Theories of the State

Epistemic democratic theory often focuses on defending democracy from various forms of elitism, such as epistocracy. However, democracy's informational properties may also be compared with those of the market, and not other forms of political decision-making. While Kevin Elliott's critique of the market's epistemic properties is a welcome contribution that broadens the range of comparisons epistemic democratic theory engages with, Elliott mischaracterizes arguments made by market theorists, overlooks their justifications for employing unrealistic assumptions, and ignores instances where they agree with his critiques and arguments. This paper examines arguments regarding the epistemology of democracy and the market, and discusses the comparative knowledge requirements each competitive system requires of its participants within the wider context of epistemic democratic theory.

Mars 2011 -Version provisoire n° 2 L'économie politique des défauts souverains. 1 Le constat est banal: les Etats font régulièrement faillite, depuis longtemps. Charles Quint en 1559 est un exemple classique, et la monarchie française a vécu sous la menace d'une banqueroute pendant au moins cent cinquante ans, jusqu'à la Révolution. De même, indépendant en 1821 le Mexique a émis pour la première fois de la dette à Londres en 1824 et a cessé ses paiements trois ans plus tard. La première globalisation financière (1870-1914), puis les années 1930 et la décennie 1980 en Amérique latine offrent des nombreux exemples similaires. Rappelons-nous aussi le cas de la Russie (1998) ou de l'Argentine (2001) qui ne sont que les plus spectaculaires des exemples récents. 2 Ces événements récurrents posent toutefois des problèmes très particuliers qui par exemple interdisent de les comparer directement aux faillites privées, par des entreprises. Pour commencer, les coûts individuels et collectifs sont sans commune mesure : un défaut souverain vient en tendance avec une grosse récession, une chute du change, des tensions sociales intenses et, souvent, une crise bancaire ou une hyperinflation. Ensuite, l'insolvabilité d'un Etat n'est pas aisée à identifier et mesurer: on ne saurait établir un bilan consolidé d'un pays et repérer à l'actif les éléments qui pourrait venir équilibrer un passif excessif, ou signer au contraire la « non-soutenabilité » de la dette. Le plus souvent il faut donc on passer par des mesures indirectes. Par exemple, les économistes de risque-pays considèrent souvent qu'un Etat qui consacre plus de 20% de ses recettes fiscales aux paiements d'intérêt est dans une position délicate. De manière plus rigoureuse, Reinhardt et Rogoff (2009) ont montré récemment qu'au-delà de 90% de Pib, la dette publique tend a exercer un effet négatif tangible sur la croissance. Dans ce cas, peut-on penser, une réduction de créance sur une dette très élevée pourrait permettre une augmentation de l'épargne, de l'investissement et donc de la croissance. Un pas plus loin, il faut reconnaître cependant le caractère politique de la décision de faire défaut ou de continuer de servir sa dette. De la capacité de payer, qui renvoie à des variables tangibles quoique peut-être difficiles à mesurer, il faut passer à la volonté de payer (Fishlow 1986). Or le propre d'un

The acceptance of neo-liberal policy of privatization, in line with the dictates of economic globalisation has necessitated a paradigm shift in Nigeria's internal political economic relations from a welfaristic state to a gradual market based capitalist economy. Within this shift is the adoption of the privatisation policy as a necessary policy choice for the attainment of the nation's economic targets. However, while several studies had shown the impact of privatization on the nation's Gross Domestic Product, little has been done on the perceptions of citizens on the implications of the privatisation p[olicy on their lives. This study realized that the privatization policy had negative perceived implications on the political participation, and quality of lives of the citizens.

The past two decades have seen Vietnam, along with several other economies once committed to centralized economic planning, make great efforts to move towards a more market-based economy. Once known mostly for interacting with countries of the same political and ideological commitments, Vietnam now has come a long way fi-om being a completely closed economy towards proactively integrating into various regional and world economies. Together with this process, Vietnam has undergone a massive legislative transformation, the focus of which is to replace the traditional use of administrative directives and government orders in economic regulation with a regulatory system based on universally applicable legislative norms and macroeconomic principles. Vietnam has since achieved record economic growth,' drawing a great deal of attention and interest from the intemational arena. Achievements notwithstanding, one cannot deny that in recent years the pace of Vietnam's transformation ha...

Bu makalenin bazı görüşlerine katılmasam da, "üretim ilişkisi" olarak devlet fikrini benimsiyorum. Kapitalist devlet, hem bir üretici güçtür, dolayısıyla hem de bir üretim ilişkisidir. Kapitalist devlet, iktisadi, siyasal, ideolojik, kültürel ve hukuksal boyutlarda var olan bir toplumsal ilişkiler organizasyonudur ve bu boyutlarıyla sermayenin işçi sınıfı üzerindeki toplumsal iktidarı için hegemonya oluşturur ve bu hegemonyayı her gün yeniden üretir.

