Reno, Las Vegas, and the Strip: A Tale of Three Cities

RENO, LAS VEGAS, AND THE STRIP

Wilbur S. Shepperson Series in Nevada History

RENO, LAS VEGAS, AND THE STRIP

A Tale of Three Cities

EUGENE P. MOEHRING

UNIVERSITY OF NEVADA PRESS

RENO & LAS VEGAS

Wilbur S. Shepperson Series in Nevada History

SERIES EDITOR: Michael S. Green

University of Nevada Press, Reno, Nevada 89557 USA

Copyright © 2014 by University of Nevada Press

All rights reserved

Manufactured in the United States of America

Design by Kathleen Szawiola

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Moehring, Eugene P.

Reno, Las Vegas, and the Strip : a tale of three cities, 1945–2013 / Eugene P. Moehring.

pages cm. — (Wilbur S. Shepperson series in Nevada history)

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 978-0-87417-955-2 (cloth : alk. paper) —

ISBN 978-0-87417-956-9 (e-book)

1. Reno (Nev.)—History--20th century. 2. Las Vegas (Nev.)—History—20th century. 3. Las Vegas Region (Nev.)—History—20th century. 4. Reno (Nev.)—Economic conditions--20th cenury. 5. Las Vegas (Nev.)—Economic conditions—20th century. I. Title.

F849.R4M64 2014

979.3'55033—dc23           2014012354

For Fr. Wally Nowak, dedicated priest, educator, and counselor of students at UNLV

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations

Preface

INTRODUCTION | Reno, Las Vegas, and the Strip City

One - RENO AREA | Gambling Gains Ascendancy, 1945–1970

Two - LAS VEGAS AREA | Laying the Foundation, 1945–1975

Three - RENO AREA | The Growth Wave Rises and Recedes, 1970–1990

Four - LAS VEGAS AREA | Recession Turns to Boom, 1975–2007

Five - RENO AREA | Transition and Depression, 1990–2014

Six - LAS VEGAS AREA | Depression and Some Recovery, 2007–2014

Seven - THE RENO AND LAS VEGAS AREAS | A Comparative View

Notes

Bibliography

Index

ILLUSTRATIONS

PHOTOGRAPHS

Truckee River flooding in downtown Reno, 1950

Elegant Mapes Hotel, ca. 1965

Aerial view of downtown Reno, 2003

Aerial view of MGM Grand Hotel in Reno, ca. 1980

Aerial view of downtown Las Vegas, 1968

Aria hotel-casino, 2013

Wynn Las Vegas, 2013

The Palazzo, 2013

The Fontainebleau, 2013

MAPS

MAP 1.1. Historic Downtown Reno Casinos and Other Past and Present Points of Interest

MAP 1.2. Reno-Sparks Metropolitan Area

MAP 2.1. Downtown Las Vegas: Major Casinos and Other Points of Interest, ca. 2013

MAP 2.2. Las Vegas Strip

MAP 2.3. Las Vegas Metropolitan Area

TABLES

TABLE 1.1. Resident Minorities, Reno Area: Percentage of Population

TABLE 4.1. Latinos, Las Vegas Area: Percentage of MSA Population

TABLE 4.2. Resident Minorities, Las Vegas Area: Percentage of Population

PREFACE

MUCH HAS BEEN WRITTEN about the histories of Reno and Las Vegas, but rarely are the two cities examined together. This book will survey the development of both metropolitan areas from the postwar decades through the Great Recession up to 2014, although coverage of recent history (especially after 1970) will be more detailed. This coverage will include the debut of major resorts, key trends, public policies, voter actions, and contemporary opinions from a range of people, along with a variety of noteworthy events. Part of the book's purpose is to explain the separate trajectories each metropolitan area took in the latter decades of the twentieth century into the twenty-first. Reno slowly moved away from a full-scale commitment to gambling as its major industry, while the Las Vegas area more fully embraced gaming-related tourism in the years after 1980. These actions resulted in various consequences for the economies of both metro areas, as did the rise of Native American gaming and the advent of America's Great Recession.

