Primitive Accumulation

Scholars have revived the concept of primitive accumulation to describe how explicit violence is an ongoing and structural, rather than simply historical, tool for capitalist domination. However, the relationship between the logic of capitalism and history of capitalism remains obscured. Capitalism is politically enforced and hegemonic, but ongoing instances of capitalist violence repeatedly appear as though they were breaking new ground or finding new frontiers for capitalist growth. In this paper, I offer a novel framework for understanding how primitive accumulation not only creates a capitalist material order but also a temporal order that motivates and reproduces capitalist violence. Focusing on Maasai conflicts over conservation lands in Kenya and Tanzania, I describe how primitive accumulation imposes the historical narratives that naturalize capitalism, ecological rhythms that suppress competing lifeways, and identity categories that marginalize dispossessed populations by characterizing them as primitive. This account advances key debates about settler-colonialism, racial capitalism, and potential resistance by clarifying how disproportionate harm against particular populations is justified, how those justifications reproduce and naturalize capitalist domination, and how temporality represents not only a site of domination but also political struggle.

This paper offers a typology of state-backed land dispossession and a conceptual framework to advance explanations of this phenomenon. It warns against the careless application of the ‘primitive accumulation’
and ‘accumulation by dispossession’ concepts. Both offer vital insights into the links between capitalism and land dispossession, but - on their own - are insufficient tools for examining coercive land acquisitions
in the contemporary context. The paper includes a sympathetic engagement with Levien’s theory of land dispossession. Levien is one of few authors who directly tackles the question: why or under what conditions is land acquired via coercive dispossession rather than voluntary market-exchange? He concludes that extra-economic force is used to facilitate accumulation where “land markets are not fully capitalist”. This paper argues instead that what he calls “barriers to accumulation” are inherent to capitalist land markets themselves.

The relation between labor and value in digital capitalism is complex and has been subject to much debate. This chapter will provide a brief overview of the reflections on this matter as they have evolved in parallel to the growing importance of digital technologies-from their first appearance in the form of commercially available computers in the 1960s, via the impact of the Web in the 1990s to the contemporary platform economy. Digital labor: from the post-industrial to Web 2.0 Questions about the relation between labor and value in the digital-or as it was called at the time "post-industrial"-economy emerged already in the 1960s as sociologists like Daniel Bell (1973) along with management scholars like Peter Drucker (1959), began to suggest that the (immaterial)

Reclaimers who salvage recyclable and reusable materials are frequently upheld as emblematic of disposable ‘surplus populations’ considered superfluous to the contemporary capitalist economy and social and political life. Through analysis of how black reclaimers in South Africa revalue commodities that others have disposed as waste, this chapter exposes the patriarchal, white supremacist colonial assumption underpinning capital accumulation (which I argue has intensified in the current period of ‘disposability capitalism’) that subjugated people, nature, and commodities can be treated as disposable, understood not as excluded and unnecessary, but as simultaneously disposable and at capitalists’ disposal (hence exploitable). The chapter argues that analysis of reclaimers’ complex labour and organising facilitates a fundamental critique of the ideology and practice of disposability and ‘disposability capitalism’ and provides crucial insights into ways to struggle beyond them, as well as challenges in doing so.

Es preciso devolver lo económico al plano de la vida cotidiana. Una vía es hacer visible la pluralidad de los imaginarios económicos, así como sus valencias de futuro. Esta es una estrategia de lectura que el libro de Sergio Gutiérrez Negrón, México, Interrupted. Labor, Idleness, and the Imaginary Economic of Independence (Vanderbilt University Press, 2023) realiza en torno a los futuros económicos y los ideologemas del artesano, el colono y el vagabundo a partir de los debates en el contexto intelectual mexicano.

While the colonial powers had access to lands and related resources in other countries for their initial phases of industrialisation, this choice is mostly unavailable to postcolonial countries. In this paper its consequence for the model of accumulation with land acquisition as the central variable in a post-colonial democracy is analysed through a government enabled corporate led industrialisation strategy. We develop a model of land acquisition in Section 2 with its implication for land use patterns taking into account the impacts of demand constraints due to a limited domestic and foreign market. The analysis brings out the net effect of land utilization pattern on employment and output in various situations, and shows its links with the growth of the informal labour markets as a necessary adjunct of the corporate land acquisition model. In section 3 the impact on the informal economy is considered in some details. It shows how a general scheme of cost and regulation arbitrage employed by the corporate sector captures to some extent its impact on the informal sector. The intertwined development of the organized with a vast unorganized sector requires political legitimization to be sustainable. The concluding section 4 deals with the typical legitimization strategies that are adopted to define a spectrum, and the emergence of varieties of corporate capitalist democracies with different role of the state. The paper attempts to identify some elements that partly account for success and failure of the state in ushering in development in post colonial democracies. ☆ This article is part of a special issue entitled: 'Decolonising Economic Development' published in World Development. https://authors.elsevier.com/a/1kzgL,6yxDWH88

