situations present. By addressing these challenges, the study advocates for greater accountability among parties to these conflicts. It underscores the urgent need for clearer guidelines and consistent implementation to uphold legal norms and safeguard human rights during internal armed conflicts. Using a doctrinal approach, the research analyses legal texts, treaties, and case law to clarify the boundaries and intersections between IHL and IHRL. It also reviews state practices and judicial decisions to better understand how these bodies of law interact and the factors that influence the classification of a situation as an armed conflict. The article aims to enhance legal clarity and promote uniform application in addressing the unique challenges of NIACs.

This report presents the instruments and strategies used by non-state actors to respect international humanitarian law during intra-state conflicts in Africa and highlights the recognition by these non-state actors of the role of humanitarian organizations. It examines the impact of such recognition on the development of international humanitarian law and the activities of humanitarian organizations, and shows the problems encountered by non-state actors with respect to their commitments. It concludes with some suggestions as to a way forward.

We would like to thank Prof. M. Sasso li for his thoughtful comments. Like persons ki !led in the conduct of hostilities. In fact, in this article, we will not look at the right to !ife of persons in the power of the State (e.g., a person und er arrest) but we will rather concentratc on the right to !ife of persons ki !led while not in the power of the State (e.g., in arrned clashes) because it is in these situations that HRL and lHL are often hcld to be contradict01y.

This article explores the implications of attaching military chaplains and similar religious personnel to State and non-State fighting forces, and what this means for international humanitarian law (IHL). IHL assigns religious personnel a noncombatant humanitarian function equivalent to medical personnel, stipulating that they should perform exclusively religious duties. This underestimates the scope of "religious" activity, however, particularly the moral dimension of their ministry and the force-multiplying and restraining effects that this has on combatant behaviour. As representatives of non-State institutions embedded within military structures, many religious personnel also enjoy a unique degree of access to – and separation from – the chain of command, and can leverage this autonomy to influence the conduct of hostilities. The more that religious personnel are invested
in the achievement of a fighting force’s military objectives and are involved in its military operations, the likelier it is that they will test the parameters of their humanitarian function, and the protections they enjoy, under IHL. Moreover, some clerics associated with fighting forces do not aspire to non-combatant or exclusively humanitarian status, and should not be considered religious personnel. It is in the midst of armed conflict that religious personnel are most needed, however, and the tensions and ambiguities between their religious and military support functions are integral to their cross-cutting role. The contribution that religious personnel can make to humanizing war, and socializing IHL or corresponding religious principles,
depends on them being present to support combatants and not confining
themselves to a separate, but less effectual, humanitarian space. Criteria for their humanitarian exclusivity, attachment to fighting forces and protections under IHL therefore require some clarification.

The May 12 assassination of Abdul Ghani al-Kikli, prominent leader of the Stability Support Apparatus (SSA), triggered large-scale urban confrontations between rival armed factions, but this came as no surprise. The escalation occurred against the backdrop of powerful semi-state armed factions, duplicated executive and legislative institutions alive long past their mandate, an absent judiciary, a nationwide economic crisis, and pervasive corruption. What might peace enforcement look like in Libya’s current politico-security landscape?

Promoting restraint among non-state armed groups often requires more than legal appeals—it demands engagement strategies that resonate with the groups’ own goals and concerns. This post outlines five pragmatic approaches to operationalize non-humanitarian drivers of restraint, including engaging legitimacy-givers, facilitating peer learning, highlighting long-term consequences, offering practical training, and supporting internal political education. While some strategies may lie beyond the scope of traditional humanitarian diplomacy, they offer valuable entry points for building trust and encouraging more humane conduct in armed conflict.

Humanitarian norms should guide the use of force in armed conflicts and enhancing compliance with these norms—as codified in International Humanitarian Law—is usually the main objective of humanitarian diplomacy. However, it is often argued that existing legal frameworks lack concrete incentives to encourage compliance. Moreover, increased compliance may not necessarily reflect a genuine desire to mitigate civilian harm. Drawing on previous research and field experiences, this post explores how non-humanitarian incentives may lead to reduced levels of violence in armed conflict and how different actors can leverage these drivers when engaging with non-state armed groups.

Civil Society Organizations in Nigeria and Borno state for instance were engaged in the protection of rights and privileges of the victims of insurgency at the IDPs, particularly the ex-combatants in the reintegration program. Their roles include the protection of the people against labeling and stigmatization by the larger communities, advocating for the right to free movement as well as equal access to basic resources of the country.

Unlike other studies of non-state armed groups (NSAGs) that draw significance from the perspective of the state or international security, this article focuses on the perspective and agency of the civilian population. We investigate the interactions between the 'Zapatista' civilians in Mexico and the NSAG who governed them, the Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional (EZLN), contributing to understandings of NSAG change. Using a Process Tracing method, we trace the actions of the Zapatistas to changes in the behaviour of the EZLN. We find that the Zapatistas had significant impact on the behaviour of the EZLN, generating fundamental transformations in institutions, governance, and policy. Specifically, civilian engagement forced the EZLN to refocus their initially violent goals and policies around indigenous preferences, especially autonomy from the state, introduce governance reforms, and change the level of political engagement with the Mexican government.

