Sociology Tusharanshu
Sociology Tusharanshu
Sociology Tusharanshu
in
Sociology-2
Tusharanshu- AIR-75, CSE-2014
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Contents
TOPIC-01- PERSPECTIVES ON THE STUDY OF INDIAN SOCIETY............................................................. 12
Questions asked in previous years.................................................................................................... 12
Structure of Indian sociology ............................................................................................................ 12
Cultural approach- 3 types:........................................................................................................... 12
Sociological methods to study Indian society- 2 schools .................................................................. 12
Indological or culturological approach ............................................................................................. 13
Limitations of indological approach:............................................................................................. 13
A. GS Ghurye (GovindSadashivGhurye- 1893-1984) ......................................................................... 14
Criticism ................................................................................................................................ 16
Methodology......................................................................................................................... 17
Westernization ...................................................................................................................... 20
Criticism ................................................................................................................................ 21
Sanskritzation:................................................................................................................................... 22
(c) Marxist sociology ( A R Desai) ...................................................................................................... 25
Akshay Ramanlal Desai (1915-1994)............................................................................................. 25
Criticism by Yogendra Singh of dialectical materialism approach ................................................ 27
Relevance of Marxist Approach .................................................................................................... 28
Analysis of Indian Society through Marxist Approach: ................................................................. 28
Miscellaneous topics ......................................................................................................................... 30
Hinduism belief systems: .............................................................................................................. 30
TOPIC 02 - Impact of colonial rule on Indian society : ........................................................................ 32
Growth of Modern Nationalism in India ........................................................................................... 32
PHASE-1:........................................................................................................................................ 32
PHASE-2:........................................................................................................................................ 32
PHASE-3:........................................................................................................................................ 32
PHASE-4:........................................................................................................................................ 32
PHASE-5:........................................................................................................................................ 32
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Sociology for India: Cant compartmentalize sociology. A discipline is not country specific.
Indians go abroad to study Sociological theories and then apply them on India. (Dubey, Andre
Beteille, AR Desai)
Sociology of India: Culture is guide to human behaviour and Indian sociology is different. It has
many of its own context like paap-punya. kanyadaan, pitradaan etc. Indian culture is uniques
and so should the indian sociology. Eg: Indologists, culturologists (Ghurye, Dumont, Oommen
Chandy)
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Criticism: SC Dubey- Hindu culture is not Indian culture. Plus, it is constantly changing
and no fixed entity like Indian culture. It tell what society ought to be & not what it
actually is. Andre Beteille: Follower of Weber; Vast unorganized dichotomous and
chaotic.
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Equate Indian culture to Hindu culture, and hindu culture to brahmanical culture. Brahmins
are just 15% of Hindus. Divisive ideas. Brahmanical culture did influence India but that was
only one of the many factors.
Treat entire Indian society as monolithic and has over simplified.
Sanskritic scholar- studied from Brahmanic perspective. He was catholic in his interests &
methods.
He was an ethnographer who studied tribes and castes of India using historical, Indological
and statistical data
Diffusionist theory- followed by Rivers and Franz Boas as well. Aryans did not move
physically across India, but it was the culture that spread through diffusion.
Ghurye emphasised integration. According to him,the guiding force in Indian society was the
Hindu ideology. Even the Indian secularism was a product of the tolerant spirit of Hinduism.
G.S. Ghuryes contributions to Indian sociology were mainly in the areas of ethnography of
castes and tribes, rural-urbanisation, religious phenomena, social tensions and Indian Art.
His students inc MN Srinivas, AR Desai, Irawati Karwe. Ghurye was a staunch nationalist in
his approach but wasnt intolerant to different views. Eg: AR Desai, pioneer of Marxist
sociology in India was his student.
His books: Caste and Race in India explained origin of caste purely on basis on Rigveda
where varna meant colour.
Ghurye on India:
o India is surviving as a nation because of common value consensus. No central
authority.
Ghurye on religious beliefs and practices
o Religious consciousness in ancient India, Egypt and Babylonia was centered around
temples.
o In his work on the role of Gods in Indian religion, Ghurye traced the rise of major
deities such as Shiva, Vishnu and Durga to the need to integrate local or sub-regional
beliefs into a macro-level system of worship
Role of sadhus in Indian Tradition:
o In his work, Indian Sadhus, Ghurye examined paradoxical nature of renunciation in
India
o Indian renouncers have acted as the arbiters of religious disputes, patronised
learning of scriptures and even defended religion against external attacks.
Ghurye on Rural-urbanisation in India
o He held the view that the urbanisation in India was not a simple function of
industrial growth. In India, the process of urbanisation, at least till 1980s, started
from within the rural area itself
o Hence, in many rural regions, one part of a big village was converted into a market;
in turn, this led to a township which developed administrative, judicial and other
institutions.
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Indian society can be understood as a system of cognitive structures. how far do u agree?
Short note on book view versus field view in Indian sociology
How far structural functional perspective helpful in understanding changes in contemporary
society? What are main principles of structural functional perspective?
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demands that his sociology should take into account new &radical aspirations was one of
most moving aspects of his writing. By use of terms such as Sanskritisation, "dominant
caste", "vertical (inter-caste) &horizontal (intra-caste) solidarities", Srinivas sought to
capture fluid &dynamic essence of caste as a social institution.
Methodology:
o Structural Functionalism:
The followers of this perspective focus on the understanding of the
ordering and patterning of the social world. Their focus of attention is
mainly the problem of order at a societal level. Their theoretical and
empirical analyses have generally been based on the assumption that
societies can be seen as persistent, cohesive, stable, generally inherited
wholes differentiated by their culture and social structural arrangements.
According to Srinivas, In the recent British social anthropology, the two
important concepts structure and function imply that every society is a
whole and that its various parts are interrelated. In other words, the various
groups and categories which are part of a society are related to each other
o Srinivas strongly advocated ethnographic research based on Participant observation
o He was much impressed by AR Radcliffe Browns structural functionalism (¬
Mertons- which was in response to parsons theory). Parsons SF was not suited for
a country like India which had many traditional elements. Browns theory was much
more suited.
o Brown doesnt look at a structure as an institution but a product of roles which keep
changing.
o India is not exactly traditional where every structure is linked to every other
structure or exactly modern where structures are clearly defined &established.
Hence, need of British sociology of Brown ¬ American sociology of Parsons
o Brown gave 3 concepts to study sociology which were applied by Srinivas:
Structural unit (eg: mudra/brother-sister rship)
Structural form (eg: school of bharatnatyam/parent-child rship)
Structural morphology (eg: Bharatnatyam/Family)
o He was a strong advocate in studying reality outside framework of gr8 theories. He
wasnt in favour of using much jargons & gr8 theoretical designs. Thus, he focussed
on field study & brought sociology closer to social anthropology in case of India. As
India lives in villages, Social anthropology more applicable.
o He gave example of dynamic structure- where in Rampura village people unified
across castes to protect common village pond from government action.
o Edmund leach criticizes- says outsiders view important to prevent any biasnessbut Srinivas countered- If sociological perspectives are clear, analysis is bound to be
objective. Infact, insider would be more sensitized &give more authenticity to
research
o Respects appropriate methodology instead of going for celebration of a particular
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Indian society. The knowledge about such elements is gained through sacred texts or
from books. Srinivas calls it book view or bookish perspective. Book view is also
known as Indology, which is not acceptable to Srinivas and he emphasized to the
field view
o Field view (field work):Srinivas believes that the knowledge about the different
regions of Indian society can be attained through field work. This he calls field view.
Consequently, he prefers empirical study to understand our society. Srinivas took
the path of small regional studies rather than the construction of grand theories. In
this context, field work plays an important role to understand the nativity of the
rural Indian society
Srinivas on caste
o Caste is not static system as assumed by Westerners while differentiating it from
class. Infact, class is dynamic &undergoes changes over period of time. Book view of
caste is driven by holism but field view is driven by empiricism.
o he found that varna view of caste is very incomplete &there are huge number of
castes. Conflict erupts not just between different castes but is also present within
castes.
o Srinivas differentiates varna from castes by saying that varna scheme refers at most
only to broad categories of society ¬ to actually existing effective units. Relations
between castes are governed, among other things by concepts of pollution &purity,
&generally maximum commensality i.e. inter-dining occurs within caste.
o Srinivas states that Varna scheme has certainly distorted picture of caste but it has
also enabled ordinary men & women to understand & assess general place of a caste
within this framework throughout India. It has provided a common social language,
which holds good in all parts of India. This sense of familiarity, even when not based
on real facts leads to a sense of unity amongst people.
o He noted: A caste is considered to be high if its characteristic way of life is high &
pure & it is considered to be low if its way of life is low &polluting. By term way of
life we mean whether its traditional occupation is ritually pure or polluting. For
example, occupation of Brahman Priest is ritually pure while traditional occupation
of a leather working caste like Chamars of U.P. is considered to be ritually polluting.
But remarkable aspect of caste system is that presumed hierarchy of way of life,
which includes diet, occupation, etc. does not often correlate with observed order of
caste ranking found in several regions of India. For example, in spite of trader castes
being vegetarian (which is considered to be ritually higher) in Rampura,a village of
Mysore, they are ranked ritually lower than non-vegetarian peasant castes of same
village
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closed entity &people of village always interact with outsiders. Despite urbanization,
a village is not losing its perpetual character. Locality- Srinivas argued that
individuals in his village had a sense of identification with their village & an insult to
ones village had to be avenged like an insult to oneself, ones wife, or ones family
Social structure of caste- changing- Through various reforms- like PRI, Ind reforms
etc, ex-lower castes have become dominant castes. Thus ritual domination by
Brahmins &secular domination by backward castes.
Sanskritization
o According to Srinivas, Sanskritisation is process by which a low Hindu caste or tribe
or other group changes its customs, ritual, ideology &way of life in direction of a
high,& frequently twice-born caste.
o He considers most important reference group of other models as well. In fact
culturally patterned expressiveness of Kshatriya is more accessible &has been more
widely used than culturally patterned asceticism of Brahamans.
o K. M. Pannikar maintains that last true Kshatriyas were Nandas who disappeared in
fifth century. Since then Sudras have produced anunsually large number of royal
families. In fact it was always king, secular power, that determined hierarchical order
of castes on advice of Brahmans,
o Thus through process of Sanskritization, changes in economic interest & political
power of groups could be accommodated, for it provided a symbolic justification in
terms of caste ideology for de facto results of interactional process. It is important to
note that changes we are considering are positional not structural. & mobility here
refers not to individual mobility in span of a life-time, or familial mobility across a
generation or two, but to community mobility that spans many generations
o Sanskritization has been prevalent throughout history &has assumed various forms.
It has been used as mechanism to bridge gap between secular &ritual rank.
Whenever a caste achieved secular power it tried to legitimise its status by acquiring
traditional symbols of high castes by adopting their customs, rituals. Beliefs &ideas
such as vegetarianism &teetotalism. Besides, they tried to obtain services of
Brahmin priests, visited pilgrimage centres &acquired knowledge of sacred texts.
o Castes located in middle of stratification system sought mobility by orienting
themselves to emulate upper caste behaviour ideologies &ritual. In such endeavour
sseeking elevated status in prevalent stratification system aspiring categories were
required to give up their traditional marks of inferiority especially such practices that
were supposedly polluting. Such aspirations for cultural mobility tended to foster
&traditionally ordained framework of 'Great Tradition'. Maratha Sagar, Dhangar of
Maharashtra, Kurmi & Yadava ofBihar, Koli of Gujarat, Kaibartta of West Bengal,
Lingayat of Karnataka &Teli of Orissa are reported to have adopted sanskritization
as a strategy to seek elevated corporate status.
o Another very significant pattern of Sanskritization involved increasing Puritanism on
part of castes who rejected superiority of twice born e.g. Koris of eastern Uttar
Pradesh refused to accept water from Brahmins. Such a process of desanskritization contributes to crystallization of new groups &greater political
mobilization. Re-sanskritization is another process in endeavour to attain
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Dominant caste:
o According to Srinivas (1966), a caste is said to be dominant when it is numerically
strongest in village or local area &economically &politically exercises a
preponderating influence. status of a dominant caste appears to rest on such criteria
as
control of economic resources;
numerical strength;
a relatively high ritual status in caste hierarchy; and
educational status of its members.
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Numerical strength alone may not place a group in a bargaining position. It needs an
economic power base to backup its strength. Once economic rights are in
possession, however size of a group does become important. Control of resources
by members of a dominant caste lead in turn, to making decisions for others, which
constitutes real dominance. The interesting aspect of this concept is that the ritual
ranking of a caste no longer remains the major basis of its position in the social
hierarchy.
o Numbers alone do not guarantee power. Caste groups numerically preponderant,
but with divided loyalties, creating disunity, may not wield power. It is only when a
caste group becomes politically united that it becomes apolitical force.
Srinivas on change:
o 2 kinds of changes: Orthgenetic (coming from within)-eg--buddhism, Jainism etc &
heterogenetic (coming from outside)- eg--british type industries.
o Based on these, 3 kinds of people:
Internal sanskritization & external sanskritization
Internal
&external westernization
Internal westernization &external
- maximum
th
o Book- 20 century of avatar of caste, notes how ideologically incompatible cste
groups are coming together to capture power.
o His last lecture on obituary to caste, caste comes in where there is need &society is
not caste-centric as it was in past.
Srinivas on gender issues
o Dowry: article in 80s- some reflections on dowry- dowry is modern sati. Rapid
economic transformation is responsible for commodification of women who are
used as instruments of consolidation of private wealth. M.N. Srinivas (1976: 90) has
pointed out that in contemporary caste society cognate jatis tend to get telescoped
to form a single entity for purposes of marriage caste both imposes constraints
&creates dominant ethos which underlie practice of dowry within Hindu society.
Increasing social &economic differentiation has increased demands and expectation
on part of grooms family.
o Position of women- house. social world of woman was synonymous with household
&kinship group while men inhabited a more heterogeneous world. Masculine
&feminine pursuits were clearly distinguished. He pointed out that two sets of
occupations were not only separated but also seen as unequal.
Criticism:
o Srinivas, for example, admits that while he was collecting genealogies &a household
census, he deliberately excluded Harijan ward. He thought that he should approach
Harijans only through headman. consequence was that his account of village was
biased in favour of upper caste Hindus.
o The life mission of Srinivas has been to understand Indian society. He though talks
about economic and technological development but in the study of these areas
sidetracks lower segments of society. In his endeavour for promoting sanskritization,
he has marginalized and alienated religious minorities.
o
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o
o
For him, Indian traditions are those, which are manifested in caste and village. His
traditions are Hinduized traditions and in no sense secular ones. The construction of
sanskritization and dominant caste put him closer to Hindutva ideology of cultural
nationalism. One can say that his understanding was more elitist or presents only
upper caste view.
Now, as a summary of certain characteristics spontaneously observable in society,
these concepts cannot claim any originality . What Srinivas characterized as
sanskritization in the idiom of sociology currently fashionable, had been described
by the proto-sociologists Lyall and Risley as Aryanization and Brahminization, as
mentioned by Mukherjee in the first chapter of his book Sociology of Indian
Sociology .
Conclusion:
Srinivas occupies an eminent place among the first-generation sociologists of India.
His focus on field view over the book view is a remarkable step in understanding
the reality of Indian society. This reflects sociology of nativity. His field work among
the Coorgs relates his approach as structural-functional and represents an
exposition of the complex interrelationship between ritual and social order in Coorg
society.
It also deals with the crucial notion of purity and pollution as also with the process of
incorporation of non-Hindu communities into the Hindu social order. This refers to
the concept of sanskritization which he used to describe the process of the
penetration of Sanskritic values into the remotest parts of India.
Sanskritzation:
Endogenous changes in tradition of Hinduism - confined to Sanskritization before Western contact.
Sanskritization took place in two different forms
first, as historical process by collective recognition of lower castes to the ranks of upper
castes as a result of their acts of chivalry, rise in economic and power status and political
alliances.In most such cases mobility was legitimized by consensus of the dominant castes
and came into being as a historical necessity. Such legitimating to status upgrading was
provided by the estab-lished higher castes, even by kings through royal decrees, and by
other formal means of admittance to a higher rank recognized by the priestly castes.
Here, Sanskritization had a wider historical implication. Although its impact was confined to
a region or a sub-region the implicit political and economic relationship in its background
gave it a new dimension of importance.
Second form, Sanskritization has a contextual or local meaning and generally amounts to
unilateral attempt of a caste or sub-caste to move upward in hierarchy. A major difference
in this process from the historical context of Sanskritization is the absence of consensus.
Often the opposite of it, that is, resistance by the dominant castes, prevails. Sanskritization
in this form is seldom legitimized within the caste system. The maximum empirical cases of
Sanskritization refer to this type of change.Sanskritization in the second, or the contextual
form, is a slow and non- spectacular process of cultural mobility of castes. It is devoid of
wider political implications which this process follows in the historical sense.
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This renders it clear that Sanskritization as a process only refers to changes in cultural
attributes of a caste and not to a structural change in its system; the structural factors,
however, are highly meaningful; mention may be made of the five structural pre-requisites
of Sanskritization we mentioned above.
The changes which took place within tradition were seldom contradictor to this system of
stratification and the value-themes. On the contrary legitimating was sought for changes
and innovations from within these twin structural-normative attributes of the traditional
society. Sanskritization connotes the special form that change takes place in the framework
of Indian tradition.
But what were the forms of structural changes in the traditional Indian society? To analyse
such changes we have made a distinction between micro-structures and macro-structures of
society. Heuristically, this categorization is attempted on the basis of extension of networks
of relationships.
The range of extension of relationships of micro-structure is limited both in terms of
territory and choices of activities involved. Its instances are: family, caste and sub-caste, and
village com-munity. The caste structure played crucial role in defining the networks of
relationship both of the family and community in the traditional society.
Empirical studies suggest that its own boundaries of interaction very rarely outcrosses the
limits set by the regional-linguistic and cultural inclusiveness, which in territorial terms
extended not beyond two to three hundred miles.
The macro-structures, on the other hand, have an inter-regional and pan-Indian spread of
relational networks. Instances of such macro- structures in traditional India were the
imperial and feudal political net-works, the institutions of banking and commerce and
monastic and other religious structures, etc.
An important aspect of structural change in the traditional society was determined by the
nature of the relationship which existed between the micro-structures and the macrostructures. These relationships were characterized by a high degree of autonomy; its
consequence was that changes and upheavals at macro-structural levels could seldom
generate corresponding repercussions at the micro-level of society.
Hence, the specta-cular continuity of cultural practices and norms in India despite the steady
stream of encroachments to its cultural identity from alien sources. The inter-structural
autonomy helped in selective syncretism of new cultural modes, forms of behavior and
structure. Innovation at one level could be effected without causing breakdown in the social
structure as a whole.
This structural characteristic of traditional Indian society proved to be extremely helpful in
its adaptive transformations towards modernization, beginning with the British regime. This
attribute of traditional society also set a limit to the nature and direction of structural
changes.
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These changes were characterized by cir-cular processes: a joint family would become
nuclear and then again grow, joint in structure; townships and trading centers would appear
and dis-appear and re-appear; there would be circulation of elite and rulers from among the
same class and caste, etc. without major structural transformations.
The changes were, therefore, adaptive rather than structural in the real sense. Fluctuating
nature of these changes would be evident from the estimates of Indias population between
300 B.C. and 1845; population during this period fluctuated between 100 and 140 millions.
Only after 1855 a rising trend in population seems to have stabilized in India.
The social structure had, thus a fused character without much functional differentiation of
roles. This was because most innovations were re-inter-pretative adjustments in structural
forms and activities (role-structures) within the traditional principles of legitimating and not
alternative evolutionary solutions. This pattern continued even after the first major
exogenous impact, that of Islam, on the traditional Hindu social structure
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Village structure
Transformation of Indian society
Social background of Indian nationalism
Peasant struggles
State and society
Village Structure:
o It is viewed that Indian village was a self-sufficient unit in pre-British period. village
population was mainly composed of peasants. peasant families enjoyed traditional
hereditary right to possess and cultivate his holding from generation to generation.
Therefore, village was based on agriculture carried on with primitive plough and
bullock-power and handicraft by means of primitive equipment. village council was
de facto owner of village land, which represented village community. All exchange of
products produced by village workers was limited to village community. village did
not have any appreciable exchange relations with outside world. Culture of preBritish India was feudal in nature, which was predominantly mystical in character.
This was due to fact that society was economically on a low level, stationary and
socially rigid. Whatever changes occurred was quantitative and not qualitative in
character.
Transformation of Indian Society:
o Transformation of pre-British India from feudal economy to capitalist economy was
a result of British conquest of India. British government adopted capitalist path of
development in their political and economic policies at three levels, viz., trade,
industry and finance. Introduction of new economic reforms of British government
disrupted old economic system. Consequently, it decayed old land relations and
artisans with emergence of new land relations and modern industries. In place of
village commune appeared modern peasant proprietors or zamindars, as private
owner of land. New classes like capitalist, industrial workers, agricultural labourers,
tenants, merchants etc. emerged. It led to transformation of economic anatomy of
Indian society, but also its social physiognomy.
o At higher level, this resulted in growing polarization of classes in agrarian areas,
poverty in rural areas and exploitation by owners of land. It gives rise to new class
structure in agrarian society with categories like zamindars, absentee landlords,
tenants, peasant proprietors, agricultural labourers, moneylenders and merchant
class. Similarly, in urban society, there were capitalist industrial working class, petty
traders, professional class like doctors, lawyers, engineers etc.
o British government also introduced railways, postal services, centralized uniform
law, English education, modern industry and many more, which brought qualitative
change in Indian society. It is said that although British government had various
exploitative mechanisms in India, but unintentionally these efforts led to unification
of Indian society. Role of railways and press is significant in this direction. It has
brought scattered and disintegrated Indians into mainstream. implication was social
movements, collective representations, national sentiments, and consciousness
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among Indian people and formation of unionism at various levels. Such a social
infrastructural set-up gave rise to nationalist freedom movement and awakening of
Indian nationalism.
Social Background of Indian Nationalism:
o Desai applies Marxist approach to study of nationalism in India during British rule.
He spells out historical-dialectical materialism and applies it to study of various types
of movements rural and urban, caste and class structure, social mobility, education
and other aspects of Indian society.
o Quite like other Marxists, he employs production relations for explanation of
traditional social background of Indian nationalism in his classical work. The book is
an excellent effort to trace emergence of Indian nationalism from dialectical
perspective.
o According to Desai, Indias nationalism is result of material conditions created by
British colonialism. Britishers developed new economic relations by introducing
industrialization and modern-ization.
o This economic relationship is predominantly a stabilizing factor in continuity of
traditional institutions in India, which would undergo changes as these relations
would change. Desai thinks that when traditions are linked with economic relations,
change in latter would eventually change traditions. It is in this context that he
thinks that caste will disintegrate with creation of new social and material
conditions, such as industries, economic growth, education, etc.
o Desais definition of tradition is a watershed. He does not trace it from caste,
religion or ritual. Dialectical history of India that he presents very clearly shows that
traditions have their roots in Indias economy and production relations.
Peasant Struggles:
o In his two volumes entitled Peasant Struggles in India (1979) and Agrarian Struggles
in India after Independence (1986), Desai has complied excellent material on
peasant struggles in India during colonial rule and after independence.
o Agrarian struggles, at present, Desai suggests, are waged by newly-emerged
propertied classes as well as agrarian poor, especially agrarian proletariat, whereas
former fight for a greater share in fruits of development.
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The poor comprising pauperized peasants and labourers belonging to low castes and
tribal communities struggle for survival and for a better life for themselves. Thus,
Desai maintained, progress could be achieved only by radically transforming
exploitative capitalist system in India.
State and Society:
o In State and Society in India book, Desai provided a critique of theories of
modernization accepted by a large number of academic establishments. He clearly
stated that in reality concept assumed modernization on capitalist path a desirable
value premise. It, however, served as a valuable ideological vehicle to ruling class
pursuing capitalist path.In many of his later works he pursued theme of repressive
role of state and growing resistance to it. In Violation of Democratic Rights in India
(book), Repression and Resistance in India (book) , Expanding Governmental
Lawlessness (book), he highlights violation of democratic rights of minorities,
women, slum dwellers in urban India, press and other media by state
o According to Desai, polarization of class interest, especially of bourgeoisie, is
foundation of modern society in India. It has thus inherent in it class contradictions
and logic of its dialectics.
o
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Marxist approach further considers that focusing on type of property relations prevailing in Indian
society as crucial-axial element for properly understanding nature of transformation that has been
taking place in country. This approach does not demand crude reducing of every phenomenon to
economic factor; it also does not deny autonomy, or prevalence of distinct institutional and
normative features peculiar to a particular society.
For instance, it does not deny necessity of understanding institution like caste system, religions,
linguistic or tribal groups or even specific cultural traditions which are characteristics of Indian
society.
Desai feels that adoption of Marxist approach will be helpful in studying industrial relations, not
merely as management-labour relations, but as capital-labour relations, and also in context of state
wedded to capitalist path of development, shaping these relations.
The constitution evolved its bourgeois constitution and leadership is representing capitalist class and
is reshaping economy and society on capitalist path. The slogan of socialistic pattern is a hoax to
create illusion and confuse masses. The real intentions and practices are geared to development on
capitalist lines.
According to Desai, bourgeoisie is dominant class in India. Indian society is based on capitalist
economy. The dominant culture in our country is therefore culture of dominant capitalist class.
Indian capitalism was a by-product of imperialist capitalism.
Desai argues that Indian bourgeoisie built up a fundamentally secular bourgeois democratic state,
which has been imparting modern scientific, technological and liberal democratic education. This
class and its intelligentsia have been, in cultural field revivalist and more and more popularizing
supporting and spreading old religious and ideal-istic philosophic concepts among people. The
idealistic and religio-mystical philosophies of ruling bourgeois class, further reinforced by crude
mythological culture rampant among masses, constitute dominant culture of Indian people today.
The social role played by this culture is reactionary since it gives myopic picture of physical universe
and social world, a mis-explanation of fundamental causes of economic and social crises, opiates
consciousness of masses and tries to divert latter from advancing on road of specific solutions of
their problems.
Conclusion:
We have tried to focus upon works of A.R. Desai, which show that how Marxist approach can be
applied in understanding Indian social reality. Social Background of Indian Nationalism reflects on
economic interpretation of Indian society. Desai applies historical materialism for understanding
transformation of Indian society.
He explains that how national consciousness emerged through qualitative changes in Indian society.
It must be observed by concluding words that in all his writings Desai has examined usefulness of
Marxian framework to understand Indians reality. Desais all other writings also reflect Marxist
approach to understand Indian society.
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Miscellaneous topics
Interaction of little tradition with great tradition
Positional change versus structural change
Significance of empirical approach in study of Indian society. How does use of historical
approach enrich empirical orientation
Examine features of continuity and change of Indian society in historical perspective
Write short note on Grihasth-ashram
Historical perspective:
Plenty texts left behind by indian and foreign scholars giving account of Indian history
History and sociology- sociology is present history and vice versa- GE howard
Not possible to make sense of India today, unless its history thoroughly understood
Different colonialisms
External vs Internal i.e. British Vs Landlords, Industrialists etc
Old Vs new i.e. British Vs Globalisation (Critical theorists angle)
BrahmanicVs Patriarchal (Subaltern angle)
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Karma
The notions of Dharma and Karma are closely interlinked to each other and onmany
occasion they are indistinguishable and inseparable." If Dharma is a socialconsciousness
about the good life, Karma is the individual actor's effort to liveaccording to it". The literary
meaning of the notion of Karma is action. Accordingto the message of Bhagavad Gita the
direction of the Karma is value neutral andone must perform Karma without expecting the
rewards which may be desirableor undesirable. It also accords highest emphasis on the
accomplishment of Karma.
Orthodox Hindu will explain Karma in terms of certain rituals in the form ofworship or prayer
of favourite Gods and Goddesses which are popularly knownas puja.
Rins
There are four important obligations (Rins) for a Hindu. These are obligations tothe sages, to
the ancestors, to god and to human beings. These obligations arefulfilled through the
performance of duties in various stages of life (ashrama).
Purushartha
There has been a constant quest towards achieving a fruitful life in Hinduism.Pursuits of
certail goals has been considered inhabitable, for the achievement ofsuch life. The
integrated life of a Hindu involves the pursuit of four goals: Dharma,Artha, (material
pursuits) Karna (love desire) and Moksha (salvation). The pursuit of these four fold goals is
known as purusartha.
Dharma
Dharma has plural meanings. It "includes cosmological, ethical, social and legalprinciples
that provide the basis for the notion of an ordered universe. In the socialcontext, it stands
for the imperative or righteousness in the definition of good life.Put simply, for every person
there is a mode of conduct that is most appropriate:it is his or her svadharma, which may be
translated as 'vocation'.
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The peasants, the workers, the depressed classes and various linguistic nationalities
started agitations for their demands. Moreover, there was further growth of
communalism. However, according to Desai, all these stirrings were not of much
consequence and the mainstream was still solidly occupied by the Gandhian Congress which
represented the interests of the dominant classes.
Firstly, He interprets the peaceful and bloodless approach of struggle adopted by the nationalist
leadership as a basic guarantee to the propertied classes that they would at no time be faced with
a situation in which their interests might be put in jeopardy even temporarily.
Secondly, Although the masses came into nationalist fold during the Gandhian period, they were not
politicised and the lower classes of agricultural workers and poor peasants in most parts of country
were never politically mobilised, so that the social base of the national movement was still not very
strong in 1947. And even when they were mobilised, the masses remained outside the decisionmaking process and the gulf between them and the leaders was unbridged
Thirdly, the nationalist leaders in all phases of the movement stressed that the process of
achievement of national freedom would be evolutionary, and not revolutionary. The basic strategy
to attain this goal would be pressure-compromise-pressure. In this strategy, pressure would be
brought upon the colonial rulers through agitations, political work and mobilisation of the people
Nationalism meaning: Nationalism is a sense of loyalty towards ones own nation. It creates a
sense of psychological bond with thenation. The bond of affinity is strong to such an extent that
people belonging to a particular nation are suspicious of foreigners.
Nationalism implies the consciousness of one nationhood and its related sense of political identity,
which results from political consensus. Its sociological manifestation is the idea of a nation-state.
In the West, historical origins of democracy and nationalism can be associated with the breakdown
of the feudal hier-archical system of estates and rise of the philosophies of the Reformation and the
Enlightenment. Both nationalism and democracy in India have come into being in a different
historical context. The cultural consequences of these systems may be as radical for India as it was
for the West, but its historical manifestation cannot be identical. From Rammohan Roy to Gandhi,
the nationalistic consciousness was oriented towards the Indian tradition; in this matter there
were differences of degrees but not of kind.
According to Hans Kohn nationalism is a state of mind permeating the large majority of
people. It is the supreme loyalty of a man towards his nation.
According to Prof Ashirvatham, Nationalism is a process by which nationalities are
transferred into political units.
The term nation has been used to denote a human group with the following characteristics:
o Idea of a common Government whether as a reality in present or past, or as an
aspiration of the future.
o A certain size and closeness of contact between all its individual members.
o More or less defined territory.
o Certain characteristics clearly distinguishing the nations and non-national groups.
o Certain interests common to the individual members.
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A certain degree of common feeling or will associated with a picture of the nation in
the minds of the individual members.
Origin of nationalism in India:
o
The growth of nationalism in India can be traced back to the period of ancient India. It can be traced
through different stages. They include:
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Rise of Middle Class Intelligentsia: This class, prominent because of its education, new
position and its close ties with the ruling class, came to the forefront. The leadership to the
Indian National Congress in all its stages of growth was provided by this class.
Impact of Contemporary Movements Worldwide: Rise of a number of nations on ruins of
Spanish & Portuguese empires in S.America, and national liberation movements of Greece
and Italy in general and of Ireland in particular deeply influenced the nationalist ranks.
Reactionary Policies and Racial Arrogance of Rulers: Lyttons reactionary policies such as
reduction of maximum age limit for the I.C.S. examination from 21 years to 19 years (1876),
the grand Delhi Durbar of 1877 when the country was in the severe grip of famine, the
Vernacular Press Act (1878) and the Arms Act (1878) provoked a storm of opposition in the
country.
National integration
National integration has been viewed by Weiner as follows:
(1) A process of bringing together culturally and socially discreet groups into a single territorial unit
and the establishment of a national identity.
(2) The process of establishing a national, central authority over subordinate political units and
regions which may or may not coincide with distinct cultural or social groups.
(3) The problem of binding Government with Government; and
(4) The problem of evolving the minimum value consensus necessary to maintain a social order,
referring either to the norms and processes to be accepted or to the goals to be achieved.
National integration implies a sense of belongingness as feeling of togetherness and of unity. It is a
process in which people of a nation are made to know, feel and act as people of one nation. A
person should have a set of loyalties such as loyalty to the State he lives, to his region, religion,
language etc. But national loyalty is primary.
Brief History of Nationalist Foreign Policies of India
At independence, India was member of 51 Inal organisations & signatory - 600 odd treaties.
So, the emerging themes during 1880-1914 were:
Solidarity with other colonies fighting for freedom, such as Russia, Ireland, Egypt, Turkey,
Ethiopia, Sudan, Burma and Afghanistan;
Pan-Asian feeling reflected in:
o I. Condemnation of annexation of Burma in 1885,
o II. Inspiration from Japan as an example of industrial development,
o III. Condemnation of international suppression of the I-Ho-Tuan uprising (1895),
o IV. Condemnation of the imperialist efforts to divide China,
o V. Defeat of Czarist Russia by Japan which exploded myth of European superiority,
o VI. Congress support for Burmas freedom.
World War I: nationalists supported the British Indian Government in the belief that Britain
would apply the same principles of democracy for which they were supposed to be fighting.
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1920s and 1930sIdentifying with Socialists: In 1926 and 1927, Nehru was in Europe where
he came in contact with the socialists and other leftist leaders. Earlier, DadabhaiNaoroji
attended the Hague session of the International Socialist Congress.
After 1936Anti-Fascism: The 1930s saw the rise of Fascism in Europe and the struggle
against it. The nationalists saw imperialism and fascism as organs of capitalism.
Post-independence and non-alignment
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rationality.Habermas argues that Europe has still to scale its share of modernity. It is an ongoing
project.
Tradition:
S.C. Dube has given a six-fold classification of traditions in India. The classification of traditions is:
Classical traditions,
Emergent national traditions,
Regional traditions,
Local traditions,
Western traditions, and
Local sub-cultural traditions of social groups.
Looking at all the explanations of Indian traditions, it could be safely said that these are multiple
traditions consisting of varying hierarchies
The Meaning and Role of Tradition in India
The structuralist, ethno-methodological approach
With the publication of Louis Dumonts Homo Hierarchicus (1970), there appeared structuralist
approach to the study of traditions.In his study of caste stratification in Homo Hierarchicus, Dumont
has established that India is a religious society and the concept of pure and impure is solely guided
by traditions. The hierarchical caste stratification, in fact, is a tradition-bound social order. It is based
on the principle of inequality.He looks at India from a cultural perspective and considers that
modernity is an impossibility in india. He sees traditional linkage and its resurgence in form of caste
in power as an obstacle to modernity in indaiThe Dumont effect made it clear that traditions must
be used to understand Indian society.
TN Madan counters Louis Dumont in his book-Modern myths and locked minds where he questions
the very basic premise of need for west-like modernity in India. Similarly according to Ashish Nandi,
question should not be that why India isnt modern but does India need modernity?
Dimensional approach to social structure:
Yogendra Singh identifies dimensional approach to the study of Indian structure. This approach does
not consider tradition as its focus of enquiry. Instead, it applies multi-dimensional perspective to the
under-standing of society. Yogendra Singh (1986) explains his multi-dimensional approach as below:
Many studies of social structure in India, however, do not consciously use the notion of tradition as a
normative framework in their analysis. Instead, social structure is defined in a multi-dimensional
perspective using sets of social variables or categories. The approach sometimes approximates the
Weberian typological formulation and dimensions of social structure such as status, wealth and
power.Yogendra Singh (1972) identifies structural modernization as Indias powerful aspect. It
consists of normative variables such as social mobilization, growth of communication, market
domination, media exposure, democratic political institutions, and values, morals and norms. He
observes: Modernization is supposed to follow as a result of the presence of these variables in the
social system; their intensity and proportion would determine the nature and extent of
modernization in specific situations.
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Historically, social structure and tradition in India remained impervious to major elements of
modernity until the contact with the West began through colonization. The earlier encounters with
Islam only reinforced the tradition-basically organized on value-themes which were traditional;
Though Islam has messianic, non-hierarchical & monotheistic non-idolism values, in its Persian
transformation had already imbibed some elements of hierarchical stratificn when came to India.
Despite the apparent dissimilarities, the contact between the Great traditions of Hinduism and Islam
was only a contact between two traditional systems. Its impact on family, caste and village
community was insignificant, and in macro-structures too it did not set out any basically new
forms. Islamic polity and judicial administration were essentially feudal and patrimonial; the legal
principles and norms were also hierarchical and did not fully recognize the principles of equality
and equity in political and civil rights. This explains why Islamic impact unlike that of the West failed
to contribute to modernization.
Social Changes in Traditional India:
Distinction between social change & modernization- to evaluate changes in traditional society. In
traditional India there were continual instances of social change without implying modernization.
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These changes were from one traditional structure to another, without, transcending them for a
qualitatively distinctive evolutionary differentiation. The changes were initiated both through
orthogenetic and heterogenetic causal sources.
The traditional cultural structure comprising the little and Great traditions in India experienced
many changes before the beginning of the Western contact.
Buddhism and Jainism emerged as protest movements against the Hindu caste system.
These movements had political and economic impact. Jainism - urban movement, and both
Jainism and Buddhism led to the emergence of new mercantile castes in urban centers.
Orthogenetic movementsSikhism, Bhakti,AryaSamaj,BrahmoSamaj&mvmnt
The changes -confined within framework of traditional social structure& values; structural changes
were very few, and those which took were limited in respect of the types of roles.egSangha. The role
differentiations also had an elitist character since all were led by members of upper class.
The main structural deprivations here were those of power and social status, which Dumont righty
characterizes as an equation between power and religion. In all traditional societies - system of
social stratification is closed- no legitimate structural means to climb up in social hierarchy, the
change of faith, or of customs and rituals might offer a relatively secure means of gambling for
higher status- Also revealed by analysis of little and great traditions by Redfield & Singer. An
important causal factor here is that of relative deprivation of groups and castes in comparison to
other groups and castes ,this form a part of the theory of reference group analysis.
Structural Changes and Sanskritization:
Endogenous changes in tradition of Hinduism - confined to Sanskritization before Western contact.
Sanskritization took place in two different forms
as historical process by collective recognition of lower castes to the ranks of upper castes as
a result of their acts of chivalry, rise in economic and power status and political alliances.
Second form, Sanskritization has a contextual or local meaning and generally amounts to
unilateral attempt of a caste or sub-caste to move upward in hierarchy.
Hence, Sanskritizationmay often disguise the seed-beds of effective modernization.
Sanskritization is psychologically or even structurally, akin to modernization in so far as the
motive forces to challenge the deprivations imposed by Great tradition are
stronger.However, if the reaction of upper castes is hostile or is perceived to be so by lower
castes, it is likely that latter (lower castes) would define the former as a negative reference
group, and from this a break-away movement in the caste system would follow. Particular
mention may be made of conversion to Islam m the medieval period, to Christianity during
the British period, and current neo-Buddhist movement among scheduled castes and tribes
in India.
Numerous examples to show (like fatavas of Agra) that Sanskritization as a process only
refers to changes in cultural attributes of a caste & not to a structural change in its system
After Independence, with political &legal rights available to fight out, not Sanskritization but
formation of politically oriented caste associations is practice.
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The other person who studies India using structural approach is Robert D Lambert who in his study
of Pune highlights changes in family structure towards nucleated living and relationships based on
contract
Processes of Modernization:
Modernization in India started mainly with the Western contact-brought about many far reaching
changes in culture & social structure of Indian society. Not all, however, could be called modernizing.
Basic direction - towards modernn-in process- variety of traditional instis also got reinforcement.
This demonstrates the weakness of assuming a neat contrariety between tradition and modernity.
However, only after the establishment of British rule in India, modern cultural institutions and
forms of social structure were introduced. The Western tradition at the time of contact had itself
undergone fundamental transformations through Industrial Revolution and social reformation.Its
place was now being taken by rational-individualism in economy and society.
Attitude of the British rulersand administratorsabout modernization in India - With the exception
of a handful of Orientalists who were overwhelmed by the textual grandeur of Indian tradition,
majority were only impressed by contrasts which Indian society presented to their Western society.
The significance of British contribution to modernization mainly lies in the creation of such networks
of social structure and culture which were modern and pan-Indian.
Initially, sub-culture or Little tradition of Westernization, small nucleus of interpreters, tradercum-middlemen emerged who were slowly being socialized to Western ways; subsequently,
emerged sects which emphasized assimilation of Western cultural norms, e.g. Brahmosamaj,
PrarthanaSamajthese ran a crusade against obscurantism Hindu traditions.
Its components were: a universalistic legal system, expansion of Western form of education,
urbanization and industrialization, spread of new means of communication and transport and
social reforms. Along with these modern-ization norms structural modernization also took place.
Growth of industrial entrepreneurship also contributed to the emergence of industrial working
class and trade unions organized on corporate lines as in the West.
There was, however, one important feature of Indian modernization during the British period. The
growth of this process was selective and segmental. It was not integrated with the microstructures of Indian society, such as family, caste and village community.
For a long time caste and ethnic factors were given recognition in recruitment of officers to army
and middle and lower ranks of bureaucracy. Later, in the twentieth century, as the nationalist
movement gathered momentum, a communal electorate system was introduced.
These historical factors have deeply influenced the process of modernization followed during postcolonial period. It increased contingency of traditional institutionsto Indian process of modernn.
Freedom movement ushered in a new political culture of modernization. At its centre was the
personality of Mahatma Gandhi whose one foot was always deeply embedded in
tradition.AbhijitPathak writes that Gandhi though a traditionalist in many ways, chose Nehru as his
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successor, who had a modernistic view of development. Thus, Indias modernity based on
contradictory platforms.
Following Independence, modernization process in India has undergone a basic change from its
colonial pattern.Introduction of adult suffrage & a federal parliamentary form of political structure
have carried politicization to every sector of social organization. Conscious legal reforms in Hindu
marriage & inheritance laws have deeply affected foundations of traditional Hindu family structure.
Community Development Projects, panchayatsetc have carried the cultural norms and role-strictures
of modernity to each and every village in India.
Caste has in the process undergone radical tram-formation of roles, developed new functional
adaptations and activated aspirations unleashed by democratization of polity and power structure.
As the process of modernization becomes all encompassing, it also generates inter-structural
tensions and conflicts between traditions (past and contem-porary).
Approaches to Modernization
Most approaches could be grouped under two broad categories: structural and evolutionary.
Structural approach is rather preponderant in social sciences. It seeks to analyze
modernization with the help of selected social or normative variables.Such variables as
social mobilization ,communication, media exposure; democratic political institutions etc
Evolutionary approach to modernizationbased on more systematic theoretical
assumptions. It treats modernization as an evolutionary stage in the life of human society.
Methodological formulation- structural functional and dialectical
Its methodological formulation may cither be structural functional or dialectical; similarly direction
of evolution may also be either unilinear or multilinear. A major difference between dialectical
(Marxist) and structural-functional evolutionary approaches to modernization is that the former
treats breakdown in the established political, economic and structural framework of a society as
a necessary and inevitable condition for development towards modernization. Structuralfunctional evolutionary treatment is drawn primarily from an organism analogy
There are many assumptions in Parsons evolutionary theory of modernization which may not be
accepted by other sociologists. For instance, his assertion that democratic association is the
highest evolutionary stage in the modernization of Indian tradition: analysis process of
modernization could be variously interpreted or even refuted both by Marxist and non-Marxist
sociologists. Gunnar Myrdal in a recent study on Asian prospect of development and modernization
writes: Yet it may be doubted whether this ideal of political democracy with political power based on
free elections and with freedom of assembly, press, and other civil libertiesshould be given weight
in formulating the modernization ideals. This is not because the ideal is at present not very fully met,
and may not be met in the future: value premises represent merely an angle from which actual
conditions are viewed and need not be realistic in that sense..Stratification is one important factor
which causes bottlenecks in rapid modernn of India by its rigidity & non- egalitarian character.
Formulations closely resembling those of Parsons but without similar theoretical presumption have
also been made by Marion J. Levy, E.S.N. Eisenstadt and Gunnar Myrdal. Much responsibility for
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and its imp-lementation as a social policy, over-urbanization without industrialization and finally
modernization without meaningful changes in the stratification system.
Gunnar Myrdal refers to similar impediments to modernization in India and other Asian countries
in his work Asian Drama. Nationalism and demo-cratic institutions themselves, according to him,
have grown in a structurally uneven form in these countries.
In Europe, strong independent State with a fairly effective government and a common pattern of
law enforcement, he says, preceded nationalism, and both preceded democracy; in South Asian
countries democratic ideology if not reality, has, due to special histori-city, preceded strong and
independent State & effective government& this is further complicated by onslaught of nationalism.
In India planned economic growth has not made as deep an impact towards liberalizing the
structural bottlenecks for modernization as should have been expected.
According to Myrdal, Indias soft-state policy after Independence inhibited its leadership from going
to the root of the problem, that is, introduction of basic changes in the institutional structure of
society.
Myrdals well known position on theory of social change and development is that of circular
causation and cumulative change. The crucial factor in development is an upward movement of
the social system as a whole with all its component conditions.
These conditions for South Asian countries as described by Myrdal are: Output &income;Conditions
of prodn;Levels of living;Attitudes towards life & work; Institutions; & Policies.
Myrdals theory of modernization could best be evaluated through the distinction he introduces
between independent and instrumental values
The independent values of a traditional society differ from those of a modem society, and more
often they are mutually contradictory. But the independent values cannot be demonstrated to be
false or irrelevant without transforming them into instrumental values.
Since, the institutions and attitudes towards life and work in a traditional society come to be valued
for their independent values, it is necessary to demonstrate their poverty over independent
values of a modern society in order to motivate people to renounce them for the latter.
Caste, which represents institutionalized form of inequality sanctioned by tradition now fights
battles against inequality and inegalitarianism its own rational self-transformation into
associations;
Historicity of Modernization:
The problems connected with historicity of modernization emerge from the initial conditions of
different societies from where modernization as a process starts.
There are both logical and substantive grounds why growth of moderniza-tion might vary in pattern
from society to society. Often, modernization is defined through attributes which are too abstract
and partial in nature. Modernization is understood as growth of a uniform set of cultural and role-
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structural attributes, but attention is not paid as to how these attributes develop typical
adaptations within the traditional conditions of each society.
This limitation, in our view, can be avoided if we conceptualize both tradition and modernization as
sets of values and role-structures which interact as they come into contact and between them a
selective process of assimilation and syncretism starts.
The crucial role in selective acceptance is played by the system of values. These values in each
society are differentiated into (1) categorical or independent and (2) instrumental types. All rolestructures whether traditional or modern inhere both categorical and instrumental standards, and
this leads to a combination of both; a person who is well-trained in the modern role-structure with
high instrumental value, for instance a surgeon or an engineer or a scientist, may be deeply
committed to traditional categorical values.
This is logically quite possible, because the categorical values enjoy autonomy over the
instrumental values. Such instances are quite common in the Indian society, but it is presumed that
no society would be an exception to this rule.
As for modernization in India, we find a growing trend that traditional role-structures are giving
way to modern ones.
Generally, ritual order and religion which are essentially based on categorical values of a
traditional nature do not show evidence of decline, nor is there an easy possibility of their
disappearance in the near future.
This would explain the diversity in the pattern of modernization in different societies. But it would
be wrong to deduce from this argument that modernization will not bring about structural and
cultural similarity among the peoples of the world.
As modernization proceeds, it would create uniform sets of role-structures with accompanying
modem value commitments, instrumental or categorical. Inconsistent combinations of roles and
values may still persist but a large sector of societal and cultural life of societies would share
uniformity of standards with other modern societies.
The divergence of political ideologies, contradictions in cultural and racial identities coupled with
inequality of resources among nations create basic schism in the value-structure of modernization.