Reno and Las Vegas are not the book's only focus, however, because viewing historical events simply from the perspective of these two cities alone distorts the picture. Although Sparks, which began almost forty years later than its neighbor, certainly can claim John Ascuaga's Nugget and a few other places, Reno remains the central city in its metropolitan area. But Las Vegas, although it is the mother city for its metro area, functions today as just part of the story. While Henderson and North Las Vegas deserve attention, the Strip and its suburbs, in both physical size and population, really constitute the valley's largest city and should therefore be regarded as such. This role became increasingly important after 1985, when the Strip city's roaring economy vaulted Las Vegas up to the title of America's fastest-growing metropolitan area. After 2007 the Strip city again played a key role when the national recession damaged the economies of both metro areas and forced leaders to put greater emphasis on economic diversification, university research, and the role of private-public partnerships. In the Las Vegas area the Strip helped promote metropolitan revival and insulate the place from the corrosive effects of Native American casinos and the growing popularity of Internet gaming.

Besides the analysis covering the numerous factors affecting the varying development trajectories of Reno and Las Vegas since World War II, then, this book's central thesis, in extended form, is that Reno and Las Vegas aggressively pursued a different development path than other cities in the United States by embracing vice and ceding much of their downtown blocks to casino gambling and twenty-four-hour bars. As in other municipalities, there were residential, business, and other pressures to confine the largest clubs and full-fledged gaming to a red-lined, restricted area downtown, which both cities did for many years. But south of the city of Las Vegas, in the 1940s and 1950s, entrepreneurs developed the Strip, which was not subject to these restrictions and had abundant acreage for the expansion of casino resorts.

Over the course of seven decades, the county commissioners and hotel owners who ran the Strip and the city that grew up around it developed the resort industry in new directions and to heights that their counterparts in Reno and Las Vegas never dreamed of. In so doing, they gradually sculpted a unique world venue for leisure and convention activities that drew, and continues to draw, tens of millions of visitors each year—a model for gaming that today influences Macau's Cotai Strip as well as the many other places where the pastime has been or may soon be legalized.

Finally, having been flexible enough to embrace a notorious resort economy based on gambling and other vices for many years, residents of the Reno and Las Vegas areas once again are looking to diversify their economies by embracing innovative and cutting-edge industries. These longtime maverick cities are today using the metropolitan base created by seven decades of gambling, liberal marriage and divorce, twenty-four-hour liquor sales, and adult forms of recreation to aggressively pursue alternative energy, data storage, robotics, and similar industries.

In terms of this book's structure, the first six chapters alternate between coverage of the Reno and then the Las Vegas metropolitan areas. I have included the Strip-city coverage in the Las Vegas–area chapters, rather than giving this area its own chapters, because many events and trends in southern Nevada affected the three cities and the Strip simultaneously and they (especially Las Vegas and the Strip) often had a symbiotic relationship.

Numerous people have advised me on these issues and assisted in the preparation of this book. Michael Green and Alicia Barber read an early version in its entirety and offered myriad helpful comments, which I have implemented. Former Nevada state archivist and historian Guy Rocha aided in the resolution of various issues related to state and metropolitan governance. I would also like to thank Betty Glass, Jessica Maddox, Kim Roberts, Glee Willis, and Jacqueline Sundstrand at the Mathewson-IGT Knowledge Center at the University of Nevada, Reno (UNR), who found a number of key documents for me in Special Collections. The same is true of their counterparts at the Lied Library of the University of Nevada, Las Vegas (UNLV), especially Peter Michel, Sue Kim Chung, Tom Sommer, Claytee White, Delores Brownlee, Joyce Moore, and Kelli Luchs. I also appreciate the assistance extended to me by Michael Maher, Eric Moody, Phillip Earl, Lee Mortensen, and Sheryln Hayes-Zorn at the Nevada Historical Society in Reno and by Dennis McBride, Crystal Van Dee, and, for many years, David Milman at the Nevada State Museum and Historical Society in Las Vegas. At the University of Nevada Press, Matt Becker, Joanne O'Hare, and Kathleen Szawiola were particularly helpful. As usual, my history colleagues at UNLV were very supportive, as was my wonderful wife, Christine.