Water is an indispensable resource for all organisms, however, numerous Nigerians encounter difficulties in obtaining safe drinking water. The aim of this investigation was to assess the spatial arrangement and availability of public water facilities in Adamawa State, with the purpose of identifying water-related obstacles and providing recommendations to enhance the well-being and living conditions of citizens, as well as fostering the growth of the state. The specific objectives of this inquiry are to determine the distribution pattern of public water facilities in the Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Adamawa State, analyze the spatial concentration pattern of these facilities, and examine the spatial pattern of public water facility development within the state's LGAs. In order to accomplish these objectives, secondary data regarding the number and location of public water facilities were collected and assessed using location quotient and z-score techniques. Maps illustrating the geographical distribution, concentration, and development trends were generated. The investigation uncovered an unequal geographical distribution of public water facilities across the 21 local government areas of the state, with the highest concentration observed in four LGAs, a moderate concentration in eleven LGAs, and a low concentration in six. This uneven distribution and clustering pattern is anticipated to hinder the majority of the state's population from accessing clean drinking water. In addition, the provision of public water in Adamawa State is inadequate, as demonstrated by positive outcomes in only eight LGAs compared to thirteen LGAs with unfavorable ratings. The inquiry concluded that the inequitable distribution and clustering pattern of public water sources is projected to impede the majority of state residents' access to safe drinking water, as well as pose barriers to sustainable development and the achievement of Millennium Development Goals. Consequently, the investigation proposes the expansion of public water facilities while ensuring equitable distribution among LGAs, with a particular focus on disadvantaged LGAs and communities.

İstihbarat analizi, ham haberler ve veriler üzerinden bir yargıya varma süreci olarak tanımlanabilir. Bu bilgilerin değerlendirilmesi sürecinde analistler, bilişsel uyumsuzlukla karşılaşarak, analiz hataları yapabilmektedir. Bilişsel uyumsuzluk teorisi, analistler, bilgi işlerken birbiri ile çelişen bilgilerle karşılaştıklarında uyumsuzluğun ortaya çıktığını, bu uyumsuzluğun da analistlerde duygusal gerilim yarattığını öne sürmektedir. Gerilimin temel sebebinin de analistlerin ideolojik, siyasi ve felsefi inançları ile çelişen bilgilerin, zihinsel karmaşaya neden olmasıdır. Analist, bilişsel uyumsuzlukla karşı karşıya kaldığında, yaşanan gerilimi azaltmak için çelişkili fikirlerden birini görmezden gelebilmekte, sahip olduğu yargı modelini destekleyecek bilgiler bulmakta veya uyumsuz bilginin öneminin az olduğunu ileri sürebilmektedir. Bu çalışmada, istihbarat servislerinin bir siyasi hedefe ulaşmak için kullanıldıklarında belirlenen siyasi hedefin, istihbarat analistlerine yargılarına etki ettiği ve bu durumun da bilişsel uyumsuzluğu ortaya çıkardığı söylenebilir. Bilişsel uyumsuzluk sarmalına hapsolan analistler, uyumsuzluğu azaltmak için siyasi amaç ile çelişen bilgileri göz ardı etmekte, risk ve tehditlere karşı duyarsızlaşmaktadır. Bu çalışma, bu çerçeve ışığında, Milli İstihbarat Teşkilatının, Hendek operasyonları öncesinde PKK'nın hazırlıkları tespit edememesini ele alınmaktadır.

Este capítulo analiza el impacto de la reconfiguración criminal en Colombia tras la desmovilización de las FARC-EP, que dejó un vacío de poder aprovechado por diversos grupos armados ilegales. Estos grupos, como el Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN), las disidencias de las FARC, los Grupos Armados Organizados (GAO) y los Grupos Delincuenciales Organizados (GDO), han ganado presencia y poder a través de actividades ilícitas como el narcotráfico, la minería ilegal y la extorsión.

La presencia y expansión de estos grupos en varios municipios ha generado un aumento significativo en los riesgos para las elecciones nacionales de 2022. Estos actores no solo pueden cooptar y amenazar a candidaturas, sino también obstaculizar el proceso electoral a través de violencia, intimidación y amenazas a la población civil para alterar los resultados de las elecciones.

El capítulo presenta un análisis detallado de la distribución geográfica de estos riesgos, destacando regiones como el Bajo Cauca antioqueño, el Urabá, el Pacífico nariñense, y el Catatumbo, entre otras, que enfrentan mayores niveles de violencia. A través del Monitor OCHA y datos cualitativos obtenidos de reuniones con organizaciones civiles, se evalúan los riesgos de estos grupos por su presencia e intensidad de acciones violentas en los últimos años. El objetivo es ofrecer una evaluación detallada que permita tomar medidas preventivas para proteger el proceso electoral y garantizar su transparencia.

Este capítulo analiza el impacto de la violencia en las elecciones nacionales de Colombia en 2022, identificando los principales riesgos derivados de la presencia y accionar de grupos armados ilegales (GAO, GDO, ELN, disidencias de las FARC y EPL). A partir del monitoreo de medios, datos del sistema de Naciones Unidas y contribuciones de organizaciones como CODHES y FLIP, la Misión de Observación Electoral (MOE) construye un consolidado de riesgo electoral por factores de violencia, abordando variables como el desplazamiento forzado y masivo, las restricciones a la libertad de prensa y la violencia contra líderes políticos, sociales y comunales.

El análisis muestra que los grupos armados no solo buscan incidir en la política electoral presentando o cooptando candidaturas, sino que también restringen la participación electoral mediante amenazas, atentados y restricciones a la movilidad. La alta presencia e intensidad del accionar de estos actores impacta directamente la integridad del proceso electoral, afectando la libre competencia y disminuyendo la participación ciudadana. Además, el desplazamiento forzado continúa siendo un factor crítico que limita el ejercicio de los derechos políticos de las comunidades afectadas.