The amendment to the Kerala Conservation of Paddy Land and Wetland Act 2008 is one in a series
of environmentally detrimental decisions that the Kerala government has taken. The state urgently
needs to factor in ecological rationale in decision-making and conserve paddy fields and weltlands
for the long term health of the state.

Recent years have seen a flourishing of scholarly debate on the subject and theoretical status of world literature. As Eli Jelly-Schapiro notes in Moments of Capital: World Theory, World Literature, scholars such as Rey Chow, Pascal Casanova, Emily Apter, Sarah Brouillette, Franco Moretti and the Warwick Research Collective have sought to remap the field of world-literary studies on the conceptual terrain of 'uneven and combined development: the circulation of literary texts through global markets, and the formal strategies performed by literary texts to represent the totality and contradictions of global capital' (p. 26). These approaches to world literature draw from reading methodologies developed in the field of Comparative Literature, which privileges categories of nation, region, language and period; from contributions from Postcolonial Studies scholars who focus on the dialectics of colony and metropole; and from frameworks associated with world-systems theory, with its shifting cartographies of core, periphery and semi-periphery. Jelly-Schapiro's Moments of Capital engages all three fields of scholarship on world literature but aims to 'develop a new conceptual key for the mapping of the world market and world literature alike', one interested in 'registering but moving beyond the differences of history and geography' by looking at three 'moments' that 'comprise global capital', which he argues are 'primarily synchronic rather than diachronic' (p. 2). These moments include the extractivist and violent proletarianizing processes of primitive accumulation, the exploitative and ideological regimes of expanded reproduction, and a third moment he calls synthetic dispossession, in which a crisis-ridden capitalism mobilizes the technologies of finance and government policy to manufacture new sites for speculation and appropriation. While these moments have traditionally been read in temporal and sequential terms as marking the emergence, domination and decline of the capitalist mode

El progresivo adelgazamiento del Estado del Bienestar y la privatizacion de bienes y servicios publicos han propiciado la aparicion de discursos que reclaman la recuperacion de los comunes y su autogestion colectiva. En ese contexto las tierras y derechos comunales de la Inglaterra pre-capitalista han dejado de ser un asunto academico, reapareciendo intensamente en los imaginarios socioespaciales del activismo global. Aunque esa reapropiacion del pasado parece legitima, dichas narrativas ignoran a menudo la complejidad implicita en la gestion, planificacion y evolucion de los comunes historicos. Para subsanar estas lagunas estudiamos las instituciones y modos de gobierno que sustentaban el regimen comunal de la tierra en este periodo, enfatizando su condicion de planificacion autogestionada de los usos del suelo y las practicas asociadas al mismo. Este regimen fue sustituido por las leyes de cercamiento, dando paso a una logica de planificacion centralizada e insolidaria: una logica...

This article focuses on the role played by meteorology and local
atmospheric measurements to support the expansion of the State of
Chile towards Magallanes. Its objective is to analyze a set of observation
networks that sought, on the one hand, to identify meteorological patterns in the extreme south and, on the other, to use this information to make the installation of the State of Chile effective in the nineteenth century. In this sense, we study how the categorization of the southern climate became a matter of geostrategic interest for the young republic by studying the climatic conditions suitable for settlement. Using documentation from the political authorities and personnel of the colonies at Fuerte Bulnes and Punta Arenas, it evaluates how these meteorological observations sought to better understand the conditions for assessing the habitability of the place, both in terms of health and agriculture. The study reveals that meteorology was used to observe the climate and as a strategic tool for environmental adaptation and territorial management.

