Police Pacification Units

This writing, "Creative Community Policing Initiatives in Columbia, South Carolina," appears as Chapter 4 in Dennis Stevens' edited book, Policing and Community Partnerships.  To meet the public safety needs of increasingly diverse neighborhoods in cities across the nation, creative and innovative community policing initiatives seem to be required to curb and to prevent crimes and related problems and to bridge the gap between the police and citizens through community involvement in policing activities. Community policing is guided by the values of building partnerships, people helping people, and community organizing. In this light, community policing initiatives in Columbia, South Carolina, are characterized by the concept of "shared responsibility." In this chapter, therefore, the creative and innovative community policing initiatives in Columbia, South Carolina, are examined. This discussion thus focuses on questions as they relate to the community initiatives of the Columbia Police Department and the City of Columbia, South Carolina.

With responses to urban violence receiving increasing academic attention, the literature on anti-gang efforts in Latin America has focused mainly on coercive mano dura policies and cooperative gang truces. Yet, there remains a paucity of studies going beyond such carrots-and-sticks approaches towards gangs. To fill this gap, this study investigates the possibilities and limitations of substitutive security governance across Latin America and the Caribbean. More specifically, this article looks at Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) programmes in Medellín, Armed Violence Reduction and Prevention (AVRP) efforts in Haiti and Security Sector Reform (SSR) in Guatemala and Rio de Janeiro. It will be argued that communities are driven to support gangs against the oppressive state when they are indiscriminately targeted through muscular operations. Likewise, engaging gangs in dialogue grants them legitimacy and further weakens the position of the state. Therefore, the only sustainable solution lies in substitutive security govern-ance, which aims to replace the functions gangs fulfil for their members, sponsors, and the community in which they are nested with a modern and accountable state that is bound by the rule of law. Still, substitutive strategies vis-à-vis gangs have their own limitations, which can only be overcome by way of an integrated and coordinated framework.

La première Unité de Police Pacificatrice (UPP) est apparue à Rio de Janeiro au mois de décembre 2008 dans la favela de Santa Marta. Depuis lors, ce ne sont pas moins de 38 unités qui ont vu le jour au sein de la mégapole brésilienne, hôte de la Coupe du Monde 2014 et des Jeux Olympiques 2016. Après des décennies perdues de « guerre contre le crime », le projet UPP offre un nouvel angle de vue sur la question sécuritaire des favelas, du trafic de drogue et des violences urbaines plus globalement. C'est assez logiquement que ce projet de grande ampleur initié par l'ex-gouverneur Sérgio Cabral Filho s'est directement placé au centre des débats en matière de sécurité publique à Rio. Les plus optimistes voyaient en ces UPP la solution à tous les maux cariocas, le changement de paradigme tant attendu pour en finir une fois pour toutes avec ces décennies perdues. Porteur d'un espoir de renouveau, l'UPP n'a pas réellement su répondre à ces attentes. A l'inverse, le projet a rapidement perdu de sa superbe, pour entrer depuis plusieurs années déjà dans une grave crise existentielle. Ce travail de fin d'études est le fruit d'une enquête de terrain assidue durant six mois, portée sur deux favelas de Rio de Janeiro : Rocinha et Santa Marta.  Au cœur de cette analyse, trenteet-un entretiens qui s'articulent et s'intègrent dans un champs théorique vaste et complexe qu'est l’interactionnisme symbolique. Les concepts de grands sociologues tels que Erving Goffman, Anselm Strauss ou encore Georges H. Mead me serviront à mettre en lumière des jeux d'influences et des rapports de forces qui s'appliquent aux relations entre agents des UPP et habitants des favelas. Une meilleure compréhension des différentes perceptions devrait pouvoir en ressortir.  Malgré les contraintes de temps et d'espace, nous espérons pouvoir amener un éclairage supplémentaire sur ce projet sécuritaire singulier mais aussi, et plus largement, sur la problématique des favelas de Rio de Janeiro. Le contexte particulier de notre enquête, qui s'est déroulée durant les mois qui ont suivi la fin des JO 2016, a permis de souligner la tendance à la disparition des UPP. Crise de légitimité, corruption et factions criminelles font encore bel et bien partie du décor tant à Rocinha qu'à Santa Marta. Si les études statistiques ont tendance à démontrer une légère amélioration de la situation dans les favelas qui comptent une UPP depuis plus longtemps, notre travail qualitatif  aura permis de contre-balancer certains éléments et d'en confirmer d'autres.