Finalmente, la restricción a la libertad de prensa y la violencia contra liderazgos políticos y sociales se identifican como amenazas adicionales a la democracia, al afectar el acceso a la información y la representación política de diversos sectores. Este estudio busca generar alertas tempranas para orientar la respuesta institucional y fortalecer la transparencia y equidad de los procesos electorales en contextos de violencia.

States, before embarking on an intelligence activity, benefit from the instruments introduced by the concept of strategic intelligence in order to guide them. Strategic intelligence tries to evaluate the concept of intelligence in a broad framework rather than from a narrow perspective. Strategic intelligence is the result of a planned activity and is produced after in-depth analysis. Long-term planning is one of the
dominant features of strategic intelligence. In this study, the activities of Saudi Arabia and Iran in the Western Balkans are evaluated within the framework of the long-term approach of strategic intelligence. These two countries have determined the religious factor as the primary condition for penetrating the Western Balkans. Both Saudi Arabia and Iran mainly use the ideological motive element in order to carry out their political activities in the countries of the region. Saudi Arabia adopts Salafism and Iran tries to be active in the region through Shiism. Through the foundations and associations they have established in the region, they want to increase their influence on the Muslim community in the Western Balkans. Saudi Arabia and Iran, by making use of their soft power elements, adopt to draw attention to the public as an intelligence method. Iran wants to spread the Shiite ideology thanks to the clergy it sent to the region. In this study, it has been revealed that Iran aims to establish a political weight in the region, especially by using soft power and hard power elements (within the scope of intelligence activities). The power struggle between Saudi Arabia and Iran over the region is discussed from different aspects.