Hence, particularistic growth pattern of modernization seems to be more credible than universalistic
form of its development.
Modernity: Disenchantment and its Challenges in India
In the early period of this encounter brought by modernity of British Raj, there grew disenchantment
towards tradition. But, with the widening of modernization & globalization, there has grown
disenchantment against modernization too. Many of expectations of modernity remain unfulfilled.
Challenges from the grass roots create bottlenecks for the processes of modernity. On one hand,
people feel that the age-old traditions have become irrelevant to fulfill their needs and on the
other, they are dissatisfied with the processes of modernization. This is precisely the situation of
disenchantment.
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Though the ideological perspectives of D.P. Mukerji and D.N. Majumdar are different the former
being a Marxist and the latter a functionalist, both agree to a synthesis of tradition and modernity.
D.P. talks about adaptive changes to modernity whereas Majumdar argues that those who are
misfits to modernity will be obliged to fit themselves with the modernizing system.
3. G.S. Ghurye:
For Ghurye, tradition was a heuristic method for sociological analysis. Indian traditions are actually
Hindu traditions and to understand Indian society one must know the Hindu traditions.
In his work, Social Tensions in India (1968), he argues that Hindus and Muslims are two separate
and cultural distinct groups that can hardly have any chances of integration.
4. M.N. Srinivas:
M.N. Srinivas considers village as the microcosm of Indian society and civilization. It is the village,
which retains the traditional components of Indias tradition.
Srinivas thinks that the only meaningful social change is that which takes place among the weaker
sections for attaining higher status by imitating values of twice-born.
For him, Indian traditions are high-caste Hindu traditions, lower caste traditions are no Indian
traditions. Obviously, Srinivas anchors tradition into sanskritization. Srinivas was actually interested
in caste. He considered it to be the structural basis of Hinduism. He was not fascinated by Hinduism
in its holistic form. He looked for it in the caste system.
Besides caste, Srinivas looks for yet another source or manifestation of tradition. He found it in the
notion of dominant caste.
Srinivas in a straightforward way rejects secularism and stands in favour of Hindu traditions. In his
critique of Indian secularism which appeared in a short article in the Times of India in 1993, he finds
secularism wanting because he believes that India needs a new philosophy to solve the cultural and
spiritual crisis facing the country and that philosophy cannot be secular humanism. But, any tradition
emanating from caste system cannot be nations tradition as the constitution has rejected caste.
He is not comfortable with concept of modernity as considers it a value loaded concept. He tries to
explain it using sanskritisation and westernization. Heirarchy is not fixed (counters Louis dumonts
homo-heirarchicus)
5. A.R. Desai:
A.R. Desai is a doctrinaire Marxist. He rejects any interpretation of tradition with reference to
religion, rituals and festivities. It is essentially a secular phenomenon. Its nature is economic and it
originates and develops in economics. He finds it in family, village and other social institutions. Desai
thinks that when traditions are linked with economic relations, the change in the latter would
eventually change the traditions.
Despite merit of the dialectical approach applied by A.R. Desai in the definition of tradition,
Yogendra Singh argues that the merits are not without their weaknesses.
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What is wrong with A.R. Desai is that he is very profound when he applies principles of Marxism in
analyzing Indian situations, but fails at the level of empirical support.
Thus 2 approaches to modernity in india:
Cultural- Louis Dumont and others
Dialectical- DP Mukerji, AR Desai, Randhir Singh
Randhir Singh studies post-independence modernity in Indian agriculture. He says, it has given rise
to bourgeois and petty bourgeois in countryside in form rich landlords, travel agents etcas turned
agriculture on capitalistic lines. Similarly, in mining belt, tribals have been displaced. It has gratified
to class interest.
Modernity in India
Anthony Giddens says: The other widely expressed way of coming to grips with our lack of true
modernity is to say that there are multiple modernities, and that the Indian variety is just another
expression of modernity.
Dipankar Gupta in his book, Mistaken Modernity (2000), modernity in this country has to be defined
in terms of social-historical and cultural conditions of different regions or social segments of nation.
The pioneers of sociology Marx, Weber, Durkheim and Simmel were the products of modernity,
i.e., capitalism, democracy and industrialism. Indian social conditions were different. Our challenges
were serious. There was colonialism and in princely states, feudalism. Our first priority was to get
freedom, and our ambition was to build India into a nation.
Our pioneering sociologists, G.S. Ghurye, M.N. Srinivas, D.P. Mukerji, B.K. Sarkar, Radhakamal
Mukherjee, drew their value premises & perspectives on the approach to studying Indian society
from nationalist reformation leadership of the 19th century. All these men had not encountered
challenges of industrialism and capitalism. Nor had they any experience of western modernity.
Yogendra Singh spells out the issues of social relevance and says that pioneers of sociology in India
wanted to focus on social change.
Indian sociologists paid very little attention to the study of modernity and its impact on Indian
society. Modernity as a distinct form of enquiry came late during the seventies.
According to Srinivas,Thus, the definition and meaning of modernization boils down to the following
points according to Srinivas:
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The principle of holism which no doubt was present both in Islam and Hinduism also varied in
sociological meaning in the two civilizations. In Hinduism, holism implied individuals social and
moral subordination to the group without theocratic implications, so basic in Islam.
Despite these dissimilarities in ideal value-themes of the Hindu and Islamic traditions, there took
place a synthesis between them which rein-forced the traditional character of Indian society without
significant break-down in its organization.
Though Islam has a messianic, non-hierarchical and monotheistic non-idolism values, in its Persian
transformation had already imbibed some elements of hierarchical stratification when it came to
India from there, and in the midst of the caste-stratified Hindu society, more so, owing to large-scale
conversion to Islam by caste Hindus, Islamic social structure in this country soon developed its own
pattern of caste hierarchy.
In political structure too feudal monarchical system followed by the Muslim rulers was not
fundamentally different from those of the traditional Hindu rulers, and even where there were
variations attempt was made to accom-modate Hindu norms of political order through institutional
adjustments.
Hindu princes and administrative functionaries held important offices at the courts of Muslim rulers
in the North. Consequently, there took place a high degree of cultural as well as institutional
syncretism between the two systems without major breakdowns. From the view-point of
modern-ization, therefore, the Islamic contact was more tradition-reinforcing than otherwise.
The Islamic tradition in India came from a heterogenetic source; it: establishment by conquest
introduced a complex emotional variable right from the beginning which has continued through
time. Value-themes of Islam were holistic but the principle of hierarchy or caste was not accepted in
theory; the idea of continuity was also less pronounced as Islam, like all religions of Semitic origin,
was based on the conception of historical time; its value-theme on transcendence too was rooted in
the principle of absolute monotheism.
These contrasts of history and value-themes could not, however, render Islam as a systematic
exogenous source for radical trans- formation in the Indian tradition. Despite the apparent
dissimilarities, the contact between the Great traditions of Hinduism and Islam was only a contact
between two traditional systems.
Large-scale conversions to Islam during the Muslim rule in India might be said to have offered a
structural outlet for the deprived Hindu castes for social, economic and cultural mobility. But the
extent to which the converts succeeded in it was always limited.
Ashrafs (the four immigrant Muslim groups) generally maintained their social distance from these
converts in matters of marriage and kinship ties; they never recognized them as their equals. The
caste hierarchy continued within the convert Muslims and in most cases traditional occupations and
caste rituals were also maintained.
Yet, it is reason-able to believe that there must have been some advantages; being a Muslim in a
political set-up where Muslim kings and chiefs were the rulers did offer security and other peripheral
benefits to these groups.
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These facts, however, do not support the view that conversion to Islam was motivated by cultural
rigidity of the caste system and its dysfunctions. Both caste and cultural deprivations did largely
survive among the converts within the Islamic social structure. A stronger motivation behind
conversion, therefore, might have been that of the felt structural deprivations (in terms of new
economic opportunities, security and power) rather than cultural depri-vation of the caste system.
The spirit behind conversion may not have been merely that of escape but also of innovation.
However, the groups which took readily to the Islamic faith were from the lower castes for which
psychological appeal of belonging to the ruling community must have been stronger apart from the
material benefits they must have anticipated.
The main structural deprivations here were those of power and social status, which Dumont righty
characterizes as an equation between power and religion. In all traditional societies where the
system of social stratification is closed and there are no legitimate structural means to climb up in
social hierarchy, the change of faith, or of customs and rituals might offer a relatively secure
means of gambling for higher status.
Both Hinduism and Islam in India have maintained these little traditions. Plurality of the little
traditions was preserved through caste structure and its local cultural expressions especially among
the castes of lower and intermediate ranks. These castes, both Hindu and Muslim, formed their own
plural traditions and micro-structures.
Little and great tradition: (SC Dubeycontradicticted this theory as used by Milton Singer by calling it
euro-centric- Milton had proposed primary civilization where elite culture is derived from mass
culture and secondary civilization where elite culture is different from mass culture. Over a period of
time all converted to modern. Eg Europe)
Kinship and social ties of castes hardly ever extend beyond the radius of two hundred miles in any
part of India; the diversity of languages and communication barriers traditionally delimited the scope
of caste interaction. Thus, plural traditions of these castes formed the little traditions in India.
Two important processes of change which have traditionally been active in the little traditions are
those of Sanskritization and Islamization. Sanskritization refers to the processes of change from
within the Hindu tradition whereas Islamization has been in response to the contact with an external
tradition.
Both these processes reflect a tendency among the strongly deprived groups to adapt or change
their local traditions in conformity with the normative elements of a Great tradition, whether
orthogenetic or hetero- genetic in origin. There is considerable literature on Sanskritization which
has grown since the pioneering studies conducted by M.N. Srinivas.
Similar empirical studies on the process of Islamization are, however, lamentably scarce, although
both Sanskritization and Islamization are at one point homologous processes. This homology arises
from the simila-rity of structural contexts in which the motivation for these changes comes in-to
being.
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process of vertical mobility to new caste status by Islamization is now being replaced by emphasis
upon horizontal solidarity of the entire Muslim community.
Thus, we see how Islamization as a cultural process has completed a full cycle in India. It began as a
process of external impact and conversion of low caste Hindus to Muslim Great tradition, then it
emerged as a process of status mobility within the Islamic social structure very much like
Sanskrit-ization, and finally it regained its earlier orthodoxy; sub-cultural frills which ate outside the
tradition of Islam are purposely renounced with the view that Muslims must consolidate themselves
into an organic whole irrespective of divergent Little traditions (of language, caste & sub-caste etc)
This turn in the process of Islamization corresponds with the new movement among the lower
Hindu castes to form caste associations and establish horizontal solidarity instead of seeking status
mobility within the caste system through Sanskritization.
The causal background for both seems to be structurally identical. It emanates from the realization
that in a democratic society power and status mobility would more easily be gained by
consolidation of ones rank and formation of effective power and protest groups rather than by
imitating a traditionally defined higher status which is difficult to get.
It may well be that latent reasons for such changes both in the Hindu and Islamic cultural tradition
are disguised protest movements against the established system of stratification and power.
Attempt is not only towards forming horizontal communal solidarities but also to give them
organizational shape of modem corporate groups, based on rational norms, allocation of duties
and obligations and rational means of communication and propaganda. This aspect of the
movements which may apparently seem to be traditionalizing is highly relevant to our analysis of
modernization.
Islamic cultural tradition in India, in size and significance second only to that of Hinduism,
poses unique problems to the process of cultural moderni-zation.
Modernization implies a policy of cultural liberalism and pragmatism.
These values are generated within a particular type of cultural and social framework.
However, the dominant elites in Islamthe ulema constitute a conservative force which
does not have an equivalent in the Hindu tradition.
The development of powerful political elites and middle classes in countries like Pakistan,
Indonesia and some Arab nations which could override the influence of the religious elites
has contributed to the process of cultural modernization. The case of Turkey is one where
the religious elite were almost overthrown by the political
Modernization in the Muslim countries of the Middle East, as reported by Lerner, is coming
through the rise of urbanization, leading to literacy, to greater access to media.
The fact that the Muslim community is now showing trends of high political mobilization and
identity formation, may ultimately be a forerunner to the development of socio-cultural
forces and leadership sympathetic to modernization.
A source of greater resistance to modernization lies in the immutability of Islamic social
codes. However, even social codes, as analyzed by scholars, have not been rigid for all times.
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world of close, emotional, face-to-face ties, attachment to place, ascribed social status, and a
homogeneous and regulated community. It is basically a traditional society.
Gesellschaft is liked with a society, which is characterized, by urbanism, industrial life, mobility,
heterogeneity and impersonality. This is precisely a modern society. Tonnies continuum from
tradition to modernity resembles Durkheims theory of solidarity. Durkheim explained modernity
in terms of mechanical solidarity and organic solidarity.
Both for Tonnies and Durkheim, rationalization of society is the key determinant of modernization.
At a later stage Parsons developed his pattern variable on the model of Tonnies. Parsons
distinguished tradition and modernity on the value orientations in pattern variable. Thus, he said
that there is distinction between particularism and universalism, ascription and achievement.
Tonnies theory of tradition-modern continuum needs to be explained in a proper perspective. He
says that no traditional or modern society is exclusively traditional or modern. There are elements of
modernity in traditional society and vice versa. What is important is that traditional society in the
process of rationalization becomes modern society.
Modernisation of Indian tradition- summary
European modernity- ideal for the world-renaissance-art of questioning and enquiry-secularism in
Europe.;Education- secular- liberated from church domination.; Value transformation- political
sovereignty- equality-fraternity-democracy
Nehru-glorified Indian modernity- rural urban divide in indian modernity; India-selective modernityEurope-absolute modernity
Gandhiji- not a symbol of modernity- varna system but not based on birth- believed in hinduism but
believed in equality.
PeterBerger- modernity-cancer-throws people out of country-alien in other places- confusion among
masses-social hopelessness among the new generations.
Anthony Giddens- modernity has glorified bourgeois capitalist interest.
British era modernity- Bengal intelletcual capital- Delhi political capital-Bombay economic capital.
Tradition and modernity in dialectical relationship- can modernity effect is same across traditionscan modernity and tradition share same set of attributes. Modernity is not endogamous to India-a
European concept.
Modernity in Europe
Celebration phase-questioning phase-rejection phase
Simon,Comte,Spencer,Marx,Weber,Parson- celebrated modernity for diff reasons.
Immanuel Kant- modernity spirit of human reason-away from dogmas,superstitions,myths.
Comte and Spenser- modernity-industrialistion-emotions,ritualism and orthodoxy are replaced by
law,rationality,growth,technological development and rise of inclusive society.
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Modernity-technology-industry-agricuture-massive
employment
mobility.But the benefits hav not been reached to all section of society.
opprtunity-occupational
Yogendra Singh- modernity- competitive character among all the stake holders.Political modernitydemocracy- political parties- constitutional rules- citizenship-acceleration of public participation in
democratic process- traditional domination of selective bodies has gone- peasants, factory
workers,vrural people are demand mobility and political power.Traditional values are verge of
extinction- MS Gore and SC Dubey supported Singhs view.
TN Madan writes that people who accepted modernity have closed mind as compared to those who
don't go for modernity and have open mind as they question modernity.
State and religion- Indian constitution preamble says secular- But social life influenced by religione.g food also has cultural implication- veg or non veg.
Hilferding Rudolf- selective modernity- GR as a symobl of modernity- but beneficiaries of
modernity are going for political domination without forgetting tradition and caste-Therefore
Indian modernity is Indian in character wherein Andre Beteille tells that "caste old is replaced by
caste new.
BR Ambedkar indicated that modernity should be universalistic in character. Its benefit should not
be pocketed by few people therefore reservation is essential for unprotected people for a long
period of time. To make modernity influential in India one should be allowed to choose his own
caste. He was allergic to Hinduism and Christianity but he too wanted religion Gandhiji wanted
Hinduism and Ambedkar wanted Buddhism. They both wanted tradition and modernity
juxtaposition but how, it differed.
Feminist view on modernity points out that women are twisted between official and domestic
demands. Sexual harassment and exploitation at place of work, unequal pay for equal work etc.
(c) Protests and movements during the colonial period- comes later
Liberal sociologist- protest can be multi dimensional- political , cultural, economic and
social.
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Reformist movements
Hindu reform programme-2 aims- hindu unity- to prove that equality and inclusiveness in hindu
culture-AryaSamaj movement- Theosophical movement or Suddhi movement- Brahmosamaj
movement taken up by Ramakrishna mission.
AryaSamaj movement- Vedas should be considered sacred-unity of faith among all Hindusabandon caste system, pilgrims visit, untouchability and glorify idea of purity of soul and
promote fraternity- eliminate attributes of polytheism, ritualism, Brahminic supremacy,
sectarian division.
Once Varna was greatly based upon its qualities and capabilities than on the basis of birth.
This movement fascinated a large body of Shudras in case of North India to go for
Sanskritisation and challenge Brahminic monopoly. rise of Jats in North India can be
attributed to theimpact of AryaSamaj movement. supported by LalaLajpatRai.
AryaSamajists accelerated Suddhi movement- encouraged the converts to revert back into
the fold of Hindu community. glorification of Hindu culture-foundation of nationalist
movement in India.
Theosophical society driven by ideology of Max Muller perceived that Hindu cultural
tradition is both unique and ancient. glorified the teachings of Bhagwat Gita, Vedas,
Upanishads and indicated Hindu theological doctrine are analytical & logical and could offer
a solution to all the problems of the world.
BrahmoSamaj Movement- Liberal cultural movement- more dynamic and inclusive than
arya samaj movement- emphasised on women empowerment, liberal education, secular
values & challenged caste system ,Brahminic orthodoxy & Hindu religion in totality- ideas
from Upanishads .
Strong link between BrahmoSamaj and Ramkrishna mission-as they talk about secular
values, unity of God, Universality of truth, fraternity among people belonging to different
religious faith. No political agenda like fighting war against British. It emphasised on creation
of missionaries and provided a platform for glorification of religious tolerance, missionaries
activities. It opened upschools and colleges- salvation only through knowledge.
All the three- AryaSamaj-BrahmoSamaj-Ramkrishna Mission- initiated by upper-class,
upper caste Indians to bring reforms in Hindu society preaching that there shouldn't be
hierarchical social order and that society can be transformed into egalitarian system.Criticsall these started by upper caste and class people-no influence on the masses- their ideas
were not understood by masses.
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Ghanashyam Saha- distinction between culture and class movement- reform movements
wanted changes in the system- peasant movement wanted change of the system.
Yogendra Singh- Reforms movements indications for quest for modernity-they were driven
by high caste and class people-so modernity in india primarily enter through upper caste
and upper class.
SNDP Movement- Sri Narayan Dharma Paripalana- Narayan Guru- Kerala- protest against
the Brahmin in Kerala- asking the non Brahmins and non Nair caste to stand unifiedparallel schools and temples for lower caste in which priests and teachers were belonging
to lower caste origin- indicated that Brahminic supremacy is a product of the access to
education- If non-Brahmins follow this secular standard then they will be never subdued to
Brahmins.
The subaltern movement offered foundation to Dr Ambedkar to search for justice and
equality forthe Dalits in India. Ambedkar rejected Manu Smriti- He instituted Jat-PatTodakMandal- believed that one cannot get justice and equality staying within the
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framework of caste and Hinduism- Hence he encouraged conversion into the fold of
Buddhism- He believed that historic discrimination associated with them cannot be
addressed by social reforms - Hence he suggested constitutional guarantee for freedom,
liberty and equality for the Dalit community in India.
Social reform movements- first started by upper caste and class groups such as- Aryasamaj
movement- BrahmoSamaj movement- Ramakrishna mission. Then started the subaltern
movements such as Satyasodhaksamaj, Self respect movement- SNDP movement.
Peasant movements
1857 to 1920-series of peasant movements- sense of integration cutting across their
religious caste and language- Reasons: absentee landlordism- unauthorised zamindarsforced eviction of peasants from the land on non-payment of land revenus- land tenure
system introduced by British- high interest rates for seasonal peasant loans- no
improvements in conditions of agriculture- brutality of police and private army o land lordsno effective measures to protect peasants from natural calamities.
Eka movement-Moplah rebellion- Champaran- Kheda Satyagraha- protest against the
exploitative colonial polices.
Peasant movement-foundation of KisanSabha.
By 1930s- All India KisanSabha- all India presence- burning tax records-attacked policeengaged with war against private army of landlords- gives a platform for the coalition for
different groups of Indian population- Resulted coordination between landlords-peasantsintelligentia-and indian masses- gives platform for Nationalist movement in India.
Peasant movement was not restricted in the heartlands- BirsaMunda movement- Santhal
rebellion- Koel uprising- got momentum in central part of India.
AR Desai Peasant movement broke down the linguistic,regional, tribal-caste division
among the people of India injecting into them a common class consciousness. Colonial land
revenue policy of capitalist interest affected indian peasants more than proletrait class of
Capitalist Britain.Class consciousness in India glorified natinalism.
Themes of Social Reform in India
1. Fight for Betterment of Position of Women: Child marriage, no inheritance, polygamy, sati
2. Abolition of Sati: Regulation Act,1929
3. Female infanticide:The practice of murdering female infants immediately after birth was
common among upper class Bengalis and Rajputs who considered females to be an
economic burden.
4. Widow remarriage:
a. Vishnu ShastriPandit founded the Widow Remarriage Association in the 1850s
b. Similar efforts were made by Professor D.K. Karve in western India and by
VeerasalingamPantulu in Madras. Karve himself married a widow in 1893.
c. due to the efforts of PanditIshwar Chandra Vidyasagar (1820-91), the principal of
Sans-krit College, Calcutta that the Hindu Widows Remarriage Act, 1856
5. Child Marriage:
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a. The relentless efforts of a Parsi reformer, B.M. Malabari, were rewarded by the
enactment of the Age of Consent Act (1891) which forbade the marriage of girls
below the age of 12.
b. The Sarda Act (1930) further pushed up the marriage age to 18 and 14 for boys and
girls respectively. In free India, the Child Marriage Restraint (Amendment) Act, 1978
raised the age of marriage for girls from 15 to 18 years and for boys from 18 to 21.
6. Education of Women:
a. Christian missionaries were the first to set up the Calcutta Female Juvenile Society in
1819
b. Ptlshwar Chandra Vidyasagar was associated with no less than 35 girls schools in
Bengal
7. Legislative Measures in Free India:
a. The Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961
b. Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1986
c. Factories Am Act, 1976 provided for establishment of creches where 30 womenare
employed
d. Equal Remuneration Act, 1976
e. The Hindu Succession Act, 1956 made the daughter equal co-heir with son
Social reform institutions:
1. The Gujarat Vernacular Society:established in 1848. The aim of this institute was to
decrease the large-scale illiteracy and superstitious beliefs that was a feature of the Gujarati
society
2. The Deccan Education Society:This society was formed in 1884. The society started girls
schools and encouraged education of women in Maharashtra.
3. The Ramakrishna Mission:estb 1897. It set up homes for widows and schools for girls.
4. The SevaSadan:SevaSadan was started in 1908, with a view to bringing together enlightened
women of different communities who desired to work for the upliftment of backward
women.
Colonial hangover
Refers to rules and standards of behaviour peculiar only to the old colonial system
Yogendra Singh (1986) observes that even the debate whether sociology has universal
concepts and techniques or it refers to culturally cognitive styles and structures could be
seen in the context of the hangover of colonialism in independent India today.
Meghnad Desai: India has a feudal attitude to its ruling class. The idea of a governor
general/viceroy at the apex was to reproduce the British monarchy in the colonies. There
were governors in each Presidency to reproduce the monarchical illusion. Independent India
slavishly adopted this practice as part of its Constitution.
Lutyens bunglows, red beacons, section 144, mineral rights, RTI displaced official secrecy act
Take, for example, the Indian obsession with fairness of skin. Far too often have I heard it
described as a manifestation of the colonial hangover. It cannot be denied that the
powerless, at any point in time, give undue importance to the attributes of people in power
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and wish to emulate them. The preference for fair skin, however, probably started with the
Aryan-Dravidian conflicts which the former won handily. The far later incursion of the British
may only have reinforced the inclination.
The fact that English is the lingua franca of any pan-Indian operation is another of those
things that seems to be the influence of a colonial hangover. To an extent this is true. The
colonial period is what truly welded a nation of multiple languages together as a modern
nation .ParanjoyGuhaThakurta, a political commentator said: He described English as a
"colonial hangover".
Slavish mentality, sycophancy,
The Indian Police Act of 1861, a colonial relic, needs to be replaced with a law that befits a
free country.Behind the rot is the Police Act of 1861 legislated by the British after the Indian
Mutiny of 1857 to impose a police force upon their subjects, which could be used solely to
consolidate and perpetuate their rule
Opposite view- England is not laden with such inefficiencies.
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significant Buddhist mass revival of the new age was led by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in India. He
found in Buddhism the message for the uplift of the oppressed in India. He used and
interpreted Buddhism as the ideology to bring social equality and justice for the oppressed
mass, especially for the Scheduled Castes.
Jainism and impact on Indian society
Jainism's impact on Indian society can be seen in a couple of ways. The first is that Jainism
stresses a strong notion of secularism in its relationship between political orders and
religion.
Jains' profound impact on Indian society is It is an individualistic relationship, one that the
individual has with the divine realm. It is highly subjective, one in which the priest does not
play an essential role and there is little presence of mediator.
They share a common belief in the triratna (three jewels): right faith, knowledge & conduct
Stupas were among the first monuments to be erected by the Jain community. Soon the
Buddhists alone continued this tradition, so that in effect, the Jains have two main types of
architectural masterpieces: rock-cut and structural temples. It is probably in western India
that the Jain temples are the most numerous and impressive
Their culture is both original and influenced by the Brahmanic society surrounding them.
Conversely, their presence has probably encouraged certain tendencies of Hinduism,
perhaps most outstanding of which are high value set on asceticism and the faith in ahimsa
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Metcalfe, in his celebrated remark stated that the Indian villagecommunities were little
republics, having nearly everything they wanted within themselves, and almost independent
of foreign relations. They seemed to last where nothing else lasted. Dynasty after dynasty
tumbled down; revolution succeeded revolution but the village community remained the
same.
The stereotypical image of the Indian village as a self-sufficient community was challenged
by many
o Beteille, for example, argued atleast as far back in time as living memory went,
there was no reason to believe that the village (he studied) was fully self-sufficient in
the economic sphere
o Similarly Srinivas too contested the colonialnotion of the Indian village being a
completely self-sufficient republic. The village, he argued, was always a part of a
wider entity.
India, it was the unity of the village that was underlined by most anthropologists. While
villages had horizontalities, it was the vertical ties within the village that governed much of
the life of an average person in the village.
Srinivas argued that individuals in his village had a sense of identification with their village
and an insult to ones village had to be avenged like an insult to oneself, ones wife, or ones
family.
Dube: The village settlement, as a unit of social organisation, represented a kind of solidarity
which was different from that of the kin, the caste, and the class.
Jajmani system: Reciprocity implied, explicitly or implicitly, an exchange of equal services
and non exploitative relations
F.G. Bailey, for example provided a radical critique of the unity-reciprocity thesis: sasys:
those who find the caste system to their taste have exaggerated the harmony with which
the system works
Gandhi was careful enough not to glorify the decaying village of British India, he
nevertheless celebrated the so-called simplicity and authenticity of village life, an image
largely derived from colonial representations of the Indian village.
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i) The Caste System:The legitimate occupations - by people -major categories (varnas) - defined by
tradition. Some believed caste to be fixed while others mobile. Dube identified 6 factors - status
differentiation in the village community of Shamirpet: religion and caste; landownership; wealth;
position in government service and village organisation; age; and distinctive personality traits.
Position was negotiated b/w these elements
ii) Land and Class: There was a certain amount of overlap between the twin hierarchies of caste and
land.Harijans contributed a substantial number of landless labourers.
iii) Gender Differences:Srinivas- The social world of the woman was synonymous with the
household and kinship group while the men inhabited a more heterogeneous world. Dube-It was
considered a mark of respectability in women if they walked with their eyes downcast. The rules of
patriarchy were clearly laid out. After caste, gender was the most important factor that governed
the division of labour in the village
Different views
Sociologist like Dipankar Gupta says that The village is shrinking as a sociological reality,
though it still exists as space. Nowhere else does one find the level of hopeless disenchantment as
one does in the rural regions of India. In urban slums there is squalour, there is filth and crime, but
there is hope and the excitement that tomorrow might be quite different from today. Rarely would a
villager today want to be a farmer if given an opportunity elsewhere. Indeed, there are few rural
institutions that have not been mauled severely from within. The joint family is disappearing, the
rural caste hierarchy is losing its tenacity, and the much romanticised harmony of village life is now
exposed for the sham it perhaps always was.
B.R. Ambedkars analysis of the Indian village that strikes the truest of all. It was Ambedkar who said
that the village was a cesspool of degradation, corruption and worse.
Village studies:
Economic Integration in Modern Times:
The first full length study of an Indian Village by S.C. Dube -increasing economic ties of
Shamirpet village with the city of Hyderabad, even for groups like the washerman.
Mckimmarriot (1955) gives a graphic description of interaction between the people of
different villages around KishanGarhi in Aligarh district of UP. He writes Brahman priests,
Barbers, Potters, Carpenters, Washermen and Sweepers who live in KishanGarhi go out to
serve hereditary patrons in some fifteen other villages and derive about 1/2 of their income
from these outside patrons
In the case of Rampura in Karnataka, studied by M.N. Srinivas, WW-II brought increased
cash for dominant landowning Okkaliga caste - wartime rationing & shortages,-encouraged
black marketing.
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In the case of Yadavpur, a village situated on the fringe of Delhi, studiedby M.S.A. Rao , the
growth of the metropolitan city of Delhicreated diversified opportunities of market
gardening, diary and poultryfarming, trader and transport and urban employment
M.S.A. Rao identified three types of urban impact on the villages in India.
o sizable number of people have taken employment in Indian cities & even overseas
towns
o villages, which are situated near industrial town. - lands totally or partially acquired.
-influx of immigrant workers, - stimulates demand for houses & a market inside
village.
o impact on the village is the growth of metropolitan cities. As the city expands it
sucks in the villages lying on the outskirts. Many villages lose their land, - used for
urban development
The village and the wider caste and kinship system
The village consists of a vertical interdependence of castes, i.e., relationships among different castes.
It is reflected in the jajmani system. But these vertical ties are cut across by the horizontal ties of
caste and kinship, i.e., the relationships within the caste, which extend beyond the village to other
villages and even towns. Ethnographic Examples:
Oscar Lewis , - study of a north Indian village-Rani Khera,-basically a part of a larger intervillage network based upon kinship ties. Other villagers -often relatives, and entire villages classified by the kinship terminology -mothers brothers village, grandfathers village,
grandmothers village
Similarly in the case of a U.P. village KishanGarhi, Mckim Marriott observed that there were
forty six local lineage groups in KishanGarhi, each wholly separate from every other in
descent. There was no marriage inside the village within or among any of these groups.
Little & Great tradition: Mckim Marriott, taking the concepts of great tradition and little
tradition from Robert Redfield points out that certain elements of ritual and belief are
contributions from village life which spread upward to the formation of Indias great
Sanskritic tradition. Marriott has given the terms universalization and parochialisation
respectively to refer to the two aspects of this double process of interaction between the
little and great traditions
o Universalisation: Marriott mentions the festival of RakshaBandhan as an example
ofupward universalization. This festival coincides and blends in KishanGarhiwith the
festival known regionally as Saluno, a festival which marks the end of that annual
fortnight during which most young wives return for a visit to their parents and
siblings. On the same day along with the ceremony of Saluno, the ceremony of
Charm Tying (RakhiBandhan) is also held. The Brahman domestic priests of
KishanGarhi goes to each patron and ties a polychrome thread with tassels upon his
wrist
o Parochialisation: Parochialisation or the downward spread of elements from the
great traditionto the little tradition and the transformation or modification it
undergoes canbe seen in the festival of Cow Nourisher Worship as it is celebrated in
KishanGarhi. The story concerns Krishnas adventureswith his cowherd companions
at a hill named Gobardhan. In KishanGarhi the celebration of this festival has taken
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Field study:
An anthropologist typically selected a single middle sized village where he/she carried-out
an intensive fieldwork, generally by staying with thecommunity for a fairly long period of
time, ranging from one to two years,and at the end of the stay he/she was supposed to
come out with a holisticaccount of the social and cultural life of the village people.
The most important feature that qualified these studies to be calledwas the fieldwork
component and the use of participant observation. Anthropologists criticised economists
and official planners view because theytended to treat people like dough in their hands.
Qualitiative study
However, despite this self-image of a scientist and a repeated emphasis onvalueneutrality towards the subjects being studied, a close reading ofwhat these students of
Indian village have written about their experiences of fieldwork provides a completely
different picture:
o Betelle, was permitted to live in a Brahmin house in the agraharam (the Brahmin
locality), a privilege, he was told, never extended to an outsider and a nonBrahmin before.
o Underlining the role gender played in fieldwork, Leela Dube, -, I was a Brahmin
and a woman, and this the village people could never forget
o Srinivas: The older villagers gave him the role of a Brahmin and a landowner. By so
doing they were able to make him behave towards them in certain predictable ways
Conclusion: The studies of Indian villages carried-out by social anthropologists during
the1950s and 1960s were undoubtedly an important landmark in the history of Indian social
sciences. However, village studies were also constrained by a number of factors but still
useful insights.
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Other notes:
Village India - from Caste, kinship, demographical, Division of labour, modes of Prodn
perspectives
Marxian approach to village study no technology, no industry, no class exploitation, no
surplus, son following fathers occupation never have class consciousness. Thanks to
British- took lands- consolidated- surplus- stagnating to market economy- now liberation
possible.
MN Srinivas- villages not self sufficient as envisaged by colonialist and nationalists village
exogamy, land village distance, jajmani system, specialized markets (cattle, vegetable, cloth),
cultural connectivity (dhamyatras, festivals), not politically autonomous- gram sabha (village)
&jatisabha (across territorial boundaries of village)
Village studies tradition in india
o Credit to Srinivas. Influenced by Radcliffe Brown (Book- Andamans in India) and
Ghurye teacher WH Rivers had studied Todas of nilgiri hills.
o Srinivas wrote remembered village- from his memoirs of Rampura Village. Others
who followed suitMcKimMariott- Village India, SC Dubey- Indian Villages, RS
Chauhan- Rural profiles; BN Mishra- My village my life; Andre beteille- Encounter
and experience.
o Criticism- Yogendra Singh believes village studies to microscopic to understand
larger macro issues that India experienced. Two changes-orthogenetic and
heterogenetic. Debate still on. Louis Dumont also believes, deep structure needs to
be studied instead of different descriptions of relaities driven by same ideologies.
Feminists like Uma Chakravarty and Tulsi Patel highlight the gender angle which was
amiss in Indian village studies till recent times.
Uma Chakravarty- Book- Gender in Caste Brahmin woman- cultural
exploitation (fast, last to sleep first to wake, malnourished, family centred)
& Dalit woman (relatively equalitarian in economic sphere but fruits of
labour grabbed plus physical exploitation). Go for gender studies
Tulsi Patel- Studies villages in Rajasthan. A woman is mother in law at age of
36. Believes son will stand as buffer to neutralize physical abuse of husband.
o Politics and village study:
Anand Chakravarty- study of DEVISAR village , speaks of political change in
village from traditional domination to mix of traditional, LR & charismatic
domination not shifted from traditional to modernity as in west
Rudolph and Rudolph- 20 villages of UP voting behaviour not just on
caste lines but also family, kinship, personal contact, quality of lship.
FG Bailey- study PRIs and how behaviour of Panchayats caste & gender
driven
o Development and village study
BS Baviskar- study of cooperatives of maharashtra
Shanti George- book operation flood
Susan Wadley- study of cooperatives in LizzatPapad
o Village becoming centre of studies- Bank sathi programme, SHGs, ASHA workers,
MGNREGA, PMGSY etc all centred in village.
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2. MN srinivas
Questioned to indological approachhes open to historical approach though- thus gives emprircal
approach- 3 parts of his study (1) diff b/w varna and caste (2) distinction b/w ritual nd secular
hierarchy of caste- sanskritization & dominant caste (3) contemporary relevance of caste
Varna Vs Caste
o (1) caste is implicit in varna (2) caste is diff from varna (3) reg engaged in conflict
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o
o
(1) Varna is textual but caste is contextual- caste is all inclusiverigveda- arya and
dasyusvarnas. Purushukta (90th hymn of 10th book) of rigveda- Brahmin, Kshatriya,
vis, shudra no mention of UTbles; before Aryans hierarchy absent; religion gave
justification to social inequality; taittiryasamhita of yajurvedashudras from footso like feet meant to serve all higher castes.
(2) caste view diff from varna view caste much more complex- mobile. Egvarna
view considers shudras to be one community but within shudras difference
Kshatriyas not homogenized groups- even santhals demanded khsatriya
statusvarna says Brahmins at top but within Brahmins- lingayat Brahmins- not
Brahmins by birth? no food from born Brahmins.
Why varna still present?- (i) offers mobility- easier to enter a varna than a caste (ii)
to facilitate inter-regional communication.
Summary- Book view diff from field view competitive character of castes-
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YOGESH ATAL counters meaning of dominant caste diff from one area to other
concept of dominant families in villagesvarnization of caste at higher level and
castization of caste at lower levels. Thus caste becomes stronger.
o RAJNI KOTHARI- caste needs politics as much as politics needs caste.
o May it be politics, right over land, government employment or even psychic pridesignature of caste present everywhere
th
20 century new avatar of caste
o Reflects on changing caste structure of UP
o new role of castes and parties like SP and BSP , first joining hands- then partingeven supporting congress- caste is going to stay, but only on basis of caste
mobilization not possible- caste being evoked only for need
Obituary to caste
o After seeing phenomenal rise of Bangalore after IT boom. Landlord not enquiring
caste of tenant.- caste playing dominant role only in pol. structure- otherwise dying
from private domain.
o
3. Louis dumont
French scholar- Rejected application of western ideology or MNSs Book Vs field view. He was a
culturologist by training and came across article of his teacher Bugle on caste- interested in castestudied it in 65-70
Influencers-(i) Durkheim, Marcel Mausscan be studied through classificationsreductional analysis
(ii) caste driven by ideology (from german idealists) (iii) Levi Strauss- cultural anthropologistfounder of structural theory of deep and super structurestrauss suggested go for universal type
than for Webers ideal type deep structure of seemingly different super structures same
Dumont applied so many castes but still ideology similar- pure impure impressed by this
concept of opposite binaries & combined with deep structure to form cognitive approach of caste
He fights for sociology of India. borrows only ideas & not western theories . Believes- empirical
behaviour largely determined by cultural ideology- every rship legitimized by consciousnessBougle in his study of caste- identified few characteristics of caste: (i) hereditary transmission of
caste (ii)Every caste defines its status depending upon proximity/distance from Brahmins (iii) each
caste is different fom other caste and difference is unamendable.Thus Bougle identified three core
features of caste system, viz., hereditary occupation, hierarchy and mutual repulsion
Homo Hierarchicus
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Caste can never go unless ideology goes. Caste exists at conscious level.
Foundation of caste is centred around dichotomy between pollution and purityits not an
individual perception but a cultural perception. Culturally endorsed & universally accepted
Pure-impure dichotomy is unamendable- Indians suffer from socio-centric bias and fail to
see unamendability of structural gap. Positions of Brahmins and dalits is fixed and structural
gap between the two can never be bridged
o When dealing with Brahmins- dharma & status; when dealing with Kshatriyas- class
& power. Ritual hierarchy is fixed like a mountain, even if secular hierarchy doesnt
matter because at deep structure level unamendable
secular hierarchy is
product of interest and ritual hierarchy is product of ideology.
When behaviour deviates from normal- guiltunchanging role of caste
Caste is hierarchical and cannot be compared to class
More caste is changing, more is it going for substantialism
He criticizes structural functionalists like MNS for going for superficial mobility- who believe
caste is changing @ economic & political level. Homo-hierarchicuscan not be homo-equalis
Homo-hierarchicusslavish orientation towards culture; other worldly values, lack of
innovation, hierarchical; homo equalis optimistic; liberal; this worldly; stratified.
Every society is held together by values (bit of Durkheim)
To sum up Dumont's theory, we can identify the following core points that he makes:
o The Hindu caste system could not be explainedin terms of politico-economic
factorsCaste was not just another form of class or an extreme form of stratification.
o It should be explained in terms of its underlying structure of ideas and values. i.e.
ideology.
o The nature of the value system (ideology) and tile framework of social organization
inthe traditional societies were totally different fronm that of the modernsocieties
of the West.
o The ideology of Hindu caste system was that of hierarchy. the structure of hierarchy
was explained in terms of the dialectical relationship (unity and opposition)between
the "pure'' and "impure". Pure was superior to the impure.
o One of the core features of caste system was the distinction that it made between
status and power. It was the ideology of hierarchy (that allocated status to diff
groups insociety) that was moreimportant than the material position of a person in
the castesystem. Priest, at least in principle, was superior to the king.
Criticism:
Brahmanical viewpoint
Talks of what India ought to be than what India is
Ignoring continuous changes in Brahmanic values over time
Joan QuigleyKings were central to society & not Brahmins. Power central to Indian history
Jonathan Perry purity is ascribed and achieved. New cults Hinduism (even Bhakti mvmnt)
JPS Uberoi, Beena Das, Beteille
India 3 diff perspectives Raja/Brahmin & Sadhu & their
position not hierarchical. All bow to each other when rise.
G.D. Berreman
Studied untouchables of Kumaon&Garwhal. Caste not producing purity &
pollution but subordination & domination; security & anxiety; privileges and disprivileges.
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Harold Gould
Harold Gould writes, often the motive force behind sanskritisation is not of
cultural imitation per se but an expression of challenge and revolt against the socioeconomic
deprivations. Thus, caste is fluid.
It does not correspond with the lived reality of caste
Status and power are: not independent of each other- Berreman insists, went together
everywhere and the Indian case wasno exception. Powcr and status were two sides of the
same coin. He cites the example of the integration of Gonds, a tribal group into the caste
system. They were included as untouchables but where they had land and power they were
treated differently
Dumont works with a false dichotomy between the "traditional" and "modem"societies
Dumont's theory gives no agency to the individuals who practice it
Dumont does not acknowledge the social movements against the caste ideology
4. Andre Beteille
Committed to sociology of India inequality is normatively defined can be legitimized by norms
or by rule of law. Studied Srioram village of ThanjavurDistt, TN.
3 books 1. Caste, class an power; 2. caste-old and new; 3. backward class and new social order.
Sees cultural reproduction of not just caste but also of poverty, family & kinship.3 sources of social
reproduction- Caste, Family & Kinship and Occupation.He believes, todays generation carries caste
in a selective way, but not completely absent. Book wise summary:
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Caste associations
Nadars of Tamil Nadu, a low caste of toddy tappers, who through the efforts of their association, the
NadarMahajanaSangamformed in 1910, acquired not only higher status but a modern organisation
to serve their needs .According to Kothari (1970: 115), some of the objectives of this association are
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Segmental division of society: Castes were groups with well-developed life-styles of their
own. The membership of the groups was determined by birth and not by choice. The status
of a person depended not on the amount of wealth he possessed but on the rank that his
caste enjoyed in the Hindu society.
Hierarchy: There was definite scheme of social precedence anlongst castes. Each group was
given a specific status in the overall framework of hierarchy.
Restrictions on feeding and social intercourse: There were minute rules as to what sort of
food or drinkauld be accepted by a person and from what caste.
Civil and religious disabilities and privileges of different sections: Segregation of individual
castes or groups of castes in the village was the most obvious mark of civil privileges and
disabilities. Certain sacraments could not be perfomled by any caste other than the
Brahmins. Similarly, shudras and other lower castes were not allowed to read or learn the
sacred scriptures.
Lack of unrestricted choice of occupation: Generally each caste considered a particular
occupation as its legitimate calling. To abandon the hereditary occupation in pursuit of
another, even it was more lucrative. was not considered right.
Restrictions on marriage: Caste groups obsewed strict endogamy. Members of a caste group
married only within their castes. However, there were a few exceptions. In some regions of
India, the upper caste man could nwry a lower caste woman. This kind of marriage alliance is
known as hypergamy
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5. RISLEY:
According to Risley, a caste may be defined as a collection of families or groups of families
bearing a common name; claiming common descent from a mythical ancestor; human or divine,
professing to follow the same hereditary calling; and regarded by those who are competent to
give opinions as forming a singly homogenous community. The name generally denotes or is
associated with a specific occupation. A caste is almost invariably endogamous in the sense that
a member of the large circle denoted by the common name may not marry outside that circle,
but within the circle there are usually a number of smaller circles each of which is also
endogamous.
6. KETKAR
Ketkar definesa caste as a social group having two characteristics:
o membership is confined to those who are born of members and includes all persons
so born.
o the members are forbidden by an inexorable social law to marry outside the group.
Each one of such groups has a special name by which it is called. Several of such
small aggregates are grouped together under a common name, while these larger
groups are but subdivisions of groups still larger which have independent names.
Bougle, the French writer, concludes that the caste system divides the whole society into a large
number of hereditary groups, distinguished from one another and connected together by three
characteristics:
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2. Attributional: Ghurye, Hutton and Srinivas: The interactional approach to caste draws attention
to the structural aspect as opposed to attributional one. However, for an institution like caste the
'ideology' supporting it of critical importance to a proper understanding of caste and the identity
politics of today. In the Indian context Louis Dumont as made an incisive statement against the use
of a stratification model for caste in his Homo Hierarchicus and has forced attention to the
ideological approach once again.
Dialectics do not simply refer to binary fission in the cognitive structure of the society. It
refers to the effective notions which being about contradictions and highlights relations
between unequal segments and men and women.
History is not conjectural based on mythology, scriptures and idealistic constructions, but it
provides a substantial account of existent conditions of work and relationships.
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Culture does not include just cultural practices, rituals, rites of passage etc., it defines the
rules of the game, the nature ofrelations between the privileged and the deprived, and
modes of resistance or consensus.
Structure is no doubt a product of dialectical contradictions, historical forces and certain
rules of the game, but it becomes 'formation' once it has emerged, and in return, becomes a
sort of 'force' to determine in some way the course of history. Thus structure refers to
relations between social segments as a point of time, but more as a historical product and
reality. Having these elements as the kernel of structural-historical approach, changes in
caste and class structure could be considered as "transformational processes".
The followingprocesses of structural changes emanating from the above paradigmatic
I.
II.
III.
IV.
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Mahars. Ambedkar noted that the Buddha created his Sangha as a model of casteless
society.
Origin of Untouchability:
The two important theories pertaining to the origin of untouchability are as follows:
1. The first theory says that the discovery that the Indus valley people spoke a proto- Dravidian
language suggests that the people conquered by the Aryans were Dravidians. They subsequently
moved down south and subjugated the indigenous people there. When Aryan influence spread to
the South, the Varna system and the untouchability came into existence. Thus, the Dalits were
among the original tribes of South India, who became isolated from the rest of the world and so
were looked down upon by others.
2. Why the Aryans developed a social organization wherein the Chandalas occupied the lowest
position is answered by the mixed caste theory offered by Manu. This theory explains the
existence of the four Varnas as divinely-ordained and the other castes outside the Varna scheme as
a result of unlawful sexual alliances between men and women of different Varnas.The Chandala
resulted as the offspring of a Brahman woman and a Shudra man. Four other groups were also
included among the untouchables. In the years after 200 AD, untouchability came to include
more groups.
Dalits: Degradation of Dalits and Ameliorative Measures in India
Though our Constitution outlawed - Untouchability (Offences) Act of 1955 - yet since Hindus
still deeply -purity & pollution, practice of untouchability - not completely up-rooted -social
& religious life
Thus, untouchability may be understood from two angles:
o stigma attached to certain people because of ceremonial pollution they allegedly
convey, an
o set-practice by rest of society to protect itself - pollution conveyed by untouchables.
Though many dalits have given up -traditional caste-based occupations - good number is still
engaged
A large number of Harijans suffer from an inbred inferiority com-plex which makes them
sensitive
The changes among dalits have come through three avenues:
o state policy in regard to untouchable groups,
o reform movements at various periods of time, and
o process of sanskritisation and westernisation.
