Post-Race

Barack Hussein Obama’nın 2008’de ABD’nin ilk si- yahi başkanı olarak seçilmesi ve artık Holokost’un utanılacak kötü bir geçmiş olarak kabul edilmesi gibi bazı deneyimler ırkçılığın ve ırk referanslı düzenin bittiği iddialarına yol açmıştır. Ancak bu ırk-sonra- sılık argümanlarına rağmen, Çin’in Uygur soykırımı, Avrupa’da aşırı sağın yükselişi, artan İslamofobi ve ABD’deki siyahi cinayetleri devam etmektedir. Bu ırkçılık tecrübelerinden en sarsıcısı ise 7 Ekim’den sonra hızlandırılmış bir versiyonunu seyrettiğimiz, İsrail’in Filistin’deki soykırımı olmuştur. Bu durum, “herkesin” ırkçılığı “kötü” kabul ettiği ırk-sonrası bir dönemde, bu ölçekteki ve vahşilikteki katliamlar nasıl mümkün olabilir ve bu katliamları gerçekleş- tirenler nasıl olur da “ötekine” yaptıklarını meşru görebilir sorularını gündeme getirmektedir. Bu ma- kalede, ötekiyle olan ilişki ve modernleşmenin im- kânları bağlamında sözü edilen soruları ele alacağım. Yazının ilk bölümünde kimlik ve ötekiyle kurulan ilişki açısından meşruiyet sürecinin nasıl doğal bir şekilde oluştuğunu kamusal alan kuramları ve fark- lı meşruiyet söylemleri aracılığıyla inceleyeceğim. Makalenin ikinci bölümünde ise özellikle kamplar- da tecessüm etmiş büyük ölçekli soykırımların nasıl mümkün olduğu sorusunu Zygmunt Bauman’ın “Kamplar Çağı” değerlendirmesi üzerinden tartışa- cağım. Modernleşmenin kamusal düzeyde ötekiyle olan ilişkinin şekillenmesindeki rolü de bu bölü- mün ana odaklarından birisi olacak. Son olarak da Bauman’ın 20. yüzyıl bir kamplar mı yoksa uyanış çağı olarak mı anılacak sorusunu ırk-sonrasılık tartış- malarına referansla cevaplamaya çalışacağım.

Today, America is still busy with the problems of inequality, which include racial prejudice.The Hate U Give brings social issues that are rife to people of color, especially African Americans. In her novel, Thomas illustrates the injustice that had happened to the African American community because of the racial profiling that was carried out by white people. The writer uses descriptive analysis method in finding the meaning behind a literary work. The writer also conducts the study using Racial Prejudice theory by McLemore to see the types of prejudice in society. The writer also elaborates it with Du Bois’ Double Consciousness in analyzing racial prejudice towards African Americans. The study found out that perceived injustice is still often obtained by African Americans, where they still cannot have their rights as citizens in the United States, such as educational equality, economics, and legal protection. This prejudice is caused by the existence of social class conditions whi...

This essay aims to provide a socio-historical account of the role that white supremacy played in the Presidential ascendancy of Barack Obama. Far from transcending race, Mr. Obama explicitly crafted his political ontology to articulate a discourse of post-racism. A central claim I make is that Mr. Obama selectively and strategically appropriated the enterprise of anti-racism by deploying a postmodern amorphous blackness that simultaneously undermined it. On one hand he assuaged White anxiety about whether a Black President will seek to call in the lien African Americans have on the state and White US society. On the other, he propagated the belief that where Whites voted for him, this confirmed the triumphal defeat of racism. In either case, by trading on his ambiguous biography, his personage was made to affirm both the end of racism and the redundancy of anti-racist action.

I llinois state senator Barack Obama's keynote address to the 2004 Democratic National Convention marked an important moment in the trajectory of African American rhetoric. His speech earned two reasonable responses, one upward-inflected and the other downward-inflected. 1 For one of the authors of this essay, David A. Frank, Obama articulates a post-civil rights rhetoric intended to bring the various components of his composite audience (an audience "embracing people differing in character, loyalties, and functions") into rapprochement. 2 The core value at the center of Obama's speech is the essential equality of created individuals, and the mood he sought to cultivate is one of "audacious hope." Working from these foundations, Obama nests the traumas of slavery and racism with those suffered by American workers lacking a living wage and affordable health care, the bigotry