Doktora tezi olarak hazırladığım "Hibrit Çatışma: Suriye İç Savaşı'nın Türkiye'nin Güvenliğine Etkileri (2011-2023)" adlı çalışmanın öneri aşamasından sonuçlandığı aşamaya kadar geçen süreçte bilimsel etiğe ve akademik kurallara özenle uyduğumu, tez içindeki tüm bilgileri bilimsel ahlak ve gelenek çerçevesinde elde ettiğimi, tez yazım kurallarına uygun olarak hazırladığımı, bu çalışmamda doğrudan veya dolaylı olarak yaptığım her alıntıya kaynak gösterdiğimi ve yararlandığım eserlerin kaynakçada gösterilenlerden oluştuğunu beyan ederim. Kadir DUVAN iii ÖNSÖZ "Hibrit Çatışma: Suriye İç Savaşı'nın Türkiye'nin Güvenliğine Etklileri (2011-2023)" isimli çalışmanın öncelikli amacı Suriye'deki hibrit karakterli çatışmaların Türkiye'yi hangi açılardan etkilediğini ortaya koymaktır. Suriye'deki çatışmaların, hibrit çatışma kapsamında değerlendirip değerlendirilemeyeceği irdelendikten sonra bu çatışmaların Türkiye'nin güvenliğine etkileri hibrit çatışma parametereleri de göz önüne alınarak irdelenmiştir. Bu maksatla öncelikle çatışma kavramı ele alınmıştır. Hibrit çatışma kavramı detaylı biçimde incelenerek çalışmanın altyapısı oluşturulmuştur. Bu çalışmanın araştırma, planlama ve tamamlanma safhalarında emeği geçen herkese teşekkür etmeyi borç bilirim. Doktora öğrenimim boyunca sürekli olarak desteğini ve ilgisini esirgemeyen İstanbul Sabahattin Zaim Üniversitesi Lisansüstü Eğitim Enstitüsü hocalarıma tekrar teşekkür ederken Prof.Dr. Mehmet Emin KÖKTAŞ hocama hem ders hem tez dönemindeki katkılarından dolayı ayrıca şükranlarımı sunarım. Çalışmamda, tez danışmanı olarak destek veren ve tecrübelerinden faydalandığım Doç.Dr. Murat ASLAN'a teşekkürler ederim. Çalışmanın ana mihverine oturtulmasında çok büyük katkıları bulunan Orta Doğu konusunda Türkiye'nin sayılı uzman ve analistlerinden olan tez danışmanım Prof.Dr. Serhat Ahmet ERKMEN hocam ile çalışabilmek benim için büyük bir onurdur. Tez yazım aşamamın sağlıklı bir biçimde sürdürülmesindeki kıymetli katkılarından dolayı Prof. Dr. Erhan İÇENER hocama teşekkürü borç bilirim. Kendisi de akademisyen olan ve eleştirileriyle bana yol gösteren sevgili eşim Ayşe ÖZKAN DUVAN'a da teşekkürlerimi sunarım. Yüksek Lisans tezim Orta Doğu üzerine olduğu için doktora tezimde de yine Orta Doğu özelinde çalışma yapmamın uzmanlaşma açısından fayda sağlayacağını düşündüm. Bu nedenle çatışmanın yeni veçhelerinden olduğu değerlendirilen hibrit çatışmanın Suriye'deki durumunun Türkiye üzerine etkilerini ele almak istedim. Bu çalışmanın literatüre katkı sağlaması ve hibrit çatışma konusuna ilgi duyanların faylanması dileğimle saygılarımı sunarım. Kadir DUVAN iv ÖZET HİBRİT ÇATIŞMA: SURİYE İÇ SAVAŞI'NIN TÜRKİYE'NİN GÜVENLİĞİNE ETKİLERİ (2011-2023) Kadir DUVAN Doktora, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Tez Danışmanı: Prof. Dr. Serhat Ahmet ERKMEN Temmuz, 2024 -252+xiv Sayfa Bu çalışmanın ana amacı Suriye'deki hibrit karakterli çatışmaların Türkiye'nin güvenliğine etkilerini ortaya koymaktır. Çalışmaya ilk olarak çatışma kavramının ne olup olmadığını anlama gayreti ile başlanmıştır. Bu gayret boyunca çatışma kavramı üzerinde anlaşmaya varılmış bir tanım olmadığı görülmüştür. Bu tespitin ardından Uluslararası İlişkiler anlamında çatışma irdelenmeye başlanmıştır. Bu bağlamda Soğuk Savaş'ın bitişi ile devletlerin güç kullanma tekellerinde başlayan aşınmanın 11 Eylül saldırıları ile iyice açığa çıktığı ortaya konulmuştur. Çalışmanın teorik altyapısı da bu aşama ele alınmıştır. Neoklasik realizm, Soğuk Savaş'ın bitişi ve 11 Eylül saldırıları gibi uluslararası alanda meydana gelen büyük değişikliklerin başta orta büyüklükte olmak üzere devletlere fırsatlar çıkardığını iddia eder. Ayrıca neoklasik realizm, devletlerin dış politikaya dair kararlar alırken lider algısı, stratejik kültür, devlet-toplum ilişlileri gibi parametrelerin de önemli olduğunu ileri sürer. Bu anlamda neoklasik realizm tezin teorik çerçevesini oluşturmuştur. Buradan hareketle meydana gelen çatışmaların da artık konvansiyonel bakış açışı ile anlaşılmayacağı düşünülmüştür. Birleşik savaş, sınırsız savaş ve dördüncü nesil savaş gibi yeni savaş çeşitlerinin bu kapsamda düşünülen savaş çeşitleri olduğu belirtilmiştir. Diğer çatışmalarda konvansiyonel kuvvetlerin savaş alanlarının farklı alanlarında çalıştığı, ancak çatışmada asla kaynaşmadığı veya birleştirilemediği iddia edilir. Diğer yandan, hibrit tehditlerin daha yüksek derecede operasyonel ve taktiksel koordinasyon veya füzyona sahip olduğu öne sürülmektedir. Hibrit çatışmanın yeni olmadığını savunanlar ise savaşın/çatışmanın doğasının değişmediğini, hibrit çatışmada sadece teknoloji ve siber özelliklerin yoğun kullanıldığını iddia ederler. Savaş Üzerine isimli kitabın v yazarı Prusyalı general ve askerî teorisyen Carl von Clausewitz'e göre her çağ kendine özgü savaş konseptine sahiptir. Bu anlamda hibrit çatışmanın, savaşın doğasını değiştirdiği iddia edilemese de taktik ve tekniğinde yenilikler ortaya koyduğu tespit edilmiştir. Bu noktadan sonra Suriye İç Savaşı'nın hibritleşmesinin sebep ve süreci ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır. Siyasal, toplumsal ve ekonomik yapısındaki sorunların iç çatışmaya sürüklediği Suriye'nin, yerel, bölgesel ve küresel aktörlerin de katılımıyla hibrit çatışma alanına dönüştüğü iddia edilmiştir. Hibrit çatışma parametreleri olarak tespit edilen belirsizlik, yayılma, taktiksel yaratıcılık ve caydırıcılığın Suriye İç Savaşı'na uygunluğu tespit edilmiştir. Bu parametreler kapsamında, çalışmanın esas amacı olan Suriye'deki hibrit çatışmaların Türkiye'nin güvenliğine etkileri etraflıca incelenmiştir. Neoklasik realizmin çerçevesinde Türkiye'nin hibritleşen Suriye sahasına dair dış politika kararlarının, Türkiye'nin çıkarlarını artırmayı hedeflerken örgütsel istikrarını zedeleyebilecek noktaya geldiği iddia edilmiştir. Suriyeli göçünün gerek siyasal gerek toplumsal gerekse ekonomik etkileri ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır. Türk vatandaşları ve Suriyeliler arasında toplumsal uyum sağlanamadığı takdirde her iki tarafta da yükselebilecek gerilimin kışkırtılmaya elverişli olacağı değerlendirilmiştir. Ekonomik olarak yoksulluk çökmesinin ekonomik ve toplumsal güvenliğe olumsuz etkilerine dikkat çekilmiştir. Türkiye'nin hibrit çatışma konusundaki kırılganlıkları ve avantajları ortaya konularak çalışma bitirilmiştir. Sonuç olarak, Türkiye'nin siyasi, askerî, ekonomik ve toplumsal güvenliğinin Suriye İç Savaşı nedeniyle olumsuz etkilendiği ileri sürülmüştür.

The Manipur conflict, which began in mid-2023, highlights deep-seated ethnic tensions between the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities, escalating into a humanitarian crisis with over 225 deaths and the displacement of 60,000 people. Amid the violence, improvised weapons like "pumpi guns" have gained prominence. Rooted in historical resistance movements, pumpi guns are crafted from locally sourced materials, reflecting resourcefulness and resilience. Their widespread use underscores the challenges of regulating non-industrial weapons in conflict zones. These weapons are pivotal for community defense and symbolic of local craftsmanship and identity, especially in the hill districts. Pumpi guns have evolved in design and utility, serving both defensive and offensive roles, including ambushes and territorial control. Despite their efficacy, they pose risks such as misfires and injuries. The conflict's dynamics are further complicated by cross-border exchanges with Myanmar, including the trafficking of precursor materials and 3D-printed arms. Addressing this issue requires a multifaceted approach, combining stricter arms control, enhanced stockpile security, and regional cooperation. Socio-economic measures, such as vocational training and economic integration, are critical to offering alternatives to illicit weapons production. However, sustainable peacebuilding efforts must address underlying grievances, foster trust between communities and authorities, and integrate rebel groups into state structures to ensure a holistic resolution.