INTRODUCTION

Reno, Las Vegas, and the Strip City

WHEN MOST PEOPLE THINK of Nevada and gambling, they think of Reno and Las Vegas.¹ Both the Truckee Meadows and the Las Vegas valley (valley is the popular term, but technically, it's a basin) served as oases for nineteenth-century travelers. Reno began as an overnight stop for Comstock-bound wagons; the railroad came later with the town's birth in 1868. Like most urban communities on the mining frontier, Reno was a wide-open place with its share of saloons, prostitutes, opium, and gambling clubs that only grew as railroad traffic increased in the twentieth century. But Reno also was an agricultural community surrounded by farms and ranches for its entire history. In the early twentieth century the city began forging its notorious reputation as a divorce mecca. By the time of Reno's incorporation as a city in 1903, most western states, including California, had adopted the one-year waiting period that was standard in the East. Nevada remained a holdout at six months. But Progressive state legislators briefly shamed it into virtue by banning most games of chance in 1909 and then changing the waiting period from six months to a year during the 1913 session. Liberal divorce, however, was too important to the town's coffers. So, after much prodding from Reno interests, the state legislature in 1915 restored the six-month waiting period, and the boom was on, heightened further by actress Mary Pickford's headline-grabbing divorce in 1920. In 1927 state lawmakers cut the waiting period to three months, and four years later, during the Great Depression, they reduced it again to six weeks—on the same day they legalized wide-open casino gambling.

The Depression, with its destructive effects upon Nevada's mining, farming, and ranching industries, led the state to embrace easy divorce, gambling, and tourism. Reno profited mightily from this in the 1930s and especially during the chaotic years of World War II, when quickie marriages and divorces were especially popular. Divorce, gambling, and auto tourism teamed with railroad-related industries, centered along its tracks and in its railroad repair-shop suburb of Sparks, to keep the Reno area prosperous through the war years and beyond. Led by Harolds Club and other prominent midcentury casinos in and around Virginia Street, postwar Reno grew steadily, albeit slowly, and remained the state's largest city until 1953, when Las Vegas finally passed it in population.

From its earliest days Las Vegas catered to travelers.² In the 1830s it served as a desert oasis for those plying the various trails linking Southern California with Arizona and Utah. After the Civil War a few ranch-farms sprang up in the valley to act as hostels and supply points for weary travelers crossing the remorseless Mojave. The town of Las Vegas (incorporated as a city in 1911) grew slowly and almost anonymously after its founding in 1905 and during its salad days as a transshipment point on Senator William Clark's railroad system connecting Los Angeles with the East via Salt Lake City. His Las Vegas & Tonopah Railroad, which began in 1907, allowed Clark to forward supplies to and mineral shipments from the booming mines around Tonopah and Goldfield. Las Vegas prospered through World War I into the early 1920s, when Clark finally sold his line to the Union Pacific. A union town, Las Vegas struggled with labor tensions during the national railroad strike of 1921, after which the Union Pacific moved its valuable repair shops to Caliente and replaced them with smelly stockyards. The real trouble began after local residents antagonized Union Pacific executives with militant unionism that included roughing up the company's scab workers in the yards—a move that brought in the state police and martial law for a time.³

In the 1930s the Boulder Dam project literally rescued Las Vegas from oblivion by creating more than five thousand jobs in the area and orienting it more toward serving tourists. Starting in 1931, they came by the thousands to see the latest man-made wonder of the world under construction. With gambling relegalized and Prohibition ended, locals and out-of-state businessmen opened clubs and gambling halls on Fremont Street, on the Los Angeles Highway—US 91 (today's Strip)—and on US 93 (the early Boulder Highway), which, after the dam's completion, delivered an increasing number of tourists from Arizona.