In the last chapter, we saw how Hamlet changed his life and the course of history by surrendering himself to God. And you accept the fact Denmark was a Catholic country in the Middle Ages, and that therefore Hamlet was Catholic. But you want the smoking gun. Rela, dear reader, because I am about to deliver the gun and the smoke, figuratively. The clear proof of William's commitment to the Catholic Church can be found, not primarily in a play, but a sonnet, "Sonnet 66." I will be discussing" Sonnet 66" at length, so it pays to quote it first in its entirety: Tir'd with all these, for restful death I cry, As, to behold desert a beggar born, And needy nothing trimm'd in jollity, And purest faith unhappily forsworn, And gilded honour shamefully misplac'd, And maiden virtue rudely strumpeted, And right perfection wrongfully disgrac'd, And strength by limping sway disabled, And art made tongue-tied by authority, And folly, doctor-like, controlling skill, And simple truth miscall'd simplicity, And captive good attending captain ill. Tir'd with all these, from these would I be gone, Save that, to die, I leave my love alone.

In what ways do Indigenous ecological practices contribute to sustainable environmental management, and how can decolonial ecofeminism amplify these contributions? How do overlapping identities (e.g., race, gender, class) influence individual and collective experiences within environmental justice initiatives? What insights do ecofeminist perspectives offer regarding the impacts of extractive industries on marginalized communities and ecosystems? How does the undervaluation of reproductive and care labor manifest in environmental policies, and what are the implications for ecofeminist theory and practice? In what ways does climate change disproportionately affect marginalized groups, and how can ecofeminist strategies promote equitable climate resilience? How can acknowledging diverse cultural perspectives enhance inclusivity and effectiveness in environmental decision-making processes? What are the implications of urban environmental policies on women and marginalized communities, particularly concerning issues like green gentrification? How can ecofeminist theories inform the creation of equitable and sustainable environmental policies? How do portrayals of ecofeminist activism in media influence public perception and policy development? Ecofeminism critically examines the interconnected oppressions of women and nature, asserting that the exploitation of the environment and the subjugation of marginalized groups are mutually reinforcing (Kheel, 2008). This perspective challenges traditional dualisms that separate humans from nature and men from women, advocating for an integrated approach to social and environmental issues. Ariel Salleh's concept of "embodied materialism" emphasizes the role of reproductive labor and the exploitation of women's bodies in sustaining capitalist patriarchal systems (Salleh, 1997(Salleh, /2017)). By recognizing the material realities of women's labor and their relationship to ecological processes, Salleh provides a critical lens for understanding how environmental degradation disproportionately affects women and other marginalized groups. By addressing these questions, this special issue aims to deepen our understanding of the complex relationships between environmental and social injustices, providing valuable insights into pathways toward a more equitable and sustainable world.

En este ensayo se realiza un análisis de la película La Llorona de Jayro Bustamante, producida por La Casa de Producción y estrenada en 2020. El punto central es el diálogo entre la representación del espanto de la Llorona y la relación entre fantasma y memoria. También se entabla un diálogo con las múltiples interpretaciones que se han hecho de la película en diferentes espacios académicos. Finalmente, se hace una interpretación de la película en el contexto de las disputas discursivas que existen sobre las narrativas de la memoria en Guatemala.

This essay analyzes the film La Llorona by Jayro Bustamante, produced by La Casa de Producción and released in 2020. The main point is the discussion between the representation of the ghost of La Llorona and its relation with memory. It also performs a dialog with the multiple interpretations of the movie from different academic spaces. Finally, it makes an interpretation of the film in the context of the discursive disputes about memory narratives in Guatemala.

Ensayo original arbitrado por dos pares ciegos

El ensayo analiza las metáforas de un capítulo del Capital, "La llamada acumulación originaria", de Karl Marx, revisando las tensiones estéticas, éticas, epistemológicas y políticas de su entramado textual. Conectando el imaginario marxiano principalmente con el gótico, traza asimismo una posible genealogía de estudios sobre las "metáforas" de Marx, hasta conectar con su crítica y cuestionamiento feministas en la propuesta de Silvia Federici en Calibán y la bruja.

Call for Articles "Extractivism and Aesthetic Form in the Long Nineteenth Century" From the late fifteenth-century to the late eighteenth-century, the Spanish and Portuguese Empires governed an enormous colonial enterprise that circulated people, animals, plants, manufactured goods and crafts, money, and knowledges on a global scale in what some have termed "the first globalization." Its bureaucracies and outposts stretched to the Americas, the Italian peninsula, the Netherlands, the coasts of Africa and India, and the Philippines. However, Spain lost most of the territories it controlled in the period that spans from the Spanish American Revolutions (1808-1824) to the military rout of 1898, when it ceded Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines to the US. Portugal's colonial history, on the other hand, was marked in the nineteenth-century by Brazil's emergence as a site of imperial power in the wake of the Napoleonic invasion of the Iberian Peninsula.

