Rethinking Education: Whose Knowledge Is It Anyway?
By Adam Unwin and John Yandell
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About this ebook
What is knowledge? Who decides what is important? Who owns it? These key questions are central themes in this accessible book that aims to change perceptions and the understanding of education. Using historical and contemporary examples the authors examine the motivations, conflicts, and contradictions in education. Breaking down the structures, forces, and technologies involved in education they chart an alternative approach.
Adam Unwin
Dr. Adam Unwin is Senior Lecturer in Business and Economics Education at University College London Institute of Education. Research and professional interests include e-learning in teacher education, learning outside the classroom and global perspectives in in Business and Economics education.
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Rethinking Education - Adam Unwin
Introduction
Education is a huge and contested field – a field in which everyone has first-hand experience and a wealth of opinions, often largely based on those experiences. Being human involves learning – learning about the world in which we live, learning about ourselves and other people, learning how to survive and thrive. And most readers of this book will have had some experience of formal education: in some shape or form, we expect that you will have ‘done school’, and you may even feel that the time you spent in school has shaped who you are. People talk about what helped them to learn, and what hindered them, what subjects they found interesting or boring, which teachers they liked or disliked, and why. People come with ideas and beliefs about education in general and schooling in particular, and these beliefs are often so deeply ingrained, so personal, that it can be hard to scrutinize or challenge them: they appear as plain common sense.
In this book, our main focus is on schools and schooling. This isn’t because we are not interested in preschool or university education – and we certainly don’t believe that schools are the only places where education happens. Many of the issues covered in this book apply equally to other phases or sectors of education, and are also applicable to the learning that happens outside any institutional context. But we focus on the phases of formal education that most people (globally) are likely to experience.
We recognize that these experiences will be very different. A high school in an affluent urban area of Canada will be very different from a rural school in Nicaragua – different in the number of pupils, in the diversity of its intake, in the size of its classes, in the resources available. Differences in schooling reflect and reproduce differences in the societies that the schools serve. These differences are material as well as cultural. There is thus not a single model of schooling across the globe, or even within a single locality. And there are seldom simple, universally applicable solutions to educational problems. Even small schools are complicated and busy places – places in which multiple interests collide.
We want you to be able to engage fully – and critically – in the debates around education. What is the purpose or function of schools? Whose interests do they serve? How are resources allocated? Is education a route to empowerment and liberation, or is it a means of control? Are schools engines of social mobility or social justice, or merely tools that reproduce the inequalities of existing social and economic structures? Are schools beacons of hope, or prison-houses of the mind? What is the relationship between the formal education that is accomplished through schooling and the learning that happens in homes, communities and workplaces?
Much public discourse treats the goals and meanings of education as entirely unproblematic. But does everyone really agree on what a good school looks like? Or on how teachers and schools should be held accountable to the wider society? Is equality in education simply a matter of school places, or of fair and equal access to the same knowledge, the same curriculum, the same qualifications? Our aim in writing this book is to open up these questions about education – and to enable you to scrutinize and contest the easy claims that are often made by politicians and policymakers.
We should say something about our own position. We are both teachers and teacher educators who have spent almost all our working lives in the UK. Our attitudes to education are shaped by the specific contexts in which we have worked and lived, as well as by our ethical and political values, our commitment to social justice. In this book, we are looking at schooling across the world. Education is seen, quite rightly, as a key issue in the Global South. But what type of education? By selling a model of education that is easily deliverable and appears modern (through its use of new technologies) corporate edu-business stands to make huge profits. But there are questions to be asked about how suitable the curriculum is, and about the approaches to learning that are encouraged. Is this a means of liberation, both personal and societal, or a form of educational imperialism?
We are very suspicious of approaches to education that are insufficiently attentive to difference, to local experiences, perspectives and voices. So, being explicit about our own standpoint is important. Most of the specific examples that we cite in this book relate most directly to schools in Anglophone contexts. This doesn’t mean that our argument is relevant only to such schools, but there are significant differences in how schooling is done in different cultures and societies.¹
It is worth noting that what we mean by an Anglophone context is itself not straightforward. In our increasingly interconnected world, English has become the global language. It is estimated that more than 60 per cent of students in non-English-speaking countries study English as a foreign language. In China, English is taught in every school: there are about 350 million students learning English and more teachers of English in China than in the United States. China will thus soon have the largest English-speaking population in the world.²
These developments in China are a relatively recent response to changing economic conditions and goals. To understand more about the reasons for the place of English now, in relation to education as well as to the global economy, we need to adopt a historical perspective. Here, as elsewhere in the book, we are suggesting that past debates and decisions can illuminate present circumstances – even if this sometimes means nothing more than understanding how we ended up in the mess we’re in.
Adam Unwin and John Yandell
1 Robin Alexander, Culture and Pedagogy Blackwell, Malden & Oxford, 2000.
2 Qing Liu et al, ‘Native-English Speaking Instructors Teaching Writing in China’, Changing English, 22(1), 2015.
1 What is the point of school?
‘Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.’