By World War II Fremont Street was ablaze in neon. It was the center of the city's gaming district, because, like Reno's Virginia Street, it was near the railroad station and served the heart of downtown upon which all nearby US highways converged. War also brought heavy defense spending and more business. The 1941 arrival of the US Army Air Corps' Flexible Gunnery School invigorated Thomas Williams's old 1917 community that later became the city of North Las Vegas, just as the Basic Magnesium Plant laid the seeds for the eventual city of Henderson. During the war thousands of weekend gamblers flocked to Las Vegas from the factory and base, as well as soldiers and sailors from military installations in Arizona and California. These customers, along with workers from defense plants in both states, patronized Fremont Street's growing casino district.⁴

Not all the action, however, was in the mother city. The small clubs and motor courts that sprang up along the highway approaches to Las Vegas also did a brisk business. The real breakthrough came in 1941, when California hotelier Thomas Hull opened his sprawling El Rancho Vegas casino resort⁵ on fifty-seven acres of desert flats just south of the city line on San Francisco Street (today's Sahara Avenue). In the following year R. E. Griffith and his nephew William J. Moore joined Hull on US 91 with their Hotel Last Frontier, a mile south of the El Rancho. Four years later, thanks to the efforts of Hollywood publicist Billy Wilkerson and the legendary Bugsy Siegel, the Fabulous Flamingo opened even farther down the highway. Then in 1948 Marion Hicks and Cliff Jones unveiled their Thunderbird casino resort, just south of the El Rancho, across US 91.⁶ It was not long before club owner Guy McAfee dubbed the new line of resorts the Strip. McAfee, a former Los Angeles Police Department vice commander, named it for the Sunset Strip whose line of clubs (with their illegal bars and gaming tables) in the 1920s drew periodic federal raids. After Prohibition's repeal in 1933, the Sunset Strip's increasingly popular club scene featured such rising stars as Tony Bennett, Sammy Davis Jr., and others who would soon headline on the new Las Vegas Strip.⁷

Still, even for a few years after World War II Fremont Street continued to dominate the scene, with its access to both railroad and highway. But in the 1950s this changed, as more sprawling resorts began to fill the open desert abutting US 91. By 1958 the Desert Inn, Sahara, Sands, Riviera, Dunes, Hacienda, Tropicana, and Stardust had all opened. While the casino kings of downtown Reno and Las Vegas certainly transformed their city's streetscape with properties designed to appeal to American postwar consumers, the growing number of themed resorts on the Strip did everything in their power to embrace postwar mass-culture patterns. Gradually, they began to offer much more than downtown Reno or Las Vegas or the Sunset Strip or the fabled Agua Caliente hotel-gaming complex in 1920s Tijuana, which drew its share of famous and infamous Californians. With their landscaped grounds, spacious casinos, star-studded showrooms, shopping arcades, ethnic restaurants, ample parking, azure pools, and palm tree–lined sundecks, these casino resorts on the Strip soon became the preferred spot for Southern California motorists rather than the crowded blocks in and around Fremont Street in the central city.⁸

Low-rise apartment complexes, some stores, and a few subdivisions linked by two-lane roads began to appear behind the resorts, as the Strip spawned some of the first traces of development that would eventually ring the burgeoning job zone for miles around. In the 1940s and 1950s the once pristine, largely empty desert began its gradual transformation into something bigger—something that, by century's end, would become a true phenomenon: a national and even global destination for tourists, convention delegates, and millions of new residents. This was a new entity—a city in itself that would forever set the Reno and Las Vegas areas apart in their historical development.

The Strip served as the steadily expanding nucleus of an informal city that soon became larger than its mother city and much larger than neighboring Henderson and North Las Vegas (in fact, some of the bedroom suburbs for the Strip's resort and other workers extended into these cities). The Strip city, though never formally incorporated into a municipality, was controlled by Clark County commissioners. It developed near the center of the Las Vegas valley on former ranch lands and vacant desert between these three municipalities. For the most part it was the Strip city's spectacular development over the next seven decades that transformed the Las Vegas valley and beyond into a metropolitan area. By 1970 the Strip city claimed the lion's share of coverage from the county's growing fire and police departments. County public works focused on building enough roads, streets, sewers, curbs, gutters, and pavements to serve the growing number of homes, hotels, motels, restaurants, and other businesses and residences springing up in the Strip city. While the courts and federal, state, and local government offices remained largely downtown in Las Vegas, some county departments, the school district and other government agencies, the gas and power utilities, and a few major companies relocated to the Strip city, where they could be near the big resorts and most of the valley's residents.