In this essay, a Chinese scholar and an American scholar analyze “Oba-Mao,” a text that combines features of Barack Obama and Mao Zedong, which mainly circulated in China and the U.S. during Obama’s presidency. “Oba-Mao” is imbued with unique meaning across national lines and within national historical contexts. As such, we take a transnational and comparative rhetorical perspective of “Oba-Mao” to better understand the text as well as to theorize its capacity as a mode of invention. We argue that “Oba-Mao” is best understood as a polysemic text that produces meaning through its Chinese Cultural Revolution aesthetic, as well as its fusion of two leaders. “Oba-Mao,” because of its complexity and diversity of meaning, can be used for myriad transnational political discussions—in China, a way to challenge contemporary politics or to identify with global blackness; in the U.S., a way to “other” Obama from U.S. national identity.

In this essay, a Chinese scholar and an American scholar analyze “Oba-Mao,” a text that combines features of Barack Obama and Mao Zedong, which mainly circulated in China and the U.S. during Obama’s presidency. “Oba-Mao” is imbued with unique meaning across national lines and within national historical contexts. As such, we take a transnational and comparative rhetorical perspective of “Oba-Mao” to better understand the text as well as to theorize its capacity as a mode of invention. We argue that “Oba-Mao” is best understood as a polysemic text that produces meaning through its Chinese Cultural Revolution aesthetic, as well as its fusion of two leaders. “Oba-Mao,” because of its complexity and diversity of meaning, can be used for myriad transnational political discussions—in China, a way to challenge contemporary politics or to identify with global blackness; in the U.S., a way to “other” Obama from U.S. national identity. [Zoë Hess Carney & Xiaobo Wang. “Oba-Mao”: The Synthesis of National Leaders as Transnational Rhetorical Resources. China Media Research, 15(1):23-33] 4

This article examines the ongoing prevalence of Black(er)face in contemporary visual culture and its connection to post-racial discourse. To explore contemporary Black(er) face performativity and its post-racial justifications, we employed a textual analysis of Beyoncé Giselle Knowles-Carter's visual performance as " African Queen " in the French magazine L'Officiel Paris and online media responses. Findings examine how Beyoncé's visual African Queen representation raises questions about the ways racial difference relies on the notion of " progressive " primitivism. Furthermore, online commentaries responded to these Black(er)face images by couching the discourse of art and fashion within a post-racial lens, also rooted in progressive primitivism.

Against the backdrop of ongoing discussions about how best to conceptualise, confront and ultimately eradicate racism, this paper seeks to critically examine the relevance of 'post-racial' thinking, both in a general sense, but also in relation to education. The argument is framed around a concern that multi-cultural, and to a lesser extent, anti-racist approaches have become hostage to the very same essentialising practices around 'race' thinking that they seek to challenge. This is best illustrated in the plethora of racial, ethnic, geographic, national and religious categories that are currently deployed my many educational institutions in the furtherance of 'equality and diversity' policy objectives. In setting out some of the underpinning ideas and controversies linked with the idea of 'post-racial' , the paper offers some tentative suggestions as to how a 'post-racial pedagogy' could be manifested in pedagogical practices.

This paper seeks to explore offer a personal perspective to the experiences of black and minority ethnic (BME) academics in the UK HE institutions. It is argued that though on the surface these institutions appear to be ethnically diverse, underneath, in every aspect they are white dominated.

Much scholarship on mediated representations of race and gender claims that contemporary texts are examples of post-race and post-feminism, effectively communicating that our society is past the eras of inequality of races and sexes. Yet, many scholars have also argued that such representations are not so straightforward. Extending the work of this latter group of scholars, we call this tension refraction, a term we define as representational practices that draw attention to, or magnify, innate oppositions and inconsistencies in mediated representations surrounding identity markers. Through a case study of the first three seasons of the television series Scandal, we find multiple examples of refraction, as the protagonist Olivia Pope simultaneously embodies and critiques specific race/gender tropes. This ultimately depoliticizes issues of race and gender by simultaneously calling attention to, and drawing attention away from, those issues.

This paper seeks to explore the tensions within discussions about
‘race’, racism and anti-­‐racism within Higher Education. Specifically and somewhat provocatively, it aims to set out some of the underpinning ideas and controversies associated with the idea of 'post-­‐race', as well  exploring some practical suggestions as to how 'post-­‐race pedagogy' can be positively manifested in the teaching, learning and assessment process. In doing so, the paper aims to connect a wider structural and historical understanding of racism to the development of Western educational institutions and values and the resultant racialising micro-­‐practices of teaching and learning.