This section is part of Chapter IV, "Modern Conservatism in Old Democracies," from the upcoming book "To the Conservative (or Free Man) at the Crossroads: Notes on Poorly Learned Lessons." It follows the paragraph "The Top of the Federal Bureaucracy in the Mirror of Voting." All source references not in footnotes can be found in the book's reference list, available in the downloadable manuscript (in Russian).
This text examines the popular idea of limiting congressional re-elections, championed by D. Trump, and compares it to an alternative approach for "draining the swamp" - reestablishing voters' control over federal Civil Service and drastically reducing the size and power of federal bureaucracy.
To be clear, this discussion does not condone abstaining from voting or supporting parties that promote a Hamas-friendly version of socialism, as exemplified by K. Harris-T. Walz. These political forces must be opposed. Rather, the focus is on what reforms might help restore lost freedoms and responsibilities to US citizens.

In a country like Nigeria which is still at some level of infancy in the practice of democracy in
the real sense of it, I believe it is imperative for her to stop from time to time to ask,
1. “How far have we gone?
2. Where have we fared well and where have we derailed?”

These evaluative questions are necessary guides to an effective march to mature and cohesive democratic practice.

One of the major determinants of democracy in any country is elections. Elections are a major yardstick for measuring the level of maturity in democratic tenets and practice. It is so because it is the time that the voters again exercise their role of determining who should govern them. It is the time that office seekers present their record of stewardship, sell themselves and their products, and of course, woo the electorate for votes.

Este artículo repasa el análisis de Pierre Clastres sobre lo que él llamó “sociedades contra el Estado” y su objetivo es provocar una discusión sobre la manera en que la teoría política occidental pensó la noción de diferencia. En primer lugar, el artículo muestra la manera en que Clastres invirtió la idea de carencia en los pueblos que estudió y, en lugar de presentarlos como sociedades a las que le faltaba algo (fe, rey, ley), los presentó como sociedades contra el Estado. En segundo lugar, el argumento presentado discute la idea de Clastres de la política como matriz de toda diferencia. Para él, la política opera sobre los límites del demos, definiendo cuáles son las diferencias que pueden ser legítimamente articuladas dentro de la comunidad. Finalmente, el artículo propone brevemente una manera en la que el análisis de procesos políticos contemporáneos, como el populismo latinoamericano o los movimientos de indignados en Europa, podrían beneficiarse de la concepción que Clastres tenía de la política y la diferencia.

Is a state something you build? Or was it always there? Eric 1 Der Begriff des Staates ist in Henri Lefèbvres Raumtheorie der 1970er Jahre eng mit der Produktion des Raumes verbunden: als physisches und territoriales Raumgefüge prägen ihn sowohl die sichtbaren, architektonischen als auch die immateriellen Bewegungen, Verbindungen und Strukturen, die sich beständig verändern. Insofern wird der Raum und damit der Staat als soziale Größe derjenigen regulativen Kräfte verstanden, die das nationale und territoriale Gefüge mitgestalten. 2 Der Staat wird sogar in der Repräsentation und in der menschlichen Wahrnehmung zu einem gedanklichen Raum, 3 einem Konstrukt. Dass Lefèbvre in seiner Abhandlung zu Raum und Staat mit den physischen, sozialen und mentalen Aspekten an sein triadisches Konzept der Raumerfahrung anknüpft, 4 ist von Bedeutung, da er das Prinzip des Staates aus drei Erfahrungs-und Reflexionsebenen heraus begreift: dieser habe Raum inne, sei durch soziale Beziehungen geprägt und besetze einen imaginativen Raum. 5 Diese marginalen, sich unmerklich überlagernden, Wahrnehmung und Wissen gleichermaßen beeinflussenden Raumkodierungen treten, von den geopolitischen Rändern her gedacht, bei Eric Baudelaire als "États imaginés/Imagined States" in Er

The paper examines some fundamental factors that spur the quest for resource control in the Niger Delta areas in Nigeria. The pursuit for resource control has been at the centre stage of public discourse in Nigeria’s quest for fair sharing and public discourse. The clamour for fairness, justice, equity, equality and good conscience has been the wish of many groups and civil society organisations, communities in the Niger Delta. The paper reviewed the probable areas under which the aggrieved communities could be catered for especially social amenities. For some time now, the subject of this paper has been on the front burner of public discourse through incisive and engaging features by youth groups, CSOs and communities political leaders such as states governments from the oil producing states in the South-South zone of Nigeria. This work highlighted the great potential of Africa and urgent developmental needs of this vital geo-political region of the Niger Delta with critical analys...