As the Strip city's population soared in the years after 1960 and especially after 1980, the three surrounding municipalities also gained more residents. Some of this can be attributed to the natural birthrate and each city's promotional efforts, but a lot of this growth resulted from the growing number of jobs and businesses in and around the Strip. While officially cities in their own right, Las Vegas, North Las Vegas, and Henderson increasingly functioned as suburbs of the steadily expanding Strip city located in the heart of the emerging metropolitan area. The county seat of Las Vegas, a bedroom suburb of the Strip but also a casino center and government administrative center in its own right, sat to the Strip city's north and west.⁹ The lower-income suburb of North Las Vegas (with affluent Aliante appearing after 2000 in the extreme northern end of its township) lay north and east of the Strip city. Henderson, the onetime factory town and now a largely middle- and upper-income city, served as a bedroom suburb south and east of the Strip city, while the old dam town of Boulder City was a more distant appendage in the extreme southeastern portion of the metropolitan area.

By the 1990s, as high-rise megaresorts replaced the Desert Inn, Sands, Dunes, and the other low-rise hotels catering to the midcentury car culture, the Strip, with its erupting volcanoes, Eiffel towers, and Egyptian pyramids became a postmodern icon all its own—quite simply, there was nothing else like it in the world. The surrounding city it inspired exploded far outward, becoming a candidate for what journalist and scholar Joel Garreau called an edge city in his 1991 book.¹⁰ In that work, however, Garreau rejected the Strip and its county suburbs as an edge city, characterizing them instead as an "Edge City paragon." He was right. Although it did meet some of his criteria, it did not fulfill the criteria for edge-city status set by many scholars in the field. For example, the Strip area's streets were and are not hierarchical, consisting of winding parkways (often lacking sidewalks) that feed into arterial roads and freeway ramps. The Strip is not exceptionally distant from other urban centers, such as the cities of Las Vegas and North Las Vegas. The Strip is no longer a place where low elongated buildings predominate. Moreover, the Strip is not a winding main axis from which secondary streets lead off … [to] various quarters, habitually known as villages, nor are the Strip and its surrounding lands located in a campus-like environment full of lakes, woods, pedestrian paths and bike lanes.¹¹ So, because this urban area is not really an edge city in the strict sense of the term, I will refer to it instead as the Strip city—an agglomeration larger than many of Garreau's edge cities and in many ways more interesting.¹²

Like many American edge cities, southern Nevada's Strip city was presided over not by a mayor and city council but by county commissioners who were hardly household names—even to residents. Nevertheless, the commissioners' power was considerable. By the 1990s they reigned over many square miles of development generated by the casino resorts on Las Vegas Boulevard. The commissioners established policies and made decisions that enhanced the growth not only of the Strip, but also of the lands extending outward for miles in all directions. In the late 1950s, along with their counterparts in Las Vegas, the county commissioners erected the valley's first large convention center and kept enlarging it into the twenty-first century. This was a forward-thinking policy that attracted ever-larger meetings and kept all major conventions in the Strip city rather than in Las Vegas, which in the 1980s constructed a smaller convention center near downtown. Then in 1960, to ensure the Strip city's continued dominance, the commissioners built a modern jet facility, McCarran Airport, south of the Strip on the same road as the convention center.

In the 1980s into the 2000s, it was the Clark County commissioners, not the city of Las Vegas or some regional authority (as in the Reno area), who steadily enlarged McCarran into a sprawling international airport capable of handling more than a thousand flights per day. It was also the county commissioners who financed and built a fifty-three-mile beltway that circled most of the valley, connecting the cities of Las Vegas, North Las Vegas, and Henderson and the county's unincorporated townships with the Strip job zone and its myriad suburbs. The urban agglomeration of Henderson–Boulder City had been growing toward the Strip city since the 1960s and ’70s; the same was true of the Las Vegas–North Las Vegas agglomeration. The beltway simply reinforced this conurbation process. It was the county commissioners and their staff of engineers and planners who built the Desert Inn Super Arterial in the 1990s and made hundreds of decisions affecting the installation of infrastructural systems and traffic arteries that served the resorts' needs while simultaneously opening new suburban frontiers to the east, west, and south in the years after 1970. County authorities also helped the Strip city snare five exits on the new Interstate 15 in the 1960s, compared to the city of Las Vegas's three. Additionally, county leaders in the 1980s and ’90s led the campaign to establish an affordable valley-wide bus system for lower-income commuters, while also spearheading the effort to design an effective flood-control system that so far has protected the metropolitan area from devastating floods. Finally, it was the county commissioners who dug up Las Vegas Boulevard in the 1990s to provide the additional sewer capacity to accommodate the new MGM Grand and the Strip's other recent megaresorts, with their four to five thousand hotel rooms, their time-share towers, and the high-rise condominiums they supported.

