Online Journal of Baha'i Studies

Volume 1, 2007
Frontcover: SACRED EPIC OF THE PEACEMAKER Artist:

John Kahionhes Fadden (Mohawk). Reprinted by permission.
ARTISTS DESCRIPTION: In the upper left-hand corner is the

eclipse of the sun with developing corn. This is when the corn
was knee-high in Seneca country, and there was an eclipse of the
sun, and this served as a sign in the sky to a reluctant group of
Senecas [when the Black Sun persuaded the westernmost Senecas
to follow Deganawidah]. The man in the upper middle represents
both the Peacemaker [Deganawidah] and Aiionwatha [Hiawatha]
singing the Peace Song that helped turn the mindof Atadaho [the
cannibal warlord, Atotarho, powerful Onondaga sorcerer with
snakes in his hair]. The antlers signify leadership, and the gourd
rattlea ccompanies the Peace Song. In the background are clouds
representing natural forces at work, and below the clouds is a lake
and hills. This symbolizes the People of The Hills/Onondaga, and
the lake is Onondaga Lake where the League was formed. In front
of the lake are symbols of the original Nations [the Five Nations
of the Iroquois League of Nations founded by the Prophet
Deganawidah and his first convert, Hiawatha].From right to left
are: People of the Flint (Mohawk), People of the Upright Stone
(Oneida), People of the Hills (Onondaga), People of the Swamp
(Cayuga), and People of the Great Mountain (Seneca). Just to the
left of these national symbols is a bone comb symbol of the
removal of the snakes from Atadarhos head [by Hiawatha, whose
name means, He Who Combs]. Below the comb is Atadarho [who
became Firekeeper, Wampum Keeper and Chief of Chiefs of the
League of Nations], and as the PeaceSong takes effect, the war
club is loosened from his hand. To his right is the symbol of the
Council Fire, the gathering place of the Five Nations, of clans,
and of family. Below that are further natural elements flowers that
growin the grasses, and beneath these plants can be seen the
image of a turtle, representing Turtle Island North America.
Copyright © 2008 Compilation Association for Baha‟i

Studies, New Zealand
All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic
or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, without the
prior written permission of the copyright owner and the publisher.
OJBS: Online Journal of Baha‟i Studies,
Volume 1, 2007
Table of Contents
Editors Introduction
Ismael Velasco Editorsř Introduction 1-3

and Christopher
Buck
Research Articles
Nalinie Mooten The Bahářì Contribution to Cosmopolitan 4-70

International Relations Theory.
Moojan Momen Messianic Concealment and Theophanic 71-88

Disclosure.
Khazeh Bahářuřlláh as fulfilment of the theophanic 89-113

Fananapazir promise in the Sermons of Imam 'Alí ibn Abí
Ṭálib: Translation of al Ṭutunjiyya, Iftikhár and
Ma'rifat bin-Nurániyyat.
Vahid Behmardi A Stylistic Analysis of the Bábřs Writings: 114-136

and Will McCants Abridged Translation of Vahid Behmardiřs
Muqaddamih-yi dar bárih-yi sabk va siyáq-i
áthár-i mubárakih-yi ḥaḍrat-i rabb a`lá.
Todd Lawson The Authority of the Feminine and Fatima's Place 138-170
in an Early Work by the Bab
Necati Alkan Dreams and their Interpretation in the Bahářì 171-179

Religion: Some Preliminary Remarks
Donald Addison Messengers of God in North America Revisited: 180-270

and Christopher An Exegesis of ŘAbduřl-Bahářs Tablet to Amìr
Buck Khán
Gloria Shahzadeh Bahářuřlláhřs Four Tablets to Maryam: Lawh-i- 271-297

Maryam, Maryama Isiy-i-Jan, Hurufat-i-ŘAliřin
and Ẓiyárat-Námih-i-Maryam
Ahang Rabbani Memories of My Life: Translation of Mírzá 298-400

Habìbuřlláh Afnánřs Khátirát-i-Hayát
Essays and Opinions
Jean Marc Lepain An Introduction to the Lawh-i Haqquřn-Nas 401-404
Mehran Bahářuřlláhřs Lawh-i Haqquřn-Nas Tablet of the 405-409

Ghassempour Right of the People, Provisional Translation
Ismael Velasco ŘAbduřl-Bahá and Mírzá Ghaffár Zanúzí 410-413

ALM Nicolasřs ŘAbdoul-Béha et la situationř,
1912
Adel Salmanzadeh Bahá'í Consultation and Freireian Dialogue in 414-444

Development A Comparative Perspective
Guy Sinclair Mediation, Transformation and Consultation 445-461

A Comparative Analysis of Conflict Resolution
Models
Ismael Velasco In Memoriam: Hugh McKinley 462-468
Nozomu Sonda Bushido (Chivalry) and the Traditional Japanese 469-487

Moral Education
Research Notes and Bibliographia
Bahářì World Prayer for Shaykh Káẓim Samandar 488-489

Centre Authorised Translation of Bahá'u'lláhřs Múnáját-
i-Jináb-i-Samandarí
Steve Cooney The World Order of Bahářuřlláh. Notes on recent 490-519

secondary literature, and a memorandum from
the Bahářì World Centre.
Thomas Linard Preliminary Bibliography of works in French 520-586

making mention of the Babì or Bahářì religions
(1945Ŕ2000)
Graham Hassall Accessing literature on the Bahá'í Faith: 587-619

emerging search technologies and recent results
OJBS: Online Journal of Bahářì Studies Volume 1 (2007), 1-3
URL: http://www.ojbs.org ISSN 1177-8547
OJBS: The Online Journal of Baha‟i Studies

Editors‟ Introduction
Ismael Velasco
Tenerife, Independent Scholar
Christopher Buck, Ph.D., J.D.

Pittsburgh, Independent Scholar
The Online Journal of Bahá‟í Studies
Welcome to the inaugural issue of the Online Journal of Bahářì Studies, a

new resource of academic, essayist, and artistic perspectives on the Bahářì
Faith, its origins, ideas, and adaptations. The Online Journal of Bahářì
Studies is an international open-access peer-reviewed journal within the
field of Bahářì studies.
At the core of Bahářì studies is the Bahářì religion itself. As the youngest of
the independent world religions, the Bahářì Faith is attracting greater
scholarly as well as popular interest. It is this interest that has given birth to
the emergent field of Bahářì studies. Bahářì studies is a field of
interdisciplinary studies, rather than a discipline with discipline-specific
methodologies. As such, the Online Journal of Bahářì Studies will, over the
course of its progress and development, benefit from a greater resource pool
of reviewers, whose respective areas of expertise will span a broad range of
disciplines and arts. As the quality of scholarship and art progresses ŕ not
to mention the prestige that these will attract to the Journal itself ŕ the
Editors have every confidence that the Online Journal of Bahářì Studies will
enrich Bahářì studies and Bahářì-inspired art.
The Journal aims to broaden the culture and community of discourse of

Bahářì studies, maintaining the best of the established voices but making
known new voices, transmitting the excellent work going on in the more
developed areas of Bahářì scholarship (history and scripture), while
representing the emergent work that is being done in equally important but
less consolidated areas, such as sociology, the sciences, international
relations, social and economic development, psychology, business, etc. The
Online Journal of Bahářì Studies represents its editorsř practical response to
the call of the Universal House of Justice to evolve a new paradigm of
Bahářì scholarship, understood in a non-methodologically prescriptive way,
with a distinctively dialogic interaction between what Moojan Momen calls
the Ŗinterior (i.e. scholarship that develops within the Bahářì community
and is based on faith) and exterior (i.e. academic scholarship based on the
rationalistic, materialistic methodology of academia).ŗ1 The fact that Shoghi
1
Moojan Momen, ŘMethodology in Bahářì Studiesř, Bahářì Studies Review, 2001/2002, 10, 75-84.
OJBS:Online Journal of Bahářì Studies 1 1 (2007) , 1-3

© 2007 Ismael Velasco
2 Ismael Velasco Editors Introduction
Effendi described the Bahářì Faith as Ŗscientific in its methodŗ naturally

applies to field of Bahářì Studies,2 yet there is no single methodology that
comprehends, much less defines, Bahářì Studies.
The Online Journal of Bahářì Studies is also multi-vocal, combining the

best of academic writing with the best of non-academic literary reflection.
Work grounded in academic methods, as well as well-constructed work
generated from within a faith perspective, will both be welcome, so long as
such work is distinguished by excellence and collegiality. The primary
criterion for publication in the Journal will, first and foremost, be the
quality of original research or insight into the emergent field of Bahářì
Studies.
Therefore the Online Journal of Bahářì Studies will publish original peer-
reviewed articles, essays, provisional translations, research notes,
bibliographical surveys, book and art reviews, as well as poetry,
photographs and other visual art. The Journal will uphold canons of
academic freedom, as refined by academic integrity and tempered by respect
for communal values. Art published in the Online Journal of Bahářì Studies
will honor artistic individualism as it expressively illumines aspects of the
Bahářì experience. We invite submissions for consideration within four
genres for publication:
Research Articles: The Journal invites well-researched academic

papers in Bahářì studies, anchored firmly in secondary literature as
well as in the primary sources themselves. On submission, each
paper will be sent out for peer review. Peer reviewers will then
recommend submissions for publication, conditional acceptance
(revision required), or publication elsewhere.
Essays and Opinions: Preliminary, exploratory papers that open up a

field of inquiry to Baháři studies or raise important questions that
serve as a stimulus to further research have their own contribution to
make and are therefore invited as well. Exploratory papers might be
relatively underdeveloped in their engagement with the field of study
with which they converse, such that a specialist might find minor
weaknesses in a discipline-specific sense. Yet such an essay may
represent the very first engagement of Bahářì teachings within an
arena of discussion, and thus stimulate further work and more
rigorous treatments by scholars with greater expertise in the field and
who were previously unfamiliar with such an application of Bahářì
principles.
2
Shoghi Effendi, letter dated June 1933 to the High Commissioner for Palestine, Sir Arthur Wauchope,
cited in The Bahářì Magazine, 1935, 25(12), 354
OJBS:Online Journal of Bahářì Studies 2 1 (2007)

3 Ismael Velasco Editors Introduction
Research Notes and Bibliographia: Reports of research-in-progress

or literature reviews will provide a useful adjunct for the field of
Bahářì studies as well.
Art and Literary Pieces: Engaging or otherwise well-crafted essays

that employ artistically expressive means to evoke insight are
welcome. While these essays may primarily have a Bahářì audience
in mind, they should possess such literary merit as to have wider
appeal. Visual art is also invited for publication.
Academics, independent scholars, literati, and translators are directed to

submit their manuscripts for consideration to the Editor-in-Chief, Ismael
Velasco. Starting with Vol. 2, the Online Journal of Bahářì Studies will
publish in the mode of Ŗprogressive publication,ŗ where articles and art will
appear in the sequence in which they are edited. This serial publication
mode will allow for more quality control, and will further engage our
international readership over the course of each publication cycle. There
will also be the opportunity to discuss the papers online in a bulletin board
forum.
The Editors
Active in Bahářì scholarship for more than a decade, Ismael Velasco lives in
the United Kingdom. A graduate of Edinburgh University in history with a
professional background in social and economic development, Velasco has
published scholarly articles and book chapters on Bahářì scripture, history
and community development. Ismael Velasco publishes an online blog,
Bahářì Epistolary, at http://bahai-epistolary.blogspot.com.
Dr. Christopher Buck (Ph.D., Study of Religion, University of Toronto,

1996; J.D., Constitutional Law and Civil Rights, Thomas M. Cooley Law
School, 2006) is an attorney and independent scholar. Author of Alain
Locke: Faith and Philosophy (2005), Paradise and Paradigm: Key Symbols
in Persian Christianity and the Bahářì Faith (1999), Symbol and Secret:
Qurřan Commentary in Bahářuřlláhřs Kitáb-i Íqán (1995/2004), and
contributor of a lead chapter to the Blackwell Companion to the Qurřan
(2006), Dr. Buck practices law at the law firm of Pribanic & Pribanic (White
Oak, PA). At Michigan State University (2000Ŕ2004), Quincy University
(1999Ŕ2000), Millikin University (1997Ŕ1999), and Carleton University
(1994Ŕ1996), Dr. Buck taught American studies, African American studies,
Islamic studies, and religious studies. A number of Dr. Buckřs academic
publications may be accessed online at http://christopherbuck.com.
Guidelines for OJBS contributors are available on the journalřs web site
http://www.ojbs.org.

The Bahá‟í Contribution to Cosmopolitan International

Relations Theory
Dr. Nalinie Mooten

Republic of Ireland, University of Limerick
Introduction to IR and to the Theme of Cosmopolitanism1
ŖThere is no such thing as a perfect theory embodying the final truth, for the
truth which it is supposed to embody is in fact a thousand truths which
constantly grow and change.ŗ2
Crawford shares the view that no intellectual field today suffers more Ŗfrom
the ambiguity of its subject matter, or the contestability of its theoriesŗ than
International Relations.3 This ambiguity can be explained by Ŗthe age of
transitionŗ4 in which many claim we live in, or by the complex, and thus
kinetic nature, of world politics in our times. Germane to this idea is that
many processes working below or beyond the limited territory of the
modern nation-state are challenging its ethos and so the very foundation of
International Relations, thus contributing to a growing sense of
Ŗbewildermentŗ. This sense of bewilderment, which denotes a notion of
change in international politics, refers to the weakening of the powers of the
nation-state due to the presence of extra-national forces, such as the
question of human rights, the environment, increasing migration, modern
slavery, and the global economy. This perplexity is, furthermore, linked to
these global forces that destabilise the nation-state in its traditionally secure,
self-sufficient, and unquestioned authority. Hence, scholars and politicians
refer to the complexity of human interactions and relations, which foster a
sentiment of confusion.5 As Paul and Hall claim, ŖWorld politics in the
twenty first century is likely to be more complex than in previous erasŗ. 6 In
Rosenauřs eyes, such complexity has emerged from the increasing
interdependence and interaction of societies, and, therefore, the
1
Throughout this paper the initial IR will be used to designate International Relations Theory.
2
Anwar Hussein Syed, Walter Lippmanřs Philosophy of International Politics, (Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 1963), 18
3
Robert Crawford, Idealism and Realism in International Relations: Beyond the Discipline, (London:
Routledge, 2000), 1
4
The concept of the Ŗage of transitionŗ has been expressed by diverse authors such as: Ervin Laszlo,
The Inner Limits of Mankind: Heretical Reflections on Todayřs Values, Culture and Politics, (London: Oneworld
Publications, 1989); Stephen Toulmin, Cosmopolis, (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1970); David Held,
Democracy and the Global Order: From the Modern State to Cosmopolitan Governance, (Cambridge: Polity,
1995); or James N. Rosenau, The Study of Global Interdependence: Essays on Transnationalisation of World
Affairs, (London: Frances Pinter Publishers, 1980)
5
ŖConceivably we are so confused that even the fact of change perplexes us. Conceivably the forms of
world politics have undergone alteration while the underlying structures continue essentially unmodifiedŗ. (James
N. Rosenau, The Study of Global Interdependence, p. 12).
6
T.V. Paul & John Hall, International Order and the Future of World Politics, (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1999), 11
OJBS:Online Journal of Bahářì Studies 4 1 (2007) , 4-70

© 2007 Nalinie Mooten
5 Dr. Nalinie Mooten Bahářì Contribution to IR
transnationalisation of world affairs, which brings with it challenges for

theorising IR.7
The existing sense of perplexity also arises from the fact that the diversity of
political thought in the discipline is sometimes prone to bring manifold
contradictory assumptions (especially within traditional orthodox IR theory)
about human and political behaviours, which are not easily reconciled.
These contradictory views are found in the two mainstreams of thought in
International Relations, one known as realism or the classical tradition, and
the other as liberal internationalism. Some Ŕ may be too simply Ŕ would say
that realism is a pessimistic view of IR, and others that liberal
internationalism is the optimistic voice of the subject.8 If we take the view
that liberal internationalism is in strict opposition to realism, it is possible to
describe liberalism as an optimistic and progressive viewpoint that considers
human nature either as good or as having the potential to overcome its evil
components. Liberal internationalism is, however, not the only possible
channel through which one can find a voice to express the dissatisfaction
with a static/sceptic worldview. Indeed, Persram notes that there is
simplicity in the account that there are many theories „but really only two‟
about the Řworldř.9 [Emphasis added] Beyond Řutopiař10 and reality we find
critical theories, including cosmopolitan democracy, critical international
theory, feminist approaches, or postmodernism, which offer Řemancipatoryř
views, and call for the reconceptualisation of a world centred upon the fixity
of the nation-state and power relations. Since realism offers a myopic vision,
which emphasises short-term interests and the inevitability of conflict, I
choose to concentrate on the Ŗoptimisticŗ and Ŗemancipatoryŗ voices of IR,
which assert that change in international affairs is possible.11 This relates to
the idea that the realisation of the Ŗgood lifeŗ is not to be locked up within
bounded units12 and is a concern of the main approach scrutinised in this
work: cosmopolitanism, or the cosmopolitan tradition. This tradition is used
in two ways in this paper: firstly, as a description of the world around us, in
particular, the development of transnational processes, and secondly, as a
prescriptive or normative view of Řwhat the world should look likeř.
7
James N. Rosenau, The Study of Global Interdependence, 1
8
See Ian Clark, The Hierarchy of States: Reform and Resistance in the International Order,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989, 49-66 and Robert Crawford, Idealism and Realism, 73
9
Nalini Persram, ŖCoda, Sovereignty, Subjectivity, Strategyŗ, in: Jenny Edkins, Véronique Pin-Fat &
Nalini Persram, (eds.), Critical Perspectives on World Politics, London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1999, 165
10
Since E.H. Carrřs The Twenty Yearsř Crisis in 1939, a label has been put on liberal international
writers as Ŗutopianŗ or Ŗidealistsŗ. This body of thought has, thus, been denigrated since the inter-war period. ŖIt is
widely held that this critique had a devastating impact on the disciplineŗ. (Peter Wilson, ŖThe Twenty Yearsř
Crisis and the Category of Idealism in International Relationsŗ, in: David Long & Peter Wilson, (eds.), Thinkers of
the Twenty Yearsř Crisis: Inter-War Realism Reassessed, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995, 1).
11
In this paper, it will be implicitly contended that beliefs can shape and influence our conduct. In other
words, in IR, the adoption of a positive and optimistic vision, and the belief that peoples and states are fully able to
use the faculty of reflection (belief) enhance the chances of building a more just and equitable world order
(conduct/behaviour).
12
Richard Devetak, ŖThe Project of Modernity and International Relations Theoryŗ, Millennium:
Journal of International Studies, 1995, 24 (1), 38.

This paper, which is based on various extracts of my doctoral work, will

scrutinise cosmopolitanism within IR theory; present the Bahářì model; and
correlate it to a cosmopolitan approach in IR. Bahářì thinking, on the one
hand, represents a strong reinforcement of the cosmopolitan tradition of
thought, underlining its validity and necessity, and on the other hand, centres
on the concept of the Řoneness of humanityř in its belief-system, delineating
a rearticulation of ethical cosmopolitan roots.13 This principle reflects the
sameness (which does not correspond to homogeneity, but instead draws on
a commonality shared by humanity) of all human beings across the globe. In
other words, it emphasises that humanity constitutes one race and a single
people. To underline the non-homogenising effects of the oneness of
humanity, Bahářì writings always mention the latter Ŗwith its corollary of
unity in diversityŗ.14 The Bahářì model is not only based on the ethics of
oneness, but also on a recommended scheme of global governance that gives
practical expression to this principle. Accordingly, the Bahářì cosmopolitan
model supports the idea of moving away from an obsession with state
sovereignty, and embraces the broader and more inclusive level of humanity
that denounces unjustified division. Bahářì views add force to the argument
that the nation-state, as the primary unit of IR, has had its day, and thereby
highlight the need to include more flexible non-state actors. Robert Cox has
expressed the same idea when he avers that the state is just one of the forces
that shapes the present world, and admittedly not the most important one. 15
The oneness of mankind, thus, needs to be recognised as international
politics have accepted the naturalness of political divisions, and a system
based on the spatial nature of the world. This principle is useful in
highlighting the artificiality of the concept of a closed, homogeneous, and
ethically deficient, nation. To another extent, it will be contended that as a
sacred approach with origins in the East, the Bahářì model can significantly
contribute to a growing Western secular cosmopolitan approach whilst
expanding its focus, thereby demonstrating the universality of the tradition.
The Nation-State as the Denial of the Oneness of Humankind
ŖConceived of as an end in itself, the national state has come to be a denial

of the oneness of mankind, the source of general disruption opposed to the
true interests of its peoples…ŗ16
13
This implies the reiteration of the oneness of humankind and universal ethical values. The Stoics
stressed the oneness of humankind and the unity of life, and Ŗundermined the assumed natural political divisions
between Greek and barbarianŗ. (Derek Heater, World Citizenship and Government: Cosmopolitan Ideas in the
History of Western Political Thought, New York: St Martin's Press: 1996, 202).
14
Bahářì International Community, ŖGlobal Action Plan for Social Developmentŗ, Contribution to the
first substantive session of the Preparatory Committee for the United Nations World Summit for Social
Development, January-February 1994,
15
Robert Cox in: Richard Devetak, ŖCritical Theoryŗ, in: S. Burchill, & A. Linklater, (eds.), Theories
of International Relations, (2nd ed.), Basingtoke: Palgrave, 2001,.169
16
Bahářì International Community, ŖA Bahářì Declaration of Human Obligations and Rightsŗ,
February 1947,

As humankind is a natural unit, cosmopolitanism questions the nation-state,

a divisive unit, as the principle actor in IR. In this way, cosmopolitanism
challenges the notion of the natural permanency of a world community
structured around divided national communities with forever distinct and
unvarying populations. In a teleological sense, the nation-state is, thus,
problematic on the grounds that it divides the human race, whose Ŗrealityŗ is
one, and whose consequent aim is to reside in a world Ŗpolityŗ. Benedict
Anderson views the nation-state as an Ŗimaginedŗ and Ŗlimitedŗ community
as Ŗno nation imagines itself coterminous with mankindŗ: Ŗthe nation is
imagined as limited because even the largest of them, encompassing perhaps
a billion living human beings, has finite, if elastic, boundaries, beyond
which lie other nationsŗ.17 Likewise, Eric Hobsbawn notes that nationalism,
child of mother nation, represents an exclusive concept, Ŗnationalism...
excludes from its purview all who do not belong to its own nation, i.e. the
vast majority of the human raceŗ.18 Since the nation-state divides the human
race, and oftentimes constructs aggressive and divisive borders, it cannot be
the supreme or final expression of human relationships on the planet, as this
would constitute a denial of our integral oneness. The nation-state embodies
a citizen-alien relationship that excludes all those who do not reside within,
whilst the cosmopolitan ideal ensures that all should have access to human
rights (albeit with reference to specificity)19 enshrined in a cosmopolitan
law, which are not dependent on a spatial and limited unit for its application.
Indeed, how can humanity find its natural home in a unit that has given rise
to xenophobia, genocide, or nationalism? The notion that the unit of the
political state needs a homogeneous cultural nation has, as a consequence,
led to excessive exclusivity and jingoistic intolerance. This idea has also
encouraged the suppression of what is perceived as threats to a
homogeneous community, and which ironically represents a completely
illusory notion, a Řmythř or Řartefactř20 due to the increasing cultural
heterogeneity of its population that is caused by migration, diaspora, or
multiculturalism. In this regard, the Aristotelian notion of a good life locked
within a polis can no longer serve its purpose, and must be transposed onto a
more inclusive cosmopolis. Undeniably, the breakdown of the nation-state
system entails new conceptions of equality in terms of gender and race,
thereby confirming that the oneness of humankind, which works towards the
inclusion of vulnerable groups and the recognition of a diversified and yet
single human race, should be given greater attention in world affairs.
17
Anderson Benedict, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism,
London: Verson, 1991, 7.
18
Hobsbawn in: Anthony D. Smith, Nations and Nationalism in the Global Era, Cambridge: Polity
Press, 1995, 9.
19
For instance childrenřs rights or womenřs rights will vary in their formulations whilst still part of a
broader human rights regime.
20
See Eric Hobsbawn, ŖInventing Traditionsŗ, in Eric Hobsbawn & T.Ranger, (eds.), The Invention of
Tradition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.

Here it is important to mention that feminist or postcolonial theories that

work toward Ŗequal rightsŗ promote the idea of the deconstruction of
dichotomies such as superior/inferior, male/female21 (with Ŗfemaleŗ having
here an inferior status). They mention the Ŗpolitical presence of newly
empowered subjectsŗ underlining diversity, multiculturalism, and
environmentalism.22 Azza Karam notes, ŖEmancipatory futures are
inextricably linked to making the connections between local events and
global ones, and doing so through resistance and accommodating difference,
thus sharing in the kaleidoscope of powerŗ.23 These paradigms also
contribute to refining the cosmopolitan project not as a Řtotalisingř universal
project, but as one that seeks to unite and restore dignity,24 while preserving
an enriching diversity. Booth referred to this revised cosmopolitanism as
Řsensitive universalism.ř25
Additionally, the nation-state represents a Řproblemř in present day politics,

as it is a confined unit that is given primary importance by IR through realist
ideology, while its sphere of jurisdiction and influence have been rendered
obsolete by more global processes. The nation-state, a particularistic unit,
cannot solve problems which are increasingly global, and which likewise,
demand global solutions. Indeed, there is enmeshment and interweaving of
processes in terms of economics and culture26 that cannot be locked within
territorial confines. Globalisation38, new technologies and the global and
instant accessibility of information have transformed the way peoples
interact with each other, becoming more integrated and closer than was
hitherto possible thereby challenging state sovereignty. The latter, as a case
in point, asserts principles of non-intervention that weaken claims to
humanitarian intervention, strengthening the dichotomy between us/them
and inside/outside. Human solidarity cannot be created within solidified
borders: it has to be diffused through porous borders and an inclusive
attitude of mind, i.e. a denkungsart that is advocated by cosmopolites.
Accordingly, the nation-state cannot be treated as the ultimate unit within IR
theory.
The Etymology and Evolution of Cosmopolitanism
The etymological root of Ŗcosmopolitanismŗ finds its origin in the word

Ŗcosmopolisŗ made up of the words Ŗcosmosŗ (universe) and Ŗpolisŗ (city).
The original Greek definition of Ŗcosmopolisŗ, thus, refers to the universal
21
Azza M. Karam, ŖFeminist Futuresŗ, in: Jan Pieterse Nederveen, (ed.), Global Futures: Shaping
Globalization, (New York: Zed Books, 2000), 184.
22
Braidotti, in: Ibid., p. 177.
23
Azza M. Karam, ŖFeminist Futuresŗ, p. 185.
24
ŖA local community with open boundaries, mutual responsibility…and no will to racial classification
is the political key to human dignity, worth, and freedomŗ. (Kate Manzo, ŖCritical Humanism: Postcolonialism
and Postmodern Ethicsŗ in: David Campbell & Michael J. Shapiro, (eds.), Moral Spaces: Rethinking Ethics and
World Politics, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999, 177).
25
Ken Booth, ŖHuman Wrongs and International Relationsŗ, International Affairs, 1995, 71 (1), 119.
26
With the movement of peoples across borders, culture is also carried across borders, which
challenges the notion that culture can be kept Řsafeř in a particular Řhomeř.

city of humanity, which requires dwellers to give meaning and life to its
existence. The universal city, henceforth, goes hand in hand with a notion of
citizenship, and to be more precise, world citizenship. It is also possible to
trace the etymological roots of cosmopolitanism to the word Ŗcosmopoliteŗ
which means Ŗcitizen of the worldŗ. This latter meaning is derived from the
ancient Greek Ŗkosmosŗ (world or universe) and Ŗpolitêsŗ (citizen). Thus, it
is extremely relevant to correlate these two interpretations to the word
Ŗcosmopolitanŗ, one being a political and emotional habitat, or universal
city, and the other being the more personal, and not yet legalised affiliation
to that sense of belonging, or world citizenship. The Stoics, who conceived
of the whole universe as a home for world citizens, conveyed this idea in
their teachings. ŖAfter all the etymology of cosmopolitan points to the
ancient Greek word of the polis, and its members the politeisŗ.27
Cosmopolitanism highlights the limitedness of political communities (the

polis was criticised by Stoicism), which now correlates to the inadequacy of
Řreasons of stateř or Řreasons of political communitiesř, when their fates are
entwined.28 Cosmopolitanism developed from being merely ethical, to more
political in the Renaissance and the Enlightenment, and present forms of
cosmopolitanism make use of both ethical and political arguments,
especially with regard to an Řunequal globalisationř which must be brought
under control if all are to share in its benefits.
Cosmopolitanism has three main principles: individuals (not states)

represent the basis of political communities; the equal moral worth of all
human beings; and the importance of developing principles which can all be
shared with respect to differences.29 ŖThis larger, open-ended, moral
perspectiveŗ Held notes, Ŗis a device for focusing our thought, and a basis
for testing the intersubjective validity of our conceptions of the good. It
offers a way of exploring principles, norms and rules that might reasonably
command agreementŗ.30 In other words, cosmopolitanism starts from a
human perspective, rather than a state or a particular perspective, and
positively asserts that as humans we share commonalities and the propensity
to build peaceful societies.
Various strands of the tradition can be found in Stoic cosmopolitanism,

liberal cosmopolitanism (Enlightenment and modern cosmopolitanism), and
critical cosmopolitanism (a revisionist cosmopolitanism of the
Enlightenment), and share important points of convergence. They are
projects of universal emancipation, targeted firstly at the promotion of
Řuniversal communityř (ethical and/or political), the eradication of war, the
27
Ulrich K. Preuss, ŖCitizenship in the European Union: a Paradigm for Transnational Democracy?ŗ,
in D Archibugi & D Held & M Köhler, (eds.), Re-imagining Political Community: Studies in Cosmopolitan
Democracy, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998, 145.
28
David Held, ŖFrom Executive to Cosmopolitan Multilateralismŗ, in: David Held & Mathias Koenig-
Archibugi, (Eds) Taming Globalization: Frontiers of Governance, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003, 168.
29
David Held, From Executive to Cosmopolitan Multilateralism, 168.
30
Ibid.

protection of human rights and the environment, the alleviation of world

poverty, and the safeguarding of cultural diversity. The project can be
regarded as an attitude of mind (a feeling of belonging to a universal society
of mankind, and not exclusively to oneřs nation-state), and as the desire to
create Řworld citizenshipř institutions such as a global parliament, or an
assembly of world citizens at the United Nations (UN). The history of these
ideas is portrayed in Derek Heaterřs World Citizenship and Government:
Cosmopolitan Ideas in the History of Western Political Thought.
Cosmopolitanism contains various strands such as a legal cosmopolitanism
(the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, or the International Criminal
Court (ICC)), political cosmopolitanism (a global parliament, world
government, or global governance), and moral cosmopolitanism, on which
these two former notions are said to rest. As contended in this paper, these
three Ŗcosmopolitanismsŗ are interdependent.
Cosmopolitan thinking began with an ethical and philosophical ideal of

Řworld citizenshipř embracing the whole cosmos or universe (and not only
the world), and was characterised by the interplay of ideas, namely the ideas
that the polis was not a self-sufficient and perfect socio-political unit, that
moral considerations sustained by a system of natural law was essential, and
that human beings, despite all their variations, constitute a single human
species. This ancient cosmopolitanism eventually took another form in the
Middle Ages, being transferred to ideas of universal Řreligiousř empires
based, as it was the case with Christianity, on a Christian version of a
universal Roman Empire (thoughts of World Empire, however, rarely
extended beyond Christian lands).31 With the demise of the idea of Řuniversal
empireř that accompanied the emergence of an international system
composed of confined states, a ŘWestphalian systemř of world order
emerged in which new ideas were conceived to sustain the concept of a
religious service to humankind. Even with the rise of states, the
cosmopolitan ideal found its niche in the Renaissance and the
Enlightenment in secular programmes that were devised to appease relations
between states, and which often represented embryonic plans for the United
Nations or the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Most of them were,
however, dominated by the fallacious notion that these relations were
condemned to be between states or between heads of states, and (except for
the notable exception of Crucé) were mostly governed by European
schemes and the Christian religion. In addition to Crucéřs ingenuity, Kant
conceived of Řa third levelř, namely a cosmopolitan law sustained by world
citizens that applies to the world as a whole, and not only to civil and
international levels.
Cosmopolitanism has, thus, been the interplay of ideas of world citizenship

and world state, the latter being predominant in the Middle Ages and
Enlightenment, and the former being prevalent in ancient times, in ŘKantianř
31
Derek Heater, World Citizenship and Government, 182

Enlightenment, and especially in the twentieth century (namely with critical

theories such as cosmopolitan democracy). The cosmopolitan ideal has
moved from an idea of moral cosmopolitanism, to expansionism based on
the rights of rulers, and finally to the notion of the respect of peoples based
on their rights and duties in the cosmopolis. As such, ŖIt is highly unlikely
that a renewed medieval Roman Empire would have made provision for any
effective citizenly participation in the imperial political system.ŗ
Cosmopolitan democracy theorists argue that global institutions should be
governed by world citizens, and highlight the nation-stateřs limitations as it
hinders the practice of global democracy and global values. The protection
of human rights advocated by most cosmopolitans represents an activist
cosmopolitanism.
Current cosmopolitanism can be illustrated by the inclination (Linklater

calls it a Řmoral anxietyř) to help Řforeignersř on the grounds of a common
humanity, due to suffering, starvation, poverty, in other words, a human duty
to respect and protect human rights and justice. Indeed, cosmopolitanism
undermines the nation-state by intervening beyond its limits, and by diluting
the notion of Řforeignerř, as it propounds the idea that morality does not end
at national boundaries. Cosmopolitanism challenges the predominance of
the nation-state on many fronts: firstly, as a result of our global and
technological age, and secondly, due to the incapacity of the nation-state to
foster morality beyond its boundaries (i.e. caring for Řforeignersř is not as
relevant as caring for fellow-citizens). Furthermore, the reality of human
oneness calls into question the discriminatory divisions fostered by the
nation-state (the nation-state is most of the times a safe haven for citizens,
but treats non-citizens in less Řsignificant categoriesř such as immigrant,
refugee, alien i.e. it creates an other). No longer a philosophical speculation,
or we might say an Řidealř, cosmopolitanism has become tangible as
testified by numerous non-governmental organisations (NGOs), the
movement of peoples and ideas across borders, and the reality of dual and
multiple loyalties and citizenships.
International organisations and a supranational unit such as the European

Union (EU), and other regional bodies demonstrate the inadequacy of the
nation-state, and the advantage to unite not only for common benefits, but
also for increasing understanding and communication across porous borders.
Cosmopolitanism, in our times, constitutes a reaction against material global
interdependence, the impotence of the nation-state to satisfy our needs
(functionalism), and the rejection of discriminatory prejudices based on
gender, race, class, or nation (a reiteration of the oneness of humankind). We
can, indeed, state that we are moving towards a more mature form of
cosmopolitanism, namely a more sensitive cosmopolitanism that wishes to
be identified with the constituency of the human species. Furthermore, the
twentieth century has seen decolonisation (notwithstanding that the
pernicious effects of slavery and colonisation have continued socio-political
and psychological repercussions on the body of mankind), and technological

and communications revolutions (globalisation), which if managed in an

inclusive way, offers inviting conditions for the realisation of a cosmopolis.
It is also relevant to note that the term Ŗcosmopolitanŗ is presently used to

define the reduction of state sovereignty in cases where other institutions
collide with the nation-stateřs powers to decide.32 Indeed, Mary Kaldor, who
speaks in favour of Ŗcosmopolitan theoryŗ and transnational democracy,
does not envisage the occurrence of a world state or government, but rather
the surpassing of state sovereignty in certain instances. Cosmopolitans argue
that the ever-increasing presence and participation of a global civil society,
as manifested in the growing number of NGOs or intergovernmental
organisations (IGOs), and locally based grassroots social movements,
constitute the upcoming signs of a political cosmopolitan reality testifying
to the moral and economic interdependence of humanity. Indeed,
cosmopolitan political reality now comes from the grassroots rather than
from the top, implying that the people, who consider themselves as world
citizens should be the true decision-makers. Ŗ[World] citizenship operates
both Řverticallyř and Řhorizontallyř. For example, a world citizen may wish
to concentrate on campaigning for the reform of the UN or supporting
organisations devoted to relieving world povertyŗ.33
Numerous theories have been devised towards an international political

system, in the forms of federalism, functionalism, or cosmopolitan
democracy, which although differing in their manifold aspects, reflect the
need for a cosmopolitan political agenda. Thus, cosmopolitanism is not
solely a theory; rather it encompasses all of the theories of International
Relations that transcend the nation-state (with or without questioning its
existence): a cosmopolitan tradition rather than a theory of IR.
Realism, Liberal Internationalism, and Critical Theory
Realism Ŕ realpolitik, power politics Ŕ can be traced back to the Greek

historian Thucydides in the fifth century BCE, or to Renaissance diplomat,
historian and playwright Macchiavelli, and later with twentieth century
figures such as Morgenthau or E. H. Carr, mostly influenced by the
American critic and theologist Reinhold Niebuhr.34 Realist IR is the most
Řanti-cosmopolitanř strand of IR theory. Indeed, the unbridgeable gulf
between domestic and international politics is a central theme in realist
thought, whereas cosmopolitans envisage a form of world political
organisation (not necessarily a world government) with universal moral
principles.35 Cosmopolitanism, hence, comes as the antithesis or critique of
32
Daniele Archibugi, ŖPrinciples of Cosmopolitan Democracyŗ, in: D. Archibugi, D. Held & M.
Köhler, Re-imagining, (eds.), 216.
33
Derek Heater, World Citizenship: Cosmopolitan Thinking and its Opponents, (London: Continiuum,
1992), 5.
34
Jack Donnelly, Realism and International Relations, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000,
4.
35
Andrew Linklater ŖRationalismŗ, in: S. Burchill & A. Linklater, (eds.), Theories of International

realist IR (the latter being one of the many theories of IR),36 and therefore it
is essential to review the characteristics of realism.
Several aspects of realist theory can be contrasted with the cosmopolitan

tradition. More importantly, realists believe in the irreconcilability of the
domestic and international spheres, whereas cosmopolitans envisage the
pacifying of international relations through the promotion of the concept of
Řhumanityř, thereby dismissing the relevance of a sound dichotomy between
Řdomesticř and Řinternationalř. Realists emphasise the anarchic nature of
international politics, which is opposed to the sovereign and secure
character of the state, the basic unit of analysis in realism. The absence of
anarchy in the domestic realm provides for the possibility of progress and
security. By contrast, the international is characterised by the Ŗendless
competition for power and security in the world of statesŗ.37 Hence, the
international system is doomed to be controlled by power politics, which
promotes little prospect for change and peace, and which, accordingly,
impedes the imagining of a Řpost-sovereignř system. In brief, cosmopolitans
view international politics as a unified sphere in which the division between
the domestic (internal) and international (external) should be reconciled.
Indeed, for the cosmopolitan, the domestic and the international spheres are
artificial divisions in the face of a common humanity, whereas the realist
sees them as fixed in the realm of anarchy. For cosmopolitans, this flawed
division prevents the fostering of the means by which a Řpost-sovereignř
world can be imagined, constructed, and improved upon, whereas for
realists, this contention is fallacious as the world is divided along permanent
and antagonistic boundaries.
Although the study of International Relations was born within Řidealismř

after World War I (WWI), it Ŗhad been effectively refounded after World
War II on realist premises, and has exerted its dominion as a paradigm in
International Relationsŗ.38 With the liberal internationalists claiming that
people had a genuine desire for peace, and the power of world opinion
would sustain the Wilsonian League of Nations, it was then easy, with the
examples of Mussolini and Hitler, to describe these ideas as simply wrong.39
Liberal internationalism was held to have false perceptions about human
nature, and was perceived as a flawed world outlook. In the 1930s, Reinhold
Niebuhr reflected on these matters, and argued that liberals exaggerated Ŗthe
capacities of collectivities of humans to behave in ways that were truly
Relations, London: Macmillan Press, 1996, 93.

36
These include Liberal Internationalism, the English School, Feminism, Marxism, Critical Theory,
Postmodernism, and Green Politics.
37
Andrew Linklater, Rationalism, 93.
38
Jack Donnelly, Realism and International Relations, 28. The origin of the dissimilarities between the
two perspectives can be found in the Řfirst great debateř between the realists and the Řidealistsř, which was centred
on the possibility of the pacification of international society through a sense of moral obligation to human beings
in the world. (Andrew Linklater Rationalism, p. 93.) In this debate, cosmopolitan concepts such as collective
security, the rule of law, and peace are contrasted with the realist terms Řbalance of powerř, Řanarchyř, and
Řsovereigntyř. (At that time, cosmopolitan IR can be related to liberal internationalism.)
39
Chris Brown, Understanding International Relations, Basingtoke: Palgrave, 2001, 27.

moralŗ.40 This statement, thus, supports the realist view that morality is
unattainable between collectivities, and stands opposed to the cosmopolitan
belief that peaceful societies are attainable.
In the twentieth century, realism has had a great impact on International

Relations as an academic subject, but has also influenced many American
politicians (for example Kissinger), and can be said to have greatly shaped
twentieth century world politics. Donnelly remarks, ŖRealism should not be
ignored. But it should not be allowed to shape the study and practice of
International Relations, as it has for so much of the past half-centuryŗ.41 It
was mostly E. H. Carr, with The Twenty Yearsř Crisis: an Introduction to the
Study of International Relations, who reshaped the discipline along more
realist lines at the end of World War II, taking into account what he regarded
as the Řneglectedř factor of power. Carr stated that this work was Ŗwritten
with the deliberate aim of counteracting the glaring and dangerous effect of
nearly all thinking, both academic and popular, about international politics
in English-speaking countries from 1919 to 1939 Ŕ the almost total neglect
of the factor of powerŗ.42 To another extent, at that time, his aim was to
discredit the other paradigm of International Relations, which he named
utopianism.43 Carr criticised the normative character of liberal
internationalism, and its neglect of Řpowerř as a crucial factor in IR. Liberal
internationalists, on the contrary, stressed the concepts of morality and
altruism in global politics.
Realism, with the experience of the inter-war years, remained the main
paradigm of International Relations, especially at the height of the Cold War
and Super Power competition. However, realism did not go unchallenged,
and was criticised in the seventies by proponents of the Řcomplex
interdependence paradigmř.44 As a response, this paradigm was discredited
and opposed by the proponent of neo-realism, Kenneth Waltz, who claimed
that the notions of interdependence were extravagant.45 Kenneth Waltzřs
main claim is centred on the belief that states operate in a self-help system
(or in an anarchical international system), where no higher form of authority
prevails. Moreover, they are only preoccupied with their own welfare and
security, and regard other states as potential threats. This self-help system
forces them to adjust their power, and to be constantly aware of the power
position of other states, which gives rise to a balance of power regulating
world affairs in an anarchical system.46 Whereas Morgenthau in Řtraditional
realismř (as Waltz named it) argues that power is rooted in human nature,
40
Ibid.
41
Jack Donnelly, Realism and International Relations, 5.
42
In: Ibid., 27.
43
For Carr, Ŗutopianismŗ refers to liberal internationalism. Peter Wilson, The Twenty Years Crisis, 2.
44
Chris Brown, Understanding International Relations, New York: St. Martinřs Press, 1997, 41. In the
seventies, Keohane and Nye, who introduced the notion of Řcomplex interdependenceř and the presence of
multiple international factors, presented a substantive alternative to realism.
45
46
Ibid., 47.

ŖWaltz points to the anarchical condition of the international realm which he

claims imposes the accumulation of power as a systemic requirement on
statesŗ.47 The latter treats the international system as a separate domain,
whereas the former relies on reductionism. The main ideas of neo-realism
are, thus, that anarchy and the distribution of power between states define
the international system (as they shape state behaviour), and that states
would not abandon egoism and self-interest for international order.
What is here relevant, especially in relation to cosmopolitanism, is that like

realism, neo-realism still concentrates on the nation-state as the main unit.
This state-centric view is in opposition to cosmopolitan views, which
criticise the idea of the nation-state as a permanent and principal fixture of
the international system, and which promote a normative international order
where human values and acts of cooperation can prevail. There has been,
nonetheless, an attempt to render realism more Řnormativeř. The English
school of realists and rationalists has stressed the importance of
international society or a world of states as opposed to universal categories
such a humanity or sub-state entities.48 Although the English school is often
seen as part of realism and recognises conditions of anarchy, 49 it
Řacknowledges that the sense of belonging to the community of humankind
has left its civilizing mark upon the state and international relationsŗ.50 This
school of thought stresses the concept of international society: Ŗthe English
school of International Relations shares with realist/neo-realist theorists the
importance of anarchy, war, and balance of power, but only as ideas that
shape political practice, rather than as laws of nature or unchanging
phenomena deeply embedded in the international systemŗ.51 International
society can be depicted as sharing normative standards and rules, in the
form, for example, of international law. International society, based on a
system of states, can still share common aims, rules of conduct, and
organisations Ŕ thus blending realist aspects with a more normative outlook.
Realism, Human Nature and the Centrality of Territorially Organised

Entities
Realism, even if it acknowledges the potential for change, confirms that it

occurs within the limits of the struggle for power enshrined in a static
human nature. Gilpin notes that realism is distinguished by its Ŗpessimism
regarding moral progress and human possibilitiesŗ.52 Human nature is
47
Scott Burchill, Realism and Neo-Realism, p. 78. The systemic level relates to theories that conceive
of causes operating on the international level, in addition to national and individual levels. Reductionist theories,
for Waltz, only operate on the national and individual levels. (Ibid., 92).
48
49
Wight, in a very realist fashion, contended that the domain of international relations is Ŗincompatible
with progressivist theoryŗ. Martin Wight, in: A Linklater, , Rationalism, 94.
50
Andrew Linklater, Ibid.
51
James E. Dougherty & Robert L. Pfaltzgraff jn., Contending Theories of International Relations: A
Comprehensive Survey New York: Longman, 2001, 168.
52
Gilpin in: Mastanduno, Michael, Unipolar Politics: Realism and State Strategies after the Cold War,
New York: Chichester: Columbia University Press, 1999, 20.

viewed as inherently pugnacious, is egoistic at its core, and leads to

immorality and conflict in international affairs. Morgenthau, for example,
observed, Ŗthe conflict-ridden international arenaŗ is the consequence of
Ŗforces inherent in human natureŗ and that Ŗthe animus dominandiŗ or a
natural will to power characterises human beings. Machiavelli expresses
human nature as Ŗinsatiable, arrogant, crafty, and shifting, and above else
malignant, iniquitous, violent, and savageŗ.53 In the early twentieth century,
Niebuhr in his Moral Man and Immoral Society (1932) has greatly
influenced the realist movement and main realist writers, such as
Morgenthau and E.H Carr. Niebuhr took the original sin as the explanation
for an evil human nature. In his eyes, Ŗthe ultimate sources of social
conflicts and injustice are to be found in the ignorance and selfishness of
menŗ.54
Change, from the realist perspective, can, thus, either be cyclical or

stagnant, whereas from the liberal viewpoint, it follows a unilinear evolution
towards progress, whether this is ethical or material.55 Moreover, realists
uphold that since relations between states are sustained by order, a balance
aimed at preventing war between nations should prevail, whilst liberals see
the necessity of a system of collective security in order to sustain peace.
Realists rely, firstly, on clearly defined units represented by states, which are
at the centre of their political theory, and secondly, on the notion of
sovereignty, which Ŗdefines what the state isŗ.56 With the emergence of new
actors, realists recognise that the nation-state is not the only actor on the
international scene, but nevertheless, hold that it is the most important one.
Indeed, this view is found in the words of neo-realist, Stephen Krasner
(1976): ŖIn recent years, students of International Relations have
multinationalized, transnationalized, bureaucratized and
transgovernmentalized the state until it has virtually ceased to exist as an
analytic construct. This perspective is at best profoundly misleadingŗ.57 Neo-
realists such as Waltz regard states as the Ŗunitary actors with a single
motive Ŕ the wish to surviveŗ.58 This point is also stressed by Griffith
ŖRealism conjures up a grim image of international politics. Within the
territorial boundaries of the nation-state, politics is an activity of potential
moral progress … Beyond the exclusionary borders of sovereign presence,
politics is essentially the realm of survival rather than progressŗ59 Ŕ a view
that denies the cosmopolitan contention that the international realm does not
have to be characterised by recurrence, fixity, conflict, and power politics.
53
Machiavelli in: Jack Donnelly, Realism and International Relations, 23
54
Ibid., 48
55
Lucian M. Ashworth, Creating International Studies: Angell, Mitrany and the Liberal Tradition,
Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999, 16.
56
Barry Buzan, Anticipating the Future, London: Simon & Schuster, 1998, 388.
57
Stephen Krasner, in: Michael Mastanduno, Unipolar Politics, 21
58
59
Martin Griffith, Realism, Idealism, and International Politics: A Reinterpretation, London: New
York: Routlege, 1992, p. ix.