There have been constant efforts by the successive government in Nigerian to regulate and control the social media. More worries have been voiced about how social media harbours misinformation, cyberbullying and fake news which are largely believed by credulous members of the public. As a result, there have been a lot of contentions surrounding attempts to stifle or enact policies to control social media. The focus of this study, however, is to examine how social media regulations reflect on freedom of expression and information in Nigeria, using the experience of Twitter (now X) ban as a practical lesson to draw from. Some of the research objectives were developed to establish how the twitter ban relates to freedom of expression and information; to determine the various impact of the Twitter ban on freedom of expression and information; to evaluate the public perception of Twitter ban on the freedom of expression and information. A sample size of 385 was drawn with the use of survey design using online google form to gather responses from knowledgeable practitioners who were purposively selected from various media organizations in Nigeria. The findings revealed that 100% Twitter is as a platform for freedom of expression and information and the ban was a direct threat to freedom of information. It was agreed that stiff regulation on any social media platform, constitute a direct restraint to fundamental rights of expression and information. The respondents also indicated that the ban was a systemic infringement on human right. The study recommend that Nigeria should serve as a role model for liberal democracy and the rule of law that protects human right.

The purpose of this book is to apply the concepts and the methodology derived from a reexamination of Marxism to the development of a new and dynamic school of thought, Dialecticism. What has emerged from this study is a set of new philosophical, epistemological, social, economic, political, and methodological concepts for uncovering the nature of the universe, mental phenomena, and human social life. To accommodate this new reality, some Marxist views have developed and some reinterpreted, while others rejected. It was only natural that new dialectical views would surface in the process.

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As a result of the complex, multilayered, and problematic environment in which they work, two scholars collaborating between the continents of Australia and North America complicate the data from standardized testing in their communities to argue for the implementation of indigenous knowledge epistemology as a strategy to achieve social justice and equity in global classrooms. The chapter explores the residual effects of imperialism on the formerly colonized and investigates postcolonial themes such as the indigenous self, gender constructs, cultural and communal identity. The study reveals just how critical it is to global research to have the benefit of scholars collaborating across borders. The study provides findings and offers recommendations in direct response to the question: How can educators engage students as collaborators within a third space that elevates their voices as successful students?

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his mini review was conducted to analyze the T complexities of policy formulation and implementation in Nigerian democracy. This study searched various databases and platforms to access a comprehensive range of literature. The study includes a wide range of literature, including academic articles, reports, and policy documents relevant to the topic. Any irrelevant data or information from platforms with limited credibility or lack of rigorous evaluation were excluded. The policy formulation and implementation in Nigerian democracy reflects the nation's journey from colonial rule to independence and the subsequent efforts to address governance challenges during its democratic periods. Nigeria's past policies have seen both successes and failures, which have significantly impacted the country's development. These policies have shaped various aspects of Nigeria's socioeconomic landscape and governance. Improving policy formulation and implementation in Nigerian democracy is essential for achieving sustainable development, addressing diverse needs, and promoting good governance. The mini review outlined challenges faced historically and in the contemporary era, drawing lessons from past policy experiences. The complexities demand a comprehensive approach, emphasizing inclusivity, evidence-based decisionmaking, and stakeholder engagement. Strengthening institutions, combating corruption, and promoting transparency enhance policy outcomes and public trust. Longterm planning, regional considerations, and multi-sectoral collaboration are crucial for addressing socioeconomic disparities and supporting inclusive development. Investments in human capital and data-driven decisionmaking are critical for sustainable progress. The sustainable future will be solidifying Nigeria's role as a regional leader driving positive change in Africa. The review was conducted from May to July 2023. Finally, all results were summarized and reported.

coğrafyasına dair, ilhamını Weber'den alan Batı-merkezli otoriterlik tartışmalarının tarihsel izleğini sürerek Doğu-Batı ikiliği üzerine kurulan bu yaklaşımların yöntemsel açmazlarını göstermeyi amaçlıyor. 1950'li ve 60'lı yıllarda liberal değerlerin ve güven kültürünün eksikliği ile açıklanan otoriterlik, 70'li yıllarda ekonomik çıkarların temsil mekanizmalarındaki eksikliği ile yaşanan siyasal istikrarsızlık ve kurumsal kapasite eksikliğine bağlandı. Bu literatürün ana hatlarının çizilmesinin ardından, o yıllarda öne çıkan popülizm, bürokratik otoriterlik ve rejim değişimi tartışmalarının temel tezleri değerlendiriliyor. Tarihsel izleği takiple çalışma 2010'lu yıllarda neo-popülizm kavramıyla neredeyse eş anlamlı olarak kullanılan demokratik kayma, rekabetçi otoriterlik gibi kavramlar etrafında yapılan otoriterleşme analizlerini inceliyor. Tüm bu çalışmalarda devlet-ekonomi ve devlettoplum ilişkisi üzerine dışsal ilişkili varsayımların sorunlarını ortaya koyuyor.