con el pasado […] El testimonio no está del lado de la verdad, sino del lado la experiencia. 1 El libro El título se concentra en enfocar a la política de Estados Unidos como un tema clásico de denuncia entre los opositores norteamericanos hacia el papel geopolítico de ese país. Buena parte del libro se relaciona con la historia de esa intromisión en Centroamérica, en especial, Guatemala. El tratamiento sobre el papel norteamericano se basa en fuentes conocidas, usadas como una pedagogía sobre el imperialismo. Al mismo tiempo,

The expansion of mining in Ecuador has stirred resistance among some Indigenous peasant communities in the name of territorial rights; others have offered their land and labour to mining companies. In this and similar land grab contexts, Indigenous peasant communities are often broadly represented as natural resisters or as corrupted collaborators, which, we argue, does not account for how peasants with territorial and/or land rights weigh their options. In Napo province, we examine how peasants have adjudicated contradictory socioeconomic pressures and, in turn, opted to work with miners. We highlight the methodological and political implications of centering how local 'participants' in land grabs experience untenable choices or 'double binds' to understand the efficacy of land grabs and the obstacles to resistance.

Prvotna akumulacija je eden tistih temeljnih konceptov kritike politične ekonomije, ki svojo aktualnost vedno znova dokazujejo tako skozi samo zgodovinsko dinamiko kapitalističnega produkcijskega načina kot skozi zgodovinsko dinamiko marksizma kot konceptualnega aparata. Časi in teorija se spreminjajo, vendar kapitalizem in z njim prvotna akumulacija vztrajata. Sistemsko razlaščanje oziroma ločitev neposrednih producentov od njihovih produkcijskih sredstev ni enkratno nasilje, babica, ki se pojavi enkrat samkrat ob rojstvu kapitalizma, ampak je vedno prisotna babica, ki delavca vedno znova ločuje od sredstev za njegovo preživetje. Brez vedno znova ponavljajoče se prvotne akumulacije ni kapitalizma. Prvotna akumu- lacija je proces, ki v najbolj strogem smislu skrbi za nenehno reprodukcijo kapitalskega razmerja. Je tista zgodovinska zareza, ki spodnese fevdalizem in veliko večino človeštva vrže iz tlačanskih razmerij v razmerja mezdnega suženjstva, a hkrati s tem zareza, ki ni enkratna, ki se, da bi sploh obsta- jala in delovala, mora vedno znova reproducirati. Čas, ko delavci ne bi bili več ločeni od svojih produkcijskih sredstev, ko bi postali družba svobodnih in prostovoljno združenih proizvajalcev, torej ne bi bil več čas, ki bi mu še lahko rekli doba kapitalizma.

The chapter introduces one of the core conceptual tools of the book, international financial subordination (IFS), and expounds its connection to financial statecraft. It provides a genealogy of IFS, as a concept and research agenda dedicated to elucidating the structural power of finance and its particularly violent form of expression in developing and emerging markets. Next, the chapter offers an overview of some of the main sources, features, and implications of IFS, particularly those that result in constraints and pressures on state policymaking and development trajectories in the global South. The chapter then turns to the relationship between IFS and financial statecraft. It highlights some of the problematic ways in which this relationship has been conceived, such as when IFS and financial statecraft are seen as two poles of a continuum. While IFS exerts real constraints on policymaking, this, however, does not mean that state agency and capacity are denied. On the contrary, IFS can be a powerful catalyst of institutional innovation, regulatory experimentation, and resource mobilization in developing and emerging economies, whether it is to accommodate or mitigate the impacts of IFS, or to ameliorate a state’s position in global financial and monetary relations. Thus, the chapter makes the case for understanding IFS not as an end state (where state autonomy and agency are denied) but as a set of power relations which are internalized by state actors, shape policymaking, and therefore become crystallized in financial statecraft. The chapter concludes with open questions and avenues for future research.

This paper interprets China’s socialist transition from the Maoist to the
Dengist period as the rise and fall of state feudalism. Our result stems from a class-focused frame which uses class process of surplus labour as the entry point and overdetermined contradictions of class and non-class processes as the mode of analysis. Contrary to conventional renditions of the Maoist period as a case of socialism or state capitalism, the institutions of rural communes and urban danweis are uncovered here as nurturing state feudal class structures. The roles of ownership structure, planning, hukou, CCP and state are revisited as provider of non-class conditions of existence of the state feudal class structures. Despite acknowledging the importance of non-class process of price scissor, any inferred association of price scissor with primitive accumulation, capitalist or socialist, is rejected. The subsequent Dengist period is revealed as having dismantled the erstwhile state feudal class structures and their associated conditions of existence, where the set of reforms is analysed as having laid the ground for the appearance of capitalist class structures, state and private. Our paper is throughout underpinned by a Eurocentric, non-teleological approach to transition whereby feudalism per se is not associated with the past but may very well reappear in the context of a contemporary society, illustrated in the case of Maoist China through the countenance of state feudalism.