Research on security and governance in marginalised urban spaces in Latin America has pointed to complex cycles of conflict and negotiation between state and non-state actors. However, many questions remain about the dynamics of such arrangements and how they may be affected by top-down policing reforms. Presenting fieldwork conducted in Tuiuti, a ‘pacified’ favela in Rio de Janeiro, this article proposes that ‘assemblage thinking’ can shed light on these issues. Despite rhetoric of reclaiming territory for the state, I argue that Tuiuti’s UPP (Police Pacification Unit) did not produce a new state-led security regime, but rather overlaid and fused with previous security practices enacted by traffickers. This gave rise to a ‘dual security assemblage’ char- acterised by the co-production of security through an emergent division of policing functions. The consequences for Tuiuti’s residents were thus not enhanced social control at the hands of police, but rather greater uncertainty about the rules they were expected to observe and whom was responsible for enforcing them. By identifying the broader power inequalities surrounding this local security assemblage and the ways in which they constrained its (trans)formation, I reject the claim that assemblage thinking offers a depoliticised or merely descriptive view of the social world.

O recente aumento da violência no estado do Rio de Janeiro é um problema enfrentado diariamente por seus moradores. Um dos mais importantes programas de segurança pública realizado no Brasil, as Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora (UPP), corre o risco de acabar devido a grave crise do estado. A partir dos dados disponibilizados pelo Instituto de Segurança Pública, o objetivo deste trabalho é associar cada UPP a um determinado delito, utilizando a análise de correspondência.

Abstract: This paper outlines how Brazil’s latest public security initiative—its highly controversial Police Pacification Campaign (UPP)—is an integral component of a neoliberal political framework that is enacting rapid urbanization projects in and around strategically located favelas (informal settlements or slums) of Rio de Janeiro. Specifically, it evaluates what kinds of economic development initiatives are moving forward, how they are facilitated by the UPP, how they connect to the city’s mega-events, and who is profiting from them. The article also examines how the pacification has affected residents in three favelas over a seven-year period from the inauguration of the UPP in 2008 through to mid-2015.

No contexto do neoliberalismo que propaga uma sociedade regulada pelo mercado e por mecanismos de concorrência, ao mesmo tempo em que se exige um controle de populações e territórios problemáticos, o urbanismo militar e a governança empresarial surgem como duas facetas de um mesmo projeto de cidade. O artigo pretende observar como esse modelo tem sido adotado no Rio de Janeiro nas últimas décadas – tendo seu ápice com os megaeventos nos últimos anos – a partir dessas duas tendências: por um lado, a cidade empresarialista, e, o outro lado da mesma moeda, o urbanismo militar que busca assegurar a " ordem urbana " a partir de modelos de militarização, controle e pacificação.

As neoliberalism engenders a society regulated by the market and by competitiveness, at the same time requiring strict control of problematic populations and territories, corporate governance and militarized urbanism become paradigmatic. This paper explores how that modus operandi was adopted in the city of Rio de Janeiro in the last decades, culminating in the recent urban transformations associated with the hosting of mega-events. Those transformations are interpreted under two different, but interrelated, perspectives: the entrepreneurial city and the military urbanism that seeks to enforce " urban order " by means of militarization, control and pacification.

Caracterisé par l'hégémonie du marché et de la concurrence oligopoliste, le néolibéralisme demande aussi le contrôle de la population et des territoires « problématiques ». Dans ce contexte, l'urbanisme militaire et la gouvernance entrepreneurial sont les deux facettes d'un même projet de ville. Ainsi, notre article vise à comprendre comment ce projet a été adopté à Rio de

During the 2016 World Economic Forum, the strategy of pacification in Rio's favelas was recognized as the most innovative public security policy in the last decade. From this scenario, and using Competition State-Making , this paper analyzes, under a qualitative approach, the design and implementation of that initiative. Then, we seek to assess its results after implementation, and finally outline main lessons to extract from the Brazilian case. The main conclusion of this survey is that the Brazilian pacification strategy was based on three pillars: operational decriminalization; adoption of comprehensive approach; and coordination between three government levels (federal, state, and municipal).