The project focuses on the threshold of application of international humanitarian law to violence and armed conflict involving terrorists or insurgents. It discusses the complex nature of internal violence and the geographical scope of hostilities. The paper further considers the legal consequences of the classification of conflicts as it affects terrorists under international humanitarian law, and the status, detention, criminal liabilities and criminal trial procedure of terrorists under the law.

The project concludes with observations on the impact of international counter-terrorism law on the effectiveness of International Humanitarian Law, including its balance between military necessity and humanitarian protection.

This paper is an historical reflection on how a local vigilante group (Bakassi-Boys) in SouthEastern Nigeria was formed. It examines how community policing systems and the use of magical powers were beneficial in the prevention and investigation of crimes. It shows also, how the use of spiritual powers in the detection and investigation of criminals was faulted on the ground that such methodology is unknown to Nigeria's laws. It argues that the outcry or view of seeing Bakassi-Boys as a security threat, its politicisation, and its abrupt stoppage are misplaced. The paper concludes that if the operations of the group were effective in the investigation of heinous crimes such as robbery and ritual killings and have reduced or rid a community of criminals, by implication, such vigilante apparatus could be employed as a template in the formation of community policing, especially considering the increasing level of insecurity in contemporary Nigeria.

The paper examined the effects of Boko-Haram insurgency on the socio-economic development of women and children in resettle communities in Adamawa Central Senatorial District. The issue of insurgency has been a significant concern in some part of Adamawa Central such as Hong, Gombi and Garkida. The Boko Haram insurgency has not only disrupted economic activities such as trade but has also significantly impacted social activities and infrastructure. The objectives of the study are to examine the educational effect of insurgency on women and children in resettled communities Adamawa central senatorial District, to assess the effects of insurgency on food and drinking of women and children in resettle communities in Adamawa central senatorial District and to proffer mitigation measures on the socio-economic effect of insurgency on women and children in resettled communities in Adamawa central senatorial District. The study adopts frustration-aggression theory as the theoretical framework. Survey research design was used for the study. The study used simple random sampling for selecting the sample size of the study. 200 respondents were purposively selected in the resettled communities in Adamawa Central. Chi-square analysis was used to test the formulated hypothesis. The study discovered that insurgents destroyed majority of the schools in the resettled communities, there is no access to food for women and children in resettled communities and there is no access to quality drinking water for women and children. The study recommends government should provide safe and well-resourced shelters for resettled displaced women and children, ensuring access to basic necessities and healthcare, implement programs to reunite separated families and support orphans and unaccompanied children and finally increase access to mental health services, including counselling and trauma support, particularly for women and children affected by violence.

Over the past several years, there has been an increase in the number of
criminal activities that have taken place at public institutions in Nigeria,
particularly those that are situated in the South-South Geo-Political Zone. The
study’s purpose is to investigate the relevance of developing effective security
outfits and executing comprehensive crime control methods in public
universities located in the South-South Geo-Political Zone of Nigeria. The
study presents a comprehensive examination of security outfits and crime
control, as well as private guard companies in Nigeria, security outfit
approaches, and recommendations for enhancing safety within the
surroundings of the campus. The study exposes that improving security
infrastructure, training and equipping security personnel, fostering
collaborative partnerships, and establishing a crime reporting and response
system are essential steps that can significantly enhance security on campuses.
These initiatives will establish a safer favourable atmosphere for academic
pursuits, research, and campus life.

The engagement of ANSAs should be considered on a case-by-case basis, first and foremost due to definitional difficulties. While the legal and academic debates on the definition of ANSAs continue, one crucial aspect is clear. Many terrorist groups, which pose a threat to ...

The Karen conflict in Myanmar is deeply embedded in the Karen people struggle for territorial rights and self-determination. For several decades, Karen people, one of the Myanmar's largest minorities, have been fighting for control over their ancestral lands and great autonomy of the region. Post-colonial power vacuum that followed independence of Myanmar in 1948 is central to this conflict in which the central government has pushed for a unitary state, disregarding the promises of ethnic autonomy outlined in the 1947 Panglong Agreement. The establishment of Karen National Union (KNU) by the Karen people and subsequent formation of its armed wing, Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) is the testament of their struggle for political autonomy, Karen people rights to their traditional land and protecting Karen cultural identity. The conflict revolves around the Karen people's demands for territorial control and self-governance. These claims are deeply tied to the Karen's cultural survival and identity, as well as their traditional systems of land management, which emphasize communal ownership and stewardship of land. These systems clash with the central government's legal frameworks, which prioritize state control and the commodification of natural resources (Gilbert, 2007). Large-scale development projects, such as logging, mining, and hydropower, have exacerbated these tensions, leading to widespread land confiscations and displacement of Karen communities (Meehan, 2016). Such projects are viewed by the Karen as violations of their territorial rights, further fueling the resistance and conflicts in the region. Historically, the British colonial administration laid the groundwork for the conflict by favoring certain ethnic groups, like the Karen, over the Burman majority, creating lasting divisions (Callahan, 2004). This approach, combined with the British commodification of resources in Karen territories, led to the fragmentation of Karen political and social structures post-independence (Smith, 1999). The conflict has continued to be characterized by these territorial disputes, with militarization and forced displacements being a common strategy of the Burmese military, often resulting in the repopulation of Burmese settlers in Karen territories (Lintner, 1999). Despite several ceasefire agreements, such as the 2012 ceasefire and the 2015 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), the core issues of political autonomy and territorial rights remain unresolved. Although these agreements included some provisions for control of land and natural resources, ongoing militarization of Karen territories and inconsistent implementation have undermined the peace process (South, 2008). The Karen's territorial rights remain a major point of contention, and the continued military operations by the Burmese government underscore the fragility of the peace efforts.