Debates surrounding the 'non,' 'non-being,' and 'negativity' abound throughout the history of Western philosophy. An origin might be found in Parmenides' fragments, which conceive 'being' in opposition to 'non-being.' Given that being is, being cannot be conceived as 'non-being' or nothingness. Yet, the nature of being's quiddity as a stable form opens to Zeno's paradoxes, where being lacks the capacity for motion. In response to this incapacity, Plato's Sophist promotes non-being as a negative capacity for change to take place in being. Here, being instigates a position that is simultaneously negative and positive: both a lack of being and the productive motor of being in the process of becoming. From this encounter forward, diverse strains of 'non-being' reverberate into contemporary inquiry. On the one hand, Plato's Sophist poses the introduction of the negative into philosophy, informing modern positions such as F.W.J. Schelling's dialectical self-negation of the Godhead and G.W.F. Hegel's notion of the self-actualizing negativity of Geist. These conversations continue into 20 th century framings of a 'non' or 'void' as both the traumatic kernel of the self, as in the psychoanalytic theory of Jacques Lacan, or the productive paradox central to being itself, as in the work of Alain Badiou. Simultaneously, some scholars pose the 'non' as a fundamental or paradoxical attribute of being (rather than a void), as is the case for Gilles Deleuze's discussion of 'non-being' or '?being' where 'non-being' serves as the problematization of being ungrounding itself, or theoretical inquiry, as in Theodor Adorno's consideration of the 'non-concept' or 'non-identity' always present as the unrecognized excess of any concept or identity. As Daniel

The project of history writing has always favoured the elite, male, upper class individuals, groups, and communities. History writing thus is essentially biased and patriarchal in its approach since contributions made by women from lower classes and tribal women in particular have hardly been acknowledged and given due recognition. History from below and minority history have been excluded and omitted from the mainstream narratives of the nation. This argument was vociferously highlighted in the early 1980s by the renowned Subaltern historian Ranajit Guha, in his critique of elitist histography. One of the proponents made by him was that in elite histography, indigenous elites alone claim to have inspired and led the people to freedom. People and communities from the margins and peripheries are thus rendered voiceless and have remained hidden in the pages of history. The paper seeks to highlight the contribution made by Helen Lepcha, alias Sabitri Devi, a lone Lepcha woman freedom fighter, who by dint of her courage, bravery and selfless dedication could make a mark in the national freedom movement. Born in 1902 in Namchi, South Sikkim and migrated to Kurseong along with her parents in search of better education and livelihood option, she became highly inspired by the Gandhian ideals of Khadi, Satyagraha, Swadeshi and Non-cooperation. Being a dropout from school at the age of 15, she joined the Khaddar and Charkha Movement in 1917, which became a turning point of her life and political career. The paper thus argues at length that minority histories should be explored and represented which has always remained in the shadows and the margins. The little contribution made by them in the freedom movement should be etched in golden letters in the pages of history.

This article examines Marxist debates surrounding the origins of capitalism, focusing on the "primitive accumulation of capital" as posited by Karl Marx and its implications for understanding the transition from feudalism to capitalism. Through an Althusserian lens emphasizing "overdetermination", the article examines three theories involved in two major intra-Marxist debates: the Brenner-Wallerstein controversy, and the Wallerstein-Frank exchange. This analysis contends that Wallerstein's framework adheres more closely to historical materialism, despite its one concept related to empiricism (the concept of "World-System"). Both Brenner's and Frank's frameworks devolve into empiricist analysis-Brenner into humanism and Frank into historicism-making their theories on the origin of capitalism completely wrong. The article asserts that a proper understanding of capitalism's origins must account for the "overdetermination", meaning the dominant relation of production defining the "totality of the relations of production" during a specific historical period. Such an understanding would lead to considering the social role of colonialism in the development of capitalism as a mode of production. Ultimately, the article argues that while Wallerstein's theory is the most accurate in its historical materialist approach, its "World-System" conceptualization blurs essential Marxist principles, necessitating a return to the orthodox framework of the "mode of production".