The two features observed about dalits in rural society are:
(i) Most dalits do not own land nor are they tenants, and
(ii) Most dalits earn their income by working on land of others and
Dalit Consciousness:
Legislation alone will not do away with their disabilities. Along with dalits own efforts for achieving
resources, change in the atti-tudes of the caste Hindus is equally important for banishing
untouchability. We agree with Sachchidananda (1976:172) who holds that the combination of
factors like ameliorative efforts of the government, the growing consciousness of the dalits and the
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liberal attitudes of caste Hindus will diminish the disabilities and discriminations with the passage of
time.
Politically, dalits are becoming conscious -Janata Dal or the BSP, etc.,Religious and social, reformers
like Buddha, Ramanuja, Ramanand, Chitanya, Kabir, Nank, Tukaram and others, made great
efforts to eradicate it as far as possible.The BrahmoSamaj and the AryaSamaj, and other social
organizations by propaganda, education, and practical measures, did much to secure the social,
religious and cultural equality to them. The establishment and consolidation of the British RajAll
India Harijans Sevak Sangh founded by Gandhi in 1923.
Seven factors responsible for the rise of the modern Dalit movement are as follows: 1. Military
Service 2. Dalit Reform Movements 3.Dalit Education 4.Conversions 5.Missionary Activity 6.Islamic
Revivalism 7. Hindu Reformers
Dynamics of Dalit Movement
The strategies, ideologies, approaches of Dalit movement varied from leader to leader, place to
place and time to time. The Dalit consciousness came to the fore in different forms and shades.
Thus, some Dalit leaders followed the process of Sanskritization to elevate themselves to the
higher position in caste hierarchy.
They adopted Brahman manners, including vegetarianism, putting sandalwood paste on forehead,
wearing sacred thread, etc. Thus Dalit leaders like Swami Thykkad (Kerala), Pandi Sunder Lai Sagar
(UP), MuldasVaishya (Gujarat), Moon VithobaRaojiPande (Maharashtra) and others tried to adopt
established cultural norms and practices of the higher castes.
Imitation of the high caste manners by Dalits was an assertion of their right to equality. Treating
Dalits as outside the fourfold Varna system, and describing them as outcastes or Panchama gave
rise to a movement called Adi-Hindu movement. Thus, certain section of Dalit leadership believed
that Dalits were the original inhabitants of India and they were not Hindus. That Aryans or Brahmins
who invaded this country forcibly imposed untouchability on the original inhabitants of this land.
They believed that if Hinduism was discarded, untouchability would automatically come to an end.
That Dalits began to call themselves Adi-Andhras in Andhra, Adi- Karnataka in Karnataka, AdiDravidas in Tamil Nadu, Adi-Hindus in Uttar Pradesh and Adi-Dharmis in Punjab. Dalits also
followed the route of conversion with a purpose of getting rid of untouchability and to develop their
moral and financial conditions. A good number of Dalits were converted to Christianity, especially in
Kerala.
They are known as Mazhabis, Namdharis, KabirPanthis etc. Dalits also got converted to Buddhism.
Dr.Ambedkar converted to Buddhism along with his millions of followers at Nagpur in 1956. As a
protest against Hinduism some of the Dalit leaders founded their own sects or religions. Guru Ghasi
Das (MP) founded Satnami Sect. Gurtichand Thakur (Bengal) founded Matua Sect. Ayyan Kali (kerala)
founded SJPY (Sadha Jana ParipalanYogam) and Mangu Ram (Panjab) founded AdiDharam.
Attempts were also made to organize Dalits politically in order to fight against socioeconomic
problems. Dr.Ambedkar formed the independent Labour Party in 1936. He tried to abolish the
exploitative Khoti system prevailing in Kokan part of Maharashtra, and Vetti or Maharaki system a
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wage free hereditary service to the caste Hindus in the local administration. He tried to convince the
Government to recruit the Mahars in Military. Ultimately he became successful in 1941 when the
first Mahar Regiment was formed.
Dalit Movement in India After the Death of Ambedkar
Immediately after Ambedkars death, certain important developments took place in the Dalit
movement. One was the formation of the Republican Party of India and the other was formation of
Dalit Panther Movement.
The Republican Party of India replaced the All India Scheduled Castes Federation in 1957. Its founder
was N. Sivaraj, who remained its President till 1964.
The Republican Party of India worked in many areas such as:
To voice their concern against the atrocities committed to Dalits and to make them
conscious.
Revitalization of the SamataSainik, founded by Dr Ambedkar in 1928, to maintain discipline
in party.
All India/Womens Conference was organized in 1957 at Nagpur.
It contributed enormously to the Dalit SahityaSangh,
All India Republic Students Federation was established by the Republican Party of India.
The Republican Party of India also spread the message of Lord Buddha.
Dalit Panther Movement:The Dalit Panther Movement was formed in 1972, when the Dalit youths
came forward and took up the task of bringing all the Dalits on to one single platform and mobilizes
them for the struggle for their civil rights and justice. They shattered the myth that harijans are mute
passive receivers.
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(ii) Inter-sub caste marriages take place, promoting fusion of sub-castes. This is because many a time
it is difficult to find a sufficiently educated groom for an educated daughter within ones own subcaste, but one may find it in neighbouring sub-caste; and
(iii) Democratic politics fosters fusion of sub-castes and of adjacent castes. For example, the Dravida
Munnetra Kazagam (DMK) and the Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazagam (ADMK) parties of Tamil Nadu
composed of members of higher non-Brahmin castes.
2. Relationship between Caste and Politics in India
The Awareness: The interest and awareness of various castes in politics may be studied in terms of
four factors: interest of castes in politics, political knowledge and political awareness of castes,
identification of castes with political parties, and influence of castes on political affairs. These four
aspects were studied by Anil Bhatt
Rajni Kothari examined the relationship between caste and politics by analysing the issue as to what
happens to political system because of the vote of castes. He found that three factorseducation,
government patronage, and slowly expanding franchise (including 18-21 year old young persons in
electorate)have penetrated the caste system because of which it (caste system) has come to affect
democratic politics in the country.
Kothari has talked of the third stage also in relationship between caste and politics. While in the first
stage, entrenched high castes are first politicised and ascendant high castes respond with
resentment and feeling? of relative deprivation (e.g., entrenched caste of Brahmins and ascendant
caste of Marathas in Maharashtra) and in the second stage fac-tions emerge within the competing
(entrenched and ascendant) castes and lower castes are also brought in for support, in the third
stage, identifica-tions other than those of caste are likely to become more important with advancing
education, urbanisation and adoption of modern achievement orientation. There, thus, emerge
cross-cutting alliances.
3. Caste System in India: Future of Caste System in India
here is no sign of caste system losing its grip. The only visible change is in the attitude of different
castes to rise in caste hierarchy and gain social prestige. While changes in the caste system are
continuous and regular, the (caste) system remains intact for all practical purposes. It must be held
that change is not in the direction of dissolving the caste system. Some sort of class consciousness
has crept into different castes. Electrified by the in-group feeling, they want to hold on to the caste
system all the more tenaciously. Nowadays, a caste tries to organise itself for social, economic, and
political purposes. Elections are being fought on caste basis. There are caste organisations like All
India Kshatriya Mahasabha, All India Mahar Sangh, All India Bhargava Organisation, etc.
Progressive Hindus take three distinct stands about the future of the caste system:
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Through warfare: M.N. Srinivas and Pauline Kolenda have referred to caste mobility through
resort to warfare in Mughal period. Kolenda has said that until the British unification in the
first half of the nineteenth century, the most effective way to rise in the caste system was by
the acquisition of territory either through conquest or by peaceful occupancy of sparsely
populated or empty land
Through serving rulers: Another example of rise in caste through service to rulers is that of
Kayasthas, a caste of scribes (who, before the invention of printing, were professional letterwriters, or who made copies of writing, or who kept records). The Kayasthas made
themselves useful first to the Moghuls, then to the British rulers.
Through census commissioners at different levels: Recording jati identities in census
enumerations from 1891 to 1931, many middle and low castes made efforts to get
themselves registered as mem-bers of the twice-born varnas. These claims reached a peak in
1901 census when Herbert Risley, the Census Commissioner, tried to rank all castes.
Hundreds of jatis tried to ensure a higher rank by claiming high varna ti-tles. For example,
the Kurmi cultivators of Bengal wanted to be Kurmi Kshatriyas
Through social processes of sanskritisation and westernisation, and
By use of politics:The Mahars of Maharashtra, constituting about 10 per cent of the
population of the state (out of the total 13 per cent scheduled caste popu-lation), initially
operated under conditions of social degradation but ultimately used politics for ameliorating
their social condition. Ambedkar organised them into a political force and formed a
Scheduled Caste Fed-eration which was ultimately used as a political tool for achieving the
goals of social equality and social mobility.
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perceived as a heredi-tary group with a fixed ritual status, a social class is a category of people who
have a similar socio-economic status in relation to other segments of their community or society.The
individuals and families who compose a social class are relatively similar in educational, economic
and prestige status. Those who are classified as part of the same social class have similar life
chances.
Caste system is characterised by cumulative in-equality but class system is characterised by
dispersed inequality. The members of a class have a similar socio-economic status in relation to
other classes in the society, while the members of a caste have either a high or low ritual status in
relation to other castes.
Andre Beteille on the basis of his study of caste and class in Sripuram in South India found that
classes do not constitute a basis for communal and political action.
Yet another difference between caste and class is that caste has an organic character but class has a
segmentary character. In caste system, upper castes compete with each other for the services of the
lower castes but in the class system, lower classes compete with each other for the favour of the
upper classes.
Further, in the caste system, status of a caste is deter-mined not by the economic and the political
privileges but by the ritualistic legitimation of authority, i.e., in the caste system, ritual norms
encompass the norms of power and wealth (Dumont)
Maclver says, When status is wholly predetermined, so that men are born to their lot without any
hope of changing it, then class takes the extreme form of caste. According to Sangeetha Rao, if
castes are detached from religion, class may run parallel to castes.
To conclude, there are sociologists like Y. Singh and K.L. Sharma who take the synthetic view of caste
and point out the class dimension of caste and caste dimension of class. There is no doubt that all
the high castes are property owners. But there are also exceptions. According to Bailey, division of
wealth no longer followed the same lines as caste divisions. In his study of Bisipara village in Orissa,
Bailey also maintains that although there was an internal reshuffle of positions, the caste system
continued to order political relations between the groups concerned and to reflect their economic
status.
Caste has inhered in class and class is also inhered in caste for centuries in the Indian context, and
Indian society continues to have this inseparable mix even today .Role of caste and class in elections
is an evidence of this mix. However, caste operating as a marriage circle is a different way from the
way it functions in other arenas.
Hypergamy explains the role of status and wealth within caste. Class-like distinctions within caste
and caste-like styles within a class are part of the peoples life situations. Class has been an in-built
mechanism within caste, and therefore, caste cannot be seen simply as a ritualistic system, and
class cannot be seen as an open system as it has often been influenced by the institution of caste. In
order to go deep into such a phenomenon the structural-historical perspective becomes
inescapable.
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In the jajmani system, the high caste landowning families are rendered services and products by the
lower castes. The serving castes are called kamins, whereas the served castes are known as jajmans.
The kamins are paid in cash or kind for their services (Ram Ahuja, Indian Social System, p. 322).
Definitions of the Jajmani System:
Harold Gould has described the jajmani system as an inter-familial, inter-caste
relation-ship pertaining to patterning of superordinate-subordinate relations b/w patrons
& suppliers of services.
Y. Singh - a system governed by a relationship based on reciprocity in inter-caste relations in
villages.
According to VidyaBhushan and Sachdeva, some of the important features of jajmani system are as
follows:
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The only thing in common is, as Beteille puts it, - they all stand more / less outside Hindu
civilization.
Transformation to castes
o Sinha- tribes-dimension of little tradition - cannot be adequately understood unless
seen in relation to the great tradition. Thus, viewed in constant change &tribals not
static group.
o Large no. of anthropological works of post independence era-> study phenomena
of tribe being assimilated by Hindu caste system
Kosambi has referred to tribal elements being fused into the general society
Roy Burman classified tribes as (1) those incorporated in Hindu society (HS),
(2) positively oriented to HS, (3) negatively oriented and (4) those indifferent
to HS.
Elwin even wrote- whole aboriginal problem was one of how to enable the
tribesmen of the first and the second classes to advance direct into the
fourth class without having to suffer the despair and degradation of the
third.
o Sanskritisation is also seen as a method through which tribes- absorbed into Hindu
society
o other significant method - what Sinha (1962, 1987) calls as the state formation.
o At times anthropologists terms as Kshatriyisation & Rajputisation instead
Sanskritisation.
o Hinduization is more closely linked to Tribals- though scholars argue- not possible
to be hindu without being engulfed in caste stratification-but that not empirical
reality- Theoretically it is possible to become Hindu in sense of embracing a form of
Hindu faith and practices w/o becoming part of HS in the sense of Hindu social
organization viz. caste.
o Paradox of hinduization of tribes- not whole groups - in sections. So, Same tribe
both sides
o Bhagat movement-tribes even when they have been hinduized donot describe
themselves as Hindus but as Bhagats. It is outsiders who describe them as Hindus.
o Similarly language-not possible -into castesociety without first - into linguistic
community
Basis for misconstruction: Elsewhere in the world where tribes are not linked with the
civilization complex, such problems does not arise as studied in own rights &against the
backdrop of process.
o tribes have not been studied in their own right but only in relation to the general
Indian society, which was marked by overriding features of caste, peasant and social
differentiation.
tribal studies are not to be categories as caste, peasant or social heterogeneity but groups or
communities such as those of the regional communities- the Bengalis, Assamese, Gujratis,
etc. The counterparts of tribes are not as case sofar but communities or societies
incorporating castes.
Till today scholars have not been able to arrive at a systematically worked out criterion
towards distinguishing tribe from caste
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Converts from High Castes: In the social hierarchy of the Muslims in India, converts from
high castes ofthe Hindus are placed below the rank of Ashraf. By and large these converts
still follow some of the Hindu practices,e.g., they do not marry first cousins, either cross or
parallel.
Clean occupation castes:Clean castes are those, which are permitted contact with higher
castes under certain rules.The castes, belonging to clean occupations rank below the Ashraf
and MuslimRaiputs, comprise the bulk of Muslim population in India. Ansari includes the
following castes of Uttar Pradesh in this group. Atishbaz (firework maker), Bhand (jester),
Bhishti(water carrier), Gaddi (grazier), Julaha (Muslim weaver), Mirasi(Musician), Qassab
(butcher), and Faqir (beggar), Darji (tailor), Rangrez (cloth printer)
Unclean Castes:Muslim untouchables, occupying bottom place in theMuslim social
hierarchy.In theory, it is possible for a Muslim Bhangi to pray in amosque, but in practice his
entry into a mosque is disapproved. On the otherhand, an untouchable Muslim is permitted
to learn Quran while an untouchableHindu is not supposed to learn religious texts.
Castes and kinship:
o Endogamy: Zat and biradari- Muslims use the term zat (equivalent of caste) to
express the purity of descent. The zat is, therefore, primarily an endogamous unit of
society. The households belonging to each zat in the village conceive of themselves
as a collectivity and designate themselves as bhai-band or biradari (literally castebrotherhood).
o Occupational Specialisation Biradari, which resembles the Hindu caste, is their
association with a traditional occupation.. But in the case of many others groups the
various names are indicative of the respective traditional occupations.
o Hierarchical Ordering: The Ashrafs, almost by common consensus, are assigned the
highest position in the ranking strata by virtue of their supposed descent from
Prophet Mohammad.
o Restrictions on Social Intercourse and Commensality: several restrictions on
commensal relations with the rest of the caste groupings who are considered
inferior to the Ashrafs
o Social Control: direct control through a governing body, such as a council, and
indirect control through public opinion. The most frequent punishment among them
is a strict social boycott which is termed as huggapani band/biradari bahar.
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Majumdar (1957) believes that clash of culture and contact of races led to social groupings.
European writers on the subject of caste origins knew about the racial difference between
castes, high and low, and consciously and unconsciously linked their findings to race.
o Weale wrote that the whole history of India, form the earliest times, had been one
long story of colour prejudice and that more cruelty had probably been displayed
there than in the rest of the world, believed that the Aryans races who were white
simply devised their on system of caste to prevent the under mixing of a dominant
race with a black inferior race.
o W.J.Thomas finds marked physical contracts in the population, correlated with
superior and inferior cultures and this according to him is the basis of caste
distinctions.
o Sir Herbert Risley: gave race theory of caste through his study of castes in Bengal
Aryans came from outside Caucasoid race and indigenous people- Australoids
inter mixing
Karve, however does not accept the view that the original meaning of varnawas colour. She
argues that in the early scanned literature and in grammatical works varna meant class.
Karve continues that at a later time the word varna to mean colour and the fourfold
division of the ancients was then taken to be based on physical feature, namely colour. Even
Ghurye calls it conjectural in many ways.
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Himalayan region (with tribes like the Gaddi, the Jaunsari, the Naga etc.),
Middle India (with tribes like the Munda, the Santal etc.),
Western India (with tribes like the Bhil, the Grasia),
South Indian Region (with tribes like the Toda, the Chenchu etc,) and
Islands Region (with tribes like the Onge in Bay of Bengal, the Minicoyans in Arabian Sea).
On the basis of racial features, Guha considers that they belong to the following three races.
The Proto-Australoids: dark skin colour, sunken nose and lower forehead. Gond, Munda, Ho
The Mongoloids: light skin colour; head and face are broad; the nosebridge is very low and
their eyes are slanting with a fold on the upper eye lid- Bhotia, Naga, Khasi, Wanchu
The Negrito:dark skin colour roundhead, broad nose and frizzle hair- Onge, Jarawa
Linguistically the situation is far more complex. According to a recent estimate the tribal people
speak 105 different languages and 225 subsidiary languages- Austro-Asiatic family, Tibeto-Chinese
family, Indo-European family, Dravidian family
The Great Andamanese number only in two digits the Toda are in three digits; Hill Miri (Arunachal
Pradesh) are in four digits; there are Chenchu in five digits; Saora constitute a population of six
digits; the Gond are more than 4 million, and so are the Santal and Bhil.
However, the tribal population of the North-East displays a great deal of heterogeneity and diversity.
There are more than 100 tribal groups with different language, religions and cultural patterns
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The British policy towards the tribals had two major elements.
o Firstly, it favoured isolation of the tribal areas from the mainstream
(Chowdhary).Thus was given the concept of excluded and/or partially excluded
areas.Because the British tribal policy was political and colonial, the British
administratorsfeared, that if these tribals (bow-and-arrow armed tribals were often
labelled asmilitant, unruly and junglee) were to have contact with mainstream of
Indiansociety, freedom movements would gain further strength.
o Secondly, at the level of reform, the British administration was interested
incivilising these people. In an ethno-centric assessment, the tribals were viewedat
par with stage of bestiality.In the words of Sir E.B. Tylor, these people inhabiting the
hilly orforested terrain with sparse population and difficult communication were
social fossils
The neo-converts not only became a partof the Great Tradition of Christianity, but were also
linked to the Great Tradition of the Western culture, English language, Western dress,
mannerism and medicines, being ineluctable components of the rulers, culture, flourished as
far superior and advanced to the local culture. Spread of the Christianity and mission
education gave the tribals a distinctive sense of identity and made them apprehensive about
their future in independent India
Influence of the second world war as theatres of war came close to their habitat in the
North-East
Elwin suggested policy of isolationism: The Baiga tribe of Madhya Pradesh Elwin, suggested
one of the first, most controversial approaches to the tribal problem. According to him, since
the genesis of tribal problem lay in their contact with the non-tribal exploiters, the tribes
should be The basic issues behind this movement were land and forest alienation, training
and job deprivation due to influx of outsiders, cultural submergence& imbalanced
development isolated in tribal reserve area,
3 divisions- Protected, Reserved, Community
Tribal Movements
Numerous uprisings and movements among the tribes especially in Bihar had occurred as
early as in 1772. Some of the important movements among the tribes in British India were
Mizos (1810), Kols (1795 & 1831), Mundas (1899)-On Christmas Eve, 1899, Birsa proclaimed
a rebellion to establish Munda rule in the land and encouraged the killing of thikadars and
jagirdars and Rajas and Hakims (rulers) and Christians. Sai-yug would be established in place
of the present-day Kalyug., Santhals (1853), Muria Gonds (1886) and so forth
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The Tana Bhagat movement, for example, derived its name from the ritual ofexpelling from
the Oraon land foreign spirits, nefarious powers and ghosts
The Kukis in Manipur revolted against the British in 1917- 19 in response to the alien
intervention in the traditional pattern of and way of life of the tribal people
The Zeliangrong movement was started by three tribal groups the Zenlei, Liangmei and the
Rongmei who together were called the Zeliangrong. This movement began essentially as a
social reform movement and was led by a young Rongmei Naga Jadonang and his cousin
Rani Gaidinliu. They formed the Heraka cult which sought to abolish some colonial customs,
and to reform and revive the traditional religion, as a response to Hinduism and impact of
Christianity.
Following Independence of the country, the structural differentiation among most of the
tribals has become incontrovertible. The inequality among almost all tribes in the country is
striking in tenure of land control, occupational distribution, income employment of labour,
spread of education and urbanization, intensity of outside contact, access to productive
resources, life style and so on.
Tribes in India are characterised by extreme heterogeneity, being placed at different levels
of social and economic development. Each one has reacted differently to the forces of
modernisation
Some have become devastated as they came into contact with highly developed societies. In
contrast, there are some who have richly benefited from the gains of modernisation.
Because of differential impact the tribals have received, it is hazardous to generalise,
although some of the basic trends of modernisation and change may be conveniently
outlined.
Contacts of the Tribal Societies with Other Tribal and Non-tribal Social Groups
In anthropology, a tribe was conceptualised as a relatively isolated or semi-isolated community. Such
a community had its own cultural system being defined by self sufficiency, political autonomy, a
well-demarcated territory, a common dialect, folklore and deities. A large number of examples were
offered to show that a tribe was never completely isolated
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inter-tribal relations, the tribal settlements close to caste Hindu villages had exchange
relations on the pattern of jajmani with other patron andoccupational castes (Dumont)
1. Thinkers on tribes
Even the most isolated groups were part of a wider network of economic relations. Some like the
Gond in Central India, the Ahom in North-East India,had large kingdoms
Ghurye calls the tribal populations of India as imperfectly integrated segment of the
Hindus.
The Role of Bridge and Buffer: Because of their location of international borders, many of
these tribal communities played the role of bridge and buffer communities and so had
developed bonds with certain groups across the borders
Scheduled Tribes live in contiguous areas . It is, therefore, much simpler to have anareaapproach for development activities and also regulatory provisions to protect their interests
Fifth Schedule and Sixth Schedule
Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP):
o part of the overall plan of a State/UT or a Central Ministry/Department
o TSP strategy isbeing implemented through
Integrated Tribal Development Projects (ITDPs)/ Agencies (ITDAs),
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Tripura:surrounded by east Pakistan on all (except one) sides, socio-political developments there,
particularly communal riots, had a tremendous effect on the state particularly in terms of theintlux
of the Bengali refugees
Manipur:The Meitei State Conunittee was formed in 1967 in protest at Manipur's merger with the
India Union. This organisation gradually became a revolutionary body seeking an independent
Manipur governed on the lines of a Socialist ideology developed by Irabot Singh. The movement
weakened and the committee surrendered in
Motives for struggle:
The tribal struggles are essentially rooted in three interrelated motive forces namely, the
epistemology of individualism, statist ideology and capitalist model of development. The
movements are, therefore, for recognition of collective rights over the survival resources.
and internal self-determination in the legitimate cultural, linguistic spheres as well as
dynamic strategy for sustainable development.
Nearly 85 % of the tribal families remain below the poverty line as against national average
of 38 %.
Sixty per cent of them are nutritionally deficient
With thereservation of forests, came closures of areas for military and national security
purposes, large scale immigration of non-tribal population, extraction of mineral,
hydrological, andenvironmental resources, they have been loosing their land and land based
endowments,and facing de-culturalization.
Much has been said about the expenditure on tribal welfare. But actual expenditure
hadremained less than one per cent of the plan outlay till the end of the Fourth Five Year
Plan.Since then, it did increase to about three per cent but largely due to the inclusion of
infrastructural and administrative costs.
6. Tribes and education:
One of the basic problems plaguing the tribals is their economic, deprivation
andbackwardness.
The medium of instruction is another hindrance for promotion of education]
Apa Tani have made tremendous progress in the direction of modernisation. Despitethe
literacy rate of 14.04 per cent in Arunachal Pradesh , they have done extremely well in
seeking modern education. Many of them were studying in the universities of Guwahati,
Dibrugarh, Shillong and Delhi
In Kohima district, for example, both English and Angami are equally strong; in Meghalaya,
both English and Khasi have been developed, among the Toda, Tamil and English equally
accepted.
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processes of economic liberalization and globalization have further accentuated class and
community divisions albeit regional and sectoral inequalities. This is the process of the
intensification of marginalization of tribal masses.
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As a response to modernity, and the fact that traditional institutions of the people
disintegrate under its impact, there have been conscious attempts to revive traditional ways
of living
One of the best studied cases is of Jharkhanda movement. The Jharkhanda Party,founded
by Jai Pal Singh, an Oxford educatedChristian of the Munda tribe, demanded carving out of
a new state,
The basic issues behind this movement were land and forest alienation, training and job
deprivation due to influx of the outsiders, cultural submergence, and imbalanced
development
Madhu Sarin- The impoverishment and alienation of forest dependent villagers resulted in
widespread forest destruction & state forest deptt being in perpetual conflict with forest
communities.
Garrett Hardin in his The Tragedy of the Commons discusses the impossibility of sustaining
commons under conditions of rapid . Understanding is that the commons is natural
resource shared by the local community that decides who uses it and how. There is another
side to this phenomenon namely; more often than not those who suffer are not responsible
for the problem. Shifting cultivation is sustainable because it defines relations to land and
forest in terms of individual rights and collective responsibility. Any family will move from
one clearing to another once in two years, over at least 24 clearings. The internal logic of the
system is that a clearing is husbanded for one year and fallow for forty-eight years. In these
forty-eight years the clearing is re-forested
There are no technical solutions to this problem, that is to say no technology or technique
can measure it. This makes it the commons. The commons are indispensable and for this
reason people have a relationship with it. Their recovery is thus not confined to the
restoration of community ownership.
Vidyarthi book- Nature Man Spirit complex- De-tribalization is a product of deforestation
AR Desai- British- systematic destitution.
Miscellaneous:
1. Caste versus tribe
Bailey- only solution to the problem of definition of tribes - to conceive of a continuum of
which at one end are tribes and at the other are castes. The tribes have segmentary,
egalitarian system and are not mutually inter-dependent, - castes in a system of organic
solidarity. - direct access to land and no intermediary is involved
2. The pastoralist and polyandrous: the toda
practice adelphic polyandry- a woman on her marriageautomatically becomes the wife of all
brothers
only tribe who claims to bevegetarians. Their subsistence is dependent on their buffaloesdairy
According to the Toda tradition no woman can be aroundtheir dairy or buffalo pen; and no
Toda man who has not been properly ordainedcan enter into their dairy
Biological paternity - no importance. Paternity for socialpurpose is recognised when a man
performs bow and arrow ceremony in theseventh month of the pregnancy of his wife.
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105
Thereafter, all the children born ofthat woman would be considered his unit until someone,
usually his brother wouldperform another bow and arrow ceremony.
Tribe and caste
Castes - regulated by the hereditary division of labour, hierarchy, principle of purity and
pollution, etc.
Tribes on other hand -seen as one characterized by the absence of features attributed to the
caste.
Said: kinship govern the tribal society. Each individual is hence considered to be equal to
others; in contrast inequality, dependency and subordination is an integral feature of caste
society; tribes: maintain similar forms, practices and behaviour pattern for both function of
the religion; also shown to be different in respect of the psychological disposition of its
members (said to take direct, unalloyed satisfaction in pleasures of the senses whether in
food, drink, sex, dance or song
Assumptions misleading In India , hardly any tribes which show all of these characteristics.
May be relatively homogenous as compared to castes but not devoid of inequalities &
differences.
The only thing in common is, as Beteille puts it, - they all stand more / less outside Hindu
civilization.
Transformation to castes
o Sinha- tribes-dimension of little tradition - cannot be adequately understood unless
seen in relation to the great tradition. Thus, viewed in constant change &tribals not
static group.
o Large no. of anthropological works of post independence era-> study phenomena
of tribe being assimilated by Hindu caste system
Kosambi has referred to tribal elements being fused into the general society
Roy Burman classified tribes as (1) those incorporated in Hindu society (HS),
(2) positively oriented to HS, (3) negatively oriented and (4) those indifferent
to HS.
Elwin even wrote - whole problem was - how to enable tribesmen of first
and second classes to advance direct into fourth class without having to
suffer despair and degradation of third.
o Sanskritisation is also seen as a method through which tribes- absorbed into Hindu
society
o other significant method - what Sinha calls as the state formation.
o At times anthropologists terms as Kshatriyisation & Rajputisation instead
Sanskritisation.
o Hinduization is more closely linked to Tribals- though scholars argue- not possible
to be hindu without being engulfed in caste stratification-but that not empirical
reality- Theoretically it is possible to become Hindu in sense of embracing a form of
Hindu faith and practices w/o becoming part of HS in the sense of Hindu social
organization viz. caste.
o Paradox of hinduization of tribes- not whole groups - in sections. So,Same tribe
both sides
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106
Bhagat movement-tribes even when they have been hinduized do not describe
themselves as Hindus but as Bhagats. It is outsiders who describe them as Hindus.
o Similarly language-not possible -into caste society without first - into linguistic
community
Basis for misconstruction Elsewhere in the world where tribes are not linked with the
civilization complex, such problems does not arise as studied in own rights & against the
backdrop of process.
o tribes have not been studied in their own right but only in relation to the general
Indian society, which was marked by overriding features of caste, peasant and social
differentiation.
tribal studies are not to be categories as caste, peasant or social heterogeneity but groups or
communities such as those of the regional communities- the Bengalis, Assamese, Gujratis,
etc. The counterparts of tribes are not as case so far but communities or societies
incorporating castes.
Till today scholars - not arrived at a systematically worked out criterion towards
distinguishing tribe from caste
o
Tusharanshu-goias.in
107
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
Daniel Thorner Marxian approach- Even after land reforms measures- peasants continue to
suffer more and the Maliks are enjoying the dominant position- has social relationships- the
lower caste works as land less labourers- the landowning belongs to higher caste.
PC Joshi 3 trends in agrarian class- declining feudalistics and customary tenacy- rising of
commercially oriented landlords- it increased the efficiency and productivity, but the conflict
between the poor peasantry and the agriculture labourers are in rise.
TK Oommen- 5 Categories of classes in rural agrarian India- landlords- rich farmers- middle
peasants- poor peasants- landless workers.
Andre beteille- Liberal point of view- Ownership- Control- Use of land.
Ownership: Entrepreneurial landlords- big owners- found in green revolution belt- profit
motive.
Medium land lords- land is family property- for namesake they keep themselves attached to
the land- absentee landlords
Small owners- dont go for self cultivation for culturl bondage- Cultural landlords
Controller- Some one who sees the land in the absence of the actul landowner-one can be
owner, controller and user at the same time.
Users- No ownership- no controlling rights- work there for earning livelihood.
Beteille pointed out how in bengal after land reforms the number of small and marginal
farmers expanded, who were earler share croppers.
Marxist -classes- conservative and radical- radical can bring revolution.
ARDesai upper class- middle class- lower class.
Utsa Pattnaik- studied Punjab and Haryana- 5 types- big land lords, rich farmers, middle
peasants, small peasants, agricultural labourers. Big landlords- 50 acres or more, profit
motive, technology, politically active, use hired labour. Rich farmers- 20 to 40 acres, highly
ambitious, hired labours, at times family labours. Middle Peasants- 10 to 20 acres, family
labour, little surplus. Small farmers- 5 to 10 acres, marginalised farmers. Agricultural
labourers- land less labourers. The first 2 types big land lords and the rich farmers are
controlling all the means of production and conslidatingthem.development of capitalist
agriculture. In the GR belt polirisation becoming more prominent.
Neo Marxist view: Agrarian class structure cant be studied in isolation with the non-agrarian
class. Money lenders, merchants, traders living in urban areas-linkage with the village land
lords- procurements in the harvesting season from the small and medium peasants- they
dont have voice to raise against them- - Exploitation Migration- suicide.
AnandChakravarty- under class- cant fight against hegemonistic domination of landlords,
police and legal courts- they accept inequality and start rebellion.
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Liberal sociologist- consider the elements like feudalism, semi feudalism, semi capitalist,
capitalist and caste class nexus- Nexus between agarian class and non-agarian class makes
the situation complex- government programmes should take the holistic view before coming
up with any plan.
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feature of the agrarian class structure in feudalism was the structures of dependency and
patronage that existed between the cultivators and the overlords.The cultivating peasants had
to show a sense of loyalty and obligation towards overlords. System of begar popular in many
parts of India until some time back would be an example of such a system.
Contemporary Agrarian Societies
Two important changes in agrarian economy that came with industrialisation and development.First,
agriculture lost its earlier significanceand became only a marginal sector of the economy.In India, for
example, though a large proportionof the population is still employed in the agricultural sector, its
contributionto the total national income has come down substantially. The second important change
that has been experienced in the agrarian sector is in its internal social organisation. The growing
influence of market and money meant that the relations among different categories of population
become formalized, w/o sense of loyalty or obligation.
Class Analysis of Agrarian Societies
Over the years, the writings of Lenin and Mao have become the basis for understanding agrarian
class structures in different societies.Dev of capitalism in agri diff classes rich landlorsetc- 5-6
classes. but only transitory classes later polarize & form 2 classes- big capitalist landlords & rural
proletariats little evidence to support
Agrarian Social Structure and Change in India
Traditional Indian rural communities and the agrarian social structures were organised within the
framework of jajmanisystem. This was a peculiarly Indian phenomenon. Participation in this system
of reciprocal exchange was not on an equal footing. The caste system in turn provided legitimacy .
Agrarian Changes during the British Colonial Rule
agrarian policies of the British colonial rulers are regarded as among the most important factors
responsible for introducing changes in the agrarian structure of the sub-continent. These changes
led to serious indebtedness. peasants losing their lands to moneylenders and big landowners.
peasants had no motivation for working hard to improve their lands. -agricultural production
declined.big landowners gained at the cost of the small peasants.
Agrarian Changes after Independence
only in those parts of the country where peasants were politically mobilized and the local state
government had the right kind of political will, the land reforms could be effectively implemented.
These included the Community Development Programme (CDP), the Co-operatives and the Green
Revolution technology. Thorner:Capitalistic agricultural dev in socialist India
Green Revolution and Social Mobility: Yogendra Singh points out that the Green Revolution
signifies not merely growth in agricultural production but also the use of new technology and new
social relationships in production processes.resultedin social mobility, emergence of new power
structures and modes of exploitation of the deprived classes. -generated new contradictions in
society.
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Landless labourers: Last category- poorest of poor- Pb&Hry 20-30% of workforce & AP50%.Though the older type of bondage is no more a popular practice, the dependence of
landless labourers on the big farmers often makes them surrender their freedom, not only of
choosing employers, but invariably also of choosing their political representatives.
II. Andre Beteille: Liberal approach -: On basis of ownership, control and use of land
3 categories:
Owners- (a) Traditional L/L (b) enterprising L/L (c) Absentee L/L
Controllers- managers/munims- mabe part owner/controller or contractual
Users- Agricultural labourers working for rest
III.Marxist Approach: 1) Leninist (Kulak, Strendik, Bendik) 2) Neo Marxists 3) Marxist
1) Leninist: based on whos using what kind of labour- level of exploitation
Kulaks: Hired labour
Strendiks- family labour
Bendiks- hire themselves out.
UtsahPatnaik in Republic of Hunger and Bondage and servitude
Initial phases of green
revolution middle class expanded. Later rich farmers took over all the benefits.
2) Marxist: Kathleen Gough: Village Kumbapettie (Thanjavur, TN) 1. Bourgeois (Rich farmers) 2.
Pettybourgeois 3.Semiproletariat 4.Proletariat.
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3) Neo-Marxists:Duzerfedt and Lindsberg:Debt trap- small farmers loan from bigger farmersdistress sell produce to big farmers in return- they hoard and ask for higher MSPs.Thus, paradox of
development & benefitssuicides, unrest. tension& anxiety. Telangana last 5 months- 316 farmers
have died.
IV-Women and Land- 40 crore women live in villages and 79% women work in agricultural sector as
compared to 63% men. feminization of Indian agriculture- Indian govt. recognizes farmer as
someone who owns the land and not worker on the land- Only 13% of women own land. Credit
schemes etc can be availed only by owner and someone with residence. Thus, women need to have
land- self respect& empowerment. What stops women from owning land? 1) patriarchal setup 2)
share in natal property seen as greed 3)stridhan at time of dowry only property 4) UN Women study
- 9 years after passage of Hindu succession amendment act- neither women, nor revenue admin
aware of it. Women Farmers Entitlement Bill, 2011 which makes wife half owner of husbands land
pending.
Agriculture- Land Leasing in India- Either restricted or banned in India. Like j&K and Kerala ban
leasing out. 2) Punjab, Haryana, Gujarat, Assam not legally banned. Research studies- restrictive
tenancy laws have prevented optimum allocation of land resources and denied rural poor access to
land. Also, led to concealed tenancy.Why lease??
Population pressure
Better outside employment opportunities
Fills demnd supply gap
Acc to NSSO, 60th round- 36% tenant farmers are landless while 56% of tenant households
are marginal farmers (<1 hectare of land)
K.L. Sharma elaborates the second position, caste incorporates the element of class and class has a
cultural (caste) style, hence the two systems cannot be easily separated even analytically. They
were the three classes of the landowners (zamindars), the tenants and the agricultural labourers.
The landowners (zamindars) were tax gatherers and non-cultivating owners of land. They belonged
to the upper caste groups. The agricultural labourers were placed in a position of bondsmen and
hereditarily attached labourers. They belonged to the lower caste groups.
Land reforms led to the eviction of smaller tenants on a large scale. But the intermediate castes of
peasants, e.g., the Ahir, Kurmi etc. in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh benefited
P.C. Joshi has summarised in the following manner the trends in the agrarian class structure and
relationships.
It led to the decline of feudal and customary types of tenancies. It was replaced by a more
exploitative and insecure lease arrangement.
It gave rise to a new commercial based rich peasant class who were part owners and part
tenants. They had resource and enterprise to carry out commercial agriculture.
It led to the decline of feudal landlord class and another class of commercial farmers
emerged for whom agriculture was a business.
Kotovsky has noted the process of increasing proletarianisation of the peasantry in villages. The
process of social mobility and transformation in rural India has been explained by sociologists by the
terms embourgeoisement and proletarianisation. Embourgeoisement refers to the phenomenon of
upward mobility of the intermediate class peasantry i.e., their emergence as new landlords.
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Proletarianisation describes the process of downward mobility, i.e., depeasantisation of small and
marginal peasants and a few landlords and their entry into the rank of the rural landless agricultural
labourers.
St. Simon first to use word class for estates. Thus, pre-marxian idea
Classes originated in society due to number of reasons. Some of the importantones being :
o i) Expansion of productive forces beyond the level needed for subsistence.
o ii) The extension of division of labour outside the family
o iii) The accumulation of surplus wealth
o iv) The emergence of private ownership of resources.
There are specific characteristics of class: They are :
o i) Vertical order of social classes - heirarchy in terms of privileges anddiscrimination.
o ii) There is also a permanent idea of class interest.
o iii) Idea of class-consciousness, awareness of class, hierarchy, identity & solidarity Is
present
Marx, Aristotle, Webe, giddens on class
Industrialization -term that is specifically employed to indicate use of machines in
production process.
what role colonization had on development of industries or de-industrlisation of existing
industries.
Colonisation of India and Industrilisation: Before British, Habib speaks ofmultitudes of
artisans, peons and servants found in the towns in 120 bigcities and 3200 townships (in
the second half of the 16th century). He addsthat Agra &FatehpurSikri (twin cities) were
each larger thanLondon.
Economic Drain from India
Very few Indian entrepreneurs started manufacturing business as British policesdid not
favour them and they were reluctant to enter in to unknown fields
There were however several business communities who were initially thecollaborators and
middlemen with the British, like the Parsis and Marwaris whoventured in to setting up
industries. The Marwaris of Calcutta moved frombeing traders to industrialist in the jute
business.
The birlas started their first jut emill in 1919, whereasGoenka and Bangur started theirs after
WW-II
part of the Parsee community was fast to recognise thatis was very useful to learn English, to
adopt British customs and to intensifytheir relation with the British in order to improve the
socio-economic positionof the community in West India.
The Indiancapitalist organized themselves in to Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce
and Industry (FICCI) in light of stiff competition.
Industrialisation in Post-independent India:
o Nehru who was inspired by Fabian socialism and by the Russian example decidedto
adopt a socialist pattern of economic development.
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o Five year plans- industry PMF- 1991 crisiso Gandhi (Swadeshi&Khadi) versus Nehru (Socialist ideal of industrialization)
Post-Industrial Society:Daniel Bell, a professor of sociology was the first to use the term
postindustrialsociety.title of his book Post-Industrial Society (1973).Therare three
components to a post-industrial society, according to Bell:
o a shift from manufacturing to services
o the centrality of the new science-based industries
o the rise of new technical elites and the advent of a new principle ofstratification
Notes
Karl Marx- MC will vanish(petty bourgeoisie, small merchants - own means of prodn
Marx Weber and Lockwood- MC population will grow- with industrialisation and
urbanisation- depends on skills- old MC(petty bourgeoisise)- new MC
Talcolt Parson- Rise of MC in industrialised society- analysis of meritocracy society.
Ordinary view- modern education- rational and competitive value- secularised in approachconsumerist class- aspiring for the mobility- capacity of social change.
A R Desai- talked about Indian mddle class and their role in indian nationalism- evolved from
caste structure- MCs role in bringing reforms in culture and religion- Social religious
movements are MC movements. British introduced press, railways, tv, radio, bureaucracy,
judicairy, education- gave birth to MC- fight against British. MC across caste and region linehence class unites and caste devides.
D L Seth Article MC in Modern IndiaAfter independence the base of MC is expanding- In
western and south india, MC came out of reform movemnts like SatySodhakSamaj of MH,
Self Respect movement of Tamil Nadu, SNDP movement of Kerala- non-traditional and anti
Brahminic view- demanding equity and control over power struture. Indian MC grown out of
soil- hold tight to the tradition and culture and tries to get benefits from modern
institutions. Indian MC is keeping mix of modernity & tradition
Andre Beteille : questions the genesis of indianMC- different sources at different point of
time- not homogenous like west MC. Habit of reading news paper- going for family
vacation- spending money on non consumption- are constantly increasing. But
interrelationship between a factory worker, a lower police man and a small trader takes
place in hierarchical manner. Indian MC has expanded but still carry hierarchical ideas in
contrast to YogendraSinghs view that with modernity class will replace caste.
1950-1980- industrialisation- modern education- modern jobs- bureaucracy- green
revolution- modern trade- led to massive employemnt- no wish to consolidate their
economic position- sound base to peasant mobilisaionnaxal movements - supported by
intellectuals - different spheres of life.
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Anti-emergency movement by MC students, teachersetc.AfterglbalisationMCesexpandedinterests spheres broadened- women &civil rights issues- env probe- rise of civil society
movements
notes:
Concept of Class:
Concept of the MC
Anthony Giddens identifiesthree major classes in advanced capitalist society. They are upper
classbased on the ownership of property in the means of production, a MC based on the
possession of educational and technical qualificationsand a lower or working class based on
the possession of manual labourpower.
Evolution of the MC in India
BB Mishra:The Britishrule - emergence of a class of intermediaries -- linkb/w people & new
rulers.
Sanjay Joshi:Though economic background of the MC was important,the power and
constitution of the MC in India was based not on theeconomic power it wielded, which was
minimal, but on the ability of itsmembers to be cultural entrepreneurs
Andre Beteille:Andre Beteille views MC in India as part of a relatively new social formation
based on religion,caste and kinship. In Beteilles opinion, MC values in India aredifficult to
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characterise because they are still in the process of formationand have still not acquired a
stable form As such, theyare marked by deep and pervasive antinomies meaning
contradictions,oppositions and tensions inherent in a set of norms and values.
Gurcharan Das: Commenting on the growing MC, Gurcharan Das (Das, 2000) statedthat
although the MC is composed of many occupations, commercehas always been at the
center- as the businessman mediated between thelanded upper classes and the labouring
lower classes. Calls MC open. dynamic, liberated and deritualized.
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All blood relationships are known by term, consanguinity. All relationships through
marriage are given term affinity. Father/mother-in-law and daughter-/son-in-law are affinal.
Approaches to the study of kinship can be broadly classified under two headings (i) the
Indological approach and (ii) the Anthropological approach.
Indological approach
o have used textual sources to explain kinship pattern
o has provided -framework to understand - elements of continuity & change in kinship
o KM Kapadia, IrawatiKarwe, PM Prabhu, GS Ghurye
Anthropological Approach
o Anthropologists have looked at kinship from the point of view of descent & alliance:
DescentApproach
Patrilineal- descent line from father to son
Matrilineal- descent traced from mother to daughter
double (bilineal): from both mother/father - DIFFERENT attributes
(eg: mother- movable property & father-immovable property)
cognatic: attributes are transmitted equally from mother/father
parallel: women-daughters and men-sons
cross/alternative: mother-son and fathe-daughter
Alliance Approach: includes consideration of patterns and rules of marriage
Lineage and Descent in India
o Lineage- a body of people who are arranged together on the basis of common blood
linkage. Patriarchal society-daughter not part of fathers lineage group.
o Classical antropologists- patrilineal-determining descent through the male
line.matrilineal-determining descent through the female line.
o Indologist- Ghurye- role of descent in defining marriage, family, kinship and India. In
northen India- some onecant marry within extended kinship group- marriage is
driven by rules of kinship and descent.Ghurye indicated- Gotra and Charna are
exogamous groups-brings dispersed people together.
o Gail Omvedt Caste is an expanded descent system.
o Andre Beteille- kinship in India so strong that- Voting is driven by kinship rather than
on merir- Primary source of political recruitment :kinship group- Thus Democratic
political system in India is engaged in social and cultural reproduction.
o Krishna Kumar- Kinship in India is so intensive that- behind every corrupt man- there
is an
o Role of descent and kinship not only decides private spheres of life like marriage,
family etc rather very well defines occupation, political activities etc
Kinship system in north India
Irawati Karve identified 4 cultural zones Northern, Central, Southern and the Eastern zones.
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Discussed on basis of i) kinship groups, ii) kinship terminology iii) marriage rules, and iv)
ceremonial exchange of gifts among kin.
o Kinship Groups
Patrilineage
Cooperation
Conflict
Inheritance of status and property: Thus, the lineage fellows
cooperate for economic and jural reasons.
Clan: A lineage is an exogamous unit, i.e., a boy and a girl of the same
lineage cannot marry. A larger exogamous category is called the clan.
Among the Hindus, this category is known as gotra. But the common
ancestor of a clan is generally a mythical figure.
Caste and Subcaste: As castes are endogamous
Fictive Kin: Mahapatra: For example, in North India where village exogamy is
a normal practice, it is rare to find a brother to a daughter-in-law living in
the same locality. She can get a brother only through a fictive relationship.
o Kinship Terminology
Descriptive Nature of North Indian Kinship Terms-bhatija/bhatiji
Social behaviour- Surajpuri Brahmins (studied by Louis Dumont)- MAANbride take, also high status
Terms Signifying Social Behaviour: Devarbhabhi-joking (avoidance)
o Marriage Rules
Clan Exogamy
4 clan rule- fathers/ mothers/ nanis/ dadis clan not allowed
Marriages within the Subcaste- caste among Surajpuri Brahmins divided
into 3 subcastes based on status girl always taken from lower subcaste
Rule of no repetition- fathersister =/ ones own sister
o Ceremonial Exchange of Gifts among Kin:
for understanding-patterned behaviour among various categories of kin.
L. Dumont - mothers brother (uterine kin) and wifes brother (affinal kin)
have similar ceremonial functions.