Nowadays, no issue is more sensitive than the concern of societies enduring the consequence of the confluence of climate change, environmental degradation, and armed conflict. The convergences of these factors are posing unbearable challenges to conflict-stricken societies. Due to the absence of well-organized legal frameworks and policies targeted to address these problems, the issues of these societies remain unsettled and the societies continued to bear all risks.  This essay examines the challenges posed by the confluence of climate change, environmental degradation, and armed conflict on the communities and the IHL rules, policies, and practical measures that can address these problems. Although there are some IHL rules and policies related to these areas, almost all of them have targeted either to protect civilians in armed conflict or to protect the environment during armed conflict. Since the enacted laws or regulations targeted only the specific area for which it is promulgated, the application of these laws and regulations to address the posed challenges in these areas becomes subject to debate among scholars and experts.  The populations may inevitably be affected by climate change and environmental degradation either they couldn’t conserve their environmental problems or these problems have occurred due to the methods and means of warfare employed in armed conflict. The challenges posed by the convergence of these factors have not been well considered by all concerned actors and entities.
The orderly developments of treaty laws, declarations, and guidelines by States and other entities over time stimulate the focus on addressing, to some extent, the challenges posed by the confluence of climate change, environmental degradation, and armed conflict. Although there is some progress on these issues, still there are different factors that hinder the resolution of the posed challenges.

The nature of conflict is changing. Mine Action’s policy and practices are therefore coming under strain from the contemporary conflict trends of urbanisation and non-state armed groups (NSAG) using improvised explosive devices (IEDs). This Strategic Update considers if there is a paradigm shift underway or if the current frictions are growth pains for this generation of humanitarian responders.

This study examined the effect of insurgency on senior secondary school educational resource management in the northeast, Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey research design using a population of 17,479 teachers, 363,156 students and 737 senior secondary schools. The sample size of 391 teachers and 400 students was determined using Yamane (1973) formula. The respondents were selected using a multi-sample sampling technique. The study was restricted to four Northeastern States, Nigeria (Adamawa, Borno, Gombe and Yobe) grossly affected by insurgents' activities from 2014-2023. Insurgency and Educational Resource Management Questionnaire (IESMQ) with a reliability of 0.89 after content and face validation was used for data collection. Descriptive statistics of simple bar chart, mean and standard deviation were used to answer the research questions and any item found to be within the mean score of 2.50 and above was considered high, adequate and frequent while below 2.50 was considered to be low, inadequate and rarely. The study found that students' enrolment as of the year 2024 stood 94,617 for Yobe, 74,890 for Borno, 69,739 for Gombe and 123,910 for Adamawa. The level of educational resource provision by State government and availability was found to be grossly inadequate in all of the States. The study also revealed that the maintenance of facilities was frequently carried out while the effect of insurgent activities on school attendance was high in the region. Based on the findings, the study recommended that the Federal and the State governments should increase funding, security provision and investment in rebuilding infrastructure in all the affected States in the region and equally develop workable strategies and measures to mitigate disparities in the provision and maintenance of educational resources in the area.

Anlatılar, bugün itibariyle, örgütsel iletişim bağlamında gereklilikleri ve etkinlikleri kabul edilen olgular olarak görülür. Örgütsel yapılar, geniş-dar veya makro-mikro ölçek spektrumunda ele alındığında, devletlerden çok uluslu şirketlere, siyasi partilerden sivil toplum kuruluşlarına kadar geniş bir yelpazede anlatıların stratejik iletişim bağlamındaki işlevlerinden söz etmek mümkün. Elbette bu işlevler, terör örgütleri tarafından da örgütsel iletişim ve propaganda stratejileri bağlamında yararlanılacak kaynaklar niteliğine sahip. Zira anlatılar, terör örgütlerinin örgütsel imaj inşası, örgütsel tezlerin kitlelere ulaştırılması ve varoluşsal zemin yaratımı gibi bir dizi kritik düzlemde çok önemli roller oynuyor. Bu durum, post-truth dönem olarak adlandırılan mevcut iletişim ortamında etkisini daha açık biçimde gösteriyor. Bilgi ve mesaj bombardımanının, dezenformasyon, malenformasyon ve mezenformasyonun günlük rutinler arasında yerleştiği bir iletişim evreninde hakikat-kanaat/inanç denkleminin sarsıldığı durumu ifade eden post-truth kavramsallaştırmasına göre günümüzde kanaatler hakikatlerin ve hakikat arayışının yerini almaya başlamış durumda. Bugün için post-truth koşullar en somut biçimde terör örgütlerinin anlatı stratejilerinde kendisini gösteriyor. Bu bağlamda, PKK/YPG terör örgütünün, anlatı stratejisi ve meşruiyet tesisine yönelik hamlelerini bu çerçevede ele almak mümkün.