insert 100-word abstract here] In this interview the work of philosopher and activist Silvia Federici is discussed, Topics include: primitive accumulation and the exploitation of women; domestic work; the concept of reproduction; and resistance to global capitalism. Among many things, Federici argues that in order to effectively resist the continued exploitation of women and the devaluation of the activities by which our lives and labor-force are reproduced, we must create new forms of communalization that not only establish some distance between ourselves and the market/state nexus, but allow us to create the kinds of solidarity necessary for re-appropriating the resources

Abstract
Globalization has unleashed two concomitant forces in India since
1991: neoliberalism and private capitalism. Neoliberal globalization
enabled India’s economic transition from state capitalism under a
centralized plan regime (1951–1991) toward private capitalism that
took the form of global capitalism (1991–). In the post-globalization
era, while Indian capitalism has been successful in terms of outcomes of  high growth and extreme income poverty reduction, its form of global capitalism represented by circuits-camp of global capital is shown as  constituted by the structural exclusion of world of the third. This economic map is revealed to have sown new seeds of contradictions that manifested in new-fangled problems of income and social inequalities, misdirection in sectoral change, low quality of job creation, and agrarian crisis. Finally, we unpack the rise of nationalism and
Hindutva in the post-globalization period and conclude by reflecting
upon the possibility of a complex unity of capitalist minority might and Hindu majority might, albeit with contradictions and conflicts.

This chapter shows how late Karl Marx revised the concept of primitive accumulation and challenged the idea of historical inevitability. In the case of England, Marx emphasized the expropriation of land, as a condition of primitive accumulation. Having moved away from the nineteenth century discourse of historical inevitability, the chapter interprets Marx as pointing to independent and communist class enterprises with reference to land organizations and a theorizing of primitive accumulation as a process of dismantling existing or possible forms of non-capitalist existences. In so far as the Indian state is considered, it is one form of primitive accumulation-direct land acquisition-that has particularly caught attention. The Russian transition discussion posed the difficult issue of whether Russia should take the path of capitalist development as it had unfolded in England. In his effort to theorize capitalism, Marx ended up giving us a clue to conceptualizing the 'economy' as diverse, in which capitalism is one social form among many that co-exist.

The article seeks to develop a class focused theory of development induced internal migration in the context of -India's economic transition. Through a critical interroga-We are grateful to Anup Dhar and two anonymous referees for their detailed comments. The usual disclaimer applies.

This paper seeks to introduce a geographical reading of contemporary political economy
emphasizing the relationship between primitive accumulation, the fictitious capital and
accumulation by dispossession. First returns to the Marxian concept of primitive accumulation.
Then, basing on F. Chesnais, establishes the relationship of primitive accumulation with
fictitious capital. Finally, points to the dialectic between the two phenomena and the D.
Harvey's concept of accumulation by dispossession.

in this introduction to the special issue, The new tourism geopolitics, we call on scholars to bridge tourism geographies and political geography through the framework of tourism geopolitics. the issue offers novel conceptualizations that extend beyond the study of material borders, passports, and nation-state discourses. Rather, the authors of this issue home in on the entanglements between tourism and geopolitics in the form of events, everyday interactions, ideologies, political economies, and celebritized people and places.the introduction outlines several increasingly pressing questions around the geopolitics of tourism, ones that for too long have been marginal in tourism geography and relatively ignored in political geography. we further identify how political maneuvers at international and domestic, state and non-state, and macro and micro levels trigger the proliferation of geopolitical dilemmas for tourism practices, policies, and flows. the eleven papers in this curated collection offer critical points of departure for bringing tourism and political geographies together to reveal discordant relations of power and oppression in tourism. in doing so, the introduction and papers that follow compel us to account for the significance of tourism in the intimate and extraordinary geopolitical structures of power that shape our lives and our world.

O presente texto é resultado de uma bolsa pesquisa (PIBIC), cuja pesquisa foi realizada entre 2023 e 2024 sob a orientação do Prof. Dr. Alessandro Pinzani, na Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina.

Como reflexões pós-finalização, há pontos da pesquisa que compreendo que foram tratados de forma breve (como o desenvolvimento da última seção conceitual, onde trato do modelo das carências e da conceituação de uma vida decente). O motivo chave para isso foi a questão de tempo e circunstâncias de vida. Para tanto, fica dito que como momento de amadurecimento acadêmico, esta pesquisa representa um ponto de virada em relação a meu pesquisar.