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o The third pref is between a man and his mothers brothers daughter
Ceremonial Exchange of Gifts among Kin: element of reciprocity present
Similarities
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generations from fathers side and within 3 generations in mothers side. -Rajasthan- On
AkshyaTritiya- massive marriage takes place- all age groups-relaxed norms.
Veena Das- In north Indian kinship father son relationship precedes over husband wife relationshipon analysis of Punjabi kinship system she said- the natural sexual relationshp between husband and
wife is subdued to socially established father son relationship glorifying patriarchy.
Comment on the changes in the household dimensions of family under modern economic
reforms.
Nuclear families grow into joint families and then break into nuclear families. The change
from nuclear to joint and from joint to nuclear families is fairly frequent in India. Explain the
changes in the structure and functions of joint family in this context.
Factors - responsible for instability -Indian family? Will family survive present crisis - modern
society?
Discuss the influence of socio-cultural factors on age of marriage in India
Write short note: Generation Gap Write short note: Industrialisation and family change in
India, with example impact - legal & socio-eco changes on marriage & family. Are these instis
weakening?
What has been the impact of globalization on the cultural aspect(s) of the family?
Distinction between the concepts of family and household
Outline the social factors related to generation gap. How has this led to the problem of
youth unrest?
Marriage
Marriage is universal social institution of society. As a social institution, - provides
recognised form for entering - a relatively enduring heterosexual relationship for bearing &
rearing of children. It is thus primarily a way of regulating human reproduction
Leach: considered marriage as bundles of rights:
o legitimate offspring
o Socially approved access to the spouses sexuality, labour and property
o Establishment of affinal relationships between persons and between groups.
But KathleenGough: Nayarrs of Kerala- Namboodari-Nayar relation cannot explain above
defn. Thus, own defn: Marriage is a relationship established between a woman and one
or more other persons, which provides that a child born to the woman is not prohibited by
rules of the relationship is accorded full birth-status rights common to normal members of
his society or social stratum.
but after 377, Evans Pritchard- Nuer woman woman marriage: Leach: All universal
definitions of marriage are in vain. Gough- marriage a polythetic- with open checklist
Many, esp western societies: the chief aim of marriage is not only procreation but
companionship, emotional, and psychological support are equally emphasised
Forms of marriage
o Monogamy
o Polygamy= polygyny-Islam (some societies- sororal polygyny)+ polyandry-Todas of
Nilgiris (some societies fraternal polyandry)
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Change in marriage rules and customs: Ironically, with sc& tech, traditionalism and
complex rituals becoming more pronounced. Very rarely simple marriages
Changes in goals: Not mode of procreation. companionship emotional, etc bond
In India, the relationship is defined and sanctioned by custom and law prevalent in a
hetero-normative and patriarchal social milieu- Rate of marital discord- brought
before court vexing questions like he right to fatherhood versus a womans right
over her own body.
NRIs coming to India to marry
Family: Link with socio-1, Functional perspective etc
The family is a unique institution in that it is both a private and a visibly public institution at
same time
The family, broadly refers to primary group comprising husband wife unit (parents) and
children.
Thus, the family is based on the principles of kinship whose members usually share a
common residence.
Household:
They reside in a house/homestead. This residential unit is called the household.
o The household (ghar) is a residential and domestic unit composed of one or more
persons living under the same roof and eating food cooked in the same kitchen
(hearth/chulah)
o These members then reside in two or more households but they consider
themselves as belonging to the same family. The household is a commensal and
coresident group/ unit (with provision for the phenomenon of single person
households). Thus kin and residence rules distinguish between family and
household
o Kolenda is another sociologist who has consistently worked towards clarifying the
conceptual issues about family and household. She has proposed the 12 type
classificatory scheme in her comparative study of the Indian joint family
o A household in itself is neither joint nor nuclear, but becomes either of these by
virtue of its being under progression and regression in a developmental process. For
example, a married sons moving out of his fathers house in patrilineal society
makes the sons house a nuclear one, or rather a separate one. This act may or may
not simultaneously make his fathers household a nuclear one
Process View: Phases of Household Development: it is clear that the family is not a static
institution. A household may experience progression and/or regression or both on the basis
of birth, adoption and in- and out-marriage, and death, divorce and separation of members
over a period of time.
Acc to Shah: The pattern of developmental process in each society is affected by three
major factors:
o The first is the demographic factor, which not only includes the phenomena of birth,
adulthood and death but also the sex and number of members. While these
phenomena are demographic in origin, they are social in operation.
o The second factor is the series of explicitly stated norms regarding the residence of
various relatives in a household.
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o
o
o
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Continuity of family:
o It was initially assumed that the process of urbanization leads to a decline in family
size, weakening of family ties and break up of joint family system into nuclear
families
o But as evidence gathered by sociologists studying family in urban India reveals, this
hypothesis does not hold much credence
o In fact, sociologists like A.M, Shah ,Kapadia ,Gore and others observe a cyclical
change from nuclear to joint to nuclear family within a period of time.
o I. P. Desia in his study of Mahuva considers jointness of Indian family when seen in
the light of the actions of members guided by the traditional norms, and then
examines the effects of urbanization on jointness.
o Mukherjee: He discovered that the upper castes, who also generally belong to the
upper economic classes gave more importance to the joint family organization than
the lower castes and lower economic classes
o Physical separation does not speak for the departure from the spirit of jointness of
the family structure. Sense of effective cooperation in need, and obligation to each
other, have remained prevalent among family members in spite of being separated
from erstwhile joint family.
Patriarchy, entitlements and sexual division of labour
Bio+physiological diff manifested in inequalities
High dropout rates
Inheritance rules
Trobriand societies- women make nets but not allowed in fishing ritual
Todas- not allowed in buffalo pens
Technology (tractor and trucks men and cars- women allowed cuz former means of prodn)
Feminists patriarchy more pronounced in modern societies Pink occupations- teaching,
nursing, hospitality sector, entertainment sector, no IPS etc
Uma Chakravarty- Dalit patriarchy- violence, brahmanic patriarchy- rules & rituals
1. Khaps and honour killings
If a jatav boy to marry a thakur girl, the two face violence at the hands of respective caste
panchayats
documented cases of forced marriages, excommunication, unlawful locking, outright
murders /suicides
The Special Marriage Act of 1954 provides for secular and civil marriage before a registrar
2. Alternative relationships: 377
Bohanan , has distinguished the rights of a woman as a wife (rights in uxorem) from rights
over the children she may bear (rights in genetricem)
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India birth place of Hinduism, Buddhism, Jianism and SikhismReligious diversity and religious tolerance established by law.
Diversity- religious assimilation- invaders- merchants- conquerors-traders and travellers.
Less inter religious marriages- Communal clashes.
Minorities:
In the International Encyclopaedia of the Social Science, Arnold Rose has defined minority
without any quantitative connotations. He defines it as a group of
peopledifferentiatedfromothers in the same society by race, nationality, religion or
language, who think of themselves as differentiated group and are thought of by others as
a differentiated group with negative connotations.
JagnathPathy has also listed out the defining properties of minority group.
o subordinate in someway to the majority,
o distinguishable from the majority on the basis of physical or cultural features,
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Sachar Committee Report admin services less representation- 4% muslim students complete
class x- 2% class XII- 1.2% graduation- on an avg 249 communal clashed in each yearDeepak Mehta Minority psychosis- dharavi slum example-easy trigger.
Educational problems- school curriculum in hindi or english-less about islamic culture or
society-less interesting for muslim students; islamic culture no encouragement for coeduction; no special school for muslim girls in country as well; Many state govts promoting
Madrasa- no promotion of secular education- religious education-little attention to rational
knowledge for livelihood- huge gap between hindus and muslims-vote bank politics so major
reforms for their education-policy of appeasement.
ZoyaHasan- backward ness of muslim women- religious orthodox leaders and stateuniform civil code which could have empowered muslim women was rejectedRandhirsinghislamophobia- vertical division of society- religious fundementalismquestioning the secular credentials of India.
Govts steps: PMs 15 point programme- Anti-communal violence bill- Commission for
Minorities- National minorities development and finance corporation(NMDFC)-Sachar
committee-wakf board property protection bill.
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Sikh Militancy:
Akalishad initially started mobilizing the Sikh peasants for Punjab in the early 1980s on the
question of the distributionof irrigation water of the rivers that passed through the state.
Even Communist Party of India (Marxist) was one of their allies in this struggle.
Gradually the Akalis shifted the focus of their struggle towards the demand for greater
autonomy the states within the framework of a resolution passed in 1974 at a meeting of
some Sikh organizations in a town called Anandpur Sahib. "The Anandpur Sahib Resolution"
It asked the Central Government to keep only the critical areas of governance.
However. the central government saw suggestions of secessionism
The rise of Bhindranwale could be traced to a religious struggle b/w the followers of the
Bhindranwale and those of the NirankariPanth, a reformist religious sect of the Hindus and
Sikhs.
Some Congress politicians also patronized him who. they thought, would emerge as an
alternative to the Akalis in the Sikh religious politics
Demand for Khalistan indiscriminate killings Indira Gandhi realized things out of hand
operation Blue Star. Acc to estimate 700 military men and 5000 civilians died in temple.
Army actions angered many Sikhs and post Blue Star violence was even more gore.
Conditions under which ethnicity becomes basis of stratification:
Nature of political regime: If democracy- unlikely that systematic discrimination will happen
Demographic structure: Many religious communities Vs one huge majority
Relationship b/w religion and economy: if members of particular community control means
Cultural and historical factors:if society encourages tolerance & mutual respect or not.
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Among the Indian religions Islam, Christianity, Sikhism have a strong communitarian
emphasis.
Hinduism,Buddhism, Jainism, Christianity and Sikhism share the values of non-violence and
humanism in common. Islam places great emphasis on just and human values.
Religions, therefore, share certain universal values in common irrespective of theirinternal
differences. This enriches pluralism
Thirdly, religion in its day-to-day expression maintains closer relationships withexistential
(life-related) problems of human beings. like birth, death diseases, survivaland physical
sustenance are existential issues which no religion can treat as marginal
Fundamentalism:
Communalism:
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a small religious community keeps itself away from politics: for example, Bahai community,
which forbids its members from partici-pating in political activities.
Retaliatory communalism attempts to harm, hurt, and injure the members of other religious
communities. Separatist com-munalism is one in which one religious or a cultural group
wants to maintain its cultural specificity and demands a separate territorial state within the
country, for example, the demand of Mizos and Nagas in North-East India or Bodos in
Assam, or of Jharkhand tribals in Bihar, or of Gorkhas for Gorakhaland in West Bengal, or of
hill people for Uttrakhand in Uttar Pradesh, or of Vidharbha in Maharashtra.
Lastly, secessionist communalism is one in which a religious community wants a separate
political identity and demands an independent state. A very small militant section of Sikh
population demanding Khalistan or some Muslim militants demanding independent Kashmir
were engaged in practising this type of communalism. Of these six types of communalism,
the last three create problems engendering agitations, communal riots, terrorism and
insurgency.
Communal riots:
Communalism arises when one or two characteristics of anethnic identity e.g. religious
beliefs are taken and emotionally surcharged.Communal movements are often brief and
exist in a dyad, comprising anopposing force or ideology which has to be countered. Unlike
fundamentalism,communalism can only exist dyadically (in presence of other, needs atleast
1 more religion)
Ghosh: Hindu-Muslims riots reflected the religious fears and socio-economic aspirations
ofthe Hindus and Muslims. Sometimes these riots occur for very minor reasons such as
quarrels between Muslim and Hindu shopkeepers
A few Hindu and Muslim fanatics, to whom religion provides a smokescreen for their
nefarious deeds, hold society to ransom.
The important point is that these are not isolated acts but often deliberate mechanizations
of various socio-religious organisations
Recurrent collisionswere engineered on festivals by stopping them and various religious
occasions byinterfering in their process. - done to inflame communal passions
andbitterness.
Ghosh- Thus Independence was erected on the corpses of many thousands of people.
Patel:He feels that those resortingto it are neither true Hindus or true Muslims. Religion
does not preach enmity. However the causes which are often given for communal violence
are hurt religioussentiments. The causes are flimsy such as playing music before a mosque,
insultingthe Prophet or the Holy Quran. This is sufficient to provoke violence among some of
the Muslims. So also disturbing by Muslims of a religious yam is enough to rouseHindu ire.
Reasons for communal riots:
Ghosh points out that: riots are part of progress in an under developed country. The class
struggle isconverted into a communal struggle weakening the solidarity of the
proletariatclass.Economic conflicts lead to riots as in Bihar Sharif and Bhiwandi.
Electoral politics determine the objectives and direction of communal violence. Eg Delhi,
1986
A "cause" is often espoused: Eg in 1969 handbills have a call for dharmayudha by the Hindu
militants
Economic competitiveness: Earlier, There was an interdependencebetween Hindu
employers and Muslim artisans. However, in recent time economic Competitiveness come
from Muslims and has turned into a religiousthreat to Hindus.
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Secularism
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Cultural Symbols and Secularism: Of late an attempt has been made by a sizeable
section of the Indian society to equate Hindu cultural symbols as national culture.
This-is possibly the expression of what has been called the Hindu backlash. Such
insensitivity to the feelings of the minorities destroys the credibility of the secular
professions of the State.In societies where such distinctions are emphasized, groups
and communities remain distanced from one another.
Minority Group Perceptions: administrative machinery of the State does not
operate impartially at the time of communal riots. loyalties- particularistic rather
than universalistic.
The Defective Educational System failed to inculcate secular ideas in the minds
Social thinkers have used the word secularisation to indicate a process whereby the
religious institutions and religious conceptions and understanding have lost control in
worldly matters - econohy, polity, justice, health, family, and so on. Instead, there emerged
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empirical & rational procedures. Though India has long history of secular tradition, process
of secularisation started during British rule.But the process of secularisation took its course
unlike Western Europe renaissance and reformation in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
o Secularisation, in the words of Peter Berger, refers to the process by which sectors
of society and culture are removed from the domination of religious institutions and
symbols.
In India, the term secularism implies that the state will not identify with any one religion but
is tolerant of all religious practices. As Nehru declared in 1950, "the Government of a
country like India with many religions that have secured great and devoted following for
generations, can never function satisfactorily in the modem age except on a secular
basis".Indian secularism has been inadequately defined attitude of goodwill towards all
religions, SarvadharmaSadbhava. In a narrower formulation it has been a negative or a
defensive policy of religious neutrality on the part of the State.
o The secular idea was adopted during the freedom struggle to unite the
bsariouscommunities against the colonial power. Although the Indian constitution
speaks against any principleof religious discrimination, it cannot prevent the state to
legislate in favour of any oppressed community which includes the minority
community. This inbuilt contradiction in our polity makes it very difficult for the
secular ideal tobe practiced in reality
Functions of religion:
S.C. Dube has identified nine functions of religion:
Explanatory function (explains why, what, etc., relating to the mysteri-ous),
Integrative function (provides support amid uncertainty and consolation amid failure and
frustration),
Identity function (provides a basis of maintenance of relationship for security and iden-tity),
Validating function (provides moral justification and powerful sanctions to all basic
institutions),
Control function (holds in check di-vergent forms of deviance),
Expressive function (provides for satisfaction of painful drives),
Prophetic function (expressed in protest against established conditions),
Maturation function (providing rec-ognition to critical turns in an individuals life history)
Wish-fulfillment function (covering both latent and mani-fest wishes).
Many of traditional functions of religion are taken care of by secular institutions.
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Sociologists analysis:
Concept of Education
o
o
o
The term 'education' is derived from the Latin word, educare which means,'to bring up', 'to
lead out', and 'to develop'. Peters explains that the coming of , industrialism was
accompanied with greater demand for knowledge, skill and training
In its widest possible sense, education i s characterized by the moral, intellectual, and
spiritual development of a person. It may be noted that the conception of education as the
all-round development of an individual
The invention of the printing press in the year 1423 was a milestone in the history of
education
Literacy: In common parlance, a term that is often used synonymously with education is
literacy. Much in contrast to education, the scope of the concept of literacy is delimited to
the skills of reading, writing and arithmetic - the so-called three R's.
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The term critical literacy was used to refer to the capacity of an individual to participate as
an active citizen given to critiquing national and international practices, claiming rights, and
challenging power structures.
UNESCO recognized the clear-cut distinction between 'autonomous literacy' (referring to a
skill acquired with no reference to values and context) and 'ideological literacy' (refer'ring to
mediation of literacy by social or political ideologies).
Literacy is ambiguous, neither positive or negative in itself, its value depending on the way it
i s acquired or delivered and the manner in which it is used. It can be liberating, or to use
Freire's term, domesticating.
Technology is changing the way we look at Education
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Naik: Earlier, One teacher one school, Village contributed and was responsible. This may be
contrasted with the governmental approach of appointing several teachers in one school and the
rising concern about teacher absenteeism, particularly in rural and far-flung areas.
In the traditional sense, the essence of education lay in realizing one's potential and developing it as
an integrated aspect of growing up. It is for this reason that socialization as education assumes
greater relevance in the East.
The so well established educational system lays excessive emphasis on literacy, reason and
rationality, success, achievement, material progress and competition and all that makes for
prosperity, richness and affluence. The content of education is designed in a way that the child
acquires the basic information and skill-set that would enable him/her to do well in the global
market.
What happens in the process is that the child gets alienated from hislher own, local environment
and concerns. Individual creativity, initiative and spontaneity get clipped to a large extent
Gandhis idea of education: Much earlier, Gandhi had advocated a system of education better
known as basic education or 'naitalim'. He advocated a kind of education that would develop among
children self-reliance, commitment to non-violence, awareness about others' and their own rights,
responsibilities, and obligations in society. An important aspect of 'naitalim' was the inculcation of
appreciation for manual labour. Gandhi's ideas on education seem relevant as an alternative way of
a total development of the body, mind, and soul through self-restraint, self-reliance, self-sacrifice,
self-fulfillment, and community participation
Education in Sociology:
Dewey distinguished between Education as a means for growth of individual in accordance with
goals of a specific society and natural growth of an individual. For eg: The education system in
Greece and Rome was designed in a way that children learnt to subordinate themselves to the
collectivity. In the Middle Ages, education was above all Christian; in the Renaissance, it assumes a
more literary and lay character; today science tends to assume the place in education formerly
occupied by the arts". The
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i)
ii)
iii)
Although the process of education socializes individuals to conform to the norms and values
of society, it also has the capacity to generate a spirit of enquiry and question the accepted
norms.
Germany, Russia, India and Pakistan, and the evolving societies of the continent: of Africa
and South America, to see that education has been, and is being, used as an agent of social
change.
Durkheim argued that education exists in many forms. There is, and must be, an interaction
between education and society. It is not just a one -way process in which education is wholly
determined by the state or by the demands of society.
If social change refers to fundamental structural changes in society, it is clear that the socioeconomic factor and the political factor rather than education have primary importance in
the process of social change. Education can facilitate the process of social change as a
necessary and a vital collateral factor.
The role of education as a factor of social development is defined by the twin facts that
education is permeated by the social biases of society and that those who seek education
are social actors who retain the orientations of their specific position in a society.
Where education is a condition of social and economic change, it is more likely to produce
intended consequences. This happens because educational change follows other changes in
society; the social context is thus favourable to social change.
Education and Economic Development: social classes and their economic, social and
political interests. To reiterate, it seems that however imperative it is for the educational
process to keep pace with the demands made by economic and technical development
on the labour force, there is a very real sense in which educational expansion is a
consequence rather than a cause of economic development.
Education and Democracy No necessary link. Most totalitarian regimes attempt to use
their schools to inculcate conformity and submissiveness and uncritical loyalty to the
state
Education and social change in India: Even today children from slum homes are all too
often educated in slum schools that are quite untypical of schools elsewhere. Yet
increasingly, it is being believed that for these children, even equality is not enough.
Therefore, the need for positive discrimination was emphasized in favour of slum
schools. It is argued that schools in deprived areas should be given priority in many
respects -raise the standard of schooling and infrastructural facilities. Some people
argue that compensatory education cannot in itself solve problems of health, housing
and discrimination and that these must be tackled by agencies outside school
a. Kamat conceptualized the relationship between education and social change in India
in three stages. In the first stage, he talks about the early British period to the end
of the 19th century. In this period, the colonial socioeconomic and political structure
was established in India. However it also played a kind of liberating role in breaking
down traditional norms and values.
b. In the period between the two world wars, education assumed a mass character.
Occupational and social mobility occurred among segments of population that were
hitherto unnoticed.
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iv)
c. In the third stage, i.e. from post-Independence period up to the mid-sixties, the
process of social and political awakening has taken further strides. Its two aspects,
conformity and liberation, are also operating. At the same time, the contradiction
within the education system i.e., in relation the development, socio-economic
structure have also sharpened.
Education and Social Mobility
a. Social Mobility: movement of individuals or groups from one position of a society's
stratification system to another.
b. One way of examining vertical social mobility is to contrast inter-generational and
intra-generational mobility
c. The concept of equality of educational opportunity has undergone significant
change over the decades. The core of the idea, however, remains that all the
children should have an equal chance to succeed (or fail) in a common school
system.
d. 'Theoretically speaking, even though, private schools maybe open to children from
various ethnic backgrounds, the very fact that they have a high fee structure
restricts the entry of a large number of students to such schools.
e. Dropping out of school before high school graduation is more characteristic of lowstatus families, measured in terms of income level and of the father's occupation
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which caters to the rich sections of society. On the other hand, we have several local,
municipal schools with not just poor infrastructure and basic aids like blackboard and chalk,
but even insufficient teachers. There is a marked contrast in the quality of education
imparted by these schools.
Caste enterprise and preferential state policies affect the system of education in their own
way.
When students from lower strata get highly educated, they also contribute to the
heightening of its prestige seeking alliance from castes. Education has become a source of
prestige and a symbol of higher social status.
Women, for instance, form a universal category of the marginalized. Indian education
system has been, by its very nature, elitist and exclusionary from traditional times.
The first aspect of the process of marginalization is that of the inferior location of these
groups. They are located on the margins or the periphery.
The second aspect is the process of social exclusion. In an unequal and hierarchically
organized society, not all groups enjoy equal amounts of power and prestige.
Consequently they are not able to fully participate in economic, social and civic life, and their
inadequate access to material and non-material resources, exclude them from enjoying a
quality of life and standard of living that is regarded as acceptable in society they live in.
The British devoted attention to education in lndia from 1813 to 1921. Unfortunately,
interest in primary education was greatly diministied after 1835 when Macaulay's (in)famous
"Minute" directed policy towards higher education premised on the "downward filtration
theory.
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Article 46 of the Constitution reaffirms that "the State shall promote with special care the
educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people and, in particular,
of the scheduled castes."
Another important aspect is that of accessibility of schools
A second and equally important dimension is the social accessibility of the school.
Women Education: Boys are prioritized because they are the future providers of economic security
for their parents, while girls' future role is to be married away. It is believed that this might interfere
with their marriage prospects in a negative way. There is high opportunity cost of ducation for
them.
Factors:
Distance of school from homes
Inflexible school schedules
Absence of women teachers
Absence of girls schools
Insufficient infra
Insufficient child care facilities
Education and Scheduled Tribes: majority of them live in scattered habitations located in the
interior, remote and inaccessible hilly and forest areas of the country. SCs and STs are often
ridiculed, avoided and discriminated against due to the traditional low socioeconomic status. overt
act of discrimination such as segregation in seating arrangements, refusal to let them use the
common pitcher for drinking water, or to touch them and their notebooks and so on are not
unheard of. Furthermore, schools often fail to use their mother tongue as the medium of instruction.
This accounts for Human Development the loss of interest and lack of effort to continue and gets
reflected in thepoor retention rates.
Education as means of empowerment: In the present day non-egalitarian and unequal society
complex power relations and hierarchization exist. Not all social groups enjoy equal access to the
educational resources and hence 'equality of condition' that functionalists assume does not exist in
the first place. In the name of preserving order and social cohesiveness, what is done is the
promotion of the interests of the dominant sections of society.
Schools promote the technocratic-meritocratic ideology, which uphold that economic success
essentially depends on appropriate skills, knowledge, talents and abilities.
Louis Althusser, a French philosopher, whose work forms the basis of the 'hegemonic-state
reproductive model'.
Functions of education:
Education is understood to be a crucial factor in at least five distinct ways
Intrinsic importance: education seen as an act of learning leads to personal growth and selfdevelopment, which has an intrinsic value of its own.
Instrumental personal roles: education enables one to get an appropriate set of skills and
knowledge that enables him to make use of economic opportunities and get into a
profession of his own choice. It also enables one to participate in a number of other valuable
activities like playing sports, reading, etc
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lnstrumental social roles: education makes one more socially aware and politically assertive.
An educated person is more aware of his/her social needs and political rights and asserts for
them both on an individual level and at the collective level, which strengthens the
democratic practice.
lnstrumental social processes: education makes a lasting impact on social processes and
enables one to reject and fight against oppressive socio-cultural practices. It is a powerful
means of getting rid ofsocial evils like neglect of girl child, child labor and so on. This would
reduce the number and extent of deprived and deprivation.
Empowerment and distributive roles: greater literacy and educational empowerment
enables emancipation of the marginalized sections of society by accommodating them in the
mainstream.
Reforms required
The elimination of excessive element of chance and subjectivity;
The de-emphasis of memorization;
Continuous and comprehensive evaluation that incorporates both scholastic and nonscholastic aspects of education, spread over the total span of instructional time;
Effective use of the evaluation process by teachers, students and parents;
Improvement in the conduct of examination;
The introduction of concomitant changes in instructional materials and methodology;
tradition of the semester system from the secondary stage in a phased manner;
The use of grades in place of marks.
National Policy on Education: The following three are the main points of emphasis of these policy
documents.
o Universal access
o Universal enrolment
o Universal retention
Operation Blackboard: The scheme of Operation Blackboard was launched in 1987. The
basic aim was to improve the school environment and enhance retention and learning
achievement of children by providing minimum essential facilities in all primary schools.
According to this scheme, the following are provided to each school.
o i) At least two reasonably larger all-weather rooms, with a verandah and separate
toilet facilities for boys and girls;
o ii) At least two teachers - one of them a female - for each school; and
o iii) Essential teaching-learning materials including blackboards, maps, charts, toys
and equipment for work experience.
Non-Formal Education (NFE): The scheme of Non-Formal Education was introduced by the
Government of India in 1979-80 with the objective of supporting the formal system in
providing education to all children upto the age of 14 years
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Education of SCs, STs, and OBCs in India: Measures for Development, Success and Failure!
For example, in Rajasthan Meena tribe has very high literacy in comparison to Bhils, Saharias, Rawats
etc. So is
We point out the following shortcomings and deficiencies in education programmes for the SCs and
STs:
High percentage of drop-outs:
Ineffective reservations: All reserved seats are not filled up non availability of qualified
candidates
Meagre scholarship: Money spent on education is much more than the money received as
scholarship.
Inadequate facilities:
Frequent absence of teachers in remote areas:
Medium of instruction:
Cultural and social barriers:
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SOCIAL CHANGE:
Some major concepts and approaches about social change in India can be grouped as:
Sanskritization and Westernization;
Little and Great traditions consisting of (a) processes of parochialization and universalization,
and (b) cultural performances and organization of tradition;
Multiple traditions;
Structural approach, based on (a) functional model, and (b) dialectical model; and
Cognitive historical or Indological approach.
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form in the process. He used the term parochialization to denote this kind of transaction between
the two traditions.
Sanskritization, Marriott finds, does not proceed in the village as an independent process; it is
superposed on non-Sanskritic cultural form through accretion rather than simple replacement.
Marriott writes:
Cultural change implied by Sanskritization; especially universalization comes very close to this
concept. Parochialization, however, refers to an inverted form of Sanskritization or deSanskritization, a connotation which escaped the formulation of Srinivas.
Multiple Traditions:
The dominant feeling of some social scientists is that Indian society or culture could not be described
fully either through the dichotomy of the Sanskritic and Western traditions or that of the little and
Great traditions. Indian tradition is far too complex, and consists of a hierarchy of traditions each of
which needs to be analyzed in order to unravel all the ramifications of change.
S.C. Dube advocates this view:
In broad outlines the Sanskritic Model appears to be attractive, but careful analysis shows that it is
extremely deceptive. Sanskritic sources provide not one model but many models, some of them
involving even fundamentally opposed ideals. What we call Hindu philosophy is not just one school
of thought, it is a compendium of many systems of thought, recognizing and advocating many
divergent images of society and many different schemes of values. . . . The Sanskritization
hypothesis is unidirectional and has a single focus. It concentrates on the ritual theme. The
importance of the ritual theme in Hindu life is undeniable, but at the same time the impact of the
secular trends is not too insignificant to be ignored. As far as Little and Great traditions are
concerned, there is apparently no precise definition. Where there are more than one Great or
near-Great traditions, each with its canonical texts and ethical codes, the situation becomes all the
more confusing. . . .
It may also be added that the Great tradition-Little tradition frame of reference does not allow
proper scope for the consideration of the role and significance of regional, Western and emergent
national traditions, each of which is powerful in its own way.
As an alternative, Dube offersa six-fold classification of traditions in India each of which is to be
studied in rural as well as urban contexts to evaluate change. These are: the classical tradition, the
emergent national tradition, the regional tradition, the local tradition, the Western tradition and
the local subcultural traditions of social groups. These various levels of traditions no doubt offer a
wide scope for the study of change but the principle on which they have been classified is again ad
hoc and nominalistic.
In substantive realm the emphasis here too is more on culture than on social structure. Needless to
point out that a few other attempts toward multiple classification of traditions or cultural patterns in
India, which have been made recently, also suffer from similar limitations.
Modernization and Social Change in India
The five changes are as under:
(1) Economic relations are determined by contract.
(2) There has emerged complex division of labour. This has created functional interdependence.
(3) Achieved status.
(4) Vertical and horizontal mobility.
(5) New aspirations for improvement.
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Preamble- We the people of India solemnly resolve...-does it include interests of all the
people- constitution was brainchild of few intellectuals
In the west blacks and women got citizenship later-In India one day everyone got it-without
knowing what is about-with FRs- so it is not being realised by the citizens
Equality,fraternity and liberty- was different from west-in west collective action-India some
section was comftable with the British- We introduced EFL with thinking about ur capacity to
implement it.
DPSP and FRS-basic direction in which a state should go
No improvements in education sector-basic emphasis is still on health and nuitrition and
health.
Karl Marx- labour is the commodity sold in the capitalist market- children are not getting
adequate attention- Kalahandi child selling case
Secularism- Can a state go for strong secular credentials when people are driven by strong
religious consciousness- contest between what state wants and what people actually are
Andre Beteille- people are more driven by Manusmriti than constitution.
Bonded labour and child labour- banned- in reality practiced.
Vijayalakshmi- tells about how bonded labour is still prevalent even in Mteros like Delhi
where housemaids coming Bihar-lack protection.
Adult franchsie and voting behaviour.
UpendraBakshi and RamachandraGuha- Liberty and freedom-fairy tale for the tribalsdisplacements-forest laws-mining etc.
Ramachandra Guha-On Narmada Bachaoandolan-how the poor tribal people were waiting
for 4 weeks to meet the head of the govt.
Constitutional provisions of freedom is based on class identity, ethnic identity and economic
status.
AmartyaSen- Poverty makes an individual speechless, marginalised and therefore freedom
as a constitutional provision is not being really enjoyed or exercise by a large majority of
indian people.
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Medieval: Nikitin, a foreign traveller, who visited the Vijayanagar empire which was ruled by
the Hindu rulers, observed that the land was overstocked with people; but those in the
country were very miserable while the nobles were extremely opulent and lived in luxury
Colonial: According to William Digbys estimate, over 28,825,000 people died during famines
only in the second half of the nineteenth century. In 1943, nearly 3 Mn people died in the
famine of Bengal.
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different social classes, castes and groups in economic, political, social and religious domains
of society. Roots of poverty lie in the economic, political and social set up of society.
Factors:
Economic and Political Factors: highly unequal distribution of the economic
resources of the country among various social classes and caste.
o Socio-cultural Factors: The caste system has been an important factor in
perpetuating poverty of the masses. Moreover, the belief in karma justified the
inegalitarian and just social order. Now a days , Materialism has got an upperhand
over humanitarian values. This emphasis on materialism and pursuit of self-interests
has helped to widen the gap
Different approaches:
Inequality and Poverty: Income distribution is very unequal. The share of
the bottom 20% is 4% of total income in rural areas whereas the share of
top 10% is 36%
Vicious Circle Theory
The poor have strong feelings of marginality, of helplessness, of dependence, of inferiority,
sense of resignation, fatalism and low level of aspiration. These tendencies are
transmitted from one generation to the next. Therefore, the children of the poor are very
often not psychologically geared to take full advantage of the changing conditions or
increased opportunities that occur in their life.
o Functionality of poverty:
Poverty ensures that dirty work will get done, there are many menial jobs
Poverty provides a market for inferior goods and services-second-hand
clothes, etc
Poverty facilitates a life style of the affluent. The work done by the cooks,
gardeners,
provides a group that can be made to absorb political and economic causes
of change
Solutions: this gigantic problem cannot be resolved without a fundamental transformation
of society itself, which would involve redistribution of wealth and equitable sharing of the
growing prosperity and changes in the power structure in favour of the poor.
o Adoption of an essentially capitalist path of development has accentuated the
problem of poverty and the chasm between the rich and the poor. Land should go to
the tiller.
o Labour intensive programmes of development such as housing, irrigation and
communication should be given emphasis to remove the problem of unemployment
and underemployment
Problems in tackling:
o Sustained efforts not there.; Unemployment needs to go; Plug leakages;
Identification of poor
Important schemes:
o
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Year
1
2
3
4
1952
1969
1972-73
1972-73
1977
1980
1982
1984
10
11
12
13
1990
14
15
1992
1993
16
1993
17
18
19
1999
2000
2000
20
21
2005
2006
22
1999
23
2009-10
24
2010
1986
1988
1989
25
26
2001
1975
27
1973-74
28
Annapurna Scheme
2000
Objective/Description
Over-all development of rural areas with people's
participation.
Electrification in rural areas
For providing drinking water in villages
For rural employment
Training, investigation and advisory organization for rural
development
To provide profitable employment opportunities to the rural
poor
To provide suitable opportunities of self-employment to the
women belonging to the rural families who are living below
the poverty line.
For providing employment to landless farmers and laborers
To grant 100% tax rebate to donors and also to provide
financial assistance for rural development projects.
To provide assistance for rural prosperity.
A new credit policy for rural areas
For providing employment to rural unemployed.
To exempt bank loans upto Rs. 10,000 of rural artisans and
weavers.
To supply modern toolkits to the rural craftsmen except the
weavers , tailors , embroiders and tobacco laborers who are
living below the poverty line.
To provide financial assistance for rural development.
To encourage the rural women to deposit in Post Office Saving
Account.
For eliminating rural poverty and unemployment and
promoting self-employment.
To fulfil basic requirements in rural areas.
To line all vilages with pakka road
Development of Rural Infrastructure including six components
: irrigation, Water supply, Housing, Road, Telephone and
Electricity.
To provide atleast 100 days wage employment in rural areas.
To help construction of new dwelling units as well as
conversion of unserviceable kutcha houses into pucca/semipucca by members of SC/STs, freed bonded labourers and also
non-SC/ST rural poor below the poverty line by extending
them grant-in-aid.
To reduce poverty among rural BPL by promoting diversified
and gainful self-employment and wage employment
opportunities which would lead to an appreciable increase in
income on sustainable basis.
Integrated development of scheduled castes dominated
villages in the country.
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1. Paternalistic
2. Technocratic
3. Welfarist
The paternalistic approach characterized many rural development efforts in the preindependence era. The approach represents an attitude, which is sometimes carried
over even in the most advanced rural development programmes. It was inherent to a
consid-erable extent in the Community Development Programmes that were
introduced in India.Their main modus operandi was to induct a government functionary
in the village, who would act as a guide, philosopher and friend of the villagers and was
expected to familiarize them with modern and scientific ideas about agricultural and
rural development with the presumption that whatever, if anything, they knew about
farming practices was outmoded and needed to be discarded.
The technocratic approach is associated with such programmes that promoted the
spread of the green revolution in 1960s, that are now seeking to introduce
biotechnology and information technology in agriculture. The main aim of such
programmes is to increase the output of agriculture, often without much concern for
institutional, distributional or environmental side effects. However, in recent years, the
latter set of con-cerns is becoming increasingly important and is beginning to receive
greater attention thus engendering a more holistic approach.
The welfarist approach has always been a significant influence in the architecture and
implementation of rural development programmes but has become more promi-nent in
recent times because of the emphasis of the poverty alleviation objective. Ever since
the beginning, the trend is to give increasing attention to the equity aspects of public
expenditure programmes, including those for rural development.
Community Development Programmes:
Inaugurated 2nd October, 1952- total 55 programmes each prject area 300 villages- 3 Blocks of 100
villages each- and into 20 groups containing 5 villages each. expanded with subsequest FYPs
Three Phases:
National Extension Phase: Areas selected ordinary rural development pattern with less
govt. exp.
intensive Community Development Project Phase: more intensive with larger govt exp.
Post intensive Development Phase: assumed- self-perpetuation phase. Exp reduced
Projects - way of classifying 1) Constructional programmes 2) Irrigational Programmes 3) Agricultural
Programmes 4) Institutional Programmes
The Community
"A community, while in it consisting of several parts, is also a part of a larger social system. It is a
dynamic social unit which is subject to change of internal or external origin".
Development
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The development connotes growth or maturation. It implies gradual and sequential phases of
change. According to MacIver "Development" to signify an upward course in a process "that is, of
increasing differentiation.
Analysing the term- Community Development
Community development is a continuous process of social action by which the people of a
community:
o
o
o
o
o
According to Carl Tylor, "community development is a method by which people in villages are
involved in helping to improve their own economic and social conditions and thereby they became
effective working groups in the programme of their national development". This carries the
assumption that people became dynamic if they are permitted to make their own decisions end are
helped to carry on the programme.
Community Development Programme
The community development programme was started in India, just after independence (1952). It
was a multi project programme with the aim of an overall development of rural people. This
programme consisted of agriculture, animal husbandry, irrigation, cooperation, public wealth,
education, social education, communication, village industries etc. There are officials for each
activity at district level to plan execute and evaluate the programme up to the village level.
Essential Elements of CD
The Successful Community Development programme stresses the following basic elements:
1. Activities undertaken must correspond to the basic needs of the community. The first
projects should be initiated in response to the expressed needs of people.
2. There should be concerted action and the establishment of multi-purpose programme.
3. Change in the attitudes of the people is as important as the material achievement through
Community Development during the initial stages of development.
4. Community Development aims at increased and better participation of the people in
community affairs, revitalization of existing forms of local government and transition
towards effective local administration where it is not yet functioning.
5. The identification, encouragement and training of local leadership should be a basic
objective in any programme.
6. Greater reliance on the participation of women and youth in community projects invigorates
development programmes, establishes them on a wide bases and success long-range
expansion.
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7. To be fully effective, community self help projects require both internal and external
assistance from the government.
8. Implementation of a C.D.P. on a national scale require adoption of consistent policies,
specific administrative arrangement, recruitment and training of personnel, mobilization of
local and national resources and organization of research, experimentation and evaluation.
9. The resources of the voluntary non-governmental organization should be fully utilized in
community development programmes at the local, national and international level.
10. Economic and social progress at the local level necessitates parallel development on a wider
national level.
Objectives of the community development programme
In India, the objective behind the community development programme is to develop the
resources of the people numbering about 640 millions who form the rural population. The elements
of development are:
1. General: Farm, home, public service and village community.
2. Specific: To bring improvement in the production of crops and animals, living conditions,
health and education of the people.
3. Elements which need change are: People-men, women and youth.
4. Change agents: The change agents are:
a. Voluntary local leaders-members of Panchayats, village and Block Advisory Committees
etc.
b. Professional community development workers- Village Level Workers, extension officers,
block development officers etc.
Philosophy behind Community Development Programme
The philosophies on which the Community Development Programme should be based are as
follows:
1. 'Work based on felt needs': The programme should help the community to solve some of
the problems which it fells are existent.
2. Work based on assumption that people want to be free from poverty and pain: It is
assumed that the members of the community want a standard of living that allows them to
be free from pain caused due to lack of sufficient, food, lack of sanitary conditions, lack of
clothing and shelter.
3. It is assumed that people wish to have freedom in controlling their own lines and deciding
the forms of economic, religious, educational and political institutions, under which they will
live.
4. People's values given due consideration: It is presumed that cooperation, group-decision,
self-initiative, social responsibility, leadership, trust worthiness and ability to work are
included in the programme.
5. Self-Help: The people actually plan and work on the solution of their problems themselves
of the problems of the community are entirely ameliorated through the efforts of some
outside agency, then the development of such things as group decision making, self-
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initiative, self-reliance leadership etc. will not be forth coming and it cannot be said that the
community is developing.
6. People are the greatest resource: It is by getting the participation of the people in
improvement activities that they become developed.
7. The programme involves a charge in attitudes, habits, ways of thinking, relationships among
people in the level of knowledge and intellectual advancement of people, changes in their
skill practices of agriculture, health etc.
Causes of failure
The causes of the failure of the community development programme are as follows:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
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8. The C.D workers feel unhappy at all levels their moral is not very high unhappy workers or
change agents can not a make a good organization.
BKRV Rao considered CDP wastage of public expenditure and lack of accountability
David Mandelbaum CDP - instrumental - caste inequalities, traditional domination-intensive and
pervasive
Carl Tylor
No doubt- a noble initiative but impact felt only in certain areas. No developmental
programme is good or bad; the problem centres around eagerness, initiative and implantation of the
project
BalwantRai Mehta Committee proposed a three tier system which accorded better supervision of
rural plans
Green Revolution
Of all the developmental programmes introduced during the post-independence period the green
revolution is considered to have been the most successful. The green revolution led to a substantial
increase in agricultural output to the extent that it almost solved India's food problem. It also
produced significant social and political changes in the Indian village and did bring about an
agricultural revolution. In purely economic terms the agricultural sector experienced growth at the
rate of 3 to 5 % per annum which was many times more than what the rate of growth had been
during the colonial period (less than 1%).
The green revolution conceptualized agrarian change in purely technological terms and was based
on the trickle down theory of economic growth. The expression green revolution carried the
conviction that agriculture was being peacefully transformed through the quiet working of science
and technology, reaping the economic gains of modernization while avoiding the social costs of
mass upheaval and disorder usually associated with rapid change.
The term green revolution had been first used during the late 1960s to refer to the effects of the
introduction of higher yielding variety HYV seeds of wheat and rice in developing countries. The
new varieties of seeds required fertility enhancing inputs like chemical fertilizers, controlled
irrigation conditions and plant -protecting chemicals. The other components were providing cheap
institutional credit, price incentives and marketing facilities. In order to back up the application of
new technology on local farms a large number of agricultural universities were also opened in the
regions selected for the new programme.It was under the direct supervision of the Ford Foundation
that the Intensive Agricultural Development Programme was started in 1961.Initially the IADP
operated in 14 districts on an experimental basis it was later extended to 114 districts under the
name of the Intensive Agriculture Areas Programme in 1965.
Its advocates argued that the new technology was scale neutral and could be used with as much
benefit by small as well as big landowners. However in the actual implementation small holdings
were not found to be viable units for technological change. Participating in the green revolution did
not mean the same thing to smaller farmers as it did to bigger farmers. While bigger farmers had
enough surplus of their own to invest in the new capital-intensive farming
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for smaller landowners it meant addl dependence on borrowing generally from informal
sources.
Although theoretically the new technology was scale neutral it was certainly not resource
neutral.
The new technology also compelled widespread involvement with the market. Cultivators
in post-green revolution agriculture had to buy all farm inputs from the market for which
they often had to take credit from traders or institutional sources. In order to clear the
debts they had no choice but to sell the farm yield in the market even when they needed
to keep it for their own consumption. They sold their farm yield immediately after
harvesting when prices were relatively low and bought later in the year for consumption
when prices were higher. Thus although the small farmers took to the new technologies the
fact that their resources were limited meant that these technologies ushered in a new set of
dependencies.
On the other hand it has strengthened the economic and political position of rich farmers.
One of the manifestations of the growing market orientation of agrarian production was the
emergence of a totally new kind of mobilization of surplus producing farmers who
demanded a better deal for the agricultural sector. These new farmers' movements
emerged almost simultaneously in virtually all the green revolution regions. These
movements gained momentum during the decade of the 1980s.These movements were led
by substantial landowners who had benefited most from the developmental programmes
and belonged to the numerically large middle -level caste groups whom Srinivas had called
the dominant castes.
The members of this new social class not only emerged as a dominant group at village level
but they also came to dominate regional /state-level politics in most parts of India. They
had an accumulated surplus that they sought to invest in ever more profitable enterprises.
Some of them diversified into other economic activities or migrated to urban areas or
entered agricultural trade. Culturally also this new class differed significantly from both the
classical peasants and old landlords.
The changes produced by the green revolution also generated an interesting debate among Marxist
scholars-whether capitalism had become dominant in Indian agriculture or was still characterized
by the semi-feudal mode of production. Another set of scholars on the basis of their own empirical
studies mostly from eastern India asserted that Indian agriculture was still dominated by a semifeudal mode of production. According to this school landlords cum moneylenders continued to
dominate the process of agricultural production. Peasants and labourers were tied to them
through the mechanism of debt that led to forced commercialization of labour and agricultural
yield. This produced a self-perpetuating stagnant and exploitative agrarian structure that could be
described as semi-feudal. The internal logic of this system worked against any possibility of
agricultural growth or the development of capitalism in Indian agriculture.
However towards the end of the debate there seems to have emerged a consensus that though it
may have its local specificities and considerable regional variations, the capitalist mode of
production was on its way to dominating the agrarian economy of India and that regions which had
experienced the green revolution.
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The green revolution has been basically a contribution of the middle class peasantry who
have had traditionally a strong attachment to land and agriculture as a mode of life and
livelihood. Green revolution made a departure from the traditional pattern.
The family mode of production continued but authority passed from the older to the
younger generation. The new agriculture required the skill in the peasant to negotiate
with banks, revenue authorities, marketing bodies and block administration. The new
peasant was also required to consult the experts and technicians for irrigation, soil testing,
the use of fertilizers and seeds. This role was performed by the younger generation which
was educated comparatively more than the older generation.
The Green revolution had led to the consolidation of the status of the middle peasantry as a
dominant class. The upper caste class groups which traditionally dominated was replaced
by the middle peasantry or had to compete with them to maintain their traditional status
and power.
They employed a variety of strategies of cooperation, compromises and confrontation
.These set of social forces in rural society led increasingly to social polarization, large scale
migration to cities, social tensions. The relationship between the middle class peasantry
and the lower castes declined and led to exploitation and violence.
Resumption of land by landlords for personal cultivation and eviction of tenants from their
tenure have been the factors leading to this trend. The process was further accelerated by
the Green Revolution
After 1965-HYV-irrigation-fertilizers-self sufficient in food grain production- social ethnic and
political effect.
2 stages-first stage Punjab Haryana western UP- 2nd stage South and western India
Norman Borlaug- M S Swaminathan- wonder wheat Mexico-Punjab and Haryana 200 times
production
Seed cooperatives-credit cooperatives-irrigation cooperatives- fertiliser cooperatives-upper
class rich got the benefit-poor farmers old seed
Scarlett Epistine: In Karnataka- nexus between class caste power- lift irrigation at the centre
of the field of rich farmer-obstruction walls- lands at higher height-no water-less
production-disstress sale-dominant caste became dominant class.
Credit cooperatives- nexus between rich farmers-bribe-capitalist agriculture
P Vardhan- Poverty study is always based on basic needs and its fulfillment- not on
economic sustainability of family- surplus income to invest in education,healthetc- is green
revolution creating employment or disguised unemployment.Effect of GR should studied in
these lines.
GR-productivity increased-but rich poor devide widened-not hepful in rural development .
Bhalla and Chadda- In Punjab and Haryana- 200 villages- the per acre difference in
productivity between rich and poor is 200 times and the income difference is 16 times.
GR-distress migration from Bihar and eastern UP to Punjab and Haryana-exploited.