It is often put forward that realists see the world as it is and Řidealistsř as it
should be. It can also be argued that realists only rely on the present, whilst
Řidealistsř wish to change the latter. In this way, realism seems to be Řstuckř
with present events. Furthermore, with the demise of the Cold War, realism
has lost its appeal. It is a theory functioning within defined limits: it is taken
aback by the occurrence of sudden and unexpected events. Theory should,
however, seek to predict and find solutions to the worldřs problems, rather
than lay down a set of negative facts about the reality of human nature, and
the presumed ensuing impasse in which world politics finds itself. Indeed, if
this were so, there would not be much point writing about International
Relations theory as the only contemplation would be the image of a gloomy
world doomed to remain static. Realism focuses on present facts, rather than
on their development over time, as testified by its attachment to the nation-
state system. Accordingly, it focuses on temporality, rather than evolution.
Booth states, Ŗthe realist tendency to privilege the short term can lead to a
kind of myopia in which broader problems are not detected until it is too
late to do anything about themŗ.60 Miller also shares the view that Ŗit is
wrong to assume that the only reality is that which presents itself for today
or tomorrow.ŗ61 Recently, cosmopolitanism underlines that the conservative
nature of realism has neglected the logic of change, the existence of plural
actors in world politics, and has been an obstacle to the creation of an
alternative world order.62
Cosmopolitanism and Current IR Theory
In the last two decades or so, IR has taken on a new turn, a Řpost-positivistř
turn, no longer centred upon a state-centric theory, namely that of realism,
and allowing for the (re-) emergence of normative International Relations
theory, which emphasises the potential transformation of the world through
criticism of power politics. This has propelled IR theory into a Řnewř
perspective, and opened the way for alternative views that are no longer
regarded as unfounded, but instead as an enrichment of IR. The rationale
underlying theoretical inquiry is no longer solely problem-solving
(safeguarding the status quo by legitimising power relations), but more
critical (having the imaginative potential to anticipate alternative models of
world order). The last two decades or so have seen a clear rejection of
positivist assumptions and a return to the normative side of the discipline
(how the world ought to be), founded after WWI upon liberal
internationalism or Řidealismř. It is held that the IR theorist can no longer be
totally detached from the object of enquiry (feminists call this Řembedded
knowledgeř), and that theory helps construct the world, and is not outside of
it (constitutive theory). Robert Cox notes, in this context, that theory often
60
Ibid.
61
Ibid. p.9
62
Scott Burchill, Realism and Neo-Realism, 90.

Řprecedes and shapes realityř indicating that theorists cannot stand outside
the political and social world they examine.63
Cosmopolitanism, as a normative approach, can be found in different forms

in many theories in normative IR. It can be liberal, critical, feminist, green,
or even postmodern. However, what is certain is that it cannot be realist.
Political liberalism is Ŗa universalist doctrine and so is committed to some
notion of a universal community of mankind which transcends identification
with and membership of the nation-state communityŗ it Ŗhas faith in the
capacity of human beings to solve seemingly intractable problems through
collective actionŗ.64 Cosmopolitanism is enshrined in contemporary
liberalism as Ŗliberals have offered a conception of community and identity
which spans the entire planetŗ.65 Its normativity surpasses liberal
internationalism, however. It can be found in critical theories, and in some
aspects of postmodernism.
Critical theory argues that counter-hegemonic forces challenge prevailing

institutional and political arrangements. These counter-hegemonic values
are transnational in nature and based on Ŗan alternative set of values,
concepts and concerns, coming from organisations like Amnesty
International, Oxfam, and Greenpeaceŗ.66 Postmodernists also reinvent
International Relations along a new ethics with Řothersř. This postmodern
cosmopolitanism, as it is here argued, is based on a new Řsolidarity with
othersř. ŖPostmodernists want to rethink the basis... for notions of morality
and ethics, so that they are sensitive and responsive to differencesŗ. 67 The
label Řcriticalř is sometimes referred to as feminist, postmodernist and
critical international theories, and the term Řcriticalř shall be employed in
this sense in this paper, in other words, as a body of thought in IR which
questions the fixity of the prevalent order. This body of thought, thus,
intends to Řdenaturaliseř notions of strangeness and territoriality, which have
become increasingly familiar. As Seyla Benhabib observes, ŖThe dogmatism
of knowledge is shown to be the dogmatism of a way of lifeŗ.68
The days when realism reigned supreme over IR have drawn to a close.
Cosmopolitan approaches are increasingly gaining ground, as together they
make a strong case for the validity and contemporary necessity of
cosmopolitanism. They highlight growing interactions that strip borders and
exclusive political communities of any sound coherence and meaning that
they might have enjoyed in the past.
63
Scott Burchill, ŖIntroductionŗ, in: S. Burchill, & A. Linklater, (eds.), Theories, 1st ed., 2.
64
Jill Steans & Lloyd Pettiford, International Relations: Perspectives and Themes, Edinburgh: Pearson
Education, 2001, 54.
65
Ibid.
66
Ibid.
67
Ibid.
68
Seyla Benhabib, in: Richard Devetak, ŖCritical Theoryŗ, 161.

The Bahá‟í Faith as a Cosmopolitan Model
The Bahářì Faith and Bahářì cosmopolitan thinking originate from Asia,
most particularly nineteenth century Persia, and have, as such, a non-
Western origin, unlike most known cosmopolitan perspectives in IR. Heater
notes, ŖTurning to modern times, several writings advocating a world
community or a formalised world constitution were produced in Asian
countries in the nineteenth century. Of the Asian texts, we may particularly
cite the teachings of the Persian prophet Bahářuřlláh (b. 1817), the
originator of the Bahářì Faith (which has also attracted many adherents in
Western countries)ŗ.69
Indeed, cosmopolitan principles constitute the core of the Bahářì Faith as

Ŗthe universality of humankind, including the social and political oneness,
are fundamental principles of the Bahářì Faithŗ.70 The Bahářì writings, no
less than earlier prophetic religions, concern themselves with governance.71
Some Bahářì writers underline that it is a novelty that the founder of a world
religion advocates global federation as a means to accomplishing world
unity. ŖBahářuřlláh brought, for the first time in religious history, explicit
teachings about the need for an international federation capable of
harmonizing the affairs of an interdependent world and bringing about
world peaceŗ.72 This call for global governance could be explained by the
global intent and character upon which the Bahářì Faith bases its principles.
For its adherents, however, what some might call ŘBahářì ideasř are not just
the enunciation of certain principles, and the attempt at their practical
realisation, nor a mere political philosophy that is relevant to cosmopolitan
ideas, but rather a whole new divine revelation that answers to the social
and spiritual needs of an ever interdependent humanity. In contrast to
Řsecularř cosmopolitan trends, the Bahářì writings rely on a historical
process that is divine in nature, hence finding several references to the
intervention of ŘGodř, (or what some political philosophers such as Kant
called ŘThe Hidden Plan of Natureř),73 and underline some certitudes about
some aspects of the future. However, it is noteworthy that cosmopolitanism,
in the Bahářì ethos, is not just a vague appeal to human brotherhood, but
contains clear guidelines on the elaboration of a system of global
governance and peace in our times.74 It is this peace programme, which at its
69
Derek Heater, World Citizenship and Government, x.
70
Phyllis Sternberg Perrakis, ŖBahářì Universalismŗ, Dialogue and Universalism, Warsaw University
and Polish Academy of Sciences, 1996, 6, (11-12), 17.
71
Graham Hassall, ŖContemporary Governance and Conflict Resolution: A Bahářì Readingŗ, January
2000
72
Brian Lepard, ŖFrom League of Nations to World Commonwealthŗ, in: Charles Lerche (ed.),
Emergence: Dimensions of a New World Order, London: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1991, 72. See also Foad
Katirai, Global Governance and the Lesser Peace, Oxford: George Ronald, 1981, 9, and Nalinie Mooten,
Interview with Daniel Wheatley, conducted Via Email, 10 February 2003.
73
Kant: in David, Hoffman, The Renewal of Civilization, Oxford: George Ronald, 1981, 37.
74
ŖAs indicated by its many social teachings, the religion of Bahářuřlláh is not just concerned with the
spiritual development of the individual. Its broad sweep includes a wide range of social principles and teachings

core revolves around the consciousness of the oneness of mankind, and

which calls for more integrated global organisations, that shall be examined.
Origins of Bahá‟í World Order Themes
The Bahářì Faith is centred upon three main figures Ŕ The Báb (1819-1850),
Bahářuřlláh (1817- 1892), and ŘAbduřlřBahá (1844-1921) Ŕ Who, for the
first stage of its development guided the Bahářì community at large. These
three figures are not just the leaders of the Faith: for its members, the Báb is
a herald-prophet, who along with bringing a whole new message to
nineteenth century Iran (the religion He founded is referred to as the Bábí
Faith) ushered in the start of a new religious cycle and announced the arrival
of the founder-prophet of the Bahářì Faith, Bahářuřlláh. Bahářuřlláh
appointed His son ŘAbduřlřBahá to guide the community after His passing. 75
The writings of these three figures constitute the Bahářì sacred scriptures, as
Hindus look to the Vedas and Bhagavad-Gita, Christians look to the Bible,
or Muslims to the Koran. Interestingly, and in accord with their beliefs,
Bahářìs consider the aforementioned Holy Scriptures, along with those of
the main religions, to be divine in origin, hence refusing to think of their
Faith in superior and different terms, but just as a further element in the
revelation of the divine process.76 Indeed, Bahářuřlláh enjoins all to
ŖConsort with the followers of all religions in a spirit of friendliness and
fellowshipŗ.77 As Udo Schaefer notes, ŖSuch a belief necessarily results in
the rejection of excluvism whereby one religion is regarded as the sole
bringer of salvation…The reconciliation of religions is a major goal of
Heilsgeschichte (salvation), because it is the foundation of Řworld wide
reconciliationř called for by Bahářuřlláh, and which is the prerequisite for
lasting world peaceŗ.78
ŘAbduřlřBahá designated His grandson Shoghi Effendi Rabbanì as the

interpreter of the writings, and five years after Shoghi Effendiřs passing
away in 1957, the Universal House of Justice, the first international
permanent institution of the Bahářì Faith, came into being. This event
signalled the start of a new governance system within the Bahářì community
that was no longer based on a single figure. Along with the sacred scriptures
of the Faith, the writings and statements of Shoghi Effendi and the
Universal House of Justice constitute the official guidelines and literature of
the Faith. ŘAbduřlřBahá interpreted and clarified the writings of
that aim to carry forward humanityřs collective life on the planetŗ (Moojan, Momen, The Bahářì Faith: A Short
Introduction, Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 1999, 63).
75
Whilst the Báb and Bahářuřlláh are regarded as ŘMessengers of Godř, ŘAbduřlřBahá, in the eyes of
Bahářìs, is a perfect exemplar of their teachings.
76
See Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahářuřlláh: Selected Letters, Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing
Trust, 1991, 119.
77
Bahářuřlláh, Gleanings from the Writings of Bahářuřlláh, Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1983,
95. This and other statements have inspired the Bahářì International Community to be pro-active in the Inter-Faith
dialogue.
78
Udo Schaefer, ŖBahářuřlláhřs Unity Paradigm: A Contribution to Interfaith Dialogue on a Global
Ethicŗ, Dialogue and Universalism, 1996, 6 (11-12), 27-28.

Bahářuřlláh, and Shoghi Effendi further elucidated the principles of world

order that rests on the firm foundation of the oneness of humankind. Shoghi
Effendi gave this principle considerable attention during his Řmandateř as
Head of the Bahářì Faith from the time of his designation as Guardian of the
Bahářì Faith in 1921 to his passing away in 1957.79
Bahářuřlláhřs message of world order and peace is mainly expressed in a

series of letters sent to the world secular and religious leaders.80 Most of the
statements of ŘAbduřlřBahá were pronounced during His travels to Europe
and Northern America between August 1911 and June 1913. During this
journey, ŘAbduřlřBahá Řwarned of an imminent world war and the forces of
social dislocation that such a conflict would unleash and elaborated
Bahářuřlláhřs principles of global concordř.81 The writings of Shoghi Effendi
on the matter are enfolded in a series of letters entitled the World Order of
Bahářuřlláh written between 1929 and 1936. Indeed, the theme of world
order, which he clarifies and expands upon, represents the bulk of his works.
More recently, world order themes are enclosed in the statements of the
Universal House of Justice and those of the Bahářì International Community
(BIC). The history of the statements provided by the BIC goes back to the
participation of the Bahářì community with international organisation
bodies: the Bahářì Faith is an active member of the United Nations in the
form of the Bahářì International Community that was registered as a Non-
Governmental Organisation in 1948. The involvement of the Bahářì
community with international organisations does not, however, start at this
particular point in time, but in 1926, when at the League of Nations
headquarters in Geneva an International Bureau was established to serve in
League activities. The BIC represents the Bahářì Worldwide Community,
and, as an NGO, is an association of democratically elected national
representative bodies called ŘNational Spiritual Assembliesř. Subsequently,
the Bahářì International Community gained consultative status with
ECOSOC, UNICEF, and UNIFEM, has working relations with the WHO,
and has worked closely with the UNEP, the UNHCR, UNESCO, and the
UNDP.82 Among the main goals and activities of the BIC we can find the
areas of grassroots participation in sustainable development; advancing the
status of women; the education of children; developing a consciousness of
world citizenship; the prevention of drug abuse; the elimination of racism;
and the promotion of human rights education.83 The BIC statements that deal
with the Bahářì view of world order reflect the teachings of the sacred
79
ŘAbduřlřBahá said, ŖIn this wondrous Revelation, this glorious century, the foundation of the Faith of
God and the distinguishing feature of His law is the consciousness of the oneness of mankindŗ. Bahářì World
Centre Commissioned by the Universal House of Justice, Century of Light, New Delhi: Bahářì Publishing Trust,
2001, 49) ŖIt was this vision, for the 36 years of the Guardianship that provided the organising force of Shoghi
Effendiřs workŗ. (Ibid.)
80
Peter Khan, ŖIntroductionŗ, in: Peace More Than an End to War, p. xii.
81
Ibid., p. xii. Both the statements of Bahářuřlláh and ŘAbduřlřBahá relating to world order themes are
complemented by other writings They produced.
82
Bahářì International Community, ŖHistory of Active Cooperation with the United Nationsŗ, 2002,
83
Ibid.

scriptures, and propose both a theoretical and practical foundations on

which to base the Bahářì ethos of international organisation.
A System of Planetary Organisation
The fundamental conviction in the organic oneness and unity of the

diversified elements of humanity is the basis of the belief-system found in
both the theoretical and practical aspects of the Bahářì Faith, and supports
its corollary teachings. The requirement of the delineation of a new socio-
political system to work along the lines of this assertion is not only a moral
corollary, but also a timely and adjusting necessity. For Bahářìs, this
explains that what they believe to be the new divinely sent message has
clear universal ramifications and a global intent.84 Bahářìs maintain that
Bahářuřlláhřs starting Revelation in the mid-nineteenth century (1863) and
His arrival in this point of history are consistent with a trend of unification
and globalisation of world structures that demand corresponding governing
bodies.85
Because the Bahářì Faith is of a religious nature, the intervention of God in

history is a given: following the belief in the organic unity of mankind, God
sends ŘMessengersř according to the needs of the times, and whilst the
Řspiritualř message (such as the development of human virtues) does not
alter, the social content of each Messenger evolves consistent with the needs
and requirements of the time.86 According to this statement, we encounter
one of the main tenets of the Faith, namely the belief that there is only one
religion, which is revealed from age to age, and whose social content must
be adapted to the evolving and changing nature of society. 87 This new vision
of religion is explained by Shoghi Effendi in The World Order of
Bahářuřlláh, Ŗreligious truth is not absolute but relative … Divine
Revelation is progressive, not finalŗ.88 Here we discern a belief in a
directional purpose in history: history is not left to itself or to haphazard
events, and although the idea of change is paramount (ŘAbduřlřBahá for
example stated that, Ŗcreation is the expression of motionŗ or Ŗthat old ideas
and modes of thoughts were fast becoming obsoleteŗ)89 the latter does not
necessarily follow smooth patterns. ŖBahářìs anticipate that the coming of
age of humanity and the emergence of world order will be achieved in
evolutionary stages replete with strife and chaosŗ.90 The Bahářì model of
84
The Universal House of Justice writes, ŖBahářuřlláhřs principal mission in appearing at this time in
history is the realisation of the oneness of mankind and the establishment of peace among the nations…ŗ (The
Universal House of Justice, Letter: Unity of Nations and the Lesser Peace, 19th of April 2001, Internal
Document).
85
The first permanent organisations that cut across national boundaries, such as the International
Telegraphic Union and the Universal Postal Union, appeared subsequently in 1865 and 1874.
86
Bahářuřlláh, in this regard, stated, ŖBe anxiously concerned with the needs of the age ye live in, and
centre your deliberations on its exigencies and requirementsŗ. (Bahářuřlláh, Gleanings, 213).
87
Bahářìs call this phenomenon Řprogressive revelationř.
88
Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahářuřlláh, 58.
89
ŘAbduřlřBahá, The Promulgation of Universal Peace, Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1982, 140.
90
Janet Khan, ŖNew Vision, New Values: The Emergence of A New World Orderŗ, Dialogue and
Universalism, 1996, 6 (11-12), 82

history, hence, simultaneously follows a cyclical and evolutionary content:

humanity is on an ever-progressive line composed of cyclical trends of rise
and fall leading to its ultimate global unity in all human spheres.91
According to the BIC, ŖBahářuřlláh asserts an opposing interpretation of the

historical processŗ with its evolution operating similar to the different stages
in the life of an individual, passing through the various stages of infancy,
childhood, adolescence, and maturity.92 The present stage of human
evolution is now amenable to the acceptance of the permanent principle of
the oneness of humanity, and its practical realisation in institutional terms,
which will ultimately lead to the unification of mankind. Indeed, the Bahářì
Faith identifies global unity as the essential goal of human history. 93 Shoghi
Effendi explains that the Cause of Bahářuřlláh, Ŗ…stands identified with,
and revolves around, the principle of the organic unity of mankind as
representing the consummation of the whole process of human evolutionŗ.94
As Laszlo and the BIC explain, Ŗ…disunity (stands) as a prelude to, and not
as a contradiction of unityŗ:95 ŖThe wars, exploitation, and prejudice that
have marked immature stages in the process should not be a cause of despair
but a stimulus to assuming the responsibilities of a collective maturityŗ.96
The tumultuous world condition is regarded as:
ŖA natural phase in the organic process leading ultimately and irresistibly to

the unification of the human race in a single social order whose boundaries
are those of the planet. The human race, as a distinct organic unit, has
passed through evolutionary stages analogous to the stages of infancy and
childhood in the lives of its individual members, and is now in the
culminating period of its turbulent adolescence approaching its long-awaited
coming of age.ŗ97
Hence, for Bahářìs, the unification of the world does not constitute a utopian
goal to be striven for but not to be achieved, or a Řmatter of choiceř; rather,
it represents the next inescapable stage in the social evolution of mankind,
91
ŖBahářìs see human life as evolutionary and perceive the rise and fall of civilizations as part of an
evolutionary progression from family and tribes to city-states and nationsŗ. (Peter Khan, ŖIntroductionŗ, p. xi)
This view of rise and fall leading upward also appears in Toynbeeřs view of history. Toynbee notes ŖThe single,
finite movement from a disturbance to a restoration of equilibrium, is not enough if genesis is to be followed by
growth... there must be an élan which carries the challenged party through equilibrium into an overbalance which
exposes him to make a fresh challenge and thereby inspires him to make a fresh response in the form of a further
equilibrium ending in a further overbalance Ŕ and so in a progression which is potentially infiniteŗ. (Arnold
Toynbee, A Study of History, (Vol. I), London: Oxford University Press, 1935, 128)
92
Bahářì International Community, ŖWho is Writing the Futureŗ, February 1999, . See also Shoghi
Effendi, The World Order of Bahářuřlláh, 164).
93
Foad Katirai, Global Governance, p. 13.
94
Shoghi Effendi, in: The Bahářì World (Vol. III), Appreciations of the Bahářì Faith, Wilmette: Bahářì
Publishing Committee, 1941, 5.
95
Ervin Laszlo, ŖScience and Prophecyŗ, Dialogue and Universalism, 1996, Vol. 6 ( 11-12), 91.
96
Bahářì International Community, Who is Writing the Future?
97
The Universal House of Justice, ŖThe Promise of World Peaceŗ, in: National Spiritual Assembly of
the United States, Peace: More Than An End To War: Selections From The Writings of Bahářuřlláh, the Báb,
ŘAdbuřlřBahá, Shoghi Effendi, and the Universal House of Justice (Compilation), Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing
Trust, 1986, 5

however unpersuasive contemporary world events appear to be.98 Alongside

the trend towards maturity lies the underlying concept that the system of
human organisation has evolved from family, tribe, city-state, and the
nation.99 The conflicts that plague humankind can be compared to the
various crises in adolescence that are necessary to assume the
responsibilities of adulthood. Refusing to accept the implications of a new
stage of planetary organisation can, thus, only lead to drawbacks and crises
that belong to a precedent stage of human evolution, namely that of a world
structure based on the nation-state. In this respect, Janet Khan observes:
ŖAssociated with this changing reality (increasing interdependence of

a now global society) there is a growing recognition that present day
values, worldviews, and administrative structures that were
functional and adaptive in the age of self-sufficiency and unfettered
national sovereignty, are proving inadequate to meet the challenges
posed by the new stage of human history that is emerging.ŗ100
The Bahářì cosmopolitan ethos is also grounded in the belief that the
international community should intervene in the affairs of a state, namely in
the case of gross human rights violations. The Bahářì World Centre cites, for
example, the breakthrough made in international law following the
occurrence of WWII, and the trial of Nazi leaders for crimes committed
against humanity. This meant, according to Bahářì thought, that Ŗthe fetish
of national sovereignty had its limitsŗ.101 This acknowledgement explains the
favour with which the Bahářì community welcomes the creation of the
ICC.102 Moreover, this can justify that the Bahářì community could approve
of, and lend its support to the idea of a global federation that endorses
macro-policing actions against governments that threaten to commit
genocide against their own peoples.103 Charles Lerche describes the Bahářì
model of human rights as a cosmopolitan model, as the human being stands
at the centre of IR, and not at its margins. The BIC, furthermore, observes
that, Ŗsince the body of humankind is one and indivisible, each member of
the human race is born into the world as a trust of the wholeŗ.104
In this regard, as testified by the example of human rights, the nation-state

merely constitutes a transitional stage in the development of humanity, and
has to be transcended by a more encompassing political entity. The state
98
Ibid.
99
Shoghi Effendi explains the concept of a trend toward global unity as follows: ŖUnification of
mankind is the hall-mark of the stage which human society is now approaching. Unity of family, of tribe, of city-
state, and nation have been successively attempted and fully established. World unity is the goal towards which a
harassed humanity is striving. Nation building has come to an endŗ. (Ibid., p. 202)
100
Janet Khan, New Vision, New Values, p. 77.
101
Bahářì World Centre, Century of Light, p. 73.
102
The call raised by the international community to establish the ICC is clearly one that responds to
Bahářì expectations for the fulfilment of greater justice. (The Universal House of Justice, Letter: Unity of Nations
and the Lesser Peace.)
103
Nalinie Mooten, Interview with Daniel Wheatley, Conducted Via Email, 10 February 2003.
104
Bahářì International Community, Turning Point for All Nations, (New York: United Nations Office,
1995), p. 4.

cannot be the highest authority in globalised conditions. Its destiny is

merely Ŗto build the bridge from local autonomy to world unityŗ. 105 In this
regard, Shoghi Effendi wrote that, ŖNation-building has come to an end. The
anarchy inherent in state sovereignty is moving to a climaxŗ.106 Furthermore,
emphasis in Bahářì thought is not placed solely on states or leadership, but
on peoples. The principle of collective trusteeship demands that the diverse
cultures of the peoples of the world, which are essential to their identity, be
protected under a system of national and international law.107 In 1947, the
BIC underlined this crucial point, ŖBoth state and people are needed to serve
the strong pillar supporting the new institutions reflecting the full and final
expression of human relationships in an ordered societyŗ.108
If Bahářìs believe that the unification of mankind is the next stage of its
evolution, they do not believe that it will be an easy undertaking, nor that it
will occur without hindrances. Although there is recognition of a trend
towards global unity, there is similar recognition that barriers Řstand in the
way of its achievement.ř109 Such barriers include: the numerous prejudices
based on gender, class, race, nation, religion; Řdegree of material
civilization; the lack of educational opportunities and communication
among peoplesř;110 civil conflicts, global terrorism, and other destructive
processes that do not have any positive effects on the development of
society at all levels. The idea that simultaneous negative and positive forces
are at work constitutes an integral part of the Bahářì belief in a dual process
intended to bring about world unity. Indeed, the hindrances to global unity
are identified by Bahářìs as Řdisruptive forcesř, and those that have a
positive influence on global processes are identified as Řintegrative forcesř.
This dual phenomenon is part of a process that implicates the confusion now
prevailing in human affairs. Indeed, this process calls for visions of world
unity that Bahářìs believe are constructive in nature, and it also reposes on
opposing forces, which refuse to move beyond national sentiments.
Shoghi Effendi referred to Ŗsimultaneous processes of rise and fall, of

integration and disintegration, of order and chaos, with their continuous and
reciprocal reactions on each otherŗ.111 The Universal House of Justice notes
that the disintegration process can be identified with the numerous religious,
political, racial or tribal conflicts taking place in several parts of the globe;
the sudden collapse of civil order that has paralysed several countries;
105
Bahářì International Community, in: Charles Lerche, ŖJustice as a Theme in The Revelation of
Bahářuřlláh, in: Charles Lerche, (ed.), Toward the Most Great Justice: Elements of Justice in the New World
Order, (London: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1996), p. 9.
106
Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahářuřlláh, p. 202.
107
Bahářì International Community, in: Charles Lerche, (ed.), Toward the Most Great Justice, p. 10.
108
Ibid., p. 9
109
Janet Khan, ŖNew Vision, New Valuesŗ, p. 82.
110
Ibid.
111
Shoghi Effendi, The Advent of Divine Justice, (Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1990), p. 72.

religious fundamentalism;112 the epidemic of terrorism as a political weapon;

and among other great disasters, the surge of criminal networks.113 Among
integrative forces we can find, for example, the call raised in favour of an
International Criminal Court; world conferences;114 the realisation that
nations are interconnected in the world of trade and finance (a condition that
Shoghi Effendi identified as necessary for the development of an organic
unified world); and related global aspects that call for a more efficient
system of global governance. These two forces, as described by Shoghi
Effendi, although clearly opposed in nature, will inevitably lead to the
Ŗunity of the human race and the peace of mankindŗ. In the face of this 115
dual process, peace, Bahářìs believe, will emerge in stages, and will be
characterised by a growing consciousness of world citizenship.116
The great differentiation of the Bahářì Faith is also to be encountered in the

statement about the reality of human nature that Bahářuřlláh claimed is
fundamentally spiritual. ŘSpiritualř in this sense does not literally mean
Řreligiousř, as we would usually think of the term, but is akin to the
formulation of a Řglobal ethicř, morality in human affairs, and Řhuman
valuesř in the field of global politics. Schaefer identifies that without Ŗa
world ethos, without a minimal consensus concerning durable values,
irrevocable standards and fundamental moral attitudes, it is impossible to
imagine a Řnew global orderř, as envisaged and so urgently enjoined upon
by Bahářuřlláh in the nineteenth centuryŗ.117 The presence of ethics118 is
congruent with the idea of a divine polity being reflected in temporal affairs,
and more importantly, it denotes that the relation between the two spheres is
a practical one, and not a vague description of a world that is out of reach.
ŘAbduřlřBahá states, ŖThe spiritual world is like unto the phenomenal
world. They are the exact counterparts of each other. Whatever objects
appear in the world of existence are the outer pictures of the world of
heavenŗ.119 ŘAbduřlřBahá mentions that heavenly attributes can be compared
to the solidarity of mankind or the perfection of justice.120 The characteristics
of this divine polity are, thus, the reflection of high requirements in the
governing of human and international affairs, which accounts for the
112
The Universal House of Justice contemplates that the surge of religious fanaticism testifies to the
break up of human values, which were brought by religions themselves. (See The Universal House of Justice, The
Promise of World Peace, 8).
113
The Universal House of Justice, Ridvan message, April 2000, internal document.
114
Among others, the World Summit for Children in New York in 1990, the UN Conference on the
Environment in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, and subsequently in 1993 and 1995, the World Conference on Human
Rights in Vienna, the World Summit for Social Development in Copenhagen, or the Fourth World Conference on
Women in Beijing.
115
Ibid.
116
The House of Justice notes that the concept of world citizenship has emerged as a direct result of the
Řcontraction of the world into a single neighbourhood through scientific advances and of the indispensable
interdependence of nationsř. (The Universal House of Justice, ŖThe Promise of World Peaceŗ, 13).
117
Udo Schaefer, Bahářuřlláhřs Unity Paradigm, p. 30.
118
ŖIt is now the time in the history of the world for us to strive and give an impetus to the
advancement and development of inner forces Ŕ that is to say, we must arise to service in the world of morality…ŗ
(ŘAbduřlřBahá, in Peace: More Than An End To War, 235.)
119
ŘAbduřlřBahá, The Promulgation of Universal Peace, p. 10.
120
Ibid., p. 8.

reference of Řspiritualityř in the Bahářì writings. There is, for example, a

reflection of what is physical reality (the global interdependence of nations),
and what Bahářìs consider to be the spiritual reality of the oneness of
humankind (the brotherhood and sisterhood of all human beings).121
The BIC writes of the nature of the body of thought of Bahářuřlláh: The
mainspring of Bahářuřlláhřs message is an exposition of reality as
fundamentally spiritual in nature, and of the laws that govern that realityřs
operation. It not only sees the individual as a spiritual being, a Ŗrational
soulŗ, but also insists that the entire enterprise that we call civilization is
itself a spiritual process, one in which the human mind and heart have
created progressively more complex and efficient means to express their
inherent moral and intellectual capacities.122
For Bahářìs, laying the foundations of a global society that reflects the
oneness of humanity is a Řcentral spiritual issueř facing all the various
peoples of the world.123 In brief, the manner in which the foundations of a
system of global governance are established, depends, to a certain degree,
on infusing a moral sense in its socio-economic and political structures.
Bahá‟u‟lláh‟s Exhortation to Political Peace: Framework of the Bahá‟í

Vision of World Order
The cosmopolitan trait of the Bahářì Faith starts with the words of the
Báb,124 Who along with proclaiming the concept of progressive revelation,125
wrote that, ŖWe have created you from a tree and have caused you to be as
the leaves and fruits of the same tree, that haply ye may become a source of
comfort to another…It behooveth you to be one indivisible peopleŗ.126 The
analogy of the Řtreeř representing humankind, and the diverse nations and
peoples being the Řleaves and fruitsř are later re-echoed in the writings of
Bahářuřlláh: ŖYe are the fruits of one tree, and the leaves of one branch.
Deal ye one another with the utmost love and harmony, with friendliness
and fellowship…ŗ127 ŘAbduřlřBahá also used images found in nature to
elucidate the idea of the oneness of humankind, as it is depicted in the
Bahářì image. This is tantamount to stating that the world of nature does not
differ from the Řrealityř of the oneness of humankind in the human world.
Alluding to the great tree of the human family, ŘAbduřlřBahá states, ŖFor
mankind may be likened to the branches, leaves, blossoms, and fruits of that
121
Moojan Momen, The Bahářì Faith, p. 63.
122
Bahářì International Community, Who is Writing the Future?
123
Ibid.
124
French Historian Nicholas described His writings as Ŗpowerful and enlightened liberalismŗ. (John
Huddleston, The Earth is but One Country, Leicester: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1976, p. 141).
125
Comparing the sun to the divine revelations, The Báb wrote, Ŗthe process of the rise and setting of
the Sun of truth, will thus, indefinitely continue- a process that had no beginning, and will have no endŗ. (The Báb,
in: The Universal House of Justice, Selections from the Writings of the Báb, Haifa: Bahářì World Centre, 1976,
87).
126
Ibid. p.129
127
Bahářuřlláh, Gleanings, 288.

treeŗ. 128 He also explains that this image corresponds to the solidarity of the
human race.
W. Kenneth Christian notes that, ŖThe chief principle of Bahářuřlláhřs

teachings is Řthe oneness and wholeness of the human race.ř This is the
pivotal point of all that He taught… To achieve the unity of the human race
was Bahářuřlláhřs compelling life purposeŗ.129 Indeed, such a statement is
confirmed by ŘAbduřlřBahá (ŖThe basis of the teaching of Bahářuřlláh is the
unity of mankind)ŗ130, Shoghi Effendi131 and by the statements of
Bahářuřlláh himself. ŖLet your vision be world-embracing, rather than
confined to your own self… It is incumbent upon every man, in this Day, to
hold fast unto whatsoever will promote the interests, and exalt the station, of
all nations and just governmentsŗ.132 Bahářuřlláhřs message aims at the
creation of a universal society between nations, the abolition of war, and the
foundation of universal peace.133 ŖLove for humanity is a central value in the
hierarchy of values. All actions should be directed towards the well-being of
humankind, its welfare having absolute priority over all particular
interestsŗ.134 Likewise, Janet A. Khan notes that Bahářuřlláhřs teachings are
intended to encourage Řglobal unity and world orderř.135
In line with the conception of a world vision, Bahářuřlláh speaks of Řjustř

governments, a concept which was elucidated in the various letters that He
sent to the major monarchs,136 rulers, and religious leaders between 1867
and 1873. These statements represent His advice to the temporal and
religious leaderships. In the Súriy-I Mulúk (Tablets to the Kings), He
addresses all of the monarchs, as He calls on them to abide by the principles
of justice and unity, to disarm, to move away from tyranny and oppression,
to care for the poor and downtrodden, and describes the accumulation of
riches from the peoples by sovereigns as Řgrievous injusticeř. ŘPeoplesř are
to be a crucial concern of the leadership. Bahářuřlláh states in the Súriy-i-
Mulúk: ŖDo not lay burden on your subjects…The poor are the trust of God
in your midst, safeguard the rights of the downtroddenŗ.137
The Universal House of Justice says of the Súriy-i-Mulúk:
128
ŘAbdulřBahá, Promulgation of Universal Peace, 16.
129
W. Kenneth Christian, ŖIntroductionŗ, in: Ibid., p. xi.
130
ŘAbduřlřBahá, Paris Talks, (London: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1995), p. 36.
131
Shoghi Effendi identifies the oneness of humankind as Ŗthe pivot round which all the teachings of
Bahářuřlláh revolve.ŗ (Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahářuřlláh, 42).
132
133
Udo Schaefer, Bahářuřlláhřs Unity Paradigm, 24.
134
Ibid.
135
Janet Khan, New Vision, New Values, p. 79.
136
Although there is a high station in the Bahářì writings regarding Řkingshipř, the latter is endorsed if
fulfilling several conditions, including the rejection of absolute monarchy, and the endorsement of a republican
form of government. (See Ulrich Gollmer, ŖBahářì Political Thoughtŗ, in Udo Schaefer, (ed.), Making the
Crooked Straight: A Contribution to Bahářì Apologetics, (trans, Geraldine Schukelt) (Oxford: George Ronald,
2000), 449-450).
137
The Universal House of Justice, The Summons of the Lord of Hosts: Tablets of Bahářuřlláh, (Haifa:
Bahářì World Centre, 2002), 36-37.

ŖIt introduces some of the great themes that were to figure

prominently in the writings of Bahářuřlláh over the next two and a
half decades: the obligation of …civil authority to institute the reign
of justice, the necessity for the reduction of armaments and the
resolution of conflicts among nations, and an end to the excessive
expenditures that were impoverishing these rulersř subjects.ŗ138
The idea of morality in human affairs is underlined, as well as the notion

that temporal government must reflect divine virtues (such as showing
justice, and discarding oppression and tyranny) in the management of their
affairs and the treatment of the peoples.139 In the address to Queen Victoria,
Bahářuřlláh praises the Queen for abandoning the practice of slavery on
both men and women, and also for abiding by the formulation of a
democratic tenet in her government Ŕ a point that ŘAbduřlřBahá was to
emphasise in His treatise The Secret of Divine Civilization in 1875.140
Bahářuřlláh further expounds the principles that constitute the first stage of
world peace for Bahářìs, the Lesser Peace, a political peace among the
nations of the world with a reference to the principle of collective security
that He was among the first to expound and elaborate on.141 He writes, ŖBe
united, O kings of the earth… Should any one among you take up arms
against another, rise ye all against him, for this is naught but manifest
justiceŗ.142 Bahářuřlláh also enjoins leaders to Řtake counsel togetherř in a
convened international gathering, to show concern for the whole of
mankind, and to reflect upon the design of a world political community. He
also calls for the reduction of armaments to the extent that they will only be
required for internal or self-defence purposes.143 Bahářuřlláh stated, ŖO
Rulers of the earth! Be reconciled among yourselves, that ye may need no
more armaments save in a measure to safeguard your territories and
dominionsŗ.144
Referring to the contents of these Tablets, Shoghi Effendi explains, Ŗthe

application of the highest principles in human and international relations are
forcibly and insistently made, and the abandonment of discreditable
practices and conventions, detrimental to the happiness, the growth, the
138
Ibid. p.iv
139
The link between divine and temporal leaderships, in the Bahářì Faith, relates to the belief that
temporal leadership must reflect moral (divine) virtues. ŖA just king is the shadow of God on earthŗ. Bahářuřlláh
(Súrih-i-Haykal) in: Ibid., 112).
140
ŖIt would be preferable if the election of non-permanent members of consultative assemblies in
sovereign states should be dependent on the will and choice of the people. (ŘAbduřlřBahá, The Secret of Divine
Civilization, Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1990, 24.)
141
Bahářuřlláh was also among the first to evoke the phrase ŘNew World Orderř: Ŗ…the prevailing
Order appeareth to be lamentably defective… Soon will the present-day order be rolled up and a new one spread
out in its steadŗ. (Bahářuřlláh, Gleanings, 7 & 216).
142
Ibid., p. 43.
143
Bahářuřlláh, in: The Universal House of Justice, Summons of the Lord of Hosts, 90 & 93 and
Gleanings, 249.
144
Súrih-i-Haykal, Summons of the Lords of Hosts, 93.

prosperity and the unity of the human race, enjoinedŗ.145 The system of
collective security propounded by Bahářuřlláh asserts that political
agreements alone are not sufficient to support it.146 It must stand on a
stronger moral consciousness of human values, and in particular, must be
grounded in the oneness of mankind. Bahářuřlláhřs counsels to the leaders
of His time, which represent the kernel of His exhortation to the Lesser
Peace, are at the heart of Bahářì views on global governance, and constitute
the basis of further elaborations provided by His successors and by the
BIC.147
The Century of Light
The vision of a system of international interdependence, and the need for

interlocking governance underlined by the oneness of humankind have also
been expounded by ŘAbduřlřBahá, Who advocated that a sine qua non
condition for universal peace was universal suffrage, and Who elucidated
the writings of Bahářuřlláh.148 Of religious, racial, patriotic, or political
prejudices, He said that they were the destroyer of the body politic inasmuch
as all people have a single and common origin.149 More interestingly,
ŘAbduřlřBahá called the twentieth century Řthe century of lightř, and records
of His statements that international peace would indeed occur in this century
were reported in various papers of the early twentieth century. 150 This
pronouncement has been sometimes mistaken as being congruent with Him
stating that the Lesser Peace in the twentieth century would be a reality.
Nonetheless, when ŘAbduřlřBahá called the twentieth century Řthe century
of lightř, or when he referred to the twentieth century as the century of
international peace, He alluded to a process of peace that started in the
twentieth century, and not to events that took place during that time.
It is fascinating to see that He denoted the potentialities of the twentieth

century as containing the embryo and the impetus for the creation of
international peace, and the creation of corresponding pending global
institutions and outlook. The BIC notes, ŖThe attainment of peace in the
political realm is discernible through the workings of a process that can be
seen as having been definitely established in the twentieth century amid the
terror and turmoil that have characterised so much of this periodŗ. 151 The
twentieth century had unleashed the capacity for international peace and a
145
Bahářuřlláh, in: Ibid,. 72.
146
Ŗ…the abolition of war is not simply a matter of signing treaties and protocols; it is a complex task
requiring a new level of commitment to resolving issues not customarily associated with the pursuit of peace.
Based on political agreements alone, the idea of collective security if a chimeraŗ. (The Universal House of Justice,
The Promise of World Peace, 14).
147
This vision of a system of collective security shall be later expounded when looking at the writings
of Shoghi Effendi, the Universal House of Justice, and the Bahářì International Community.
148
ŘAbduřlřBahá, The Promulgation of Universal Peace, 134.
149
Ibid. 124.
150
For example the Montreal Daily Star in 1912.
151
Bahářì International Community, Peace Among the Nations, London: Bahářì Information Office,
1999, 1.

global era. In ŘAbduřlřBahářs words, ŖInasmuch as this is the century of

light, capacity for achieving international peace has been assuredŗ. 152 The
Bahářì World Centre explains that this image refers to the growing
Ŗacceptance of the principle of oneness and its implicationsŗ and that Ŗthe
physical unification in our time and the awakening aspirations of the mass
of its inhabitants have at last produced the conditions that permit
achievement of the ideal, although in a manner far different from that
imagined by imperial dreamers of the pastŗ. [Emphasis added]153 It is
relevant to see that the twentieth century has witnessed a breakthrough in
international thinking, as it has witnessed the birth of Řrepresentative global
institutions, including the United Nations and its subsidiary bodies.ř154
ŘAbduřlřBahá declared that the Řunity of nationsř would happen in the
twentieth century, meaning that the peoples of the world would have
developed a certain consciousness of world solidarity, essential to the
establishment of a political union.155 The Universal House of Justice clarifies
that Ŗthe unity of nations can be taken as that unity which arises from a
recognition among the peoples of the various nations, that they are members
of one single familyŗ.156 One of the core teachings of ŘAbduřlřBahá is that
the oneness of humankind stands as the primary principle regulating human
life and reality; the main difference is that its realisation is now at hand due
to the progress in technology, transport, and communication. As
ŘAbduřlřBahá states:
ŖIn this day, means of communication have multiplied, and the five
continents of the world have merged into one… In like manners all the
members of the human family, whether peoples or governments, cities or
villages, have become increasingly interdependent… Hence the unity of all
mankind can in this day be achieved.ŗ157
ŘAbduřlřBahá further reflected the writings of His father as He called for

altruistic concerns and the welfare of humanity as a whole, rather than
particularistic ones.158 He also clearly defined cosmopolitanism, as it is
enshrined in Bahářì thinking, stating that some wars are Ŗcaused by purely
imaginary racial differences; for humanity is one kind, one race and progeny
habiting the same globe...These boundaries and distinctions are human and
artificial, not natural and originalŗ. Furthermore, He asserts, ŖThis earth is
one home and native land. God has created mankind with equal endowment
and right to live upon the earth. As a city is the home of all its inhabitants
although each may have his individual place of residence therein, so the
152
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, The Promulgation of Universal Peace, 121.
153
Bahářì World Centre, Century of Light, 9 & 91
154
Foad Katirai, Global Governance, 48.
155
The Universal House of Justice, Letter: Unity of Nations and the Lesser Peace.
156
Ibid.
157
Abduřl-Bahá, in: Bahářì World Centre, Century of Light, 7.
158
Ŗ… May all your attentions centre in the welfare of humanity…ŗ (ŘAbduřl-Bahá, The Promulgation
of Universal Peace, 54).

earthřs surface is one wide native land or homeŗ for everyone. 159 There is an
argument in ŘAbduřlřBahářs writings for the grounding of a spiritual,
physical, and intellectual cosmopolitanism. There is the allusion that all
human beings were created by one ŘGreat Beingř, as part of a spiritual bond
between human beings, a spiritual cosmopolitanism: Ŗracial assumptions
and distinctions are nothing but superstition…All mankind are the children
of one Fatherŗ;160 the intellectual explanation that there is no biological
difference between human beings and that we are all part of the same human
species, Ŗwe are one physical race, even as we are of one physical plan of
material bodyř,161 and the intellectual grounding that physical borders are
simply artificially created boundaries, and not a natural state of affairs,
ŖRacial prejudice or separation into nations… is unnatural and proceeds
from human motive and ...ignoranceŗ.162 ŘAbduřlřBahá also mentioned the
organic evolution of humanity that is enshrined in all the fields of human
science, including politics. He states, ŖThe world of politics is like the world
of man; he is seed at first, and then passes by the degrees of the condition of
embryo and foetus… the political world in the same way cannot
instantaneously evolve from the nadir of defectiveness to the zenith of
perfectionŗ.163 Accordingly, the idea that the political realm must pass
through different degrees before it can be functional is here alluded to;
likewise, an appropriate system of global governance will gradually evolve
to become increasingly efficient.
Human Nature and Peaceful World Order: An Alternative Image
According to ŘAbduřlřBahá, the aim of the creation of men and women,

who have been given the endowment of the intellect and understanding, is
not targeted at destruction, but rather constitutes a means by which a
peaceful society can emerge.164 He stated, ŖI hope that you will use your
understanding to promote the unity and tranquillity of mankind…ŗ165 Bahářì
belief dwells on the fact that Ŗmen have been created to carry forward an
ever-advancing civilizationŗ.166 The purpose in creating humankind is, thus,
the achievement of its full potential to do good, and to promote the
evolution of society.167 In this statement, we come across the premise of the
Bahářì idea of human nature, which is not imprisoned in the narrow
confines of being inherently either Řgood or evilř, but constitutes an image
that asks for endeavour and accounts for the free will of human beings. For
Bahářuřlláh, each individual represents a Řsupreme talismanř and a Řmine
159
Ibid., 118 & 287.
160
Ibid., 299 & 468.
161
Ibid., 299.
162
Ibid., 287.
163
ŘAbduřlřBahá, The Secret of Divine Civilization, 107.
164
ŘAbduřlřBahá, Paris Talks, 33.
165
Ibid., 42.
166
167
ŖThe purpose of the creation of man is the attainment of the supreme virtues of humanity …the
purpose of manřs creation is, therefore, unity and harmony, not discord and separatenessŗ. (ŘAbduřlřBahá, Paris
Talks, 4).

rich in gems of inestimable value.ř This potential must be developed through

proper education, with which each person can optimise the ability to
practice Řfree willř.168 Individuals are not left to themselves with a fixed
nature.
ŘAbduřlřBahá calls these two sides of human nature the Řlowerř and Řhigherř
natures.169 This image of human nature can also be captured in the writings
of Bahářuřlláh, ŖNoble have I (God) created Thee, yet thou hast abased
thyself. Rise then unto that for which thou was createdŗ. 170 Human beings
have to Řendeavourř to let their Řhigher natureř dominate: human nature is,
thus, a matter of choice. By acting on their lower nature, human beings
allow disasters in civilisation, which occur on the grounds that the purpose
of creation is not being fulfilled, or that the nobility intended for creation is
being ignored. Human reality is that of the Řhigher natureř. The Bahářì
concept of human nature portrays, thus, a positive, rather than a negative,
image. The complexity of human nature is explained by ŘAbduřlřBahá: 171
ŖMan is the highest degree of materiality, and at the beginning of spirituality
Ŕ that is to say, he is the end of imperfection and the beginning of
perfection… Not in any of the species in the world of existence is there such
a difference, contrast, contradiction, and opposition as in the species of
manŗ.172 In parallel, it is important to make the paramount point that in the
Bahářì image, lower nature is not real, as it is not part of human reality. Evil
is the absence of good, as darkness is the absence of light, and in this way, it
is crucial to state that the Řlower natureř constitutes an absence of the Řhigher
natureř.173 The creation of humankind is reminiscent of a higher nature,
leaving no doubt as to the nobility of creation. Gollmer explains:
ŖThe Bahářì Faith does not have a dualistic image of the world with
distinction between believers and infidels,174 good or evil, saved or unsaved.
Its principle is that of unity: metaphysically as the unity of God, the Creator
of all human beings and his universal mercy; practically as an ethical
standard in all dealings with the people and nations of the world and as a
responsibility for the preservation of creation.ŗ175
Since the capacity for a higher nature does exist, and the attainment of this
higher nature is the aim of creation, Loni Bramson-Lerche remarks, ŖWith
168
Loni Bramson-Lerche, ŖAn Analysisŗ, p. 4. ŖThe reality underlying this question is that the evil
spirit, Satan or whatever is interpreted as evil, refers to the lower nature in manŗ. (ŘAbduřlřBahá, Foundations of
World Unity, Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1968, 77).
169
170
Bahářuřlláh, The Hidden Words of Bahářuřlláh Ŕ Part I from the Arabic, (Wilmette: Bahá'í
Publishing Trust, 1985), 9.
171
Bahářuřlláh quotes the Koran when He states, ŖMan is My mystery, and I am his mysteryŗ. (Peace:
More Than End To War, 227).
172
ŘAbduřlřBahá in: Peace: More Than An End To War, 38-39.
173
ŖEvil is non-existent; it is the absence of good; sickness is the loss of health; poverty the lack of
richesŗ. (ŘAbduřlřBahá, Foundations of World Unity, 78).
174
ŘAbduřlřBahá states, ŖLet us never say, ŘI am a believer and he is an infidelŗ. (ŘAbduřlřBahá, Paris
Talks, 152).
175
Ulrich Gollmer, Bahářì Political Thought, 443.

regard to the capacity for aggression, the Bahářì teachings differ sharply
from the opinions of the Řrealistř school of political scienceŗ.176 Hence, this
certainly explains why the Bahářì literature on the subject is often defined as
Řutopianř, when in fact it claims that human beings were created for a nobler
purpose than that of unceasing conflict. Danesh Hossein describes the
Bahářì model of world order as one that asserts the Ŗfundamental nobility of
every human being and the ultimate victory of the human spiritŗ.177 The
possibility of achieving a peaceful society is also justified by the fact that
the individual is a Řsocial beingř in need of Řcooperation and associationř. 178
It is noteworthy that the capacities for building a peaceful society are greater
in our age than they were in previous ages, leading us back to
ŘAbduřlřBahářs reference to the twentieth century as Řthe century of
lightŗ.179 Indeed, Bahářuřlláh notes that our age is the day Ŗ… in which all
that lay latent in man hath been and will be made manifestŗ. 180
The Universal House of Justice maintains that a Řparalysis of willř and Řa

paralysing contradictionř have prevailed in human affairs due to the inherent
belief in the aggressiveness of human beings. Accordingly, the Universal
House of Justice asserts that this has generated self-imposed obstacles to the
creation of a just and peaceful social system. The international Bahářì body
recognises, on the one hand, the longing of people for peace and the
Řapprehensions tormenting their daily livesř, and on the other hand, it
challenges the conflicting statement that human beings are inherently selfish
and aggressive and incapable of achieving a peaceful and dynamic social
order.181 The need to reassess mankindřs true nature is, thus, crucial when
thinking of the possibilities that exist within the international community to
achieve a more peaceful order. The Promise of World Peace states:
ŖAs the need for peace becomes more urgent, this fundamental contradiction
which hinders its realization, demands a reassessment of the assumptions
upon which the commonly held view of mankindřs historical predicament is
based. Dispassionately examined, the evidence reveals that such conduct,
far from expressing manřs true self, represents a distortion of the human
spirit. Satisfaction on this point will enable people to set in motion
constructive social forces which, because they are consistent with human
nature, will encourage harmony and cooperation instead of war and
aggression.ŗ182
176
Loni Bramson-Lerche, An Analysis, 4.
177
Hossein B. Danesh, Unity: The Creative Foundation of Peace, Toronto: Bahářì Publishing Trust,
1986, 118.
178
ŘAbduřlřBahá, The Promulgation of Universal Peace, 35.
179
Similarly, Toynbee views the point of a civilisationřs decline as the point at which a rejuvenating
Řhigher religionř emerges.
180
Research Department of the Universal House of Justice, Tablets of Bahářuřlláh: Revealed After the
Kitáb-i-Aqdas, Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1988, 219.
181
The Universal House of Justice, The Promise of World Peace, 5.
182
Ibid.