RESUMO
A presente pesquisa busca abordar as causas do fenômeno da marginalização social e da miséria e como são produtos necessários da e para a existência da sociedade capitalista, não constituindo um acidente de percurso. São mobilizados autores como Hegel, Engels e Marx, por serem pensadores que abordam o “social” como aspecto de suma importância, quando não como o principal, deste fenômeno, tendo em vista que a marginalização social e a miséria não pode ser explicada em toda sua amplitude se for apenas considerado o aspecto individual (seja qual for a abordagem desse aspecto). Por fim, é utilizado o conceito de carências como o modelo analítico e normativo com o qual se poderá analisar e julgar o estado de dada sociedade como garantidora de uma “vida decente”.

Coetzee's reading of Sebald is significative for his writing of the Jesus trilogy. The very thesis of the trilogy relates to the existence of a world where all references to the past are lost in oblivion, which, according to Coetzee, would have been a possible salvation for Austerlitz, Sebald's protagonist. This paper will analyse to what extent Coetzee's encounter with Sebald determined the conception of time that is found in the three Jesus novels. Furthermore, the two authors share the same preoccupation with the issue of time regarding "the anxiety expressed by Rainer Maria Rilke in his letters about the duty of the artist as bearer of cultural memory" (Coetzee 2008), which I would filter through Jacques Rancière's exploration of time and temporality (The Politics of Aesthetics, 2004; The Edges of Fiction, 2020; Modern Times: Temporality in Art and Politics, 2022). Finally, their conceptions of Chronos differ in relation with Topos: if Sebald's prose is suffocated with the texture of a collage of historical materials, in Coetzee's prose the materiality is diluted. However, in the two experimental narratives, there are certain institutions that guard over a specific rendering of time which reveals the complexity of the encounter. Moreover, Jacques Rancière is also a reader of Sebald's prose, a fact which motivates the endeavour to explore this threefold relationship. https://acta.sapientia.ro/content/docs/02-594043.pdf

This paper aims to address a lacuna in the Transition Debate by reconstructing the origins of international law as a central feature of the formation of the capitalist world-ecology throughout the long sixteenth century (c. 1450-1648). In doing so, this paper bridges a rift in Marxist legal scholarship between the commodity form theorists who emphasize the importance of doctrine and the social property form theorists who stress the determinative role of legal practices. Unacknowledged in this exchange is Wallerstein’s historical-geographic account of the transition and its development by Moore into world-scale political marxism.Through this perspective, I empirically narrate the centrality of legal transformations surrounding property, territoriality, and Naturalism. The formation of capitalism as a world-ecology, as a way of organizing human and extra-human life, cannot be understood without accounting for the emergence of its legal infrastructure and its dualistic source code—Civilization and Nature—amidst the long sixteenth century. It was only through the failure of the Spanish imperial project that concepts of property, territoriality, and Natural law were revolutionized to create the juridical basis for the capitalist world-ecology and its political structure of nation-states. This geohistorical reconstruction of law, life, and the rise of capitalism allows us to better grasp contemporary debates over planetary law in the climate crisis.

This article advances a conceptualization of the historical novel and addresses the genre's specificity via a reading of Amitav Ghosh's Ibis trilogy (2008–2015). To distinguish the historical novel from the trope of realism with which it is often thought to overlap, the article repurposes Georg Lukács's theorization of the genre via Marx's concept of “origin” (primitive accumulation) of the capitalist mode of production. Treating Ghosh's trilogy as an exemplary case, this article's reading focuses on how the text's formal attributes are central to its narration of colonial capitalism. The article concludes by suggesting that in narrating events from the standpoint of the surplus population produced by the capitalist mode of production, Ghosh is confronted with the limits of the novel form.

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

In the global contemporary political context, diverse social struggles are being alienated from each other to the point that the illusion of capitalism as the only possible socioeconomic system is blurring all horizons of social change. In this article, we will aim to redefine the common causes of social struggles, by demonstrating their intersectionality and interdependence. In order to do so, we will engage with a number of concepts from Marx's philosophy. In the introduction, we will examine the notion of value, claiming that Marx's value theory is not simply a labor theory of value, but that it rather reflects the parallax structure of production and circulation, crystallized in the ultimate value-form of money. Having obtained these preliminary insights, we will go back to the phenomenon of labor in capitalism, to reinterpret, in the first section of the article, the Marxian distinction between productive and unproductive labor. From this will follow the first concrete examples of the intersectionality of social struggles against the abstraction of capital: namely, showing that gender and racial struggles have certain common causes, rooted in the Gramscian hegemony. In the second section, we will examine the distinction that Marx establishes between the formal and the real subsumption. The latter, we will claim, is decisive for understanding how capital structures the quasi-totality of our social relations. Following an interpretation of Maren Ade's film Toni Erdmann, we will propose some possible means of intersectional struggle against real subsumption, that will find their theoretical backing in the concept of subversive universals. The concluding remarks will address the nuclear logic of the distribution and accumulation of capital, a symptom that survives throughout history preserved and driven by the omnipresence of ideology, and stress again implicitly the importance of common struggle in the unfreezing of emergence of a new revolutionary subject.