Lakshmi Menon and Utsa Pattnaik- gender impact on green revolution- family income goes
beyond consumption needs- it becomes status symbol- people become status consciouswomen are withdrwan from labour- economy dominated by men- glorification of gender
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role of women- i.e men as producers and women should stay at home- importance of male
child increased-people have money to take technological aid for selective abortion of
female foetus- GR is one of the adverse gender gap in case of Punjab and Haryana.
GR and power and politics- developed political aspiration-political parties-rich farmers enter
into politics- served interests of rich farmers through cooperatives.
GR and ethnic distinction Punjabi farmers and non punjabi farmers- poor farmers and rich
farmers conflict.
Oomen- positive side of GR- rural employment- addressed rural poverty- food deficit
country to food surplus country.
Changes taking place in one sector leads to change in other sectors also- GR has influenced
local politics-stratifcation-gender status-ethnicity- inter caste relationship- regional
identities- migration.
Law of diminshing returns
Utsa Patnaik- Book- Republic of Hunger- when family gets dividend out of agriculture 1st
thing withdraw women. Patriarchy consolidated. Khap Panchayats strengthened hold etc.
Paul Brass- realised benefits will continue if subsidies there. political mobilisation.
Cooperatives In India
The cooperative movement in India has its origin in agriculture and allied sectors. The first
Cooperative Credit Societies Act was enacted in 1904.Subsequently a more comprehensive
legislation called the Cooperative Societies Act was enacted. This Act provided for the
creation of the post of registrar of cooperative societies and registration of cooperative
societies for various purposes and audit. Under the Montague- Chelmsford Reforms of
1919 cooperation became a provincial subject and provinces were authorized to make
their own cooperative laws. Under the Government of India Act 1935 cooperatives were
treated as a provincial subject. The Cooperative Societies is a state subject under entry No
32 of the State List of the Constitution of India.
In order to cover cooperative societies with membership from more than one province, the
Government of India enacted the Multi-Unit Cooperative Societies Act 1942.This Act dealt
with incorporation and winding up of cooperative societies having jurisdiction in more than
one province. A need was felt for a comprehensive Central legislation to consolidate laws
governing cooperative societies. This led to the enactment of Multi-State Cooperative
Societies Act 1984 by the Parliament under Entry No 44 of the Union List of the Constitution
of India.
After Independence, cooperatives assumed a great significance in poverty removal and
faster socio-economic growth. They became an integral part of the Five Year Plans. As a
result they emerged as a distinct segment in Indian economy. In the First Year Plan it was
specifically stated that the success of the Plan would be judged among other things, by the
extent it was implemented through cooperative organizations.
In 1958 the National Development Council (NDC) had recommended a national policy on
cooperatives. The cooperative sector has been playing a distinct and significant role in the
countrys process of socio-economic development. There has been a substantial growth of
this sector in diverse areas of the economy during the past few decades. The number of all
types of cooperatives increased from 1.81 lakh in 1950-51 to 4.53 lakh in 1996-97.The total
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membership of cooperative societies increased from 1.55 crore to 20.45 crore in the same
period. The cooperatives have been operating in various areas of the economy such as
credit, production, processing, marketing, input distribution, housing, dairying and textiles.
In some of the areas of their activities like dairying, urban banking and housing, sugar and
handlooms, the cooperatives have achieved success to an extent but there are larger areas
where they have not been so successful.
The failure of cooperatives can be attributed to
o dormant membership and lack of active participation of members in the
management of cooperatives.
o Mounting over dues in cooperative credit institutions,
o lack of mobilization of internal resources and
o over dependence on government assistance,
o lack of professional management,
o bureaucratic control and interference in the management,
o political interference and over-politicization have proved harmful to their growth.
For the success of any developmental effort in the agricultural sector is to synergize with the
efforts in the cooperative sector. Development of cooperative sector has many benefits. It
will involve all sections of the society in development efforts. Cooperative sector of Indian
economy has a spiritual content too when it was led by Vinoba Bhave.Cooperative sector
has inbuilt democracy and only those who can demonstrate their commitment and
efficiency can survive in the cooperative elections. Nowadays most of the financial
institutions in the cooperative sector are also run on purely commercial basis. It is here that
the State intervention can make the difference. The grant, subsidies and aid meant for the
poor farmers must be channeled through the cooperative sector. Once there are enough
resources in the sector in terms of money there will be increased participation by the people
and will result in the all round development of the village.
Panchayat Raj institutions and cooperative sector can bring about positive change in the
rural areas. Cooperatives have extended across the entire country and there are currently
estimated 230 million members nationwide. The cooperative credit system has the largest
network in the world and cooperatives have advanced more credit in the Indian agricultural
sector than commercial banks. In fertilizer production and distribution the Indian Fertilizer
Cooperative commands over 35% of the market. In the production of sugar the cooperative
share of the market is over 58% and in cotton they have share of 60%.The cooperative
sector accounts for 55% of the looms in the hand-weaving sector.
. Insurance is a field where the immense potential of cooperatives still remains untapped.
In the new economic environment cooperatives at all levels are making efforts to reorient
their functions according to the market demands.
Cooperatives are also considered to have immense potential to deliver goods and services in
areas where both the state and the private sector have failed.
Cooperative protecting farmers and peasants today from progression of globalisation
Daniel Thorner looks into the total cooperatives operating in different parts of the country
he visited around 60 cooperatives in Tamil Nadu, Bihar, Karnataka and so on he found out
that initial stage the local moneylenders of Andhra Pradesh projected the credit cooperative
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schemes but subsequently they became the office bearers of cooperatives and use money
for moneylending purpose to generate profit
in Uttar Pradesh and method British cooperatives were controlled by dominant process.
Leading to a situation where people fail to understand the distinction between Sehkari and
Sarkari.
Faced study of cooperatives of Karnataka he found that specific dominant families
administrative positions. Best cooperatives by retired officers. Cooperatives working for
private gain and for dominant families in caste.
Therefore cooperatives are not committed to economic inclusion impact capitalist
development is taking place in socialist India.
1904-cooperative societies act- started Now-all over the country
Cooperative credit system-largest in the world-have given more credit than commercial
banks
Village cooperative societies- strategic input in agricultural sector- consumer society meets
their consumption at concessional rates- coopratives help in building store houses-godowns
and cold storages,irrigation and rural roads etc
Sugar cooperatives-fertiliser cooperatives-national diary development board- cooperative
milk marketing board- early 1970s Operation flood-diary processing plants-collection
stations-natinal milk transportation grid.
After the insurance act-cooperatives are in insurance sector as well.
Indian farmers fertilizers cooperatives-teamed up with japans cooperatives-internal in
nature. the central govt enacted the Multi State Cooperative Societies Act, 2002 which
provided for democratic and autonomous working of the Cooperatives.
Why coopeartives important- for the poor-unskilled-illiterate-institution of mutual help and
sharing- softens the social conflict and reduces the social divisions- reduces the
bureaucratics evils-overcomes the huddles of agri development- craetesconducive
environment for small scale industries.
Why growth is slow:
o Govts interference
o Manipulations and mismanagement-in elections for the top posts
o Lack of awareness
o Restricted coverage
o Functional weakness-lack of trained personnel-efficient people dont join them.
Baviskar -study of sugar cooperatives in Maharashtra
o concept of bonded labour present
o most sugar cane fields controlled by rich
o sugar processing industries new fields
o developed political interest. Eg Sharad Pawar
o capitalism came from grassroots
Satyadev: study of seed cooperatives- Haryana
o HYV seeds were limited in supply therefore each cooperative cot limited seeds
o rich farmers good seeds small farmers that the generated seats cheaper rates
o per capita productivity for land of which increased and poor decreased
o income gap.
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Daniel Thorner- study of 250 villages-Earlier- land to tiller- but people controlled landlargely capitalist
Ashok Rudra- No changes in crops. Same crops for centuries. And for self consumption too.
profit for conspicuous consumption-Part capitalist
Utsa Patnaik- pre- capitalist- preparatory stage for capitalism getting created.
PC Joshi- Disguised zamindari present- feudalistic
Amit Bhiduri- Part feudal. Majority. Caitalist spirit- but lack means.
Gail Omvedt and Jan Berman- Teritorially into different parts- Semi feudal, Feudal, Semicapitalism, Pure capitalism
K.L. Sharma elaborates the second position, caste incorporates the element of class and class has a
cultural (caste) style, hence the two systems cannot be easily separated even analytically. They
were the three classes of the landowners (zamindars), the tenants and the agricultural labourers.
The landowners (zamindars) were tax gatherers and non-cultivating owners of land. They belonged
to the upper caste groups. The agricultural labourers were placed in a position of bondsmen and
hereditarily attached labourers. They belonged to the lower caste groups.
Land reforms led to the eviction of smaller tenants on a large scale. But the intermediate castes of
peasants, e.g., the Ahir, Kurmi etc. in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh benefited
P.C. Joshi has summarised in the following manner the trends in the agrarian class structure and
relationships.
It led to the decline of feudal and customary types of tenancies. It was replaced by a more
exploitative and insecure lease arrangement.
It gave rise to a new commercial based rich peasant class who were part owners and part
tenants. They had resource and enterprise to carry out commercial agriculture.
It led to the decline of feudal landlord class and another class of commercial farmers
emerged for whom agriculture was a business.
Kotovsky has noted the process of increasing proletarianisation of the peasantry in villages. The
process of social mobility and transformation in rural India has been explained by sociologists by the
terms embourgeoisement and proletarianisation. Embourgeoisement refers to the phenomenon of
upward mobility of the intermediate class peasantry i.e., their emergence as new landlords.
Proletarianisation describes the process of downward mobility, i.e., depeasantisation of small and
marginal peasants and a few landlords and their entry into the rank of the rural landless agricultural
labourers.
Problems of Rural labour
The main factors which make it difficult to organises the workers are:
the large number of employers (land holders), dispersal of workers over a large geographical
region,
uncertainty of employment (seasonal in nature),
rapid growth of rural population resulting in surplus man power,
family labour substituting for the hired labour, and overall low productivity in agriculture.
The main factors which make it difficult to organises the workers are:
the large number of employers (land holders), dispersal of workers over a
large geographical region,
uncertainty of employment (seasonal in nature),
rapid growth of rural population resulting in surplus man power,
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family labour substituting for the hired labour, and overall low productivity in agriculture.
Impact on female labour: there are gender differential in earnings. The reported differences in
daily earnings of male & female agricultural labourers are a clear indication of discrimination against
latter
The discontents of the rural labour were also manifested in vehement out burst of the radical
peasant movements viz., the Tebhaga Movement 1946-47, Telangana 1948-52 and in the Naxalite
Movement 1967-1971.
MIGRATION
Migration is usually defined as a geographical movement of people involving a change from their
usual place of residence
Sociological Significance: Migration is the third component of population change, the other
two being mortality and fertility. But unlike first two, Migration is influenced by the wishes
of persons involved.
Forms Internal, External; internal and external: inmigration and outmigration; Internal:
Rural-Rural; Rural Urban; Urban Urban; Urban Rural
The female migration is largely sequential to marriage, because it is a Hindu custom to take
brides from another village
Reasons for migration:
o Economic Factors: The most important economic factors that motivate migration
may be termed as Push Factors and Pull Factors, Push Back factors: In India,
according to Asish Bose, the urban labour force is sizeable, and the urban
unemployment rates are high, and there also exist pools of underemployed persons.
All these factors acts in combination as deterrents to the fresh flow of migration
from the rural to urban areas.
o Socio-Cultural and Political Factors: Family conflicts etc; Improved communication
facilities, such as, transportation, impact of the radio and the television, the cinema,
the urban-oriented education and resultant change in attitudes and values also
promote migration
Consequences:
o Economic
o Demographic
o Social and Psychological
o Refugees problem etc
BONDED LABOUR
Bonded labor in India can be viewed as a product of social, historical, economic, and cultural
factors.
In fact, system of bonded labour, as prevalent in Indian society, is a relic of feudal
hierarchical society.
Bonded labor, which is characterized by a long-term relationship between employer and
employee, is usually solidified through a loan, and is embedded intricately in Indias socioeconomic culturea culture that is a product of class relations, a colonial history, and
persistent poverty among many citizens
Bonded labor is most prevalent in rural areas where the agricultural industry relies on
contracted, often migrant laborers. However, urban areas also provide fertile ground for
long-term bondage.
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wage. The suggestion has also been posited that learn and earn policies, which combine
work and school
Recent Example, July 2014- Two runaways from bonded labour in brick kiln- right hands
were axed. From Chhatisgarh, taken to Hyderabad to work in Kilns
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style and the poor people lived in misery and suffered from oppressions and
exploitation.
Colonial Urban Economy:
o Destruction of Urban Handicrafts
o Growth of Modern Industries
Foreign Capital
Unintended Consequences of Modern Industrialisation: There developed a
unified national economy as a result of introduction of the modern factory
system of production, commercialisation of the economy & spread of
modem transport system
o New Social Classes:
Capitalists: There were however several business communities who were
initially the collaborators and middlemen with the British, like the Parsis and
Marwaris who ventured in to setting up industries. The Marwaris of Calcutta
moved from being traders to industrialist in the jute business.
Others: class of petty traders & shopkeepers were bound up
Post independence:GS-III- mixed economy, Govt. regulations, gradual decontrol,NEP
Mode of production: in Indian economy we find both the capitalist and the pre-capitalist
form, we mean it only in terms of the mode of production. Indian economy still has some
elements of asiatic and feudal modes of production. In this sense the Indian economy is
multi-form or multi-structural in nature. There is a coexistence of several modes of
production.
Small Scale Industries: Small-scale industries are divided into three categories.
o first - domestic & cottage industries - traditional goods & depending on family
labour.
o Second-industries-produce modern commodities by traditional methods, e.g., handweaving, soap-making and match manufacture.
o third category includes modern small units and ancillaries. They use industrial
sources of power, raw materials, wage labour & modern means of production -tools
and machineries.
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Changing occupational structureSince mid-1991, in India wide range of economic reforms were carried out with the aim to liberalize
and globalize the economy. Internal liberalization included the dismantling of a complex industrial
licensing system, opening up to private investors a number of sectors previously reserved for the
state, some divestment of stock in the public sector, decontrol of administered prices, and financial
liberalization. External liberalization measure included removal of non-tariff barriers to imports,
reduction in import tariffs, incentive for foreign direct investment and technology inflows, allowing
Indian firms to borrow from abroad, and the opening up of Indian stock markets to foreign investors.
Employment and wages are the major potential channels through which the social impact of
increased openness and globalization are felt. The sectoral distribution of the workforce also reveals
some surprises.
After economic liberalization the general economic trend is that while the corporate sector of
industry is growing the public sector and small-scale industries are either facing stagnation or
gradual decline. The fast growing high-tech corporate sector is capital intensive and therefore the
employment generation capacity of this sector is limited. Since the large industries are now resorting
to subcontracting there has been a steady growth of casual and self-employed workers and
feminization of workforce.
Another recent trend is that the large-scale industries in the private sector (national as well as
multinational) are coming up mostly outside the geographical limits of the large cities because it is
very difficult to find the required land within the cities
Entrepreneurs from the national and global market invest in industries, most of these coming up in
and around large cities. Globalisation, unfortunately, brings little relief to agrarian economy, as the
latter has nocapacity to provide incentive to attract the global players. Instead, the import of
agriculture and related products from international market impacts negatively the rural economy by
lowering down the prices of the products. Sluggish growth in production, near stagnation in
productivity often results .in rise in rural unemployment. Thus, the negative impact of liberalisation
becomes much more significant and visible in the rural than in urban economy. Unfortunately,
structural constraints and imperfections of labour market have inhibited or slowed down the
process of this shift. Often, collapse of certain industries activities due to slump in global market has
pushed the migrants back to their rural occupations.
The growth in employment in the organised manufacturing sector in India during the postliberalisation period was distinctively higher, 4.15 percent per annum as against 0.6 percent in the
preceding decade
After liberalization, new industries have often been located in the villages and small towns around
the big cities, due to easy availability of land, access to unorganized labour market and less stringent
implementation of environmental regulation. This has resulted in what may be described as
degenerated peripheralisation where the pollutant industries and poor migrants are obliged to
locate in the hinterland that have very poor quality of living.
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Urban Scenario:
The Work Participation Ratio (WPR) is defined as the percentage of male and female
workers to the corresponding population. Seen a decline over the years
female work participation rate had increased in prime working age group in urban India.
However, the occupational differential by sex, caste and religion is quite distinct. In large
cities of India the widely practiced employment among females is domestic workers
followed by clerical and related workers
Rural scenario
An analysis of data from National Sample Surveys 55th round for 1999-2000 reveals that
there is marked shift in the structure of employment in India. The shift away from
agriculture is fairly dramatic. Broadly these shifts can be divided in three categories
o decline in the workforce engaged in crop production is higher than in the agriculture
as a whole
o increase in employment based on livestock is high and
o forestry is not absorbing a large share of workforce
o NDE- Non Farm Employment is on a rise
Harold Goulds study of fifty rickshawalas of Lucknow revealed that this occupational
category comprised twenty-seven Hindus ranging from the highest and purest Brahmin caste
to the lowest and most defiled Chamar caste, four Nepali Hindu and nineteen Muslim. This
gives an example of a complete disintegration of the occupational feature of the caste
system
Matrimonial columns are not only useful in finding suitable match for the prospective bride or
groom, but also a significant indicator of changing perception of people vis--vis changing
nature of occupation at least for urban areas. But now professionals of so-called knowledge
economy are preferred over the traditional ones.
Traditionally in this sector was included hotel industry, travel and tourism and catering. At
present this sector includes all the Knowledge Process Outsourcing (KPOs), BPOs,
telemarketing, medical tourism, adventure tourism, social auditing and event management.
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(i.e., impact of urbanisation) stretch far behind its administrative boundaries. and patterns
of behaviour among the city-dwellers.
2nd- Primary and Secondary Urbanisation: Robert Redfield and Milton Singer elaborate the
role of cities in the light of the impact of urban growth and urbanisation on a culture. They
describe the city as a centre of cultural innovation, diffusion and progress. the trend of
primary urbanisation is to coordinate political, economic, educational, intellectual and
aesthetic activities to the norms provided by Great Tradition. The process of secondary
urbanisation works in the industrial phase of the city, and is characterised by heterogenetic
development. Thus, the effects of secondary urbanisation are those of disintegration. They
opine that: the general consequence of secondary urbanisation is the weakening of
suppression of the local and traditional cultures by states of mind that are incongruent with
those local cultures. The first type carries forward the regional tradition, and the city
becomes its epi-centre, the second type bring external elements to the city.
3rd-Changing Social and Economic Institutions The relationships of community-living tend to
become impersonal, formal, goaloriented, contractual and transitory. Process of
urbanisation = breakdown in the functioning of traditional institutions and patterns of
behaviour and of social control. Transformation of ecocnomic activities from agricultural to
non agricultural= more employment in secondary and tertiary sector=division of labour
and specialisation of work.
Though India known for villages but it has got 2nd highest urban population with 38 crores
In the present times spread of industrialisation has gave momentum to the urbanisation
process,especially in the third world countries.
Rapid growth of urban population= in social science a controversial term called over
urbanisation.
Sometimes the traditional forms continue to exist but change and evolve at the face of
urbanisation.
Yogendra Singh- many new roles, often rational and modern in orientation, are added on
to the traditional institutional forms. In India, the traditional institutions like caste, joint
family and neighbourhood, etc., offer ample evidence of such continuity and change in
cities.
Urban growth coupled with industrialisation = rural urban migration= tend to overflow
with rural migrants = such migrations accelerate the pace of urbanisation.Excessive
population pressure on the public utilities, cities suffer problems of crime, slums,
unemployment, urban poverty, pollution, congestion, ill health and other deviant social
activities. Environmental Decay
Urbanisation has been viewed as an important force of social change. In India, this process
has, on the one hand, meant economic growth, political change, new values and new
attitudes. It reflects also the elements of continuity between rural and urban social
structures.
City- sociological definition: Some scholars have defined a city as a place which has become
so large that people no longer know each other. Sombart calls this a "sociological"
definition. For very small cities the statement is patently incorrect. In big cities face-to-face
contacts are more numerous than anywhere else in the country; for this reason Sorokin and
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Zimmerman correctly consider greater number of contacts as an urban, not as a rural chalacteristic
Social Cultural Character of Urbanisation
Cities of India have achieved heterogeneous character in terms of ethnicity, caste, race,
class and culture. Coexistence of different cultures. Cultural pluralism.
Studies show that though various ethnic and/or caste groups have adjusted themselves
with each other in the city, they have also tried to maintain their traditional identity.
N.K. Bose points out that the migrants tend to cluster around people with whom they have
linguistic, local, regional, caste and ethnic ties.
A study by Jagannathan and Haldar on the pavement-dwellers in Calcutta shows that retain close ties with kinship & caste groups for socializing & transmitting/receiving
information from village.
Social stratification has taken a new form in the urban society. It is assumed that with
urbanisation caste transforms itself into class in the urban areas. But caste systems do exist
in the cities though with significant organizational differences.
Marriage and family- In the urban areas caste norms have been flexible with regard to the
selection of mates. There have been increasing opportunities for the free mixing of young
men and women. Again the voluntary associations have encouraged inter-caste marriages.more than b4
Though it has been pointed out that joint families are breaking down in the urban areasfrom family
Social Classes in Urban India
- Commercial and Industrial Classes
- Corporate Sector
- Professional Classes
- Petty Traders, Shopkeepers, and Unorganised Workers
- Working Classes
Consequences of urbanisation
urbanisation-slums-hygiene-tansport-health-pollution-environmental
unplanned
degradation-antisocial elements-migration- unsufficient water suppy- inadequate housing.
(Special mention may be made here of the old houses, which are deteriorating in the sense
that they are unserved, overcrowded and dilapidated) In Greater Bombay, as many as 77 per
cent of the households with an average of 5.3 persons live in one room, and many others are
forced to sleep on the pavements at night.
Urbanisation with westernisation & modernisation=rapid social change both in rural &
urban areas.
MN Srinivas -urbanisation in southern India has a caste component and that, it was the
Brahmin who first left the village for the towns and took advantage of western education
and modern professions. At the same time as they retained their ancestral lands they
continued to be at the top of the rural socio-economic hierarchy. In urban areas they had a
near monopoly of all non-manual posts.
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As a result of migration there has been a flow of urban money into the rural areas.
Emigrants regularly send money to their native villages. - to clear off loans, build houses and
educate children.
Many
cultural
traits
have
in
rural
areas
from
urban
areas
dress,food,ideas,values,thoughts,ideologies etc-due to increase in communication, radio,
television, newspaper, computer etc.
The differing viewpoints held by various sociologist wherein one expects urbanisation as a
leading force pushing Indian society towards modernisation thereby transforming caste
into class, while on the other hand sociologists like MN Srinivas points out that it is
transforming caste old into caste new rather than changing caste into class, - better to be
called westernisation than modernisation.
Rapid urbanisation:
Social consequences crime, isolation and maladjustment
Crime: urban anonymity in a way encourages resorting to unlawful activities, as the
traditional agencies of social control and law and order become noticeably weak. Under
these conditions of urban living, crimes such as theft, burglary, kidnapping and abduction,
murder, rape, cheating, criminal breach of trust, gambling, prostitution, alcoholism and
counterfeiting, etc., have become almost routine affairs in most cities, especially the
million cities.
Isolation: The rapid growth of urban population leads to greater divisions of labour and
specialisation of work which, in turn, creates interdependence among individuals
participating in a given economic activity. The heterogeneity of population, especially in
matters of social status, caste, class, religion, income, occupation, etc., creates partial
isolation under which, as K. Davis says, integrity of particular groups is reinforced by
maintaining social distance (avoidance) toward other groups.
Maladjustment: It generates and strengthens the forces of social change, leading to new
social reality and inevitable pressures of conformity. They, in fact, present cases of Marginal
Man Marginal Mana concept developed by Robert E.Park The marginal-man, in simple
words, is said to be one who is in the process of changing from one culture to another. Some
scholars have also used the term transitional man in the sense that the individual in
question is in the process of assimilation with the culture of the place of his destination.
Impact of urbanisation in rural areas:
Population growth leads to a higher ratio of people to land, called material density by Emile
Durkheim. He differentiated two types of density, namely (i) material density, that is, simple
ratio of people to land and (ii) dynamic or moral density, that is, the rate of interaction, or
communication within a population.
Rao distinguishes three different situation of urban impact in the rural areas. In the villages
from where large number of people migrate to the far off cities, urban employment
becomes a symbol of higher social prestige. Villages, which are located near the towns,
receive influx of immigrant workers and face the problems of housing, marketing and social
ordering. Lastly, in the process of the growth of metropolitan cities some villages become
the rural-pockets in the city areas.
At present, many cultural traits are diffused from cities to the rural areas. For example, dress
patterns like pants, shirts, ties, skirts, jeans etc. diffuse from cities to the rural areas
increase in communication via radio, television, newspaper, computer, the Internet and
telephone.
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The question who and what is working class is not an easy one to answer. There is a
problem of where to draw the line. The difference further extends in terms of skill, sex, age,
income and caste.
In the Marxian scheme, the capitalist society -2 principal classes: bourgeoisie and
proletariat.
India has a multi-structural economy where a number of pre-capitalist relations of
production co-exist with capitalist relations of production.
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of some industries, the workers who had lost their livelihoods, joined as disstressed
labourers.
Emergence of working class=With the growth of modern industries= similar experience and
shared interests = formation of working class in the later half of the 19th century.
Hence, the consciousness of being exploited by the capitalists/ owners of factories was
evident as early as 1888, when workers of Shyamnagar Jute Mill assaulted the
manager.That is, the reactions against the exploitation in early phases were marked by
riots, affrays, assaults and physical violence.
However, the process of class formation among workers in India was marked by
fundamental differences as opposed to their European counterparts.:
- The gap between destruction of traditional cottage industry and its partial
replacement by modern industries was about two to three generations. The
dispossessed artisans and craftsmen lost their age-old technical skill and when they
entered the modern industries, they did so without any initial skills.
- In India, after the destruction of traditional handicraft and cottage industry, modern
industry did not grow up in its place. The dispossessed artisans and craftsmen were
compelled to depend on village economy & earn livelihood as landless peasants and
agricultural labourers.
- When the workers, after long and close association with agricultural life, entered the
modern industries and got transformed into modern workers, they did it in with the
full inheritance of the legacy and various superstitions, habits and customs of
agricultural life. There was no opportunity for these men to get out of casteism,
racialism and religious superstition of Indian social life and harmful influence of
medieval ideas.
Consolidation of working class= end of 19th century and beginning of 20th century=
organised national movements and consolidation of the working class.
This political development worked as a favorable condition for the Indian working class
too for moving ahead with its economic struggles and raising them to a higher pitch. These
struggles led to the laying of the foundation of the first trade unions of the country.
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3. section of WC at the bottom of wage scale the mass of contract and sometimes
casual labourers in industry, including construction, brick making and other casual
workers.
- 4., below all these lie a reserve army of labour, who work in petty commodities
production in petty trading, ranging from hawking to rag-picking. They are
generally engaged in the informal sector and carry on for the want of sufficient
survival wage.
Better paid labour has also much greater job security. However the workers on the lower
end of the wage scale have not only job security but also considerable extra-economic
coercion and personal bondage which leads to lack of civil rights. Similarly, working
conditions for the low paid workers are uniformly worse than for high paid workers.
So, in the same plant or site there is a clear difference in the safety measures for the two
groups of workers.
The situation worsens further with regard to women workers.
-
Informal Sector
Informal sector=informal economy= that part of an economy that is not taxed, monitored
by any form of government, or included in any gross national product (GNP). In India around
70% of the potential working population earn their living in the informal sector.
Agricultural workers constitute by far the largest segment of workers in the unorganized
sector.
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The informal sector continues to remain bigger than organised sector in many key respects
in spite of the large control over resources and social economic power enjoy it by the
organised sector.
Despite its large, substantial place in economy, the unorganised sector is a relatively
neglected sector
Features of Informal sector:
Low level of organisation, less than 10 employess, sometimes immediate family memebers
Heterogeneity in activities
Easy entry and exit than the formal sector
Usually low capital investment, no difference between capital and labour
Labour intensive job, low level skills, workers learn on the job
Emplyoee and employer relationship is informal and unwritten with little and no rights
Isolation & invisibility, - unaware of their rights, cant organise them - little negotiating
power
Categories of informal sector:-
Based on occupation- Small and marginal farmers, landless agricultural labourers, share
croppers, fishermen, those engaged in animal husbandry, in beedi rolling, labelling and
packing, building and construction, collection of raw hides and skins, handlooms weaving in
rural areas, brick kilns and stone quarries, saw mills, oil mills, et cetera.
Based upon nature of employment: attached agricultural labourers, bonded labourers,
migrant workers, contract and casual labourers et cetera.
Specifically distressed categories: scavengers, carriers of head loads, drivers of animal
driven vehicles, loaders, unloaders et cetera.
Service categories: midwives, domestic workers, barbers, vegetable/fruit vendor,newspaper
vendor etc
Problems of informal sector:
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weaving, rural artisans and craft persons, agarbatti makers, zari workers, papad makers,
cobblers, lady tailors, carpenters, etc.
Major features of construction industry - that it is prone to risks of accidents. Majority
unreported.
sexual exploitation of women migrant workers;
very less amount of money paid in the form of wage;
most of the migrant workers in the informal sector live in slums with poor sanitation health hazard.
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Street vendors form a very large section of the urban informal sector in developing countries. In
India one estimate notes that around 2% of the total urban population is engaged in street vending
(GOI 2004). A lot of the goods sold by street vendors, such as clothes and hosiery, leather and
moulded plastic goods, household goods and some items of food, are manufactured in small scale
or home-based industries. While the formal sector shows a negative growth in employment, the
small-scale manufacturing sector shows a lot of buoyancy.
A study on street vendors, conducted in these cities, show that around 30% of the street vendors
in Ahmedabad and Mumbai and 50% in Kolkata were once engaged in the formal sector (Bhowmik
2000). A study conducted by SEWA in Ahmedabad shows that around half the retrenched textile
workers are now street vendors.
Child labour, a manifestation of poverty in the country has become a social problem in
India.
worst forms of child labor which includes Child Slavery, Child prostitution, Child Trafficking,
Child Soldiers. Official figure of child laborers world wide is 13 million. But the actual
number is much higher.Kenya,Somalia,Nigeria,Bangladesh,Pakistan,India.
India has dubious distinction of being the nation with largest number of child laborers in the
world.
They do not go to school; more than half of them are unable to learn the barest skills of
literacy. Poverty is one of the main reasons behind this phenomenon.
The unrelenting poverty forces the parents to push their young children in all forms of
hazardous occupations. In India the emergence of child labor is also because of
unsustainable systems of landholding in agricultural areas and caste system in the rural
areas.
the owners of some of the small-scale enterprises also prefer to employ child labour. For
them, child labour is cheap. It reduces the cost of production and maximise their profit.
Debt that binds them to their employer is incurred not by children themselves but by their
parent.
The arrangements between the parents and contracting agents are usually informal and
unwritten. The number of years required to pay off such a loan is indeterminate. The lower
castes such as Dalits and tribal make them vulnerable groups for exploitation.
Migration to cities- On arrival in overcrowded cities the disintegration of family units takes
place through alcoholism, unemployment or disillusionment of better life etc. The girls are
forced to work as sex -workers or beggars. number of girls end up working as domestic
workers on low wages .
Sometimes children are abandoned by their parents or sold to factory owners. Low wages
and low bargaining power.
Unorganized sector child labor is paid by piece-by-piece rates - even longer hours for very
low pay.
After RTE-2009, no child can work in wage based employment below the age of 14.
The Bonded Labour System Act of 1976 -Indian Constitution's directive of ending forced
labour.
There are laws governing the use of migrant labour and contract labour.
The Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation law) of 1986 designates a child as a person
who has
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completed their 14th year of age. In light of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory
Education Act, 2009, the Bill seeks to prohibit employment of children below 14 years in all
occupations except where the child helps his family after school hours.
Child labour (prohibition and regulation amendment Bill ) 2012-new term adolescent-14 to
18- no hazardous industry work.The Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012
Juvenile Delinquency:
Juvenile Delinquency has been defined as some form of antisocial behaviour involving personal and
social disorganisation. It is a form of conduct that goes against the norms and laws of society and
that tends to affect people adversely. Some think that delinquency is any act, course of conduct or
situation which might be brought before a court and adjudicated. Therefore, delinquency involves a
pattern of behaviour which deviates from the normal and is forbidden. Factors:
Broken home, where children do not get love, warmth, affection and
security,
Bad housing and lack of space for recreation in homes and in
neighbourhood,
Poverty and neglect by parents,
Child working in vocations and places which are congenial to delinquency,
Undesirable companionship in school, work place and neighbourhood, and
Undesirable influence of cinema and literature and other mass media.
Corrective Measures: In the discussion of juvenile delinquency, age is an important factor. according
to the Juvenile Justice Act 1986, a boy who has not attained the age of 16 or a girl who has not
attained the age of 18 years is considered a juvenile in India. Juvenile courts have been formed to
treat juvenile cases in very informal and simple atmosphere. These courts are headed by full time
special magistrates, preferably women. There are Remand Homes where juvenile delinquents are
kept till the cases are decided, by the court.
The census defines a slum as residential areas where dwellings are unfit for human
habitation because they are dilapidated, cramped, poorly ventilated, unclean, or any
combination of these factors which are detrimental to the safety and health and covers
all 4,041 statutory towns.
Slum population accounts for a substantial share of urban population in all types of cities in
India.
An estimated 160 million people have moved to the cities in the last two decades, and
another 230 million are projected to move there within the next 20 years
17% of Urban india lives in slums
Slums-substandard housing-over crowding-lack of electrification-ventilation-sanitaionroads-drinking water facilities- breeding ground for diseases-anti social elements-povertyjuvenile delinquency-gambling.
The National Institute of Urban Affairs, New Delhi, has recorded that the emergence of
slums is essentially the product of three forces:
a. Greater potential for employment, which attracts rural people;
b. incapacity to meet the rising demand for housing
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it out. They wait till the land gets authorised, which usually happens just before the
election. Therefore slum operates as a big source of profit for them.
People living in particular slum largely come from one area - they address each other in
primary kinship terms and follow traditional form of rituals. Thus slums - evolving - mini
cultural Centre.
Slums have a culture of their own, which Marshall Clinard has termed as a way of life.
MSA Rao advocate that slums are not the centres of cultural poverty rather they are
centres of cultural prosperity. People living in slums glorify, practice and promote their
culture.
MS Gore conceded that slums and urban growth are complementary to each other because
for the construction of roads, buildings migrant workers come from different pockets of
the country. They offer their service at a cheaper rate to the mainstream occupation. He
further said that slum provides emotional comfort to people and therefore slum is the
lifeline of urbanity, it's the sweet spot on the beautiful face of urban India.
Marxist sociologists point out that urban centres develop out of the sweat and blood of
poor people for which they do not get any benefit. They further consider that most of the
people living in slums are accused of crime, drug paddling and other kinds of criminal
activities. Slums are used as a source of cheap labour by the urban upper and middle class
and therefore growth of slum is talking about exploitation between haves and have-nots in
modern society.
GS Ghurye- in his book Sociology of slums slums are the other cultures that doesnt carry
commonalities with Sanskritik Hindu culture. Therefore protest movements coming out
from the slum is questioning to the unity and integrity of the Indian society.
In conclusion it can be said that slums is not a challenge to urban planners, rather it is an
area of sociological research that takes into consideration tha factors like-1. Slums and
social change 2. functions and dysfunctions of slums 3. slums and deviance
Delhi Slums Record show: Delhi - a swelling of its population from 2 Mn in 1947 to over 13 Mn
today
1500 shanty colonies in Delhi over 3 million people.
The average population density in a shanty town is 300,000 people per square kilometer.
An average dwelling houses 6-8 people, yet measures 6ft (2mt) 8ft (2.5mt).
The under-five mortality rate is 149 per 1000 live births.
1 water pump on average serves 1000 people.
Many slums have no facilities. Where latrines are provided, the average is 1 latrine per 27
households.
Strategies for transforming Indias slums:
Observations for experiences of other countries:
Firstly, slums are a logical response to urbanisation and the relative lack of opportunity
outside of major urban centres in predominantly poor countries. They are facilitated by the
right to migrate. So, they are a structural phenomenon.
Secondly, slums become a system of living perpetuated by economics, politics and societal
factors. Therefore, it makes sense to see them as a part of the system of a country and also
the global system of trade and distribution of wealth.
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Thirdly, people accept and adapt to their circumstances without (external) triggers to
encourage them to do otherwise. In this sense, slums are adaptive organisms.
Fourthly, slum dwellers can improve slum to a large extent if mobilised to do so. Therefore,
they can also be developed - any organisational entity through application of techniques of
change management.
Finally, slum dwellers cannot transform their slum without the support of the environment
around them. They lack critical human - financial resources to make a clean break from
situation.
Strategies:
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28. What are the linkage points between globalization and the growth of the informal
sector? How have these affected the nature and functioning of the working class?
Women in IT sector:
The onset of Liberalisation and Globalisation in 1990s paved the way for growth of IT
industry in India. IT industry enjoys natural comparative advantage of 12 hour time-gap with
most of the overseas countries, exposure to a large cross- section of educated Englishspeaking but cheap labour force and, above all, Indian Governments policy incentives
Employment opportunities in IT Sector: The Indian IT-BPO industry has emerged as the
largest private sector employer in the country with direct employment of about 2.23 million
professionals. The percentage of female employees, over the years, has steadily increased
from 35% in 2006 to 36% in 2008 at the junior level
Employment opportunities in IT Sector: The Indian IT-BPO industry has emerged as the
largest private sector employer in the country with direct employment of about 2.23 million
professionals. The percentage of female employees, over the years, has steadily increased
from 35% in 2006 to 36% in 2008 at the junior level
IT industry is the destination of the privileged- young, educated, urban and upper caste
with middle class family background- constitute the majority of the workforce. She further
observes that women professionals have enhanced their social status in terms of having
economic capital (high income, foreign travels), social capital (role model and greater
prospects of marriage) and symbolic capital (prestige attached to profession).
Glass ceiling, Feminization and associated constraints make IT a gendered workplace:
Women workforce generally gets concentrated at the bottom , where senior level
representation of women is only 5%. Reasons attributed to this are : (i) stereotyped female
professional (2) personal sense of mid career guilt (3) proverbial glass ceiling.
Hochschild and Machung observed that in the earlier economy, female labour force has two
shifts viz. the 1st shift in office and the 2nd shift at home. But, actually, women more often
juggle between three shifts i.e. Job, Childcare and Housework whereas the men juggle
between jobs and childcare. Hochschild later propounded the idea of a third shift in
conformity with the call for the New Economy. Longer working hours at the office in the
first shift (at workplace) often encroach on the family time i.e. the second shift (at home) i.e.
needs to be hurried and rationalised. The situation forces the parents to engage themselves
in a third shift i.e. noticing, understanding and coping with the emotional consequences of
the compressed second shift. Parents do make real effort to eliminate the wasted time.
The Impact of Globalisation on Employment in India & Responses from Formal &
Informal Sectors
Two claims about the impact of globalisation have been made in India. One, made by the
corporate lobby, is that globalisation requires the dilution of existing labour standards and, a
forteriori, strong resistance to any strengthening of workers' rights, since these are an
obstacle to competitiveness in the global economy as well as to attracting foreign
investment. The other, made by mainstream Left parties and their trade unions, is that
globalisation, through the agency of transnational corporations, the World Bank, IMF and
WTO, is driving the dilution of labour standards and assault on workers' rights.
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Within industry, the distinction between formal and informal does not correspond
completely to that between the organised and unorganised sectors. The organised sector is
usually characterised as enterprises covered by the Factories Act, which applies to units with
electrical power employing ten workers or more, or units without electrical power
employing twenty workers or more. Although unorganised sector workers would tend to be
informal, it does not follow that all workers in the organised sector are formal.
The chronic insecurity of informal workers allows employers to impose extremely hazardous
working conditions on them. The construction industry is the second largest employer in the
country, employing about thirty-two million mainly informal workers. The working
conditions are deplorable. Whether it is a government or private undertaking, the employers
are oblivious to the hazards involved.
A majority of agricultural labourers in India are from the 'Scheduled Castes and Tribes', that
is, communities socially oppressed under the caste system and among the worst exploited
economically. Sugar cane is grown in western India by large farmers from the dominant
agricultural castes, who also own the sugar cooperatives. The cane is harvested over some
eight months of the year by migrant workers who cannot find sufficient work in their home
regions to sustain them throughout the year
The Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 1986 represents a half-hearted attempt
by the government to deal with this massive problem - its aim is not to abolish child labour
but only to prohibit its use in hazardous industries. Numerous investigations make it clear,
however, that all employment is hazardous for children, and that they are regularly maimed,
tortured or killed, by accident or ill-treatment, in supposedly non-hazardous occupations
such as garment manufacturing, food production and domestic labour.
In other industries like pharmaceuticals and personal care products, although there was
rapid automation, downsizing and an increasing sense of insecurity amongst workers
throughout the 1980s (created, for example, by events like the Hindustan Lever Sewri
factory lockout of 1988-89, which resulted in the loss of several hundreds of jobs.
The liberalisation of 1991 was accompanied by a vigorous employer campaign for an 'Exit
Policy', i.e. the right to hire and fire workers freely. This was resisted just as fiercely by trade
unions, and temporarily withdrawn. However, dismissals and closures continued unabated
throughout the decade. The liberalisation of 1991 was accompanied by a vigorous employer
campaign for an 'Exit Policy', i.e. the right to hire and fire workers freely. This was resisted
just as fiercely by trade unions, and temporarily withdrawn. However, dismissals and
closures continued unabated throughout the decade.
Most responses to globalisation by employers in the formal and informal sectors have
ranged from outright rejection to qualified acceptance, with only a small number of the best
managed and most competitive companies showing a readiness to confront its challenges.
If the current phase of capitalist integration is characterised as 'globalisation', then
opposition to it from the standpoint of retaining a more national character to capitalism can
only act against the interests of workers. Firstly, it fosters the illusion that capitalism can
solve problems of poverty and unemployment so long as it remains national, whereas these
problems are endemic to capitalism in any form; and secondly, it prevents workers from
working out international strategies premised on the reality of capitalism as a global system,
and thereby deprives them of their most potent weapon.
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It is often alleged that the social situation in India is not conducive to the efficient
functioning of a democratic polity. Comment.
(95/60)
Write short note on changing social origins of political elites in India. (94/20)
Write short note on Role of pressure groups in Indian politics.
(96/20)
Describe the traditional power structure in rural India. Discuss the factors that have
(96/60)
contributed to its changing pattern in recent years.
Write short note on Pluralism and national unity.
(97/20)
Describe the socio-cultural background of the political elites of contemporary India. What
has been the influence of the background on their political orientations?
(97/60)
Write short note on Implications of emergence of regional political parties.
(98//20)
Write short note on National Unity.
(99/20)
73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments with reference to decentralization power.(99/60)
What have been the functions of democracy in India? Has democracy been successful in
eliminating
some
of
the
traditional
social
inequalities?
(00/60)
What is democratic decentralization? Assess the working of Panchayati Raj in India. (01/60)
Elaborate the concept of political elite. Explain how social structural origins of political elites
influence their political orientations.
(01/60)
Write short note on Reservation and Panchayat Raj institutions.
(02/20)
Write short note on Regionalism.
(03/20)
Differentiate between pressure groups and interest groups. Describe the role of some
prominent pressure groups in contemporary Indian politics.
(03/60)
Discuss the social base of political parties in India. What has been its impact on Indian
democracy?(05/60)
Write short note on Regionalism.
(07/20)
Write short note on New rural elite and leadership
(09/20)
Factors responsible for increasing demands for the formation of separate states.
Ethnic movements.
(10/20)
Identify the reasons for the resilience of democratic system in India.
(10/30)
How are the issues of ethnicity and nationalism related? Discuss in the context of the
emergence of ethno-nationalism in India.
Tusharanshu-goias.in
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Summary of points:
Nation
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India was never a unified nation because different communities and culture located at
different regions were speaking different languages, practising different culture, exhibiting
the character of diversity.
Therefore nationalism was construed agenda during freedom struggle in India. Bringing back
the spirit of nationalism today can only develop suspicion, hatred and conflict among various
sections of society to split Indian to different pieces.
Ramchandra Guha indicates that people of India go for differential nationalism rejecting
outrightly cultural nationalism and few of these differential nationalism are cricket
nationalism, Kargil nationalism, Nationalism to sympathise with tsunami victims etc which
needs
to
be
appreciated.
Democracy
Democracy is a form of government in which all people have an equal say in the decisions
that affect their lives. It can also encompass social, economic and cultural conditions that
enable the free and equal practice of political self-determination.
Democracy is not only a political system but an ideal, an aspiration to lead a dignified life.
Equality and freedom have both been identified as important characteristics of democracy
since ancient times. All citizens being equal before the law and having equal access to
legislative processes.e.g in a representative democracy, every vote has equal weight.
Fair competitive elections- freedom of expression and press- capacity of individuals to
participate freely and fully in the life of their society.
India-largest democracy-equality-liberty-fraternity-justice-Preamble-fundamental right and
DPSPs-spirit of democracy.
Democracy in theory not in practice- There is inequality in every sphere- social, economic
and political. Illiteracy is the main cause of inequality-vote bank politics-power abusenepotism-corruption-poor gets poorer-criminal politicians etc
Progressed in many aspects- Green revolution-food grains sufficient-food security bill-polio
eradication etc-Nota-evm-vibrant press-pressure groups-civil soicety activism-judiciary
activism.
Democracy demands from the common man- rational conduct- intelligent understanding of
public affair- unselfish devotion to public interest and political awareness.
In a democracy where civil society is stronger, people are enjoying their citizenship right to
the fullest. When we talk about state and citizenship we cannot ignore the role of civil
society.
The whole concept of civil society evolved from Western specifically coffee-house in Britain,
Salons in France and Table Groups in Germany which are considered as the roots of civil
society. At these places different issues were discussed leading to a particular public opinion
which was then published in newspapers, magazines etc. After 1990s civil society has
become very strong in India and have taken upon itself various issues concerning people like
labour
etc.
corruption,
environment,
women
issues,
education,
child
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Citizenship
Political Parties
A political organisation which influences policy making, people of a political party share
same ideas,as to how the country will be governed. They hold political office to enact new
laws
and
to
alter
old
laws.
In case of India even if political parties are going for coalition they are not sharing common
ideology and so they remain divided and hence lack stability.
First political party which evolved out of mass movement i.e. Indian freedom struggle was
Congress. People from every walk of life were party to freedom struggle and therefore
Congress had the advantage of incorporating them all within its ambit and enjoy absolute
power for almost 3 decades.
During 1970s green revolution resulted into success and prosperity which led to increasing
political aspiration among people thereby we could see the emergence of new political
parties.
1985 onwards we see a seachange in party system in India. For the first time Congress took
support from regional parties to constitute government under PV Narasimha Rao. Hence
regional party got momentum. This led to the emergence of politics of coalition.
Coalition politics has resulted into horse trading and affecting political ideology reducing
Indianpolitics into skeletal democracy
Rajni Kothari contradicting to the above statement indicates that with centralised party
system, regional interest and local interests were not glorified. As a result political aspiration
of many were getting sidelined.
The growth of small political parties and their growing significance in contemporary politics
in India is making Indian politics Federal in character leading to inclusive governance.
Multi-party system has made Indian politics inclusive and people centric. It is evident from
the fact that forgetting their ideology, coalition partners are introducing policies like
National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, housing schemes, roadways programme to
prove that government is not only servicing but working as functional government to fulfill
the needs and aspirations of the people.
Therefore neither regional party nor coalition government can be considered as failure of
democracy because they are making Indian society a pluralistic democracy.
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Pressure groups
An elite is a group of relatively small size, that is dominant within a large society, having a
privileged status. Political elite concept developed in the United States, after the Second
World War. Pareto and Mosca are the chief exponents of this concepts.
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Political elites in IndiaPolitical elites in India before independence came from upper-middle class. These leaders
were usually foreign educated and at high and good contacts. They were intellectuals but
did not like to mix with the common man whom they considered as low person with no
power of understanding-urban base- no mass contact.