This statement can be linked to the Bahářì belief that humankind passes
through different stages leading to world unity, one of which is an immature
stage replete with war, strife, and exploitation.183 The paralysis of will
Řrooted in a deep-seated conviction in the quarrelsome of mankindř has
hindered world leaders to move beyond the notion of national sovereignty,
and meet the challenge of establishing an appropriate world institutions and
world mechanisms for the achievement of peace.184 Henceforth, in the
Bahářì model, all efforts that aim at relieving some of the worldřs problems
cannot be solely pragmatic; they have to be raised to the level of principle.
In this regard, the Universal House of Justice states, Ŗthe primary challenge
in dealing with issues of peace is to raise the context to the level of
principle, as distinct from pure pragmatism. For, in essence, peace stems
from an inner state supported by a spiritual or moral attitude, it is chiefly in
evoking this attitude that the possibility of peace can be found…ŗ 185 This
inner attitude grounded in the view that human beings are and were created
to be noble, stand at the basis of the Bahářì image of human nature, and the
centrality of the individual and human relationships in a multilayered
governance scheme. It, furthermore, disposes of the idea that world order
schemes can be founded on political concerns only, without any reference to
evoking the moral attitude that lies at the basis of the true reality of man.
The Oneness of Humankind and Institutional Cosmopolitanism
Shoghi Effendi wrote that, Ŗ…the principle of the Oneness of Mankind, the
cornerstone of Bahářuřlláhřs…dominion implies nothing more nor less than
the enforcement of His scheme for world unificationŗ.186 The oneness of
humankind, which entails its unity, has its corollary in the socio-economic
and political spheres: it propounds that unity is the principle regulating all
spheres of human life, including the socio-political realm. As such, the
principle is not fated to remain only on ideological and emotional levels,
with no institutional and practical implications. If it were the case, the
principle would remain on the level of theoretical good wishing. 187 Shoghi
Effendi further explained that unless the efforts of world leaders were
directed towards giving thought to this system of global governance that
was now based on global, rather than national structures, they were bound to
encounter setbacks. Shoghi Effendi states:
ŖThe oneness of mankind…is applicable not only to the individual,

but concerns itself primarily with the nature of those essential
relationships that must bind all the states and nations as members of
183
See also Kant, ŖIdea For A Universal History With A Cosmopolitan Purposeŗ, in: Hans Reiss, Kant:
Political Writings, 44.
184
The Universal House of Justice, The Promise of World Peace, 11
185
Ibid., 14-15.
186
187
ŘAbduřlřBahá stated, ŖWhat profit is there in agreeing that universal friendship is good, and talking
of the solidarity of the human race as an ideal?ŗ ŘAbduřlřBahá further explained that unless these principles were
transformed into the world of action, they would be of no use. (ŘAbduřlřBahá, Paris Talks, 3).

one family. It does not constitute merely the enunciation of an ideal,

but stands inseparably associated with an institution…adequate
to…demonstrate its validity, and perpetuate its influence. It implies
an organic change in the structure of present day society… it
constitutes a challenge, at once bold and universal, to outworn
shibboleths of national creeds Ŕ creeds that have had their day…It
calls for no less than the reconstruction and the demilitarisation of
the whole civilised world…ŗ [Emphasis added]188
Although it implies the need for unity, the oneness of humankind does not
suggest that uniformity is a relevant consideration in its application. On the
contrary, the machinery that can best incarnate this principle must be made
to reflect the diversity inherent in the human family, and in all the aspects of
human life. The Bahářì Faith is a firm believer in the oneness of humanity, if
only sustained by a strong corollary of the preservation and flourishing of
diversity. Not only the diversity found in the different shapes and colours of
the human family, but also the diversity of thought and opinion. In this
instance, ŘAbduřlřBahá noted, ŖAll are seeking truth, and there are many
roads leading thereto…Do not allow difference of opinion, or diversity of
thought to separate you from your fellow menŗ.189 The principle of Řunity of
diversityř, which stands at the basis of the Bahářì Faith as an inherent
element of the oneness of humankind, does not simply constitute a
theoretical and ethical aspect; it constitutes, for Bahářìs, a gift of beauty to
mankind, which has been misused for hatred and conflict.190
Indeed, the oneness of humankind and unity in diversity, which stand at the
very heart of the principles that have shaped the whole process of life are,
thus, not just to be applied to the individual, but to the governance system,
and have to be the guiding thrust behind the machinery that can best serve
the interests of humankind in its structural aspects. It is significant that, in
this instance, the Bahářì Faith upholds the principle of federalism, or that of
the commonwealth,191 when considering a new system of global
governance.192 The BIC, therefore, underlines, Ŗ…one of the time-tested
models of governance that may accommodate the worldřs diversity within a
unified framework is the federal systemŗ. The BIC further observes,
ŖFederalism has proved effective in decentralizing authority and decision-
making in large, complex, and heterogeneous states, while maintaining a
188
189
ŘAbduřlřBahá, Paris Talks, 44-45.
190
See ŘAbduřlřBahá, Bahářì World Faith, 295.
191
The commonwealth model takes a more confederal form than the federal model. The federal model
has a rule of law, which operates from the federal centre, whereas the commonwealth model can issue sanctions
when, for example, human rights are not respected. The commonwealth/confederation model has no legal force
over member-states.
192
Tellingly many grass-roots socio-economic development programmes have proved very efficacious
without the need for a central authority to control them, which demonstrates that a governance model certainly
does not have to resemble a Hobbesian style government. (Foad Katirai, Global Governance, 13).

degree of overall unity and stability.193 Another model worth examining is

the commonwealth, which at the global level would place the interest of the
whole ahead of the interest of any individual nationŗ.194 [Emphasis added].
Moreover, these systems of governance were promoted by ŘAbduřlřBahá,

who emphasised in 1912 that centralisation was most likely to encourage
despotism and that it was, thus, urgent to find ways to discourage its
practice as a system of governance.195 Here, ŘAbduřlřBahářs
recommendation was further elaborated by Shoghi Effendi. Explicitly, when
providing one of the possible examples of Řsome form of political unityř, as
enshrined in the Bahářì writings, Shoghi Effendi mentioned a ŘWorld
Federal Stateř, whilst he acknowledged that its realisation was most likely to
be tortuous and induced by sufferings.196 He, furthermore, explained that Řthe
establishment of a world commonwealth, a world federal system liberated
from… war… in which Force is made the servant of Justiceř was the
consequential institutional form of the unity of mankind.197
Shoghi Effendi, as early as 1954, described the world as a global

neighbourhood (Řneeds of a world already contracted into a neighbourhoodř)
when advocating the option of a world federal government to counteract
Řanachronistic conceptionsř or the Řobsolescent doctrine of absolute
sovereigntyř.198 Indeed, world federalist thinking advocated world federal
government, especially in the inter-war years and after WWII, to do away
with the outdatedness, and the ill foundation of state sovereignty.199 In
Bahářì thought, this world federal government devoid of Řanachronistic
conceptionsř would be a major step towards the establishment of the Lesser
Peace and the unification of mankind.200 The main organs of the world
federal government would comprise a world parliament or legislature that is
able to create a code of enforceable international law previously universally
agreed upon; a world executive, backed by an international force, which
would Řcarry out the decisions arrived at and apply the laws enacted by the
world parliamentř; and a world tribunal, whose decisions and judgment
would be binding on the parties and applicable to all disputes arising in the
universal system. Alongside these main organs of the world federal
193
Here the use of the term Řoverallř is interesting. Many federal states encounter internal separatist
movements. (See Michael Ignatieff, Blood and Belonging: Journeys into the New Nationalism, Canada: Penguin,
1993, 172-3).
194
Bahářì International Community, Turning Point For All Nations, p. 7.
195
Ŗ…to cast aside centralisation which promotes despotism is the exigency of the timeŗ.
(ŘAbduřlřBahá, The Promulgation of Universal Peace, 167.) It is here helpful to state that global federalism has
been influenced by the transformation of the United States at the end of the eighteenth century from a confederal
to a federal model. The latter initiated the idea of the individual as a subject of world law.
196
Shoghi Effendi, in: Helen Bassett Hornby (Compiled by), Lights of Guidance: A Bahářì Reference
File, New Delhi: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1994, 130.
197
Ibid., 436.
198
Shoghi Effendi, Citadel of Faith, Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1999, 126.
199
Advocates of a world federal government included: Auguste Forel, Auguste Schvan, and Paul Otlet
(during the First World War), Bertrand Russell and Oscar Newfang, Rosika Schwimmer, Maverick Lloyd (in the
inter war years). During the Second World War, federal advocates consisted of Ransome, Beveridge, Zilliacus,
Culberston and Adler. (Derek Heater, World Citizenship and Government, p. 110-112).
200
Shoghi Effendi, Citadel of Faith, p. 126.

government, a number of umbrella organisations, including Řa complex

transnational network of individuals, private organisations and international
agenciesř functioning with autonomy.201 (Significantly, the BIC defines the
global governance system as a sum of intricate relationships between
individuals and groups who determine how they manage common
international concerns, underlining the importance of the input of the global
citizenry).202 This institutional form provides the possible format that can
embody the words of Bahářuřlláh, frequently cited as the Řmottoř of the
Bahářì Faith, ŘThe earth is but one country, and mankind its citizens.ř203
Significantly, Shoghi Effendi was not proscriptive when he advocated

federalism or the commonwealth as two possible models of world
governance, but it is relevant that the BIC reiterated, as soon as 1995, that
federalism was a useful structure for some form of global government. In
this regard, according to Bahářì thought, while bearing in mind that
federalism is considered the most favourable form for the management of
diversity and decentralisation in a global governance system, it is
reminiscent that this vision of a world federal government, although a clear
destiny in the Bahářì vision of a future global order, does represent a long-
term and drastic project as things now stand.204 The Bahářì model calls for
incremental steps to be taken in order to reform international institutions,
and move towards a new system of global governance. Accordingly, it
contains a transformationist paradigm:205 the nation-state is in a period of
change, and will eventually cede some of its influence to world political
arrangements. Changes in the political arena will not happen unexpectedly
and incoherently, but as a result of expediency and urgency following both
the will of peoples and world leaders. The new generation of world
federalists has adopted a step-by-step approach, rather than the maximalist
approach of the realisation of a world federal government: for example, they
advocate UN democratisation through an assembly of world citizens, or
have worked for the establishment of the International Criminal Court.
The Lesser Peace, or Bahá‟í Programme for a Political Unity of Nations
Bahářìs believe that peace will come in stages, the first of which concerns a
political peace among nations: the ŘLesser Peaceř. The Lesser Peace relates
to what ŘAbduřlřBahá named Řunity in the political realmř, and is explained
by Shoghi Effendi as a Řunity which politically independent and sovereign
states achieve among themselves.206 The second stage, the ŘMost Great
Peaceř, refers to the social, spiritual, and political unification of mankind, a
201
Ibid. 94.
202
Daniel Wheatley, ŖGlobal Governance: Has a Paradigm Shift in World Government Theory Brought
The Lesser Peace Closer?ŗ in: Babak Bahador & Nazila Ghanea, (eds.), Processes of The Lesser Peace, (Oxford:
George Ronald, 2002), 244.
203
204
Bahářì World Centre, Century of Light, 91-92
205
Daniel Wheatley, Global Governance: Has a Paradigm Shift, 237.
206
Shoghi Effendi, in: Bahářì World Centre, Century of Light, 128.

peace in which spirit and humanity would be infused into the political
peace. Daniel Wheatley notes:
ŖThe Bahářì writings show our self-perception and identity as being one of
the major areas of difference between the Lesser Peace and the Most Great
Peace. It is only in the Most Great Peace when a man shall travel to any city
on earth, and it will be as if entering his own home. The Lesser Peace will
see the end of war between nations…but it will not necessarily be
accompanied by feelings of universal humanity…ŗ207
The political peace, the most immediate peace,208 has been mentioned by
Bahářuřlláh when He wrote to the rulers, kings, and religious leaders of His
age, and was further expounded by ŘAbduřlřBahá and Shoghi Effendi. The
formulation of a world government based on a federal system of governance
and decentralisation is crucial to the Bahářì model of governance, as it seeks
to maintain decision-making at appropriate levels, and functions according
to the principle of subsidiarity. The latter represents an element of the
ŘLesser Peaceř, the term Bahářuřlláh used when elaborating on the concept
of collective security.209 Wheatley details:
ŖAs well as calling for disarmament,210 Bahářuřlláh, ŘAbduřlřBahá and

Shoghi Effendi laid down guiding principles for a global legislature,
international weights and measures, a supreme tribunal, a global
peacekeeping force…Shoghi Effendi expands upon the practical necessities
of the Lesser Peace. This includes the creation of a global executive, a
global legislature, an international armed force in crisis management, a
world taxation system, a global currency, global communications
networks211 and a supreme international tribunal…ŘAbduřlřBahá also speaks
of the organisation necessary … in terms of a ŘParliament of Manř and a
ŘSupreme Tribunalř.ŗ212
The Supreme Tribunal was also defined by ŘAbduřlřBahá as a ŘHighest

Court of Appealř, an ŘInternational Tribunalř, the ŘGreat Councilř, or an
ŘInternational World Conferenceř.213 This tribunal, which would have
abiding jurisdiction in international affairs only, would need to be set up so
as to prevent war, and would be composed of representatives from each
207
Nalinie Mooten, Interview with Daniel Wheatley, Conducted Via Email, 10 February 2003.
208
The Most Great Peace refers to a very distant future, as it is part of an eschatological promise.
209
The occurrence of a World Federal Government is, according to the BIC, Řthe inevitable destiny of
humankindř, but it does, however, Řrepresents a long-term picture of a global societyŗ. (Bahářì International
Community, Turning Point For All Nations, 6).
210
ŘAbduřlřBahá held the view that it was essential that disarmament, which was so crucial to the
development of international peace, happened simultaneously, as partial disarmament would only cause other
nations to be suspicious and increase their armaments as a result. (In: The Universal House of Justice, Peace, 20).
211
Shoghi Effendi wrote in 1936, ŖA mechanism of world inter-communication will be devised,
embracing the whole planet, freed from national hindrances and restrictions, and functioning with marvellous
swiftness and perfect regularityŗ. (Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahářuřlláh, 203).
212
This vision is alluded to in the statements of the Bahářì International Community, namely in
Turning Point For All Nations. See also J. Tyson, World Peace and World Government: A Bahá'í Approach.
Oxford: George Ronald, 1986, 57 & Daniel Wheatley, Global Governance: Has a Paradigm Shift, 229.
213
ŘAbduřlřBahá, in: Peace: More than an End to War, pp. 199-203.

nation of the world, whose election would be based on using some form of
population criteria. This election would need to be confirmed by the cabinet,
the upper house, and the president of the nation, and should have at its basis
the sanction of the peoples of the world. ŘAbduřlřBahá made the following
suggestion as to a future world court in the late nineteenth century:
ŖA Supreme Tribunal shall be established by the peoples and governments

of every nation, composed of members elected from each country and
government. The members of this Great Council shall assemble in unity. All
disputes of an international character should be submitted to this Court, its
work being to arrange by arbitration everything which otherwise would be a
cause of war. The mission of this Tribunal would be to prevent war.ŗ214
This vision of a world judicial system is part of Shoghi Effendiřs elaboration

of the Bahářì vision of a future world order. Shoghi Effendi explains that the
statement of Bahářuřlláh regarding His elaboration of collective security are
none other than the demand for Řthe curtailment of unfettered national
sovereigntyř and that of a system of a world commonwealth of the nations
of the world or the formulation of a system of world government, whose
main organs have been above mentioned.215 Shoghi Effendi details his
thoughts, reminiscent of the call for a ŘWorld Federal Stateř:
ŖSome form of a world super-state must needs be evolved, in whose favour

all the nations of the world will have willingly ceded every claim to make
war, certain rights to impose taxation and all rights to maintain armaments,
except for purposes of maintaining internal order within their respective
dominions. Such a state will have to include within its orbit an international
executive adequate to enforce supreme and unchallengeable authority on
every recalcitrant member of the commonwealth; a world parliament whose
members shall be elected by the people in their respective countries and
whose election shall be confirmed by their respective governments; and a
supreme tribunal whose judgement will have a binding effect even in such
cases where the parties concerned did not voluntarily agree to submit their
case to its consideration. A world community…in which the fury of a
capricious and militant nationalism will have been transmuted into an
abiding consciousness of world citizenship Ŕ such indeed, appears, in its
broadest outline, the Order anticipated by Bahářuřlláh…ŗ216
It is to bear in mind, however, and as briefly mentioned, that this picture of

world order represents in the words of the BIC, and of the Bahářì World
Centre, Řa long-term picture of a global societyř and a Řradical
214
215
ŖWe see you adding every year unto your expenditures and laying the burden thereof on the people
whom ye rule; this verily is naught but grievous injustice.... Be reconciled among yourselves, that ye may need
armaments no more save in a measure to safeguard your territories and dominions…Should any one among you
take up arms against another, rise ye all against him, for this is naught but manifest justiceŗ. (Bahářuřlláh, in:
Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahářuřlláh, 40).
216
Ibid., 40-41.

restructuring of the administration of the affairs of the planetř. [Emphasis

added]217 In IR, the use of the very term Řworld governmentř can seem far-
fetched, outdated, and out of touch with a plural global governance system
advocated in the new conditions of world (dis)order. To some, a Řworld
governmentř already exists in the form of unilateralism in international
politics and/or the deficit of global democratic input in financial institutions
such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF). To others, Řworld
governmentř implies the prevalence of political security issues over socio-
economic ones. It is essential to stress that the Bahářì approach differs from
those conceptions of world government. Indeed, we can anticipate why the
Bahářì model, which is holistic and based on grassroots values, calls for the
principle of Řsubsidiarityř and Řdecentralisationř in international affairs.
Indeed, with centralisation, or the process by which decisions are taken
away from those affected by them, people lose their ability to shape their
own destiny, and are deprived of the dignity to choose for themselves.
We can discern that the problem with the phrase Řworld governmentř can be
one of terminology (i.e. the world government that Bahářìs believe in does
not take the form and rigidity of the world government that is being
currently criticised in IR). Indeed, the Řworld governmentř referred to by the
Bahářì writings is not a centralised, undemocratic, and ineffective
governance machine. Rather, it is a pyramidal structure, which respects
lower levels of governance. In parallel, the BIC promotes the view that in
development paradigms, the maxims Řsmall is beautifulř and Řthink globally,
act locallyř are adequate to tackle economic issues218 as people feel that they
can control their destiny. Here sovereignty, meaning the respect for lower
levels of governance, is necessary. As late Professor Claude Ake observes
Ŗsovereignty has done little to prevent the majority of countries in the global
south being subject to policies imposed on them by global financial
institutions.ŗ219 [Emphasis added] Indeed, cosmopolitanism does not
necessarily equate to the idea of Řbignessř and inefficiency. As Indian writer
Arundhati Roy states, ŖThe further and further away geographically
decisions are taken, the more scope you have for incredible injustice.ŗ220
Geoffrey Robertson, in view of the growing importance of global

corporations as global actors, contends that it is imperative that international
legal mechanisms be created for states and multinationals Řto provide
resources, which are available to them … for basic rights of health,
education and social security.ř221 More significantly, he maintains that
Řhuman rights auditingř, i.e. the process by which ethical reports are
217 Bahářì International Community, Turning Point For All Nations, p. 6 and Bahářì World Centre, p.
91.
218 Bahářì International Community, Turning Point for All Nations, 24.
219 Ake in: Charles Lerche, Everything That Rises Must Converge, 256.
220 Arundhati Roy, The Chequebook and the Cruise Missile: Conversations with Arundhati Roy
(interview by David Barsamian), London: Harper Perennial, 2004, 15.
221 Geoffrey Robertson, Crimes Against Humanity, 522

produced on behalf of multinationals, should become human rights

principles, and not merely Řa public relations exerciseř.222 Shoghi Effendi,
who referred to a world parliament as a global law making body, conceived
it in cosmopolitan terms, insofar as it would intend to Řsatisfy the needsř of
all peoples.223 The second and third generation of human rights define these
socio-economic needs as rights. In relation to the latter, David Held also
alludes to the idea of a global parliament which would monitor the
accountability of global corporations to deal with their social failures. The
ICC, which does not as yet include corporate responsibility, has, however,
started meaningful and innovative work in implementing human rights on
non-state actors, i.e. on human beings.
There is no doubt, for Bahářìs, that the elaboration of a system of world

government is a radical undertaking as things now stand. More importantly,
this system of world government would not come into being without the
approbation of the members of the human race, who would have developed
a strong sense of world citizenship that would have replaced Řa militant
nationalismř. In highlighting these aspects, Shoghi Effendi, in 1931, made it
absolutely clear that the intentions latent in the words of Bahářuřlláh do not
aspire to replace the existing local or national structures by international
ones, nor to substitute our existing loyalties for other ones, but rather seek to
supplement humanity with the international structures and loyalties that are
necessary to the flourishing and development of society. Similar to the
federalist tradition, the Bahářì ethos does not intend to replace lower levels
of governance and lesser loyalties, but rather seek to complement them with
the requirements of an interdependent world. It does not call for a vague
attachment to the world as a whole, but for evolving and multiple loyalties
from the grassroots to the whole. Shoghi Effendi notes:
ŖFar from aiming at the subversion of the existing foundations of society, it

(the meaning of Bahářuřlláhřs intent) seeks to broaden its basis…with the
needs of an ever-changing world. It can conflict with no legitimate
allegiances, nor can it undermine essential loyalties. Its purpose is neither to
stifle the flame of a sane and intelligent patriotism in menřs hearts, so
essential if the evils of excessive centralization are to be avoided… It calls
for a wider loyalty, for a larger aspiration that has animated the human race.
It insists upon the subordination of national impulses and interests to the
imperative claims of a unified world. It repudiates excessive centralisation
on the one hand, and disclaims all attempts at uniformity on the other. Its
watchword is unity in diversity.ŗ224
The Bahářì call is based on the belief that it is absolutely necessary to

abandon theories that seek to Řdeify the stateř, that are only materialistic in
222 Ibid.
223 Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahářuřlláh, 203.
224 Ibid., 41.

their aspects,225 that promote the interests of certain members of the human
race to the disadvantage of others, and that do not attempt to adjust
themselves to the needs of an increasingly cosmopolitan age. Accordingly,
the Universal House of Justice writes:
Ŗ…all too many…ideologies, alas, instead of embracing the concept of the

oneness of mankind, and promoting the increase of concord among different
peoples, have tended to deify the state, to subordinate the rest of mankind
to one nation, race or class, to attempt to suppress all discussion and
interchange of ideas, or to callously abandon starving millions to the
operations of a market system that all too clearly is aggravating the plight of
the majority of mankind, while enabling small sections to live in a condition
of affluence scarcely dreamed of by our forebears.ŗ [Emphasis added]226
There is no denial that one of the most firm calls launched by the Bahářì
community is the abandonment of theories and ideas that are standing in the
way of the realisation of humankind as one body, that are viewing all of
humankind as an interdependent family, and that are still insisting upon
nationalistic and divisive claims. It is suggested that we abandon parochial
notions, such as racism, which in its extreme can lead to genocide, or
nationalism, that has persisted and demonstrated its pernicious effects on the
body of humankind. If racism or nationalism cannot generate the prosperity
of humankind, it is here suggested that we now start shaping our
institutions, our efforts, and our world-view on a more encompassing and
humane dimension. Shoghi Effendi embodied this all-important statement in
his writings:
ŖThe call of Bahářuřlláh is primarily directed against all forms of

provincialism, all insularities and prejudices. If long-cherished ideals and
time-honoured institutions, if certain social assumptions and religious
formulae have ceased to promote the welfare of the generality of mankind,
if they no longer minister to the needs of a continually evolving humanity,
let them be swept away and relegated to the limbo of obsolescent and
forgotten doctrines. Why should these, in a world subject to the immutable
law of change and decay, be exempt from the deterioration that must needs
overtake every human institution? For legal standards, political and
economic theories are solely designed to safeguard the interests of humanity
as a whole, and not humanity to be crucified for the preservation of the
integrity of any particular law or doctrine.ŗ227
Unity, Diversity and Continuity
225
The Universal House of Justice highlights the link between purely materialistic doctrines and the
belief in the inner aggressiveness of man: ŖMost particularly, it is in the glorification of material pursuits at once
the progenitor and common feature of all such ideologies, that we find the roots which nourish the falsehood that
human beings are incorrigibly selfish and aggressiveŗ. (The Universal House of Justice, The Promise of World
Peace, 9).
226
Ibid. 8-9.
227

It is crucial to state that Bahářì appeals, which promote a federal structure

and decentralisation, only call for additional structures to global governance,
and do not advocate the abolition of the nation-state system, as they view
governance in an evolutionary, and not adversarial base.228 In this light,
Katirai observes, ŖWhile systems founded on an adversarial base may
regard compromise as essential because two positions are mutually
exclusive, those founded upon an evolutionary base see each stage as a
precursor to the next higher and more complex one.ŗ229
The Baháři Faith, thus, presents the image of a transformationalist, and not
hyperglobalist model, which signifies that it recognises that the nation-state
is in a period of transition, and not about to be extinct. The Bahářì stance in
relation to global governance is clearly between the insinuations of
hyperglobalizers, who affirm that the nation-state is going to disappear due
to transnational processes and the global economy,230 and between statist
statements, which put forward that the nation-state is not going to be even
slightly challenged by the processes of globalisation.231 Moreover, the Bahářì
Faith highlights the idea of a Řturning pointř in international affairs, or a
transition between national sovereignty and world unity, which many
international theorists recognise.232 The proponents of cosmopolitan
democracy, likewise, although not advocating a federal solution, admit that
the fate of the nation-state is outside of its hands. Heater notes, ŖThe
political scientists who have devised the concept of cosmopolitan
democracy and those of like mind are sometimes dubbed
Řtransformationalists… they reject the interpretation of the Řhyperglobalistsř
who foresee the trend of globalization as involving the complete collapse of
the nation-stateŗ. 233
Shoghi Effendi did not hesitate to point out the anachronism of the nation-
state, as he clearly contended that the leaders of human institutions Ŗ…in
utter disregard of the spirit of the age, are striving to adjust to national
processes, suited to the ancient days of self-contained nations…ŗ234More
recently, Peter Drucker argues that the nation-state is no longer the self
contained unit that it used to be in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
Indeed, for Drucker, the obsolescence of the nation-state demands the
creation of institutions, which would Ŗoverlap national boundaries and serve
transnational social and economic needsŗ.235 Toulmin argues that the new
age is characterised by adaptability and diversification instead of the old age
228
229
Ibid
230
See for example, Keichi Ohmae, The End of the Nation State. London: Harper Collins, 1995.
231
Hirst and Thompson think that the processes of globalisation have not perturbed sovereign
nationhood to the slightest. (See Daniel Wheatley, Global Governance, Has A Paradigm Shift, 236).
232
See Lazslo, Toulmin, Held or Rosenau.
233
Derek Heater, World Citizenship: Cosmopolitan Thinking, 152.
234
Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahářuřllah, 36.
235
Stephen Toulmin, Cosmopolis, 7.

of stability and hierarchy. The nation-state is currently unable to respond to

our needs, and should be complemented by more global institutions. Ŗ… We
are learning that in an evolving world, institutions must be adaptable to deal
with evolving human problemsŗ.236 Bahářuřlláh proclaimed that the era of
the unity of nation had given way to the era of the unity of the world.
Indeed, for Bahářìs, the times surrounding each religious dispensation are
distinguished by a particular theme, the current one being the unity of
humankind. In the evolutionary religious context with which the Bahářì
Faith views all aspects of human life, including social and political aspects,
Shoghi Effendi explains that the main theme surrounding the Christian era
was that of the individual, and that the era of Islam had been marked by the
thematic of the unity of the nations.237
Due to the nature of its evolutionary and non-adversarial approach, the

Bahářì Faith recognises that the continued evolution of Christianity and
Islam (which does not mean that their messages are questioned; rather it
highlights an intrinsic link between religions) signifies that the adoption of a
world vision complements individual and national concerns. The present
religious theme, thus, is characterised by world unity, as the era of the self-
sufficiency of nation-states has come to an end. Bahářuřlláh refers to the
love of oneřs country as still being a valid, yet insufficient and outdated,
notion. He said, ŖIt is not his to boast who loveth his country, but it is his
who loveth the whole world.ŗ238 While Bahářìs do advocate Řa universal way
of lifeř,239 universal institutions, and the consciousness of world citizenship,
they do not seek to diminish sane patriotic feelings, and the love that one
individual may have for his or her culture, language, traditions, provided
they do not become more important than wider, more global, concerns. U
Thant, Secretary General of the UN from 1962 to 1971, embodied this
image as he stated, ŖI do not criticize national pride. National pride is
natural. I say only that the sense of belonging to the human community must
be added to, and become dominant over other allegiancesŗ.240 The Bahářì
image of world order is grounded in a holistic, rather than partial world-
view, and takes its main insight from the principle that what is of benefit to
the whole is of benefit to the part, as humankind is viewed as Řone
organically whole entityř.241 From this principle stems the consequential
ideas of continuity, unity, and complementarity. The love of oneřs country is
contained in the love of the world as the whole, continuity depicts different
stages from the part to the whole (from the family unit to the world), and all
of the parts are contained and act interdependently in this greater whole.
236
Ibid., 192.
237
See Shoghi Effendi, The Promised Day Is Come, 196.
238
239
In 1955, Shoghi Effendi enjoined Bahářìs to Ŗachieve a universal consciousness and a universal way
of lifeŗ. (in: Jan T. Jasion, ŖThe Universalism of the Bahářì As Reflected In the Writings of Shoghi
Effendiŗ, Dialogue and Universalism, 1996, 6 (11-12), 105).
240
In: Foad Katirai, Global Governance, 15.
241
Moojan Momen, The Bahářì Faith, 63.

The Bahářì vision contains some convictions about the future of humankind,
due to its intrinsic religious character; namely Bahářuřlláh envisions the
inevitability of world peace, but warns that this phase will not come
unhindered. Bahářìs are confident, despite all of the world turbulences Ŕ
which they consider to be a transitional step from a system of national
sovereignty to a world commonwealth of nations Ŕ that peoples of vision
and insight will lead humanity to world peace.242 In its 1985 statement, The
Promise of World Peace, the Universal House of Justice explains that flaws
in the international system are partly due to the fact that state sovereignty
has remained intact, and that this status quo impedes the adoption of
relevant solutions to the threatened collapse of the international economic
system, the spread of international anarchy and terrorism, or the inability of
sovereign nation-states to prevent war.243 This report proclaims that due to
Řunfettered national sovereigntyř, and the attachment to old patterns of
behaviour, the path to world peace could be possibly horrifying. The
statement reads, ŖWhether peace is to be reached only after unimaginable
horrors precipitated by humanityřs stubborn clinging to old patterns of
behaviour, or is to be embraced now by an act of consultative will, is the
choice before all who inhabit the earthŗ.244 Furthermore, the House of Justice
promotes the idea that Řlove of humanityř does not leave out Řlove of oneřs
countryř, and that Řunbridled nationalismř, which distinguishes itself from Řa
sane patriotismř, must be superseded by a love for humanity in general. 245
Shoghi Effendi explains that all that the call raised by Bahářuřlláh implies
and proclaims, is:
ŖThe insufficiency of patriotism, in view of the fundamental changes

effected in the economic life of society and the interdependence of the
nations, and as the consequence of the contraction of the world, through the
revolution in the means of transportation and communication Ŕconditions
that did not and could not exist either in the days of Jesus Christ or of
Muhammad. It calls for a wider loyalty, which should not, and indeed does
not, conflict with lesser loyalties. It instils a love which, in view of its scope,
must include and not exclude the love of oneřs own country. … It does
insist, however, on the subordination of national considerations and
particularistic interests to the imperative and paramount claims of humanity
as a whole, inasmuch as in a world of interdependent nations and peoples
the advantage of the part is best to be reached by the advantage of the
whole.246
242
Peter Khan, Introduction, p. xi.
243
In the words of Bahářuřlláh, Ŗsigns of impeding convulsions and chaos can now be discerned,
inasmuch as the prevailing order appears to be lamentably defectiveŗ. (Bahářuřlláh, Gleanings, 216).
244
The Universal House of Justice, The Promise of World Peace, p. 3. This image can be found in the
writings of Kant, who thought that nature would eventually lead us to reason and peace. In the Bahářì approach,
we have a choice between reason and nature to attain peace. If not attained by Řan act of consultative willř
(reason), peace will be realised by Řunimaginable horrorsř (nature).
245
Ibid., p. 13. An Řunbridledř nationalism is exclusive and aggressive (defines itself against an ethnic
Řotherř, and can lead to genocide) while a Řsaneř patriotism relates to a sense of belonging to a local/national
community, itself part of a wider cosmopolitan community, to which one still belongs.
246
Shoghi Effendi, The Promised Day is Come, 200.

„The Great Assemblage‟: Foundation of Global Governance and the

Lesser Peace
The process of the growing consciousness of world solidarity Ŕ which, in

Bahářì thought, constitutes an element and aspect of the twentieth century Ŕ
was referred to by ŘAbduřlřBahá as Řthe unity of nationsř. The latter is to
gradually shed its reflection in the political domain, the Lesser Peace.
Indeed, Bahářì thought maintains that the growing sense of world
consciousness can be associated with certain organisational developments in
the political domain.247 The Řunity of nationsř will, thus, be a crucial stage in
the development of a political peace among nations. Bahářuřlláh expounded
on the Lesser Peace in the letters He sent to the major rulers of His age, and
advised them to reduce their armaments, and develop a system of collective
security. ŖO rulers of the earth! Be reconciled among yourselves, that ye
may need no more armaments save in a measure to safeguard your
territories and dominions...Be united... Should anyone among you take up
arms against another, rise ye all against Him, for this is naught but manifest
justiceŗ. In another passage, Bahářuřlláh referred to the Lesser Peace as a
gathering of world leaders, at which a system of security, unity, and concord
among the nations would be devised. ŖThe time must come when the
imperative necessity for the holding of a vast, an all embracing assemblage
of men will be universally realised. The rulers and kings of the earth must
needs attend it, and, participating in its deliberations, must consider such
ways and means as will the lay the foundations of the worldřs Great Peace
among menŗ.248
Shoghi Effendi explains that, ŖThe principle of collective security He

unreservedly urges; recommends the reduction in national armaments; and
proclaims as necessary and inevitable the convening of a world gathering at
which the kings and rulers of the world will deliberate for the establishment
of peace among the nationsŗ.249 This call, reiterated more recently by the
Universal House of Justice and the BIC, now addresses itself to the heads of
nation-states, who have at this time become the highest-ranking decision-
makers, as well as to the global citizenry, who participates and gives input
(heard or unfortunately unheard) to these decisions.250The Lesser Peace will,
thus, be characterised by the delineation of a global order that comprises
institutions and laws to which nation-states abide, and endowed with the
means with which collective decisions can be enforced, while being
247
The United Nations can be regarded as one of the world organisational developments.
248
249
Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1999, 216-218.
250
Bahářuřlláh, in His time, appealed to Řkings and rulersř, while more recently the Bahářì International
Community calls on the heads of nation-states to consider the convocation of a world gathering. Bahářì
International Community, Turning Point For All Nations, 4).

substantially supported by civil society organisation and participation. 251 The

Bahářì vision only endorses a programme of global governance if it obtains
a consensus from the peoples of the world, nation-states, international
organisations, and NGOs, in brief all the major stakeholders.252 This
consensus is Ŗthe essential ingredient of any successful system of global
governance. It is the cornerstone of the Lesser Peace and the fruits of the
ŘGreat Assemblageř of the leaders of the nations called by Bahářuřlláh and
ŘAbduřlřBahá, wherein the foundations of a new global order and the unity
of the nation-states will be laid as the Lesser Peaceŗ.253 This consensus
would be based on the global acceptance of common core values, and the
establishment of a general treaty or international constitution, which would
distinguish itself from old Řcosmopolitanř notions of world conquest, or
universal conquests for personal and authoritarian designs, which did not
have at their basis the principle of true justice, and the normative equality of
peoples and nations.254
The call to world leaders to establish the Lesser Peace and obtain from it the
sanction of the peoples of the world have been raised by Bahářuřlláh,
ŘAbduřlřBahá, the Universal House of Justice, and the Bahářì International
Community. Bahářuřlláh called for the convocation of a Řvast all-embracing
assemblyř; ŘAbduřlřBahá advocated for this assemblage to make of Peace
the cause of universal consultation, underlining that it should seek to
establish a union of the nations of the world and establish a binding treaty;
at the present time, the Universal House of Justice highlights that this
convocation is Řlong overdueř. The BIC summons Řa convocation of world
leaders… to consider how the international order might be redefined and
restructured to meet the challenges facing the worldř, with significant
participation and input from civil society. The BIC suggests that this
summit, which they propose could be called the ŘWorld Summit on Global
Governanceř,255 could draw on the experience underlying various successful
UN conferences.256 In particular, the Millennium Peopleřs Forum, held by
the United Nations in May 2000 and co-chaired by the BIC, was the first of
its kind in UN history to be a channel for civil society to forward
discussions and ideas to the General Assembly.257 One of the foundations of
peace is that peoples would gradually come to recognise their common
destiny (which is also enshrined in the principle of oneness) and would,
from this premise, have the will to act together, at least in matters vital to
251
More importantly, the Universal House of Justice does not believe that a system of collective
security will work if only based on political agreements and protocols. The Universal House of Justice calls such
as system of collective security Řa chimerař: it can only work with a strong moral foundation.
252
253
The Lesser Peace, being the term used by Bahářìs, to depict a political unity of nations.
254
ŖDuring…long evolutionary process… as ever larger and more diverse populations came under the
control of one or another system of government, the temptation of universal empire repeatedly seized the
imaginations of the Caesars and Napoleons during such expansionŗ. (Bahářì World Centre, Century of Light, 91).
255
The Commission on Global Governance also summoned such a summit, which it called a Řworld
conference on governanceř. (Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighbourhood, 351).
256
Bahářì International Community, Turning Point For All Nations, p. 4.
257
Daniel Wheatley, Global Governance: Has a Paradigm Shift, 245.

their concerns.258 In the context of the Lesser Peace, an integrative process is

characterised by growing global cooperation. World conferences, the
creation of the League of Nations and the United Nations, the increasing
number and participation of NGOs, and the strengthening of regional
organisations (such as the EU) are identified as a momentum towards the
Lesser Peace.
One of the outcomes of this World Summit, ŘAbduřlřBahá specified, would

be the enunciation of a treaty binding on governments. In particular, all
states and nations would have to submit to a body of contract, in which clear
principles of international relations and laws are laid down, and
consequential agreements and obligations would be ascertained and
binding.259 (These also include, as stated, worldwide disarmament, the
delineation of international borders and frontiers, the submission of disputes
to binding arbitration or judgement by a world court, and a Řsystem of
collective security to ensure that international treaties are not violated.ř) 260
The steps leading to the Lesser Peace, according to the Universal House of
Justice, are part of this Řintegrative processř articulated by Shoghi Effendi,
and comprise the features that can be identified as stages towards global
unity.
The various world conferences are part of this process that testifies to Ŗan
emerging unity of thought in world undertakingsŗ.261 The Řpromptitude and
spontaneity with which these government leaders have been acting together
in responding to a variety of world crises in different parts of the worldř,
Řthe cries...for attention to be given to the feasibility of achieving some form
of global governanceř, Řthe greater involvement of the United Nationsř, or
Řthe call raised for an international criminal court to be establishedř are some
of the signs that Bahářì contemplate as prerequisites for the Lesser Peace. 262
In addition, the Universal House of Justice identifies important and
auspicious steps to world order which have gradually included the creation
of the League of Nations, followed by the United Nations whose formation
corresponded with the process of the ending of nation-building characterised
by the independence of numerous nations. The Universal House of Justice
also identifies their involvement with older nations in matters of mutual
concern. The international body elaborates on a number of steps that have
been taken towards the elaboration of world order: The consequent vast
258
These values of common concern comprise the elimination of prejudices based on class, gender,
race, level of economic and material development, and the right of all to an education, training, and socioeconomic
development. (Ulrich Gollmer, Bahářì Political Thought, 431).
259
Ibid., p. 431
260
Ibid. and Brian Lepard, ŖFrom League of Nationsŗ, p. 91. Shoghi Effendi did not call for a rigid
system of collective security, but for a flexible and elastic system. (See Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of
Bahářuřlláh, p. 191) In this way, the projection of a global order, in the Bahářì viewpoint, Ŗ…does not contain a
fixed, static model… It does not present specific future events, but rather presents a vision calling to action,
providing guidance for the creation of a more peaceful future…ŗ (Ulrich Gollmer, Bahářì Political Thought, 431).
261
ŘAbduřlřBahá also refers to Řa unity of thought in world undertakingsř. The Bahářì World Centre
elucidates that this alludes to Řprogrammes of social and economic development, humanitarian aid and concern for
protection of the environment and its oceansř. (Bahářì World Centre, Century of Light, pp. 127-128).
262
The Universal House of Justice, Letter: Unity of Nations and the Lesser Peace.

increase in cooperation among hitherto isolated and antagonistic peoples

and groups in international undertakings in the scientific, educational, legal,
economic and cultural fields; the rise in recent decades of an unprecedented
number of international humanitarian organisations; the spread of womenřs
and youth movements calling for an end to war; and the spontaneous
spawning of widening networks of ordinary people seeking understanding
through personal communication.263
The House of Justice subsequently proposes that the numerous groups that
have come together in the form of regional organisations to co-operate in
matters of common interest, such as the Association of South East Asian
Nations, the African Union, the European Union, or the international
congresses that testify to an urge to unity, are reflective of this trend.
Mentioning the integrative and disruptive processes, the Universal House of
Justice concludes, ŖTogether with the opposing tendency to warfare and
self-aggrandizement against which it ceaselessly struggles, the drive
towards world unity is one of the dominant, pervasive features of life on the
planet during the closing years of the twentieth centuryŗ.264
The Bahá‟í International Community‟s Views on International

Organisations: Precursors of Global Institutions
The BIC recognises that the world is not ready for this system of planetary
government, and takes an incremental approach to the reform of the
international landscape that it recognises has grown in complexity since
1945. As early as 1955, the first decade review of the UN charter, the BIC
proposed some guidelines for the reform of the United Nations
Organisation,265 based on the vision articulated by Bahářuřlláh during His
lifetime. These suggestions have been endorsed by the BIC thirty years later,
although further expounded and complemented Ŕ a sign that not much has
changed in regards to the functioning of the UN in the last thirty years. In
accordance with its evolutionary mindset, the Bahářì International
Community does not call for UN abolition, but for its reform. The Bahářì
image of world order, furthermore, recognises the transitional period
delineating present times. This transition from a world based on national
sovereignty to a system of global governance, set around international
institutions that will develop into global institutions centred on humanity
rather than nation-states, has been termed a Řturning pointř.266
Highlighting the Bahářì support for these organisations, the Universal House
of Justice notes, ŖThe tentative steps towards world order, especially since
263
The Universal House of Justice, The Promise of World Peace, p. 4.
264
Ibid., 21.
265
Among these proposals were included the gradual removal of the veto, the references to permanent
members, the elimination of the term Řenemyř in any article of the UN Charter, and the compulsory jurisdiction of
the International Court of Justice.
266
Precisely, the Bahářì International Community entitled its 1995 document on Global Governance
ŘTurning Point For All Nationsř.