Mar Oo for their encouragement and support of this project. Additional funding was provided by the Forum of Federations, Joint Peace Fund, and Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. The authors would also like to thank their focal persons and participants for collecting as well as filling out the questionnaires analyzed in this report. The authors have received very helpful comments on the manuscript from James MacMillan, instructor, and Radka Antalíková, research instructor, throughout the whole research process. The authors would especially like to thank Radka for her advice and encouragement. While a number of studies have investigated the factors influencing public trust in the police in developed countries, similar research is still quite rare in developing countries. This study is the first to explore this particular topic in Myanmar, a developing country. Specifically, this study measured the level of public trust in the police and investigated factors that influence public trust in the police by collecting survey data in both urban and rural areas of Yangon Region, Myanmar (N = 401). Using conflict theory as the guiding theoretical framework, the present study examined whether Bamar and non-Bamar from both urban and rural areas expressed different levels of trust in the police. Findings revealed that people from urban areas had a lower level of trust in the police than people from rural areas, while no difference was found between the Bamar and non-Bamar populations. In addition, Myanmar people's attitudes towards the police as a whole were substantially influenced by their perception of police accessibility.

This research highlights the increasing overlap, complementarily and even tensions between IHL, human right slaw, and transitional justice in the context of post-conflict situations. It emphasizes the importance of addressing the temporal dimensions of justice and accountability, as well as the need to interpret and apply these bodies of law in a harmonized and ''humanized" manner.

Security in secondary schools is a growing concern in Nigeria. The cases of student unrests have been on the rise especially over the recent years that the country is facing security challenges owing to insurgency in the north eastern part of the country.This paper focuses the role of ICT ansearly warning security system for schools. The introduction of ICTs into many aspects of everyday life has led to the development of the modern concept of the information society. This paper seeks to highlight the state of insecurity in the country, and the role of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) in the development of an early warning security system in tackling these security challenges, The application of Information and Communications Technology in the development of an early warning system, Actors in the security system,School Security and Surveillance, ICT as tools to tackle security challenges in Nigeria.And finally make recommendations on the use of ICT and EWS in combating...

Esta investigación propone un análisis exploratorio sobre las dinámicas que envuelven las complejas relaciones de cooperación entre organizaciones criminales de alcance transnacional. Para este fin, se tomó como estudio de caso los vínculos entre tríadas chinas y carteles mexicanos alrededor de actividades como el contrabando de falsificaciones y especies silvestres, así como la cadena de producción y distribución de drogas ilícitas. Desde la analogía de la política exterior y capacidad de agencia de los Estados, se sugiere que las relaciones entre los grupos criminales son análogas a las interestatales. Este estudio busca promover reflexiones disruptivas que resultan útiles para la comprensión de fenómenos asociativos atípicos como los que caracterizan los circuitos criminales contemporáneos.

ÖŞrenemeyen bir örgüt çevresine başarılı olarak uyum saŞlayamaz ve etkin olamaz. Terör örgütlerinin hızla deŞişen, tehditkâr ve rekabetçi bir ortamda faaliyet göstermeleri davranış deŞişikliŞi yapmalarını gerekli kılar. Varlıklarını tehdit eden ve yeni fırsatlar veren koşulların farkında olan terör örgütleri örgütsel yapı ve fonksiyonlarında, söylemlerinde ve eylemlerinde deŞişime giderek yeni durumlara uyum saŞlayabilirler ve kendilerini geliştirebilirler. Böyle bir süreç öŞrenmenin meydana geldi-Şinin belirtisidir. Bu çalışmanın amacı PKK'nın öŞrenme yeteneŞinin analiz edilmesidir. Bu amaca hizmet etmek üzere makale üç kısma bölünmüştür. Birinci kısımda öŞrenme, öŞrenen örgüt ve örgütsel öŞrenme kavramları tartışılmıştır. şkinci kısımda terör örgütlerinin öŞrenme yeteneklerinin incelenmesinde kullanılabilir bir model geliştirilmeye çalışılmıştır. Son kısımda ise PKK'nın öŞrenme yeteneŞi analiz edilmiştir.

Le rapport entre le rural et l’urbain dans la formation et la structuration des groupes armés de l’Est du Congo demeure encore peu questionné. Cet article vient combler cette lacune. Il analyse l’engagement direct et indirect des citadins d’Uvira, une petite ville du Sud-Kivu, dans les groupes armés locaux de la région, souvent considérés comme opérant depuis les maquis ruraux. L’article s’appuie sur des données diverses : entretiens avec les acteurs, observations sur les lieux d’exercice des groupes armés, documents écrits, sources de presse ainsi que les réseaux sociaux. Il montre que l’engagement ex situ, c’est-à-dire l’engagement en ville, à distance du maquis rural, joue un rôle très important pour la survie des groupes armés : extension des réseaux, mobilisations des ressources et légitimation de l’entreprise guerrière par des actions légales et symboliques.

This study assessed the impact of quality of life, living conditions and government effectiveness on socioeconomic development of some selected local government areas of Yobe state. The objective was to assess the impact of quality of life and living conditions and government effectiveness on socio-economic development of Geidam, Potiskum and Nguru Local Government Areas. The Capability Deprivation Index (CDI) was used on survey data across the selected local government areas. Other indices of deprivation applied includes Education Deprivation Index (EDI), Health Deprivation Index (HDI) and Living Condition Deprivation Index (LCDI).A systematic random sampling and questionnaire method of data collection were used for this study. The study found the existence of an asymmetry of deprivations across the LGAs in all the dimension indices. However, the intensity of the deprivation varies across the LGAs. For example, the Geidam Local Government Area was found to be extremely deprived not...