After constitution- equality and equal access for all for political power- Some of the elites
now have begun to emerge from the rural areas and even from middle and lower middle
classes- mass appeal among their caste and region people. By and large Indian political elite
still comes from upper-middle class.
Green
revolution
has
produced
new
elite
group.
In India now the people belonging to scheduled castes and scheduled Tribes and other
backward classes who could never think of becoming political elite, have joined the high
rank of political elite. Some of them hold great power and position and also high prestige,
therefore now in India political power belong to all sections of society which has diluted the
role and number of political elites giving Indian democracy wide coverage.
Regionalism
Region refers to a geographic territory where one lives. It is not just the love for region but
the sentiments attached with the territory, love for cultural aspects of that particular region,
love for custom and values of that region.
Classical theory- regionalism and nationalism are engaged in dialectics with each otherRegional consciousness is fast entering into subnational consciousness which is leading to
separatist tendencies paving the way for the division of India.
The issues like poverty, unemployment etc have taken a back seat and regionalism is
glorified which further encourages inequality. In order to understand regionalism today we
have to understand its roots. In India we have 6000 dialects, 500 different languages out of
which only few languages are recognised i.e. enjoy official status.
During 1950s reconstruction of Indian State on the basis of language sowed the seeds for
regional aspirations which is prevalent even today. In a region we find people speaking
different dialects and when people find out that language is the main criteria for recognition
of state (organisation of state on linguistic basis) people transform their dialects into
language. people having regional consciousness find no problem for demanding state.The
contemporary regional movement is the result of two reasons i.e. overdevelopment in some
areas and underdevelopment in other areas.
In North East India there is no single criteria on the basis of which one can create a state
because every tribe is different from the other which creates big problem for government
and so the concept of union territories come into play.
But there is a contrasting viewpoint which has been put forward by various sociologist who
do not consider regionalism as divisive force. Rajni Kothari believes that regional movement
is a search for political aspirations that is making Indian democracy competent and strong.
Partho Chatterjee indicates that regionalism is a challenge to nationalism. During the early
phase of Indian nationalism regionalism became an important instrument for national
aspirations but in contemporary context , questions like development, underdevelopment,
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empowerment and powerlessness, relative deprivation are the guiding force behind
regionalism.
Small is not always beautiful is evident from growing poverty in case of Chhattisgarh as
compared to minimum poverty in Punjab. A small state cannot guarantee happiness. It is
evident from our current position where failure of the state to address the deprivation of
the people has given way to acceleration of naxalite movement.
In the whole of North East India people are fighting on the basis of ethnic identity, sub
ethnic identity and sub sub ethnic identity which brings forward the conclusion that small
states are not always better governed and there is no end to peoples aspirations for power.
Decentralisation of Power
It is not just an institution borrowed from West but an experience which every section of
society in their everyday life goes through. Gandhiji focused upon governance from below i.e
setting up of institution of Panchayati Raj to address effectively the problems of the people
at the grassroot level.
When British came to India- introduce Zamindari system -autocratic and coercive power
resulting into the collapse of traditional structure.
Balwant Rai Mehta committee- constituted in 1952- gave its report in 1959- first Panchayati
Raj institutions in Rajasthan- three tier system i.e. village level, block level, district level. Its
objective was to go for self-governance wherein member of village panchayat sitting
together would take up issues related to everyday life like health, rural development,
sanitation etc
India is known in the world for political decentralisation. But there is a point to it India has
political decentralisation but not administrative decentralisation.
All official proceedings of the PRI's can be altered/reviewed by the state to its convenience.
State behaves like a big brother, their policies and finances and other processes are
continuously scrutinise the state. State is also empowered to suspend any PRI institution,
officer any time on the basis of inefficiency and so the members of Panchayati Raj don't
have any functional autonomy.
Sarpanchati-rural lower caste women-illusion of women empowerment.
Introduction of new PRI has led to contest between old traditional powerholders and new
aspirants of power. There have been instances in South India when Dalit were not permitted
to cast vote in PRI election. Their votes were cast by other people. Booth capturing and
muscle power is prominent and hence traditional hierarchy still persist therefore new PRI is
like old wine in a new bottle.
Vellupuram village incident- The PRI election was won by a Dalit woman. She promised her
electorates that once she came to power she will ensure drinking water for the masses. As
per her promise she took all necessary steps to ensure water supply but dominant caste in
order to pursue their dominance raped and murdered her in broad daylight. This incident
left a question mark on the functioning of this modern institution in traditional society.
Rampura village incident -In this village in Rajasthan when a Dalit women came to hoist the
national flag during 15 August she was beaten brutally as to how can she play the role meant
for dominant caste.
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Walter Fernandes indicates that PRIs are facing serious problem as it is trying to bring in the
question of civil rights, democratic rights into society which is driven by culture of caste,
patriarchy since ancient times. In case of Rajasthan there are instances when Dalit Sarpanch
is made to sit on the floor while other members of the Panchayati Raj sit on the chair. PRI's
meetings are initiated by members belonging to higher class/caste than by Sarpanch
belonging to lower caste. This dichotomy indicates how PRI's have not really empowered the
subaltern groups like Dalits, tribes and women.
Gail omvedt considers this kind of conflict as a failure of Panchayati Raj institutions which
has not broken any ground to bring change in the power structure in village India.
Rejecting to the concept of Sarpanchpati Kalpana Shah indicate that empowerment of
women in a hierarchical society can only come in a phased manner. The women Sarpanch
who are not proxy leaders are going through a period of probation. She points out that
power is inbuilt in women and that they will be exercising it in the most appropriate time.
She considers that PRI's have really empowered women or at least it has given a boost for
their self-assertion.
PRI's have worked well in states like Kerala, Karnataka and West Bengal. In case of Karnataka
it has given momentum to women empowerment. Mutual self-help groups have evolved
under the patronage of PRI's in Karnataka. In case of West Bengal it has made people
political sensitive who are no more willing to accept any nuisance from different political
leaders any longer. PRI's have introduced a political revolution in the microscopic structure
of Indian society.
However a major threat to PRI's is coming from non-government organisation (NGO). The
issues taken up by NGOs are delivering immediate results therefore people are backing the
intervention of NGOs in rural development programme than simply wanting PRI's.
PRI's though bringing revolution in micro-politics of India, its support base is quite fragile.
when social transformation takes place in traditional society driven by hierarchical principles
there is absence of structural conduciveness for change and so conflicts become inevitable.
Sociologically speaking these contradictions are manifestations of structural adjustment for
which one cannot outrightly conceptualised that the experience of PRI's is an absolute
failure. Thus India's experience with PRI is not a story of complete structural breakdown but
the story of continuity and change.
Secularization
Secularism is a western ideology initiated during the Renaissance when people started
questioning the Orthodox Church. When the influence of the Church dominated the
decision-making of the state, only spiritual needs of individuals were fulfilled and other
needs like gender equality, poverty, unemployment were not addressed. In US religion
keeps away from public but on the contrary in India people mix-up their public position with
secular position.
It was realised that man and religion in India are so greatly embedded that India cannot go
for nonreligious society like Communist countries therefore it has been specifically
mentioned in the Constitution that every religion has freedom to preach, practice and
propagate its own religious values and no citizen of the country will be discriminated on the
grounds
of
religion.
Indian secularism stands on the premise of pluralism.
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TN Madan and Ashish Nandy consider that secularism will a unique experience in Indian
context because love for religion is so intensive and regular in case of India that we have
never seen a single sphere without communal conflict since India's independence. They
believe that religion is in the blood of people of India that strongly influenced to their choice
of marriage, food behaviour, pattern of thinking, interpersonal relations and therefore to
separate man in India from religion is absolutely impossible. Thus when constitution tries to
separate religion from public sphere, it slowly enters into public domain in one form or the
other.
Ashish Nandy indicates that more India moves in the direction of modernity, higher is the
acceleration of communal conflict. Information technology, television and
telecommunications acts as an accelerating medium to spread communally charged
messages in a big way in contemporary India. Therefore secular education, secular
employment in no way has suppressed the communal passion and communalism in India is a
way of life and thinking of secularism is a difficult proposition.
These arguments of anti-secularist nature is rejected by various sociologists who makes use
of certain specific scales to study the degree of secularism possible in any given society*to what extent the religion is prepared to go for internal reforms- to what extent one
religion is prepared to coexist with other religion-to what extent one religion is prepared to
borrow attributes from other religion and pass it on-and finally to what extent a state can
offer equalitarian space to every religion maintaining a safe distance from every religion
while
discharging
secular
responsibilities.
Keeping in view the above scale to measure any society it can be advocated that no society
is purely secular and no society is purely anti-secular or sacred.
Amartya Sen considers himself as non-reformist sociologist along with Andre Beteille and
Upendra Bakshi and indicate that Indian state is duty bound to protect its secular credentials
by paying equal respect to all religions. If any religious community by virtue of its size tries to
seize the government through popular mandate, Constitutional provisions should be
deterring them to cherish their distinctive religious goals. Therefore Indian secularism is not
positioned at a weak space because the court of law, the Constitution of India stand as an
obstacle
to
challenges
coming
to
it.
The secularism in India is a unique experience. It has been challenged by different forces at
different points of time but has never crumbled down compromising with the principles of
pluralism and equality for which one can conclude that Indian secularism is Indian
secularism; it's neither weak nor strong and not a replica of secularism in the West.
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DL SETH- democracy in India changing form from old orientation to new orientation without
changing its old characteristics.
Nationalism
Ideology
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Political system:
Thus, political systems develop whenever the relationships among individual and groups are
organised according to the exercise of power and its various manifestations.
Politics is delimited to designate the domain where social power is used in public sphere rather than
in private sphere. Within social system there are various subsystems like political system, economic
system, religious system, educational system etc. David Easton and Gabriel Almond played a leading
role in developing the system theory in the field of political science. According to Easton a political
system is that system of interactions in any society through which binding or authoritive allocations
are made and implemented. Thus it is making of binding or authoritive an allocation that
distinguishes the political system from other systems both within and outside the overall society.
Absence of the Idea of a Nation before 1858
Before the advent of the British rule in India and establishment of sovereign rule of the British crown
in 1858, India was characterised by a large number of small and large political units. This does not,
however, mean that we had no Indian national identity. One example of the unity can be seen in the
setting of four seats of religious authority in four corners of India by Adi Sankaracharya
Growth of Nationalism in India
i) One was the presence of a common enemy, i.e., the British rule, and
ii) the other was the existence of a common cultural identity that preceded the unification of India
as one state.
Nature of politics in independent India
The political organisation, which was carrying out the activity of nation-building in India, was
mainly the Indian National Congress Party
This political party consisted of diverse sections of population and activists, in some cases,
with diametrically opposite political ideology. The members of the Congress Party belonged
to different strata of society from the so-called untouchables on the one hand and to the
Brahmin and Thakur on the other. There were those who swore by Marxism and some
others who wanted Hindu Rashtra and yet others who wanted to promote Islamic
nationalism. The leaders of the party were drawn from the urban professional classes. They
were convinced that nation-building was as important as political independence.
Forces which Challenge Nation-building Efforts
i) The diversity of groups which constitute Indian society
ii) Regional and cultural identities
iii) Casteism.
Political Parties:
According to Gabriel Almond, it is the particular pattern of orientations to political objects in which
a political system is embedded. Orientations are predisposition to political action and are
determined by such factors as tradition, historical memories, motives, norms, emotions and
symbols; the culture, therefore, represents a set of propensities. These orientations may be broken
down into cognitive orientations (knowledge and awareness of the political effects), affective
orientations (emotions and feelings about the objects) and evaluative orientations (judgment about
them).
Backgrounds:
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For instance, the emergence of such parties as Jan Sangh or Muslim League in modern India
could easily be linked with the concretisation of fuzzy communal consciousness during the
British colonial rule
influence of relational structures on political parties one may refer to the caste conflict in
Indian society or agrarian relations, the former explaining rise of caste based parties like
Justice party or B.S.P. and the latter, party like the Lok Dal
Paul Brass writes:
Party politics in India display numerous paradoxical features, which reveal the blending of
Western and modern forms of bureaucratic organisation and participatory politics with
indigenous practices and institutions. The social heterogeneity of India has added to the
complexity of the Indian party system.
The most influential account of congress organisation after independence was given by Rajni
Kothari in his Politics in India (1970).
He presented it as a differentiated system in which the different levels of party organisation.
were linked with the parallel structure of government, allowing for the dominance of a
political centre as well as dissent from the peripheries, with opposition functioning as
dissident congress groups. Kothari gave it the simple name Congress system. This ensured
political participations mainly through factional conflicts
It would certainly be wrong to completely detach such institutions as trade unions, peasant
associations and the universities from the political parties
One consequence of the Green revolution was to localise and disparate existing peasant
movements. The globalising forces on the other hand have made the trade unions weak and
this in turn reduced their influences on the party organisations, a fact reflected in the lack of
importance attached by the parties, even left parties, in naming the trade union leaders
among their sponsored candidates for election
There has indeed been an upsurge in political participation in India with increasing
competitiveness of the political parties, increased voter turnout, emergence of new forms of
participation such as new social movements, institutions of grassroots politics, local level
democracy and political assertions of the historically disadvantaged castes and ethnoregional groups
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i)
ii)
iii)
iv)
After independence, democratic form of government was established. Its main aim was
nation-building on the principles of democracy, secularism national unity and social
justice
There was integration of the Princely States. Small states were integrated with the big
states. People continued to nurse loyalties to old territorial units. This was the most
important factor for the success of Princes in elections.
Reorganisation of states on linguistic basis also played a very vital role in the
development of regional politics. Twenty eight states were reshaped and reduced to 14
states along with centrally administered territories
Another factor which gave rise to regional and parochial tendencies in the country was
the personal and selfish ends of politicians. Immediately, after Independence the
struggle for power started among some parties
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Demand for state autonomy: The important examples in this context are that of the
Plebiscite Front (Kashmir), Mizo National Front (Lushei Hills of Assam), Nagaland Socialist
Conference (Naga Hills District of Assam)
Supra-state regionalism: This implies that more than one state is involved in the issue of
regionalism. It is an expression of group identity of some states. For example, the rivalry
existing between south and north India on such issues as language or location of steel plants
illustrates the point. The grouping of the North Eastern States for greater access to economic
development is another instance. After independence a major rift was caused over the issue
of the official language for India
Inter-state regionalism : River water disputes, in general, and other issues like the
Maharashtra-Karnataka border dispute in particular can be cited as examples.
Intra-state regionalism: The important examples of this kind of sub-regionalism are a
Vidharbha in Maharashtra, a Saurashtra in Gujarat, a Telangana in Andhra Pradesh, an East
U.P. in Uttar Pradesh and Chattisgarh in Madhya Pradesh.
The period from 1947 to1967 in the Indian history is referred to as the Nehruvian era in
politics
The next seventeen years of Indian history, from 1967 to 1984, are recognized as the Indira
Gandhis era in politics.
After the 1971-77 session parliamentarians of all parties exhibited sharp changes in their
network structures and cultural experiences
Ellora Puri
This debate touches on a question that is a topic of much discussion in both democratic
theory and contemporary politics the relationship between the civil society and what
Partha Chatterjee terms as the political society. The former usually implies a space defined
by associational and voluntaristic institutions, and is often seen in opposition to the state.
The latter, on the other hand, includes political parties, interest groups, and political
movements basically those institutions that provide, or at least profess to provide, the
medium to channelize political demands to the state. Predominance of political society is
challenged by the advocates of civil society argument on account of the perceived lack of
accountability of these parties and their un-representativeness, especially when people who
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are rejected by the electorate are accommodated in the state structures which are supposed
to be representative.
This article broadly agrees with the critics of parliamentary democracy about the need to
question the glaring defects in the present functioning of the party system, legitimacy of
practices like providing ministerial berths and/or backdoor Rajya Sabha seats to the
defeated candidates in the parliamentary elections, and the questions, routinization of
such practices pose for issues of representation in Indian democracy. But it argues for
conclusions different from the ones that these scholars draw. I posit that in spite of its
messy, cluttered and disorganized working, representative democracy with its concomitant
political parties is the most viable available alternative, and these examples are illustrative of
faulty functioning (instead of symptoms) of this type of democracy and its institutions. Also, I
argue, that to draw the conclusion that the civil society should be privileged over the
political society because of these deviations, in reality, might subvert those very goals of
the democratic polity that these scholars rightly thinks are desirable, viz., the will of the
people, accountability and representativeness.
At the heart of argument for a crisis in representative democracy thesis is the Rousseauian
ideal of an active engaged citizenry in a democracy without politics. In the Indian context
this ideal has been articulated by influential figures like Gandhi (his concept of gram
swaraj), M.N. Roy (his idea of people committees) and Jayaprakash Narayan (his
propagation of peoples democracy as an alternative to parliamentary democracy). This
ideal comes along with a baggage it conceives of a polity without conflict, factions and
parties. It argues for the sovereignty of the people by virtue of which the people become a
collective force and express their general will without the mediating instrument of a
representative democracy. As profoundly democratic this ideal sounds, in practice it is
deeply undemocratic.
The minimum conditions for the success of a polity that the Rousseauian ideal of
democracy envisages would be: one, a small sized political community and two, a
community which is homogenous in the way it articulates its interests and needs. These
conditions, to say the least, are impossible in the present world, given the increasingly
complex nature of modern societies and, to say the most, are dangerous for democracy if
they are taken as goals to be aspired for. What they do not recognize is that communities,
especially small in size, are characterized by face-to-face interactions, which are imbued with
all kinds of meanings meanings that get articulated differently by individuals who
constitute these communities by virtue of how they are placed in the community. After all,
like any other human collective a political community is a space of internal variation,
contestation and power differentials. And this means that a collective general will is
unattainable unless conformity is achieved by regimentation and oppressive measures,
either by the majority mores or by the state; majoritarianism or totalitarianism.
In this context, critics of Indian representative democracy rightly points out that the way
political parties function in India hierarchically and bureaucratically reflects a deeper
malaise in the democratic set-up in the country. However, what this calls for is a reform in
the system so that these anomalies are dealt with and tempered. What it does not call for is
an overall change in the relationship between the civil society and political society. The
party system needs to be made more transparent, less hierarchical and therefore, more
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accountable. Knee-jerk reactions to criticisms that are directed towards parties (like antidefection laws, which give sweeping powers to the party whip on every issue in the
legislature) need to be substituted by well thought out provisions that provide corrective
measures by not undermining democratic ethos of the system (in this example, the right of
dissent). The balance to be struck is between party legislators duty to their electorate,
party ideology as well as their own conscience. And in the end, it is important to reiterate
that the presence of a healthy, open, and effective civil society is premised on the existence
of effective democratic political institutions, of which political parties are one of the main
components.
Broadly speaking, an interest group is an association of people having mutual concern about
a wide array of economic, social, cultural, political, religious or any other issues. Such
associations may have specific and narrowly defined goals which may be moderate or local
or national and international in scope. These groups are vital part of the political process.
The political process is seen to result from a large number of competing interest groups.
Interest groups are occasionally referred to as pressure groups (often known as lobbies),
implying that they attempt to force their will on a resistant public. When an interest group
seeks governmental aid in achieving its own ends and succeeds in influencing
governmental policy to its advantage, then it becomes a pressure group.
Pressure groups are formally constituted organizations which are designed at least partly
to bring pressure to bear on government, civil service and other political institutions to
achieve ends that they favour. According to Harry Eckstein (1960), By pressure group, we
mean any organized group which attempts to influence government decisions without
seeking to exercise the formal powers of government.
These are the groups of persons, employers, or other organizations joining together to
represent the interests of a particular sectional group vis-a-vis governments, the public at
large or other interest groups (The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Sociology, 1994).
Broadly speaking, pressure groups may be any group attempting to bring about any change
in the working of any formal organizationstate, government or any other social or
economic organization. They are private association to influence mass public policy. When it
makes through or upon any institutions of government, it becomes a political interest group.
Pressure groups are notorious for being anxious to strike but afraid to wound.
There is a marked difference between the political parties and interest/pressure groups so
far their objectives and nature of functioning are concerned. They may co-exist with
political parties or may develop into political parties by adopting a more open, less restricted
platform.
The Panchayati Raj system was initially set up by three states in 1959. After 1959, a network
of PRIs went on being built up by most of the state governments. By 1964-65, the PRIs began
to function in 12 out of the then 15 states in India. Among the six union territories, only one
set up Panchayati Raj.
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The failure of the community development programmes in involving people with the
development of the rural communities led to the estab-lishment of Panchayati Raj on the
recommendations of Balwantrai Mehta Committee. The objects of the Panchayat Raj were
democratisation, decentralisation and modernisation.
The panchayats were expected to tackle village problems at the grassroots level and mobilise
local manpower re-sources for purposes of economic and social progress. In fact, Panchayati
Raj in India has come into existence through a long process of evolution. Its expansion may
be analysed in five phases: from 1950 to 1960, from 1961 to 1964, from 1965 to 1985, from
1986 to 1992 and from 1993 to 1999.
A provision was made in the Constitution of India promulgated in January 1950 about
organising village panchayats as local self-governing units. The First Five Year Plan also
emphasised in 1951-52 promoting peoples participation in the management of rural
development through local representative institutions. Balwantrai Mehta Committee
reviewing the CDPs also recommended in 1956 the establishment of PRIs to ensure continuity
in the process of improving economic and social conditions in rural areas.
The Planning Commission had already forcefully opined that village panchayats should be
strengthened and this new democratic set-up should gradually be given the responsibility for
taking over development administration. The B.R. Mehta Committee had this plea in view
while recommending organisation of three-tiered Panchayati Raj system.
The Panchayati Raj system was initially set up by three states in 1959. After 1959, a network
of PRIs went on being built up by most of the state governments. By 1964-65, the PRIs began
to function in 12 out of the then 15 states in India. Among the six union territories, only one
set up Panchayati Raj. The structure, however, differed in these states. During 1965-85, the
Panchayati Raj began to stagnate and even declined in effi-cacy of its role in the
management of development processes.
Its credibility began to suffer a setback. Its powers and functions were re-duced by the
executive orders of the government on grounds of inefficiency, corruption and factionalism in
many states. The Janata Party government in 1977 appointed Ashok Mehta Committee to
inquire into the causes of decline in the working of Panchayati Raj and suggest meas-ures to
strengthen the PRIs. In 1978, this Committee made a number of recommendations for
revitalisation of PRIs. These included: assigning more powers to PRIs, making Zilla Parishad
primary unit in PR system, political parties taking part in Zila PR elections, and imparting
training to panchayat members. The Santhanam Committee was appointed to study the
problems of resources and finances of PRIs.
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Taking the views of these committees, the government decided to amend the Constitution. This
amendment was made by the Lok Sabha in December 1992, by the Rajya Sabha in December 1993,
and after being ratified by 17 State Assemblies, it came to be known as Constitution Amendment Act,
1993. It came into force from 1994. Today, PRIs are functioning in 22 out of 25 states and in six out of
seven union territories. In 15 states, it is a three-tiered system, in four it is 2-tiered and in three, it is
one tier system.
The functions assigned to panchayats may be classified as obligatory, discretionary and transferred
functions. These functions include: provid-ing civic amenities, infrastructural facilities and
developmental activities.
Broadly, the functions may be described as: health and sanitation (control of epidemic, construction
and maintenance of lavatories, maintenance of burial grounds, cleaning of roads, tanks, ponds and
drains), public works (construction and maintenance of roads, drinking water pumps, wells, street
lights), agriculture and animal husbandry (distribution of improved seeds and pesticides, planning for
increasing agricultural production, ar-ranging cattle fairs, improving cattle breeding, development of
poultry and fishing), uplifting the weaker sections (arranging for their education cultural activities
and residential houses), and some miscellaneous works (meeting calamities, encouraging and
strengthening cottage industries, strengthening cooperative societies, development of forests,
welfare of women and children, adult education programmes).
Since their inception, roles of panchayats have been gradually- changed and the scope of their
functioning has been enlarged. Even the as-sumptions have undergone a change. Not only have the
representatives of the people (i.e., panchayats) been assigned the responsibility of adminis-tering
local public affairs but also of raising the required finances and locating man-power resources.
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The main problems faced by the panchayats before the 1993 Consti-tutional Amendment were:
1. Functions and powers given to panchayats were limited.
2. Panchayats were ill-equipped in terms of manpower to undertake
planning.
3. Panchayats had no power to generate their own resources through
taxation, etc.
4. Elections were not held on regular ba-sis.
5. Women and weaker sections had no representation. Thus, the high
hopes with regard to the panchayats were not fulfilled.
The main obsta-cles in the successful functioning of PRIs were described as: non-legalistic status of
PRIs, irregular elections, frequent suppressions and suspensions, inadequate representation of
weaker sections, insufficient powers given to panchayats, lack of financial resources, noncooperation on the part of bureaucracy, lack of peoples participation and lack of political will.
Barnabas (1998:450) has identified five causes of failure of the Panchayati Raj confusion about
functions, absence of autonomy, confusion in ad-ministrative arrangement, absence of coordination
and fragmented and overlapping structure.
Confusion about functions refers to non-delineation of functions be-tween the three tiers. What
functions are to be performed at each level is not clear. There is also variation of functions in
different states. The role of planning assigned to Gram Sabhas does not exist in reality because they
do not have the required capacity of formulating objectives, identifying priorities, and formulating
strategies. Ashok Mehta Working Group and Rao Committee had suggested Zila Parishads as
appropriate forum for the planning function.
The Gram Panchayats and the Panchayat Samitis can indicate their needs to the Zila Parishads. The
74th amendment has pro-vided for the constitution of District Planning Committee for planning but
the composition of this committee has been criticised.
Absence of autonomy refers to lack of autonomy at district level as state and national plans have to
be accommodated. Many schemes (like IRDP, ICDS, drinking water supply, etc.) are centrally funded
and their targets and norms are more or less defined. How can district plan, there-fore, be
meaningful? In the hierarchical administrative system in our country, there is little scope for culture
of decentralisation. More than 95 per cent of panchayat budgets are committed. In the absence of
functional and financial autonomy, how can panchayats be expected to be free in working?
Confusion in administrative arrangement refers to loyalty of the ex-tension officers to their
departments (agriculture, animal husbandry, cooperatives, etc.) and independent functioning as
opposed to integration. Even the District Rural Development Agency (DRDA) which shared a major
share of rural development budget was not within the panchayat set-up; though now it has been
brought under the purview of the Zila Parishad.
Absence of coordination refers to fragmentation of the administra-tive structure at the district and
the block levels. There is no coordination between various units. The VLW (now designated as Village
Develop-ment Officer-VDO) is assigned varied functions. He has to cover a number of villages and a
number of schemes. He has to collect taxes lev-ied by the village panchayats, mobilise peoples
participation in development programmes and undertake several activities for helping the poor.
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Fragmented and overlapping structure means that all development programmes have not been
assigned to panchayats. Varied programmes, therefore, create confusion in the absence of clearly
defined responsibili-ties. Analysing the performance of the PRI in the early 1990s, it was decided by
the central government to amend the Constitution and make panchayats more powerful and
effective.
As already mentioned, the 73rd Constitutional amendment made in 1993 came into being in April
1994.
After this amendment, the main changes introduced in Panchayati Raj were:
(1) Establishment of panchayats at three or two levels and a gram sabha in each village was made
mandatory.
(2) Tenure of PRIs was fixed as five years, i.e., every five years, direct election of all members at three
panchayat levels was made mandatory.
(3) While election of chairman at the intermediate and district levels was to be indirect, election of
the chairman at the village level was left to the state governments to decide.
(4) A list of 29 functions was provided to panchayats. These relate to rural development,
infrastructure, social welfare, public distribution system, maintenance of community assets, etc.
(5) Seats were reserved for SCs, STs, and women at all three levels of panchayats.
(6) Finance Commission was set up to devolve funds and suggest ways of financing panchayats.
(7) PRIs were given power to impose taxes, duties and fees and were assigned their share in taxes
collected by the state government. The grants-in-aid were also released to them.
(8) Election Commission was empowered to conduct panchayat elections.
(9) State legislatures have been given discre-tion to provide for the reservation of OBCs and
association of MPs/MLAs in panchayats.
(10) While before the amendment, the Sarpanchs of gram panchayats were made members of the
Panchayat Samitis and Pradhans of Panchayat Samitis were made members of Zila Parishads, after
the amendment, this provision of becoming ex-officio members of panchayats at higher level was
withdrawn. However, the state govern-ments were given the discretion of associating Sarpanchs with
Panchayat Samitis and Pradhans with Zila Parishads.
The positive consequences of these changes after making the Amend-ment (in 1993) are supposed to
be:
(1) Structural change regarding direct elections at all three levels will improve the working of the
panchayats. Earlier, there were no direct elections to Panchayat Samitis and Zila Parishads. All
Sarpanchas constituted members of the Panchayat Samiti and all Pradhans of the Panchayat Samitis
became members of the Zila Parishads. The role and the responsibilities of the directly elected
members will now widen.
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(2) Increasing powers of panchayats and financial re-sources will improve the position of panchayats.
(3) Reservation for SCs, STs and women will enable weaker sections to participate more actively in
the panchayat system.
(4) The new structure will enable panchayats o contribute to planning from below, mobilise local
resources, evoke large scale community participation, reduce corruption, and improve the qual-ity of
development effort.
The negative effect could be:
(i) Direct elections may check vertical in-teraction among panchayats at three levels; and (ii) rotation
of reserved seats might reduce the commitment of the representatives to carry on long-term
development work.
Hooja and Hooja (1998:474-75) have pointed out several issues which need to be studied for
successful functioning of the panchayats.
These are:
(1) What should be the level of decentralised planning?
(2) Since District Planning Committee would now become very large, what should be the
organisational set-up to operationalise decentralised planning and imple-mentation?
(3) What functions would be most appropriate at which level in the multi-level framework?
(4) What changes would be required at the state government level?
(5) What safeguards are necessary and feasible to keep local elite or vested interests from capturing
panchayats or from distorting the decentralised planning process?
(6) When planning and implementing bodies are the same (i.e., village panchayats and panchayat
samitis), how can it be ensured that the planner would not fix targets for himself which are easy to
achieve rather than more ambitious ones?
(7) How can possible conflicts between different panchayat levels and the state level be avoided?
The Progress after the Constitutional Amendment:
How serious are the state government officials in making Panchayati Raj functional?
Their non-seriousness is indicated in the following manner:
(1) Bureaucrats are unwilling to transfer power to panchayats.
(2) They are always reluctant to release funds.
(3) Officers do not show any faith in elected representatives.
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(4) Some states have not yet even conducted elec-tions, though panchayats were supposed to have
come into existence within one year after the enforcement of the 73rd Constitutional Amend-ment in
1993. Though Zila Pramukhs are to be Chairmen of the District Rural Development Agencies, (DRDAs)
which run all poverty alleviation programmes, yet in practice they will only preside over the meetings
of the Governing Councils of the DRDAs; the financial powers would rest with the Collector who
would continue to be the chairman of the Executive Committee of the DRDA.
Thus, relationship between panchayats and DRDAs needs to be clearly specified. One fails to
understand why the elected bodies should not have fully independent charge of develop-ment plans
and allowed to take initiative so that people at large participate fully in the development process.
It may be concluded that the pragmatic philosophy of miniaturised participative democracy, where
every man matters, is the cornerstone of developmental dynamics. The growing consensus is that
rural develop-ment can be accelerated if peoples resources are mobilised and they are prompted to
take part in making the decisions that affect their lives and livelihoods the (Third World: Tomorrow,
36).
At present, there is deep factionalism in our villages. Misuse of funds, oppression of the powerful,
denying opportunities to women, terror against dalits, and subversion of elections are pathologically
pervasive in the countryside. To overcome these problems is a tough proposition. No valid reason
exists to reject grassroots self-government.
Justice Krishna Iyer assuming that there will be favouritism, casteism, ill-will, bu-reaucrats apathy
and non-cooperation, even so Panchayati Raj experiments will eventually open the political eyes of
the populace. It is fashionable to exaggerate villagers weaknesses and urbanites abilities, but our
rural geniuses are sure to measure up to the challenge of participative roles
DEFECTS
1. Unscientific distribution of functions:
The Panchayati Raj scheme is defective in so far as the distribution of functions between the
structures at different levels has not been made along scientific lines. The blending of development
and local self- government functions has significantly curtailed the autonomy of the local self
government institutions.
Again it has virtually converted them into governmental agencies. Even the functions assigned to the
Panchayat and the Panchayat Samiti overlap, leading to confusion, duplication of efforts and shifting
of responsibility.
2. Incompatible relation between the three-tiers:
The three-tiers do not operate as functional authorities. The tendency on the part of the higher
structure to treat the lower structure as its subordinate is markedly visible. M. P. Sharma rightly
observes the hierarchical domination and predominance, fitters down step by step from Zilla
Parishad to Panchayat Samiti and from them to the Village Panchayats Needless to state that this
kind of mutual relationship is not in comensurate with the genuine spirit of democratic
decentralisation.
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3. Inadequate finance:
The inadequacy of funds has also stood in the way of successful working of the Panchayati Raj. The
Panchayati Raj bodies have limited powers in respect of imposing cesses and taxes. They have very
little funds doled out to them by the State Government. Further, they are generally reluctant to raise
necessary funds due to the fear of losing popularity with the masses.
4. Lack of cordial relation between officials and people:
Introduction of the Panchayati Raj aimed at securing effective participation of the people. But in
reality this hardly happens since the key administrative and technical positions are manned by the
government officials.
Generally there is lack of proper cooperation and coordination between the people and the officials
like Block Development Officers, the District Officers etc. Again the officers fail to discharge the
development duties more efficiently and sincerely.
5. Lack of conceptual clarity:
There is lack of clarity in regard to the concept of Panchayati Raj itself and the objectives for which it
stands. Some would treat it just as an administrative agency while some others look upon it as an
extension of democracy at the grass roots level, and a few others consider it a charter of rural local
government. What is all the more intriguing is the fact that all these conceptual images could coexist simultaneously tending to militate against each other every now and then.
6. Undemocratic composition of various Panchayati Raj institutions:
Various Panchayati Raj Institutions are constituted setting aside democratic norms and principles.
The indirect election of most of the members to Panchayat Samiti only increases the possibility of
corruption and bribery. Even the Zilla Parishad consists of mainly ex-officio members. They are, for
the most part, government officials. This negates sound democratic principles.
7. Disillusionment on structural-functional front:
The performance of Panchayati Raj Institutions has been vitiated by political cum caste factionalism,
rendering developmental projects into chimeras. Corruption, inefficiency, scant regard for
procedures, political interference in day to day administration, parochial loyalties, motivated actions,
power concentration instead of true service mentality- all these have stood in the way of the success
of Panchayati Raj. Furthermore, the power to supercede the local bodies on the part of the State
Government clearly violates the spirit of democratic decentralisation.
8. Administrative Problem:
The Panchayati Raj bodies experience several administrative problems. They are the tendency
towards politicization of the local administration, lack of co-ordination between the popular and
bureaucratic elements, lack of proper incentives and promotion opportunities for administrative
personnel and apathetic attitude of the government servants towards development programmes etc.
9. Politics is an inevitable part of a democratic frame -work:
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The manipulative nature of rural politics is manifest in the techniques used at the time of elections.
The fact-finding research teams observe that the caste system in rural India has made a mockery of
the concept of rural development. Even the Panchayat elections are fought on caste grounds and the
traditional dominant castes have manoeuvred in such a way that they still occupy the positions of
power in the changed set-up.
Once the dominant castes have managed to occupy important positions where the decisions are
made, they find it easy to manipulate the plans to serve their best interests. Consequently, the schism
of caste grows wider day by day, alienating the low castes farther and farther from participating in
rural development programmes.
Describe the factors related to social movements. In the light of these factors explain the
emergence of peasant movements in India.
(97/60)
Write short note on Revivalist social movements in India.
(98/20)
Write short note on Naxalbari Movement.
(99/20)
Write short note on Self-respect movement.
(00/20)
Write short note on Satya Sodhak Samaj.
(01/20)
Examine the role of Arya Samaj and Ramakrishna Mission as reform movements in India.
Analyses the ideological and strategically features of Naxalbari movement. (02/60)
Write short note on Caste mobilisation in North India.
(04/20)
Write short note on Self-respect movement.
(05/20)
Describe the process of social mobility among lower castes and discuss the role of the
Backward Classes Movement in strengthening this process.
(05/60)
Write short note on Backward Classes Movement.
(06/20)
Write short note on Self Respect Movement.
(06/20)
Discuss the role of various reform movements in India.
(07/60)
What factors account for the resurgence of ethnic identity movements in India? What,
according to you, is the proper strategy of integration of ethnic groups in the mainstream?
Dynamics of Dalit movement
(09/20)
Evaluate the success of Indian peasant movements in achieving their goals.
(09/30)
Assess the contribution of contemporary womens movements in womens empowerment.
Stages of the Womens movement in India
(11/15)
Critically examine D.N Dhanagares on agrarian movement in India
(11/20)
Tusharanshu-goias.in
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With the growing consciousness , people are coming forward in large numbers and it has
become difficult for the state to ignore the demand of the people and introduce its own
wishes. There is a dialectical relationship between state and people.
During different points of time in Indian history identity movement have also taken place so
that everyone has a space in society, every individual is free and that they do not to hide
their actual identity in front of others e.g. homosexuals, transgenders.
Wherever marginalization, exploitation is caused in extreme form it leads to protest which
subsequently transforms itself into a movement through ideological injection e.g. civil rights
movement in America under the leadership of Abraham Lincoln where blacks were united
to fight against hunger and discrimination by state and people alike.
During the colonial rule, the tribal areas were least interfered with as it was thought that it
is difficult, costly and cumbersome to administer these areas. Hence it was missionaries who
landed in those places to work. But some tribal areas were highly resourceful and so they
were highly exploited.
Protestant movements in case of India can be divided into three distinctive stages i.e.:
o Social religious movement which got momentum before freedom struggle.
o Economic and political movement during the freedom struggle.
o Identity and issue-based movement in contemporary India.
Protest is not overreaction of a group of people to the action of others. One goes for protest
because the action of others are not acceptable by them. Protest is always a registration
against the voice of dominance. Protest is reminder to the state that it has limited power.
Protest movement will be maximum in a democratic setup.
Collective action can be the foundation to social movement but it is not necessary that
always collective action will be leading to social movement. For instance new social
movements are mostly issue-based like environmental movements, anti-war movements,
civil rights movement etc that involve people from different sections of society asking them
to form different kinds of mobilisation.
Collective action is not just foundation to social movement, it may be having a larger appeal
as well.
Amartya Sen: Collective action should be engineered for collective well-being. Participation
in many educational programs, awareness campaigns, electoral policies are examples of
collective action for collective well-being which is instrumental for the rise of an inclusive
society.
Sustainable development approach forwarded by Vandana Shiva indicate that joint forest
management scheme, wasteland management, watershed management involve the
contesting communities accelerating collective action for common well-being. In
macroscopic plane one finds out collective action is initiated by all countries of the world
in areas of environmental protection, abuse of nuclear power, humanitarian aids, and
political peace. Thus collective action should not be studied from a single standpoint which
consider it as a tool for class conflict, revolution , social change.
Previously social movements were highly organised, ideologically charged. But social
movements today are more reflexive, reactionary, issue-based and temporal. Social
movements can be distinguished from protest and collective action on the ground that
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social movement is programmed but Protest and collective action are not necessarily
programmed.
The social movement for its success has to fulfil a number of preconditions like:
o Issues Identification.
o Identification and expansion of support base.
o Creation of structural conduciveness.
o Crystallisation of ideology.
o Evolution of leadership.
o Growth of organisational characteristics.
o Allocation of responsibility.
Social movement passes through different stages which includes excitement stage
(identification of issues), consolidation stage (propaganda and search for mass support),
crystallisation stage (rise of leadership, publication of literature), maturity stage (injection
of ideology and allocation of responsibility), resolution stage (accomplishment of goals and
decline of social movement).
When a social movement dies out, it may give rise to a political party or the residues of
social movement will operate as a reminder of past. Social movements can be classified into
different types on the basis of their appeal and capabilities to introduce change like:
o Transformative Movement that makes some attempt to produce absolute change.
o Radical movement that makes some attempt to use violent measures to make some
changes.
o Restorative movement which gives importance to the restoration of some values
and ideals for the common well-being of people.
o Reformative movement which makes an attempt to eliminate non-progressive
stereotype ideas and values from the life of people and searches for progress and
happiness.
o Redemptive movement which makes people to change their opinion about the
existential condition instead of changing the condition.
Peasant refers to small producers who are controlling a small piece of family land, using
simple technologies, family labour to gratify their consumption needs. Between man and
land there is emotional relationship in peasants society. To its contrast farmers produce for
market and so they view their land also from economic perspective and so land is a source
of profit for them. If land fails to make profit farmers go for other forms of occupation
abandoning agriculture which is not so in case of peasant. Therefore conceptualising
agrarian movement as peasant movements or farmers movement is a great sociological
challenge.(farmer vs peasant)
In India there is present multiple modes of production.
In some pockets of the country there are peasants, medium farmers, small and
marginalised farmers who do not make a huge margin of profit from land and landless
peasants.
In some areas of the country capitalist agriculture has developed which has led to migration
of agricultural workers from the poor regions to these flourishing regions in search of
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employment, therefore the conflict between land and agriculture class and landless
labourers is potentially absent in green revolution belt.
In some other areas middle farmers have been organised, they have received support from
state and organised cooperatives to improve their economic conditions and so in this case
also the conflict between them and agricultural labourers is mostly unfound.
In certain pockets of the country traditional form of landlordism is present. Conflict is found
here.Armed rebellion.
Gail Omvedt writes that in case of India the participants of agrarian movement are tribes,
lower caste, ethnic minority who is more or less were landless since historic times
therefore peasant farmer movement cannot be disassociated from Dalit movement and
tribal movements.
Feudal mode of agriculture is still in practice in case of Bihar, MP, Eastern Uttar Pradesh and
certain pockets of Orissa. There is also semifeudal mode of agriculture practised in
Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh. Semi-capitalist mode of agriculture production can be found in
Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and pockets of Andhra Pradesh. And lastly capitalist
agriculture mode of production can be found in Punjab, Haryana and Western Uttar
Pradesh.
Some sociologists consider that movements initiated during India's freedom struggle should
be considered as peasant movement whereas after India's independence the agrarian
movement should be considered as farmers movement.
Even A R Desai makes a distinction between two timeframes i.e. protest during colonial
period and protest during postcolonial period.
some sociologist believe that it is conceptually difficult to distinguish not only peasant
movements from farmers but also agrarian movement form social and religious
movements.
In India peasants and farmers movements were initiated as economic organisation
highlighting the questions like landlessness, indebtedness, tenancy rights but subsequently
people got unionised forging their class identity on the basis of culture and religion.
Moplah movement, Eka movement and Peasant Rebellion in case of Bengal vertically
divided the people on the basis of culture and religion.
This is contradictory to Marx's understanding of class-action when he says that classes is a
source peoples unification because in case of India peasants belonging to Hindu community
supported Hindu landlords in Bengal rather than joining hands with Muslim peasants.
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The above-mentioned movements had two major consequences:-forgetting the linguistic and regional differences ,driven by common interest the entire
country got unified together and started protesting against the British.
-peasant movement offered platform for the rise of localised leadership in various parts of
the country which became the precursor to the national movement in India.
AR Desai considers that peasant movement in India is the mother of India's nationalist
movement.
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Dalit Movements
Dalit, also called Outcaste. Dalits are a mixed population of numerous caste groups all over
India. Dalits work as manual labourers cleaning streets, latrines, and sewers.Engaging in
these activities was considered to be polluting to the individual, and this pollution was
considered contagious. As a result, Dalits were commonly segregated, and banned from full
participation in Hindu social life.
Dalit movement receives momentum and confidence from Gandhi. He was recognised as
mass leader and when he dined with Dalits it gave a mass message to eradicate this
discrimination. He gave the concept of Harijan.
Most of the people who could not go for Sanskritisation went for conversion as a protest
against Brahminic domination. Gandhiji said that "one is high or low on the basis of deeds
and not on the basis of birth".
Gail omvedt considers that Dalit movement is not an ideological movement but rather it is
a class movement. Dalit identity and poverty as an experience are interconnected to each
other. Since the beginning of Indian civilisation till contemporary times Dalits are oppressed
class. Thus their condition is no different from blacks in case of West.
Dalit panthers Party->Republican Party of India->Bahujan Samaj Party=indication of
politicisation of Dalit cause rather than focusing upon ameliorating the conditions of Dalits.
Some sociologists are also concerned about the rise of Dalits within Dalit. Their concern is
that Dalit movement in India has given way to the growth of elitism and that different Dalit
leaders does not only engage in contesting different ideologies but they also keep changing
their ideology according to their own convenience. Therefore Dalit party today is not a
product of Dalit movement rather it is a politics of opportunism and politics of convenience
similarl to other political parties.
The time will come, they would take pride and conviction in glorifying the idea of yes we are
dalits.
Dalit movement is a movement of protest, a protest against Brahmanism, inequality, cultural
subordination. It wants to demolish the distinction between man and man. It was to create a
society driven by self-respect, inclusiveness and equity. Thus Dalit movement is an
ideologically charged ,homogenised class movement intended to bring change of structure
rather than change in structure.
Feminist Movement
Issues such as reproductive rights, domestic violence, maternity leave, equal pay, women's
suffrage, sexual harassment and sexual violence.
A Lingam advocates the feminist movement in India is slowly leading towards NGOisation.
She finds out that thousands of NGOs working around the country are taking up women
issues differently in different space. She believes that women movement in India should be
integrated in order to become more focused in approach and appeal.
Veena Mazumdar-urban and rural india women movement-In urban mostly accused to
being middleclass, educated women's movement who are questioning to women's rights
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both in public and private sphere.In rural areas problems are related to women's livelihood,
their protection and their rights.
Gail Omvedt divided India's feminist movement into two types such as women equality
movement and women liberation movement.
Environment Movement
Nature nurtures individual and is the foundation to our religion. Love for nature is not
contemporary phenomena. Since historic times they are never considered as lifeless.
Atharva Veda gives description about different kinds of plants which have medicinal value
hence nature is the source of man's life.
During British are colonial rulers found huge deposits of minerals present in the forest.
They tried to persuade the tribal people and trap mineral wealth. Forest became the land of
the state and the forest produce became first right of the state. The use of land for
commercial purposes displaced the tribals leading to distressful relationships.
Chipko Movement
In the early 1970s in the Garhwal Himalayas of Uttarakhand-The landmark event in this
struggle took place in 1974, when a group of peasant women acted to prevent the cutting of
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trees and reclaim their traditional forest rights that were threatened by the contractor
system of the state Forest Department.
Village communities took responsibility to protect forest from police and commercial forest
users. They initiated 24-hour surveillance which persisted for 7 to 8 years.Spreaded across
India. World immediately took notice of this non-violent Tree hugging movement .
Above all, it stirred up the existing civil society in India, which began to address the issues of
tribal and marginalized people.
Ramachandra Guha writes that dams are symbols of civilisation, development, economy,
modernity. It talks about sociology of dams and raise many questions "Dams For Whom"?
He writes that due to dams, from 1950 to 2000 around 15 million people are being
displaced. Peasants, tribal communities, illiterate people have no exposure to modern
education, they don't have the skills and hence they are directly dependent on natural
resources. The state has not provided adequate rehabilitation to the affected people.
Jawahar Lal Nehru said that for the larger cause of development of nation people should
make some sacrifice. He considered industries as temples of modernity and to Achieve
economic development they need to be set up. But in reality the actual cost of development
is paid by the indigenous people who in the name of development lost everything.
Nehru considered the industrial development as builder of modern India but it has created
more disparity leading to poverty and inequality wherein there is growth but no
development.
Sardar sarovar Project-Narmada Bachao Andolan-Medha Patker-PIL.
ChIlka Bachao Andolan- Commercial fishing- livelihood of local fishermen affected . People
went for both violent and nonviolent methods followed by massive protest resulting into a
ban on trawlers. This also resulted the return of migratory birds and preserved the beauty of
nature and also its ecology.
Bhopal gas tragedy-Open cast mining in Jharkhand-affecting health and livelihood of
millions.
The Bhagidari movement of Delhi is a good example of this kind of environmental
movement.
A balance must be established between economic growth and environmental protection.