World War II, give hopeful signs. The increasing tendency of groups of
nations to formalize relationships which enable them to co-operate in
matters of mutual interests...prepare the path to world orderŗ.267 While
recognising the great achievements of the United Nations, and being active
observers of the organisation of the League of Nations, Bahářì statements
seek to reform organisations that embody a world vision while still based on
the dated principle of national sovereignty. The BIC accordingly notes,
ŖEach attempt [the League of Nations and the United Nations] sought to
address emergent recognition of global interdependence while preserving
intact state sovereignty above elseŗ.268 This does not signify that these
organisations are not valued by the Universal House of Justice and the BIC;
rather, the Bahářì bodies contend that international organisations should
become more global. Indeed, the Bahářì International Community considers
that the intricate agglomerate of institutions and relationships governing the
international system, including the defunct League of Nations and the
contemporary United Nations, point toward the recognition of an
interdependent humanity, and a more adequate future global governance
system. Per se, ŖOften the United Nations most avowed critics have been its
most avid supportersŗ.269 Although the League of Nations and the United
Nations are far from being perfect bodies, they represent international
processes and organisations, which will eventually become more global.
Shoghi Effendi wrote in 1936:
ŖThough the great outcry raised by post-war nationalism is growing louder

and more insistent every day, the League of Nations is as yet in its
embryonic state, and the storm clouds that are gathering may for a time
totally eclipse its powers and obliterate its machinery, yet the direction in
which the institution itself is operating is most significant. The voices that
have been raised ever since its inception, the efforts that have been exerted,
the work that has already been accomplished, foreshadow the triumphs
which this presently constituted institution, or any other body that may
supersede it, is destined to achieve.ŗ270
Moreover, despite all its failures, the League represented the first proper
attempt by the nations to Řassume collective responsibilityř and Řcollective
actionř. Consistent with the Bahářì proposition that there is a progression in
all aspects of international relations and history in general, the League of
Nations, followed by the perfected United Nations, are processes that will
eventually lead to a more complete and cosmopolitan system needed for the
267
The Universal House of Justice, The Promise of World Peace, 11.
268
Bahářì International Community, Turning Point For All Nations, 2.
269
270
Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahářuřlláh, 191. ŘAbduřlřBahá looked down upon the
Versailles settlement, which to Him was only capable of bringring about an even fiercer war. Even if the League
of Nations had been brought into being and represented a breakthrough in the concept of collective security, it
represented the beginning of a long process of international organisations that would eventually lead to the Lesser
Peace. However, it was not an effective collective body as such. (See Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of
Bahářuřlláh, 30).

organisation of the planet, namely the long-time picture of a world federal

state or world commonwealth of nations based on a cosmopolitan model Ŕ
where not only states, but peoples are crucial elements. Both the federal and
commonwealth models represent alternative routes to world order that
would be increasingly centred on humanity, rather than nation-states.
According to Shoghi Effendi, the process, which launched the League of
Nations, represented the attainment Ŗto that stage at which the oneness of
the whole body of nations will be made the ruling principle of international
lifeŗ.271 Indeed, Bahářìs assign a very important role to international
organisations as regards their potential to participate in a new design of
global governance. Lepard remarks, Ŗ…the history of international
organisation has reflected a steady evolution towards higher and higher
forms of unity and towards the development of a new awareness that the
diverse peoples of the earth together constitute a single world
communityŗ.272 Moreover, the idea of process contains a powerful element
of optimism, which considers punctual failures (such as the League of
Nations or the refusal for an economic unity in Europe) as an impetus
towards an improved structural form. As Shoghi Effendi wrote:
ŖThe fierce opposition which greeted the abortive scheme of the Geneva
Protocol; the ridicule poured upon the proposal of a United States of Europe
which was subsequently advanced, and the failure of the general scheme for
the economic unity of Europe, may appear as setbacks... And yet, are we not
justified in driving fresh encouragement when we observe that the very
consideration of these proposals is in itself an evidence of the steady growth
in the minds and hearts of men?ŗ273
We can now notice that each of these institutions has been realised, although
ridiculed, and then hailed as failures.
Ethical Reforms
Part of the suggestions of the BIC relating to UN reform is based on a

reconsideration of human values, and a new starting point for building a
new system of global governance. The most important ethical consideration
in review is the interdependent relationship existing between the individual
and the international community, meaning that the individual unit is a
responsibility of the world community as a whole, in which national
citizenship or artificial constructed states are absolutely irrelevant.
Individual human beings, who are the units that make up humanity, must be
protected regardless of artificially constructed states. This is an important
aspect of human rights, as these rights originate from the body of mankind
as opposed to national communities that often impede their realisation. This
notion can be found in Thomas Paineřs words Ŗmy principles are universal.
271
Ibid., p. 193.
272
Brian Lepard, From League of Nations, 79.
273

My attachment is to all the world, and not any particular partŗ. 274 Thomas C.
Walker explains, ŖFor Paine, there was a unity between the individual and
mankind. Particular national attachments should carry little weight with
enlightened men and womenŗ.275 The BIC reiterates this point. Since the
body of humankind is indivisible, Ŗeach member of the human race is into
the world as a trust of the wholeŗ.276 This relationship represents the
foundation of human rights, and is an important consideration for reforms to
be brought into the international system. Additionally, discussions about the
international order must include the generality of humanity, and not only
sections of people, usually leaders in all fields of human knowledge. This
discussion should involve men and women at the grassroots levels, and
should lead to a self-reinforcing process and growing awareness of world
citizenship.277 Finally, reforms pertaining to the United Nations, and other
international institutions, can only be envisaged in the light of their future
role in the international system. If criticism outweighs praise of the United
Nations, it is necessary, according to the BIC, to view the United Nations,
not in its present form, but with an Řevolutionary mindsetř i.e. with the view
of how it might operate within the future international order, and the
possible achievements and benefits it might be able to provide.278
This cosmopolitan basis is linked to more practical measures to reform the

UN body whose functioning operations have remained unchanged for the
last fifty years. Indeed, Bahářì suggested reforms are very much in line with
the reforms brought by the Commission of Global Governance.279 Among
many others, a point of common venture would be the call for the adoption
of new values along with the development and reform of the international
system. The BIC describes the report of the Commission on Global
Governance, Our Global Neighbourhood, as Řone of the most balanced and
thoughtfulř which Řargues for the widespread adoption of new values, as
well as structural reforms in the United Nations systemř.280 The adoption of
new values should not just be a theoretical grounding, but according to the
Bahářì viewpoint ought to be enshrined in a Bill of Rights. In 1955 the BIC
stated, It is recommended that the United Nations adopt a Bill of Rights,
which guarantees to every individual freedom of speech, of the press, of
religion, and of thought, as well as freedom from racial and religious
discrimination, freedom from arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, equality of
274
Thomas C. Walker, The Forgotten Prophet, 60.
275
Ibid.
276
277
Ibid.
278
Ibid. 7
279
The BIC also mentions the early work of the lawyers Glenville Clark and Louis B. Sohn, World
Peace Through World Law, and indicates that this work represented a Řmilestoneř, and was among the Řfirst solid
proposalsř in its early advocacy of the abolition of the veto power in the early 1950s. The BIC also quotes works
such as the ŘStockholm Initiativeř, Common Responsibility in the 1990s and Benjamin Ferenczřs work New Legal
Foundations for Global Survival. (Ibid., 23).
280
Ibid. p. 3.

sexes, equality before the law, equality of opportunity, and other such basic
rights.281
The Commission on Global Governance re-echoes this wish by underlining

the necessity of elaborating a global Charter of civil society. ŖWe…urge the
international community to unite in support of a global ethic of common
rights and shared responsibilities. In our view, such an ethic Ŕ reinforcing
the fundamental rights that are already part of the fabric of international
norms Ŕ would provide the moral foundation for constructing a more
effective system of governanceŗ.282 Referring to rights and responsibilities
such as a secure life; equitable treatment; participation in governance at all
levels; equal access to information; equal access to the global commons; the
promotion of equity, including gender equity; and the preservation of
humanityřs cultural and intellectual heritage; the Commission goes on to
state, ŖWe believe this list of rights and responsibilities in the minimum
basis for progress in building a more civil global society… Over time, we
hope that these principles could be embodied in more binding international
document Ŕ a global Charter of Civil Society Ŕ…ŗ283
In 1947, a Bahářì declaration on Human Rights (soon followed by a Bahářì

statement on Womenřs Rights) was submitted to the United Nations. After
becoming an accredited NGO at the United Nations in 1948, the BIC sent a
letter to former Secretary General, Mr Dag Hammarskjold in 1955, which
included proposals for the revision of the UN Charter. 284 In the 1955
statement, the BIC put forward several suggestions regarding UN reform, as
it highlighted that Řreal sovereignty is no longer vested in the institutions of
the national state because the nations have become more interdependentř,
…Řthat the existing crisis is moral and spiritual as well as political;ř …Řand
that the existing crisis can only be surmounted by the achievement of a
world order representatives of governments as well as the nations of
mankind.ř285 As well as underlining the erosion of national sovereignty, and
placing emphasis on moral aspects of governance, this statement joined the
advocacy of Bahářuřlláh and ŘAbduřlřBahá when They called for a more
adequate representation of Řpeoplesř in governance, in addition to
Řgovernmentsř. Both are complementary when it comes to decision-making
in the international community. The basis of these considerations was to
stand at the heart of practical reforms that demanded the timely
readjustment of the modus operandi of the UN. In this respect, the Bahářì
International Community suggests a body of proposals relating to the
operation of the main organs of the United Nations. These entail suggestions
for the reforms of the legislative, executive, and judicial functions of the
UN.
281
Bahářì International Community, in: Foad Katirai, Global Governance, 124.
282
Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighbourhood, 56.
283
Ibid. 57.
284
In: Foad Katirai, Global Governance, 67.
285
Ibid

The BIC deplores the lack of cosmopolitan ingredient within the structure
and functioning of international organisations. Indeed, most of these failures
are due to the fact that the United Nations represents an assemblage of
nation-states, which often strive to maximise their self interests.
Accordingly, the BIC remarks, ŖThe United Nations lacks not only the clear
authority but also the requisite resources to act effectively in most instances.
Accusations of the United Nationsř failures are in fact indictments of
member-states themselvesŗ.286 Similarly, the report of the Commission on
Global Governance remarks:
ŖWhen governments or people speak of reform of the United Nations, they

address a process of change that has to begin in national behaviour, not on
the banks of the East River in New York. National behaviour is a product of
national decision-making and national policies: it is here that strengthening
of the UN must begin. Worthwhile reforms of UN structures ought to be
pursued, and we propose several in this report, but the greatest failings of
the UN have not been structural: they have been collective failings of the
member-states… The point cannot be made more emphatically.ŗ287
Structural Reforms: Legislative, Executive, and Judicial Functions of

the UN
In an earlier passage, it was noted that the Bahářì view of history is a

progressive one, namely one that passes through different stages. The
collective life of humanity has, thus, been compared with the life of an
individual going through childhood, adolescence, and maturity. As this view
concerns the common life of humanity as a single body, it applies to
international organisations, and their constant improvement. The League of
Nations could, hence, be compared to the embryonic stage of the life of
international institutions, and Bahářì reforms concerning the international
system are intrinsically linked to the view that evolution is a feature of
human life. As such, international organisations are thought to lead to ever-
closer integration in the life of humanity, founded upon the growing
recognition of the oneness of humankind. The realisation of the oneness of
humankind, an ethical foundation, is linked to giving more means of
enforcement to the main organs of the United Nations, which are to
safeguard the individual from abuse and injustice, and to advance the
process of peaceful change. Bahářìs, thus, view the improvement of the UN
as a move towards the goal of human history, i.e. global unity.288 Structural
reforms are also enshrined in the belief that human nature is not inherently
aggressive, that transformation is possible, and that the physical integration
of humankind is a mirror of the oneness of mankind, as discussed above.
286
287
Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighbourhood, 227-228.
288
Ibid.

Insofar as, in the words of ŘAbduřlřBahá, the individual is Ŗin need of

cooperation and associationŗ,289 his/her well-being is better served through
operations which can optimise this human need, which due to the global
stage in which we find ourselves, take the form of intricate global
cooperation. Morality and ethics, as it was underlined, are the reflection of
more global cooperative and practical efforts, reflected in the proposal for
retaining independent functional organisations, which promote global
integration, and international peace.
Thus, Bahářì practical reforms keep in line with promoting a vision of unity
sustained by the principle of oneness, seek to maintain and reinforce the
spirit of collaboration in an interdependent and single humanity, and stress
the importance of the participation of peoples in world affairs. In brief,
Bahářì practical reforms are linked to the more theoretical views of the
Faith, as they seek to enhance more peaceful relations central to the vision
of human integration and oneness, developed by Bahářuřlláh, ŘAbduřlřBahá,
and Shoghi Effendi. It has been argued that the normative basis of the
oneness of mankind is also thoroughly linked with the notion of breaking
away from the concept of state sovereignty, which by underpinning the
centrality of states, fails to recognise the fact of global interdependence, and
limits international affairs to an outdated state-centric view. Since Ŗthe
anarchy inherent in state-sovereignty is moving to a climaxŗ,290 the United
Nations must demonstrate the ability to disregard this concept. This
theoretical background is reflected in the suggested reforms for the three
main organs of the UN, which are the General Assembly, the Security
Council, and the International Court of Justice. The reforms of the UN, as
proposed by the BIC, are in line with the vision of Shoghi Effendi, when he
referred to the very long-term vision of a world federal government.
Namely, he mentioned that the world parliament should create binding law,
that an international force should back up the world executive, and that the
world tribunal should have binding decisions on the parties and on all
disputes that may arise in the international system. Shoghi Effendi,
furthermore, noted that the world parliament should be elected by the
peoples, and that the supreme tribunal should have Řa binding effect even in
such cases where the parties concerned did not voluntarily agree to submit
their case into considerationř.291 This is reflected, as we shall see in the next
section, in the more incremental reforms of the three main organs of the UN.
Starting with the General Assembly, the BIC identifies its main failures with
the Řundue weight to state sovereignty and a mix of anarchy and
conservatismř as well as its inability to enforce sanctions.292 It, henceforth,
calls for a more representative General Assembly, indeed, one that would
represent more accurately both the peoples and nations of the world. This
289
ŘAbduřlřBahá, The Promulgation of Universal Peace, 35
290
291
Ibid.
292

call is reminiscent of the advocacy cited in the writings of ŘAbduřlřBahá in

1875, Ŗ… it would be preferable if the election of non-permanent members
of consultative assemblies … should be dependent on the will and choice of
the people…ŗ293 Indeed, unlike peopleřs acceptance of national and local
legislative bodies, international legislative bodies are likely to entice
suspicion insofar as they are not adequately represented.294 Additionally, the
resolutions of the UN should have the force of law, and be endowed with
provisions and sanctions, so that they can address the needs of an
increasingly interdependent humanity more efficiently, and abandon certain
paralysing aspects of state sovereignty. The BIC states:
ŖIn a reformed United Nations, the legislative branch and its voting
structure will need to represent more accurately the people of the world as
well as nation-states. Second, General Assembly resolutions are not binding
unless they are separately ratified as a treaty by each member state. If the
current system, which places state sovereignty above all other concerns, is
to give way to a system which can address the interests of a single and
interdependent humanity, the resolutions of the General Assembly Ŕ within
a limited domain of issues Ŕ must gradually come to possess the force of
law with provisions for both enforcement and sanctions. These two
shortcomings are closely linked inasmuch as the majority of the worldřs
people, suspicious and fearful of world government, are unlikely to submit
to an international institution unless it is itself more genuinely
representative.ŗ295
These reforms are suggested so as to promote the image of a single and

interdependent humanity, which constitutes the more normative principles
of the Faith that have been reviewed previously, and the emphasis that
Bahářuřlláh placed on Řpeoplesř in His recommendations on a global
governance system, or the equivalent of a global civil society. For the short-
term reforms of the GA, the BIC proposes five measures. Firstly, it suggests
that minimum requirements should be raised and determined by the way a
government conduct itself towards its peoples:
ŖWithout an unshakeable commitment to regular and periodic elections,

universal participation by secret ballot, freedom of expression, and to other
such human rights, a member state stands in the way of the active and
intelligent participation of the vast majority of its population in the affairs of
its own communities. We propose that there should be consequences for
member states violating these standards. Similarly, nations seeking
recognition should be denied membership until they openly espouse these
standards or make recognizable efforts to move in that direction.ŗ296
293
ŘAbduřlřBahá, The Secret of Divine Civilization, 24.
294
This also explains the suspicion shown towards the discussion, for example, of a world government.
295
296

The demands for a more democratic representation within the General

Assembly, and for raising minimum requirements for membership (this
would include, for example, a commitment to human rights) are regarded as
foundational in the operations of the General Assembly. Violations of
human rights in national systems are most certainly bound to have negative
effects on the international system as a whole, as they impede on citizenry
participation, which is crucial to the flourishing of international society. The
Bahářì Faith holds no dogmatic views on how population differences would
be handled, as long as they are part of a fair system. What is suggested is
changing the Řone state, one voteř principle of the General Assembly into
Řsome form of proportionate representationř, which would make the General
Assembly a more equal partner with the Security Council.297 In a letter in
1942, Shoghi Effendi explained that even though ŘAbduřlřBahá provided a
clear vision of global governance, these concerned more fundamental
principles than a rigid formula:
ŖThough it is premature to try and endeavour to foresee on what basis

various nations would be represented on any international council, or in any
international form of government, it is clear from the Bahářì standpoint that
it could only be carried out on the basis of true justice; and justice does not
imply one race having a preponderating vote over some other raceřs
representatives, and thus being in a position to dominate them.ŗ298
Other proposals relating to the legislative function include the setting up of

an International Commission in order to study the question of international
boundaries instead of relegating the problem to the World Court. The latter
commission would serve as a study-ground and as a practical agency for the
assessments of threats against various civil groups, and the results of its
research would serve as a warning system for growing tensions among
various groups.299 The 1995 report of the BIC deplores the way in which
nation-states were initially arbitrarily designed, a situation that has led to
many conflicts, and which highlights the need for a more genuine general
reassessment and agreement on national borders. ŖIn order to establish a
genuine community of nations in the long run, it will be necessary to settle
finally all disputes among borders. This research would serve that endŗ. 300
[Emphasis added] This measure aims at providing a short-term remedy for
ethnic conflicts, as these conflicts also have to be tackled at the level of
principle, that is, by promoting global values that would seek to efface
hatred and exclusiveness in the very long-term. If like Mitrany, we could say
that this would bring about discord, according to the Bahářì view, this is a
short-term measure (as with most proposals that relate to UN reforms) that
could provide a basis upon which ethnic conflicts could be brought to
297
Jeffrey Huffines, ŖBahářì Proposalsŗ, in: Babak Bahador & Nazila Ghanea, (eds.), Processes, 19.
298
Shoghi Effendi, in: Foad Katirai, Global Governance, 97.
299
Bahářì International Community, Turning Point For All Nations, 9. This proposal is reminiscent of
the call made by ŘAbduřlřBahá to have a binding treating that would, among other things, be entitled to fix
international borders in a more fitting manner.
300
Ibid.

appeasement. As boundaries were mostly arbitrarily designed (the

boundaries of the majority of the nations are identical with the boundaries of
colonial states established by the European powers), the Bahářì view
contends that there should be an authority to settle boundary disputes
adequately. It is in the light of this recognised hindrance to peace and
security that the latter proposal is made. That the Bahářì ethos does not seek
to do away with groupings such as the nation-state is mirrored in this BIC
proposal, and in the call for reassessing international borders for greater
security, and as a preventive measure against conflicts. More importantly,
there is recognition that boundaries are artificial and imagined, but since
they exist, there must be short-term mechanisms to deal with them.
Andersonřs observation that nations are no more than Ŗimagined

communitiesŗ that require considerable social and political engineering to
propagate, echoes ŘAbdu'l-Bahářs much earlier description of nations and
peoples as Ŗlimited unitiesŗ which are Ŗimaginary and without real
foundationŗ.301 ŖThe artificial and arbitrary nature of national boundaries,
coupled with insufficient mechanisms for handling boundary disputes, has
been one of the major sources of inter-national conflict in the past two
centuriesŗ.302 Indeed, the Bahářì model rests on a long term vision, which
through intermediary steps, sets to achieve a real unity among peoples. In a
time of ethnic hatred, a more adequate reconfiguration of boundaries would
serve as a Řwarning systemř. Though like Mitrany, the Bahářì ethos seeks to
render frontiers Řmeaninglessř, it is more in a sense of feelings, attitudes,
and principles. It is clear that the Bahářì Faith does not simply base its
commitment to peace on ideological commitments either. It seeks to
promote an active peace, not only based on a political basis, but on the
release of the powers of the individual; a new conception of human
relationships; the reduction of the gap between extremes of wealth and
poverty; and the promotion of sustainable development measures. More
importantly, world citizenship education is viewed as a long-term preventive
measure against ethnic-based conflicts.
ŖConsciousness of the oneness of humanity, if taught to the next generation,

could protect it from ethnic and religious conflict and encourage processes
of collaboration and conciliation. It could generate a desire to base decisions
on just principles and lead to the development of laws that are Řuniversal in
both character and authorityřŗ.303
As regards financial arrangements, which are a great impediment to the

successful conduct of UN operations, the BIC underlines that voluntary
arrangements would never be sufficient, and suggests that an expert task
force should be established to search for new solutions. The BIC adds, ŖIn
studying alternatives, the Task Force should be mindful of several
301
ŘAbduřlřBahá spoke of the oneness of humankind and the artificiality of boundaries.
302
Graham Hassall, Contemporary Governance.
303
Ibid.

fundamental principles. First, there should be no assessments without

representation. Second, in the interest of fairness and justice, assessments
should be graduated. Third, mechanisms for encouraging voluntarily
contributions should not be overlookedŗ.304 In addition to these proposals,
the BIC, in line with the writings of Bahářuřlláh305 and ŘAbduřlřBahá, calls
for an Expert Commission to be appointed in order to make a commitment
to Ŗan auxiliary international language and scriptŗ, whose aim would be to
Ŗfacilitate the transition to a global society through better communicationŗ.
Moreover, reflecting the need for greater global integration, the BIC
promotes the establishment of a Commission for the development of an
international currency.306 In view of the federal mindset that the Bahářì
International Community is endowed with, and the weight it gives to the
diversity of peoples and the protection of minorities, such a statement does
not imply the demise of any culture or language, but rather seeks to
supplement the existing world languages. This Bahářì reform suggests that
unity could be structurally realised through the input of an expert task force,
which would study and seek to implement a universal auxiliary language.
ŖSuch a moveŗ, the BIC states, Ŗwould go far toward promoting a spirit of
unityŗ.307 This is an aspect of the Bahářì view that theory (unity) and practice
(in this case the devise of a universal language) are interrelated; indeed,
ŘAbduřlřBahá spoke of treading the spiritual path with practical feet.308
In addition, the BIC holds the view that the Security Council Ŗsuffers from
an inability to take decisive actionŗ. Hence, the BIC makes four suggestions
for the short term. It proposes Ŗas a transitionary step, measures to be
introduced to curb the exercise the veto power to reflect the original
intention of the Charterŗ.309 Other measures to strengthen the decision-
making role of the Security Council and its enforcement powers include the
creation of an International Force under the command of the Security
Council and Secretary General financed by the General Assembly, whose
personnel would come from all parts of the world. ŖIf properly
implemented, this Force would also provide a sense of security that might
encourage steps towards global disarmament, thereby making possible an
outright ban on all weapons of mass destructionŗ.310 The BIC adds, in line
with the counsels of Bahářuřlláh to the sovereigns of His time, that states
should only need armaments for internal security, and for their own
defence.311 Other proposals related to the strengthening of the Security
304
Ibid.
305
Bahářuřlláh, Gleanings, 249-250.
306
307
Ibid, 9
308
Lady Blomfield, The Chosen Highway, Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1956, 210.
309
In this regard, the BIC states, ŖThe original intention of the UN Charter in conferring veto power on
the five Permanent Members was to prevent the Security Council from authorizing military actions against a
Permanent Member or requiring the use of its forces against its will. In fact, beginning with the Cold War, the veto
power has been exercised repeatedly for reasons that relate to regional or national securityŗ. (Bahářì International
Community, Turning Point For All Nations, 11).
310
Ibid.
311
Ibid

Council include furthering the concept of collective security to local

problems (a concept of human security), as many local threats are Řthe result
of the complex breakdown of the present-day global orderř. ŖThese threats
include but are not limited to international drug trafficking, food security,
and the emergence of new global pandemicsŗ.312 The value of oneness
touches upon the centrality of human rights, and the demand for more solid
action to tear apart the concept of state sovereignty. Collective action is not
only required in the case of military aggression, but also in the case of
human aggression within the state (genocide), and other problems occurring
as the result of the breakdown of the global system. Former Secretary
General Kofi Annan observed Ŗthe collective interest is the national interest
…when we read the Charter today, we are more than ever conscious that its
aim is to protect human beings, not to protect those who abuse themŗ. 313
Annanřs ŘGlobal Compactř and the emerging norm of a ŘResponsibility to
Protectř (R2P) are part of a wider global urge to usher durable changes.
In addition, if the international system is to be based on the normative

principles of Řunity in diversityř, the concepts of the veto and of the
permanent membership in the Security Council clearly jeopardise principles
of equality and fairness. The oneness of mankind also justifies that Bahářì
reforms have been suggested as early as 1955 as regards removing the veto
and permanent membership in the Security Council, and the importance of
democracy in international relations. Laszlo remarks that international
organisations are bodies that are not truly global, but international: they still
operate within the climate of state sovereignty and self interest as opposed
to the global interest.314 ŖSuch arrangementsŗ, Katirai states, Ŗare not just
bad governance but in dire contradiction to what the Commission on Global
Governance calls the Řprinciples of universality and the equality of member-
statesř that so many, including the nation-states, presume should underlie
international undertakingsŗ.315
The BIC, as briefly noted, recognises the great importance of functional-

styled executive organisations such as the WHO or UNICEF, bodies with
which it closely works. Moreover, the creation of these organisations
coincides with the vision of the Řcentury of lightř, as it refers to Ŗthe
growing acceptance of the principle of oneness and its implicationsŗ. For
ŘAbduřlřBahá, physical integration would advance Ŗthe conditions that
permit achievement of the idealŗ (universal peace), as these organisations
are a Ŗreflectionŗ of the Ŗconsciousness of world solidarityŗ, crucial to the
prelude of the Lesser Peace.316 Not only do functional organisations embody
effectiveness, but they are also based on the moral need for collective action
that supports the unity of mankind and the prosperity of its peoples. The
312
Ibid
313
In: Rod Rastan, ŖAn International Legalŗ, in: Babak Bahador & Nazila Ghanea, (eds.), Processes,
206 & 208.
314
Ervin Laszlo, Science and Prophecy, 99.
315
316
Ibid

BIC positively remarks, ŖAs an international organisation, the United

Nations has demonstrated humanityřs capacity for united action in health,
agriculture, education, environmental protection, and the welfare of
childrenŗ.317 Additionally, mentioning the independent organisations in the
UN family, and as part of the suggested reforms it proposed, the BIC notes
that these successful executive functions (WHO, UNICEF, The UPU, or
the ILO) should retain and reinforce their independence.318 These proposals
emphasise the functional mindset of the BIC, as they call for expert task
forces to search for appreciate solutions. These functional organisations
have demonstrated the capacity for Ŗunited action in health, agriculture,
education, environmental protection, the welfare of childrenŗ as well as the
Ŗcollective moral will to build a better futureŗ.319 Morality and ethics are
here another example of the reflection of more global cooperative and
practical efforts, which are found in the proposal for retaining independent
functional organisations, which promote global integration, and
consequently international peace.
Finally, the importance of the judicial function of the UN is underlined. ŖIn

any system of governance, a strong judicial function is necessary to
moderate power of the other branches and to enunciate, promulgate, protect
and deliver justice… no lasting world civilization can be founded unless it is
firmly grounded in the principle of justiceŗ.320 Emphasising the positive
elements of the International Court of Justice created in 1945, such as the
diversity of a varied international judicial panel, the BIC calls for the
extension of the Courtřs jurisdiction and suggests that other organs of the
United Nations, not only member states, be given the right to bring cases
before the Court. This suggestion is reflective of cosmopolitan propositions
that states cannot be the sole actors in international relations and law. As
well as expanding the Courtřs jurisdiction, the BIC calls for the expansion of
issue areas such as international terrorism and drug trafficking. Without
doubt, proposals that involve the subject of the International Court of Justice
require that it should deliver legally binding decisions. The crucial place of
the theme of Řjusticeř in Bahářì thought justifies its support for the creation
of bodies such as the ICC that places human rights over state interests.
ŖJusticeŗ, the BIC states, Ŗis the one power that can translate the dawning
consciousness of humanityřs oneness into a collective will through which
the necessary structures of global community life can be confidently
erectedŗ.321 Clearly, practicing justice is another facet of the ethical,
normative, and cosmopolitan principles of the Faith based on humanity, and
not on states. In light of the Řethicalř and Řspiritualř nature of the Bahářì
Faith, these practical measures to reform the United Nations are not,
however, sufficient. The BIC recognises the crucial importance of releasing
317
318
Ibid, 12.
319
Ibid,. 2.
320
Ibid,
321

the powers latent in the individual, and providing development paradigms

not only with a material, but also a moral and spiritual dimension.322 The
BIC also seeks to instil a closer relationship between peoples and their
international organisations in order to invalidate the dichotomy between
them and us.323 Furthermore, the encouragement of the greater participation
of women in international affairs Ŕ who, in Bahářì eyes, have an essential
role to play in the establishment of Universal Peace Ŕ and the promotion of
a more just system of global economic justice are important aspects of the
BIC institutional reform programme. The BIC, thus, notes:
ŖBahářuřlláh announced the arrival of the time, foretold, in all of the worldřs
scriptures, when humanity would at last witness the uniting of all peoples
into a peaceful and integrated society. He said that human destiny lies not
merely in the creation of a materially prosperous society, but also in the
construction of a global civilization where individuals are encouraged to act
as moral beings who understand their true nature and are able to progress
towards a greater fulfilment that no degree of material bounty can
provide.ŗ324
The Bahá‟í Approach and Cosmopolitan IR
By way of conclusion, I will now highlight some of the similarities, and yet
essential dissimilarities of form between IR and the Bahářì approach, and
how the latter can lend support to a growing cosmopolitan IR. Indeed,
Bahářì principles seem to be closely linked to the negatively labelled
Řidealistř (ŘWilsonianř IR), or neo-idealist (Held, Falk, and Archibugi call for
the democratisation of international structures, and global civil movements)
branches of IR. Indeed, idealists (as they came to be pejoratively called)
promoted the ideals of the League of Nations, the concept of collective
security, world citizenship, education, disarmament, an international police
force, and arbitration. In addition, the respect for human rights, the
alleviation of poverty, and the rule of law are strong features of this
conceived order. If, however, the Řidealistř or Řliberalř branch of IR can be
criticised for being too universalising, Bahářì principles emphasise the need
for diversity in unity. In other words, as we are Řone human familyř
(oneness), we have different viewpoints, and sometimes grow to adopt
different values (diversity), but we are still able to collaborate, and care for
each other.
In this respect, and in order to illustrate the inclusiveness of the Bahářì

perspective on cosmopolitanism, it can also be said that the latter represents
a departure in sacred thinking as it does not rely on a believer/infidel
322
ŖDevelopment should not be confused with the creation of an unsustainable consumer society…
Education is the best investment in economic development… Because of the spiritually damaging nature of
dependency, schemes which focus solely on redistributing material wealth are doomed to failure in the long runŗ.
323
See Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighbourhood, 226-227.
324

dichotomy, but rather stresses the importance of tolerance and philanthropy.

Bahářuřlláh noted that it was indispensable that the peoples of the world
Ŗ…observe tolerance and righteousness, which are two lights amidst the
darkness of the world and two educators for the edification of mankind.ŗ325
By proclaiming the oneness of humanity, Bahářuřlláh, in addition, dissolved
the dichotomy between believer and infidel. He wrote, ŖThere can be no
doubt whatever that the peoples of the world, or whatever race or religion,
derive their inspiration from one heavenly source…ŗ326 ŘAbduřlřBahá, in this
regard, notes that there is no justification to account for oneřs own belief as
Ŗlight and all others as darknessŗ.327 Bahářì thinking, therefore, moves away
from division (religious beliefs are not a condition to be excluded from the
cosmopolis) towards ideas on unity based on the premise that human beings,
regardless of gender, race, religion, and class form part of the same, yet
diverse, human family. Denominations cannot preclude our common
humanity.
It is also relevant to the cosmopolitan tradition that the Bahářì model does
not concentrate on Řeventsř, but rather on the notion of Řprocessř.
Interestingly, it is this focus on events, which discredited the Řidealistř and
more normative branch of IR, and promoted the realist tradition through the
arguments of the failure of the League of Nations, and the advent of WW2.
The Bahářì model, by focusing on process, sees that Řintegrative and
disruptiveř forces work in opposition to each other, but will eventually lead
to peaceful human and state relations. In the very long run, the numerous
organisations of civil society and the other organisational consequences
flowing from the interdependence of nations can foster cosmopolitan values,
and override parochial and conflict-ridden values without undermining the
local level and grassroots initiatives often led by women in the so-called
developing world. Bahářì political scientist W. Andy Knight, referring to
world disorder as Řdisruptionř and Řdisintegrationř, writes, Ŗwhat is clear
from the writings of Bahářuřlláh, ŘAbduřlřBahá and Shoghi Effendi is that
world disorder is a prerequisite for the ushering in of World Order…ŗ328
This very concept can be linked to this phase of Řtransitionř and
Řtransformationř acknowledged by various IR theorists cited at the
beginning of this paper.329 Martin Shaw, likewise, underlines the concept of
Řglobal transitionř, and propounds the idea that catastrophes (disintegration)
often represent a stimulus for transformation: Ŗthe gains in the development
of international law enforcement have been responses to some of the worst,
genocidal episodes among many crimes against humanity, in which millions
have suffered.ŗ330
325
Bahářuřlláh, Tablets of Bahářuřlláh, p. 36.
326
The Universal House of Justice, ŖTo the Worldřs Religious Leadersŗ.
327
AbduřlřBahá, in: Horace Holley, (ed.), p. 348.
328
W. Andy Knight, The New World (Dis)order? Obstacles to Universal Peace, p. 17.
329
See, for example, James N. Rosenau, The Study of Global Interdependence: Essays on
Transnationalisation of World Affairs, London: Frances Pinter Publishers, 1980
330
Martin Shaw, ŖGlobalityŗ, p. 172.

However, the acknowledgment of acute crises does not equate to ignoring,

belittling, or blindly accepting the traumatic effects of the disintegration
process on the body of humankind and the human suffering this generates.
Rather, these conditions call for a process of increased awareness and
informed engagement that reinforce the caring ethos of world citizens. W.
Andy Knight goes on to state:
ŖCivil wars and internecine violence exploded in places like Afghanistan,

Cambodia, Rwanda, the Former Yugoslavia, Bosnia, and Columbia. The
debacle in Somalia, followed by a genocide in Rwanda, ethnic cleansing in
Serbia and Kosovo, and the politically-motivated slaughter in places like the
Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Sudan, Sierra Leone, Liberia and
Mozambique, and the continued violence in the Middle East, Chechnya,
Sudan, Uganda, Ethiopia/Eritrea, Zimbabwe, parts of Central and Latin
America, and Asia indicated a persistent adherence to a culture of violence
in the latter part of the twentieth century… To this can be added
longstanding and continuing problems of unchecked population growth,
crushing debt burdens, barriers to trade, transnational crime, drug
trafficking, the trafficking in women and children, poverty, famine, natural
and man-made disasters, political oppression and corruption, the spread of
HIV/AIDS, SARS, Mad Cow Disease…ŗ331
The choice of employing cosmopolitanism was, firstly, made in

consideration of the Řrealityř of the oneness of mankind, but also on the
grounds that particularistic theories have failed or are failing to manage
current world affairs as they foster the politics of human suffering. In
addition to its views on IR, Bahářì ethical cosmopolitanism could be said to
represent a contribution to post-positivist, and normative thinking, while
retaining the spirit of criticism,332 and cosmopolitanism in modernity. Bahářì
views contribute to reinforcing the Řsensitive turnř taken by
cosmopolitanism, which stresses diversity, in the sense of abandoning a
domineering and homogeneous universalism. Indeed, Bahářì views have
been anticipatory of the new Řsensitiveř turn promoted by critical
international theory, feminist theory, or postmodernism from the last two
decades of the twentieth century onwards.333 Already in the midst of the
nineteenth century Bahářuřlláh, and ŘAbduřlřBahá in the early twentieth
century, had promoted the deconstruction of Řothernessř as a means to bring
about the unity of mankind, and the solidarity of the human race. In the
1910s, ŘAbduřlřBahá deplored how the notions of otherness impeded the
331
332
In the Bahářì Faith, this delineates the importance of thinking independently from cultural heritage
and traditions.
333
These theories proclaim that discrimination on the basis of race, class, gender... do not serve the
welfare of humankind. Their cosmopolitanism is enshrined in restoring a sense of denied dignity to members of
the human race.

realisation of the oneness of humankind, and hence the achievement of an

unbounded global community. He stated, ŖSee ye no strangers.... for love
and unity come hard when ye fix your gaze on othernessŗ. [Emphasis
added]334 Lately, these anticipatory views have been advanced in new
critical IR theories, with the aim of fostering inclusiveness, and
deconstructing strangeness and otherness. In particular, critical international
theory holds that, by promoting divisions, the division between inside and
outside alienate peoples from one another, erects barriers of strangeness, and
directly infringe on more peaceful relations.
Bahářì views relate, and are not entirely dissociated from the Řmainstreamř
cosmopolitan tradition.335 Like the latter, they are concerned with the
promotion of the common good, the need for more global and peaceful
forms of communities, and they seek to discredit the view that human nature
is inherently belligerent.336 Bahářì views promote global values, the ethos of
world citizenship, and the improvement of international institutions (like the
United Nations), global institutions (like the International Criminal Court),
and the idea of consultation amidst diverse communities. Bahářì
international thinking, indeed, connects to the branch of IR that is concerned
with regional and global integration, world order, communities of fate,
functional organisations, and the unity of mankind. It calls for the creation
of a political, economic, and social system, which will distribute the benefits
of interdependence fairly, and not to the advantage of the powerful, thus
avoiding extremes in wealth and poverty (here the emphasis is on
Řcreationř). Indeed, although the interdependence of nations is a
cosmopolitan aspect (in the form of globalisation, as a case in point), the
Bahářì view upholds that it is not sufficient for bringing international
prosperity in a natural harmony of interests. Bahářìs, like cosmopolitans
such as Richard Falk and David Held point to the much darker side of
globalisation. The democratisation and accountability of global institutions
is an important facet of this issue, as has been discussed, with the mounting
importance of global civil society. The Bahářì perspective is, in this sense,
not idealistic, but rather normative: ŖIt proposes pursuit of change in desired
directions through both intellectual and social engagement and not through
intellectual idealization alone.ŗ337 World order will not simply usher better
conditions due to conditions of global interdependence, but global will and
intervention, and unprecedented efforts are required. W. Andy Knight
clarifies that although the Bahářì view upholds that peace is Řinevitableř, it
does not view it as Ŗan ephemeral Řthingř out there that will somehow fall
334
Research Department of the Universal House of Justice, Selections from the Writings of
ŘAbduřlřBahá, p. 24.
335
Ibid.
336
Kant stands as an exception to this, as he upheld human nature to be essentially warlike.
337
Graham Hassall, Contemporary Governance.

from heaven into the laps of humanity…ŗ338 In order to be universal and

sustainable, peace requires Řa fundamental transformation of world orderř.339
Where Bahářìs depart from IR theories, cosmopolitan or not, is that for

Bahářìs, IR theories are the result of speculation, worked out by the human
mind. By contrast, they believe that Bahářì principles do not flow from an
activity of the human mind, but are the result of a fusion of reason (to search
and choose principles) and faith (to trust the reality of principles that are
beyond the speculations of the human mind).340 World order is, therefore, the
amalgamation of elements of human agency (we decide to intervene) and
more revelational elements that belong to a non-human and more mystical
plan (even if we decided not to intervene, the unity of humanity remains an
aspect of a divine plan for mankind). Human agency can decide upon the
means and rapidity by which to achieve a process of unity, but this process
has already been set in motion. Bahářì views are, thus, essentially different,
in the sense that they have been advocated by a world religion, which
asserts the spiritual nature (ethics) of cosmopolitanism, and not only its
material side, i.e. global, technological, and physical interdependence. The
Bahářì model reflects the concerns of the secular cosmopolitan approach,
and at the same time remains a non-secular approach: the spiritual destiny of
mankind lies in its unity. In this way, the Bahářì model offers a
reconciliation between the more ethical views of cosmopolitanism
propounded from ancient times to the Enlightenment, and more recent
material approaches propounded, for example, by Mitranyřs functionalism.
The Bahářì model could represent a basis for highlighting the relevance to
the welfare of humanity of fulfilling both, basic material needs, and those of
a spiritual/ethical nature, animated by an ethos of oneness.341 Material goals
are essential (for example, everyone should have the basic human rights to
food and shelter) to fulfil the real purpose of humanity, which is Řspiritualř
in nature. The reality of humanity is Řspiritualř in the sense that human
beings potentially reflect the virtues of a Řhigher natureř, an aspect given to
the whole of mankind, and not only to privileged categories. (This justifies
the notion that achieving the unity of humanity does not represent a utopian
goal). In turn, the oneness of humankind is both a Řmaterialř
(biological/scientific) and a Řspiritualř principle (value-laden), which can
assist the reinvention of IR along more inclusive parameters. The Bahářì
approach has, thus, reinforced cosmopolitanism through the exposition of a
reality that reflects a Řspiritualř principle of oneness, and whose direction is
geared towards a cosmopolitan path. As Cheshmak Farhoumand-Sims and
338
W. Andy Knight, The New World (Dis)order? Obstacles to Universal Peace, 1.
339
The basis of faith, for Bahářìs, lies in the Revelation of Bahářuřlláh as a new Řdivineř revelation for
our global age.
340
It bears restating that the basis of faith, for Bahářìs, lies in the Revelation of Bahářuřlláh as a new
Řdivineř revelation for our global age.
341
In this sense, the oneness of humankind is useful in highlighting the artificiality of the concept of a
closed and homogeneous nation, and the divisive and insufficient aspects of a material cosmopolitanism, concepts
which are both ethically deficient.

Charles Lerche note, ŖIn our rapidly globalizing era, relevant models of
peace building must envision humanity as a collective whole rather than
contending parts, be based on global ethics and more fully incorporate the
inward, spiritual dimensions of human experience.ŗ342 Here the Bahářì
model of world order can make interesting inroads into International
Relations theory, as the reality it describes is not linked to imposition, but
rather to emancipation. Emancipation from the bounds of the limitedness of
bounded communities, emancipation from overly materialist views which
promote inequalities, and emancipation from discrimination based upon the
Řunrealř dichotomies of race, class, gender, age etc.... This order,
furthermore, to be justifiable, has to be created through human agency and
consent, which is supported by the assistance of a not fully comprehensible
divine and mysterious Being (ŘGodř).
We can also note that the Bahářì approach assists in giving cosmopolitan
Řpurposeř to IR, by advocating the need for a level of principle (the oneness
of humanity), and privileging the value of unity. The Bahářì Faith, through
the principle of the oneness of humankind, can lend new lenses to IR on
how we can possibly view the world. It builds the bridge between the
concept of unity, which is now criticised by postmodernism, because of the
ideas of totality, domination, and homogenisation, and the concept of
diversity of opinions, ethnic characteristics, gender, which can reinforce,
and not threaten that unity. Indeed, Bahářì views reinforce cosmopolitanism
by asserting that diversity has been created to contribute to the Řqualityř of
unity, and that both are not irreconcilable. They assert possible avenues of
communication to reach the stage of common understanding, tolerance,
awareness of multiplicity of thinking that reinforces the idea of a Řunityř,
which is the result of manifold aspects, and not only that of a domineering,
same, and imposing element.
Moreover, the Řlevel of principleř asserts the possibility of solving jingoism,

xenophobia, and nationalism (the antitheses of cosmopolitanism) at a
spiritual level, and as a basis for unity. This is not only dealt with at a mere
theoretical level, but also at a very practical one. ŘPrinciplesř can serve as a
basis for action and transformation; likewise, it can be argued, theories
should serve the welfare of humanity, and should exist for a practical
purpose. When people recognise the need for unity through the argument of
the validity of the oneness of humankind, they are able to deconstruct
images of strangeness propounded by the way the world is shaped (that is a
world of divided jurisdictions of sovereign states). The way we look at the
world when defined by the oneness of humankind, has the potentiality of
transforming parochialism into cosmopolitanism. This shows how the level
of principle can assist in promoting cosmopolitan attitudes.
Cheshmak Farhoumand-Sims & Charles Lerche, ŖPerspectives on Peace Buildingŗ, in: Charles
342
Lerche (ed.), Healing the Body Politic, 22.

Through this reality of oneness, we can construct an alternative way of

building the world, not only because it is possible to do so (a post-positivist
view), but because it reflects spiritual/divine reality. The Bahářì Faith
creates another level for the realm of the Řpossibleř in IR, as opposed to
asserting the inevitability of the division of the world into the domestic and
international spheres. More importantly, Bahářì views are not only
concerned with deliberating philosophically upon possible ways of looking
at the world, but they also impart the will to act upon principles, which can
give meaning to action, and which can foster the unity of humanity.
Moreover, the spiritual/ethical/divine aspects of the Bahářì Faith can assist
in demonstrating the nature of the non-spatiality of our allegiances. The
unity of humanity, in the Bahářì Faith, reveres a non-spatial view of the
world, through the Řspiritualř nature of its principles. It belongs to a non-
territorial sphere that collapses ideas of inbred division in creation. IR can,
thus, be provided with a new basis for defining human solidarity, as the
result of the mystical propensity linked to our nature, which shapes the
Řrealityř of the unity of the species.
Finally, Bahářì cosmopolitan views revolve around the non-statist turn in IR,
which refuse to treat the nation-state (as well as realism) as a focal point of
the discipline, and thereby provide a more ethical and spiritual starting-point
for debating cosmopolitanism; for destabilising dichotomies that feed
discrimination; and for imagining a world community that is conscious of its
oneness. In the words of Shoghi Effendi, theories, including IR theories
should constantly adjust to new global world conditions:
ŖThe call of Bahářuřlláh is primarily directed against all forms of

provincialism, all insularities and prejudices. If long-cherished ideals and
time-honoured institutions, if certain social assumptions and religious
formulae have ceased to promote the welfare of the generality of mankind,
if they no longer minister to the needs of a continually evolving humanity,
let them be swept away and relegated to the limbo of obsolescent and
forgotten doctrines. Why should these, in a world subject to the immutable
law of change and decay, be exempt from the deterioration that must needs
overtake every human institution? For legal standards, political and
economic theories are solely designed to safeguard the interests of humanity
as a whole, and not humanity to be crucified for the preservation of the
integrity of any particular law or doctrine.ŗ343
The Bahářì model of world order suggests a transformation in IR, that

would reflect flexibility in its approach, the opening of new cosmopolitan
avenues, not simply because these reflect the Řrealityř of the oneness of
mankind, but also because they are of use to the welfare of humanity.
Henceforth, theories are not just there for their own sake, but as a
prescriptive means, to foster the transformation of a world community
343

conscious of its indivisible oneness. The way we look at the world is based
on a conception of Řrealityř that goes beyond our own minds, where human
beings remain principal actors in determining how their world can be
constantly improved upon.