According to Stephen Graham, cities have become the battlespaces of a new generation of warfare. The «new military urbanism» entails the blurring of military and civilian spheres as it concerns urban security doctrine and practice. This article applies Graham's theory to Rio de Janeiro, a city of the Global South that has recently enhanced its existing urban securitization processes, in particular the militarization of the favelas. This acceleration mirrors the city's «mega event»-oriented strategy to attract global financial capital. By analyzing the uprisings that began in June 2013, this contribution identifies how urban conflicts create popular resistance to the new military urbanism and violent policing activity.

http://www.rivisteweb.it/doi/10.3240/78482

This study explores the motives of the pacification process which has been taking place inside several slums (favelas) of Rio de Janeiro city in Brazil, prior to the realization of the global sport events in 2014 and 2016. A deeper analysis of such process denotes its major concerns with security aspects at the expense of development ones, raising suspicions about the sustainability of such "peace" and whose interests it serve. A similar dynamic is said to take place in conflict and post conflict realities in which the international community decides to intervene, and it is exposed through the liberal peace critique, illustrating what has been named a securitized model of development. The similarities in orientation and consequences of both peace processes are explored in the present study through the lenses of the security-development nexus debate, which helps to unveil their common driving forces: the need for the continuous reproduction of the current exclusionary neoliberal order. Whereas in Rio the pacification ensures security to the global sport events and to the expansion of the neoliberal values inside favelas, while it contains social tensions through a deficient social program, worldwide the liberal peace restrains threats coming from conflicting regions and guarantees new terrains for global capitalism, while it keeps a lid on social disorder through stopgap development initiatives. With such findings this study intends to highlight the need of a real transformation in the current "structural wealth creation system" in order for the achievement of sustainable peace in different sorts of conflicts, whose causes are often originated in the very logic of such system.

Resumo (ptg) : O presente estudo tem por objetivo analisar os impactos da instalação das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora (UPP) na perspectiva das mulheres moradoras de favelas no Rio de Janeiro. A pesquisa possui um enfoque qualitativo e a metodologia utilizada se baseou em observação participante, entrevistas individuais e grupo focal realizados com doze mulhe-res de sete favelas. Os resultados apontam para as percepções das mulheres sobre política de segurança pública em curso que, ao mesmo tempo em que estabelece uma regulação do espaço das favelas, traz um sentimento de incerteza para o enfrentamento da violência e da conquista de políticas públicas.

English title: Women and the effects of the pacification in Rio de Janeiro's slums: understanding the gender on security policies

Abstract : The present study aims to analyze the impacts of the instalation of the Pacification Police Unities (UPP) in the perspectives of women in the Rio de Janeiro slums. The research persue a qualitative focus and the methodology used is based on participant observations, individual interviews and a focus group with a dozen women from seven different slums. The results point out that the women's perceptions of the public security policy brings, at the same time that it offers a regularization of the slums' space, a general feeling of incertitude for coping with violence and the conquest of public policies.

The Pacifying Police Units, rolled out in Rio de Janeiro ahead of the 2016 Summer Olympics, were part of a police intervention conceived to end the logic of war that characterized the city's public security policies. As such, it adopted "soft " strategies of policing aimed at reducing violence and asserting state sovereignty in "pacifi ed" favelas. Drawing on a postcolonial framework of analysis, we argue that these favelas can be understood as sites for experiments in imperial statecraft , where a new set of socio-moral relations that we call police moralism were inscribed onto spaces and bodies. Pacifi cation, in this context, means the reassertion of Brazil's historical racial order. In our conclusion, we read the moral order implemented in the favelas as a prefi gura-tion of President Jair Bolsonaro's right-wing authoritarianism on a national scale.

Rio de Janeiro is preparing to host two major sporting events in the coming years: the 2014 FIFA World Football Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games. Local authorities are promoting these mega events as an opportunity to increase the global competitiveness of the city. But in order to attract private capital from the global economy it is not enough for Rio to showcase the city as capable of organizing and implementing these events. Rather, the authorities must also demonstrate that what has been considered one of the most dangerous cities in the world can now become a safe place for business. To do so, what has been promoted as a new model of 'community policing' the UPP (Pacifying Police Units) has been implemented since 2008 in 107 favelas. The majority of the favelas involved in the program are situated around the sites where these mega events will take place and around other wealthy areas of the city. This article analyses the relation between mega events, global competitiveness and the neutralization of local marginality.