We need to go for systematic planning and scientific application through the use of modern
technology to minimise environmental impact as much as possible and make it a
development led growth rather than growth without development.
Struggle between tribes and non-tribes are historic but more specific during colonial times.
Tribal protest was not anti-imperialism as they were unaware of this term. They just meant
to control their own land. The tribal movements in central India was against exploitation.
Tribal never makes a difference between indigenous exploitation and colonial exploitation.
Every community while searching for identity went for territorial demarcation. Language
cannot bring unity among people because different tribes speak different languages
therefore what brings unity is the territory. If Asamese for Ahom, Maharashtra for Marathis
then what is for tribal people.
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Territory is essential for political assertion and this movement became intensified when the
tribals were dislocated and wanted their land back. Fragmented tribal movements went for
unification, proclaiming their identity, territory, state etc to revive their past culture e.g.
Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh identity are examples of such movement.
Jharkhand movement revolves around factors like culture, economic and socio - polity. It is
ananti-colonial and anti-imperial movement; anti-government movement which is reacting
to development displacement and finally anti-exploitation movement united against traders
and moneylenders. Identity is the foundation to tribal movement in general and Jharkhand
movement in particular. Identity is foundation to social movement has been an essence of
ethno-politics in India.
In case of tribal society geographical isolation, land alienation, industrialisation, inflow of
nontribal population into tribal areas put the tribal population into a disadvantaged position
which led to glorification of tribal identity which further resulted into a movement in search
of separate state. Identity focused movement has gone through stages of revolution starting
from the colonial period.
Birsa Munda movement,Gond rebellion, Santhal rebellion are often considered as peasant
movement by sociologist's but Dr.V.Xaxa considers these movements as identity focused
movements. He says that when Hindu peasants simply rebelled against exploitative land
tenure system, the tribal people rebelled against the lost of identity than just loss of
livelihood. He criticised the nationalist sociologists like Ghurye, MN Srinivas, NK Bose who
believed that tribes voluntarily accepted Hindu culture and that they are backward Hindus.
Tribals went for non-tribal identity for social recognition, for survival because non-tribals
were predominant in every area. Therefore it is a form of enforced identity.
Adivasi Mahasabha was constituted and attempts were made to unify all dispersed tribe
located in central Indian state to stand together and go for homeland for tribesmen, known
as greater Jharkhand as sovereign state.
The nationalist aspiration of tribes of central India is considered as an attempt for tribal
demand to control the benefits of progress and modernity. Srinivas considers a as obstacle
in the process of nation-building and Ghurye tells this as secessionist and antinational
movement.
Even in tribal states non-tribals have a significant economic and numerical presence as a
result the tribal states evolved public policies that do not fulfil the aspiration of tribal
community. Therefore the tribes are not divided on class lines which is glorifying naxalite
movement and Maoist insurgency in tribal states. The marginalisation, displacement and
alienation of tribals in their own soil is providing foundation to common ideology and
common class identity accelerating class conflicts in tribal India. Therefore central Indian
tribes are shifting from identity-based movement to issue-based movement.
In case of North East India, the states of Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Nagaland and
Tripuraare experiencing identity movements. In Manipur two groups exist i.e. Nagas and
Kukkis. Tripura is full with non-tribal population which is the result of escalation of conflicts
among the people.
The Bodo people in Assam who consider themselves to be the original inhabitants are
outnumbered slowly by the Bengali population who have control over industries which leads
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to regular conflict between them. Tribal identity is glorified due to this infiltration of non
tribal people into tribal areas.
In 1970 separate State of Nagaland came into existence thus giving right to the people to
have their own government which further glorified political aspirations by various tribes of
other states. The same thing happened in case of Mizoram wherein the Mizos who
considered themselves as Highlanders and indigenous people/original inhabitant protested
for a separate State status which was granted to them.
Other movements can die out but identity movement will survive in one way or the other
e.g. in contemporary times-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena.
Thus it can be concluded that identity and tribal conflicts in India is a conflict between:
o state versus people;
o within a state insider versus outsider;
o within tribe one faction versus other faction.
Identity movements:
The Kamtapur movement for regional, cultural, ethnic autonomy of the Rajbanshi (a Scheduled
caste) has started gaining ground in north Bengal with the demand of a separate state comprising
the six districts of Cooch Behar, Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling, North Dinajpur, South Dinajpur and Malda. To
initiate this movement, a regional party by the name of Uttarakhand Dal was formed in 1980. Now
this movement has got momentum under the leadership of the Kamtapur Peoples Party (KPP).
Through this movement the Rajbanshis are putting up resistance against the gradual erosion of their
cultural and linguistic identity, and their economic marginalization in society.
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1. Peasant movements:
In sociological and anthropological literature peasants - been described as culturally
unsystematic, concrete tradition of many, unreflective, unsophisticated and the nonliterati constituting the mosaic of little tradition (Redfield), incomplete & a part society
with part cultures Kroeber.
Politically -found to occupy an underdog position and are subjected to the domination by
outsiders (Shanin), unorganized and deprived of knowledge required for organised collective
action (Wolf).
In the economic term, they are identified to be the small producers for their own
consumption (Redfield), subsistence cultivators (Firth) who produce predominantly for the
need of family rather than to make a profit (Chayanov).
Colonial economic policies, the new land revenue system, the colonial administrative and
judicial system and the ruin of handicrafts leading to the overcrowding of land ,transformed
the agrarian structure and impoverished the peasantary
In 1930s nation wide awakening of peasants was largely the result of the combination of
particular economic and political developments.
o The great depression that began to hit India from 1920-30 and
o The new phase of mass struggle launched by the Indian National Congress in 1930.
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All these movements were organised under the auspice of the organisation and leadership
of the Communists(of different political establishments)
All these movements were ideologically radical in nature. These movements challenged the
normative and the pre-existing institutional arrangements of the society.
These movements were immediately directed against the traditional landlords, police
administration and other apparatus of the state
These movements looked for a radical change in pre-existing agrarian arrangements of the
society
Though the leadership of these movements came mostly from the urban intellectuals and
the higher caste groups, the poor peasantry especially from the Scheduled Castes and the
Scheduled Tribes, were the main driving forces in these collective mobilizations
All these movements experienced the phenomenal participation of women in all phases of
progression of the collective mobilization; and exploitation of women by the upper caste
landowners had become a prominent issue in these movements.
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fought against the feudal oppression of the rulers and local landowners in AP
Cause: process of the sub-infeudation in the landholding accentuated the insecurity
of the tenants and the poor peasants- jagirdars and deshmukhs, played a dominant
role- They were the intermediary landowners with higher titles cum
moneylenderscum- village officials and were mostly from the upper caste or
influential Muslim community background- easily subject the poor peasantry to
extra-economic coercion through the vetti (force labour) system- The lower strata of
223
the agrarian hierarchy had a sub-human level of existence. The Harijans and the
tribals were the worst sufferers under this system (Dhanagare)
The Indian National Congress, Andhra Jana Sangam and Andhra Maha Sabha (AMS)
raised the issue of poor condition struggle jotedars goondas killed AMS
workers fuelled.
The movement took a new turn with India attaining independence in 1947, and the
subsequent refusal of the Nizam to join the Indian Union CPI called for- guerrilla
struggle against the razakars (state paramilitary wing) police action nizams
admin freezed- vetti abolished- tenancy rights given- but CPI continud struggleIndian police harsh- couldnt stand- CPIcalled off struggle in 1951- many arrested,
faced violence, and indignities.
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The Kisan Sabha movement started in Bihar under the leadership of Swami Sahajanand
Saraswati who had formed in 1929 the Bihar Provincial Kisan Sabha (BPKS) in order to
mobilise peasant grievances against the zamindari attacks on their occupancy rights, and
thus sparking the Farmers' movement in India
Gradually the peasant movement intensified and spread across the rest of India.
all these radical developments culminated in formation of All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) at the
Lucknow session of INC with Swami Sahajanand Saraswati elected as first President
The Kisan Manifesto demanded abolition of zamindari system and cancellation of rural debts
In the subsequent years, the movement was increasingly dominated by Socialists and
Communists as it moved away from the Congress
It took on the Communist party's line of People's War, and stayed away from the Quit India
Movement which started in August 1942, though this also meant it losing its popular base
and many of its members defied party orders and joined the movement, and prominent
members like N.G. Ranga, Indulal Yagnik and Swami Sahajananda soon left the organization,
Currently two organizations work under the name of AIKS:
o All India Kisan Sabha (Ashoka Road), attached to Communist Party of India (Marxist)
o All India Kisan Sabha (Ajoy Bhawan), attached to Communist Party of India
British government restricted people from visiting holy places. Sansyasi got angry
Joined by farmers, evicted landlords, disbanded soldiers
One refers to a large body of Hindu sannyasis who travelled from North India to different parts
of Bengal to visit shrines. En route to the shrines, it was customary for many of these holy men
to exact a religious tax from the headmen and zamindars or regional landlords. The other two
movements involved a sect of Hindu ascetics, the Dasnami naga sannyasis who likewise visited
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Santhal, 1855
European planters forced desi farmers to grow the indigo in Eastern India, without paying right
price.
If any farmer refused- and started growing rice, he was kidnapped, women and children were
attacked, and crop was looted, burnt and destroyed.
If farmer approached court, the European judge would rule in favour of the European planter.
The privileges and immunities enjoyed by the British planters placed them above the law and
beyond all judicial control.
Finally Indigo peasants launched revolt in Nadia district of Bengal presidency. Refused to grow
Indigo. If police tried to intervene, they were attacked.
European Planters responded by increasing the rent and evicting farmers. Led to more
agitations and confrontations.
Later got support from the intelligentsia, press, missionaries and Muslims.
Result: Government issued a notification that the Indian farmers cannot be compelled to grow
indigo and that it would ensure that all disputes were settled by legal means. By the end of
1860, Indigo planters should down their factories and cultivation of indigo was virtually wiped
out from Bengal
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Notable features:
1. The object of this riot was to destroy the dead bonds, decrees, etc. in possession of their
creditors.
2. Violence was used only when the moneylenders refused to hand over the documents.
3. villagers led by traditional headmen (Patels)
4. Involved social boycott of moneylender. and social boycott of any villager who didnt socially
boycott the moneylender.
5. Later got support from Poona Sarvajanik Sabha led by Justice Ranade.
Result:
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1. Initially government resorted to use of police force and arrest. but later appointed a
commission, passed Agriculturists Relief Act in 1879 and on the operation of Civil Procedure
Code.
2. Now the peasants could not be arrested and sent to jail if they failed to pay their debts
Ramosi, 1877-87
Reason: Ramosis of Maharashtra were the inferior ranks of police in Maratha administration.
After the fall of the Maratha kingdom, they became farmers =>heavy land Revenue demands by
British.
Area: Satara, Maharashtra, Deccan
Leader: Chittur Singh (1822), Vasudev Balwant Phadke (1877-87)
Result: Government gave them land grants and recruited them as hill police
Result:
European planters forced Indian farmers to cultivate indigo on 3/20th of their land holding.
Popularly known as tinkathia system.
Under this system, European planters holding thikadari leases from the big local zamindars
forced the peasants to cultivate indigo on part of their land at un-remunerative prices and by
charging sharahbeshi (rent enhancement) or tawan (lump sum compensation)
if the farmer did not want to grow indigo, he had to pay heavy fines
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1916
1917
Result:
1. Government appoints a committee, even included Gandhi as one of the member.
2. Government abolishes tinkhatia system and pays compensation to the farmers.
3. Gandhi gets new allies: Rajendra Prasad, JB Kriplani, Mahadev Desai and Braj Kishore Prasad
Kheda Satyagraha (1918)
Result:
1. Government reduced revenue to 6.03%
2. Government ordered officials to recover Revenue only from those farmers who were willing to
pay.
3. Gandhi gets new ally: Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel
Kisan Movement, UP (1920s)
Awadh farmers were suffering because:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
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9. +caste domination: Jajmani system under which, lower caste were oblighted to supply ghee,
cloths etc free/@discounted prices to upper caste.
Methods of Awadh Kisan Sabha
asked farmers to stop working on bedakhli land (i.e. from where earlier farmer was evicted)
asked farmers to stop giving Begari and Jajmani.
Social boycott of farmers who did not obey 1+2.
By 1921, this movement turned militant and spread to districts of Eastern UP. involved looting,
ransacking, attacking zamindar properties.
5. agitators raided the houses of landlords and moneylenders, looted bazaars and granaries
1.
2.
3.
4.
Result: Government amended Awadh Rent Act in 1921 and AKS ceased violence.
Later All India Kisan Sabha emerged. Discussed separately in third article along with Congress
Provincial government
Eka Movement (1920s)
Eka=unity movement
Initially by Congress+Khilafat Leaders. Later Madari Pasi and other low caste leaders.
Reason: oppression by Thekedar. High rents
Involved religious ritual, in which farmer would take a tip in Ganges and vow not to do
begari, resist eviction etc.
14. Even included some small zamindars who were unhapped with British demands for high
revenue.
15. By 1922 severe repression by government=Eka Movement vanished.
10.
11.
12.
13.
o
o
Tipping point: Police raided a mosque to arrest a Khilafat leader Ali Musaliar.
Farmers attacked police stations, public offices and houses, land records of zamindars and
moneylenders under the leadership of Kunhammed Haji.
For months, British government lost control over Ernad and Walluvanad taluks for several
months.
This movement was termed as Anti-British, Anti-Zamindars and, to some extent, as anti-Hindu.
Podanur Blackhole: British put 66 Moplah prisoners into a railway wagon and completely shut it
down. They all died of asphyxiation.
Result: Hundreds of Moplah lost lives- as a result they were completely demoralized and didnt
join in any future freedom struggles or even communist movements post independence.
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Result:
Moplah Rebellion
The Malabar Rebellion (also known as the "Moplah Rebellion", was an armed uprising in
1921 against British authority and Hindus in the Malabar region, Kerala by Mappila Muslims
and the culmination of a series of Mappila revolts that recurred throughout the 19th century
and early 20th century
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caste dominance in education and in the new occupations thus provided the conditions for the
Backward Classes Movement.
As M.N. Srinivas has pointed out that such movement was inevitable in India where only one caste,
the Brahmins, enjoyed preponderance in higher education, in professions, and government
employ-ment. The cultural gulf between the Brahmins and others became very much pronounced
now.
The characteristic feature of this movement is that it is caste based. In the Indian context,
backward classes form an aggregate of closed status groups or castes. Caste associations came
into existence in different parts of the country to press their claims for new designations and
occupa-tions.
Many published journals devoted to caste welfare, collected funds for giving scholarships and
building hostels for students from respective castes, and undertook reform of caste customs.
The qualified youths of the lower castes soon realised that it was difficult to get admission in the
profes-sional courses and in the post-graduate courses. They could not compete with the upper
caste youths such as Brahmins. They also failed to get jobs in the government services. They felt that
they were discriminated against on the basis of caste. This led to anti-Brahmin feelings.
Increase in Horizontal Solidarity:
In the process of participating in the modern political, educational, economic and other processes,
the caste system has undergone a significant change. The caste has been made free from its
traditional local and vertical matrix. Within the local area, the stress is laid on the interdependence
of castes or local sections of castes.
The desire for mobility among the backward caste came from census operations also. The caste
sabhas represented to census authorities demand of individual castes to belong to a particular
varna and not to a lower one.For example, the two peasant castes of Tamil Nadu, the Vellalas and
Padaiyachis wanted to be recorded as Vaishyas and Vaniya Kula Kshatriyas respec-tively, and
not as Shudras.
Many such claims were made in 1931 census. The Sabhas also altered the styles of life of their
castes in the direction of Sanskritisation. This included the giving up of forbidden meat (pork and
carrion beef) and liquor, and the donning of the sacred thread, the shorten-ing of the mourning
period like that of the Brahmins.
In the case of very low-castes it included non-performance of a traditional degrading duty such as
Carvee or other free labour or carrying palanquins, or beating the tom-tom on ceremonial
occasions.
The upper caste people were mainly indifferent towards these trends. On some occasions, they used
force to make the lower caste people to perform their traditional duties.
The partition of Bengal in 1905 led to the intensification of nationalism, and also to the rise of
communalism, casteism, linguism and regionalism. The Minto-Morley Reforms of 1909 conceded
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separate electorates to Muslims, Sikhs, Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians and Europeans. Now, the
lower castes also demanded separate electorate. Dr. Ambedkar fought for it.
This made the back-ward class movement to become political. In South India, in Madras Presidency
the Justice Party was formed to protect the interests of the Non-Brahmins dominant castes.
It started newspapers in English and other languages to educate and to represent the case of the
Non-Brahmins. Similarly, many periodicals were started by caste organisations in different parts of
India.
At the earlier stage Backward Classes Movement meantthe non-Brahmin Movement. The nonBrahamin Movement had two aims:
(i) demanding the sanction of more concessions and privi-leges (which would cause discrimination
against the Brahmins) to surpass Brahmins in education and social status
(ii) achieving Swayam Maryada ox self respect. E. V. Ramaswamy Naicker started the Self-Respect
Movement in Tamil Nadu. This movement was anti-Brahmin, anti-North, anti-Hindi, anti-Sanskrit
and finally anti-God. Ramaswamy Naicker founded Dravida KazhagamDK. (Dravidian Federation)
in 1945.
In 1949, his disciple C. Annadurai founded Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam-D.M.K (Dravidian
Progressive Federation) which completely wiped out the domination of the Brahmins in politics of
Tamil Nadu.
The D.K. under the leadership of Naicker continued to pursue anti-Brahminism in social and cultural
fields. The D.M.K. and the Anna D.M.K. (ADMK) continue their anti-Hindi and anti-Sanskrit attitude.
But they are not very much anti-Brahmin now. The DMK penetrated the Tamil film industry also.
Thus, the aim of the Backward Class Movement at this stage was to limit the Brahmin mo-nopoly in
two fields of education and appointment to government posts. This movement was by no means a
mass movement.
The opposition to Brahmin dominance did not come from the low and the oppressed castes but
from the leaders of the powerful, rural dominant castes such as Reddis and Kammas in Andhra,
Vokkaligas and Lingayats in Karnataka, etc. These were high caste groups with a social position next
to the Brahmins.
They included not only the Hindus but also the Muslims, Christians and other communities who
also suffered from the same social disabilities. Hence it is relevant to use the term Backward
Classes, and not Backward Castes
Mahar Movement: The Mahar movement under the leadership of Ambedkar abandons Hinduism
altogether and embraced Buddhism. The Mahars formed an important section of the scheduled
castes of Maharashtra (10%) of the population. They served as village watchmen, messengers and
removers of cattle carcasses. These services were hereditary and were paid for in kind. They
occupied a low position in the caste and occupational hierarchy and as such suffered from many
religious, economic, educational and political disabilities. Thus the ideology of the Mahar movement
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reflects a total rejection of the religion of the caste Hindus, which was identified with hierarchy and
inequality. The Dalit Panther movement emerged among the Mahars of Bombay and Pune in
1972.Its spokesmen were Namdeo Dhasal, Raja Dhale and J.V Pawar all eminent literary men. It
cashed in on the frustration that the urban youth were experiencing when faced with diverse forms
of discrimination against the untouchables and the oppressed. In its ideology class struggle cannot
be separated from an anticaste Hindu attitude. Thus the protest ideologies of the Backward Classes
movements reveal four organizing principals:
Reinterpretation of myths of origin or of one's own religion.
Rejection of Hinduism and Aryan religion and culture
Civil rights
Class conflict
The SNDP movement exemplifies the principle of reinterpretation as a theme of the protest
ideology. Sri Narayana Guru Swamy established a set of beliefs, rituals, temples and priests that was
parallel to that of the upper castes. The world-view of his reinterpreted Hinduism was both
enlightened and simple on the basis of which Izhavas were able to claim a new identity with honour,
esteem and self-respect.
Similarly the Ahirs systematically reinterpreted the Yadava myth of origin of their castes in
legitimizing their superior status. This was backed by protest against the status that was accorded to
them by the dominant groups backed by religion. They not only achieved self-respect and honor but
also gained access to the religious goods and services of the twice-born castes that they had long
been denied. The new ideology provided the language of protest and aggression against the
opposition groups.
New identities are established not only on the basis of a religious-cultural ideology but also on the
basis of a secular one with civil rights and class conflict themes. The former when viewed as an
attempt to claim equality of status through democratic means is exemplified by many backward
classes movements fighting for basic secular rights such as right of admission to schools, right of
recruitment to government jobs and right of adult suffrage. These progammes were part of the
SNDP and Mahar movements. The leaders of these movements adopted both religious-cultural and
civil rights ideology simultaneously in their efforts to attain equality of status with the dominant
groups on the ritual and the secular planes.
Among the Backward classes the Dalit panthers adopted the ideology of class conflict and anti caste
Hindu feeling. The new identity that emerged based on these two principles enabled the young
urban Mahars to attack the upper caste Hindu capitalists. Thus both secular class conflict and
religious-cultural principles can be seen as transformations. All these movements arose due to the
extreme exploitation of the lower castes by the upper castes and the lower castes were subjected to
frequent oppression and exploitation over a period of time.
1. Dravidian Movement:
With the spread of Christianity and the western education, the non Brahmin in the Madras
presidency region developed a new awareness as a result of which resentment started growing
among them against the domination by Brahmin and other higher castes in profession as well as in
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politics, especially the Congress Party. They believed that, if they had to make successful careers, the
domination of Brahmins in professional and political life had to be first overthrown.
By 1914 this conflict between the emerging non-Brahmin urban middle class and the establishment
of mostly Brahmin middle class and upper class took a sharp turn. The non-Brahmin caste uniting
themselves and the Non-Brahmin Manifesto published in 1916 was followed by the formation of
South Indian Association in 1917. After the Montague Chelmsford Reforms South-Indian
Association was converted into Justice Party to counter the political influence of the Congress.
However the Justice Party was a party of urban educated professional middle class elite in nature
and therefore failed to build a mass base. Soon after, the self-respect movement was founded in
1925 by E.V. Ramaswami Naicker.
The self-respect movement was based on the Dravidian ideology to save the non-Brahmin from the
tyranny of Brahmin who were considered Aryans The self-respect movement aimed at removing the
control of Brahmin from the soc.al and political level and sought to wean the people away from the
puranic ritualistic Hinduism necessitating the presence of Brahmin priest.
It considered the Brahmin as the symbol of all exploitation. This movement was successful in
appealing to the masses and acquired a mass following finally; the self-respect movement and
Justice Party were merged in 1944 to from Dravida Kazhagham headed by Naicker. It adopted a
militant mass agitational strategy and advocated an egalitarian ideology condemning the caste
system.
Later on in 1949, due to difference between the Naicker and C. N. Annadurai who led the younger
section in the Dravida Kazhagham, there was a spoilt leading to the formation of Dravida Munnetra
Kazhagham. The majority of the rank and file of D.K. joined the DMK. Initially the support base of
DMK consisted of the lower middle class, students, lower castes like Nadars Marwars and Adi.
Dravidians and unemployed youth, etc. Cinema was one of the effective media which was used by
DMK to propagate its ideology and win a mass base.
A consequences of the DMK was the decline in the domination of Brahmins in Tamil Nadu, a new
sense of release and freedom among the lower castes. However, later on as DMK tried to capture
power, it gradually abandoned its reformist zeal and even the demand for creation of a separate
Dravidian Nadu and acquired a character of one of the mainstream political parties with a rational
support base.
2. SNDP Movement:
Sri Narayana Dharma Paripalana Movement
This movement was based on the approach of reinterpreting Hindu religion in search of selfdetermination. The Sri Narayana Dharam Paripalana Movement was the movement for the
propagation of Sri Narayana Guru Swamys philosophy among the Izhavas (toddy tappars) of Kerala.
Until 1935 the Izhavas belonged to the SC category. They were considered to be unapproachable by
the clean castes.Izhavas that formed about 26% of the Keralas total population suffered from many
religious, political and economic disabilities. Around the turn of the century a charismatic leader Sri
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Narayan Guru Swamy gave them a new religion of one God and one caste which transformed their
life styles and outlook. He established a set of religious institutions parallel to that of the variety of
Brahmanical Hinduism. This helped Izhavas both to gain self-respect and to adopt a protest ideology
to challenge the religious, economic, educational and political supremacy the upper castes.
3. Self-respect Movement
The self-respect movement sowed its seed during the Indian freedom struggle. At the earlier stage
Backward Class movement meant the non-Brahmin movement. The non -Brahmin movement had
two aims
Demanding the sanction of more concessions and privileges (which would cause
discrimination against the Brahmins) to surpass Brahmins in education and social status.
This movement formed a part of the many social reforms occurred during that period. Periyar E.V
Ramaswami was the leader of this movement. It was a popular movement, which occurred in Tamil
Nadu in 1925.Its main aim was to improve upon the socio-economic conditions of the low castes
Tamils. Later it had profound implications. The main objectives of this movement were inculcation
and dissemination of knowledge of political education. Right to lead life with dignity and self-respect
and do away with the exploitative system based on superstitions and beliefs. Abolition of the evil
social practices and protection of women rights. Establishment and maintenance of homes for
orphans and widow and opening of educational institutions for them. This movement gained
popularity in no time and became a political platform.
Ramaswami Naicker founded the Dravida Kazhagam in 1945.In 1949 C.Annadurai founded the
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam-DMK which completely wiped out the domination of the Brahmins in
TamilNadu.The D.K under the leadership of Naicker continue to pursue anti-Brahmanism in social
and cultural fields. Thus the aim of the Backward Class Movement at this stage was to limit the
Brahmin monopoly in the two fields of education and appointment to government posts. This
movement was by no means a mass movement. The opposition to Brahmin dominance did not come
from the low and the oppressed castes but from the leaders of the powerful rural dominant castes
such as Reddy and Kammas in Andhra,Vokkaligas and Lingayats in Karnataka etc.These were high
caste groups with a social position next to the Brahmins. They included not only the Hindus but also
the Muslims, Christians and other communities who also suffered from the same social disabilities.
Arya Samaj
The Arya Samaj is a reform movement and religious/social organization which was formally
established in Bombay in 1875 by Swami Dayananda Saraswathi (1824-1883). He was an adamant
follower, exponent, and practitioner of the Vedas--the unadulterated Truth as handed down from
Guru to disciple since the beginning of time. Swami Dayananda had absolutely no craving for worldly
applause and was completely unconcerned and unperturbed by the censure of the superstitious, the
ignorant, and the selfish. Swami Dayanada spoke the Truth and practiced it too. In 1863 he emerged
preaching against idolatry and started Sanskrit classes.
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In 1872 he came into cantact with Keshub Chandra Sen, a Brahmo reformer and other Brahmo
leaders.It exerted a radical change in him which led him to turn from Sanskrit to the popular
language Hindi for spreading his ideals. In 1875 he went to Bombay for preaching his ideals and
there he enjoyed a warm support at the hands of great social reformer Mahadev Govind Ranah in
the campaign against idolatry and other evil practices. In the same year he founded Arya Samaj in
Bombay.
Two years later in 1877 he shifted the head quarters of the samaj to Lahore and carried on his
activities. The word Arya means a noble human being--one who is thoughtful and charitable, who
thinks good thoughts and does good actions--he or she is an Arya. The universal Arya Samaj (Vishwa
Arya Samaj) is a gathering of such people.
Swami Dayanada founded Arya Samaj on two basic tenets. They were
Monotheism.
The Arya Samaj declared that no Hindu should take lying down the insults hurled against his religion
by the preachers of other religion. The Hindu should cultivate a militant spirit and should take up the
challenge. The Arya samaj embarked upon the programme of national education for the Hindus.
Swami Dayananda emphasized the need for a national education throughout his career. In every
place he visited he pleaded for the establishment of Sanskrit schools and the teaching of Vedas.
Satya Sodhak Samaj
In Poona, Jyotirao Phooley, though a Mali by caste and of comparatively little education started the
association called the Satyashodhak Samaj in 1873 for asserting the worth of man irrespective of
caste. He demanded representation of all classes of the Hindus in all the local bodies, in services and
institutions and also established a primary school for the so-called untouchables in Poona.
Tracing the evolution of the NonBrahmin movement in Western India from 1873 to 1930 the Satya
Sodhak Samaj has been described by Gail Omvedt as a cultural revolt in a colonial society. But there
is a clear distinction between Satyasodhak movement, which was essentially a socio-religious
movement, and the non-Brahmin movement, which was predominantly a political movement.
They also opposed the stranglehold of the bureaucracy dominated by the Brahmins in their times.
Phule often complained that the Brahmin bureaucrats were responsible for misleading the white
rulers and hence they should be replaced by non-Brahmins who would be better informed about
and more sympathetic to the peasants in rural areas.
They totally rejected the Vedic tradition and the Aryan heritage. He regarded the Aryans as
conquerors and destroyers of the indigenous non-Aryan culture. He launched a vigorous attack on
the Vedas. He made fun of the puranas and ridiculed those who believed in the absurd stories
narrated by their Brahmin authors.
The Satya Sodhak movement continued to emphasize the role of education in facilitating social
change. Phule campaigned against the increasing habit of drinking liquor and urged the Poona
Municipal Council not to permit the opening of liquor shops. He tried to persuade people to give up
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drinking and spend their money on buying books. The Satya Shodhak movement in 19th century was
essentially a socio-religious reform movement that was transformed by Shahu Chhatrapati into a
powerful Non-Brahmin movement, which sought to bring a change into a power structure.
Ram Krishna Mission
Shri Rama Krishna Paramahansa is a unique figure in the history of Hinduism. He advocated the
entire orbit of Hinduism and not simply by a segment of it such as Theism or Vedism.He viewed God
to be both personal and impersonal. He laid equal emphasis on both the householder's life of good
works and the sanyasi's life of renunciation and yoga like a true Hindu, he gave free scope to the
individual variations in the kingdom of spirit.
And again like a true Hindu he held that all religions were branches of the same tree. He
demonstrated this truth in his own life by going through the sadhanas of Islam and Christianity as
well as Hinduism. Without much education and scholarship, he understood and exposed the truths
of Hindu scriptures. He traveled the entire region experience by his own tapas and confirmed by his
own personal testimony the truths of Hindu scriptures. His practice of spiritual realizations of
different creeds led him to discover certain basic truths.
Nativist Movement
According to Katzenstein nativism is distinct from movements of ethnic, linguistic or regional sub
nationalism and is specifically anti-migrant. Sub-national movements such as in India the Akali Dal or
DMK may contain nativist elements similarly the mobilization of anti-migrant sentiment may rely on
ethnic, linguistic or regional loyalties.
According to Myron Weiner nativism is one form of ethnic politics. Nativism is that form of ethnic
identity that seeks to exclude those who are not members of the local or indigenous ethnic groups
from residing and or working in a territory because they are not native to the country or region,
nativism is anti migrant.
Nativist movements are not of recent origin, there were a few such movements before
independence. For instance the movement against the non mulki developed in Hyderabad soon after
World War I when the local educated population expressed its opposition to the government policy
of recruiting Muslims from northern India into the state administrative services. Similarly the antiBengali movement in Assam protested against the domination of their educational and
administrative services by Bengali Hindus.
In post independence India the widely known movements are the Telengana Nativist movement and
the Assam movement. The Telengana movement started in 1969.Initially the agitation was aimed at
the continuance of Telengana safeguards and mulki rules formulated at the time of the formation of
Andhra Pradesh in 1956.At a later stage, it demanded separation of the region from the rest of
Andhra Pradesh which is still continuing to this day.
The Assam movement began in 1978.Its main demands included the detection, deportation and
deletion of foreigners names from electoral rolls. The movement aimed at the ouster of the Bengali
middle class which enjoyed a major share in government jobs. Similarly during the late 1960s the
Kannada Chaluvaligar demanded restrictions against Tamil, Malayali and Telugu migrants to
Bangalore and preference for the local Kannada speaking population.
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The underlying reason for the issue of nativism is competition for government jobs between natives
and migrants. The cities and regions where nativist movements took place have the following
characteristics The locale contains a substantial number of middle class migrants belonging to
culturally distinguishable ethnic groups originating from another section of the country.
There is a native middle class expanding under the impetus of a growth in secondary and higher
education. There is highly competitive labour market in which the native middle class seeks
employment in private and public sector firms and in government, where middle class positions are
already held by migrants or their descendents.
Indian environmental movement
In analyzing the Indian environmental movement there is material, political and ideological
expressions which are different from each other. The material context is provided by the wideranging struggles over natural resources. These conflicts have set in opposition on the one side,
social groups who have gained from economic development while being insulated from ecological
degradation and on the other poorer and relatively powerless groups such as small peasants,
pastoral nomads, tribal and fishing communities whose livelihood have been seriously undermined
through a combination of resource flows biased against them and a growing deterioration of the
environment. According to Guha and Gadgil, the origins of these conflicts lie in the process of
development itself. While forests, water and other natural resources are diverted to produce energy
and commodities for the rich, the poor are made to bear the social and environmental costs of
economic development whether in form of declining availability of natural resources a more
polluted environment or increasingly physical displacement.
With these struggles as its backdrop the political expression of Indian environmentalism has been
the organization by social action groups of the victims of environmental degradation. Action groups
have embarked upon three distinct set of initiatives .First through a process of organization and
struggle they have tried with varying degrees of success to prevent ecologically destructive
economic practices. Second they have promoted the environmental message through the skillful use
of the media and finally these groups have also taken up programmes of environmental
rehabilitation like afforestation,soil conservation and so on, restoring degraded village ecosystems
and thereby enhancing the quality of life of the inhabitants.
The party system in India have turned a blind eye to the continuing impoverishment of Indias
natural resource base and the threat this poses to the lives and livelihoods of vulnerable population.
At the same time they have supported resource wasteful, ecologically destructive and centralizing
technologies such as nuclear power plants and large dams .It has been left to the social groups called
non party political formations by Political scientist Rajni Kothari to focus public attention on the
linkages between ecological degradation and rural poverty.
Through the process of struggle, the spreading of consciousness and constructive work action groups
has developed an incisive critique of the development process. Environmental activists have raised
major questions about the orientation of economic planning in India, its in-built biases in favour of
the commercial-industrial sector and its neglect of ecological considerations. Among the variety of
protest forms used by groups resisting environmental degradation ,first comes the pradarshan a
collective show of strength by communities at the receiving end of environmental degradation be
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the peasants opposing commercial forestry or forcible acquisition of land or fisher folk protesting
illegal trawling. This take the form of a procession culminating in a meeting near the locus of official
power- a dam project site or office of DM in which a petition may be presented to the authorities.
The pradarshan is intended to demonstrate popular disaffection and the strength of numbers. It
moves to the more militant form of protest the dharna or sit down strike. The dharna aims
specifically at stopping economic activities that threaten the survival options of resource dependent
communities.
Examples include attempts to stop the work at a dam site or success in Chipko movement. A more
sharply focused variant of the dharna is the gherao where the official or politician is surrounded by
protestors and heckled till he accedes to their demands. More militant is rasta or rail roko which
blocks the channels of communication that may not even be directly linked to the object of
disaffection. For example the supporters of the Narmada Bachao Andolan sat for days on the
National Highway between Delhi and Mumbai blocking passenger and commodity traffic. The
Gandhian Nationalism or jail bharo andolan lets the protestors deliberately court arrest by violating
a law used to prohibit large gatherings. The final technique is bhook hartal or hunger strike to
compel the state to yield in fear.
Environmental action groups in India have thus resorted to these techniques of protext.They are
overlapping and complementary. These have helped to focus public attention on specific natural
resource conflicts. Leading environmental activists Sunderlal Bahuguna and Baba Amte wrote signed
articles in newspapers, drawing attention to the struggle they were engaged in. There has been
extensive coverage by print media in reporting, interpreting and publicizing nature-based conflicts in
modern India. Less visible but equally significant are the programmes of ecological restoration that
various social action groups have undertaken. Many voluntary organizations have taken it upon
themselves to organize villagers in programmes of afforestation,soil and water conservation and
adoption of environmentally sound technologies. Some groups have been influenced by the
Gandhian tradition of constructive work others by religious reform movements and yet others by the
example of international relief organizations.
The group that pioneered the Chipko Movement was Dashauli Gram Swarajya Mandal.The one wing
of Chipko movement identified with Sunderlal Bahuguna preferred to connect Himalayan
deforestation with national and global environmental concerns the DGSM under leadership of
Chandi Prasad Bhatt has turned from struggle to reconstruction work at the grassroots, They have
concentrated chiefly on afforestation work in the villages of the upper Alakananda valley. They have
promoted energy saving devices such as fuel efficient cooking stoves and biogas plants.This example
show that reconstruction work can proceed hand in hand with struggle. Reconstruction work
constitutes a valuable front for the environmental movement complementing the activities of
consciousness building and popular resistance to the state politics. Various attempts are also made
to develop macro-level organization to coordinate different groups working at different levels and
zones.
An influential line of thinking within the state and state agencies is scientific conservation.We can
see the work done by B.B Vohra a senior bureaucrat who was the first to draw public attention to
land and water degradation.He noted in his paper ( 1973) that no countrywide organization or policy
to deal with these problems ,nor was there coordination between concerned government
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departments.For him the solution lies in the creation of new ministries and departments to deal with
problems of environmental degradation.
State is seen as the ultimate guarantor of environmental protection by many and the formation of
Wildlife Protection Act of 1972 ,Forest Conservation Act of 1980 and Environment Protection Act of
1986 were seen in that direction.
Tribal movements
Surajit Sinha has referred to five types of tribal movements:
(1) Ethnic rebellious movements during the British rule in the eighteenth and the nineteenth
centuries, like Birsa movement among the Mundas, Kol rebellion in 1832, Santhal rebellion in 185758 and Naga rebellion in the 1880s.
(2) Reform movements, emulating the pattern of the higher Hindu castes like the Bhagat movement
among the Oraon, Vaishnavite movement among the Bhumi and Kehr movement among the
Santhals.
(3) Political movements for tribal states within the Indian Union in the post-Independence period
like Jharkhand movement in Chotanagpur and Orissa, Hill states movement in Assam and Madhya
Pradesh, etc.
(4) Secessionist movements like the Naga and Mizo movements.
(5) Movement relating to agrarian unrest like Naxalbari movement (1967) and Birsadal movement
(1968-69)
Some of the most important tribal movements in India are as follows: 1. The Santhal Insurrection 2.
The Munda Rebellion 3. The Bodo Movement 4. Jharkhand Movement.
1. The Santhal Insurrection:
The Santhals are an agricultural tribal group who are mainly concentrated in Bihar. The first
peasant insurrection took place in 1855-1856, which arose due to the establishment of the
Permanent Land Settlement of 1793. Following this settlement the Britishers took away all
the lands from the Santhals. The zamindars took these lands on auction from the Britishers
and gave them to the peasants for cultivation.
The zamindars, the moneylenders, and the government officers hiked the land tax and also
oppressed and exploited the common peasants. Though the Santhals tolerated the injustices
to some extent, later on they decided to raise in revolt against the zamindars,
moneylenders, and traders.
The following were some of the main causes of the revolt:
There was a combined action of extortions by the zamindars, the police, the
revenue, and the court. The Santhals had no option but to pay all the taxes
and levies. They were abused and dispossessed of their own property.
The Karendias who were the representatives of the Zamindars made several
violent attacks on the Santhals.
The rich peasants confiscated all the property, lands, and cattle of the
Santhals.
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established their stand during the British rule. The tribal people became more aware of their
rights due to the spread of education, which was provided by the missionaries.
The social cleavage between the Christian and non-Christian Mundas deepened due to
which the solidarity of the tribals got diluted. Therefore, there were two reasons for the
revitalization of the movement, one was agrarian discontent and the other was the advent
of Christianity. The movement aimed to reconstruct the tribal society from disintegration,
which was staring in its face due to the stress and strains of the colonial rule.
Birsa Munda was born in 1874. He was the son of a sharecropper. He received some
education from the missionaries. In the year 1893-1994, Birsa under the Vaishnava influence
involved himself in a movement, which aimed to prevent the government from taking over
the village wastelands.
In the year 1895, Birsa claimed to possess miraculous healing powers and declared himself
as the prophet. Many people came to hear the new words from Birsa. Birsa criticized the
traditional tribal customs, beliefs, and practices.
He encouraged the Mundas to fight against the superstitions, renounce animal sacrifices,
stop taking the intoxicants, wear the sacred thread, and to continue the traditional tribal
worship in the sacred grove. The Munda rebellion was essentially a revivalis movement that
aimed to eliminate all the foreign elements from the Munda society in order to make it
retain its original pure character.
The political and agrarian elements were then induced into the religious movement. Since
1858, Christian tribal peasants began to lead an offensive against the alien landlords and the
beth begari system through lawsuits. This movement was popularly known as Mulkai ladai or
Sardari ladai.
The total picture of the Birsa Mundas religious movement changed with the Sardari
movement. Though, initially the Sardars were not interested in Birsa, they came to seek his
help due to his popularity and for providing a stable base for their movement. Though, Birsa
was influenced by the Sardars, he was not a puppet of the Sardars and despite a common
background of the two movements, they differed in their nature.
The Sardars wanted only the elimination of the intermediary interests whereas Birsa was
aiming at attaining complete independence, both religious and political. The main objective
of the movement was to claim the rights of the Mundas and make them the real proprietors
of the land. According to Birsa, such an ideal agrarian system would be possible only if they
are free from the European officials and missionaries, which later on can contribute to the
establishment of the Munda Raj.
Fearing a conspiracy, the Britishers arrested Birsa in 1895 and jailed him for two years. After
returning from jail, Birsa became a more furious agitator. There were a series of night-time
meetings, which were held in forest during 1898-1899 in which Birsa allegedly advocated the
killing of thikadars, jagirdars, rajas, hakims, and Christians.
The activists attacked the police stations, officials, churches, and missionaries. Though there
was a sign of antagonistic attitude against the dikus, there were very few cases of attacks on
them. In 1899, on Christmas eve,the Mundas attacked the churches, which covered an area
of six police stations in the districts of Singhbhum and Ranchi.
In January 1900, rumors were spread that Birsas followers were attacking Ranchi. However,
on January 9th, the rebels were defeated. Around 350 Mundas were arrested and among
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them three were hanged to death and 44 were transported for life. Birsa was also captured
and he died in jail in 1900.
Through the survey and settlement operations of 1902-1910, the government attempted to
redress the grievances of the Mundas. With the passing of the Chotanagpur Tenancy Act, the
Mundas were able to get rid of the beth begari system and attained some recognition to
their khuntkatti rights. The tribals of Chotanagpur also got legal protection for their land
rights.
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The area of Jharkhand consists of seven districts in Bihar, three in West Bengal, four in
Orissa, and two in Madhya Pradesh. Around 90 per cent of the tribals in Jharkhand region
live in Bihar districts. The two groups of tribals who were the main agitators of the
movement were the Chotanagpurs and the Santhals.
The Jharkhand region is easy to defend, as it is a dense forest area. It was traditionally
autonomous from the central government until the seventeenth century. The reason why
the region became popular was due to its riches that attracted the Mughal rulers.
Eventually, beginning with the Mughal administration there began more interference of
outsiders and there was also a shift from traditional collective system of land ownership to
one of private landholders.
Such trends continued and were intensified under the British rule and later on resulted in
the development of the system of bonded labor, which meant permanent and often
hereditary debt slavery to the employer. In the late eighteenth century, the tribals resorted
to rebellions. This made the government pass a number of laws in the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries to restrict alienation of the lands of the tribals and to safeguard the
interests of the tribal peasants.
There were major cultural changes in the year 1845 due to the advent of Christian missions,
which had a major role to play in the Jharkhand movement. Many tribes were converted
into Christianity, and many schools for both the sexes have been started and higher
institutions were established which aimed to train the tribals as teachers.
The tribals also had to face many problems due to the mineral wealth of Jharkhand. The
region is a rich source of coal and iron. Apart from these, even bauxite, copper, asbestos,
limestone, and graphite are also found. Coal mining in this region had started in the year
1856 itself. In the year 1907, the Tata Iron and Steel Factory was established in Jamshedpur.
In the early part of the twentieth century, the modern Jharkhand movement was initiated by
the Christian tribal students and later continued by the non-tribals and the non-Christians.
Differences developed among the Protestant churches and the Roman Catholic Church.
However, these were resolved with the uniting of the various groups in the electoral arena
and to an extent achieved some success at the local level in the 1930s. During this period the
movement concentrated more on the Indian dikus than on the Britishers. The Jharkhand
spokesmen made many representations to the British commissions to grant a separate
statehood and for the redressal of their grievances. However, all these were not much
successful.
In 1947, due to independence much emphasis was laid on planned industrialization
concentrating on heavy industries especially on the expansion of mining. The Jharkhand
region has much economic importance as it contributes to 75 per cent of the revenue of
Bihar. The government began acquiring the lands of the tribals, which left the tribals with
very less compensation.
The government also felt that as the soils of the regions are poor, industrialization of such
area would also help in providing employment for the local people. However, there was
large influx of outsiders due to the industrial development and the local people began to feel
inferior that they were not being employed in sufficient numbers. In 1971, the
nationalization of mines resulted in violence, 50,000 miners of Jharkhand were fired and
replaced by outsiders.
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The government acquired lands for building dams and reservoirs. According to some
observers, very little of the water and electricity produced were supplied to the region. The
forest department encouraged is replacing the species of trees, which had multiple uses
with others that had only commercial uses.
Shifting cultivation and forest grazing were not allowed. The local people of the region felt
that the price, which the government paid for their forest products, was less. In course of
time, these problems continued and were intensified.
In 1949, in the first general elections, the Jharkhand party under the leadership of Jaipal
Singh secured majority of votes from the tribal districts. A memorandum was submitted to
the Spates Reorganization Commission asking for the establishment of Jharkhand. However,
the commission rejected this proposal of Jharkhand suite saying that it lacked a common
language.
The Jharkhand Party continued as the largest opposition party in the Bihar legislative
assembly. However, later it declined gradually. The biggest blow to the Jharkhand Party was
in 1963, when the party was merged into Congress by Jaipal Singh without even consulting
the members of the party. As a result, the Jharkhand party got fragmented into several small
parties mostly based on the tribal lines which, has not been seen earlier.
Due to the differences in the level of education and economic development, there have
been many disputes between the Christian tribals and non-Christian tribals. Separate
organizations of the non-Christian tribals were formed in order to promote their interests. In
1968, a study team of the parliament visited Ranchi and investigated the removal of certain
groups from the official list of scheduled tribes.
Many petitions were submitted to the study team saying that the tribals who were
converted into Christianity were no longer tribals, and that they were benefited by both
missionary schooling and were also enjoying the government protection as scheduled tribes
which is very unfair. There were also many allegations in the following years that the
missionaries were foreign agitators.
The Provisional Jharkhand Area Autonomous Council consisting of 180 members was
established in August 1995. The council has around 162 elected members and 18 appointed
members.
Thus, these were some of the major tribal movements. We observe most of the tribal
movements had agrarian, religious, political, and economic causes for their emergence.
Finally, if tribal aspirations are continuously ignored, their movements are likely to reach
enormous proportions, which later become difficult to manage.
Most of the time these movements are banned by the government as they have the
tendency to create law and order crisis rather than understanding the genuine political and
democratic aspirations of the people. The solution is not suppression but to develop a
holistic perspective of the real trouble and make efforts to integrate the tribes into the
mainstream, assuring their identity
5. Chipko movement
movement or Chipko
Andolan is
The Chipko
a
movement
that
practiced
the Gandhian methods ofsatyagraha and non-violent resistance, through the act of hugging
trees to protect them from being felled. This was first initiated by Amrita Devi while
protesting against a Kings men to cut the tree. The modern Chipko movement started in the
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early 1970s in the GarhwalHimalayas of Uttarakhand, then in Uttar Pradesh with growing
awareness of rapid deforestation. The landmark event in this struggle took place on March
26, 1974, when a group of peasant women in Reni village, Hemwalghati, in Chamoli
district, Uttarakhand, India, acted to prevent the cutting of trees and reclaim their
traditional forest rights, which were threatened by the contractors assigned by the state
Forest Department. Their actions inspired hundreds of such actions at the grassroots level
throughout the region. By the 1980s the movement had spread throughout India and led to
the formulation of people-sensitive forest policies, which put a stop to the open felling of
trees in regions as far as the Vindhyas and the Western Ghats. Today, it is seen as an
inspiration and a precursor for Chipko movement of Garhwal. Its leader was Sunderlal
Bahuguna. N recent years, the movement not only inspired numerous people to work on
practical programmes of water management, energy conservation, afforestation, and
recycling, but also encouraged scholars to start studying issues of environmental
degradation and methods of conservation in the Himalayas and throughout India
6. The Appiko Movement:
The Chipko movement flew from Garhwal to various parts of the country in the hilly districts
of Kama aka. In Karnataka, the Chipko movement is known as Appiko movement. It has
three objectives: popularly known as ulisu (to conserve), belesu (to grow) and balasu
(rational use).