Kırlardan Gelecekler: 21. Yüzyılda Tarım ve Antikapitalist Perspektif , kırsal-tarımsal alandaki sistemik sorunların görünümünü sunma ve bu sorunlara antikapitalist yanıtların neler olabileceğini tartışma amacını taşıyor. Kitap, sermayenin kırsal alana yönelik saldırılarının tarihsel kökenlerini ele alırken, köylülük, tarımsal yapılar, mülksüzleşme ve proleterleşme süreçlerini tartışıyor; neoliberal politikaların bu alanlarda yarattığı yıkıcı etkileri gözler önüne seriyor. Farklı disiplinlerden akademisyenler ve kırsal alanın öznelerinin katkılarıyla hazırlanan bu derleme, alternatif bir kırsal yaşamın ve üretim biçimlerinin nasıl inşa edilebileceğine dair ipuçları sunuyor. Türkiye'de kırsal alanlarda yaşanan hızlı dönüşüm ve köylülerin verdiği mücadelelere dair güncel örnekler içeriyor. Zülküf Aydın, Metin Özuğurlu, Deniz Pelek, Coşku Çelik, Tayfun Özkaya, Ali Bülent Erdem gibi yazarların makaleleri, tarımın küresel sermaye birikimi için nasıl bir araç haline getirildiğini analiz ediyor. Agroekoloji, kadın emeği ve gıda egemenliği gibi konularda alternatif arayışları tartışmaya açıyor.

Z razvojem neoliberalne postfordistične oblike kapitalizma je prišlo do preoblikovanja Marxovega koncepta blagovnega fetišizma: družbeni odnosi med postvarjenimi ljudmi so se pričeli prikazovati kot družbeni odnosi med pristnimi ljudmi. Značilnost kapitalističnega produkcijskega načina je, da dobijo stvari poleg uporabne vrednosti tudi menjalno (tržno) vrednost, ki se skonstruira na trgu. Ta dobi prizvok »samoumevne naravne nujnosti« vsake stvari, čeprav v resnici ni nič drugega kot konstrukt specifičnih zgodovinskih pogojev družbene produkcije. V neoliberalni postfordistični pojavni obliki kapitalizma, v kateri so osrednjo vlogo pri realiziranju presežne vrednosti prevzele kognitivne dejavnosti, katerih nosilci so ljudje, se to družbeno vrednostno razmerje med stvarmi prenese tudi na ljudi oz. na vsakega posameznika posebej in se tako izraža njegovo družbeno koristnost in samouresničenost. V takšni družbi je posameznik dojet kot virtuozni individuum s svojimi specifičnimi sposobnos...

I n May 1975, the communist political movement in Laos, the Pathet Lao, took control of the country. The takeover was initially accomplished without bloodshed, by manipulating the national political situation and undermining the coalition government that had been formed in the wake of a February 1973 agreement that ended major military conflict. King Sisavang Vatthana abdicated, and the Lao People's Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) was officially established on December 2, 1975, modeled on the Soviet Union and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. The dramatic political, economic, and social changes that followed resulted in considerable upheaval. Thousands of political opponents of the new regime, without being charged or tried, were sent to euphemistically named "reeducation camps," which actually were hard-labor concentration camps. Even more fled across the Mekong River and ended up in refugee camps in Thailand. Some elements of the opposition inside and outside Laos took up arms against the new regime, with limited support from Thailand. Thai leaders wanted Lao dissidents to collect military intelligence for them and act as a buffer against possible communist Lao and Vietnamese incursions into Thailand. With South Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos all becoming communist in 1975, and the Communist Party of Thailand gaining political and military strength, there were fears that Thailand could be the next domino to fall. In 1979, when the Sino-Soviet ideological split ruptured China's relationship with Vietnam, and by extension with the Lao PDR, China decided to support the Lao insurgency with arms, supplies, and training. This conflict, along with the one that broke out in Cambodia after the Vietnamese