Il est souvent admis dans le débat public que l'économie internationale serait d'ores et déjà "globalisée" ou que du moins elle avancerait très vite dans cette direction. Beaucoup de publications académiques reprennent aussi cette hypothèse : elles sont généralement assorties de quelques clauses restrictives mais l'avenir serait bien in fine à la formation d'une sorte de marché unique mondial. À la limite, selon cette vulgate, seuls les combats d'arrière-garde menés par des gouvernements conservateurs et des groupes d'intérêts protectionnistes feraient obstacle à l'intégration toujours accrue des espaces économiques nationaux. Une précédente Lettre du CEPII a rendu compte de travaux récents qui démontrent le caractère pour le moins prématuré de cette thèse : s'ils ont certes tendance à se réduire, les effetsfrontières restent forts, y compris à l'intérieur d'espaces a priori très intégrés, comme les États-Unis et le Canada, ou encore le Marché unique européen 1. Dans chaque cas, toutes choses égales par ailleurs, les échanges sont beaucoup plus intenses à l'intérieur de chaque espace institutionnel qu'entre deux espaces séparés par une frontière.

The Marxist perspective of state offers a critical analysis of its origins, functions, and eventual dissolution within class-based societies framework. Marxists view the state not as a natural entity but as a product of societal transformations, serving the interests of the ruling class. Engels, in particular, highlighted the state's role in protecting the interests of property owners and regulating society. Marxist theory distinguishes between two models of state: the Instrumentalist Model, viewing the state as a tool for class oppression, and the Relative Autonomy Model, acknowledging the state's partial autonomy from direct class control. In contrast to the Hegelian and liberal perspectives, which view the state as a necessary institution, Marxism envisions a classless, exploitation-free society devoid of a traditional state apparatus.

The nature of the state in capitalist societies has been a persistent and contentious question within Marxist thought. One particularly significant debate, unfolding in the late 1960s and early 1970s, pitted Ralph Miliband against Nicos Poulantzas in a clash over "State Autonomy." This essay will delve into the core arguments of each theorist, highlighting the nuances of their disagreement and its implications for understanding the power dynamics within capitalist structures.

State theory of Marxism after Marx took up different vectors of Marx's state theory. Which elements were chosen depended on the own political strategy of the successors. Its diversity was a constant of both First and Second International. The great rift in the Marxist state theory (beyond usual disagreements), however, which tore it apart in two irreconcilable blocks, happened following the Russian revolution in 1917 and the subsequent establishment of the Bolshevik state and the advent of the new nation-states in the West following the end of WWI, some under the leadership of the Socialist parties. It was the split between an orthodox and an unorthodox Marxism which coincided with the fissure in the re-established proletarian International, in 3rd (communist) International led and controlled by the USSR, also known as the "Comintern" and the International Working Union of Socialist Parties (so called second and the half International) influenced by Austromarxists (after 1923 Labour and Socialist International).

This thesis offers a new cultural history of State sponsored cultural production in London under the Labour led Greater London Council during the 1980s, bringing the GLC’s cultural policy interventions to the attention of historians of art and culture. The Greater London Council’s Arts and Recreation Committee, and in particular its new ‘Community Arts’ and ‘Ethnic Arts’ Sub-Committees, sought to challenge the Arts Council’s dominant model of cultural sponsorship which aimed to broaden public access to ‘the arts’. The GLC attempted instead to foster a participative ‘cultural democracy’ in London, often centred upon particular political themes and identities. Alongside existing accounts which focus exclusively upon the GLC’s cultural policy discourse, this new cultural history attends to the other side of the sponsorship equation, namely, what cultural forms were prioritised by the various committees, how such policies were perceived by the recipient cultural producers, what cultural...