In short, the Strip city was built by no mayor, no city machine, and no Robert Moses–like power broker. In the Las Vegas valley county commissioners played a major role, along with Nevada's congressional delegation, state and city officials, members of various regional government bodies, and business leaders, in sculpting much of the metropolitan area that today hosts nearly two million residents and an average of one hundred thousand visitors a day. In myriad ways the Strip and its city fueled the spectacular growth of the Las Vegas metropolitan area far beyond what its namesake city could ever have done. No such phenomenon occurred in Reno, because, as will be shown, conditions there were not conducive to Strip-city or edge-city formation.

Although Reno inspired the formation of a small metropolitan area of its own after 1970 with help from neighboring Sparks and Washoe County, this urban agglomeration never approached the size of its southern counterpart. Nevertheless, Reno's development was crucial for Las Vegas, because Reno, much like the pioneers celebrated in the famous mural fronting Harolds Club, helped blaze the trail for Las Vegas. Reno's successful courtship of gambling and tourism in earlier decades encouraged its southern rival to adopt the same maverick culture that powered the Biggest Little City's transformation from an obscure railroad entrepôt on the Sierra's eastern edge into an iconic destination that put Nevada on everyone's map.

In many ways Reno led the way, developing the successful tourist and gaming economy that Las Vegas later embraced. Over time, both towns inspired the early Strip, which eventually blossomed into an even larger city than Reno and Las Vegas combined.

Chapter One

RENO AREA

Gambling Gains Ascendancy, 1945–1970

RENO ENTERED THE POSTWAR ERA in a strange jumble of moods. World War II and the years immediately afterward cemented the city's place in history as America's divorce center. Even more than Las Vegas, midcentury Reno was the place where thousands of people still came to get divorced and married quickly. By 1952 the number of Reno marriages outnumbered divorces, a trend that would accelerate once other states slowly began to liberalize their divorce requirements. Gambling flourished also. During the war the presence of so many nearby military bases and defense plants, especially in California, made Reno a convenient weekend getaway to relieve the stress of wartime living. In the immediate postwar era the trend only intensified, as it did in Las Vegas, with Californians enjoying the postwar affluence that inflation, prosperity, and civilian life brought. Much like the smaller Las Vegas, Reno saw its tourism and gaming revenues increase into the 1950s. But, unlike Las Vegas, there were many citizens who, concerned about gaming's growing influence at city hall and their community's future direction, wondered aloud whether Reno should begin to diversify its economy, move away from its longtime maverick culture, and become more like other American cities.

In 1950, despite the presence of Stead Air Force Base and various small industries, Reno's main business was still tourism and, increasingly, casino gambling. This was its economic legacy, especially from the Great Depression and war years. During these years as well as earlier ones, unrestricted gaming had thrived along the railroad tracks by Commercial Row and Virginia Street and in Douglas Alley, just east of Virginia. At midcentury the largest casino in Reno and the world was Harolds Club, with Harrah's and the Golden Bank Club still distant runners-up. By the late 1940s Reno boasted a number of fine hotels, including the Mapes, the Riverside, and the Golden, along with the El Cortez and a few other places. Charlie Mapes's establishment was the best in town. When it opened in 1947, the twelve-story Mapes was the tallest building in Nevada and the first venue in Reno to feature big-name entertainment. Frank Sinatra, Liberace, Sammy Davis Jr., and a host of other celebrities all appeared in the Sky Room long before they performed at Harrah's, the Sahara, or the MGM Grand. But the Mapes had competitors in entertainment during the early 1950s, especially over at the El Cortez, where the Trocadero Room flourished for almost a decade. The Hotel El Cortez itself had opened in 1931 and offered gamblers roulette, craps, and slot machines and competed into the 1950s with the Mapes for casino play.¹