Messianic Concealment and Theophanic Disclosure

Moojan Momen
Bedfordshire, Independent Scholar
Abstract
In this paper, I start by discussing a controversy that has erupted recently
over the issue of the exact point in time that Baha'u'llah became aware of his
mission. The controversy revolves around the translation of a phrase in the
writings of Baha'u'llah which appear to state that he does not have any
"amr". One side to the controversy claims that the translation of this phrase
indicates that Baha'u'llah had no thought of advancing any claim as late as
1857, while the opposing party contends that this is a mistranslation of the
phrase and that Baha'u'llah was fully aware of his mission from at least the
time of his imprisonment in the Siyah-Chal. I intend to show in this paper
that the whole controversy is an illusory one caused by the specific nature of
the meaning of the word "amr" and that the phrase that is the subject of
dispute proves neither side's case, however it is translated. Evolving out of
my discussion of this issue, is a theological schematic of the stages of the
evolution of the mission of those persons that Baha'is call Manifestations of
God. I then putatively impose this schematic upon the dispensation of the
Bab creating a new interpretation of his ministry.
In recent years, a disagreement has emerged among scholars about the exact
meaning of a particular phrase in Baha'u'llah's work, the Sahifih-yi-
Shattiyyih (Book of the River or Book of the Tigris), and the evidence that it
might contain about Baha'u'llah's thinking at the stage in his ministry to
which this work can be dated.
On the one hand, Cole contends that, from his translation of a certain phrase
the Book of the River, it is clear that, at the time that he composed this work
(which Cole dates to about 1857), Baha'u'llah "is making no claim to have a
divine Cause" 1. Cole states that he believes that it was not until about 1859
that Baha'u'llah began to put forward a claim and that the Book of the River
is evidence that, in 1857, Baha'u'llah had no thought of such a claim. This
view is opposed by Saiedi who states that Cole's translation of a particular
phrase is incorrect. Saiedi argues that Baha'u'llah was fully conscious of his
mission and station during the Baghdad period and rejects any suggestion
that Baha'u'llah's consciousness evolved in this regard2 .
1 Juan R. I. Cole, "The Book of the Tigris"

2 Saiedi, "Concealment and Revelation in Baha'u'llah's Book of the River" Journal of Baha'i Studies,
9/3 (1999) 25-56 and Logos and Civilisation, Bethesda, 2000, 29-33
OJBS:Online Journal of Bahářì Studies 71 1 (2007), 71-88

© 2007 Moojan Momen
72 Moojan Momen Messianic Concealment
The key area in dispute revolves around the translation of a phrase which
occurs in the Sahifih-yi-Shattiyyih. The sentence in which this phrase occurs
may be transliterated thus: "Walakin, chih guyam, kih hich iqbal bih amri
nadaram." The first part of this sentence, "Walakin, chih guyam," is in
idiomatic Persian formulation expressive of despair or frustration. Saeidi
has rendered it "Yet, alas", while Cole has translated it more literally "But
what shall I say?" The difference of opinion focusses however upon the
meaning of the second half of this sentence. The literally word-for-word
rendering of this phrase would be "no approach to any amr do I have". Cole
has considered that the word amr has "the connotation of `divine Cause'" 3
and thus this phrase is an indication that Baha'u'llah, at this stage, had no
idea of advancing a claim to a divine mission. Saeidi responds by asserting
that this phrase is "a common polite Persian idiom which indicates
reluctance or disinclination to approach an issue or engage in a task" 4
Saeidi therefore disputes Cole's conclusion that this phrase indicates that
Baha'u'llah conceived of no divine mission at this stage.
Part of Saeidi's argument is that the context within which this phrase
appears makes his interpretation the more likely one. In the preceding
paragraphs, Baha'u'llah is likening divine revelation to a river and divine
omnipotence to the power of a river when it floods. The sentence in question
appears at the end of this discourse, just after Baha'u'llah has stated that if it
were not for the malice in people's hearts, he would continue his theme and
disclose all of the spiritual meanings inherent in this analogy of the river.
Saeidi argues that it is clear from the context that Baha'u'llah is using this
sentence to terminate this discourse, thus making Saeidi's translation more
likely. To demonstrate this argument, I will here give the translations of both
Cole and Saeidi of the passage in which the disputed phrase occurs:
"If it were not for fear of the hidden chains in the breasts of the people, I
would have continued to mirror forth all divine parables and subtleties of
the celestial laws with reference to the very flowing of this physical river.
But what shall I say? I make no claim to a Cause. The intensity of the
sorrow and grief that have befallen me during these days has left me sorely
tried between the Gog of silence and the Magog of speech. I beseech God to
send down an Alexander who will erect a protecting wall. Hidden allusions
have been concealed in these phrases and sacred letters have been treasured
up in these words. Happy are those who have grasped these pearls, have
appreciated their value, and have attained their presence." 5
Were it not for fear of the malice hidden in the hearts, I would have
assuredly unveiled all the inmost divine analogies and all the subtleties of
the heavenly principles with regard to the course of this outward river. Yet,
alas, I am disinclined to approach any matter. On account of the intensity of
3 e-mail on H-Bahai list, 20 October 2001

4Saiedi, Concealment, p. 35.
5 Juan R. I. Cole, Tigris

My anguish and sorrow, in these days I am sore tried between the Gog of
silence and the Magog of utterance. I beseech God to send down an
Alexander who will raise an insurmountable barrier. 6
Cole has recently countered Saeidi's contextual argument by finding another

passage in the writings of Baha'u'llah from the same period in which a
similar phrase appears: "ma`lum va mubarhan ast kih in bandih az khud
dhikri va amri nadarad" 7. In this passage, Baha'u'llah states that, should
Baha'u'llah's name be mentioned, this would not become a cause of
contention, because he has not put forward with respect to himself any
mention or amr 8 Cole claims that these two occurrences are cognates of
each other and hence refute Saeidi's contextual argument (since the context
of the second occurrence is completely different).
Cole has also supported his argument by pointing out that at the beginning
of the Sahifih-yi-Shattiyyih, Baha'u'llah rejects any claim that he has
performed any miracles although he asserts that the claims that the Bab and
the Mirrors (mirat, a station given by the Bab to some of his leading
disciples) of the Babi dispensation performed miracles should not be
doubted. Cole maintains that this is evidence that Baha'u'llah was, at this
time, subordinating himself to the Mirrors of the Babi dispensation, and is
thus further evidence that he was not claiming any station for himself.
Cole's conclusions from all of this is that there is no historical evidence for
Baha'u'llah putting forward a claim to a divine mission before 1859 when
there are accounts by such people as Fitnih and Nabil-i Akbar that
Baha'u'llah intimated such a claim to them9. Cole rejects the evidence that
Baha'u'llah's account of his experience in the Siyah-Chal constitutes an
experience of divine revelation (wahy), rather he states that "it appears that
it consisted more of ilham or inspiration than of wahy or revelation, and that
Baha'u'llah began thinking of islah or reform of Babism rather than of
making any claim of his own"10. Cole thus maintains that the notion of
claiming a divine mission did not occur to Baha'u'llah until sometime after
about 1857 and before 1859.
Saeidi has presented a number of other pieces of evidence to support his

position that Baha'u'llah was aware of his station and mission since at least
the Siyah-Chal experience and possibly earlier. In affirmation of the fact that
Baha'u'llah considered the Siyah-Chal experience of 1852-3 to be revelation
(rather than inspiration as Cole claims), Saeidi quotes several references to
this episode in the writings of Baha'u'llah. Of particular interest is the
6 Nader Saiedi, "Sahifiy-i-Shattiyyih (Book of the River) Revealed by Baha'u'llah: a Provisional

Translation" Journal of Baha'i Studies, 9/3 (1999) 59
7 Ayat‑i Bayyinat, Dundas, Canada: Association for Baha'i Studies in Persian, 1999, pp. 3-4
8 e-mail on H-Bahai list 20 October 2001.
9 Cole, Tigris
10 Cole, Tigris

reference from the writings of Baha'u'llah which parallels the Tablet to the
Shah but instead of referring to "the breezes of the All-Glorious" wafting
over him, he uses the phrase "the breezes of Revelation (wahy)"11, thus
indicating that Baha'u'llah thought that what occurred in the Siyah-Chal was
revelation (wahy) rather than merely inspiration (ilham).
Saeidi also cites several instances where Baha'u'llah has stated that his
revelation arose in the year Nine, i.e. 1852-3 or the year "after Hin" (after
68, i.e. 1269/1852-312).
Furthermore, Saeidi questions Cole's dating of this work to about 1857. Cole
has based this on the fact that one of the Hidden Words is quoted in the
Sahifih-yi-Shattiyyih, but it is quoted slightly differently than in the form in
which it appears in the final form of the Hidden Words. Cole argues from
this that the Sahifih-yi-Shattiyyih can be dated to a time after the Hidden
Words were first revealed but before the final version was distributed, which
he considers to be about 1857. Saeidi states however that there are
numerous instances of Baha'u'llah quoting his own works slightly differently
from the way that they were originally revealed and many years after the
work was originally revealed. Indeed in the case of the Hidden Words, one
of these is quoted in a slightly different form in the tablet to Nasiru'd-Din
Shah. If Cole's reasoning were correct then this tablet would also date from
about 1857, whereas it belongs in fact to the late Edirne period.
The correspondence on this issue has been extensive and has gone on over
several years, but as far as I am aware, Cole has not responded to any of
these latter points that Saeidi has raised.
The Meaning of the Word "Amr"
My purpose is reviving this issue is to raise a further point that has not been
considered by any of the numerous persons who has discussed this question
on several e-mail lists. It is clear that the original point over which Cole and
Saeidi disagreed was the meaning of "hich iqbal bih amri nadaram." Indeed
it could be said that the disagreement focussed on the word "amr" - whether
this word was being used by Baha'u'llah in the specific and technical sense
of "Divine Command or Cause" or whether it was being used in the more
general sense of "matter" or "affair". The word amr is also central to the
second example that Cole has found - in which Baha'u'llah states: "ma`lum
va mubarhan ast kih in bandih az khud dhikri va amri nadarad"
In a paper presented at the Irfan Colloquium in 199913, I have given an

extensive analysis of the word "amr" in both the Qur'an and in the Kitab-i-
11 Saiedi, Concealment, 49-50

12 Saiedi, Concealment, 51-5
13 Moojan Momen, "A Study of the Word Àmr' in the Qur'an and in the Writings of Baha'u'llah,"
published in Lights of Irfan, Book 1, 81-94

Iqan. I will not here repeat the detailed analysis given there, but it can be
stated in summary that in the Qur'an the word amr has a complex range of
meanings which is not easily translated by a single English word. When
used in connection with God, it certainly means the Divine commission or
decree which descends upon a Messenger of God in the form of Revelation,
as Cole has stated. But it also is used to denote the judgement of God upon
the people - those who accept the Messenger of God are saved and rewarded
and those who refuse and disobey him are punished. Instances of this latter
meaning of amr can be found throughout the Surah of Hud, for example (11:
40, 43, 58, 66, 76, 82, 94). Thus the semantic range of the word amr
involves not only the descent upon the Messenger of God of Divine
revelation but also the imposition upon people of an obligation to accept the
revelation, such that if they refuse, there is a consequent punishment.
In Baha'u'llah's Kitab-i-Iqan, one finds the same range of meanings for the
word amr. Regarding Noah, for example, it is stated:
When He was invested with the robe of Prophethood, and was moved by the
Spirit of God to arise and proclaim His Cause [amr], whoever believed in
Him and acknowledged His Faith, was endowed with the grace of a new
life. (Iqan 154)
This meaning of amr becomes of significance for Baha'i polemic in the

interpretation of Qur'an 32:5 which states:
He [God] establishes al-amr from heaven to earth and it will return to Him
in a Day, the length of which is one thousand years in your reckoning
If we now take these points back to the disagreement between Cole and
Saeidi, the critical distinction that becomes evident in connection with the
meaning of the word amr is the distinction between that of merely being the
bearer of a revelation and that of imposing upon people the obligation of
abandoning the previous revelation and accepting the new revelation.
Revelation (wahy) and amr are thus two separate conditions which do not
necessarily co-exist. It is possible to have wahy without amr (although not, I
think, amr without wahy). In other words, it would appear that for a period
of time while was he was in Baghdad, Baha'u'llah was the conscious bearer
of a revelation but that he chose not to openly declare this fact and thus
impose upon the people the necessity of choosing whether to accept his new
revelation or not. During the entirety of the Baghdad period, therefore, the
amr of the Bab held sway - the obligation of people was to accept and
follow the religion of the Bab.
I assume that both Cole and Saeidi would agree that in 1857 and indeed
during the whole of the Baghdad period, Baha'u'llah was not advancing a
claim to revelation in such a way as to challenge and oblige those with
whom he was in contact (mainly the Babis) to follow him. If there is

agreement on that, then given the full meaning of the word amr, he was not
putting forward an amr. In other words, regardless of whether we accept
Cole's claim that Baha'u'llah did not in 1857 envisage advancing a claim to
divine revelation and that his thinking only developed later in this direction
or we accept Saeidi's contention that Baha'u'llah was fully aware of his
station as a revelator of God's Will and was indeed hinting at this in his
writings, the phrase "hich iqbal bih amri nadaram." has no bearing on this
issue. Even if Cole is correct in translating it as "I make no claim to a
Cause," this would still be in accordance with Saeidi's view that Baha'u'llah
was fully aware of his station and was hinting at it in his writings. Given the
full meaning of the word amr, even if Baha'u'llah were fully aware of his
station, he was not at this time proclaiming it and calling people to follow
him. Thus the amr - the obligation to follow Baha'u'llah and God's
judgement upon them depending on the decision they made - had not yet
been laid upon people.
Baha'u'llah's Messianic Concealment and Theophanic Disclosure
Christopher Buck14, Juan Cole15 and others have written of Baha'u'llah's

Baghdad period as being that of "messianic secrecy" or of "a messianic
secret". This term reflects Baha'u'llah's own description of this period, the
"set time of concealment" 16. MacEoin appears to believe that during this
period, Baha'u'llah had no messianic secret and that the idea of putting
forward a claim occurred to Baha'u'llah only in about the beginning of 1863.
MacEoin believes the accounts of Baha'u'llah's experience in the Siyah Chal
(and possibly also the Ridvan Garden) to be a retrospective rewriting of
history in order to conform to certain Shiì and Shaykhi expectations about
the year 1269 and 128017. Initially Cole disputed MacEoin's position and
asserted that even in Baha'u'llah's earliest works, such as the Rashh-i Àma
and the Qasidah al-Warqa'iyyah, which date from Baha'u'llah's Tehran and
Sulaymaniyyah period respectively, Baha'u'llah was signalling that his true
station was that of being the bearer of a revelation and a number of
individuals realised this station during the Baghdad period18. More recently,
Cole has gone back from this position and now states that he considers that
Baha'u'llah reached a consciousness of a Divine mission in between about
1857 and 185919
14 Christopher Buck, Symbol and Secret, Kalimat, 1995, pp. 257 ff

15 Cole "The Book of the River" and "Baha'u'llah's Surah of the Companions: An Early Edirne Tablet
of Declaration, c. 1864: Introduction and Provisional Translation," Baha'i Studies Bulletin, 5(3)-6(1), June 1991,
pp. 4-74, see p. 8, 10, 21
16 see Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, Wilmette: Baha'i Publishing Trust, 1970, p. 151
17 MacEoin, "Religious Authority Claims in Middle Babism", paper written for Third Annual Los
Angeles Baha'i History Conference
18 Cole, "Baha'u'llah and the Naqshbandi Sufis in Iraq, 1854-1856", From Iran East and West, Studies
in Babi and Baha'i History, vol. 2, Los Angeles: Kalimat Press, 1984,Series:Studies in Babi and Bahaři History 2,
pp. 1-28
19 Cole, Tigris

It seems to the present writer that, given the fact that the references to
denying an amr are not relevant to this issue, as indicated above, we are left
with the supporting evidence that Saeidi has presented (as described above -
Baha'u'llah's use of the word "revelation (wahy)" in relation to his Siyah
Chal experience and the instances where Baha'u'llah has stated that his
revelation arose in the year Nine), which Cole has not countered. Cole's
reference to Baha'u'llah denying the performance of miracles at the
beginning of the Sahifih-yi-Shattiyyih would not seem to be relevant since
Baha'u'llah dismissed the importance of miracles throughout the whole of
his ministry. And in any case, if the amr of the Bab still held sway during the
whole of the Baghdad period, then it would not surprise us to find
Baha'u'llah expressing this fact in various ways.
An additional point that needs to be made here is that, according to Shiì

traditions, the Imams, who receive inspiration (ilham), only hear this
inspiration, whereas a Messenger of God (rasul) who receives revelation
(wahy), sees the Angel who delivers the revelation20. The fact that
Baha'u'llah reports seeing the Maid of Heaven is in itself a strong indication
that he considered that he was in receipt of a revelation (wahy) rather than
merely inspiration (ilham).
There seems to be no good grounds for accepting MacEoin's assertion that

this was all rewriting of history by Baha'u'llah and so, unless Cole can
produce some grounds for refuting this evidence, it would appear reasonable
to accept Baha'u'llah's statements regarding the significance of the Siyah
Chal and Ridvan episodes at their face value, which more or less
corresponds to the traditional Baha'i interpretation as given by Shoghi
Effendi in God Passes By. This would then divide the life of Baha'u'llah
theologically into three stages:
1. The period before the onset of revelation, which Baha'u'llah describes by

the words "I was but a man like others, asleep . . ."21 and which Àbdu'l-
Baha expounds as meaning that although the Manifestation of God in the
Manifestation from birth, his mission is not activated until a particular
time22
2. The period during which revelation (wahy) is present but no claim had
been advanced that represented the imposition of amr upon the people, the
messianic concealment.
3. The period during which both amr and revelation are present, the
theophanic disclosure, following which the laws of the new religion are
given.
20 see Momen, Introduction to Shiì Islam, New Haven:Yale University Press, 1985, pp. 149-50
21 Bahařuřllah, Proclamation of Baha'u'llah, Haifa:Bahaři World Centre, 1968, 57
22 Abduřl-Baha, Some Answered Questions, Wilmette:Bahaři Publishing Trust, 1990, 155-6.

Incidentally, we have evidence from as early as 1867 that the ordinary

Baha'is understood this concept that Baha'u'llah had revealed himself
gradually. In a letter written in 1867 by the Baha'i community of Baghdad to
the United States Congress, we have the following statement regarding
Baha'u'llah: "That wise man revealed himself till he appeared like the high
sun in midday."23
Although the broad outline of these three stages in Baha'u'llah's life are now
clear, the exact dating of these stages is not as clear-cut as one may think.
Although the onset of revelation is generally regarded as having started with
the appearance of the Maid of Heaven to Baha'u'llah in the Siyah-Chal,
sometime between September 1852 and January 1853, this does not fully
take into account the episode of Baha'u'llah's meeting with Shaykh Hasan
Zunuzi in Karbala in 1851. Nabil Zarandi, who appears to have known
Shaykh Hasan personally, records that Baha'u'llah confided to Shaykh
Hasan "the secret that He was destined to reveal at a later time in
Baghdad"24 Now it may be that since the claim put forward by Baha'u'llah to
Shaykh Hasan was that of being the return of the Imam Husayn this did not
necessarily imply a claim to revelation. It does, however, mean that
Baha'u'llah was communicating some inkling of a higher station earlier than
1852. Similarly, the date for the end of this period of messianic secrecy is
not exactly defined.
It is clear from the statements of Baha'u'llah that he made some form of

claim to a small number of his companions in the Garden of Ridvan in April
1863. But at what point in time can it be said that the amr - the obligation to
follow Baha'u'llah - had been laid upon the people? Was it in April 1863,
when only a small number were informed and there appears to have been no
attempt to spread this news, or in 1864 when a few tablets written by
Baha'u'llah begin to make his claim to authority clear, or in 1866-7, when he
began to send individuals to Iran to propagate his claim to the Babis and at
the same time he openly challenged Mirza Yahya, who was widely
acknowledged as the head of the Babi community, or should we, for
theological reasons, delay this until the period of Baha'u'llah's proclamation
to the kings and rulers of the world in 1868-72 (the kings and rulers acting
in a sense as proxies for their people)?
During the years when Baha'u'llah lived in Baghdad, he "appeared in the

guise of, and continued to labour as, one of the foremost disciples of the
Bab"25 The main thrust of his activities were towards reforming and
purifying the Babi community. A significant number of individuals are,
however, reported as having come to realise that he occupied a much higher
23 E-Mail posting by Robert Stauffer, 4 Jun 1997. See also Persecution and Protection: Documents
about Bahařis, 1867, 1897, and 1902, World Order, 2006, 37(3), 31-38
24 Muhammad-i-Zarandi The Dawn-Breakers: Nabil's Narrative of the Early Days of the Bahá'í
Revelation, translated from the Persian by Shoghi Effendi (1932; reprint, Wilmette: Bahá'í Publishing Trust,
1974), 32
25 Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, 128.

station. These are said to have come to this conclusion either from reading
his writings26 or from meeting him (for example Nabil Akbar, Shams-i
Jahan Khanum Fitnih, and Mirza Fath-Àli Khan Fath-i-A`zam.27
Following the open declaration of his mission in 1863-8, Baha'u'llah began

to reveal the new laws of his dispensation, most particularly in the Kitab al-
Aqdas, followed by the new social teachings of his religion, in a series of
important tablets revealed after the Aqdas. Baha'u'llah himself links the
theophanic disclosure and the imposition of the amr upon the people with
the revelation of a new law in the following passage from the Tablet to
Àbdu'r-Razzaq, referring to the rejection of Baha'u'llah by the Azalis:
And when the Cause (amr) of God was revealed and the laws, by which the
entirety of the Bayan was confirmed and upon which it is dependent, were
promulgated, they then pushed these aside, as you have seen and heard.28
In summary then, we may discern three periods to the life of Baha'u'llah and
two periods to the ministry of Baha'u'llah. There was initially a period when,
although there are some hagiographical accounts of wonders in his
childhood and youth, there is nothing to indicate that he put forward any
claim or was in receipt of any special divine guidance. From 1844 onwards,
he acted as one of the followers of the Bab. Then came the first phase of his
ministry, a period of messianic concealment, during which Baha'u'llah was
in receipt of revelation (wahy) but had not yet openly advanced a claim,
which would have laid the obligation of acceptance, the amr, upon the
people. This period lasted from roughly 1852 to 1863, but may, for the
Babis of Iran have extended to 1867. During this period also, Baha'u'llah
acted as one of the followers of the Bab. The second phase of his ministry,
and the third period of his life, was the period of theophanic disclosure,
which was initiated with the Declaration in the Garden of Ridvan in 1863
but only gradually attained its full force as Baha'u'llah successively
disclosed his claim to the Babi community in 1866-7 and to the rest of the
world in 1868-72. This was the period when both amr and wahy were
present.
The Ministry of the Bab
Having outlined a schema for the life and ministry of Baha'u'llah, I would
now like to see in what way this can be overlaid onto the life and ministry of
the Bab. In Babi-Baha'i history the start of the ministry of the Bab is usually
stated to start from his declaration to Mulla Husayn Bushru'i on the evening
26 see Momen, "A Preliminary Survey of the Baha'i Community in Iran during the Nineteenth
Century", in Iran im 19.Jahrhundert und die Entstheung der Baha'i Religion, ed. Christoph Burgel and Isabel
Schayani, Hildesheim, 1998, p. 34, no.3
27 see also list of twelve persons who became enthusiastic followers of Baha'u'llah in Momen, "A
Preliminary Survey," p. 34, n.4
28 Bahařuřllah Iqtidarat va Chand Lawh-i Digar. Cairo: Matbaàt al-Saàdah, c. 1924. Reprinted, H-
Bahai: East Lansing, Mi., 2001, 52

of 22 May 1844. The exact equivalent in the life of the Bab to Baha'u'llah's
experience of the Maid of Heaven in the Siyah-Chal is however dated by the
Bab to have occurred about 2 months before. In the Kitab al-Haramayn, the
Bab writes:
In truth, the first day that the Spirit descended in the heart of this slave was
the fifteenth of the month of Rabiù'l‑Avval [1260, i.e. 4 April 1844]29.
This may correspond to the vision that the Bab describes of the severed head
of the Imam Husayn. This vision is described by the Bab in one of his
writings which is quoted in Nabil's Narrative: In one of His writings
revealed in the year '60 A.H., the Bab declares the following:
"The spirit of prayer which animates My soul is the direct consequence of a

dream which I had in the year before the declaration of My Mission. In My
vision I saw the head of the Imam Husayn, the Siyyidu'sh‑Shuhada', which
was hanging upon a tree. Drops of blood dripped profusely from His
lacerated throat. With feelings of unsurpassed delight, I approached that
tree and, stretching forth My hands, gathered a few drops of that sacred
blood, and drank them devoutly. When I awoke, I felt that the Spirit of God
had permeated and taken possession of My soul. My heart was thrilled with
the joy of His Divine presence, and the mysteries of His Revelation were
unfolded before My eyes in all their glory."30
This vision may also correspond to the episode related by Khadijih Bigum,
the wife of the Bab, in which she saw the Bab one night intoning a prayer:
"His face was luminous; rays of light radiated from it. He looked so majestic
and resplendent that fear seized me." Later the Bab said to her: "It was the
will of God that you should have seen Me in the way you did last night, so
that no shadow of doubt should ever cross your mind, and you should come
to know with absolute certainty that I am the Manifestation of God Whose
advent has been expected for a thousand years. This light radiates from My
heart and from My being"31
The claim that is explicitly made, however, in the first chapter of the
Qayyum al-Asma, which the Bab wrote in the presence of Mulla Husayn on
23 May 1844 was that of being the Gate to the Hidden Imam. In all of the
books written in the early years of his ministry, the Bab never makes any
explicit claim to any higher station. He also does not abrogate the law of
Islam - indeed he urges his followers to be meticulous in carrying out the
Islamic law32. Thus just as Baha'u'llah, in his early years, appears to be a
reformer and purifier of the religion of the Bab, so the Bab, in these early
29 Nicolas, Seyyed Ali Mohammed, Paris:Du Jarric, 1905, p. 206

30 Zarandi, Nabil's Narrative, 253
31 H.M. Balyuzi, Khadijih Bagum, Oxford:George Rnald 1981, 11-13.
32 Tablet to Tahirih, cited in Asadu'llah Fadil Mazandarani, Tarikh-i Zuhur al-Haqq ("History of the
Manifestation of Truth"). Volume 3.. Tehran, n.p, 1944. Reprinted, H-Bahai: Lansing, Mi., 1998, p. 334

years appears as a reformer and purifier of Islam. Within the Shaykhi

community to whom the Bab and the Letters of the Living predominantly
addressed themselves in the early years, the Bab appeared to be a leader in
succession to Sayyid Kazim. Even the title of "the Bab" was not exceptional
as Shaykh Ahmad and Sayyid Kazim had occasionally been known by this
title.
The Bab did not proclaim his full identity as the Mahdi and the revealer of a
new revelation until the summer of 1848. At this time, two events occurred
almost simultaneously. First, those attending the conference of Badasht
heard Tahirih and Baha'u'llah proclaim that the Islamic dispensation had
ended. Second, the Bab declared himself to be the Mahdi at his trial before
the Crown Prince Nasiru'd-Din Mirza at Tabriz. It was perhaps not the
declaration of being the Mahdi itself which was the decisive issue for the
matter under consideration in this paper, since Muslims commonly expected
that the Mahdi would follow Islam and would not bring a new revelation. It
was rather that during the trial, the Bab claimed that he was revealing divine
verses, and this was discussed at length by the ùlama present. Immediately
after this, the Bab wrote the Persian Bayan in which he abrogated the laws
of Islam and promulgated his own laws.
Prior to these episodes in the summer of 1848, many, possibly most, of the
Babis thought that the Bab was merely claiming to be an Islamic leader, a
leader of the Shaykhi sect, the gate to the Hidden Imam. This was what he
appeared to be claiming in his writings and this is the evident meaning of
the title of "Bab" that he had taken. There is evidence for this assertion in
the fact that when the Bab's full claims became known at the conference of
Badasht, there were some who left the Babi movement as a result. Some of
those attending the conference apostatised and left and we are told that in
Maraghih, where most of the Shaykhis had become Babis, they apostatised
when they learned that the Bab had abrogated the laws of Islam33
There were also many, however, who realised, before the summer of 1848,
that the Bab's claim was far higher than that of merely being a gate to the
Hidden Imam. As early as the first year of the Bab's ministry, Sunni and
Shiì ùlama gathered at the trial of Mulla Àli Bastami in Baghdad
perceived that while the text of the Qayyum al-Asma may claim that its
author is the gate to the Hidden Imam, the language, through use of such
terms as wahy and nuzul, in fact denoted a claim to divine revelation. If
Sunni and Shiì ùlama could discern that there lay a claim to revelation, a
claim to a station equivalent to that of the prophet Muhammad, behind the
text of the Bab, we can be sure that the leading disciples of the Bab also did.
They were, after all, educated in exactly the esoteric tradition of Shaykhism
that was most informed about such subtleties. Some of these leading Babis
were more explicit in revealing their discovery of his high station (for
33 Mazandarani, Zuhur al-Haqq, 58.

example Tahirih), while others kept the knowledge hidden. I have discussed
this theme in more detail in a paper regarding the trial of Mulla Àli
Bastami34
We may therefore see that, just as with Baha'u'llah, when the main body of
the Babis during the Baghdad period saw Baha'u'llah as an inspiring leader
but still basically within the circle of Babism, so during the early years of
the ministry of the Bab, the majority of the Babis probably conceived of the
Bab as a Shaykhi leader, as a gateway to the Hidden Imam who is the true
Lord of the Age. However, just as there were some leading Babis who
recognized, either from meeting him or reading his writings in the Baghdad
period, that Baha'u'llah's true claim and station were far higher, so also there
were undoubtedly a group of the followers of the Bab in the early years who
recognised, either from his writings or from meeting him that his claim was
much greater. We could say that just as during the Baghdad period, the amr
still lay with the Bab and the people were not yet called upon to believe in
Baha'u'llah as the purveyor of a new religion from God, abrogating the
religion of the Bab, so from May 1844 to July 1848, the amr still lay with
Muhammad and the generality of the people were not yet called upon to
believe in the Bab as the bearer of a new religion from God. The period of
May 1844 to July 1848, thus become a period of messianic concealment,
which ended with the theophanic disclosure occasioned by Tahirih's
proclamation at the conference of Badasht and the Bab's declaration at his
trial that he was the Mahdi and the author of a new revelation.
Continuing the parallels, we might point out that just as there are statements
in the writings of Baha'u'llah during the Baghdad period denying that he was
possessed of any amr and appearing to subordinate himself to the authority
of the Bab and the Babi hierarchy (as in the Sahifih-yi-Shattiyyih), so there
are similar statements of the Bab in these early years. There is for example
the episode in the Masjid-iVakil in Shiraz, when his enemies had forced the
Bab to issue a recantation of his claims. There are several versions of this
episode. Nabil gives the following:
The Bab, as He faced the congregation, declared: "The condemnation of

God be upon him who regards me either as a representative of the Imam or
the gate thereof. The condemnation of God be also upon whosoever
imputes to me the charge of having denied the unity of God, of having
repudiated the prophethood of Muhammad, the Seal of the Prophets, of
having rejected the truth of any of the messengers of old, or of having
refused to recognise the guardianship of Àli, the Commander of the
Faithful, or of any of the imams who have succeeded him."35
34 Moojan Momen, "The Trial of Mulla Àli Bastami: a combined Sunni-Shiì fatwa against the Bab."
Iran, 1982, 20, 113-43.

The following is an alternative account of the Bab's words which occurs in a

letter written by Sayyid Husayn Katib, the Bab's amanuensis:
O people! Whoever believes in my prophethood (nubavvat), may the curse

of God be upon him. Whoever considers that I am an appointed gate (bab-i
mansus) sent by the grace of the [Hidden] Imam (upon him be peace), may
the curse of God be upon him. I am but a servant, believing in God and in
his verses.36
And yet another account exists from Haji Mirza Muhammad Sadiq, who
was not a believer in the Bab:
O people! Know ye that I have not said anything that my ancestor the
Messenger of God did not say. That which Muhammad has made
permissible [in the Holy Law] is permissible until the Day of Resurrection
(yawm al-qiyama) and that which Muhammad has made illicit is illicit until
the Day of Resurrection. As the Immaculate [Imam] (upon him be peace)
has said: When the Qa'im arises, that is the Resurrection.37
In the Sahifih-yi Àdliyyah and other writings from this period, the Bab also
denies any new revelation and commands the people to follow the laws of
the Qur'an and the teachings of Muhammad.
The parallels between the Bab and Baha'u'llah can even be extended to the
ways in which they made their full claim known - the manner of the
theophanic disclosure. Baha'u'llah proclaimed his full station in three ways.
First privately to a small group of his followers in the Garden of Ridvan,
openly to the Babis in the early years of the Edirne period, and then to the
peoples of the world through their kings and rulers in the late Edirne, early
Akka period. The full station of the Bab was declared to the Babis at the
conference of Badasht and it was proclaimed to the Crown Prince and
leading religious figures of Tabriz at his trial. The Bab at this time also
wrote to the Shah of Iran and the Prime Minister Haji Mirza Aqasi. There is
even a parallel to the private Ridvan Garden declaration of Baha'u'llah in the
declaration by the Bab that he was the Qa'im to one of his foremost disciples
Àzim shortly before his public declaration at his trial38. The fact that even a
leading disciple such as Àzim, who mixed freely with the Babis in Tehran
and Adharbayjan, was perturbed by this claim at this late date is further
evidence that the realisation of the full station of the Bab was not very
widespread among the Babis prior to the summer of 1848.
In his book, the Seven Proofs, the Bab explains that the need for a period of
messianic concealment and the gradual unfoldment of his claims arose out
of the lack of capacity among the people to accept his full claim at the start
36 Quoted in A.Q. Afnan, Zindigani-yi Hadrat-i Bab 167

37 Quoted in A.Q. Afnan, Zindigani-yi Hadrat-i Bab 168

of his mission and out of a desire to assist people to gradually come to a full
realisation of the magnitude of the his claim:
Consider the manifold favours vouchsafed by the Promised One, and the
effusions of His bounty which have pervaded the concourse of the followers
of Islam to enable them to attain unto salvation. Indeed observe how He
Who representeth the origin of creation, He Who is the Exponent of the
verse, Ì, in very truth, am God', identified Himself as the Gate [Bab] for the
advent of the promised Qa'im, a descendant of Muhammad, and in His first
Book enjoined the observance of the laws of the Qur'an, so that the people
might not be seized with perturbation by reason of a new Book and a new
Revelation and might regard His Faith as similar to their own, perchance
they would not turn away from the Truth and ignore the thing for which they
had been called into being.39
Baha'u'llah has recapitulated and expanded on this in a tablet written to Aqa

Mirza Aqa Nuru'd-Din:
Thou art well aware that the Commentary on the Ahsan al-Qisas (the
Qayyum al-Asma of the Bab) was revealed according to what was current
among the people (bi ma ìnd an-nas) and this was purely out of bounty and
grace that haply the people of negligence and error may ascend to the
heaven of knowledge (jabarut-i ìlm). Thus most of what is mentioned in
that book is what has been accepted as truth among the Muslims (ahl al-
furqan). If what was the Will of God had been sent down from the start, no-
one would have been able to bear it and no-one would have remained. All of
this is out of His grace and bounty towards His creatures. Observe that at the
start of his ministry, that holy one revealed himself in the station of
gatehood (babiyyat). This was out of consideration that the birds of the
hearts of humanity were not capable of flying above that station . . . The
people have been and will continue to be immersed in the ocean of idle
fancies and veiled from what God doth will, except those whom God has
delivered through His Grace and whom He has caused to recognise what He
hath revealed through His command . . . Thus out of grace to them, the Sun
of Truth occupied himself with uttering trivia and the Ancient Ocean spoke
forth only droplets. Thus it is that the Primal Point hath appeared in the
name of gatehood (babiyyat), and the people did not accept even this limited
station, let alone any mention of guardianship (lordship, vilayat) and such
matters. And this despite the fact that all of these stations and those beyond
them have been revealed and come into existence by a single word out of
the ocean of his bounty and by his command they also return to annihilation
and oblivion.40
39 Selections from the Writings of the Bab, Haifa, 1976, p. 110.

40 Quoted in A.Q. Afnan, Zindigani-yi Hadrat-i Bab 203-4

Finally, in a tablet which appears to date from the Edirne period, the Surat
al-Fath, Baha'u'llah restates this theme and draws the parallels between the
Bab's gradually unfolding claims and his own initial concealment of his
claims. First, he describes the gradual unfoldment of the claims of the Bab:
So recollect, O people! The moment when there came unto you the Revealer
of the Bayan with wondrous, holy verses. At that time he said: "I am the
Gate of Knowledge (bab al-ìlm) and whoever asserts more than that in
relation to me has assuredly invented lies about me and has sinned greatly."
Then later he said "I am the Qa'im, the True One, whose manifestation you
were promised in mighty, noble scrolls." Then he said, magnified be his
utterance, "I, verily, am the Primal Point. And this is, in reality, Muhammad,
the messenger of God, the same [person] as thou hast heard and witnessed
in the tablets of God, the King, the Ruler." And when the beings of a number
of souls had progressed [sufficiently], thereupon, the veils were torn asunder
and, from the Dawning-Place of holiness, there rose up [the call]: "I verily
am God, no God is there except Me, thy Lord and the Lord of all the
worlds." And also: "I, verily, from the beginning which hath no beginning,
was a divinity, the One, the Single, the Unique. I did not take unto myself
any partner or likeness or deputy. I verily sent the prophets and the
Messengers from all eternity and will continue to send them to all eternity" .
..
Then in this tablet, Baha'u'llah comments on the gradual unfoldment of his

own claims, mentions explicitly that there was a time during which he
elevated the name of his brother and was submissive before the authoritative
figures in the Babi movement, and clearly indicates that the amr did not lie
with him in those days:
By God, O people! I did not desire any Cause (amr) for myself and followed
all the Manifestations of old. I supported the Cause (amr) of God in every
way during the days when faces were concealed out of fear of the
oppressors. I humbled myself before every soul in the Bayan and lowered
the wing of submission before every worthy believer. I safeguarded my
brother [Mirza Yahya] . . . and elevated his name among the servants of God
. . . There was none of the people of the Bayan for whom I did not reveal a
tablet in which I mentioned him with high praise. Every fair-minded and
trustworthy person will bear witness to this.41
Conclusion
The thesis of this paper is that the phenomenon of a period of messianic

concealment followed by a theophanic disclosure is common to at least the
41 Based on a translation by Stephen Lambden in "Some Notes on Baha'u'llah's Gradually Evolving

Claims of the Adrianople/Edirne Period," Bulletin of Baha'i Studies, vol. 5.3-6.1, June 1991, 75-83, see pp. 79-80;
here retranslated from the original manuscript, an unnumbered volume from the Iranian Baha'i National Archives,
pp. 77-79

Bab and Baha'u'llah (and a case can be made for a similar phenomenon in
the life of Jesus and Muhammad). The period of messianic concealment
appears to be a period when although the Manifestation is in receipt of
divine revelations, these are phrased in such a way as to conceal their
identity as revelation. Since no claim to being the bearer of a new revelation
and the inaugurator of a new religious dispensation is made by the
Manifestation during this time, there is no obligation on the people to follow
the Manifestation, although a small number do discern the reality of the
Manifestation. During this period, the amr still belongs to the previous
Manifestation. At some point however, the new Manifestation discloses his
true nature and puts forward the claim to be the inaugurator of a new
religion. This disclosure is made both to the followers of the previous
religion and to the secular authorities. This theophanic disclosure now puts
an obligation on all to follow the new Manifestation. A new amr has begun.
Following this the new Manifestation begins to reveal the new laws and
teachings associated with his dispensation. Baha'u'llah has given something
of the reason for this particular strategy in the case of the Bab and it is
probable that much the same applies to the case of Baha'u'llah himself.
Baha'u'llah states that the reason for the messianic concealment was that the
people of the previous religion were not able to bear the full disclosure of
the new Manifestation. Therefore the station of that Manifestation was
revealed to them gradually.
PostScript: A Note on the Year Five of the Ministry of the Bab
I have recently been translating for the forthcoming Irfan Colloquium the
Bab's commentary on the Verse of Light I was interested to see in this the
same prophecy regarding the fifth year of his ministry that also occurs in the
Seven Proofs. This prophecy emerges from the Bab's interpretation of the
Tradition of Kumayl. In response to the question "What is reality?", the
Imam Àli responded by a series of enigmatic statements.
In both the Seven Proofs and the Commentary on the Verse of Light, the
Báb gives an interpretation of this Tradition, emphasising in particular the
fifth phrase in this Tradition, which he relates to the fifth year of his
ministry. In the Seven Proofs, the Bab merely prophesies that in that year
"you will see a light shining from the morn of eternity if you do not flee and
are not disturbed." But in the Commentary on the Verse of Light, he gives
some indication of what will happen in that year. He begins by quoting the
Tradition and then going on to expand on the fifth phrase:
Verily in the first year, there hath appeared the uncovering of the clouds of
glory without a sign42; then the obliteration of vain imaginings and the
dawning of the known; then the rending of the veils for the overthrow of the
42 Min ghayr alBishara; "Piercing the veils of glory, unaided" Ŕ Bahařuřllah, Kitab-i-Iqan,
Wilmette:Bahaři Publishing Trust, 1950, p. 164

secret; then the attraction of the primal unity for the attributes of the Divine
Oneness; then a light dawning forth from the morn of pre-eternity upon the
temples of unity (cf Shoghi Effendi translates a slightly different phrase as
"Behold, a light hath shone forth out of the Morn of eternity, and lo! its
waves have penetrated the inmost reality of all men." Iqan 102). And when
it has entered upon the five [?fifth year], its effect is that the fire becomes a
light. At that moment, the form is completed and, verily, the form of the five
is the form of a human being. Its creation is not completed for five years just
as we sent to thee thy form.
The meaning of the passage is not entirely clear, but what is clear is that the
Bab was signalling that some process that was begun at the start of his
ministry would come to fruition in the fifth year and it would come to
fruition in a human form.
Now since the fifth phrase of the Tradition of Kumayl reads: "a light
dawning forth from the morn of pre-eternity (subh-i azal)," the Azalis have
long asserted that this is a prophecy of the arising of Azal in the fifth year of
the ministry of the Bab. However, there are problems with this assertion.
First, it is not at all clear that Azal was ever known as Subh-i Azal until a
much later period. Mirza Yahya was addressed as Azal in tablets of the Bab,
on account of the fact that his name Yahya and Azal are numerically
equivalent (=38). However, I have not seen anywhere that the Bab addresses
him as Subh-i Azal, and this statement is supported by Ishraq-Khavari43. It
is probable that either he himself or, more likely, some of his followers such
as the authors of the Hasht Bihist, Shaykh Ahmad Ruhi and Mirza Aqa
Khan Kirmani, began to give him this appellation precisely in order to make
him retrospectively fit the prophecy of the Bab related to the Tradition of
Kumayl. The Nuqtatu'l-Káf perhaps marks an intermediate stage in the
development of this line of Azali thought in that, although the link between
Azal and the Tradition of Kumayl is made44 nevertheless, Mirza Yahya is
never called Subh-i Azal in this text. He is always referred to as Jinab-i Azal
or Hadrat-i Azal.
Second, we have another exegesis by the Bab of the Kumayl Tradition in the
Kitab al-Asma 45. Here, referring to the fifth phrase in the Tradition, he
states: "Verily, the Primal Point is the Sun of Eternity (azal)." This would
indicate that he considered himself to be the referent in this phrase of the
Tradition of Kumayl.
43 see Ishraq-Khavari, Àbdu'l-Hamid. Qamus-i Iqan. 4 vols. Tehran: Muřassasah-i Milli-i MatbuŘat-i
Amri, 128/1972. PDF Edition digitally republished, East Lansing, Mi.: H-Bahai, 2007 vol. 4, p. 1830
44 Anon, Kitab-i Nuqtat al-Kaf: Being the Earliest History of the Babis, ed. E. G. Browne. Leiden: E.J.
Brill, 1910 p. 208
45 Iran National Baha'i Archives Private Printing: Tehran, 1976, Volume 29, p. 40. See also Sayyid
Àli Muhammad "the Bab" Shirazi. Kitáb-i-Asmá' ('The Book of Names' of All Things) Ms., private hands.
Lansing, MI: H-Bahai, 2005.

Following on from my paper on "Messianic Concealment and Theophanic

Disclosure", I would venture to suggest that what the Bab was predicting in
the Seven Proofs and the Commentary on the Verse of Light was in fact the
fruition of his ministry in its fifth year through his open proclamation of the
station of qa'imiyyat and mazhariyyat (the end of the period of messianic
concealment). Thus, in the words of the Commentary, the Divine Light that
was pre‑existent in Muhammad and Àli (which is a Shiì Tradition to
which the Bab also refers in this Commentary) will, in the year 5, become
incarnated in a human being ‑ the light becomes flesh!

Baha‟u‟llah as fulfilment of the theophanic promise in

the Sermons of Imam 'Alí ibn Abí Ṭálib
Translation of al Ṭutunjiyya, Iftikhár and Ma'rifat bin-Nurániyyat
Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir

Leicester, U.K., Independent Scholar
Translator's Introduction
The Founders of world religions, in Bahaři discourse, the Manifestations of

God, relate their claims and their utterances to the language and beliefs of
the peoples to whom they come.1 Thus Jesus Christ stated at the outset of
his mission: "Think not that I have come to destroy the Law and the
Prophets. I have not come to destroy but to fulfil."2 The Qur'án repeatedly
states that it confirms the Gospel and the Torah, affirming that the Prophet's
advent has been mentioned in the Torah and the Evangel. The Bábí and
Bahá'í Revelations are also intimately related to their Islamic background
and their Judaeo-Christian heritage. As the Guardian of the Bahá'í Faith,
says,
"[The Bahá'ís] must strive to obtain from sources that are

authoritative and unbiased a sound knowledge of the history and
tenets of Islam, the source and background of their Faith, and
approach reverently and with a mind purged from pre-conceived
ideas the study of the Qur'án which, apart from the sacred scriptures
of the Bábí and Bahá'í Revelations, constitutes the only Book which
can be regarded as an absolutely authenticated repository of the Word
of God."3
But what is most remarkable is the frequent reference to particular verses,

particular traditions (ḥadiths), particular tropes of Judaism, Christianity and
Islam. For example, there are many references to the messianic passages of
Isaiah. The passages of Matthew 24 and St John's reference to the Comforter
and the Spirit of Truth are frequent in Bahařuřllahřs writings4. From the
Qurřán we have multiple references to the "Meeting with God" on the Day
of Judgement, such as Surah 29:5
1
For a recent survey of Bahařuřllahřs messianic claims see Buck, Christopher, ŘThe Eschatology of
Globalization:The Multiple-Messiahship of Bahařuřllah Revisitedř in Studies in Modern Religions, Religious
Movements and the Babi-Bahaři Faiths, Moshe Sharon (ed), Leiden:Brill, 2004,143-178 and references therein.
2
Matthew 5:17
3
Shoghi Effendi, The Advent of Divine Justice, (Wilmette: Bahaři Publishing Trust, page 49).See also
Stephen Lambden, ŘIslám, Muhammad and the Qurřán: Some Introductory Notesř, Baha'i Studies Review, 1, no. 1
(1991); Moojan Momen, Islam and the Bahaři Faith, (Oxford:George Ronald, 2000)
4
See for example Bahařuřllah, Gems of Divine Mysteries-Javáhiru'l-Asrár, (Haifa:Bahaři World
Centre, 2002, 9-10); ibid, Tablet to Pope Pius IX in, The Summons of the Lord of Hosts (Haifa:Bahaři world
Centre, 2002, 53); ibid, Lawḥ-i-Aqdas in Tablets of Bahařuřllah revealed after the Kitab-i-Aqdas
(Wilmette:Bahaři Publishing trust, 1988, 2)

© 2007 Khazeh Fananapazir
90 Khazeh Fananapazir Bahařuřllah Theophanic Promise
ŖAnyone hoping to meet God, (should know that) such a meeting

with God will most assuredly come to pass. He is the Hearer, the
Omniscient.ŗ 5
In the traditions of the Twelver Branch of Islám or Imámí Shi'ism in

particular, three sermons of the Imám ŘAlì stand out as pivotal in their
contribution to the Bahářì writings. These are known as the sermons of
Ṭutunjiyyih [the Gulf), Nurániyyat [Recognition through Luminousness],
and Iftikhár [Glorification]. They hold tremendous theological importance,
and, down the centuries, have had a magnetic effect on Shiřih religious
thought. The author of the book that contains these three sermons, Ḥafiz
Rajab al Bursi (died 1411 CE), held a very high view of the station of the
Imams6, highly evocative of the position held by Shaykh Aḥmad and Siyyid
Kazim7, the precursors of the Bábí Cause at a later century. At the time of
the Safavi renaissance of Shi'ih Islam, Bursi was considered to have
exaggerated views of the station of the Imams8. But the writings of Shaykh
Ahmad-i-Ahsa'i and Siyyid Kazim Rashti also accorded a very high station
to the Imams. The Imams are referred to as "Maẓaahir," the "manifestations
of God's names and attributes," by Shaykh Ahmad in his Sharh az-Ziyarat9.
In this regard Husayn the Son of the Imam ŘAli is addressed to in the Tablet
of Visitation revealed by Bahá'u'lláh for him10 as the One through Whom the
Command of the Letters "B" and "E" came to be realised. He is also referred
to as the Mystery of Revelation in the World of God's Dominion [jabarut].
As far as one can ascertain both the Báb11 and Bahá'u'lláh affirm in their
writings the validity of these traditions which have their provenance in
Bursi.
In the Kitáb-i-Iqán Bahá'u'lláh, in expounding the twin cardinal principles of

the Unity of the Prophets and infinity of the Revelatory Process adduces as
evidence references which are to be found only in Bursi. Bahá'u'lláh's
5 For other Qur'anic verses that describe meeting with God cf. 33:44, 6:31, 6:154, 10:45, 13:2, 18:110,
29:5, 30:8, 32:10
6
Shoghi Effendi, The Promised Day is Come (Wilmette:Bahaři Publishing Trust, 1961,p.114). ŖIndeed,
the essential prerequisites of admittance into the Bahá'ì fold …, is the wholehearted and unqualified acceptance by
them …, of the legitimacy of the institution of the Imamate, …ŗ See also Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of
Baha'u'llah (Willmette: Bahaři Publishing Trust,1988 p. 101)
7
Bahařuřllah, The Kitáb-i-Íqán (trans. Shoghi Effendi, Wilmette:Bahaři Publishing Trust, 1983,p.65)
ŖLikewise, there appeared on earth Ahmad and Kazim, those twin resplendent lights -- may God sanctify their
resting-place!ŗ
8
Todd Lawson, ŖThe Dawning Places of the Lights of Certainty in the Divine Secrets Connected with
the Commander of the Faithful by Rajab Bursiŗ in The Legacy of Mediaeval Persian Sufism (Leonard Lewisohn
(ed), London: Khaniqahai Nimatullahi Publications, 1992, 261-276)
9
Shaykh Ahmad al-Ahsaři, Sharh al-ziyara al-jamiŘa, Tehran, n.p., 1276/[1859], volume 1, page 167,
in the section commenting on Ŗmah.aalli mařrifatihiŗ.
10
See Khazeh Fananapazir, ŘLawh-i-Zíyárat-Namih-i-Imám Husaynř (Tablet of Visitation for Imam
Husayn), Last accessed April 8 2007.
11
Cf. Todd Lawson ŘCoincidentia Oppositorum in the Qayyumuřl-Asam: The terms ŖPointŗ(nuqta),
ŖPoleŗ (qutb), ŖCenterŗ (markaz) and the Khutbat al-tatanjiyař, Occasional Paperřs in Shaykhi, Babi and Bahaři
Studies, 5 no. 1, January 2001 Last accessed April 8 2007; Stephen Lambden (in progress), ŘThe Khutbat al-
Ṭutunjiyya [al-Ṭatanjiyya] ‫خ‬١‫خ [ اٌزطٕج‬١‫"( ] خطجخ اٌطزٕج‬Sermon of the Gulf") ascribed to Imam ŘAli ibn Abìř . Last
accessed April 8 2007.