Historically, Appiko movement was not new to Karnataka, where local farmers even forced
the British to allocate reserve forests for them in 1924. These were the areas where large
scale forest-based industries came up after 1947, slowly replacing the forest by monoculture
plantations of eucalyptus and teak.
In northern Karnataka, the forest cover declined from 81 percent in 1952 to 20 per cent in
1992. The consequences have been erratic precipitation, drying up of water resources and
major crop failures. The Appiko movement was thus ushered in, demanding a stop to
commercial felling of trees. Though the demand has been conceded officially, the Central
Government is yet to declare catchment areas as protected forests
7. Bhakti movement
Hindu society was suffering from the burden of certain social and religious practices, which
were incompatible with the doctrine of brotherhood of man. It was a caste-ridden society
which encouraged segregation and untouchability and where idolatry or image worship and
polytheism or worship of many gods were common practices.
Because of this, Islam was able to win over thousands of followers from among the Hindus,
especially those belonging to the lower castes. Thus, Hinduism was in a difficult situation,
since, for the first time it faced a new challenge in the form of the rising wave of Islam.
The Hindu reformers who preached the idea of Bhakti saved the situation by preaching a
doctrine that aimed at removing most of the ills prevailing in Hindu society. At the same
time they advised their followers to respect other religions and live in peace and harmony
with the Muslims. Thus, the Bhakti movement served the Indian society in two waysfirstly,
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it tried to bridge the gulf between Hinduism and Islam, and secondly, it also saved Hinduism
from a real challenge.
Philosophy:
Right from the advent of Islam in India, Hinduism suffered from an inferiority complex. Islam
looked superior as it emphasized one God, simplicity of worship, and universal brotherhood.
Islam stands for transcendence wherein Allah is everything; whereas Hinduism stressed on
formalities and thereby made itself inferior.
Hence, Bhakti Movement was an attempt on the part of Hinduism to win the political and
social battle that was lost in the tenth century. The Bhakti exponents realized the unity of
God although different religions used different names such as Rama, Krishna, and Allah.
Their view was that Bhakti or devotion to God was the only means of salvation. Bhakti
implied single-minded, uninterrupted devotion to God without any ulterior motive. God was
the source of all joys or eternal bliss.
Approach to God through personal love and devotion was the foundation of religious life.
This required the purification of body and mind from all sins, which could not be done
without the help of a Guru or a religious preceptor. It was necessary that the devotee must
completely surrender before God.
Bhakti Cult:
All the schools of thought of the Bhakti cult believed in the existence of a God supernaturally revealed to man. Bhakti cult did not deny the existence of competing deities but
explained or accepted the competitors as mere manifestations of its own omnipotent deity.
The principal Bhakti cults are those of Shiva, Vishnu, and Shakti.
The chief mark of this movement is the attitude of the soul with regard to the Supreme
Being. The Bhakti cult cut across distinctions of high and low birth, the learned and the
unlettered, and opened the gateway of spiritual realization to one and all. The mystics and
saints of the age, both in the North and the South, were unconventional and anti-ritualistic
and either ignored the age-old restrictions of caste and creed, or attached little importance
to them.
A large number of mystics belonged to the traditional Saguna school which believed that
God has many forms and attributes and that he manifests himself in incarnations such as
Rama and Krishna, and that his spirit is to be found in the idols and images worshipped at
home and in temples. But the others followed a new path and formed the Nirguna school,
which believed in a God without forms or attributes, but nevertheless merciful and
responsive to human prayers.
The movement of Bhakti may be divided into two distinct periods. The first was from the
time of the Bhagvad Gita to the thirteenth century. The second period extends from the thirteenth to sixteenth century, an epoch of profound intellectual fermentation, the natural
result of the contact between Islam and Hinduism.
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In its first phase of development, Bhakti was only an individual sentiment. The religion of
Vasudeva was the natural expression of those who did not find spiritual and moral
satisfaction in the intellectual and speculative system of Upanishads and whose souls were
yearning for a personal God.
Impact of Reform:
The missionary activities of the saints introduced important changes in social and religious
outlook of people. Their undivided and all absorbing devotion to a personal. God whether
worshipped as Rama or Krishna or Shiva emphasized the fact that all these representations
of gods were only symbols of the one eternal Supreme Being and thus helped the revival of
monotheistic ideas. They purified and ennobled religion by purging it of formal rituals and
ceremonies and emphasizing sanity of thought, purity of life, selfless sacrifice, and singleminded devotion.
Thus the missionary activities of this brilliant succession of saints tempered the rigidity in
caste system, freed the masses from the tyranny of priests, checked the excesses of
polytheism, encouraged the spirit of tolerance, emphasized the value of pure life of charity
and devotion and improved, in general, the moral and spiritual tone of society.
The various kinds of Bhakti cults developed by eminent thinkers and spiritual personalities
produced far-reaching results as these brought about reforms in Hindu religion. Besides, the
reformers preached in their vernaculars. Ramananda and Kabir preached in Hindi. Their
verses are brilliant specimens of Hindi literature.
Namdeo gave an impetus to the development of Marathi literature. Mira Bai spoke in the
peoples language. Nanak and his followers encouraged Punjabi. In Bengali, the famous poet
was Chandi Das. In addition to the development of vernaculars great encouragement was
given to translations.
Muslim rulers of Bengal encouraged scholars to translate the Ramayana and the
Mahabharata into Bengali. The entire movement influenced the mindset of Akbar and
Shivaji. It promoted some understanding between Hindus and Muslims, stimulated Hinduism
into a kind of introspective examination by preparing the ground for cultural synthesis in the
Mughal period. By and large, it influenced the social thought of Hindus and Muslims.
Bhakti Saints
Kabir (1425-1518 AD):
Kabir made the most earnest efforts to create a spirit of harmony between Hindus and
Muslims. Unfortunately, nothing definite is known about his early life. He lived either
towards the close of the fourteenth century or at the beginning of the fifteenth century.
It is said that he was born of a Hindu widow who left him on the side of a tank in Banaras
and was then found and brought up by Niru, a Muslim weaver. When he grew up, he
became a disciple of Ramananda, the famous saint of Banaras. Kabir s teachings are contained in his Dohas or couplets which are sung with devotion throughout India up to this
day. He did not believe in caste distinctions, supremacy of the Brahmans, and idol worship.
He did not attach any importance to the performance of rituals and ceremonies or to
pilgrimages to holy places. Temples and other places of worship were not considered
important. Above all, he denounced insincerity and hypocrisy.
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To him, Hindus and Muslims were pots of the same clay. Allah and Rama were different
names of the same Supreme Being. According to Kabir, salvation could be attained by doing
good deeds and by means of Bhakti or sincere devotion to God.
Sant Namdeo:
Sant Namdeo was a follower of Sant Dnyaneshwar. He was a tailor by caste and was five
years older than his guru. He travelled all over Maharashtra with Sant Dnyaneshwar.
Following the teachings of his celebrated master, he believed in the equality of all men. He
advised people to follow the Bhakti Marga or the path of deep devotion to God.
He created in them a strong desire to protect their religion and have a deep love for their
motherland! Like Kabir, he condemned idol worship. He carried on the work of Sant
Dnyaneshwar after the latter s death in 1296 AD.
He composed songs not only in Marathi but also in Hindi and spread the message of equality
within and outside Maharashtra. He travelled all over India and also went to Punjab. Some
of his devotional songs are found in the Granth Sahib and other religious books of the Sikhs.
His songs are sung with great love and devotion not only in Maharashtra but also in other
parts of the world.
Sant Eknath:
He lived in the sixteenth century. Sant Eknaths beliefs and teachings were similar to those of
the great Maratha saints, Sant Dnyaneshwar and Namdeo. He advocated social equality and
preached the abolition of distinctions based on class, caste, and creed. Thus, he carried on
the work started by Dnyaneshwar and Namdeo. He preached that one could devote oneself
to God by leading a normal family life and discharging all functions of a householder.
He did not believe in rituals, ceremonies, and other orthodox ways of worship. He preferred
to use Marathi in his religious discourses and composed songs in the language of the
common people. He wrote numerous religious songs called Abhangas, Owees, and Bharuds.
These songs are still very popular in Maharashtra.
SantTukaram (1608-1651 AD):
Sant Tukaram was a contemporary of Chatrapati Shivaji, and though he never met the
Maratha ruler, Shivaji was greatly influenced by his ideas. Sant Tukaram was born in a
Vaishya family in 1608 AD in a village near Poona.
He was deeply religious even in his childhood and spent his time singing devotional songs in
praise of his favorite deity. Lord Vithoba of Pandharpur. Like Dnyaneshwar, Namdeo, Eknath,
and other Maratha saints, he believed in the Bhakti Marga or path of devotion to God. He
often sang songs in praise of Lord Vithoba.
He visited the temple of Lord Vithoba at Pandharpur twice a year in the months of Ashad
(June-July) and Kartik (October-November). Sant Tukaram sang devotional songs which he
himself composed.
He performed keertans at devotional gatherings and sang his own devotional songs called
Abhangas. Thousands of people flocked to listen to him. He preached them the virtues of
piety, forgiveness and peace of mind. He also gave them the message of equality and
brotherhood.
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FEMINISM IN INDIA
Write exact keywords in wiki- entire thing is more than enough to answer
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Write short note on increasing economic disparities b/w rural and urban populations.
socio-economic consequences of the changing age-structure of Indias population
short note on Socio-cultural factors related to declining proportion of females in sex ratio.
Write short note on Socio-cultural factors influencing infant mortality rates.
Discuss the salient features of the population policy of Government of India. What
modifications would you suggest to make it more effective
Write short note on Social factors related to declining sex-ratio.
Write short note on Reproductive Health.
Write short note on Fertility and population growth
Comment on the influence of social and cultural factors on family planning in India.
Discuss the socio-cultural factors for the declining sex-ratio in some states of India.
Social security measures for the elderly. (10/20)
Bring out relationship b/w fertility and social structure as viewed by Davis and Blake.
Infant Mortality Rate is the most sensitive index for measuring development. Comment
Explain interface between population, ecology and environment in the context of India.
Summary
Population Dynamics
Population explosion= rapid population growth. Not always bad. When economy is not
capable of maintaining the population, then its a problem. For India and China it might be
problem, where as for Israel, Russia and Japan, their governments promote population
growth.
Pre-industrial phase=high BR and and DR=agararian economy=low technology=infant
mortality rate high=so insecurity regading survival of new borns=motivation for frequent
child births=high fertility.
Early industrialisation phase= knowledge about hygiene=sanitation=health=development of
science and technology= vaccinations for epidemics and endemic diseases=low infant
mortality rate=low mortality rate. High BR due to low status of women=religion glorifying
child birth= deamand unskilled large manpower= traditional outlook, not open to adopt
family planning techniques etc= high BR=population explosion.
Advanced industrial society= low BR and low DR= improved medicines and other social and
natural environments=participation in the economy requires highly specialised skills-so
prolonged training and education is needed=so proper upbringing of children become
important with in limited resources=child birth controlled= people became rational and not
so much religion and myth driven.Improved status of women=working women=concerned
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about health of mothers=easy availability of birth control measures due to innovation in the
birth control technology=child birth stabilised=stable population size.
India is in pre-industrial phase=as in last 30 years population has doubled=as per 2011
sensus provisional data=1.21 billion= a matter of concern for all of us.
Women died in the time child birth, no proper diagnosis of diseases. Other factors- western
medicines were inadequate for urban areas,not reaching rural areas-poverty no adequate
food-prone for diseases-not health conscious-were not informed about healthy practicesmarried couple were not aware that health deteriorates after each child birth-child and
infant death were high- medical facility was costly not affordable by all.
2011=2.1 billion, 18 crore added after 2001. 1951 census 360 million. Change in size of
population means= added by birth, substracted by death, net number by immigration or
emigration. Per capita production of food grain has increased but only marginally, because
of high population growth. Housing shortage. Health and Medical services have not been
met yet. The situation related to unemployment and underempoyment reflects the inability
of the employment market to absorb the pressure of increasingly large labour force.
Fertility
Reproductive performance of individual or group= in the crude birth rate considering the
children born alive is an important measurement of fertlity.
Religion and Social institutions supporting high fertility.
Marriage is sacrament in Hindu religion.
Custom in India, girl child to be married before she attains puberty. Even today despite
legislation of age bar at 18. Traditionally, they start childbearing at an early age, continue to
do so till she reaches the age at which they are no longer biologically capable of bearing
children.
Women who do not bear child looked doen upon by society. The new daughter-in-law
attains a rightful status in the family only after she produces a child,preferably a son.
Why son is imortant historically-lighting the funeral pyre of father effecting the salvation of
his fathers soul- extending family line-taking care of parents at their old age-it is so
important that child bearing goes on in the hope of having atleast one son.
Children are considered to be gifts of god. No control of child bearing.
High IMR and child mortality rate- in the hope of some children will reach their childhoodthey may have more children .
Low status of women-unquestionably accept excessive child bearing-without any alternative
avenues of child bearing.
Poor families consider them as source of income.
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Implications of high fertility rate1. Women are tied down to childbearing and childrearing for the best years of their
productive lives- denied the opportunity to explore other avenues for selfexpression and self-development.
2. Excessive childbearing affects their own health and that of their children. Looking
after a large number of children puts further strain on the physical and emotional
resources of such women.
3. Burden on the bread winner of the family.To escape from the problems of everyday
life. He takes up to drinking- further deterioration of the economic and emotional
well being of the family.
4. The children are sometimes unwanted, unloved and neglected. Childlabour at an
early age. No education, whole life spoiled. Girls case more worse. Help her mother
at an early age. Domestic chores. And looking after siblings, when mother is at work.
Mortality
In IMR, girls mortality is more than boys. Biologically the chances survival of the girl child is
more than the boy , in reality the opposite happens.mortality rate among Girl children is
more compared to Boys.
Crude Death Rate : It is the ratio of total registered deaths occurring in a specified calendar
year to the total midyear population multiplied by 1000.
Expectation of life at birth: The average expectation of life at birth.
Infant mortality rate : Infants are defined as those children who are in the first year of their
life. As an indicator for determining the social economic status of the country and the quality
of life in it.
Decline in mortality rate in India due to public health and disease control measures. These
include vaccines against many communicable diseases, eradication of killer diseases like
plague and smallpox and extension of health and medical services. The effect of severe
famines have also been considerably reduced by preventive and relief measures.
When strong supports are not provided by the joint family, the burden falls on society. Oldage homes or foster care homes for the aged have to be provided from the state funds.
Various schemes to provide pension to old.
The high levels of infant and child mortality, a couple may go in for a large number of
children in the hope that at least a few would survive to reach adulthood. Thus, apart from
emotional trauma caused to parents, high infant and child mortality rates result in high
fertility rates leading to inflation and population.
While in traditional societies, age demands respect, modern societies may be more youth
oriented.
More infants and children survive leading to an increase in the proportion of the young
persons in the population as in the case of India. Ageing of the population. Such a situation
prevails in developed countries like Sweden, the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada,
Japan, France and Australia.
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The data shows that Indias working age population (15-64 years) is now 63.4% of the total,
as against just short of 60% in 2001. The numbers also show that the dependency ratio the
ratio of children (0-14) and the elderly (65-100) to those in the working age has shrunk
further to 0.55. Even as the western world is ageing, these new numbers show that Indias
population is still very young,
As fertility falls faster in urban areas, rural India is younger than urban India.
India, as expected, is not getting any younger. Indias median age has risen from around 22
years in 2001 to over 24 years in 2011.
The proportion of the population under the age of 24 has dropped by four percentage
points, but demographers caution that this should not be interpreted as a sign that the
youth bulge is shrinking. With falling fertility, the number of infants and children is what
reduces first and this is what we are seeing with the number of under-25s falling, Faujdar
Ram, director of the Mumbai-based International Institute for Population Sciences said.
The key issue in terms of a demographic dividend is whether this growing youth bulge has
the right skills for the workforce.
Sex Ratio
Number of females per 1000 males. 2011 census=940 Though biologically stronger than
male, the female in India is in a socially and culturally disadvantaged position and has been
accorded a inferior status since centuries. The death rates for the females in most age
groups are higher than those for the males. A sex ratio that is adverse to the females is a
peculiarity of the Indian demographic picture not seen anywhere else.
The limited success in adoption of family planning in India can be explained in terms of
various socio-cultural and economic factors. Urban population is more responsive to family
planning measures than rural population. Further, educated groups accept birth control
practices much more easily.
Age of marriage- The traditional practices of early marriage in rural India and among the
poorer sections of urban population contributes to high fertility.
Religious Beliefs:
Indian society continues to be predominantly rural and even in urban areas diffusion of secular
scientific education is confined only to the upper and middle classes. All religions extol childbirth and
are against any intervention in the process of reproduction.
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The preoccupation with the birth of a son is to be found even among educated people in the
urban areas and thus the religious belief discourages them to adopt family planning
programmes. Even a Islam discourages its believers from adopting birth control measures.
The minority consciousness among the Muslims is another factor which motivates them in
giving birth to many children.
High infant mortality and lack of provisions for old age Security: High infant mortality and
the inability of the state to provide any provision for the old-age creates a sense of insecurity
and makes the rural people rely on their male children, to provide support in the old age
And hence birth of many children is considered desirable.
Economic reasons: Another most important factor which creates a preference for a larger
family is the high incidence of poverty in both rural and urban areas. Among the poor
sections of the population , children are viewed as an asset. The upbringing of the children
does not require any extra effort, neither do they provide for the education of the children.
At a very early age both boys and girls in the poorer families start working and begin
contributing to the family income. Similarly, in the farming sector among the middle and
small farmers, the agricultural practices are based on labour-intensive technology. Thus
large sized families are considered desirable because they supply the manpower needed for
agricultural activities. Thus poverty and backwardness and lack of modern scientific
education are also responsible to a great extent in discouraging people from the adoption of
family planning measures.
Another factor which has contributed to the poor performance of family planning programs
is that- the focus has been primarily on birth control , rather than making a multipronged
attack on various aspects which are responsible for high birth rate. Only in the sixth and
seventh five year plans, a broader perspective was adopted in the form of family welfare
programme.
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While a cause for concern, global population growth has not met Malthus pessimistic predictions of
human misery and mass mortality. During the past few decades, rapid population growth has been
accompanied by an unparalleled decline in mortality rates and by an increase in income per capita,
both globally and in India
In the past, Indias population has grown very rapidly and has imposed a substantial burden
of youth dependency on the Indian economy. But in recent years, Indias demographic
profile has begun to evolve in a way that is potentially more favorable to economic growth.
The interplay of these mortality and fertility changes implies sizable changes in the age
structure of Indias population. Since 1950, India has experienced a 70% decline in the infant
mortality rate, from over 165 deaths per thousand live births in the 1950s to around 50
today. Indias child (i.e., under age 5) mortality rate has fallen from 138 deaths per thousand
in the early 1980s to 75 today. Life expectancy has increased at an average pace of 4.5 years
per decade since 1950. The fertility rate has declined sharply from approximately 6 children
per woman in the 1950s to 2.7 children per woman today.
The population growth rate, after peaking in the late 1970s at about 2.3% per year, has
fallen to 1.4% in 2010. In spite of the decline in fertility and the population growth rate,
Indias population is still projected to increase (based on the UNs medium-fertility scenario)
from about 1.2 billion today to an estimated 1.6 billion by 2050 due to population
momentum (i.e., the large cohort of women of reproductive age will fuel population growth
over the next generation, even if each woman has fewer children than previous generations
did). Finally, the decline of crude birth and death rates shows that India is well along in its
demographic transition.
The sex ratio at birth in India is 1.12 males for each female one of the highest ratios in the
world. The corresponding figure for 2003 was 1.05 (United States Central Intelligence
Agency, 2010). Sex-selective abortions, although illegal, are thought to be a prime reason
for this high ratio. Indian families have long shown favoritism toward boys, and new
technologies are allowing that preference to be expressed in differential birth rates.
The sex ratio at birth in India is 1.12 males for each female one of the highest ratios in the
world. The corresponding figure for 2003 was 1.05 (United States Central Intelligence
Agency, 2010). Sex-selective abortions, although illegal, are thought to be a prime reason for
this high ratio. Indian families have long shown favoritism toward boys, and new
technologies are allowing that preference to be expressed in differential birth rates. An
additional demographic fact deserves mention: there are an estimated 11.4 million Indians
living outside of India
India had 66% higher income per capita than China in 1980, but by the early 1990s China
overtook India. In 2008, the situation was decisively reversed, with income per capita in
China double that of India.
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Policymakers may also consider three demographic- and health-related potential threats to Indias
future prosperity: population aging, population heterogeneity, and the effects of urbanization on
health.
1. Population aging
By 2050, over 33%, or roughly 536 million people, will be aged
50 or over; the share of those aged 65 and over will increase from 5% to 14%; and the share
of those aged 80 and over will rise from 1% to 3%. The main force driving Indias changing
age structure are the maturing of past birth cohorts, upward trends in life expectancy due to
increasing survival rates at older ages, and falling fertility
2. Population heterogeneity
For example, the total fertility rate (TFR) varied across the states of India by a factor of more
than 3 in 2001. Fertility in Kerala was well below the long-run replacement level of 2.1
children per woman, whereas it was more than twice the replacement level in Uttar
Pradesh; this disparity corresponds roughly to the current difference in fertility between
Japan and Kenya. Indias states also exhibit a large variation in life expectancy, with a range
from 73 years in Kerala to 59 years in Madhya Pradesh. While heterogeneity can be a source
of constructive synergy, it can also cause or contribute to social and political unrest and
instability, particularly when it is accompanied by economic inequality.
3. Urbanization and health
During this period, it has been confronting a surge in chronic diseases accounting for 53%
of all deaths in India in 2005 (Reddy et al 2005) that are related to a decline of infectious
disease mortality, tobacco consumption, patterns of nutrition, and urban living and a more
sedentary lifestyle.
India is poised to reap economic benefits from the favorable demographics discussed earlier,
but this windfall is not guaranteed. India has several opportunities to increase its chances of
success, the first being to make wider and deeper investments in health.
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1. Ancient Writings:
The ancient Chinese writers observed that mortality increases when food supply is insufficient, that
premature marriage makes for high infant mortality rates, that war checks population growth and
that costly marriage ceremonies reduce the marriage rate. In China, the doctrines of Confucius
regarding family, marriage and procreation were favourable for population increase.
The writers of early Greece, especially Plato and Aristotle, referred to the optimum population for
city-states. They looked at population mainly in terms of defence, security and government. Plato
suggested a population of 5,000 citizens for a city-state as the ideal number. He suggested remedial
measures for both under-population and overpopulation. The Romans thought of population in
terms of the expansion of their empire. They thought of several devices to promote increase in
population.
Kautilya, the author of Arthashastra, a classic of economics, thought of a large population as a
source of political, economic and military power. He thought of a population of 100 to 500 for a
village. Traditional Hindu philosophy considered marriage a sacrament.
A girl was given in marriage in the form of kanyadan. Procreation was considered a duty, and the
birth of a son was considered a necessity for giving pitradan to the dead souls. A girl was denied the
right of giving pitradan, hence, a male child was considered a necessity. Large families were
considered an asset for economic pursuits. Later on, joint families were immensely valued in Hindu
society.
2. The Pre-Malthusian Views:
Islam inadvertently encouraged population increase by allowing four wives. Child marriage became a
part of the Islamic ethos. Even today, Islam does not openly promote measures to check population
increase. Only Christianity emphasised celibacy and thought of marriage and reproduction as evils.
However, later on, Christianity considered marriage necessary for procreation. Thus, these views
were more philosophical, moral and religious rather than the theories of population.
The period of the Renaissance witnessed the emergence of the nation-state, new scientific
discoveries, exploration of new territories, rapid growth of trade, dissolution of medieval feudalism,
a development of early capitalism, which later on paved a way for Industrial Revolution. The
Renaissance contributed to the evolution of economic ideas and thinking on population. These
developments took place between the late fifteenth and the late eighteenth centuries.
Mercantilism was the dominant school of this period. Population increase was encouraged through
large families, early marriage and immigration. It was not a scientific theory of population. This
school had two tenets: (1) increase in national wealth by production and export of goods, and (2)
rivalry among nations. A sizeable population was required for warfare. Inflation and human
exploitation were its two natural consequences. Thus, mercantilism was a policy for obtaining
economic and political gains. Because of the overemphasis on population increase, some people
foresaw a scarcity of the means of subsistence, and therefore, suggested some checks on population
growth.
3. The Malthusian Theory:
Thomas Robert Malthus was first to develop a consistent and comprehensive theory of population in
relation to economic conditions. His first essay on population: An Essay on the Principle of
Population, 1799
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Malthus regarded the social institutions of his times as natural and inevitable. He asserted that the
pressure of want, the cause of poverty, and the unequal distribution of property were not related to
forms of government.
He formulated the principle that man could increase his subsistence only in arithmetical progression
whereas his numbers tended to increase in geometrical progression. Population always tended
towards the limits set by subsistence, and was contained within those limits by the operation of
positive and preventive checks. In the revised version of this essay,
Malthus made the following propositions:
1. Population is necessarily limited by the means of subsistence.
2. Population invariably increases where the means of subsistence increase, unless prevented by
some very powerful and obvious checks.
3. These and other checks are all resolvable into moral restraint vice, and misery.
Malthus drew two conclusions:
(1) With natural increase, population tends to double itself every 25 years, thus increasing in a
geometrical progression; and
(2) Under the most favourable conditions, agricultural production increases each 25 years by an
equal quantity, in an arithmetical progression.
In general, Malthus assumes diminishing returns from land. There are other checks, which keep
population down to the level of subsistence. These checks are the preventive and the positive
checks. The preventive checks are voluntary in nature, and include moral restraint, implying
deferring of marriage, and vice. The positive checks include epidemics, wars, plague and famine, all
manifestations of misery. These checks have operated in all countries with some variations. Only in
a few cases population has increased beyond the means of subsistence.
4. Neo-classical Theories:
In the neo-classical period two schools of thought dominated:
(1) The classical school of political economy, and
(2) The socialists and the Marxists.
Both the schools were concerned with the causes and consequences of population changes,
particularly with a view to discover the laws related to production, wages, interest, rents and profits.
The scholars of this period argued that population growth tended to depress wages and create
poverty. J.S. Mill (1830) thought that population control, through flow of goods and services in a
given country, would bring down the population pressure. Circumstances checked the growth of
population. Technological progress also brought down the population pressure.
The natural or biological theory is that fertility decreases with the increase in density of population.
This is known as the theory of optimum population. M.T. Sadler (1830) argued: The fecundity of
human beings under similar circumstances varied inversely as their numbers increase on a given
space. By fecundity he meant the physiological capacity to conceive and bear living children A
population cannot have high fertility without being highly fecund, but it can be highly fecund
without having either a high fertility or a high rate of increase.
Thomas Doubleday (1830) observed that mans increase in numbers was inversely related to his
food supply. The better the food supply, the slower the increase in his numbers. Herbert Spencer
(1961) thought that with increase in scientific and economic development interest in reproduction
tended to decrease.
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Karl Marx (1973) observed that when the capitalistic mode of production was replaced by a
socialistic mode of production, the population pressure would decrease. The rise in the standard of
living would bring down inequalities and result in a decline in both birth and death rates. Moral
restraint would also be strong under the new conditions. Marxs view is just opposite to that of
Malthus. Marx traces the genesis of the problem of overpopulation to that of the capitalist society.
Alexander Morris Carr-Saunders (1922) felt that man always strived to arrive at an optimum
population. He took all the factors including environment, skill and customs into account to attain
this number. The optimum number is not fixed for all times. It depends upon the changes that occur
in a given country or context. All the methods of putting a check on overpopulation strive at an
optimum number that a country can afford.
5. Theory of Demographic Transition:
The theory of demographic transition is based on the historical experience of different societies such
as the primitive, the intermediate and the modern. Similar to historical evolution, stages of
demographic evolution have also been found. These stages have been ascertained on the basis of
different permutations and combinations of birth and death rates.
There are, for example:
(1) The high stationary stage;
(2) The early expanding stage;
(3) The late expanding stage;
(4) The low stationary stage; and
(5) The declining stage.
Certain modern forces of development and change are taken into account in understanding of these
stages in different countries.
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About a decade ago, a large- scale survey covering some 32,000 respondents sponsored by
the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare came to the conclusion that most couples wanted
not only three or more children but they also wanted that two of them should be sons.
A survey was conducted in 1991 on Socialisation of Indian Youth about Population by the
Family Planning Foundation, Delhi in collaboration with Operation Research Group, Delhi.
This survey studied the attitudes of 17,185 male and female children selected from 251
schools from urban and rural areas of 22 districts of Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Haryana and
Delhi. A large number of the respondents were in favour of two-children family.
While about 90 per cent subjects preferred one son and one daughter, 73 per cent were not
very keen about giving undue importance to the sex of the children. A majority of the
respondents did not consider the age of marriage of both boys and girls below 22 years as
the correct marriage age. A good number of them had slight knowledge of contraceptives
but they were not very well informed about the subject. A large number had acquired this
knowledge from watching the TV.
A survey was conducted by Population Research Centre of Udaipur University in Rajasthan in
1992 in which 5,211 women (1,019 from urban areas and 4,192 from rural areas) from 27
districts in 13-49 years age group were interviewed.
The survey revealed that among the currently married women (i.e., 5058), 99 per cent in
urban areas and 84 per cent in rural areas had knowledge of at least one modern method of
family planning (i.e., sterilization, pill, IUD and injection) as different from the traditional
method of periodic abstinence, withdrawal, etc.).
As regards their husbands, amongst 2,433 rural husbands, 57.1 per cent approved family
planning, 16.8 per cent disapproved it, and 26.1 per cent were unsure. Amongst urban
husbands, 74.9 per cent approved it, 9.4 per cent disapproved it, and 15.7 per cent were
unsure.
Of the women studied, 27.7 per cent (women or wives of sterilized men) had undergone
sterilization. The reasons given by 2035 (39%) women for not using any method of family
planning were: wanted children (39.7%), wanted son or daughter (22.9%), worry about the
side-effects (1.3%), lack of knowledge (3.7%), fear of sterilization (4.3%), against religion
(1.4%), opposed to family planning (0.8%), opposition by husband (3.7%) or in-laws (0.7%),
health did not permit (2%), inconvenient (0.4%) and menopausal (10.7%).
Out of 3,027 women (2,433 rural and 594 urban) interviewed (i.e., excluding those who
either themselves or their husbands were sterilized), 75.5 per cent were in favour of family
planning, while 23.4 per cent did not express specific attitude. Of these, 50.5 per cent
currently married women were actually using some contraceptive method.
India's population growth rate has been declining over the years but the overall population
will continue to grow as 51% of the population is in the reproductive age group (15-49).
Millions more will join this cohort each year. Every year, 26 million babies are born. Only
53% of the eligible couples are using contraceptives. At current levels, it may take several
decades more to stabilise the population.
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In India the levels of maternal and infant mortality are very high. Repeated childbirths are
seen as an insurance against multiple infant and child deaths. Vast numbers of people
cannot avail of services even when they are available, due to problems of knowledge and
access.
India accounts for 2.4% of the world's surface area yet it supports 16.7% of the world's
population. As the population grows, the pressure on natural resources will intensify.
Population pressure will reduce the per capita availability of land for farming, which will
affect availability of food grain, drinking water, besides excluding millions of people from the
benefits of health and education and the opportunity to become productive members of
society. More than half a billion Indians are less than 25 years of age.
In the states where the growth rates are high, maternal mortality and infant mortality is also
very high. Repeated child births aggravate the health and survival risks to both mother and
child. According to the International Institute for Population Sciences, 2006 in a study
prepared for the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare and National Commission on
Population, early pregnancies before the age of 20 increase maternal and child birth risks.
The societal pressure for early child bearing and lack of spacing thereafter affects the
mother's health and can lead to death of the infant or the birth of an underweight child. This
sets in motion a vicious cycle of births, deaths and ill-health. It affects overall development.
It is vitally necessary to make family planning services available where men and women can
access them freely. IIPS's study indicates that in many states like Bihar, Jharkhand,
Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and some North Eastern States several districts have a low couple
protection rate of 40%. This is in contrast to the rest of the country where the couple
protection rates are 52 to 62%. Unless young people adopt family planning methods and
space families, population growth will pull back the development of the country.
India is the best country to study the consequences of over population. Geometric growth in
population has pushed our country into population explosion leading to number of serious
consequences. Some of them are:
Decreased availability of food and clothing.
Decreased per capita food availability despite phenomenal increase in their production.
Decreased per capita GMP and reduced standard of living due to ever increasing population.
Increased pressure on resources like land, water, natural forests, animals etc. leading to
many far reaching effects like:
o Fragmentation of land below the economic level.
o Acute shortage of drinking and irrigation water.
o Denudation of forest (Deforestation) to increase the area
under agriculture.
o Pollution of water, land, food materials etc.
Urbanistaion beyond a healthy developmental limit as more rural people shift to towns /
cities in search of better work / earning. Urbanization has led to may problems such as
Increased housing problems in cities / towns.
Very high vehicular movement in cities / towns leading to accidents,
pollution, etc.
Serious problem connected to vast urban waste generation and its
disposal.
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mechanisms. All told, ample opportunity exists for the compara- tive analysis of social
structure as it affects fertility. In view of the bearing of future population trends on
economic development, the pursuit of such analysis has a practical as well as a theoretical
significance.
The present paper represents an attempt to set forth and utilize an ana- lytical framework
for the comparative sociology of fertility. It first presents a classification of the intemediate
variables through which any social factors influencing the level of fertility must operate. It
next tries to show, in broad outline, how some types and elements of social organization,
acting through these variables, appear to enhance or depress societal fertility. Our hope is
that as more sociological and demographic information becomes available, the theories
advanced can be refined further and tested empirically.
The Intermediate Variables
The process of reproduction involves three necessary steps sufficiently obvious to be
generally recognized in human culture: (l) intercourse, (2) con-ception, and (3) gestation and
parturition.1 In analyzing cultural influences on fertility, one may well start with the factors
directly connected with these three steps. Such factors would be those through which, and
only through which, cultural conditions $1 affect fertility. For this reason, by way of convenience, they can be called the "intermediate variables" and can be presented schematically as
follows:
o Although the physiologist sees more steps in the process, these can all be subsumed
under the three headings given here. We are concerned only with the steps in
reproduction as they may be socially recognized and utilized.
Different parameters
Intercourse Variables
A. Those governing the formation and dissolution of unions in the repro- ductive period.
1. Age of entry into sexual unions.
2. Permanent celibacy: proportion of women never entering sexual unions.
3. Amount of reproductive period spent after or between unions.
a. When unions are broken by divorce, separation, or desertion.
b. When unions are broken by death of husband.
B. Those governing the exposure to intercourse within unions.
4. Voluntary abstinence.
5. Involuntary abstinence (from impotence, illness, unavoidable but temporary separations).
6. Coital frequency (excluding periods of abstinence).
Conception Variables
7. Fecundity or infecundity, as affected by involuntary causes.
8. Use or non-use of contraception.
a. By mechanical and chemical means.
b. By other means.
9. Fecundity or infecundity, as affected by voluntary causes (sterilization, subincision, medical
treatment, etc.).
Gestation Variables
10. Foetal mortality from involuntary causes.
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Population facts
India adds more people to its population every year than any other country. Between the 2001
and 2011 censuses India grew by 181 million people, nearly the entire population of Pakistan.
India will have overtaken China as the worlds largest country by 2025, when it is projected to
have a population of 1.44 billion. By 2050, the population will have swelled to 1.65 billion.
India is multilingual. A total of 122 languages are each spoken by more than 10,000 people and
six languages Hindi, Bengali, Telegu, Tamil, Marathi, Urdu are spoken by 50 million people or
more. Hindi is the mother tongue of 41% of the population. English is a subsidiary official
language.
Thanks to average GDP growth of 5% every year since 1990 India has overtaken Japan to become
the worlds third largest economy in terms of purchasing power parity (i.e. adjusting for
differences in prices in different countries).
According to the World Bank, more than 400 million Indians one third of the population live in
poverty (earning less than $1.25 a day). That is a substantial improvement since 1990 when the
poverty rate was 53%. If measured by the Indian national poverty line ($0.45 a day in rural areas)
the rate reduces to 22% in 2012, compared to 45% in 1994.
Nearly half (48%) of Indian children under 5 years old are stunted due to chronic undernutrition.
India accounts for more than 3 out of every 10 stunted children in the world. Undernutrition is
significantly higher in rural than in urban areas.
About 70% of Indians live in rural areas although some 10 million Indians move from rural areas
to towns and cities each year. There are now over 50 Indian cities home to at least one million
people and the urban population is growing by 2.5% a year, nearly double the overall growth
rate.
India will soon have the largest, youngest workforce ever. Nearly half the population is under 24
years of age while about 64% of Indians are of working age. Around 12 million young Indians will
enter the job market each month for the next 20 years. About half of Indian workers are
employed in agriculture.
Less than 10 percent of the working-age population has completed secondary school. By 2022,
India is projected to be missing 103 million skilled workers in the infrastructure sector, about 35
million in the automobile industry and 33 million in construction.
In the 2014 Indian elections, 150 million 18- to 23-year-olds qualified to vote for the first time,
swelling the electorate to over half a billion. In the largest democratic exercise ever, 550 million
people voted a turnout of 66%.
Indians working abroad sent $70 billion home in 2013 making India the worlds largest recipient
of remittances ahead of China, the Philippines and Mexico.
Nearly half (47%) of Indian girls are married before the legal age for marriage of 18. About 18%
are married before reaching 15 years of age.
India is the largest user of groundwater in the world, using over a quarter of the global total.
More than 60% of irrigated agriculture and 85% of drinking water supplies in the country are
dependent on groundwater.
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Describe the factures responsible for increasing economic inequalities in India and discuss
their social consequences.
How far has education of women led to an improvement in their social status in the modern
Indian society? Which other factors are related to the status of women in India?
Political and economic empowerment of women is necessary but not a sufficient
condition for improving social of women in India.
Critically evaluate the existing welfare programmes for women in India. Have they benefited
all sections of women in India?
Write short note on Nature of atrocities on married
Discuss in detail atrocities women and suggest annihilative measures for them.
Write short note on Discrimination against women.
Write short note on Problem of dowry.
Write short note on Religious revivalism.
How do you define development? What are your suggestions to resolve the issues of
displacement and environment related to development?
Do you think that poverty, deprivation and inequalities are the major challenges in the
process of social transformation? What are your suggestions to address and resolve these
problems?
Highlight the important dimensions of inter-caste conflict in India.
Structural factors behind violence against women
Casteism is the modern edition of the caste system. Do you agree with this statement?
Discuss with arguments (11/20)
Tradition and modernity are misplaced polarities in the study of social change in India
Elucidate
Development induced displacement- equal to forced migration- violation of human rightseffects spill over generations- loss of traditional means of employment- change of
environment- disrupted community life and relationships- marginalisation- psychological
trauma.
Singur WB Tata Nano Shifted to Guju- Posco Odisha- developing SEZs- Sardar Sarovar Dam
Narmada and camcellation of the dam by world bank due to protests- Tehri dam outer
himalays etc.
Devlopment induced displacement- ecological- social-emotive- cultural connotations.
Land given for compensation- infertile- non productive. No compensation for common
property resources like forest land, pasture land, river bed which are not compensated-
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Traditional skill lose its significace, no income, poverty- sometimes they are asked to pay
differential price, difficult for them to arrange- distress migration-women and children are
most affected- sociological cost-human cost-ecological cost-cultural cust which is more than
the economic cost.
Steps to be taken- before introduction of any project, alternate site for rehabilitation, should
nt be far away from the original place-common property resources re-enacted- education
and training so that they can be employed- sanitation, education, health care, community
infrastructure support- minimum ecological damaga- consent based approach not
consultation.
Ramachandra Guha- Environmental movements are not grounded on skepticism-it is
addressing to the fundamental questions like civil rights, political rights, economic rights,
which is taken away from them by the protector of these rights.
Environmental movement- peoples perception of state stands dialectical to the strategy for
development adopted by state government.
Land aquision resettlement and rehabilitation bill
Environmental problems
Economic development- population growth 300 million in 1947 to 1.2 billion now- strain on
countrys natural resources.
Industrial pollution- soil erosion- water bodies pollution- land degradation- deforestationunplanned urbanisation- rapid industrialisation- heavy reliance on coal fo power generationmore than 80% of energy from coal.
Land degradation- wind erosion-water logging- bad land use practices.
Loss of biodiversity- Air pollution- Contamination of water bodies along with ground water
aquifers- Fly ash from coal plants, which have traces of alumina and traces of carcinogenic
material- Dams and large area submerged in water- Open cast mining, ground water and
surface water contamintation, eye sight issue and lungs issue,when abandoned, no regrowth of ecology,permanent damage to environment.
Addressing Sustainability
Meeting present needs keeping an eye on future generations- Removal of povertyTechnology and infrastructure decisions should be taken on the basis of sustainabiityevaluation of projects in ecological perspective- incuding local people to know their stakesBiomass is the fuel for rural poor, startegy to help them for sustainable usage-Sacred groves
and ponds by community participation-Women empowerment- PRIs- Effect of GlobalisationSHGs.
Marraige Occupations- norms of every day behaviour- there is a cultural lag- even a backlash
when women demand their newly available rights.
Criminal violence- Rape, Murder, Abduction, Molestation,prostitution, trafficing, Acid attack.
Domestic violence- Dowry death,wife battering, sexual abuse by kins, maltreatment of
widows and elderly women,torture of daughter-in-laws.
Social
and
cultural
violenceFemale
foeticide,infanticide,eve-teasing,widow
immolation(sati), refusing to give share to women in property.
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How to adress Creating awareness among women about their rights- strcit laws- morally sensitive officersstrong support system for women in distress- moral support-legal aid- giving them jobsrunning training programmes- legal literacy- school curriculum should promote equality
among genders and respect for women- Sensitization of the police- government officialjudiciary etc.
Ujjawala- Swadhar- STEP-One stop crisis centre= govt pgms
Ethnic Conflicts
Ethnic group- common language- common culture- sometimes shared religion- common
ancestry-endogamy-common religious faith.
Ghanashyam Saha- During Indias freedom struggle, there was glorification of north south
divide- apprehension north indias brahminic sanskritic culture will be imposed on indigenous
non-sanskritic dravidian peasant culture. So Tamil Brahmins first went for modern
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education, trade and commerce without rejecting sanskritik values- non brahmins went for
modernisation and secularisation rejecting sanskritic values-hence caste was weak in south
india, communal disparity was minimum and political awareness was more.
Assam-due to influx of Bengalis
Meghalaya- between Garo and Khasi tribes- not for culture rather access for power,
education etc.
Manipur- Conflict between Naga and Kuki-On control over public institutions-Tribal advisory
council-District autonomous council-looks for land , forest and other resources-son of the
soils is getting glorified.
Maharashtra- Mumbaikars-non marathis- access to education and employment- 1960s it
was between South indians vs marathis- now it is north indians vs marathis.
Hindi as national language issue- to promote unity in diversity- riot in Tamil Nadu.
Ethnic conflicts- manifest cause-language, region, religion. Latent cause-conflicting
economic and political interests.
Communalism
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Developmental Displacement:
Arundhati Roy in book Greater common good- The millions of displaced people in India are
nothing but refugees of an unacknowledged war.
A review by the World Bank notes that an average of 13000 people are displaced by each
new large dam constructed currently. By this estimate, the number of people displaced by
3000 + large dams would be over 39 million. Thats three times the people displaced during
partition of India. The tribals who comprise 8.08% of Indias population are estimated to be
more than 40% of the displaced population. Dalits constitute 20% of displaced persons
(DPs). Most of the remaining are other rural poor.
Many DPs are subjected to multiple displacement. A chilling case of this trauma is that of the
displaced of Singrauli who are part of the over 2 lakh people first displaced by the Rihand
dam in 1964. Tens of thousands says Smitu Kothari, "who in the absence of any
resettlement programs, settled on the banks of reservoir, cultivating the land which is
exposed when the reservoir recedes in the summer season. They were subsequently
displaced by Thermal Power plants, Coal mines, Railways, Industries and urbanisation and
now face displacement for an incomprehensible fifth time in a single generation as their
temporary settlements are to be evicted to make way for urban, road and rail transport and
afforestation projects. The entire process of displacement is disempowering because it
breaks up socio-political organisations opposing the project or the development process
itself. In the case of tribals, the experience of displacement becomes much more monstrous.
Arundhati Roy says, "many of those who have been resettled are people who have lived all
their lives deep in the forest . Instead of a forest from which they gathered everything they
needed - food, fuel, fodder, rope, gum, tobacco, tooth powder, medicinal herbs, housing
material - they earn between ten and twenty rupees a day with which to feed and keep their
families. Instead of a river, they have a hand pump. In their old village, they had no money,
but they were insured. If the rains failed, they had the forests to turn to. The river to fish in.
Their livestock was their fixed deposit. Without all this, they are a heart beat away from
destitution."
Rape- Marital rape, Gang rape; Female infanticide- Female foeticide; Domestic violence;
Acid throwing; Dowry deaths; Honour killings; Abduction; Insult to modesty; Human
trafficking and forced prostitution
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Rape: In India, a woman is raped every 29 minutes. In India, marital rape is not a criminal
offense. As per: International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES) Survey, 20% of
Indian men admit to forcing their wives or partners to have sex.
Domestic Violence: Domestic violence is also known as domestic abuse, spousal abuse,
battering, family violence, dating abuse and intimate partner violence. Domestic violence
can be physical, emotional, verbal, economic and sexual abuse.
Acid Attacks: At least 72% of reported acid attacks in India have involved women. 34% of
acid attacks in India have been determined to be related to rejection of marriage or refusal
by a women of sexual advances.20% of acid attacks have been determined to be related to
land, property, and/or business disputes. Acid attacks related to marriage are often spurred
by dowry disagreements (Avon Foundation for women)
Dowry deaths: In Uttar Pradesh, 2,244 cases were reported, accounting for 27.3% of the
dowry deaths nationwide (Total 8233 in India in 2012)
Honour Killings: Honour killings can be very violent. For example, in June 2012, a father
chopped off his 20 year old daughter's head with a sword in pure rage upon hearing that she
was dating a man who he did not approve of
Human trafficking and forced prostitution: From 2011 to 2012, there was a 26.3% decrease
in girls imported to India from another country. Karnataka had 32 cases, and West Bengal
had 12 cases, together accounting for 93.2% of the total cases nationwide
Female Infanticide and Foetal Killing This refers to killing the infant soon after its birth or at
the foetus stage. The former is common amongst certain tribes and caste groups such as the
Kallars of Tamil Nadu. The Kallars live in abject poverty. For livelihood they work in illicit
liquor distilleries and coconut groves. Which require more male hands. The birth of a
daughter is burden for them for not only theres insufficient occupation for her, but dowry
has to be given for her wedding and other gifts to be given to her husbands family on various
occasions after the solemnisation of the marriage.
Foetal killing has been a crucial problem in some urban areas. A medical diagnostic process
called, amniocentesis, is used in the U.S.A. to check possible deformities of the unborn child.
However, this is fast being used by parents to select the sex of their child. Misuse of the sex
determination test has been a crucial issue in some urban places in India. This has resulted in
a new type femicide i.e., abortion of female foetuses. A survey carried out in Bombay during
1984 revealed that out of 8,000 abortions 7,999 were female foetuses (Government of India
1988: 98). It is reported that in Dharampuri district of Tamil Nadu, the place where female
infant mortality rate as per 1991 census was 100.1, 105 female infants were killed every
month in 1997. Testing for sex determination of the unborn child has been now banned in
India.
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