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This study examined the impacts of the Boko Haram insurgency on educational infrastructure and facilities in NorthEast Nigeria, especially within Yobe State. This state has suffered the destructive activities of the sect, particularly towards western education. The region is one of the most destabilized geo-political zones in Nigeria due to the activities of the sect. Boko Haram insurgency destroyed 512 schools in the Northeast, displaced nearly 3 million people, and was responsible for 350,000 deaths. Yobe State is the second most affected state by the activities of the insurgent in terms of destruction of education infrastructure in the region after Borno State; then followed by Adamawa State. The article employed the Documentary Research Method (DRM) and applied document analysis that permits the utilization of documentary sources of data and systematic review and evaluation of available documents. The findings revealed the destruction of 609 buildings and other infrastructural and equipment. Some of the schools attacked included Bindigari and Central Primary School in Damaturu,

The three-decade-long armed conflict ended in Sri Lanka, by the military defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009. LTTE is defined as an international terrorist organization and banned in 32 countries. Terrorist acts of LTTE were under the category of crimes against humanity. After the end of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka, today there is a new conflict on Sri Lanka, in the United Nations, between the Human Rights Council and the Office of the High Commissioner for the Human Rights for defining the past armed conflict as combat terrorism or an internal war as well defining the LTTE as a terrorist organization or not.

Birlesmis Milletler Insan Haklari Konseyi’nin 2015 yilinda ki ,30/1 sayili karari ile Sri Lanka’da yasanan terror ile savas sirasinda yasanan insan haklari ihlalleri ve ihlalleri ile ilgili iddialar hakkinda ki yargi mekanizmasinda Commonwealth ve diger yabanci hakimler, savunma avukatlari ve yetkili savci ve arastirmacilari dahil edilmesini istemistir. Ancak, Insan Haklari Konseyi, BM Kuresel Terorle Mucadele Stratejisi’nin bir yukumlulugu olan Sri Lanka’daki terorunun finansmani failleri icin uluslararasi bir ceza sorusturmasi istememistir. Insan Haklari Konseyi, Sri Lanka’daki terorizmin finansmani icin uluslararasi bir sorusturma acmayi talep etmeyerek, Sri Lanka’ da ki terorizmin finansmaninin faillerinin cezasiz kalmasini sebep olmustur.

The three-decade-long armed conflict ended in Sri Lanka, by the military defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009. LTTE is defined as an international terrorist organization and banned in 32 countries. Terrorist acts of LTTE were under the category of crimes against humanity. After the end of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka, today there is a new conflict on Sri Lanka, in the United Nations, between the Human Rights Council and the Office of the High Commissioner for the Human Rights for defining the past armed conflict as combat terrorism or an internal war as well defining the LTTE as a terrorist organization or not.

(...).Esse artigo cumpre apresentar um quadro analítico acerca da evolução no que se conforma como um sistema de facções no Brasil, a partir da dinâmica que estabelecem entre si.(...)Para tanto, as proposições feitas se baseiam no mapeamento feito pela autora, entre 2016 e 2022, das principais facções que atuam em cada estado brasileiro e da evolução de suas redes de aliados e inimigos, através das fronteiras estaduais, em especial, no intervalo de 2012 a 2022. (...).

The role of the supernatural and spirituality in the influence of human affairs has
been an age long phenomenon. Africa, Asia, Europe and the Americas at one time
or the other had depended largely on the metaphysical for the explanation of the
physical. However, with the coming of ‘modernization’, ‘civilization’ and ‘religion’,
the concept of the supernatural, witchcraft and sorcery were jettisoned and
regarded as barbaric, alien and retrogressive. Without dabbling on the argument
of its nature, this paper examines the role of the supernatural in the conduct of
warfare by analyzing how strategic spiritual intelligence can be deployed in the
management of the multidimensional conflict situation Nigeria finds itself. Using
historical methodology, the paper deployed the use of primary and secondary
sources in its analysis and discussion. The paper argues that even without public
proclamation, all parties to conflicts deploy some sort of strategic spiritual
intelligence in the prosecution of the conflict most times at individual levels. It
further argues that this strategic spiritual intelligence based on available
evidence has been helpful to the users. The paper concludes that despite the
unexplainable ways strategic spiritual intelligence operates, it can effectively be
deployed to manage the myriads of conflicts in Nigeria ranging from Banditry,
farmer-herder conflicts, kidnapping, insurgency, and militancy amongst others.
The paper thereafter recommends the official recognition of strategic spiritual
intelligence in the defence and intelligence architecture of the Nigerian Armed
Forces to enhance its usage and thereby reducing the rate of conflicts in Nigeria

Non-International armed conflicts in which different armed groups are involved is the dominant feature of contemporary armed conflicts. Considering the complex and changing alliances of these groups and the extension of their hostilities across borders, the problem that arises is whether an armed group is considered a party to a noninternational armed conflict as defined under international humanitarian law. In this context, the concept of "organized armed groups" is of a fundamental importance, upon which depends the applicability of the international humanitarian law to a specific situation of violence. The research aims to determine the criteria for assessing the fulfilment of the "organization element" in any armed group to be considered a party to a non-international armed conflict. The research also provides an analysis of the link that must exist between the allied armed groups to be considered as a single party to such conflict.