In addition to these existing properties, many new gambling spots appeared in the 1950s, as gaming began to expand its presence downtown. William Harrah, for one, kept buying up old clubs and gradually spread his business into sections of Center and Virginia Streets. Other operators also gobbled up properties in an effort to serve Reno's ever-growing number of visitors. The demand for new casino space began to price real estate offices and similar businesses out of the area, once lot owners realized they could make more money leasing or selling their buildings to men like Harrah. As a result, in the 1950s the gaming industry oozed steadily southward down Virginia Street toward Second Street and downtown's retail and office district—something store owners and other business groups did not welcome.

Among the new gaming establishments was the Holiday Hotel-Casino, which opened in 1956 on Virginia Street across from the Riverside. Once Ernest Primm convinced a new, more pliable city council and Mayor Len Harris to extend the city's red-line zone to allow unrestricted gaming licenses on the west side of Virginia Street, he opened his Primadonna (later the Sahara's/Flamingo's Virginia Street entrance) in 1955. This encouraged a series of new clubs next door that included the Horseshoe (1956), the Silver Dollar (1959), and the Silver Spur (1968), which joined the Nugget (1947) to create a line of small casinos down to the railroad tracks across from Harolds Club. In 1950 Harolds Club (then the largest business in Reno), the Nevada Club, and Harrah's constituted the casino core of downtown. At the time the Colony (1946–84) and Palace Club (1888–1979) by the railroad station on North Center Street and the Waldorf Club (1920s–48) and Club Cal Neva (1948–), farther down Virginia Street just north of the Truckee River, offered gamblers worthy alternatives.²

Even more than Las Vegas, which was really a small place before World War II, postwar Reno profited from its longtime reputation as America's divorce mecca and from its maverick subculture that embraced vice, especially the green-felt world of wide-open gambling, booze, and prostitution. For years the city's reputation had profited from publicity generated by gossip columnists from New York and other large cities who covered Reno's divorce colony. This included the activities of the wives of prominent men spending the required six weeks there to qualify for a Nevada divorce. Reno also catered to gamblers, vacationers, and other visitors arriving by car and train. In addition, the town staged annual events to exploit Americans' nostalgia for the Old West, which drew even more visitors. In 1935, for instance, local rodeo enthusiasts formed the Reno Rodeo and Livestock Association to raise funds to build a rodeo facility that year for the Reno Rodeo (called the Reno Round-up after World War I), which became an annual event drawing thousands to the city. At about the same time Las Vegas promoters organized the Helldorado Rodeo to accomplish much the same thing. In Reno and Las Vegas, although western-themed casinos dominated early, nonwestern places, especially in the years after World War II, also appeared. In Reno, while some of the city's clubs and bars harked back to the Old West and Comstock days, places such as the Mapes and Harrah's, along with many others, did not.³

Aside from Las Vegas, no other American downtown looked like this, and many local residents were uncomfortable with it. As historian Alicia Barber has observed, two Renos, one the western vice and gambling town and the other the staid small-town community, coexisted for decades. As she describes the scene, Expanding clubs were interspersed among traditional businesses. … Locals uninvolved with the gambling or divorce industries continued to work and shop downtown, where jewelry and stationery stores, banks, and hardware stores shared space with the clubs, cafes, and restaurants patronized heavily by locals, as well as divorcees and other tourists. Published guides to Reno reassured visitors that although it was a city of pleasure, it was also a traditional community of stores, homes, and churches where they could feel comfortable. These two Renos lived side by side well into the second half of the twentieth century.⁴

In the 1950s, however, Reno tourism faced growing challenges from new vacation getaways gradually opening in the Caribbean, Hawaii, Florida, Southern California, and Las Vegas. Despite the increased competition, many Renoites preferred that their city be marketed more for its bucolic setting than as a divorce center. By the 1960s they largely got their wish. With many states liberalizing their divorce laws,