Writings thus affirm the importance and legitimacy of these utterances of

the Imam 'Ali.
Two important quotations from Bursi which Bahá'u'lláh cites in the Kitab-i-
Iqan and which again emphasise the point of the reliability of Bursi as a
narrator are the following (see italics):
Furthermore, among the "veils of glory" are such terms as the "Seal
of the Prophets" and the like, the removal of which is a supreme
achievement in the sight of these base-born and erring souls. All, by
reason of these mysterious sayings, these grievous "veils of glory,"
have been hindered from beholding the light of truth. Have they not
heard the melody of that bird of Heaven12, uttering this mystery: "A
thousand Fatimihs I have espoused, all of whom were the daughters
of Muhammad, Son of Abdu'llah, the 'Seal of the Prophets?'"13
Behold, how many are the mysteries that lie as yet unravelled within
the tabernacle of the knowledge of God, and how numerous the gems
of His wisdom that are still concealed in His inviolable treasuries!
Shouldst thou ponder this in thine heart, thou wouldst realize that His
handiwork knoweth neither beginning nor end. The domain of His
decree is too vast for the tongue of mortals to describe, or for the bird
of the human mind to traverse; and the dispensations of His
providence are too mysterious for the mind of man to comprehend.
His creation no end hath overtaken, and it hath ever existed from the
"Beginning that hath no beginning"; and the Manifestations of His
Beauty no beginning hath beheld, and they will continue to the "End
that knoweth no end." Ponder this utterance in thine heart, and reflect
how it is applicable unto all these holy Souls.
Likewise, strive thou to comprehend the meaning of the melody of

that eternal beauty, Husayn, son of Ali, who, addressing Salman,
spoke words such as these: "I was with a thousand Adams, the
interval between each and the next Adam was fifty thousand years,
and to each one of these I declared the Successorship conferred upon
my father." He then recounteth certain details, until he saith: "I have
fought one thousand battles in the path of God, the least and most
insignificant of which was like the battle of Khaybar, in which battle
my father fought and contended against the infidels." 14 Endeavour
now to apprehend from these two traditions the mysteries of "end,"
"return," and "creation without beginning or end."15
12
Imam ŘAli
13
This quotation is from Bursiřs al-Alfayn cited in Ishraq Khavari, Qamus-i-Íqán, Vol. 1, p.17
14
Both the above quotations indicating utterances of "high Imamology" are from the self-same Bursi in
his book Alfayn as quoted by the late Ishraq Khavari (Idem).
15
Bahá'u'lláh, Íqán, 166-168.

What these traditions have in common is their use of the language of the
World of Command ['Alam-i-Amr], to attribute the workings of the Will of
God [His Primal Will] to the World of Creation. Bahá'u'lláh, 16 on the
strength of these traditions, states that this World of Command is sanctified
above plurality:
Similar statements have been made by 'Alí. Sayings such as this,

which indicate the essential unity of those Exponents of Oneness,
have also emanated from the Channels of God's immortal utterance,
and the Treasuries of the gems of divine knowledge, and have been
recorded in the scriptures. These Countenances are the recipients of
the Divine Command, and the day-springs of His Revelation. This
Revelation is exalted above the veils of plurality and the exigencies
of number. Thus He saith: "Our Cause is but one."17 Inasmuch as the
Cause is one and the same, the Exponents thereof also must needs be
one and the same. Likewise, the Imáms of the Muhammadan Faith,
those lamps of certitude, have said: "Muhammad is our first,
Muhammad our last, Muhammad our all.
(‫آخشٔب ِحّذ‬ٚ ‫عطٕب ِحّذ‬ٚ‫أ‬ٚ ‫ٌٕب ِحّذ‬ٚ‫")أ‬18
The Particularity of the Sermon of the Gulf19
One reference stands unique in that Bahá'u'lláh Himself calls it the Quṭb, or
"Pivot," around which "all the glad tidings of the past revolve."20 That is in a
passage from a sermon that was delivered by the Imam 'Ali21 called the
"Sermon of the Twin Gulfs," the "Khuṭbah" of "Ṭutunjiyyah."
The title Tutunjiyyih itself is a reference to the passage wherein the Imam
says: "I am the One that standeth upon the Two Tutunjs [Gulfs]." Es
expounded below, Siyyid Kazim explains that these two gulfs represent the
Gulf of Prophethood and the Gulf of Wilayat, or Imamate. This narration
was referred to by Henri Corbin in the following terms as the "prone sur ou
entre deux golfes":
"L'Imám veut dire qu'il est le Póle (qutb) qui domine les deux golfes
et détermine la courbe de leur cercle respectif. Il est celui par qui se
manifeste la Miséricorde et par qui se manifeste son antithèse. "C'est
en lui que se produit la différenciation des choses; c'est de lui que
16 Bahá'u'lláh, Íqán, 153

17 Qurřan 54:50
18 This is from the Bih.aar ul Anwaar [Oceans of Lights])
19 Khuṭbih-i-Tutunjiyyih or Khuṭbatu't-Ṭutunjiyyah ٗ‫ٗ خطج‬١‫غزٕج‬
20 This is in the 35th volume of the INBA series of Bahařuřllahřs Writings.It is available on the
internet here: Bahařuřllah refers to this Utterance of the KhT being the qutḅ around which all language of
prophecy revolves
21 ca.600-661. See IK Poonwala, ŘŘAli b. Abì Ṭálebř , in Encyclopaedia Iranica (E. Yarshater(ed),
London: Biblioteca Persica, 1:838-843)

procèdent l'origine de la béatitude et l'origine de la damnation; c'est

par lui que prend réalité la difference de l'une et de l'autre".22
"The Imám means to say that he is the Pole (qutb) who rules the two
gulfs and determines the curve of their respective circles. It is he
through whom Mercy is manifested, and through whom is
manifested its antithesis. "It is in him that is produced the
differentiation of things; from him it is that the originof beatitude and
the origin of damnation both proceed. It is through him that the
difference between them becomes real."
Additionally Bahařuřllah, in a Tablet starting with the words "the essence of

praise..."23 exalts the Sermon under our consideration as the "blessed
sermon of Ṭutunjiyyah" and refers to it as having shone forth from the
Ŗdayspring of absolute sanctity and guardianship". He says that it has not
been commented on in the wondrous Persian tongue and that the purpose of
the Imam 'Ali in this sermon has been the announcement of the Promise
"Anticipate ye the Advent of Him Who was the speaker with Moses on
Mount Sinai." Bahá'u'lláh then goes on to say that this promise is the Pivot
[qutb] around which all wisdom and utterance revolve.24
With this precise promise, Bahářuřlláh affirms, all the peoples have been
vouchsafed the glad tidings of the Manifestation of God. Bahá'u'lláh then
goes on to say that in this day the Speaker of the Mount is manifest and that
the Speaker gives call to this utterance "Verily I am God."25
The Sermon of the Twin Gulfs is important for Bahá'í studies on several
grounds. It shows how in the pre-Bábí/Bahá'í Era various hermeneutic
approaches were needed to overcome the various objections that were raised
to its high theophanic claims, and that these interpretative efforts have
continued to be needed. Also, as Bahářuřlláh asserts in the Tablet of Jawhar-
i-ḥamd ("The Essence of Praise") and the Epistle to the Son of the Wolf, the
Ṭutunjiyyah is a source text for the claims of Bahá'u'lláh to be the Speaker
on Sinai26.
The Commander of the Faithful (Imam Ali) - peace be upon him -

moreover, saith in the Khutbiy-i-Tutunjiyyih: "Anticipate ye the
22 Annuaire de la Section des Sciences Religieuses de l'École des Hautes Études, Paris, 1969-70,
p.239. Material in quotation marks is from Corbin's translation of Rashtí. Cf. Lawson, The Qur'an Commentary of
Sayyid Àlí Muhammad, the Bab, Part II, ch.3
23 Bahařuřllah, ŘLawḥ-i Jawhar-i Ḥamdř (Tablet of the Essence of Praise) in Majmuìh-'i Athar-i
Qalam-i A`la (ŘCollected Letters of Baha'u'llahř), (Tehran:Iran National Baha'i Archives (INBA), 35, 165).
Reprinted, H-Bahai: East Lansing, Mi., 1999. . Accessed 4th April 2007]. See Lambden, Sermon, op. cit., for
extended discussion of the Lawḥ-i Jawhar-i Ḥamd.
24 Cf. Stephen Lambden, ŘThe Sinaitic Mysteries: Notes on Moses/Sinai motifs in Babi and Bahaři
Scriptureř in Studies in Honor of the Late Hasan M. Balyuzi (ed. Moojan Momen, Los Angeles:Kalimat, 1988, 65-
183, Series:Studies in Babi and Bahaři History, 5)
25 Bahařuřllah, Jawhar-i Ḥamd, last two lines. Site accessed in INBA volume 35
26
See Bahařuřllah, Tablets revealed, 107 (Ishráqát), 36(Táraẓát), 50,52 (Ṭajalliyát)

Revelation of Him Who conversed with Moses from the Burning

Bush on Sinai. Husayn, the son of Ali -- peace be upon him --
likewise saith: "Will there be vouchsafed unto anyone besides Thee a
Revelation which hath not been vouchsafed unto Thyself -- A
Revelation Whose Revealer will be He Who revealed Thee. Blind be
the eye that seeth Thee not!"
Similar sayings from the Imams -- the blessings of God be upon

them -- have been recorded and are widely known, and are embodied
in books worthy of credence.27 Blessed is he that perceiveth, and
speaketh the pure truth. Well is it with him who, aided by the living
waters of the utterance of Him Who is the Desire of all men, hath
purified himself from idle fancies and vain imaginings, and torn
away, in the name of the All-Possessing, the Most High, the veils of
doubt, and renounced the world and all that is therein, and directed
himself towards the Most Great Prison. "28
Siyyid Kazim and the four approaches of the divines before and during
the time of the Babi/Bahá'í Revelations
Siyyid Kazim Rashti showed great respect for this Sermon and wrote a very
large commentary on it, which is one of his longest works29. He says that the
Tutunjiyyih is the pre-eminent instance of the Wisdom that "Not everything
that a man knoweth can be disclosed nor can everything that he can disclose
be regarded as timely, nor can every timely utterance be considered as suited
to the capacity of those who hear it."30 He divides the ulama into four
different groups in relation to this sermon and, interestingly, this subdivision
was germane to all religious classes in the fervour of millennial
expectation.31
 The first group rejects the likes of these traditions and has
dropped them from the viewpoint of credibility, saying that these
traditions are based on a single line of narration (akhbaar aḥaad)
and thus cannot be the basis of law or action. These traditions,
they say, all are in the book of Bursi and since the latter was
charged with extreme views in his day this should militate against
their acceptance. Another reason they would be unacceptable in
that they attempt to elevate the contingent above the level of
contingency. They appear also to assert divine Lordship of a
created being necessitating also that the Godhead devolves divine
27
Here we have perhaps Bahářuřlláhřs most explicit assertion of the reliability of Bursiřs compilation.
28
Bahá'u'lláh, Epistle to the Son of the Wolf (Wilmette:Bahaři Publishing Trust, 1988, 42)
29
Rashti, Sayyid Kazim , Sharh khutbat al-tatanjiya, (Tabriz:n.p., Lithograph, 1270 [1853-4]).
30
Bahařuřllah cites this tradition in his ŘTafsir-i-Surah-i-Va'sh-Shamsř (Commentary on the Surah of
the Sun) in Gleanings from the Writings of Bahařuřllah (Shoghi Effendi trans. Wilmette:Bahaři Publishing Trust,
1983, LXXXIX, 176).
31
Rashti, ibid. p.2

powers to the created being all of which would contravene the

Qur'ánic text which says: "is there any Creator other than God?
Show me then what they have created. He is the One Who has
created you Who will put you to death and will resurrect you.
Does He have any partners?"32
 The second position that Siyyid Kazim in his celebrated Sharh

mentions existed with regard to the hermeneutics of this Sermon.
This position suggested one should remain non-judgmental about
it on the grounds that these types of utterance exist but that
human minds cannot comprehend them.
 The third position in regard to these sermons is the position held

by the monists and the admirers of Ibn Arabi in Shiřih Islam such
as Mullá Muhsin Fayd. Fayd-e-Kashani says: ŖWhen the
effulgences of the Essence of God (dhat) overpower any one such
that person's entity, actions, attributes are all obliterated in the
rays of oneness with the Divine Essence in this state he will see
himself one with all Essences. In this state the light of the
distinguishing mind becomes subsumed under the Light of Pre-
existent Essence and all contingence is lifted upŗ. Then Fayd-e-
Kashani says: ŖThis explains the utterance of 'Ali in the Sermon
of the Ṭutunjiyyah: ŘI am the First Adam and the First Noahř.ŗ
 The fourth group -- and Siyyid Kazim Rashti considers himself

of this group -- are those who accept this essential belief: namely
they recognise the one being as having many "stations" and these
"stations" are the "treasuries" of that entity's existence. ŖGod
says: "There is nothing of which We do not have that thing's
treasuries [khazaa'in]."33 "Our First is Muhammad, Our Last is
Muhammad, our all is Muhammad." Siyyid Kazim states that his
hermeneutic principle is the verse of the Qur'án: "Creation has
many modes [atwár] of existence."34 These include a mode of
brevity and expansion; a mode of simplicity and the mode of
complexity; and modes of imagination and abstraction. As to the
first group, i.e. those who attributed the sermon to the heresy of
extremism, Siyyid Kazim says their views are hasty and
erroneous inasmuch as there are many similar utterances that are
universally accepted by the Shiřites. Examples are the prayer of
the month of Rajab included in all Shiřite anthologies; acceptance
of the innumerable references to the Imams as "Hand of God, the
Eye of God, Whose utterances are of God"; and the traditions of
32
Qur'an 35:3
33
Qurřan15:21
34
Idem 71:14.

the two Jabirs35. The same argument applies to the second group
who are hesitating in regard to their acceptance. As to the
monistic Sufistic explanations, here too Siyyid Kazim and indeed
before him Shaykh Ahmad dispute pantheistic conclusions
because rationally their arguments would entail alteration and
transformation in the essence or Dhat of God and this position is
untenable.
The Báb quoted the famous verse of the Ṭutunjiyyah regarding the
anticipation of the Speaker of Sinai in his Seven Proofs36
In the writings of Mirza Abu'l-Fadl the Sermon of the two Gulfs is referred
to frequently but this matter has not been discussed previously. Thus in his
Fara'id37 he writes that the sanctified reality of Most Great Spirit is single
and one and it does not ontologically become plural or multiple because the
"Mirrors" are multiple nor should it epistemologically be allowed to become
so.
An overview of the Sermon of the Gulf
In this Khuṭbah, the Imam asserts belief in the divine unity and that there is
no deity but the One God and the Prophethood of Muhammad, but adds the
necessity of loyalty to the Imamate as the repository of salvation. In this
context, the Imam 'Ali makes a series of statements all commencing with the
pronoun "I": "I am the First. I am the Last. I was with Noah. I am the
Builder. I am the destroyer. I am that Agent whereby Jesus spoke in His
Cradle. I am the Word through Which all things were consummated."
Bahá'u'lláh has explained that these utterances refer to the World of
Command or Revelation ('Aalam-i Amr).38 In one of his tablets, Bahá'u'lláh
says that the utterances of the Sermon were taught to Imam 'Ali by the
Messenger of God (Muhammad) [tilka kalimatun àllamahu Rasul'ullah], so
that although Ali utters these statements in fact it is the Prophet who utters
them39.
In this tablet, Bahařuřllah says:
ŖVerily My Name ŘAli gave you the glad tidings and announced to
you the Advent of this Day: He said, and His Word is the Truth:
Anticipate ye the Advent of the Speaker of Sinai. I swear by God:
35
Jabir ibn Yazíd al-Juřfì, and Jabir al-Ansari. On the former, a well known Shi'ite historian, see
http://www.al-shia.com/html/eng/books/history/origins-development-shia-islam/29.htm .On the second Jabir see
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jabir_ibn_Abd-Allah
36
Sayid Ali Muhumad-i-Shirazi, Dalařil Sabih, n.d.n.p. , XI:13, on-line at http://www.h-
net.msu.edu/~bahai/areprint/bab/A-F/dalail/sabih046.jpg LINEs 9-12]
37
Gulpaygani, Muhammad, ŖMirza Abuřl-Fadařil Ŗ. Kitab al-Farařid (Cairo: n.p., 1315 [1897-8],308)
38
Cf. Baha'u'llah: The Kitab-i-Iqan, p. 153; letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to an individual
believer, February 28, 1938 cited in Lights of Guidance, p. 270
39
Bahařuřllah, Athar-i Qalam-i Á'lá (Traces of the Supreme Pen), (Bombay, 1314 [1896]),p.32

This is He. And this Announcement was taught to ŘAli by the

Messenger of God.ŗ40
The key verse of prophecy that the Manifestation to be anticipated is the

Speaker on Sinai, is understood from the Bahářì writings to be a clear
reference to the Faith of Bahá'u'lláh as at once the "essence, the promise, the
unifier, and the reconciler"41 of all previous revelations, inasmuch as all the
previous Faiths are understood to have spoken of the coming of the "Lord of
the Vineyard"42, the meeting with God, and the like. In unnumbered
passages Bahářuřlláh claimed his utterance to be the ŖVoice of Divinity, the
Call of God Himselfŗ43and his era the "Day that hath seen the coming of the
Best-beloved Him Who through all eternity hath been acclaimed the Desire
of the World."44
40
Ibid. on-line at http://reference.bahai.org/fa/t/b/Q2/q2-37.html#pg32
41
Shoghi Effendi, Promised Day, 112.
42
See Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By (Wilmette:Bahaři Publishing Trust, 1974,194).
43
Bahá'u'lláh, Íqán,180-181.
44
Bahářuřlláh, cited in Shoghi Effendi, ŘDispensation of Bahařuřllahř in The World Order of
Bahá'u'lláh (Wilmette:Bahaři Publishing Trust, 1974,106). See for an extended treatment of this theme Khazeh
Fananapazir, ŘThe Day of God (Yawmuřllah) and the Days of God (Ayyamuřllah)ř in Scripture and Revelation
(Moojan Momen (ed.), Oxford:George Ronald, 1997, 217-238.

Bursi‟s Three Theophanic “Sermons”: A Translation
Translation of the Sermon of the Gulf45
The sermon (Khuṭbah) [delivered by Imam 'Ali] which is designated That of

the Gulf (al-Ṭutunjiyyah) has an exterior level (zahir) which is elegant
(aniq) and an interior level (batin) which is deep ('amiq). Let him who reads
it beware lest he think ill of it for therein something of the sanctity of the
Creator (tanzih al-Khaliq) is reflected which no one of the creatures can
bear. The Commander of the Faithful [Imam 'Ali] delivered it between
Kufah and Medina. He said:
Praise be to God Who hath rent asunder the firmaments46 (al-ajwaa) and
opened the atmosphere (al-hawa) and suspended the vast expanses of the
universe47 and caused the Splendour (diyaa) to shine, and quickened the
dead and caused the living to die. I give Him praise such praise as shone and
became uplifted, a praise that was radiant and effulgently luminous, a praise
that ascendeth to heaven in its sending there and which goeth to the high
sphere (jaww) unto its equinoctial summit (i'tidaaluhu). He created the
heavens without pillars (bila da'aaim) and set them upright without
supports48. He then adorned the heavens with light-giving planets and
caused to be imprisoned in the spheres many a dark cloud. He created the
oceans and the mountains upon the collision of concomitant ever-flowing
currents: He opened their gates and their mighty waves were huge! I give
praise unto Him and to Him all praise is due. I testify that there is no God
but Him and I bear witness that Muhammad is His servant and His
Messenger and that God chose him from the Supreme Company and sent
Him unto the Arab peoples and He was appointed - He that was truly guided
Himself - to guide others - He was indeed Talismanic and of the essence
(hulaahilan Telasmiyyan). Muhammad raised up the evidences and sealed
the Messages and Moslems obtained sight from Him. God manifested His
Religion through Him, may the salutation of God be upon Him and His Pure
Family.
People! turn ye repentantly unto My faction (shi'ah) and adhere to a pledge

of fealty to Me. Remain steadfast and persevering in the Faith with the best
certainty. Adhere steadfastly to the Successor of your Prophet in Whom
resides your salvation and in Whose love on the Day of Resurrection is your
safe haven! In Me resides the Hope and I am the One to be hoped for. I am
the One that standeth upon the Two Gulfs! (tutunj) I am the One that looketh
45
Translation of the Sermon of the Gulf (Al-Khutbah al-Ṭutunjiyyah) of Imam 'Ali as printed in Hafiz
Rajab al-Bursi's Mashariq Anwar al-Yaqín fi Asrár Amir Mu'minín (Beirut: Dar al-Andalus 1978,160-170). See
also Rajab ibn Muhammad Bursi, Les orients des lumières (traduit de l'arabe par Henry Corbin, édition établie et
introduite par Pierre Lory, Lagrasse:Verdier, 1996).
46
Qurřan 21:30
47
Idem 69:12
48
Idem 13:2, 31:10

unto the Twin Rising-Places [or "Orients"]49 and the Twin Setting Places [or
"Occidents"]50. I truly did see with My own eyes [the Bounty of] God and
the Paradise! And this was as the seventh Heaven was moving in its orbit
and there in the great surging seas were the stars and their own orbits. I saw
also the earth rolled up as a short garment would be rolled up and it was
within a shell on the right sided Gulf which faces the East and the Twin
Gulfs.
Further out there are the Twin Bays (khalij) of water as if they are to the left
of the Twin Gulfs and I saw that the Circle that embraces these and the
Paradise and all that there is therein were naught but a ring on the finger of
Thy Lord. And in truth I saw the Sun when it was setting and it was like
unto a bird that seeketh its nest. And if it were not for the friction of the
head of Paradise and the mixing up of the Twin Gulfs and the Music of the
spheres all that are in heavens and the earth would hear the ebullition of heat
caused by the Sun's descent into the Black water - and that is the Warm
Fountain51. I know of the wonders of God's Work what no one knows but
God and I know what has been and what will be and what has been in the
First Sprinkling with those who preceded the First Adam52. All was
disclosed (kushifa) for Me53and I knew and all was taught Me and I have
learnt.
So hearken and do not raise a clamour. Were it not for My fear that you
might say: ŖAli has become possessed or apostatised from His Faithŗ I shall
disclose unto you what and whereat they are and what you shall encounter
on the day of Resurrection. All that knowledge was entrusted unto Me and
thus I knew and the knowledge of all this was hidden from all the Prophets
except the Lord of this Dispensation (Shari'ah)54 of yours (Peace be upon
Him and His Family). He taught Me His knowledge and I taught Him My
knowledge.
Verily We are the Warners from immemorial times and We shall be unto
everlasting Warners from God55. Through Us will perish He that is going to
perish and by Us have obtained salvation all that have obtained salvation
and you shall not encompass that ability that is Ours. By the righteousness
of Him Whose power causeth the seed to germinate56 and Who breatheth the
spirit of life into all things, by Him Who alone hath power and grandeur! To
Me have the winds and the air and the birds of air been conquered; the
world and all that is therein was presented to me but I turned away from it. I
49
Idem 55:17
50
Qurřan 18:107, 23:11
51
Idem 18:86[84]
52
Idem 7:172
53 There is a variant reading in the Sayyid Kazim version, "All was rendered possible (kuyyifa) for
Me."
54
Muhummad.
55
Qurřan 53:56.
56
Idem 6:95.

turned upside down the world and it was tilted away from Me. How can
subsequent events overcome Me?
I know all that is above the supreme Paradise and that which is below the
seventh Ocean, that which is in the highest heavens and that which is
between them and that which is below them. All this knowledge is derived
from an all-embracing knowledge and not from chronicled knowledge. I
swear by the Lord of the Great throne! If I wished I could inform you of
your forefathers and all your predecessors as to where they were, and from
whom they were and where they are now and how they came to be where
they are! How many of you are eating the property of his brother and is
drinking of the fountainhead of his father and yet he longeth for him and
wishes that they were with him!
O would that you knew! O would that ye knew! When that which is hidden
be manifest and that which is in the breasts were attained and conscience
were to disclose its hidden things, I swear by God you will have returned to
clay, and you will have had your "returns," and how many signs there are
between these "returns" how many those that have died or that have been
slain. (I know those that are in the craw of birds and those that are in the
belly of beasts and all mankind are between those that have already gone
and those that are being urged on). And if it were to be revealed to you all
that is with Me from time immemorial unto the end that has no end you
shall truly see many and wondrous events, many strange handiworks and all
that I comprehend.
I am the Master (sahib) of the First Creation before the First Noah, and if
you were to know what was between Adam and Noah of wondrous events
that I wrought and of nations that I caused to perish. And the true Word of
Thy Lord was fulfilled in them and evil is that which they worked" I am the
Master of the First Flood!57 I am the Master of the Second Flood!58 I am the
Master of the Deluge of Iram!59 I am the Master of the Secret Mysteries! I
am the Lord of 'Ad and its gardens!60 I am the Lord of Thamud and its
wondrous signs! I am the One that destroyed it, I am the One that caused the
Earthquakes! I am the One that caused their Return and their Perdition! I am
the Builder of those civilisations and their Destroyer! I cause their Expiry
and I cause them to be quickened! I am the First and the Last! I am the
External and Manifest61 and I am the Internal and Hidden! I am with the
Cycle (kawr) before the Cycle began! I am the Companion of the
Dispensation (dawr) before the Dispensation started! I was with the Pen
before the Pen and I am with the Tablet prior to the Tablet being revealed! I
am the Lord of the First Pre-existence! I am the Lord of Jabulqa and of
Jabulsa! I am the Master of Highest Stage (rafraf) and of Bahram! I am the
57
Qurřan 7:133
58
Idem 29:14
59
Idem 34:16
60
Idem 44:25
61
Idem 57:3

One Who organised existence when there was no heaven as you have them
now nor earth as you know it now!
The Son of Suwairama said: "Are you, are you indeed that One?!" 'Ali
replied: "I am, I am that One! There is no other God But God Who is My
Lord and the Lord of all created things. Unto Him belongs the Creation and
the World of Revelation (amr). He it is Who has ordained all matters in His
Wisdom and heavens and earth are upraised in His Power. Methinks the
weak ones amongst you are saying; "Is this not the son of Abu-Talib Whom
the forces of Syria had overshadowed yesterday and He would not go out to
fight them and sent them Muhammad and Ibrahim?" But truly and assuredly
I shall fight Syria many times and I shall slay them many times. I shall fight
their armies at Siffin and I shall bring a new life unto the believer until that
thirst for justice in my chest be allayed. I shall fight for 'Ammar Yassir and
for Uways of Qaran many times. Let none say when? How? and in what
manner? and with whose assistance? How shall it be when you shall see the
Master of Syria saweth men with saws and cutteth them with trowels? But I
shall make him taste a painful retribution.
But rejoice now for the cause of all creation reverts unto Me on the morrow.
Let not this claim appear extravagant inasmuch as We have been vouchsafed
the knowledge of all fates and of all tribulations. and the knowledge of
interpretation and of the Revelation and the decisive Discourse (Faslu'l-
Khitab) and knowledge of all future calamities and catastrophes. There is
nothing whose knowledge escapes Us. This is truth and I shall see this One
[pointing to Husayn, Peace be upon Him] when His Light shall flow forth of
His eyes and I shall be present with Him a lengthy time that shall witness
earthquakes and eclipses. They that are believers will revolt in His company
from every corner. I swear by God! If I wished I would tell you of their
names every one of them and their descent from both parents, until the Day
of whose time is promised.
Then 'Ali said: "O Jabir! You are with the Truth now and you shall be with
the True One hereafter and in that true Cause you shall die. O Jabir! When
the Bell shall cry loud, when the stupor of the Nightmare shall enshroud
men, when the Cow shall speak, on that day there shall happen wondrous,
exceedingly wondrous Events, when the Fire shall be ignited in My sight,
when the Banner of the House of 'Uthman shall appear in the Black Valley,
when Basra shall be thrown into confusion and they shall seek to conquer
each other and each party shall seek the other, when the armies of Khurasan
shall begin to move, and when Shu'ayb the son of Salih of Tamim shall be
followed in Taliqan, and Sa'id of Shusha shall be obeyed in Khuzistan, and
the banner shall be raised up by the Amalekites of the Kurds, and the Arabs
shall seek victory over Armenia and the Slavs, and Heraclitus shall submit
to the patriarchs of Sinan in Constantinople, anticipate ye then the

Revelation of the Speaker of Mount Sinai62. This will appear with manifest
signs visible unto all, clearly perspicuous to them.
O but how many a wondrous sign I seek not to mention and how many
indications I have left undivulged! for I cannot find one who can bear them.
I am the One Who ordered Satan to bow down Adam!63 I am the One Who
raised Idris64 to a high station. I am the Agent whereby Jesus was enabled to
speak in His cradle while yet a Babe! I am the One who flattens the valleys
and Who sets the Earth to order and I am the One Who has divided it into
five parts, namely, land, sea, mountains, built, and unbuilt. I am the One
Who separated the Red Sea from Tarjim, and separated Aqim from Him. I
separated all from all! I am Tirathia, Janbutha, Barhilion, Aliuthoutha65. I
bring out of the Ocean that which is stored in it that it shall be cleared away
by the horses and men. take from it what you desire and leave what you
wish to leave.
He then gave 'Ammar-ibn-Yassir 12000 men who loved God and His
Apostle and each had 12000 battalions of angels to support them saying:
Rejoice for you are the best of brethren to each other for after this there shall
be a star (tarfatan) through which ye shall know some of the expounded
matter. The Mysteries of Evidence shall become clear to you when Bahram
and Keyvan (stars) shall rise together and become conjoined with exactness.
When shakings and earthquakes shall succeed each other swiftly and
banners shall be lifted up from the shores of Oxus to the Desert of Babylon
know ye then that I am the One Who causeth the winds the blow, I am the
One Who lifts your oppressions!
I am the Master of the Mount Sinai! I am that Manifest Light! I am that

Perspicuous and dazzling Evidence (that light of which an infinitesimal part
was disclosed unto Moses) and all that was vouchsafed unto Me by God the
Lord Of Glory.
I am the Master of the Gardens of eternal delight! I am the One that causeth
the Rivers to flow from the Water that emanates from the divine current, and
other Rivers which are of milk, and Rivers of pure Honey, and Rivers that
flow with wine, a delight unto those who partake. I am the One that hath
overshadowed hell when it was made to blaze and have overlooked its
several compartments: firstly the Hell of Sa'ir when it blazeth forth then the
Hell of Saqar and its fire and lastly the nethermost Hell which has been
preserved for the transgressor all of these have been preserved in the Valley
of Desolation. Again I swear by the Lord Who bringeth Dawn, He Who is
the Lord of all creation! Within it is kept eternally both Jibt and Taghut and
62
Note this key utterance: "...anticipate ye then the Revelation of the Speaker of Mount Sinai." This
indicates a future revelation or theophany which Bahařuřllah repeatedly identified as manifesting in himself. See
fn.24
63
Or, "I was present when Satan was ordered to bow down to Adam."
64
See Bahařuřllah, Tablets revealed, 148 (Lawh-i-Hikmat)
65
This sounds very close to Alitheia, "Truth," in Greek. Other terms seem also to be Greek sounding.

their servants and whomsoever disbelieveth in the Lord of this world and
the Kingdom on high.
I am the Maker and Sustainer (sani') of all the Regions of this world by the
Command of the One Who is the All-Knowing the All-Wise. I am the Word
through Which all things are consummated and through which the Universes
are brought into being. I am the One Who has made the regions of the earth
to be four and the islands to be seven: the Region of the South to be the
Depository of all Bounty, the Region of the North to be Powers and
Sovereignty, the Region of Sheba to be the Seat of earthquakes, and the
Desert Region to be the Seat of many a catastrophe. So Woe unto the cities
from those transgressors who will come to destroy and pervert justice. Woe
shall be when calamities come to transpire from that Government of
eunuchs, imbeciles, and effeminate rulers. On that Day all Regions will
bring forth false claimants claiming falsehoods. Oh! On that Day expect
eagerly your Supreme salvation and you shall see men accepting it by
troops66. On that Day God will make of the gravel of Najaf treasures of gold
and all of that will be sprinkled where the believer shall step his foot on it
and with that same dust of gold the unbeliever and the hypocrite shall be
exchanged and bartered. Then shall the value of red ruby be as nothing and
similarly other jewels and pearls. This shall be a most evident sign and when
it shall transpire the Light of God shall shine and His Glory (satř bahařihi)
shall be effulgent and all that you wish for shall be made manifest and all
that is your highest desire shall become apparent.
O You who in your desires resemble cattle and the beasts of the field! How
shall it be with you when the banners of the sons of Kenan shall come upon
you and also that of 'Uthman the son of 'Anbatha in the battle fields of
Syria? Know truly that shall never be discerned by one related to Umayya or
to 'Ady."
Then He wept loudly (the salutations of God be upon Him!) and later
exclaimed; "O alas for the nations! Soon shall some hypocrites say that 'Ali
claimed Lordship (rububiyyat) for Himself but you should bear witness
thus: "'Ali truly is a created Being, a Servant, nourished of divine sustenance
and he that denies this let him be accursed of God."
Imam Àli then descended and said; "I take refuge unto him Who hath the
Kingdoms of earth and Heaven! I seek succour from Him Who possesses all
Power and Grandeur, all Sovereignty and Authority from all that I fear and
pray to avoid!" O people! None shall utter these words but when tribulations
and calamities befall him the same will God dissipate through this prayer."
Jabir said: "Only those Words?" and the Imam 'Ali added thereunto another
thirteen words67 and left.
66
Qurřan 110.
67
Probably a reference to the Fourteen Pure Ones, Fatimih, Muhummad and the Twelve Imams.

Translation of the “Sermon of Iftikhár”68
The Imám 'Alí said:
I am the brother of the Messenger of God and the Heir to His knowledge,
the treasury of His wisdom, and the Companion of His secret. There is not a
letter revealed by God in any of His Books whose intention does not point
towards me. He hath vouchsafed unto me the knowledge of what was from
eternity and what will happen unto the Day of Resurrection. To me hath
been vouchsafed the knowledge of past and future generations and their
genealogies. And to Me hath been given a thousand keys to a thousand
doors. The knowledge of the destinies of all things hath been granted unto
me. All these Gifts shall continue to flow through my Appointed Successors
(wasi's) as long as day is followed by night and night followed by day and
until all things return to God. For verily, He is the True Inheritor of all
things.
Unto me, too, hath been vouchsafed the Path, the Balance, the Banner, and
the Kawthar. I am the one who shall face the children of Adam on the Day
of Judgement and shall bring them to account and shall direct them to their
habitations. And verily, I am the punishment of fire meted unto the damned.
These are the bounties of God unto me. And should anyone deny that I shall
return after the Return69, or deny that I shall come back after the Raj'at70, or
should anyone reject the truth that I shall appear again, even as I have done
from the beginning that hath no beginning or even unto the end that hath no
end, he, verily, hath denied the truth of all of Us. And verily I say unto you,
he who denies any one of Us, hath denied God. I am the one who hath
summoned you; I am the companion of your prayers and invocations. I am
the Lord of retribution, and I am the Master of the signs and the Lord of the
wondrous symbols of guidance. I am cognisant of the mysteries of creation;
I am the One who brought the iron unto Men71. I am forever new and
forever pre-existent, the One who brought the Angels from out of their
habitations, the One who pledged an everlasting covenant with your spirits
on the dawn of creation and Who, on that day, asked, through the will of
God, the Self-subsisting, these words: "Am I not your Lord?" I am the Word
of God [Kalimat'u'lláh] which hath been uttered in the world of creation, the
Object of the covenant that hath been promised in the prayers and
salutations which lie in the reality of all created things. I am the name that
hath been invoked by orphans and by widows, the door to the city of
knowledge and the refuge of patience and forbearance. I am the upraised
flag of God, the companion of the banner of divine praise, the Lord of
infinite bounty and of infinite grace. But should I tell you all that I am, you
68
Original text in Bursi Masháriq,164-166 The author is grateful to Mehdi Wolf for his contribution to
the footnotes of this and the following translation.
69
This is a reference to the name 'Alí-Muhammad (i.e. the name of the Báb
70
This is a reference to Husayn-'Alí, the name of Bahá'u'lláh, particularly as Raj'at refers to the Return
of Husayn. See Bahařuřllah, Suriy-i-Mulúk (Surih of the Kings), Summons, 204-207)
71
Súrah of Iron in the Holy Qur'án.

would doubtless disbelieve Me. For I am also the slayer of oppressors, the
treasury of divine favours in this world and of the next. I am the master of
the believers, the guide of those who seek the way. The truth is Mine and
certitude is at My side. Leadership is Mine and the righteous shall follow
Me. I am the first to acknowledge faith, the Cord of God that shall not be
broken, the One who will raise the world to justice even as it hath been
brought low by oppression. I am the companion of Gabriel and the
archangel Michael is beside Me. I am the tree of guidance, and the essence
of righteousness. I shall gather together the world of creation through the
Word of God that gathers together all things. I give life unto humanity and I
am the treasury of all divine commands. To Me hath been given the
Luminous Pen and the Crimson Camel72.
I am the gate-keeper of certitude, the Commander of the Faithful, the friend

of Khidir. I am the One who shall conquer Syria and destroy the arrogant. I
have existed throughout the past, and, verily, I have never uttered a
falsehood. Through a word from Me, truth hath been separated from error,
for I speak through divine inspiration and know of the stars and
constellations. God hath commanded me to ordain their orbit and
vouchsafed unto me their knowledge. With Me are the saffron and crimson
coloured flags and I shall remain concealed until the time shall come for My
manifestation in a great Cause. Then, shall I grant and withhold as I wish.
None can describe Me except Myself, for I shall protect the faith of my
Lord. I am the One Whom my Cousin chose, Who was present when His
sacred remains were shrouded. I am the Guardian appointed by God, the
Most Merciful God, the companion of Khidr73 and Aaron, and the friend of
Moses and Joshua, the son of Nun. I am the Lord of Paradise, He Who hath
caused the rain to fall and the earth to quake and the sun and moon to be
eclipsed. I am the Object of the creation of multitudes and it is I who shall
slay those who do not believe.
Verily, I am the leader of the righteous, the Sacred Fane frequented by all,
the upraised firmament, the fathomless ocean. I am the Holy of Holies, the
pillar that supports humanity. I am the Possessor of the Greatest Cause. Is
there anyone who can speak beside Me? I am fire itself. At a single Word of
God, at one utterance of the Prophet, I would put within you My sword's
length and send you hurrying unto your next abode. I am the meaning of
Ramadán and the night of Qadr74 mentioned in the Mother Book. My
utterance is decisive, for I am the Súrah of Praise75. I am the purpose of
prayer itself, whether at home or when travelling. I am the purpose of
72
Oblique reference to the Thamud, their Prophet Salíh and the She-Camel so often referred to in the
Holy Qur'án (See e.g. 11:61-65).
73
In Islamic tradition, Khadír was a servant of God who had been taught special knowledge and was
sent to be a companion and teacher to Moses (see Qur'án 18:65-82). Khadír may not be a reference to a person,
but, rather, to the inspirational Source. In this sermon, the Imám 'Alí is, in a sense, the Muse to all those inspired
before, similar to Gabriel in the Qur'án 2:97.
74
See Qur'án 97:1-3.
75
The first Súrah in the Holy Qur'án and said to be endowed with amazing powers.

fasting, and the sacred anniversaries in the months of the year. I am the Lord
of Resurrection and Judgement, the One who can remove the yoke that lies
heavy on the people of Muhammad. I am the Gate through which all shall
pass who worship God; I am His worshipper, and one created by Him. I am
both the witness and the One witnessed to, the possessor of the green
canopy, He Whose name is mentioned in the heavens and the earth, Who is
the travelling companion of the Messenger of God throughout the heavens,
for with Me is the Book and the sacred Arc. I am the One who befriended
Seth, the son of Adam76], the companion of Moses and Irám, and all
metaphors and analogies pertain unto Me. Who indeed is there to compare
with Me? For I am the heaven-sent rain that causeth each blade of green to
grow, the Lord of this nether realm Who brings forth the rains when all have
lost their hope in its downpour. I am He Who summoneth the mighty
lightning and causeth the ocean to rise and swell, the One who speaketh to
the sun and causeth the stunning trumpet to blast forth. I am the refuge of all
that have obeyed God, and verily, God is my Lord and there is no other God
but He. For falsehood offers illusions, but truth giveth thee everlasting
sovereignty.
I shall soon depart from amongst you, but be watchful and aware; be on
your guard against the tests and tribulations caused by the 'Ummayyds and
their worldly powers. And after they shall pass away, the kingdom will
revert to the 'Abbasids77 who will bring both sorrow and happiness to
mankind. And they shall build a city called Baghdád, which shall be
between the Tigris and the Euphrates. Woe betide men in those latter days,
for amongst them will rise the oppressors among My people, who shall
build palaces for themselves and courts and tabernacles. For they shall seek
supremacy through intrigue and impiety. Two score and two kings shall rule
among the children of the 'Abbasids, after whose reign shall come to pass
the Most Great Tribulation on the surface of the earth. Then shall the True
Qá'im rise up once more. Then shall I show My Face amongst men, and it
shall be as luminous as the face of the moon amid the other stars. But note
well the ten signs associated with my coming. The first sign shall be the
inversion of banners on the highways of Kúfa78; the second, the abeyance of
true worship and the prescribed prayers; the third, the end of true
pilgrimage. The fourth sign shall be an eclipse in the lands of Khorasán 79,
the gathering of constellations and the appearance of comets in the sky.
76
Seth is named in Genesis as the son of Adam, and he lived for 912 years. (See Gen. 4:25-5:8.) Here,
however, the reference is to the notion that Companion (Sahib), in a sense, means that the Eternal "I" was with
Seth (in Arabic, Shayth, the son of Adam). In Luke, Seth is an ancestor to Christ.
77
The family of Abbas, the uncle of Muhammad.
78
A city near the Euphrates River, 177km south of Baghdád. Formerly a Mesopotamian city, Kúfa was
re-founded by the Arabs in 638, and was the capital of the Islamic Empire during the caliphate of the Imám 'Alí.
For a time, it also served as the centre for the 'Abbasid caliphate. This and the following references are to
catastrophes and spiritual reverses in the fortunes of truth.
79
A mountainous and arid province in northeastern Irán. The territory served as the capital of the
eastern provinces of Islám during the time of the early 'Abbasid Caliphs. Khorásan was first invaded by the Oghuz
Turks in 1153 and again in 1157. The Mongols devastated the region between 1220 and 1222. Timur invaded in
1383.

There shall be chaos and confusion, massacre, pillage and robbery in the
world. Many other signs shall there be too, surpassing all these signs, among
which is the sign of wonderment. But when all these signs have passed
away, then, verily, shall the Qá'im Himself arise in truth.
O people, sanctify the Lord your God from all similitudes, for every
reference to Him fails, and whosoever tries to limit the Creator by
description or comparison hath verily disbelieved in His Book, which is the
Book of God's Own Utterance.
Then He80 said: How great the blessedness of those who love Me and who
sacrifice their life in My path and who get exiled because of Me! They truly
are the repositories of God's knowledge, nor shall they be put to fear on the
Day of the Great Terror.
I am the Light of God, Who can never be extinguished; I am the Mystery of

God that can not be concealed.
80
The Imám 'Alí.