Nelson Mandela
Education is still widely seen as a liberating force – not least by children in poorer countries who are denied access to it. But all too often students experience school as a place that constricts and controls rather than inspires – and that has little relevance to life in the ‘real world’. Schools are places where competing interests clash – and where the needs of pupils do not always have priority.
Schools are deeply contradictory places. They offer possibilities of emancipation and development, of learning to become more fully human – and they are places of coercion and belittlement, places where human spirits are crushed. This tension in what schools represent is nothing new. For an optimistic view, here’s Sherlock Holmes, looking out of a train window:
Holmes was sunk in profound thought and hardly opened his mouth until we had passed Clapham Junction.
‘It’s a very cheery thing to come into London by any of these lines which run high and allow you to look down upon the houses like this.’
I thought he was joking, for the view was sordid enough, but he soon explained himself.
‘Look at those big, isolated clumps of buildings rising up above the slates, like brick islands in a lead-colored sea.’
‘The board-schools.’
‘Lighthouses, my boy! Beacons of the future! Capsules with hundreds of bright little seeds in each, out of which will spring the wiser, better England of the future…’¹
Holmes was looking at the board schools built in London in the aftermath of the 1870 Education Act, the legislation that established a universal right to elementary education in England and Wales. In his view, the well-built, large-windowed, airy three-story Victorian buildings represented an advance – an indication of the state’s investment in education and its commitment to the betterment of the working class: a reason to take a bright view of the future.
For a contrary view, here are the words of Barrie, a 19-year-old mineworker, in conversation with his former teacher, reflecting on his experience of schooling in the 1970s:
I think a teacher’s a person that wants to put intelligence into someone like a bloody factory animal. I think the perfect teaching system would be to have kids there with built-in impulses to be sat in rows, take it all in, write it all down and remember it for ever. I mean they’re trying to make them like ruddy little computers.²
Here, school is experienced as an instrument of repression, of domination and the denial of individuality, of freedom, of agency or motivation.
What are the reasons for these radically different views of schooling? To address this question, we have to consider both the internal operation of school and how schools are situated in the wider society. What kind of system is the school system? What does it do – and how does it do it?
There is also the glaring issue of disparities: how wealth, whether at individual, regional, national or international level, determines a person’s educational opportunities; how gender can similarly influence educational chances. These disparities are particularly acute in the Global South, as has been recognized by the Education for All (EFA) movement:
Launched in 1990 by UNESCO, UNDP, UNICEF and the World Bank. Participants endorsed an ‘expanded vision of learning’ and pledged to universalize primary education and massively reduce illiteracy by the end of the decade.³
Ten years later these goals were far from being achieved. The World Education Forum in Dakar, Senegal, in 2000 reaffirmed its commitment to achieving Education for All by the year 2015. UNESCO was to lead this with a focus on six key education goals, including comprehensive and free primary education for all, eliminating gender disparities and a focus on numeracy and literacy. In 2014 the UNESCO global monitoring reports pointed to some progress; yet in sub-Saharan Africa there are still 30 million children out of school. There is no doubt about the challenges, the inequalities and the lack of entitlement that continue to be the experience of many in the Global South. These are real, material disparities – and they matter. But access to education is only one aspect of what is at stake. Always and everywhere, it is necessary to ask about the purposes of education: whose interests are being served?
What, then, is the contribution that school can make? It has long been assumed that improving educational outcomes is all about schooling, and this, as we can see from the EFA agenda (above), is represented as a question of mass access. But we might want to ask: universal provision of what? What actually happens in schools and classrooms? Whose knowledge is it anyway?
These questions will recur throughout the book. Here, though, to illustrate something of the complexity of the issues involved, let’s look at a key moment in the history of schooling as a global phenomenon. It is a moment that reveals education as a battleground, fought over by very powerful vested interests. And it is a moment with far-reaching consequences: its effects are still evident today.
The language of imperialism
Back in the 1830s, when the British Empire was reaching into every corner of the world, a debate was raging between the civil servants and the missionaries. The argument was about what an appropriate education system would look like in the Indian subcontinent. The missionaries were in favor of using the indigenous learned languages of Arabic and Sanskrit, the languages into which they were already translating the Bible, as the medium of instruction and indoctrination. This approach, they believed, would be one that would most readily enable them to win hearts and minds (and converts).
The civil servants had other ideas. They favored the use of English, arguing that money should be diverted away from existing Arabic- and Sanskrit-medium schools and put towards the development of an English-medium education system.⁴ One of the civil servants, Thomas Babington Macaulay, made the case in a trenchantly expressed ‘Minute on Indian Education’.⁵
I have conversed both here and at home with men distinguished by their proficiency in the Eastern tongues… I have never found one among them who could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was worth the whole native literature of India and Arabia…
The claims of our own language it is hardly necessary to recapitulate. It stands pre-eminent even among the languages of the West. It abounds with works of imagination