Without doubt, Nicos Poulantzas's works count among the most innovative recent contributions to the Marxist theory of the state. The majority of his numerous texts, including five books which made their mark on theoretical discussions at the international scale, were published within a short stretch of time, between 1968 and 1979. This period saw the emergence of new left-wing forces linked to the protest movements that spread across the world in 1968. These new forces, which had vast political and cultural consequences, were not only opposed to bourgeois domination, but also criticized orthodox and Stalinist tendencies. Marxist theory itself also had an exceptional, and very wide echo in this period, and in many countries it received a considerable impulse toward renewal, which took the form of numerous works of empirical research and lively theoretical disputes. Nicos Poulantzas was one of the most remarkable theorists in this context. His work, and he as a person, brought together major

This article presents the inaugural memorial lecture at the Nicos Poulantzas Institute in Athens. It examines and extends the work of the eponymous Greek legal and political theorist, political economist, and communist intellectual, Nicos Poulantzas, who radically transformed Marxist state theory, made major contributions to the critique of political economy for the era of Atlantic Fordism and post-war American imperialism, and called for a judicious balance between representative and direct democracy to secure a democratic transition to democratic socialism. It first offers some general reflections on the originality, legacy and actuality of Poulantzas's work in these respects and then reconstructs his later views on the critique of political economy before his death in 1979. Noting his neglect of the environment and issues of political ecology, which was typical of the French and Greek left in the 1970s and also rooted in more general features of Marxist theorizing on nature a...

Apres le rejet de la proposition de "loi de faillite pour les Etats" avancee par le Fonds monetaire international, le principe d'une restructuration des emissions obligataires souveraines par l'appel aux clauses d'action collective, de nature contractuelle, semble devoir se generaliser. Souples et peu contraignantes, ces dernieres laissent toutefois en suspens les enjeux les plus larges de la gestion de crise : la coordination avec les porteurs d'autres creances publiques, l'articulation entre les creanciers et le Fonds, puis entre la negociation financiere et les engagements de politique economique pris par le pays. Inevitablement, ces enjeux feront surface a travers la question du moratoire unilateral sur la dette exterieure et du controle a la sortie des capitaux. De telles decisions unilaterales placeront a nouveau le FMI face a cette question strategique : une regle multilaterale peut-elle definir les conditions dans lesquelles une autorite publiqu...

Saying No to capitalism has traditionally been the point of departure for socialist movementsincluding social democracy and the universe of groups to its left, 'the Left' of this essay. Doing so credibly has involved connecting fundamental critique of the capitalist system with an alternative vision of socialism. The act of saying No to capitalism has been historically and materially conditioned, varying with the stage of capitalism. Since World War I1 capitalism has changed tremendously, moving from the postwar boom to today's crisis and reconfiguration. In each moment of this evolution the Left has had to reconsider its ideas and practices. At present, the Left's ability to say No is in crisis. The circumstances of the Left's existence have changed dramatically, as have the questions the Left must answer. This essay tries to analyze the sources and nature of this crisis and the opportunities that it presents. I The Odd Couple-The Socialist Left and Social Democracy in the PostWar Boom. .. a 'reformist' strategy, if it is taken seriously and pursued to its necessary conclusion, must lead to a vast extension of democratic participation in all areas of civic lifeamounting to a very considerable transformation of the character of the state and of existing bourgeois democratic forms. Ralph Miliband, Marxism and Politics'

This article presents the inaugural memorial lecture at the Nicos Poulantzas Institute in Athens. It examines and extends the work of the eponymous Greek legal and political theorist, political economist, and communist intellectual, Nicos Poulantzas, who radically transformed Marxist state theory, made major contributions to the critique of political economy for the era of Atlantic Fordism and post-war American imperialism, and called for a judicious balance between representative and direct democracy to secure a democratic transition to democratic socialism. It first offers some general reflections on the originality, legacy and actuality of Poulantzas's work in these respects and then reconstructs his later views on the critique of political economy before his death in 1979. Noting his neglect of the environment and issues of political ecology, which was typical of the French and Greek left in the 1970s and also rooted in more general features of Marxist theorizing on nature a...

The importance of social services provision has been ignored in practice for long by successive governments and the private sector in Nigeria. The resultant effect has been severely felt by her populace who are at the receiving end. It is widely acknowledged that for real development to take place, there are several conditions that have to be on ground. One of these numerous conditions is the provision of vital social services. Regrettably, this aspect of the development process has not been given the adequate and deserved attention it requires. Thus, all the efforts put to develop our immediate rural communities and improve the welfare of the populace have either been wasted or truncated. To ensure the development of rural communities in Nigeria, concerted efforts by government and private sector must be made to provide social infrastructure that will provide enabling environment for other aspects of development to take place. This way, the development and wellbeing of the rural populace will be ensured.

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