Translation of Sermon of Ma'rifat bin-Nurániyyat81
This is that which Salmán82 and 'Abú Dharr83 related of the utterances of the
Commander of the Faithful, 'Alí - Peace be upon Him!'Alí said:
He whose acceptance of my guardianship is based on external reality more

than internal truth, he is that one "whose balances will be light"84 Those
whose scale will be light, their souls will be in perdition85 O Salmán! The
faith of no believer will attain perfection unless and until he recognizeth Me
with luminousness. If he attaineth unto this, then he hath truly attained faith;
he is the one whose heart is tested with true faith, whose breast is dilated in
true Islám and whose faith is based on discernment. He who is convicted of
shortcoming in this cognition - he will be a doubter, immersed in disbelief.
O Salmán! and O Jandáb!86 In truth, recognition of Me in luminousness is

the recognition of God (Ma`rifat Alláh ) and Recognition and knowledge of
God is indeed knowledge of Me; this is what is meant by sincere devotion.87
Mankind was not ordered by God to seek naught except to attain unto this
unity (tawhid). They were commanded to worship but One God.88 And they
have been commanded no more than this: "To worship God, offering Him
sincere devotion, being true (in faith), to establish regular prayer; and to
practice regular charity; and that is the Religion Right and Straight."89
"Worshipping God" is belief in Divine Unity. "Sincere devotion" and "being

true in Faith" (haneef) is confession of the Prophethood of the Prophet.
"Establishing Prayer" is my Guardianship and Friendship (waláyat or
wiláyat) He who pledges fealty and friendship unto Me hath truly
established the obligatory prayer. Yet, this matter is hard, exceedingly hard!
"Regular charity" in the above verse is confession to the Imámate. All this is
the true religion.90
81 Bursi, Mashariq, pp. 160-162

َ‫ُ اٌغال‬ٙ١ٍ‫ُ ػ‬ٍٙ‫ٗ روش جًّ ِٓ فعبئ‬١‫ف‬ٚ ‫خ‬١ٔ‫سا‬ٌٕٛ‫ُ ثب‬ٙ١ٍ‫اد هللا ػ‬ٍٛ‫ُ ص‬ٙ‫ ِؼشفز‬ٟ‫ف‬
This hadith is also quited in full in the Bihar al-Anwar (op. Cit.), vol 26
82
Salmán-i-Farsí (Salmán the Persian), known as Salmán the Good, one of the faithful Companions of
the Prophet . Baháù`lláh mentions him briefly in the Kitáb-i-Íqán, p. 65. The Báb, in the Bayán-i-Farsí (Wahíd 5,
Báb 11), notes that he was one of only three souls (the other two were Àbú Dharr and Miqdád) who remained
truly faithful to the Covenant of Islám.
83
Jundub ìbn Junadah, known as Abú Dharr Al-Ghifarí, was a shepherd of the Ghafarí tribe which
lived in the Waddan valley, near Mecca. He was known for his courage, his calmness and his far sightedness and
also for the repugnance he felt against the idols which his people worshipped. Hearing of the new Prophet, he
journeyed to Mecca and was taught the new Faith by Àlí and attained the presence of Muhammad.According to
tradition, the Prophet had said, "The earth does not carry nor the heavens cover a man more true and faithful than
Àbú Dharr.". Baháù`lláh, Epistle,19 calls him "a prince of the nations
84
Qur`án 7:9
85
Idem 23:103 and 101:8
86
Abú Dharr.
87
Or "pure religion" (ad-Dín al-Khális). See Qur`án 7:29, 39:2, 3, 40:
88
Qurřan 9:31 and 98:5
89
Idem 98:5
90
Arabic: za_likad dinul qay yimu. See Qur`án 30:30

The Holy Qur'án hath testified that true Faith is recognition of divine unity
and confession to both the Prophet and the Imámate. He who attaineth unto
both hath fulfilled his faith. A true believer is the one who does not reject
any matter pertaining to Us, for God Himself hath dilated His Breast such
that He may accept all. He will not doubt or be mistrustful. He who cavileth
why and wherefore becometh a disbeliever. We are, verily, the Cause of God
(Nahnu Amru`lláh)!
O Salmán! O Jandáb! Verily, God hath made me His Trustee over His
creation and His Vicegerent on His earth, in His territories, and over His
servants. He hath given Me what no artist can depict and no man of
understanding can truly comprehend. If thou wert to know Me in this
fashion, thou shalt attain unto true belief (imán).
O Salmán! God, exalted be He saith: "Nay, seek God's help with patient
perseverance and prayer: it is indeed hard except to those who bring a lowly
spirit." "Patient perseverance" is Muhammad and "Prayer" is my Wilayat
Thus, that is why God hath declared it is hard. He doth not reveal the Two91
are hard. In truth, My Guardianship is perplexing only to those who bring a
lowly spirit. These latter are they who have sought discernment using the
light of My guidance.
O Salmán! We are the Mystery of God (Sirru`lláh) that shalt not remain
hidden. We are His light that shalt never be extinguished, His Grace that is
expected from none other save Him. Muhammad is our first, Muhammad
our last, Muhammad our all!92 He who recognizeth Us in this regard hath, in
truth, consummated his Faith.
O Salmán, and O Jandáb! Muhammad and I were the Light that was voicing
forth the divine eulogy before any other reality started to praise Him. We
were the cause of illumination unto all creation. This one Light was divided
by God into two portions, the Chosen "Mustafa"93, and His Vicegerent,
"Murtada"94, and vouchsafed unto creation. God, exalted be His Glory, said
to each half, "Be Muhammad!", "Be 'Alí!"95 It is thus that the Prophet said:
"I am from 'Alí and 'Alí is from Me. None can give forth My Trust but
Myself and 'Alí."96 This refers to our unity in the worlds of Light and Spirit.
Similar is this divine utterance: "and If He dieth or is slain."97 "Dieth" refers
to the passing away of the Prophet. "Slain" refers to the martyrdom of the
91
A subtle point is being made here. In the cited verse (2:45), "patient perseverance" is sabr, a
masculine noun, which requires a masculine pronoun. Yet, "prayer" is salát, which is feminine. The pronoun used
in the verse (i.e. "it is indeed hard") is feminine, and thus could only refer to the aforementioned feminine noun.
Àlí then proceeds to connote salát with acceptance of his Wilayat or Guardianship, which, according to this
interpretation, is exceedingly more difficult to attain than recognizing the Prophethood of Muhammad
92
See Bahařuřllah, Íqán, 153
93
He who is chosen as an Envoy (Prophet Muhammad)
94
He in whom God is pleased (Imám Àlí)
95
The imperative used in both cases is Kún, ["Be" or "Exist"] (i.e. the usage of the letters "B" and "E")
96
Qur`án 3:61, ŖOur Selves [anfusaná wa anfusakum] ourselves, and yourselves"
97
Idem 3:144,"Will it be that, when he dieth or is slain".

Successor98, for the Two are one Entity, one Signification and one Light.
Their unity is in purpose and attributes. They are different in Their corporeal
entity and their Names. But in the world of spirit, They are One Spirit. In
Spirit, He said, "Thou art the Spirit within My Limbs." In the world of
bodies, He saith: "Thou art of Me and I am of Thine. Thou shalt inherit after
Me."
Again, there is the Divine Utterance: "Send ye blessings on Him and salute
Him with all respect."99 "Sending blessings on Him" refereth to
Muhammad. "Salute Him" refers to the Successor. No benefit shall accrue
unto thee if thou sendest blessings unto the Messenger and His Message if
they are not coupled with saluting His Successor in His Wiláyat.
O Salmán! O Jandáb! Muhammad was the One speaking and I was the One
silent. Inevitably, in every Dispensation, there is the One Who speaketh and
the One Who is silent.100 Muhammad is the Master of Ingathering101 and I
am the Master of Resurrection.102Muhammad is the Warner103 and I am the
"guide."104 Muhammad is the Lord of Paradise and I am the Lord of the
Return. Muhammad is the Lord of the Pool105 and I am the One entrusted
with the Banner.106 Muhammad is the Lord of the Keys107 and I am the Lord
of Paradise and Fire. Muhammad is the Lord of Revelation and I am the
Lord of Inspiration. Muhammad is the Lord of signs and I am Master of the
miracles. Muhammad is the Seal of the Prophets108 and I am the Seal of the
Successors.109 Muhammad is the Master Who raised the Call and I am the
One entrusted with both the Sword110 and Sovereignty. Muhammad is the
Most Generous Prophet and I am the Straight Path. Muhammad is the One
mentioned in the verse as "most kind and merciful"111 and I am the One
alluded to as "Most High, Most Great."112
98
Reference to the assassination of Imám Àlí in 661 A.D.
99
Qur`án 33:56
100
In the Bahá`í Dispensation, these are Baháù`lláh and Àbdu`l-Bahá`, respectively, for the latter
rarely took up His blessed Pen during the time of His Father.
101
Qur`án 42:7 and 64:9
102
Idem 6:128, reference to the Qur`ánic verses that eschatologically there will be a Day of Ingathering
and a Day of Resurrection
103
This alludes to Qur`án 13:7: "But thou art truly a warner, and to every people a guide
104
Idem 16:89
105
Lord of the Pool (Arabic: sáhib al-hawz) is a well-recognized title of Àlí. "Pool" refers to the pool
of refreshing water in Paradise which the sincere believers will drink from. See Qur`án 15:45, 37:45 and 76:5-6.
106
i.e. the Banner of Victory in the latter days
107
Qur`án 38:50. See also Qur`án 6:59, 39:63 and 42:12
108
Idem 33:40
109
Arabic: Wasiyys. "Seal of the Successors" is another title of Àlí. Most interesting point is made here
because, after Àlí, there were, in fact, ten more Wasiyys, or eleven if the Qáìm is included. So clearly, this means
that "Seal" does not indicate "last" temporally. On this subject, see Seena Fazel and Khazeh Fananapazir, ŘA
Bahá`ì Approach to the Claim of Finality in Islámř, Journal of Bahá`í Studies, 5, no:3 (1993) 17-40; Momen,
Islam, 34-59.
110
In the Súriy-i-Vafá, Baháù`lláh speaks of His Name as the "Sword of His Revelation between
heaven and earth ... through which truth is separated from error, even from now until the Day when mankind shall
stand before the Lord of the worlds." See Bahařuřllah, Tablets revealed, 185-186
111
Qur`án 9:128
112
Idem 42:4

O Salmán! God, exalted be He, saith: "He causes the Spirit to descend upon
any Servant He willeth."113[ This Spirit but descends unto the One entrusted
with the Command and the Decree. I give life to the dead. I know what is in
the heavens and what is on the earth. I am, in truth, the Perspicuous Book.114
I give life unto the dead and with Me is the knowledge of all that is in the
heavens and the earth. I am the Perspicuous Book. O Salmán! Muhammad
is the Upraiser of the Proof,115 and I am the Proof of the One True God unto
His creatures. It is this Testimony that empowered the Spirit of God 116 to
ascend unto heaven. I am the One who enabled Noah to sail his Ark. I was
present with Jonah in the belly of the Whale.117 I argued with Moses in the
sea.118 I caused earlier peoples to suffer loss; I bestowed the knowledge of
the Prophets and Saints and Their Decisive Utterance unto them. With Me is
the Prophethood of the Prophet Muhammad completed. I caused rivers and
oceans to flow and caused fountains to burst forth. I caused the world to be
revolutionized and I bring about the Chastisement of the Day of
Overshadowing Gloom.119 I am Khidír Who taught Moses120. I taught David
and Solomon121. I am Dhu'l Qarnayn122. I am the One who raised the
Firmament123 and flattened the Earth124. I am the Summoner from a near
Place125.I am the Creature on the Earth126. The Prophet addressed Me
113
Idem 40.
114
Idem 27:1, 28:2. It is interesting that Baháù`lláh confirms these passages in His last major work,
the Epistle to the Son of the Wolf, by quoting the Imám Àlí as saying: The Commander of the Faithful (Imám
Àlí) hath said: "I am He Who can neither be named, nor described." And likewise He hath said: "Outwardly I am
an Imám; inwardly I am the Unseen, the Unknowable." Abú-Ja`far-i-Túsí hath said: "I said to Ábí Àbdi`lláh:
`You are the Way mentioned in the Book of God, and you are the Impost, and you are the Pilgrimage.` He replied:
Ò man! We are the Way mentioned in the Book of God,--exalted and glorified be He--and We are the Impost, and
We are the Fast, and We are the Pilgrimage, and We are the Sacred Month, and We are the Sacred City, and We
are the Kaaba of God, and We are the Qiblih of God, and We are the Face of God.`" Jabír hath said that Abú-
Ja`far--peace be upon him--spoke to him as follows: "O Jabír! Give heed unto the Bayán (Exposition) and the
Má`ání (Significances)." He --peace be upon him--added: "As to the Bayán, it consisteth in thy recognition of
God--glorified be He--as the One Who hath no equal, and in thy adoration of Him, and in thy refusal to join
partners with Him. As to the Má`ání, We are its meaning, and its side, and its hand, and its tongue, and its cause,
and its command, and its knowledge, and its right. If We wish for something, it is God Who wisheth it, and He
desireth that which We desire." (Baháù`lláh, Epistle, 112-113)
115
Qur`án 4:174
116
Jesus Christ.
117
The story of Jonah is briefly recounted in Qur`án 37:139-148
118
Idem 18:37
119
Qurřan 26:189
120
Idem 18:78. In the Khutbatùl-Iftikhár (The Sermon of Glorification), the Imám claims the station of
the companion to Khadír. See fn. 69
121
Idem 21:79
122
Idem 18:83. The Arabic phrase Dhul-Qarnayn literally means "two-horned one" or "lord of two
ages." Anything with duality is suggestive of the two natures of these Immaculate Souls (such as the Imáms);
while treading on earth, they walk in the immensity of space and heaven. Baháù`lláh writes of such souls: ŖThese
ancient Beings, though delivered from the womb of their mother, have in reality descended from the heaven of the
will of God. Though they be dwelling on this earth, yet their true habitations are the retreats of glory in the realms
above. Whilst walking amongst mortals, they soar in the heaven of the divine presence. Without feet they tread the
path of the spirit, and without wings they rise unto the exalted heights of divine unity. With every fleeting breath
they cover the immensity of space, and at every moment traverse the kingdoms of the visible and the invisible.ŗ
(Baháù`lláh, Íqán, 67.
123
Qur`án 55:7
124
Idem 84:3
125
Idem 50:41. According to Mírzá Àbú`l-Fadl`s Faraìd, "The Place Near" is Palestine in relation to
Arabia
126
Arabic dábba; it refers to one Who should arise on the earth, although he is not of the earth or from
the earth, and lead men to God.

saying: "O 'Alí! Thou art the One endowed with the Two stations. Thou art
present both in the Beginning and the End." O Salmán! The One slain with
Us will not die. The One Who is in Occultation from amongst Us is never
absent. None can compare with Us. I am the One Who spoke through the
Utterance of Jesus when He was still cradled127. I am Noah. I am Abraham. I
am Sálih Who possessed the She-Camel as His Sign128. I am the One Who
causeth the Commotion.129 I am also the Trembling.130 I am the Protected
Tablet131 and in My possession is all Its Knowledge. I appear in
Appearances132 as God willeth. He that seeth Them seeth Me. He that seeth
Me seeth Them. In all truth, We are the Light of God that changeth not and
His effulgence that is not extinguished. O Salmán! The honour of every Sent
One is through Us, but do not call us Lords; praise Us as thou willeth.
Salvation and Perdition both are effected through Us.
O Salmán! He that believeth in all truth as I have expounded it is truly a

believer whose heart hath been tested and proven. He that doubteth and
hesitateth, he hath reneged on the Faith, although outwardly he sayeth that
he believes in the Wiláyat133. I, and the Guides of My Family, the Imáms,
are the Hidden Mystery of God134 and His Guardians135. Our Cause is One,
Our Mystery is One and Our Unity is absolute. If thou maketh distinctions,
thou wilt be among the ones lost. We appear and have Our Manifestation in
every age as the All Merciful willeth. All woe betide the One Who denieth
Us! None shall gainsay these except the one whose heart, eyes and hearing
are sealed.
O Salmán! I am as the Father of every believer. I am the Catastrophe 136. I

am the Approaching Calamity. I am the Inevitable. I am the Impending
One137. I am the Deafening Trumpet Blast138. I am the Supreme Test. We are
the Signs, the Significances and the Countenance of God139 When My Name
was written on the Throne, It attained Its Serenity. When It was inscribed on
the firmaments, They were upraised. When written on the Earth, It was
adorned. When It was inscribed on the Wind, It carried with It fruition.
127
Qur`án 19:30-33
128
Idem 7:73
129
Idem 79:6-7: "One Day, everything that can be in commotion will be in violent commotion,
Followed by oft-repeated (commotions)."
130
Idem 99
131
Idem 85:22. See also Bahařuřllah, Prayers And Meditations (Wilmette:Bahaři publishing Trust,
1987,CLXXVI, 265) "This, verily, is the Day wherewith Thy Scriptures, and Thy Books, and Thy Tablets, have
been adorned. And He Who now speaketh is, in truth, the Well-guarded Treasure, and the Hidden Secret, and the
Preserved Tablet, and the Impenetrable Mystery, and the Sealed Book."
132
i.e. Theophanies
133
Guardianship and Vicegerency
134
Qur`án 26:6
135
Qur`án 6:61 and 74:31
136
Qur`án 101:1 and 69:4
137
Idem 40:18: "Warn them of the Day that is (ever) drawing near, when the hearts will (come) right up
to the throats to choke (them)."
138
Idem 80:33: "when there comes the Deafening Noise: That Day shall a man flee from his own
brother."
139
Among other titles, Baháù`lláh refers to the Imáms as "those unquenchable lights of divine
guidance". See Bahařuřllah, Íqán,144

When written on the Lightning, It caused it to shine. When written on the

Oasis, It brought nourishment. When inscribed on the Light, It caused it to
be Luminous. When inscribed on the Clouds140, It generated Their
Outpouring Grace, and when inscribed on the Thunder141, it made the
Thunder quiescent. That Name caused the Night142 to be deep in its
darkness, and when inscribed on the Day143, It made It luminous and
radiant144.
140
Idem 30:48
141
Idem 13:13
142
Idem 36:37
143
Idem 92:2
144
See fn.110

A Stylistic Analysis of the Báb‟s Writings

Abridged Annotated Translation of Vahid Behmardi‟s “Muqaddamih-yi dar
bárih-yi sabk va siyáq-i áthár-i mubárakih-yi ḥaḍrat-i rabb a`lá”
Dr. Vahid Behmardi, Assistant Professor of Arabic Literature, Department of

Arabic & Near Eastern Languages, American University of Beirut, Lebanon
Dr. William McCants, Fellow with the Combating Terrorism Center, West Point.
Abstract
The following is an abridgement of Vahid Behmardiřs outstanding article on the
style of the Babřs Writings.1 I have decided to do this for several reasons.
First, there is a striking lack of communication between Bahaři scholars who write
in Persian and those who write in English. Of course, much of the Persian writing
on the history and teachings of the Faith is, like English writing, highly derivative.
There are, however, a few notable exceptions, like the work of Vahid Behmardi and
Vahid Rafati, who are engaged in laying the critical foundational work for future
studies (by foundational work, I mean sound and detailed philological studies of
the Bahaři Scriptures). By making this article accessible to a wider audience, I
hope it will advance dialogue between the two scholarly communities while also
further the development of Bahaři studies itself.
Second, although the enemies of the Faith and the believers are divided in their
assessment of the Babřs style of writing, they do agree on one point: their appraisal
of His writings never moves beyond a superficial evaluation Ŕ Ŗitřs gibberishŗ or
Ŗitřs unique.ŗ While Dr. Behmardiřs article does contain the standard rebuttal of the
former charge, his treatment of the Babřs writings is laudable due to his detailed
explanation of the reasoning behind the latter assertion. He touches on most of the
major stylistic features of the Babřs writings and provides numerous examples
from His writings to support his conclusions.
As for the format of the article itself, each new thought is preceded by a number
that corresponds with the page number of the article for ease of reference. All
footnotes reflect my own commentary unless otherwise specified.
A Stylistic Analysis of the Báb‟s Writings by Vahid Behmardi

Part 1 - Introduction
The style of the Bábřs writings is new and canřt be compared with the
standards of style of the people in the past. Therefore, the author will use an
inductive method to talk about the writings of the Báb. Sabk (Ŗstyle, modeŗ)
is a term that is applied to ways and means of speaking and writing with
regard to statements and expressions with various phrasings. The Báb uses
1
ŖMuqaddamih-yi dar bárih-yi sabk va siyáq-i áthár-i mubárakih-yi ḥaḍrat-i rabb a`lá,ŗ Khushih-há,
vol. 6, p. 47-67)

© 2007 Vahid Behmardi &William
McCants
115 Vahid Behmardi & William McCants Behmardi Stylistic Analysis
the terms shařn or nahj for sabk in His writings. In the Writings of the Báb,
meaning and mode of expression are intimately connected. [Meaning of the
term bayán] Bayán as a technical term of the Báb which He started to use in
Mákú. Its meaning is indicated in the following passage by the Báb in tenth
báb of the second wáhid of the Kitáb al-Asmá:
ُ ّ‫أّی لذ ٔظ‬
ّ ‫بد‬٠‫ْ آ‬ٛ‫غّؼ‬٠ ‫ٓ َ ا‬١‫بْ ػٍی ػ أْ ح‬١‫ّذ اٌج‬
‫ ال‬ٚ ْٚ‫غجذ‬٠ ًّ ‫هللا ِٓ ػٕذٖ فبراً و‬
ٖ‫ ادٔب‬ٚ ْ‫ب‬١‫ وًّ ِٓ اػٍی اٌج‬ٚ ٖ‫ْ اِش‬ٚ‫ُ د‬ٙ‫ْ ثبٔفغ‬ٚ‫خطش‬٠ ‫ ال‬ٚ ٌْٛ‫جبد‬٠ ‫ ال‬ٚ ٗ‫ْ ث‬ٛ‫زحبجج‬٠
ْ‫ب‬١‫ف اٌغّجغ فی اٌج‬ٚ‫هللا صُ راد حش‬ ّ ‫ػذٔب‬ٚ ‫ْ ٘زا ِب‬ٌٛٛ‫م‬٠ ْٚ‫غجذ‬١ٌ ُ‫ْ ص‬ٚ‫حعش‬١ٌ ٗ٠‫ذ‬٠ ٓ١‫ث‬
ٓ١ٌّ‫ً ِٓ سةّ اٌؼب‬٠‫ٗ رٕض‬١‫ت ف‬٠‫ال س‬
ŖI arranged the Bayán in such wise that when they heard the verses
of God from His Presence, they all immediately prostrated and did
not dispute with it [the Bayán] and did not argue and did not think
within themselves [lá yakhṭiru bi-anfusihim] save by its/his
command. All who propagated the Bayán and held it close will attain
[yaḥḍurún]. Moreover, they will prostrate while saying, ŘThis is that
which God and the essence of the seven letters hath promised us in
the Bayán, Ŗof which there is no doubt,ŗ [Qurřan 2:2] which hath
been sent down from the Lord of the Worlds.ř ŗ
Behmardi identifies Him Whom God Shall Make Manifest (man

yuẓhiruhuřllah) as that which is attained and the Báb as the Ŗessence of the
seven lettersŗ (since the name Àlì Muhammad is made up of seven letters).
Based on this passage, Behmardi identifies three different meanings of the
word bayán. First, when the Báb says ŖI arranged the Bayán,ŗ it means the
Blessed Cause [i.e. the Bábi religion] in general. Second, Ŗall who
propagated the Bayán and held it closeŗ are the people of the Bayán [i.e. the
Bábis]. Third, ŖThis is that which God hath promised in the Bayánŗ means
the writings of the Báb. It does not only mean the Arabic and Persian Bayán
of the Báb, because in other Writings the promise of the manifestation of
Him Whom God Shall Make Manifest also appears. It has a general
meaning. Of course, the term Bayán is used in other places to specifically
indicate the Kitáb-i Bayán
In the Qurřan, the word bayán occurs in 3 places. In Sura Al Ìmrán and
Sura Rah.mán, it means word and speech. In Sura Qiyáma, the word bayán
is connected with the unveiling and clarification of the meanings of the
Qurřan:
Verily, it is incumbent upon Us [God] to collect it and recite it

[qurřánahu]. If we recite it [qarařnáhu], follow thou its recital
[qurřánahu]. Then it is incumbent upon us to explain it [àlayná
bayánahu].ŗ (Q 75:17-19)

© 2007 Vahid Behmardi &William McCants
The meaning of the three verses is clear. God sent down the Qurřan to
Muhammad and after that He will clarify its truths. Bayán in Arabic means
clarification. The word Ŗthenŗ [which is an àṭf (conjunction)] in verse 19
indicates that first the Qurřan is sent down, and then the bayán. So,
according to the verse, God has sent down the Qurřan and promises to send
down the clarification (bayán). In the context of the Sura, this clarification
is to be sent down on the Day of Resurrection. It will be among the signs of
that Day. Behmardi asserts that until the time of the Báb, no one had
claimed to have the bayán of the Qurřan. Further, it couldnřt have come to
pass in the lifetime of Muhammad since the Qurřan was still being sent
down, and the verse says that the bayán comes when the Qurřan has
finished being sent down.
Although the Báb wrote commentaries on the Qurřan, He did not call His
writings ŖBayánŗ until signs that are more eloquent than speech came to
pass indicating that it is the Day of Resurrection. Then the Bayán promised
by God in the Sura of Qiyáma was sent down. Because of this, most of the
Writings of the Báb have one main difference from the Qurřan with regard
to the mode of writing. Unlike the Qurřan, the Bayán is in the mode of
explication and giving of details, not absolute brevity. For example, the
divine Names are mentioned in the Qurřan. However, there is no
explanation of the meaning of these names. Because of this, exegetes gave
several different possible meanings to these names. The writings of the Báb
clarified these names in two ways. First, He compiled the names of the God
from the Qurřan and added to them. Second, He explained these names in
many of His books and letters. This is one part of the clarification (bayán)
on the Day of Resurrection made manifest by the Báb, as He says in the
Seven Proofs:
ّ ُ‫ه ثغ‬٠ ٗ‫ ٔظش وٓ دس فشلبْ و‬ٚ

‫ع‬ٛٔ ‫ه‬٠ ٗ‫بْ ث‬١‫ دس ث‬ٚ ،ٖ‫بدٖ ٔبصي ٔؾذ‬٠‫ُ ص‬١‫هللا اٌشّحّٓ اٌشّح‬
ْ‫ب‬١‫بْ آْ ؽذٖ وٗ لذسی اص آْ دس ث‬١‫ه ث‬٠ ٚ ‫ ؽصذ‬ٚ ‫صذ‬١‫ ٔبصي ؽذٖ ع‬ٚ ٖ‫بْ ؽذ‬١‫بْ وٗ ث‬١‫ث‬
ٖ‫بس آْ ٔؾذ‬ٙ‫ٌی اظ‬ٚ ٖ‫د‬ٛ‫ٓ ُ٘ ِّىٓ ث‬٠‫بدٖ ثش ا‬٠‫ ص‬ٚ ٖ‫ٔبصي ؽذ‬
Notice that in the Qurřan, one more ŘBismillah ar-Rahman ar-Rahimř

was not sent down [i.e. there is a perfect number Ŕ 114 or 19x6], and
in the Bayán, by means of one type of clarification [bayán], it has
been clarified and three hundred and sixty [Basmallahs] were sent
down [361 or 19x19] .One clarification [bayán] is that a certain
amount hath been revealed in the Bayán. Increasing upon this is also
possible, but did not come to pass.2
2
Dalářil-i Sabìh, Tehran, n.d.: 63. In Behmardiřs assessment of the term bayán, he relates a standard
Bahaři explanation of the term as indicating a fulfillment of Qurřanic prophecy. I would certainly agree that the
Báb saw his writings as a fulfillment of an eschatological prophecy. However, I disagree with Behmardiřs

Part 2 – The Bab‟s Eloquence
In several of His Tablets, the Báb characterizes His Writings as eloquent

[examples given from Dalářil-i Sabìh]. Behmardi asks, ŖWhat is the
meaning of eloquence with regard to the Writings of the Báb?ŗ In order to
answer the question, he will look at the standards of those learned in
rhetoric, then compare them to the Writings of the Báb.
In the eighth century AH, the orator Qazvíní [666-739/1268-1338]

summarized what had been said about eloquence up until that point in his
book al-Iḍáh. fí ùlúm al-balágha. According to him, eloquence of word
(kalima) lies in the absence of incongruous letters, peculiar words, and
abnormal derivation (of words) (qiyás). Eloquence of composition (kalám)
is devoid of weak writing, incongruous words, complex expression and
meaning, repetition, and consecutive genitive (iḍáfa) constructions.
The Bábřs writings do not measure up to any of the standards listed by

Qazvini. For example, there are many expressions in the Writings of the Báb
that are known only as Bábi technical terminology, like Ŗẓilál al-mukfahirrát
al-afrìdúsŗ (Ŗthe shade of the dark clouds of Paradiseŗ) in the Ziyarát-i Àbd
al-Àẓím, or Ŗàbd ath-thářŗ in the epistles of the Letters of the Living, and
so forth.
With regard to abnormal derivation of words, the Báb does this a great deal,
particularly in the formation of adjectives, like qaydúr and qadúr from the
adjective qadír and muàylim and àlúm from the adjective àlím, or àzúz
from àzíz, and àẓúm from àẓím, and qaydús from quddús, and muqtadim
and qadúm from qadím, and so forth3
In verb conjugation, the Bábřs style is also unusual. For example, he derives
the verb dhawwata from the noun dhát (Ŗessenceŗ), as in the verse:
‫ّد‬ٚ‫ب ِٓ ُر‬ٙ‫ّد ث‬ٚ‫ ُر‬ٟ‫أب إٌّمطخ اٌّز‬
ŖI am the Point which He who hath been made an essence [man

dhuwwita] hath been made an essence by it (the Point) [dhuwwita
bihá].ŗ4
In the preamble of the Persian Bayan, the Báb derives the verb shayyařa
from the noun shayř, as in the following:
assertion that no one claimed to have a bayán of the Qurřan until the time of the Báb. Innumerable authors have
described their commentaries on the Qurřan as bayán (or tibyán). Further, Shiìs probably believed that their
Imams were the sources of the bayán promised in the Qurřan. Indeed, in one of the earliest Shiì commentaries on
the Qurřan, Àli b. Ibrahim al-Qummi clearly states that the phrases Ŗincumbent upon usŗ (àlayná) refers to the
Ŗfamily of the Prophetŗ (Tafsír al-Qummí, vol. 2, ,p. 397).
3
These examples are taken from a letter revealed for Him Whom God Shall Make Manifest. See
Muntakhabat Ayat az Athar Hadrat-i-Nuqtih-i-'Ula, Tehran, 134 BE, 1-2.
4
Ibid p.14

ٗ‫ّز‬١‫ئ‬١‫ِّ َئ ثؾ‬١‫ُمَ ّذس لذ ُؽ‬٠ ٚ‫ٗ ا‬١‫ء ثّب لذ ل ّذس ف‬ٟ‫ و ًّ ؽ‬ٚ
ŖEverything [kull shayř] that He hath ordained and will ordain hath
been brought into being [shuyyiřa] by His being [bi-shayřiyyatihi, lit.
His quality of being a thing].ŗ
As for repetition, which is frowned upon by the learned, the Bábřs writings
are replete with it, especially in the mode of prayers )du`wát( and
supplications (munaját). In most instances, repetition is connected with
peculiar words and abnormal derivations.
So, if we accept the standard of eloquence of the literati of the past, then the
Bábřs writings clearly do not match this standard. Why then, does He
maintain that His Writings are eloquent? The answer lies in the uniqueness
of His Writings. Since they are unique, they do not measure up to the
standards of the past. Rather, His writings will become the measure of
eloquence in the future. The Qurřan itself was unique and did not conform
to the standards of the past. The literati took it as a standard, and its style
became the standard, which all strived for but fell short because of its
inimitability. Further, at the time of its revelation, the Arabs rejected its style
because it was not familiar to them and accused Muhammad of working
magic.
Part 3 - Modes of Revelation and a Discussion of the Mode of Verses
The Báb says that His revelation is written in several modes (shařn or nahj).
Behmardi says that each of these modes has special qualities, which are
sometimes mixed. In the first báb of the sixth wáhid and the second báb of
the ninth wáhid, He stated that the Persian Bayán is revealed in five modes:
verses (áyát), supplications (munaját), interpretations (tafásír), scientific
treatises (ṣuwar ìlmiyya), and writings in Persian (kalimát-i fársiyyih). In
the Saḥífih-yi Àdliyyih5 and the Dalářil-i Sabìh6, the Báb also says that
orisons (khuṭbát) are one of the modes of revelation.7 Further, in the Seven
Proofs, the Báb also mentions tablets of visitation (ziyárát), prayers
(du`wát), writings in Arabic (kalimát-i arabiyya) and also cryptic esoterica
(ghawámiḍ-i asrár).
5
Tehran: n.d.: 9-10
6
p.27
7
People generally translate Ŗkhuṭbaŗ as Ŗsermon,ŗ but this doesnřt make much sense in the Writings of
the Báb, since the khuṭba usually comes in the form of a preamble to a Tablet and begins with some variation of
ŖPraise be to Godŗ (taḥmìd), like in the first sura of the Qurřan (Behmardi will discuss this later on). One might be
tempted, therefore, to translate the term as Ŗpreambleŗ or Ŗopening address.ŗ However, the Báb also describes
whole Tablets as a khuṭba. I have tentatively settled on the term Ŗorison,ŗ since it combines both notion of address
as well as prayer.

Verses (áyát) have a preeminent position among the different modes. Rather,
all the modes are under its shadow, as the Báb says in the first báb of the
sixth wáhid of the Persian Bayán:
ٚ ‫عذ حجّذ ػظّی‬ٚ‫شا وٗ ا‬٠‫حذٖ ِی گشدد ص‬ٚ ‫بد‬٠‫ّٗ اغالق ثش آ‬١ٌّٚ ‫مذ ا‬١‫بْ ثٗ حم‬١‫ اعُ ث‬ٚ
ّ ‫ّٕٗ وجشی وٗ دالٌذ ّٔی وٕذ اال ػٍی‬١‫ث‬
ٚ ‫ٗ اغالق ثٗ ِٕبجبد‬٠ٛ‫مذ صبر‬١‫ دس حم‬ٚ ٖ‫حذ‬ٚ ‫هللا‬
‫ّٗ ِی گشدد‬١‫ دس خبِظ ثٗ وٍّبد فبسع‬ٚ ّٗ١ٍّ‫ دس ساثغ ثٗ وٍّبد ػ‬ٚ ‫ش‬١‫دس صبٌش ثٗ رفبع‬
.‫بد روش ِی گشدد‬٠‫ٌی وًّ دس ظً آ‬ٚ
Primarly, the name Ŗbayánŗ is only applied to verses [áyát] because

they a mighty proof and great testimony that indicate nothing but
God alone. Secondarily, it is applied to supplications, thirdly to
interpretations, fourthly to scientific treatises [kalimát-i ìlmiyya],
and fifthly to writings in Persian. However, all of these are under the
shadow of verses.
However, the Báb is not saying that His writings are only in one mode [i.e.
verses], since there are five modes used in the Panj Shařn, four in the Kitáb
al-Asmá, and three in the Ṣaḥífih-yi bayn al-Haramayn.
Behmardi now proceeds to talk about the special qualities of the different
modes of revelation, beginning with verses (áyát). The term Ŗversesŗ is
generally applied to all divine words, whether Arabic or Persian. This is
because the original meaning of the word is Ŗsigns.ŗ Therefore, the words
from the Messengers are Ŗsignsŗ from God and guide humanity to the
Manifestation of His Cause.
Verses are also words which have a special style and, in the Writings of the
Báb and Bahařuřllah, are all in Arabic. One of the special characteristics of
verses are that they are the words of God Himself flowing through the
tongue of His Manifestation to His servants. Sometimes the speaker, who is
God, addresses the servants as the sole speaker (first person singular Ŕ ŖIŗ),
sometimes as if he is absent (third person singular Ŕ ŖHeŗ), and sometimes
as if there are several speakers (first person plural Ŕ ŖWeŗ). This is probably
the meaning of the Bab's statement that verses "indicate nothing but God
alone."
Moreover, verses have end rhymes (fawáṣil). The end rhyme of one verse is
connected with the end rhyme of another. In the Writings of Bahařuřllah and
the Báb, this is usually of three types:
1. The letters preceding the final letter (ḥarf rawíy) are related to each
other. These letters are usually a wáw, an alif or a yář. For example,

mubín, àlím and munír all have the letter yář in them [ie. the long
Ŗìŗ].
2. The final letters are the same. In literature, this is known as saj`
[rhymed prose]. For example, ìbád, bilád, and shidád, or muqtadir
and muntasi.r. [also the same verb patterns are used]
3. A rhyme ending in the accusative alif. For example, all of the verses
of the Qayyúm al-Asmá end in this rhyme, like wahhájá, mustaqímá,
ḥakímá and masṭúrá.
Sometimes, the books or epistles have a mixture of different types of

rhymes, as in the Kitáb-i Aqdas and some of the Writings of the Báb. Some
of the suras of the Qurřan also have several types of rhyme.
Part 4 - The Mode of Supplications
Supplications (munaját) are speech from the Manifestation to the One Who
Makes Manifest [i.e. God]. They are in the mode of address (khiṭáb) and
have sections composed of glorification and exaltation (tasbíḥ wa tahlíl),
testimony (tashahhud), and praise (taḥmíd), like those that begin with
Ŗsubḥánakáŗ (Ŗpraise be to Theeŗ) [example of glorification and exaltation],
Ŗlá iláha illá antaŗ (Ŗthere is no God but Theeŗ) [example of testimony],
Ŗashhadu annaka allahuŗ (ŖI bear witness that Thou art Godŗ) [example of
testimony], and Ŗnaḥmaduka allahummaŗ (ŖWe offer praise to Thee, O
Lordŗ) [example of praise]. With few exceptions, the supplications of the
Báb are all in Arabic.
One of the few exceptions is recorded in the Saḥífih-yi Àdliyyih (p. 3):
‫اح‬ٌٛ‫د ثش ا‬ٛ‫ذ لذسد خ‬٠ ٗ‫ حبي آٔىٗ ث‬ٚ ‫ سا‬ٛ‫ت ر‬١‫ُ ِظب٘ش لذسد حج‬٠ٛ‫ٔٗ صٕب گ‬ٛ‫ٔذا چگ‬ٚ‫خذا‬
ُٙ١ٍ‫دَ ػ‬ْٞ‫ُ وّب أذَ اس‬ٙ١ٍ‫دٖ ای ال احصی سْاء ػ‬ِٛ‫س فش‬ٛ‫داد ِغط‬ٛ‫ج‬ِٛ ٖ‫افئذ‬
ŖO Lord! How can we praise the manifestations of the power of Thy

Beloved when, with Thy Hand of divine power, Thou didst inscribe
upon the tablets of the hearts of all existent things: ŖI do not consider
(my) praise of them to be as Thou dost praise them.ŗ
One of the distinctive features of the Writings of the Báb is that in addition
to the praise and glorification of God, He also mentions His personal
condition and historical issues. For example, in one prayer He alludes to His
imprisonment: ŖPraise be to Thee, O my God! Thou seest my state in the
heart of this Mountain.ŗ
The Báb decreed that supplications were among the proofs of the theophany.
Behmardi cites passage from the Daláiřl Sabìh8 and the Sharh.-i Súrat al-
8
Bab, Dalářil-i Sabìh, 26-27

Kawthar. The latter example is a reference to a statement by Majlisí in the

Haqq al-Yaqín, where he asserts that the Ṣaḥífih-yi Sajádiyyih, which
contains the prayers the supplications of Imam Zayn al-Àbidín Àlí b. al-
Husayn, is a proof of the Imamřs divine authority (wiláyat). The Báb alludes
to this in the following passage:
‫ب‬ٙ‫غشث‬ٚ ‫دح اٌزی ِألد ؽشق االسض‬ٚ‫ال رضجذ ثصحبئف ِؼذ‬ٚ ‫فخ‬١‫ٗ ثصح‬٠‫ال‬ٌٛ‫ف رضجذ ا‬١‫و‬
ّ ‫ ا‬ٚ ‫ی حجّ خ اوجش ِٓ ٘زٖ إٌّؼّخ‬
.‫ّخ اػظُ ِٓ ٘زٖ اٌمذسح‬١‫ی ػط‬ ّ ‫فب‬
ŖHow can the divine authority (of the Imam) be established by a

single volume [ṣaḥífa] and that which hath filled the East and the
West not be established by unnumbered volumes? Which proof is
greater than this divine blessing and which gift is mightier than this
(evidence of) divine power?ŗ
Prayers (du`wát), tablets of visitation (ziyárát), and orisons (khuṭab) are

slightly different from supplications. However, since all of them set forth the
powerlessness and need of the supplicant, they can be included in the mode
of supplication. One of the differences between supplications and prayers is
that supplications are generally in praise and glorification of the Creator,
while setting forth the servitude, powerlessness and error of the believer in
contrast to the object of worship. However, a prayer is for one object or
occasion, or specific time, but it is revealed in the form of a supplication.
Shiì prayers from the Imams that found in collections of prayers and tablets
of visitation have the characteristic of being written for some specific
object, time or occasion. For example, there is the prayer for granting a
request (tawassul), or for the removal of difficulties (faraj) and a prayer on
the day of àrafah [the day before the Feast of Sacrifices], and a morning
prayer and prayers for the days of the week, etc.
The Báb has multiplied these types of prayers, like prayers for each one of
the days of the week, and prayers of protection, and for granting a request,
etc. Therefore, we can say that prayer is for something specific and
supplications are general, because supplications only include glorification of
God, but do not have a specific occasion on which they are to be said. This
rule also applies to the supplications and prayers of Bahařuřllah. For
instance, there are prayers for fasting and healing, etc.
Tablets of visitation are also prevalent in the Shiì world. There are tablets
of visitation for the Fourteen Infallible Ones [Muhammad, Fatima, and the
12 Imams] and saints and notables. Most of them are attributed to the
Imams, although it is possible that some of them were composed by the
ùlama in the time of the Safavids. Those that we can attribute to the Imams

with certainty are found in the Ziyárát-i Jámià that Shaykh Ahmad
commented upon. In these tablets of visitation, the object of the tablets is
described with attributes and statements that are similar to statements in the
Qurřan, the Hadith, and the traditions of the Imams. In other words, no other
Islamic technical terminology is added. However, this is not the case in the
Bábřs tablets of visitation, where one can find the technical terminology of
the Illuminationists and divine philosophy [ḥikma muta`álliyya, ie. Mulla
Sadrařs school], as in Tablet of Visitation for Àbd al-Àẓím:
‫ر ّح‬ٛ٘‫ّخ اٌال‬١ٕ‫اٌضّّشح اٌج‬ٚ ٟ

ٟ ‫سلخ اٌّجبسوخ االصٌ ّح‬ٌٛ‫ا‬ٚ ‫ّخ‬١ٌٙ‫ب اثٓ اٌ ّؾجشح اال‬٠ ‫ف احصی صٕبئه‬١‫و‬
‫ف اروش أزغبثه اٌی‬١‫ّخ صُ و‬١‫ر‬ٛ‫اٌمّص اٌّؾشلخ اٌٍّى‬ٚ ‫ّخ‬١‫ر‬ٚ‫ّخ اٌججش‬١ٔ‫ اٌطٍّؼخ اٌ ّؾؼؾؼب‬ٚ
ِٕٗ ٓ‫ سو‬ٚ ‫ب‬ٙ‫ّز‬٠‫٘ش‬ٛ‫ّخ ثج‬١‫ّخ اٌّؾ‬١ٕٔٛ١‫ذي ػٍی و‬٠ ِٕٗ ٓ‫ي ِٓ االصي اٌزی سو‬ّٚ ‫ّخ روشاال‬١ٕٔٛ١‫و‬
‫ّخ‬١ّٔ‫ سوٓ ِٕٗ ػٍی ا‬ٚ ٗ‫عؼز‬ٚ ‫ّخ اٌمَذَس‬١ٔ‫ سوٓ ِٕٗ ػٍی ٔفغب‬ٚ ‫ب‬ٙ‫ّز‬٠‫ّخ االسادح ثزج ّشد‬١‫ػٍی رار‬
ٖ‫س‬ٛٙ‫ ظ‬ٚ ‫ايقضاء‬
How can I praise Thee, O son of the divine Tree [ibn ash-shajara al-
iláhiyya], and the blessed, eternal Leaf [al-warqa al-mubáraka al-
azaliyya], and the celestial Fruit of paradise [ath-thamara al-janniyya
al-láhútiyya], and the divine, radiant countenance [aṭ-ṭalà ash-
sha`sha`ániyya al-jabarútiyya] and the heavenly, luminous raiments
[al-qumus al-mushriqa al-malakútiyya]? How, then, can I make
mention of Thy relationship to the Essence of the First Remembrance
[kayníniyyat dhikr al-awwal] from everlasting, from which a pillar
leads to the essence of the Will [kaynúniyyat al-mashiyya] through
its quality of being an essence [bi-jawhariyyatihá], and a pillar from
it leads to the essence of Purpose [dhátiyyat al-iráda] by its purity
(from matter) [bi-tajarrudiyyatihá], and a pillar from it leads to the
essence of the existential decree [nafsániyyat al-qadar] and its power
[saà], and from it a pillar leads to the essence of predetermination
[anniyyat al-qad.ář] and its manifestation [ẓuhúr]...ŗ9
In addition to the Illuminationist terminology, the arrangement of this tablet

of visitation reflects the Illuminationist philosophy called ìlm al-mizán
(The Science of Balance). They are statements that compare the physical
world (mulk) to the spiritual world (malakút) and show the parallel between
the two. For example, the Ka`ba is an earthly symbol for heavenly realities
and a divine throne which is composed of four pillars and a circle of being is
placed in the middle. There are Writings of the Báb in His handwriting that
are in the shape of a square in the middle of which are several circles, and in
9
Behmardiřs note: In the second section, there are four pillars:
First Pillar kaynúniyya mashiyya jawhar
Second Pillar dhátiyya iráda tajarrud
Third Pillar nafsániyya qadar saà
Fourth Pillar anniyya qaḍář ẓuhúr

some the shapes the names of the four angels (Gabriel, Isráfíl, Michael, and
Ìzrářìl) are written in the four corners of a square. These tetrads (tarbí`) are
clearly evident in the Tablet of visitation for Àbd al-Àẓím and in other
Writings of the Báb and Bahařuřllah.
As in the other writings of the Báb, sometimes the vocabulary of the Tablets
of Visitation is exclusive to the Báb. Another quality of the Tablets of
Visitation is that those that are for the great Bábis, like Quddús and Mullá
Husayn, are full of very lofty praise and characterization of them. In other
places, this praise and characterization would be used by the Báb with
reference to Himself. For example, Quddús is described with attributes of
God found in the Qurřan and Mullá Husayn is characterized as the creator
of the worlds of the seen and the unseen.10
Orisons are phrases from verses which introduce epistles and speak of God
in the third person [ie. God is not addressed directly]. This is the only
difference between supplications and orisons. An orison begins with praise
(taḥmíd) of God in the form of Ŗal-Hamdu li-llah.ŗ Behmardi gives several
examples from the Writings of the Báb and points out that there are also
orisons in the Writings of Bahařuřllah. In Ishráqát, for example, there are
two at the beginning, which Bahařuřllah says He has revealed twice, like the
orison of the Qurřan was revealed twice (once in Mecca and once in
Medina).11
Part 5 – The Modes of Commentaries and Scientific Treatises
Commentaries (tafásir) Ŕ Regarding His commentaries, the Báb stated in the

Daláiřl-i Sabìh that some of His tafsirs on the Qurřan are in the style of
verses (áyát) and some are in the Ŗtechnical style of the perfect ùlama
[kalimát-i muṣtalihih bayn ùlamá-yi kammalìn]ŗ12. An example of the
former would be the Bábřs commentary on the Qayyúm al-Asmá. A good
example of the latter is the Bábřs commentary on the Surat al-Baqara,
which was revealed before the Báb received His call. It is full of technical
terminology and Shaykhí expressions and replete with citations of hadith
and traditions from the Imams. In some of the Bábřs commentaries, both
styles are used, as in the commentary on Surat al-Kawthar, where both
styles are used in different sections.
10
Fáḍil Mázandaránì, Ẓuhúr al-Haqq, v. 3: 425, 141.
11
Behmardi's comments on the Babřs style in the Tablets of Visitation closely mirror my own
conclusions on Bahařuřllahřs style in the same genre, see ŘThe Wronged One: Shì'ì Narrative Structure in
Bahá'u'lláh's Tablet of Visitation for Mullá Husaynř, Lights of Irfán, (Wilmette: Irfan Colloquia, 2002, 3,),
particularly with regard to the use of quaternaries and hyperbole. I also noted that Bahařuřllahřs style in this genre
closely mirrors that of Shiì Tablets of Visitation in structure and topoi, something Behmardi does not mention
Those familiar with the technical vocabulary of the Illuminationist and Mulla Sadra schools of philosophy will
instantly recognize that I have glossed over this terminology in the translation of the passage of the Ziyaratnama of
Àbd al-Àz.ím. Much could be written to explain the relationship between the different levels of this tetrad
composed of triads.
12
Dalářil-i Sabìh, 27

Here two issues arise. First, the commentaries that are in the style of verses
do not conform to the rules of the people. However, the commentaries in the
style of the perfect ùlama do conform to the rules, as is clear in the Bábřs
commentary on Surat wařl-Àṣr. Second, all commentaries in both styles
begin with an orison.
Scientific modes (shuřún ìlmiyya). This type of revelation is also called

ṣuwar ìlmiyya and kalimát ilmiyya. The meaning of these phrases is that the
work does not have the characteristics of verses and supplications and deals
with a scientific, philosophical or jurisprudential issue, or kindred subjects.
This type of revelation sometimes seeks to clarify an issue and sometimes
seeks to reject or accept various opinions or beliefs. These scientific modes
are sent down in the form of isolated treatises, like the ŖRisála fí Bayán
Masářil ath-Thaláthaŗ (ŖA Treatise Explicating Three Questionsŗ) or
ŖṢaḥìfa Dhahabiyyaŗ or in the midst of commentaries in the style of the
perfect ùlama. The style and content of this type of revelation is direct,
scientific, and in no need of interpretation. For example, in his commentary
on the Surat al-Qadr, the Báb succinctly clarifies the meaning of three
scientific terms: Ŗas-sarmad is that which has no beginning and no end, and
ad-dahr has a beginning but no end, and az-zaman is that which is
ascertained from the motion of the celestial bodies by means of the rising of
the sun and the moon and the appearance of day and night.ŗ Behmardi also
cites the Bábřs response to the proponents of wahdat al-wujúd in His Ṣaḥífa
Dhahabiyya as an example of this mode [the passage concerns Godřs unity
and His disassociation from all things]:
‫بْ رٌه‬١‫ ث‬ٞ‫ُ ف‬ِٙ‫ٓ لذ صٌّذ الذا‬١ّ١ٌٙ‫اال‬ٚ ٓ١ّ١‫صذسائ‬

ّ ٌ‫ا‬ٚ ٓ١‫اٌّؾبئ‬ٚ ّْٟ‫االؽشاق‬
٠ ّ
‫اْ اوضشاٌحىُ اء‬
ٞ
‫ي اٌجبغً ف‬ٛ‫ا ثبٌم‬ٛ‫ ٌزا ر٘ج‬ٚ ‫بد االثذاع ثطٍؼخ اٌزاد‬١ٍ‫بد رج‬٠‫ُ آ‬ٙ١ٍ‫ذ ػ‬ٙ‫ لذ اؽزج‬ٚ َ‫اٌّمب‬
ٚ ‫ اٌ ّزاد‬ٟ
‫ اصجبد ػٍّ ّح‬ٞ‫كح ف‬١‫ػ اٌحم‬١‫ ثزوش اٌجغ‬ٚ ٗٔ‫ اٌ ّزاد الصجبد ػٍّٗ عجحب‬ٞ‫اٌضبثذ ف‬
‫ح‬ ْ‫ب‬١‫اػ‬
ّ ٚ ‫د‬ٛ‫ اٌّفم‬ٚ ‫جذ‬ٌّٛ‫ٓ ا‬١‫د ث‬ٛ‫ج‬ٌٛ‫حذح ا‬ٚ ‫ ثزوش‬ٚ ‫اٌصّفبد‬ٚ ‫االفؼبي‬ٚ ‫ٓ اٌ ّزاد‬١‫ثزوش اٌشّثػ ث‬
ْ‫ا‬
ً‫د ؽئ ثّض‬ٛ‫ج‬ٚ ‫ضي وبْ ػبٌّب ً ثال‬٠ ٌُ ‫هللا‬ّ ْ‫هللا ائّخ اٌؼذي ال‬
ّ ‫و ًّ رٌه ؽشن ِحط ػٕذ آي‬
‫د‬ٛ‫ج‬ٛ‫حزبط فی ػٍّٗ ث‬٠ ‫شٖ فال‬١‫د غ‬ٛ‫ج‬ٛ‫برٗ ث‬١‫حزبط فی ح‬٠ ‫ وّب أّٗ ال‬ٚ ً ‫ب‬١‫ِب أّٗ وبْ ح‬
...ٍَٛ‫ِؼ‬
Most of the Illuminationists [al-ishráqiyyin], the peripatetic

philosophers, the followers of Mulla Sadrá (as-Sadrá'iyyin), and the
Theosophical philosophers (al-iláhiyyin) have erred in their
explanations of this station. The signs of the effulgences (tajalliyát)
of creation were mistaken by them for the countenance of the
Essence [of God]. Thus they went along with erroneous statements
concerning the Eternal Archetypes (a`yan thábita) being in the
Essence [of God] in order to establish His knowledge (praised be
He); and with mention of the Uncompounded Reality in order to

establish causality (ìlliyya) in the Essence [of God]; and with

mention of the connection between the Essence [of God] and [His]
actions and attributes; and with the mention of the oneness of Being
(wah.dat al-wujúd) between the Creator (mújid) and the non-existent
(al-mafqúd). All of this is absolute heresy (shirk maḥd.) in the
estimation of the family of God, the Imáms of justice, for God has
always been the All-Knowing without the existence of anything in
the same manner that He is Living (bi-lá wujúd shay'in bi-mithli má
anna-hu kana ḥayyan). Just as He does not need for His being alive
the existence of anything other than Him, He also does not need for
His knowledge the existence of objects of knowledge.13
Part 6 – The Mode of the Bab‟s Writings in Persian
Persian writings (kalimát fársiyya) Ŕ The style of the Bábřs writings in

Persian is completely without precedent, whether from the standpoint of
vocabulary or phrasing. In the Persian Bayán, the nouns and adjectives are
Arabic and the verbs, pronouns and particles are Persian. In Persian, the
foundation of expression is the verb and a sentence without a verb is
incomplete. Nouns and adjectives are in the position of details of the verb in
the sentence. Therefore, the Persian Bayán is a book in the Persian language
because its sentences are constructed on the basis of Persian verbs.
However, the rest of the characteristics of these Persian sentences are
Arabic, whether from the standpoint of words and vocabulary or from the
stand point of phrasing or arrangement of the vocabulary. Furthermore, the
arrangement of the words is according to Arabic sentence structure, not
Persian. To demonstrate this, Behmardi proposes an experiment. First, he
will take a verse from the first part of the Persian Bayán and separates it into
its component parts:
/ ‫ اص‬/ ‫ وًّ ؽئ‬/‫ ثٗ ػجض‬/ ‫ اال‬/ ٝ‫ئ‬٠ ‫ ػ‬/ ‫چ‬١٘ / ‫ دس‬/ ‫دسا‬ٛ‫ خ‬/ ْ‫ ػشفب‬/ ‫خ‬٠‫ آ‬/ ٖ‫د‬ِٛ‫خٍك ٔفش‬
/ ‫ اص‬/ ٖ‫د‬ٛ‫ ِزؼبٌی ث‬/ ‫ضي‬٠ ٌُ / ‫ ار‬/ ٚ‫ ثٗ ٔفظ ا‬/ ‫ اال‬/ ‫ئی‬١‫ ثٗ ؽ‬/ ٖ‫د‬ِٛ‫ رجٍی ٔفش‬ٚ / ٚ‫ػشفبْ ا‬
/ ‫ّذ‬١ٕٔٛ١‫ ثٗ و‬/ ًّ ‫ و‬/ ٗ‫ و‬/ ‫ ثٗ ػأٔی‬/ ‫ وً ؽئ سا‬/ ٖ‫د‬ِٛ‫ خٍك فش‬ٚ / ٜ‫ئ‬ٞ‫ ثٗ ػ‬/ ْ‫الزشا‬
ٗ‫ ث‬/ ‫بِذ‬١‫ ل‬/ َٛ٠ / ‫ دس‬/ ٚ‫ ٔضد ا‬/ ‫ الشاس وٕٕذ‬/ ‫فطشد‬
/ ‫ی‬ٛ‫ وف‬/ ٗٔ ٚ / ‫ ػذٌی‬/ ٚ‫ اص ثشای ا‬/ ‫غذ‬١ٔ / ٗ‫ٕى‬٠‫ا‬
13
I have used Moojan Momenřs translation of this excerpt from the introduction to his translation of
Bahařuřllahřs Tablet on the Uncompounded Reality Accessed April 8 2007.. However, Behmardiřs manuscript
seems to be more accurate and I have adjusted Momenřs translation accordingly: ŖIlluminationistsŗ for ŖIslamic,ŗ
and Ŗnon-existentŗ for Ŗthe one who has gone astrayŗ [I think this better describes the relationship between the
absolute and the contingent implied in the word mafqúd]. Further, Momen incorrectly translates one portion as,
Ŗwithout the existence of anything having form and shapeŗ (shay'un bi-mithl ma inna-hu kana shayyár), although
he notes that this is a tenuous translation. Behmardiřs version of the text makes the connection between this
sentence and the following sentence clearer: bi-lá wujúdi shay'in bi-mithli má anna-hu kana h.ayyan (Ŗwithout the
existence of anything in the same manner that He is Living.ŗ)

khalq nafarmúdih / áyat-i / ìrfán-i / khud-rá / dar / hìch / shayřì / illá

/ bih àjz-i / kull-i shayř / az / ìrfán-i uu / va tajallí nafarmúdih / bih
shayřì / illá / bih nafs-i uu / idh / lam yazal / muta`álí búdih / az /
iqtirán / bih shayřì / va khalq farmúdih / kull shayř-rá / bih shařnì /
kih / kull / bih / kaynúniyyat / fit.rat / iqrár kunand / nazd-i uu / dar /
yawm-i / qiyámat / bih iinkih / níst / az bará-yi uu / àdlí / va nah /
kufuwí14
ŖHe hath not created a sign of the knowledge of Himself in anything

except by the inability of all things to know Him and He hath not
manifested (Himself) to anything except to Himself, since He hath
always been exalted above association with things and He hath
created all things in such a manner that all (of creation) in their
essential nature acknowledge in His presence on the Day of
Resurrection that He hath no peer or likeness.ŗ
Then Behmardi changes each word into the Arabic equivalent but does not
change the syntax of the sentence.
ٌُٚ / ٗٔ‫ ػشفب‬/ ٓ‫ ػ‬/ ‫ وً ؽئ‬/ ‫ ثؼجض‬/ ‫ اال‬/ ‫ ؽئ‬/ ‫ی‬ ّ ‫ ا‬/ ‫ فی‬/ ٗ‫ ٔفغ‬/ ْ‫ ػشفب‬/ ‫خ‬٠‫ آ‬/ ‫خٍك‬٠ ٌُ
ًّ ‫ و‬/ ‫ خَ ٍَك‬ٚ / ‫ ثؾئ‬/ ْ‫ االلزشا‬/ ٓ‫ ػ‬/ ً ‫ب‬١ٌ‫ وبْ ِزؼب‬/ ‫ضي‬٠ ٌُ / ‫ ار‬/ ٗ‫ ثٕفغ‬/ ‫ اال‬/ ‫ ثؾئ‬/ ًّ ‫زج‬٠
/ ‫ اٌفطشح‬/ ‫ّخ‬١ٕٔٛ١‫ ثى‬/ ًّ ‫ اٌى‬/ ّْ َ‫ ا‬/ ْ‫ ثؾأ‬/ ‫ؽئ‬
ّ / ‫بَ ح‬١‫ اٌم‬/ َٛ٠ / ‫ فی‬/ ٗ٠‫ ٌذ‬/ ّْٚ‫مش‬٠

ٛ‫ وف‬/ ‫ال‬ٚ / ‫ ػذي‬/ ٌٗ / ‫ظ‬١ٌ / ْ‫ثب‬
lam yakhluq / áyata / ìrfáni / nafsihi / fì / ayy / shayřin / illá / bi-àjzi / kulli
shayřin / àn / ìrfánihi / wa lam yatajalli / bi-shayřin / illá bi-nafsihi / idh /
lam yazal / kána muta`áliyan / àn / al-iqtiráni / bi-shayřin / wa khalaqa /
kulla shayřin / bi-shařni / anna / al-kulla / bi-kaynúniyyati / al-fit.rati /
yuqirrúna / ladayhi / fí / yawmi / al-qiyámati / bi-anna / laysa / lahu / àdlun
/ wa lá / kufuwun15
The result is that the syntax of the ŖPersianŗ of the Báb is actually Arabic
syntax. [!] This is the reason Persians cannot understand the Bábřs Persian
writings.
14
Muntakhibát-i áyát az áthár-i H.ad.rat-i Nuqtih-yi Ulá, 79.
15
Behmardiřs note: Ŗkhalq nafarmúdih,ŗ Ŗtajallì nafarmúdih,ŗ and Ŗmuta`álì búdihŗ are in lieu of a
single, complete Persian verb which are formed from Arabic words with a Persian verb suffix. This is one type of
focus on the Arabic language in the Bayán, where Persian verbs are generally one Arabic word with the suffix:
Ŗfarmúd Ŕ kard Ŕ namúd Ŕ gardíd Ŕ gasht Ŕ búd Ŕ mi-báshad Ŕ hast Ŕ shud.ŗ [in other words, one looks to the
Persian suffix for tense and person, but looks at the Arabic word for meaning.]

If a person knowledgeable of Arabic, but unfamiliar with the Writings, reads

an Arabic translation of the Persian of the Báb (without altering the syntax),
he would deem it eloquent. However, a Persian unfamiliar with the Writings
would not be able to understand the Persian Writings of the Báb. Therefore,
we can conclude that the Persian writings of the Báb are outwardly Persian
but inwardly Arabic. This is not farfetched, as the Báb seems to allude to it
in the Ṣaḥífa Àdliyya (p. 4), where He says that ŖArabic truthsŗ (ḥaqíqat
àrabiyyat) have flowed from His ŖPersian versesŗ (áyát-i àjamiyyih).
Behmardi also remarks that the Bábřs penchant for Arabic nouns and
adjectives in His Persian writings is also evident in the Guardianřs Lawh-i
Qarn.16
Part 7 – The Mode of Cryptic Esoterica
Cryptic esoterica (ghawámiḍ-i asrár) Ŕ Some of the writings of the Báb are
sent down on the basis of the science of letters and numbers and circles and
amulets (hayákil) and squares because He says in the Seven Proofs,
regarding the Kitáb al-Hayákil:
ّ ‫اص جٍّٗء‬
،ْ‫احذ وٗ ثٗ ح ّذ اػجبص اعذ اخزشاع آ‬ٚ ‫ء اعذ دس ٔفظ‬ٜ‫ادالء ِزمٕٗ ػٍُ وًّ ػ‬
.ٖ‫ٓ ِطٍغ ٔؾذ‬٠‫ احذی لجً اص ا‬ٚ ٖ‫ْ ؽذ‬ٚ‫ْ ِخض‬ٕٛ‫ٓ ػٍُ ِى‬٠‫بْ ا‬١‫احذ ث‬ٚ ً‫بو‬٠ ٖ ‫وٗ دس وزبة‬
ŖAmong the conclusive proofs is the knowledge of all things in a

single individual, the elaboration of which is on the level of
miraculous inimitability (i`jáz). This hidden and concealed
knowledge has been explained in the Kitáb-i Hayákil-i Wáḥid, nor
was anyone aware of it before this.ŗ17
Of course, just because some of the Writings of the Báb are in an obscure
style is no proof that this has general applicability [i.e. that everything is
cryptic esoterica]. It is only in subjects that donřt concern the general public
and are revealed for the Bábřs inner circle [kháṣṣán]. Those that are for the
general public have an accessible style that clarifies issues. Otherwise, they
could not be held accountable for rejecting the Bábřs Message.
If this restriction of cryptic esoterica to things revealed to the inner circle is

correct, then we can say that this type of revelation was written in different
modes. For example, three different styles are used in one of the Bábřs
Tablets for Bahařuřllah in the form of an amulet. First, there are verses
16
In translating the example Behmardi gives, I have tried to adhere to the syntax of the Persian passage
as much as possible in order to give a sense of what is going on in the original. Since it is actually Arabic syntax, it
is possible to transfer this word order into English, although it sounds terribly clunky. If the passage were of more
Persian syntax, this would be much more difficult since the verb would come at the end of the sentence.
17
Dalářil-i Sabìh, 45-6. Translation from Denis MacEoin, Rituals in Babism and Bahařism (London:
British Academic Press, 1994, 17). MacEoin argues else where that the Kitáb-i Hayákil-i Wáḥid is actually the last
five sections of the Kitáb-i Panj Shařn. See MacEoin, The Sources for Early Bábí Doctrine and History: A Survey
(Leiden: Brill, 1992, 89-90).

(áyát) in which the speaker is God and there is an end rhyme in the form of
an accusative alif. The second portion is in the form of a prayer (adìya).
The third portion of the Tablet is in the form of an orison (khuṭab).
Therefore, writings that are considered to be cryptic esoterica, which are
different in tone from other writings, do not have a special style. In other
words, this type of writing has a specialized content, but not a specialized
form. This specialized content is found both in scientific modes (shuřún
ìlmiyya) of writing and cryptic esoterica.
Part 8 – Alteration of Verses
The alteration of verses (taṣríf-i áyát) is found in the Qurřan and the
Writings of the Báb and Bahařuřllah. Indeed, it can be said that the
alteration of verses is one of the characteristics of divine revelation. In
Arabic, the word taṣríf means changing something from one form (ṣura) or
mood (ḥála) or arrangement (tarkíb) to another form or mood or
arrangement without changing the essence. For example, the definition of
morphology (ìlm aṣ-ṣarf) is Ŗa science which investigates the change of a
word into different forms in accordance with the intended meaning.ŗ 18 For
example, a person who exchanges money is called a money changer
(ṣarráf). It is not only the exchange of one form of money [ie. dollars] for
another form [quarters], but it is also the exchange of one type of money for
another [pounds for dollars]. Therefore, the meaning of altering the verses
of God is changing words from one style or arrangement to another style or
arrangement, like changing from supplications to verses, or vise versa,
without changing the content. For example, we see that in the writings of the
Báb He mentions a subject in which there are numerous instances of
alteration, while preserving the original statement, but with a change in the
arrangement of the sentences. One well-known example of this is the
alteration of the statements in the Dawn Prayer (du`á-yi saḥar).19 In the
Tablets of Visitation which the Báb revealed for the night of the halfway
point (laylat an-niṣf) of the month of fasting,20 He makes reference to the
Dawn Prayer in three places but with three different alterations. The first
alteration of the Dawn Prayer is when He says:
18
Rashíd ash-Shartúní [1864/5-1906/7] Mabádi' al-Àrabíyah fi al-sarf wa-al-nahw (Beirut: Dár al-
Mashriq, 1979, 8.
19
Behmardiřs note:The Dawn Prayer is one of the well-known Shiì prayers that begins with the
expression, ŖO God! I beseech Thee by all of Thy most-glorious lights [asřaluka min kulli bahářika bi-abháhi]...ŗ
The names of the month for the Badí` calendar are taken from the text of this prayer. The text itself is located in
Àbbás Qummí [d. 1941], Mafátíh. al-jinán (Tehran: Cháp-i ìlmí, 1316 AH, 183-85).
20
Behmardiřs note: This Tablet of Visitation is to be recited on the tenth night of the fast. In this Tablet
of Visitation, He says that it was revealed for Ŗthe Primal Tree and its Branches and whomsoever seeks shade
beneath its canopy. Moreover, it is a remembrance for Him Whom God Shall Make Manifest.ŗ This Tablet of
Visitation is still unpublished.

ٚ ‫فی ػٍّه‬ٙ‫ز‬١‫بء لذ احص‬ٙ‫ٍخ وً ث‬١ٌٍّ‫ ُّ ػٍی رٍه اٌ ّؾجشح فی رٍه اٌغّبػخ فی ٘زٖ ا‬ٌٍّٙ‫فبٔضي ا‬
‫ب‬ٙ‫ز‬١‫ وً ػظّخ لذ احص‬ٚ ‫وًّ جّبي لذ ج ٍّّزٗ فی وزبثه‬ٚ ‫و ًّ جالي لذ احطذ ثٗ ػٍّه‬
.‫ثؼٍّه اٌخ‬
ŖO God! Send down every light [kull bahá] which Thou hast
reckoned in Thy knowledge upon that Tree at this hour and on this
night, and every glory [jalál] which Thy knowledge embraceth, and
every beauty [jamál] with which Thou hast adorned Thy Book, and
every majesty [àẓama] which Thou hast reckoned in Thy
knowledge.ŗ
A second alteration is when He says:
ٚ ٍّٗ‫ ِٓ جالٌه ثبج‬ٚ ٖ‫بئه ةاثٗ ا‬ٙ‫ ِٓ ث‬ٚ ‫ب‬ّٙ‫بره ثبػظ‬٠‫ی العئٍٕه ِٓ آ‬ٌٙ‫ب ا‬٠ ُّ ٌٍّٙ‫عجحبٔه ا‬
‫سٖ اٌخ‬ٛٔ‫سن ثب‬ٛٔ ِٓ ٚ ٍّٗ‫ِٓ جّبٌه ثبج‬
ŖPraise be to Thee, O Lord, my God! Verily, I beseech Thee by Thy

majestic verses [la-asřalunnaka min áyátika bi-àẓamihá] and by Thy
most glorious light [min bahářika bi-abháhi] and by Thy sublime
glory [min jaláluka bi-ajallihi] and by Thy most exquisite beauty
[min jamálika bi-ajmalihi] and by Thy most radiant light [min núrika
bi-anwarihi]...ŗ
And in a third alteration:
ّ
‫ب‬ّٙ‫ػظّخهللا اػظ‬ ّ ‫ ِٓ جّبي‬ٚ ٍّٗ‫هللا اج‬
ِٓ ٚ ٍّٗ‫هللا اج‬ ّ ‫ ِٓ جالي‬ٚ ٖ‫ب‬ٙ‫هللا اث‬
ّ ‫بء‬ٙ‫ا ّْ ِٓ ث‬
ّ
.‫ػٍی ِٓ ٌجمذ ثه اٌخ‬ٚ ‫ه‬١ٍ‫ ػ‬...ٖ‫س‬ٛٔ‫سهللا ا‬ٛٔ ِٓٚ
ŖVerily, upon you and upon him who is in thy presence be the most
glorious light of God [min baháři allahi abháhi] and the sublime
majesty of God and the most exquisite beauty of god and the most
radiant light God.ŗ
The alteration of the Dawn Prayer is also found in other Tablets of the Báb,
such as the following:
ًّ ‫ق و‬ٛ‫جّبٌٗ ف‬ ّ ٚ ‫ق و ًّ جالي‬ٛ‫اْ جالٌٗ ف‬

ْ‫ا‬ ّ ٖ‫ش‬ٙ‫ظ‬٠ ِٓ ‫اْ ثٗ اء‬
ّ ٚ ‫ق و ًّ ثٗ اء‬ٛ‫هللا ف‬ ّ ٚ
‫ق وًّ ػظّخ اٌخ‬ٛ‫اْ ػظّزٗ ف‬ّ ٚ ‫جّبي‬

ŖVerily, the light [bahářa] of Him Whom God Shall Make Manifest is
above every (other) light. Verily, His glory [jalálahu] is above every
(other) glory. Verily, His beauty is above every (other) beauty. Verily,
His majesty [àzamatahu] is above every other majesty21
There is another kind of alteration that occurs in the Writings of the Báb,
which is the translation of Arabic into Persian or Persian into Arabic. This is
also found in the Writings of Bahařuřllah, as in the two sections revealed in
the Ziyárátnámih-yi Ḥurúfát `áliyyát. One example of this type of alteration
are given from Bábřs commentary on the Surat Kawthar:
‫ي صجی‬ٛ‫ُ ثُ سي ل‬ٙ‫ ثؼذ رين ٌ ّّب أذ رزوش وٍّبر‬ٚ ،‫ا‬ٚ‫زف ّىش‬١ٌ ‫سلخ‬ٚ ‫ا‬ٛ‫ٕؾئ‬٠ ٌٛ ‫اْ اٌؼٍُ اء‬
ّ ٚ
ٗ‫پ پ‬
ٖ ٟ
‫ي ثبٌفبسع ّح‬ٛ‫م‬٠
ŖVerily, if the ùlamář compose a page (of writing), they (must)

ponder. After that, when you mention their words, its is like the
speech of a child saying Ŗpah pahŗ [bravo!] in Persian.ŗ
The Báb then translates this passage in His Ṣaḥífih-yi Àdliyyih:
‫ آخش‬ٚ ‫ه خطجٗ أؼاء ِی وٕٕذ‬٠ ‫ رف ّىش٘ب ثٗ چٗ ِؾمّذ ٘ب‬ٚ ‫و ًّ ػٍّب ثؼذ اص ِالحظٗ ء وزت‬
‫ذ‬٠ٛ‫بْ پٗ پٗ ِی گ‬١‫ّٗ ِی گزاسی ثّضً صج‬١‫ٓ خطجبد ػظ‬٠‫االِش ثؼذ اص آٔىٗ دس ِمبثً ا‬
ŖAll of the ùlamář, after perusing books and pondering them, with
what difficulty they compose a single orison [khuṭbih]. Afterwards,
in contradistinction to these grand orisons [those of the Báb], you
proceed to say, like children: pah pah.ŗ22
Behmardi then quotes a different Arabic passage from the Bábřs

commentary on the Surat Kawthar and its Persian translation in His Ṣaḥífih-
yi Àdliyyih.
Another type of alteration in the Writings of the Báb is the different modes
of expression used to explain historical questions and the Bábřs state
without changing the content. However, when a change in style occurs in a
single text without interruption and before the point of transition in the
subject matter, it is called iltifát (Ŗsudden transitionŗ) in literature. This is
occurs frequently in the Writings of Bahařuřllah and the Báb. For example,
there is a sudden transition from the mode of the orison (khuṭba) to the
mode of prayer (du`á) in the Ṣaḥífih-yi Makhzúnih:
21
Muntakhabát-i áyát az áthár-i h.ad.rat-i nuqtih-yi ulá: 110-111.
22
Ṣaḥìfih-yi Àdliyyih: 11

‫ی رجزذع‬ٌٙ‫ب ا‬٠ ‫ أذ‬- ٓ٠ٞ ‫ا ِٓ إٌّظ‬ٛٔ‫بِٗ ٌىب‬ٌٙ‫ ال ا‬ٌٛ ٚ ٖ‫ذ‬١‫ح‬ٛ‫ُ اٌخٍك ر‬ٌٙ‫اٌحّذ ّّلل اٌّزی ا‬
.ً ‫ّزه اخزشاػب‬١‫اء ثفبظً ِؾ‬ٟ‫ رخزشع االؽ‬ٚ ً ‫ء اثزذاػب‬ٜ‫ّخ ال ِٓ ػ‬١‫ثخٍك اٌّؾ‬
ŖPraise be to God who hath inspired [alhama] all created things (with
knowledge of) His divine Unity. If He had not inspired them
[ilhámuhu], then they would be of those who forget Ŕ O my God!
Thou dost create by the creative power of the Will [bi-khalqiřl-
mashiyya] and from no other thing and fashion things by virtue of
Thy Will.ŗ
In the commentary on Surat Kawthar, the Báb changes from the mode of
verses to the mode of prayer with no point of transition:
ٓ١‫َ و ًّ اٌّزّم‬ٛ١ٌ‫اْ ا‬ٚ

ّ ،‫ش فی وزبة ِغزطش‬١‫ وج‬ٚ ‫ش‬١‫ و ًّ صغ‬ٚ ‫هللا لذ خٍمىُ ثّب لجٍزُ ثمَذَس‬ ّ ْ‫ا‬
ّ
ّ ٍُ‫ُ أّه ٌزؼ‬ٌٍّٙ‫ ُعؼُش – ا‬ٚ ‫ٓ فی ظالي‬٠‫ ص ُّ وًّ اٌىبفش‬، ‫َش‬َٙٔ ٚ ‫فی جّٕبد‬
‫اْ االْ لذ ٔ ّضي ػٍ ّی‬
‫صْ لغطبط اٌؼذي اَةػجبص ٔخً ِٕمؼش‬ٛ٠ ْ‫ِ ّّٓ اساد ا‬، ‫وزبة ِغطّش‬
ŖVerily, God hath created you, inasmuch as you have obeyed the
(divine) decree [qadar], and all things large and small are recorded in
the Book. Verily, all those who have attained certainty are in Paradise
and the river (of Paradise), and all those who have disbelieved are in
error and the flames of hell Ŕ O God! Verily, thou knowest that at this
moment it hath been sent down upon the recorded Book, from Him
who hath desired to balance the scales of justice with Řuprooted
stumps of palm treesř [Q 54:20].ŗ23
Part 9 – Concision, Disquisition, and Repetition
Both conciseness (ijáz) and elaborateness (tafṣíl) characterize the writings of

the Báb. In some places, the Báb explains a subject very succinctly. The
Ṣaḥífih-yi Àdliyya is a good example of this. However, the Persian Bayán is
among the most detailed of Bábřs writings. Among the succinct statements
in the Ṣaḥífih-yi Àdliyya is the following:
23
With regard to alteration by translation, I have translated the two examples as literally as possible to
show how the Báb uses Persian to flesh out the meaning of the Arabic. This also occurs in the Writings of
Bahařuřllah, such as the Lawh-i Bahář, where Bahařuřllah first reveals the Tablet in Arabic and then fully
translates it in Persian. As to the abrupt change from one mode of writing to another without a point of transition
(some phrase signaling a shift in style or content), this can be bewildering even for those fluent in the languages
and can lead to an erroneous reading of the text.

ٚ‫ ثب ا‬ٜ‫ئ‬ٞ‫د ػ‬ٛ‫ج‬ٚ َ‫ الجً ػذ‬ٚ‫صف راد ِم ّذط ا‬ٚ ‫غغذ‬١ٔ ٓ‫ِّى‬
ŖIt is not possible to describe His sanctified essence due to the non-
existence of something in relation to Him.ŗ24
ّ ‫ای راد‬ٛ‫د ع‬ٛ‫ّذ ثٗ آْ اغالق ؽ‬١‫ئ‬١‫ وٗ اعُ ؽ‬ٜ‫ئ‬ٞ‫٘ش ػ‬

‫عذ‬ٚ‫هللا خٍك ا‬
Also: ŖEverything that is called a Řthingř, other than the essence of

God, is His creation.ŗ25
In some of the Bábřs writings, like the Persian Bayán and the Kitáb al-
Asmá, divine wisdom dictates that subjects be explained with prolixity,
perhaps so that someoneřs doubts may be dispelled. In other words, the
essence of the thought is given in great deal and not just alluded to. For
example, the phrase given in the Ṣaḥífih-yi Àdliyya, ŖEverything that is
called a Řthingř,ŗ is explained in detail in the Persian Bayán:
ّ ‫ إّٔی أب‬،‫ٓ اعذ‬٠‫ْ ا‬ٚ‫ ا‬ٚ ‫بْ وٍّٗ ای وٗ جبِغ و ًّ ػٍُ اعذ‬١‫دٖ دس ث‬ِٛ‫ٔذ ٔبصي فش‬ٚ‫خذا‬
‫هللا‬
‫ّذ ثش‬١‫ئ‬١‫ وٗ اغالق ؽ‬ٝ‫ئ‬٠‫ ٘ش ػ‬ٚ ،ْٛ‫ّبی فبرّم‬٠‫ب خٍمی ا‬٠ ْ‫ٔی خٍمی ا‬ٚ‫اْ ِب د‬
ّ ٚ ‫ال اٌٗ اال أب‬
ّ ْٚ‫د ِب د‬ٛ‫ ِی ؽ‬ٚ‫ا‬
‫ احذاس اٌخ‬ٚ ‫ أؼاء‬ٚ ‫اخزشاع‬ٚ ‫عذ دس ح ّذ اثذاع‬ٚ‫هللا خٍك ا‬
ŖGod revealed words in the Bayán that are the condensation (jámi`)
of all knowledge. The words are as follows: Verily, I am God, no
God is there but me. Verily, that which is other than Me is My
creation. O My creation! Fear God! Everything that is called a
Řthingř, other than God, is His creation at the point of (ḥadd) of
origination, and fashioning, and construction, and bringing into
existence.ŗ (Sixth báb, third wáhid )
As explained before, one of the reasons for the revelation of a bayán is to

clarify and explain in detail. In comparison with the Persian Bayán, the
Arabic Bayán is succinct.
Another interesting aspect in the writings of the Báb is the repetition of

words and phrases. In literature, repetition is usually employed for two
reasons. First, to place emphasis on the subject. Second, to remind the
reader or listener of something, because repetition of a subject or word or
phrase several times fixes it in the mind and prevents people from forgetting
it.
24
Ṣaḥìfih-yi Àdliyyih, 1
25
Ibid, 15.

Since one of the most important things in the writings of the Báb is divine
Unity and Him Whom God Shall Make Manifest, there is a lot of repetition
when these subjects appear. For example, in order to emphasize absolute
divine unity, there is repetition of the names and attributes of God and praise
and glorification of His essence, as in the Surat al-Mulk in the Qayyúm al-
Asmá and in a letter to Mullá Báqir, a Letter of the Living26
In the Qayyúm al-Asmá, words like ḥaqq (Truth), akbar (most great), kitáb
(book), and nár (fire) are frequently repeated. Moreover, aqq is repeated in
most of the verses of the Qayyúm al-Asmá. For example, the word ḥaqq is
repeated in the first Sura (al-Mulk) 47 times, in the second Sura (al-
Ùlamář) 41 times, in the third Sura (al-Imán) 25 times, in the fourth Sura
(al-Madína) 33 times, and so forth until the last Sura (al-Muřminìn) where it
is repeated 50 times, which is more than the number of its verses. Since it
has been elsewhere claimed [by Behmardi] that repetition indicates
something secret, what is the purpose of repeating ḥaqq so frequently?
Of course, the word does not have a single interpretation, but if one looks at
other writings, it can illuminate the meaning. In this respect, if we look at
Bahařuřllahřs Tafsír Ḥurúf Muqattaà and the Lawh al-Ḥaqq, it becomes
clear that the Báb is referring to Bahařuřllah when He uses the word Ŗtruthŗ
in the Qayyúm al-Asmá, as Bahařuřllah states in the Tafsír Ḥurúf Muqattaà:
‫ ٘زا ِب‬ٚ ‫ی ػٕذ اؽشاق اٌ ّؾّظ ِشّح اخشی‬ٛ‫ٌی ػٓ ؽجشحاٌمص‬ٚ‫ش ٔذاء ا ال‬ٙ‫ظ‬٠ ‫ٕئز‬١‫ ح‬...
‫ح ِٓ عذسح‬ّٞ ‫ب ٔبس االحذ‬ٙ١‫لذ ف‬ٛ‫ اٌّزی ر‬ٞ
‫ٍخ االحذ ّح‬١ٌٍّ ‫سقاء فی لطت اٌجكاء فی ٘ز ٖ ا‬ٌٛ‫غّٕذ ا‬
ّ
ْ‫ذ‬ٙ‫ؾ‬١ٌ ّ ‫ّخ اٌّزی ع ّّی ثبٌح‬١ٌ‫اٌغّشّ االص‬ٚ ‫ّخ‬١ِ‫ ظ ًّ اعُ االلذ‬ٞ‫ٕب ف‬١ّ‫اٌغ‬
‫َ االعُ اء‬ّٛ١‫ُ فی ل‬٠‫ك اٌمذ‬
ْ‫ّٓ آٌّا‬١ٌّٙ‫ض اٌّمزذس ا‬٠‫ اٌؼض‬ٛ٘ ّٗٔ‫ّبد ثب‬١‫ عشائش اٌمٍت ثبٌخف‬ٞ
ّ ‫ساد ف‬ّٛٙ‫و ًّ اٌظ‬
Ŗ...At this moment the call of the First One is issuing once again
from the remote Tree with the rising of the sun. This is that which the
dove hath warbled in the midmost heart of eternity on this night of
oneness in which the fire of oneness hath been enkindled by the
Burning Bush in the shade of the Most Ancient Name and the Eternal
Secret, who hath been called Ŗthe Ancient Truthŗ (al-ḥaqq al-qadím)
in the Qayyúm al-Asmář, in order that all of the manifestations of the
secrets hidden within the heart may bear witness that He is the
Powerful, the Mighty, the Help in Peril, the Merciful.ŗ
From this explanation we understand that the purpose of repeating the word
ḥaqq in the Qayyúm al-Asmář is to prepare the Bábis and the people of the
world to believe in the new manifestation of Truth and to stress the
26
Mìrzá Abúřl-Fad.l Gulpáygání and Aqá Sayyid Mihdí Gulpáygání, Kashf al-Ghitář (Beirut): 2, 4-5
[both examples are quoted].

importance of this subject. This is proof that it was mentioned directly and
repetitively, not with hints and allusions.
Part 10 – Ciphers & Tropes27
To say that the Báb speaks directly is not to say that His Writings are devoid
of allusions and ciphers (rumúz). Of course, discerning the meaning of the
allusions and ciphers used by the Báb is a task that future Bahařis will
undertake. Some of these terms include ŖHe Who has Seven Lettersŗ (dhát
ḥurúf as-sabà, meaning Àlì Muhammad), Ŗthe Letter Sìnŗ (ḥarf as-sín,
meaning Mullá Husayn), and the ŖKitáb-i Qáf and the Kitáb-i Alifŗ
(meaning the Qurřan and the Gospel [injìl]), the Letter Mìm and the Letter
Fář (ḥarf-i mím and ḥarf-i fář, meaning Moses and Pharaoh [firàwn]), and
so forth. Further, sometimes a string of sentences are dense with ciphers and
allusions. For example, in the Ṣaḥífa bayn al-Ḥaramayn, the Báb says, ŖThe
triple-lettered word (kalimat at-tathlíth) only refers to His Imam (walíyihi,
i.e. Àlí), and the quadruple-lettered word (shakl at-tarbí`) only refers to His
Beloved (ḥabíbihi, i.e. Muhammad). Verily, the things united in all of grades
(of existence) are separated by the manifestation of the union of these two
words (i.e. Àlí Muhammad).ŗ
The use of tropes (majáz) are another special characteristic of the writings
of the Báb. A trope is not a cipher, since a trope goes beyond the external
meaning of one word to indicate another meaning that the literal meaning of
the word does not possess. However, ciphers are expressions that do have
not the intended meaning in themselves. Forms, numbers, and letters can
also be ciphers, like the form of the haykal represents the human being, and
the number seven is a symbol for Àlí Muhammad or Husayn Àli [because
of the number of Arabic letters in their name], and the numbers five and
nine indicate the Báb and Bahář, and the number fourteen indicates the
Fourteen Infallible Ones, which the ciphers ŖFaceŗ (wajh) or ŖHandŗ (yad)
represent. Therefore, a trope must be an expression whose outer form is
understandable, but the speakers intention is something different. However,
a cipher is a word or a letter or a number or a form that does not have the
intended meaning in itself and the outer meaning is well-known and clear.
The hidden, intended meaning can only be known by familiarity with the
27
I imagine some people will object to my translation of ramz as Ŗcipherŗ rather than Ŗsymbolŗ and
majáz as Ŗtrope,ŗ rather than Ŗmetaphor.ŗ I think, however, that these translations are more in keeping with
Behmardiřs definitions, since he seems to draw on medieval discussions of these terms rather than modern ones,
which would define a ramz in more Western terms. As for his definition of trope as something that Ŗgoes beyond
the external meaning of one word to indicate another meaning that the literal meaning of the word does not
possess,ŗ I think it could be stated another way: the power of a trope is its multivalent connotations (its cultural
and psychological associations), not its denotations (dictionary definitions). To understand the full implication of a
trope, therefore, would require thorough knowledge of the writings of the author and the cultural associations of
the readership (something Todd has tried to show in his work on the commentaries of the Báb). A cipher, on the
other hand, can only be understood through initiation into the code language of the author(s) either through some
sort of key or deciphering the code.

technical terminology used in the text, like the example of the ŖLetter Sìnŗ
seen above.
Among the tropes in the Writings of the Báb are words like Ŗfire,ŗ Ŗlight,ŗ
and Ŗbookŗ in the Qayyúm al-Asmá and Ŗthe Sun of Truthŗ (shams-i
ḥaqíqat), and Ŗthe Tree of Truthŗ (shajarih-yi ḥaqíqat), and so on in the
Persian Bayán. For example, in the Qayyum al-Asmá, the word Ŗfireŗ has
several meanings. In some places it alludes to the blaze of Mt. Túr [i.e. Mt.
Sinai], which is the Manifestation of the Cause of God in each theophany. In
other places it alludes to Hell [gives two examples from the Surat as-Sirr
and the Surat al-Mulk]. In both cases, the word Ŗfireŗ has a well-known and
clear meaning and can be found in the dictionary. However, that which is
intended is something different from that which is in the dictionaries [this is
the difference between denotation and connotation].
Sometimes, the Báb clarifies a subject figuratively and allegorically. This

way of clarification uses parables, as found in the Persian Bayán, where the
Báb speaks figuratively and allegorically of the ignorance of the People of
the Bayán when Him Who God Shall make Manifest is among them:
‫د‬ٛ‫ذٖ ِی ؽ‬٠‫شا وٗ د‬٠‫اس اعذ وٗ خبٌی گزاسٔذ ص‬ٚ‫ه ٔفظ عضا‬٠ ًّ ‫ٓ ٘ش ِمؼذی ِح‬١ٕ‫ّ٘چ‬ٚ
ّ ٖ‫ش‬ٙ‫ط‬٠ ِٓ ‫د‬ٛ‫ذ خ‬١‫وٗ دس ث‬
‫ سا‬ٚ‫ٕذ ا‬٠‫ٓ لغُ ظب٘ش اعذ وٗ اص ِمؼذ آْ ِٕغ ِی ّٔب‬٠‫هللا ُ٘ ا‬
‫ ِحزجت ِی‬ٚ‫ اص ا‬ٚ‫س ا‬ٛٙ‫َ ظ‬ٛ٠ ‫ٌی‬ٚ ‫ٕذ‬٠‫ سا الحزشاَ ِالحظٗ ِی ّٔب‬ٚ‫ٔکٗ ّٔی ؽٕبعٕذ ا‬ٛ‫چ‬
‫ِبٕٔذ‬
ŖFurthermore, every chair is left empty for one deserving soul, which
they have made vacant, since it is seen that in their house, Him
Whom God Shall Make Manifest is in the outer section (of the
house) because they prevent Him from sitting. They know Him not
due to their respect for his name. However, He knows all and He
laughs at the believers who, on account of His name, observe this
type of flattery and respect, but on the day of the His manifestation
they are veiled from Him.ŗ28
In summary, the words of the Báb are understandable to everyone, otherwise

they wouldnřt be a proof of His prophethood and a means for obtaining
guidance. What stands in the way is the style, context, and technical
vocabulary which is unfamiliar to most people. There are two reasons for
this. Just as in past dispensations, the technical vocabulary of the Writings is
initially unfamiliar [like the Qurřan for the Arabs]. The second reason (and
in the authorřs opinion, the most important), people become familiar with
the abstruse and difficult philosophical, mystical and religious writings,
28
First báb, ninth wáhid

which then become easy to understand. However, if that which they know is
a hindrance, then they should turn to the words of God with their inner
being so that no obstacles may remain in the way of understanding and
recognizing the divine Writings.

The Authority of the Feminine and Fatima's Place in an

Early Work by the Bab1
Dr. Todd Lawson2
Toronto, Canada, University of Toronto, Institute of Islamic Studies
The power and authority of the millennial or apocalyptic imagination is

fully evident in the success of the Babi movement of nineteenth-century
Iran. Among the most striking and memorable features of Babism is surely
the prominence, prestige, and religious authority acquired by the woman
disciple of the Bab known as Tahirih. The famous Babi cleric, poet, martyr,
and symbol of Iran's encounter with both its own history and the version of
modernity proffered by the West is possibly more noted by posterity than
the founder of the Babi movement himself because she represents both an
apparent anomaly and a heroic symbol of modern female liberation. Tahirih
after all left an unhappy marriage and her children to follow her
revolutionary vision for a more just society. She was accomplished in a
virtually completely male dominated milieu, the clerical. She traveled
widely throughout Iran preaching to audiences of men and women the dawn
of a new day, and most dramatically, she threw off her veil in public in
direct defiance of social and religious norms. She was also a martyr. After
the attempt on the life of the shah in 1851, Tahirih was strangled by her own
silk scarf and buried in a well in the courtyard of a religious official in
Tehran.
However much the story of Tahirih is appreciated by modern and

contemporary feminists and suffragists, it is important to recognize that
while her heroism may have inspired many in far-flung salons of Europe
and eventually America, she is very much a daughter of her own culture,
history, mythology, and religion. This assertion will perhaps be received
with cynicism, for how could such a paternalistic and male-dominated
religion and culture as Iranian Islam of the first half of the nineteenth
century produce such a woman celebrity and champion of women's rights?
Indeed, it has never been established that Tahirih was a champion of
women's rights3. What we know is that she was a deeply religious mystic
who felt a new day arising in the world. She was a messianic player. But it
was not accidental that she was a woman, and it is not without consequence
for the history of the Babi movement, which though it passed from the stage
of history more or less a failure, it nonetheless gave rise to several other
trends and movements in Iran whose influence may still be felt. Tahirih the
1
In remembrance of Elizabeth Martin.
2
The following is a revised version of an article that originally appeared in The Most Learned of the
ShiŘa: The Institution of the MarjaŘ Taqlid, edited by Linda Walbridge, Oxford University Press: New York, 2001,
pp. 94-127.
3
Susan S. Maneck, "Women in the Baha'i Faith" Religion and Women, Arvind Sharma (ed.), Albany,
N.Y.: SUNY Press, 1994, 211-27.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
138 Todd Lawson Authority of the Feminine
Babi walked, it seems, right out of the poems, songs, and higher forms of
religiocultural literature as the return of Fatima. It was a sacred
performance.
Tahirih, whose full name was Fatima Zarrin Taj Baraghani, Qurrat al-'Ayn,
was seen by a large number of her fellow Babis as the "return," or
reincarnation, of Fatima, the daughter of the prophet Muhammad and wife
of the first Imam, 'Ali. Whether this exemplifies reincarnation or
transmigration remains to be addressed. It is indisputable, however, that
Baraghani was seen by the Babis (and perhaps herself) as the personification
of those virtues and attributes that Fatima had come to symbolize for the
Iranian Shi'i community. At the most superficial level, her name was Fatima
and her cognomen Tahirih was first applied to her holy ancestor, as was the
other name by which she is so widely known, Qurratu'l-'Ayn, "Solace of the
eyes." As an antitype of the Fatima known and venerated by nineteenth-
century Iranian Muslims, she may be expected to be rather distinctive. The
Fatima of the Bab's Qur'an commentary is particularly useful as a function
of many different factors: she is a bearer of religious authority (walaya: see
the discussion that follows for a further elaboration of the meaning of this
term); she is a focus of religious devotion and meditation, an icon, as it
were, without which the spiritual and religious life may be considered
incomplete; she is seen as the embodiment of the spiritual reality of the
earth itself, a cosmogonic principle, and at the same time a recurrent actor in
a historical drama that will lead ultimately to the long-awaited Day of
Resurrection. An examination of the Fatima in this commentary, written
before the actual formation or founding of the Babi movement, will help us
to understand how many of the Bab's contemporaries saw Tahirih (i.e., the
nineteenth-century religious scholar and poet) and, perhaps most important,
how Tahirih saw herself. On this latter question, Abbas Amanat has offered
the following interesting suggestion:
Frustrations in her family life and persecutions in her Babi career

both served as impetuses for inspirations that she transposed into a
religious paradigm; what she terms "the state of primal truth." By
assuming the symbolic role of Fatima, she envisaged a feminine
model Ŕ a "primal truth," as she called it Ŕ that substantially differed
from the role assigned to Fatima in the Islamic, more particularly
Shi'ite, tradition as the daughter of the Prophet, the wife of 'Ali, and
the mother of Hasan and Husayn; the role that guaranteed her
sanctitude (sic) by lineage, marriage, and motherly love. Qurrat al-
'Ayn's Fatima was one of independent will and action. The leadership
she assumed in the 'Atabat and later at Badasht was the realization of
this paradigm.... The only solution she saw, for women and men
alike, was a break with the past, and as the first step, a deliberate
infringement of religious norms. To find her in the forefront of Babi
radicalism and an advocate of progressive revelation is only logical.
Her initiation in the Letters of the Living, on the other hand, was an

© 2007 Todd Lawson
acknowledgment of her equal place with men in the first unit of the
ideal Babi order of All-Beings.4
This study suggests that it was not so much a break with the past Ŕ that is,
the past as "primal truth" Ŕ as the revivifying of it that is really at work in
the rise of the Babi movement and perhaps its most famous proponent, the
woman Tahirih. Fatima, the daughter of the Prophet Muhammad and wife of
'Ali was, according to tradition, something of an activist, such as it could be
expressed within the confines of seventh-century Arabia. And it seems clear
that tradition honors Fatima for her heroism, a brief outline of which is
offered below. In the introduction to his Persian Bayan, written after 1848,
the Bab specifies that his first followers, the eighteen Letters of the Living,
are the return of the Fourteen Immaculate Ones, the Family of God plus the
historical four emissaries of the disappeared twelfth Imam, Muhammad ibn
Hasan al-Àskari (disappeared in 873-74) who successively represented the
highest authority in the Shi'i world from that time until 949-50.5 Thus
Tahirih not only "assumed the role" of Fatima. She was Fatima.
In the course of this article I also demonstrate that the Bab did not invent
such doctrines out of whole cloth, but rather his ideas are, in the main,
consonant with the general position of Fatima in Shiì religiosity, piety, and
mysticism. Most important is Fatima's recognized status as an equal bearer
of religious authority (walaya) along with the Imams and Muhammad the
prophet.6 In order to demonstrate more fully how someone like Tahirih
could acquire the prestige and power she undoubtedly had within her milieu,
I delineate the main features of the doctrine of walaya as it had developed
within Ithna 'Ashari Shi'ism by the first half of the nineteenth century.
Walaya
In the course of this examination of the religious authority of Fatima, I

clarify that however much the eventual course of the Babi movement was at
odds with the religious status quo of mid-nineteenth-century Iran, at its core
was a cluster of beliefs shared in common with orthodox Shi'i Islam. The
heart of all Shi'ism centers on the strong veneration of the first Imam, 'Ali
4
Amanat, Abbas. Resurrection and Renewal: The Making of the Babi Movement in Iran, 1844-1850.
Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989, 331
5
The Persian Bayan of Sayyid Ali Muhammad Shirazi, the Bab, 1.2, tr. Dr. Denis MacEoin, The
Second Chapter of the First Unity: [H-Bahai] Translations of Shaykhi, Babi and Baha'i Texts (July, 1997-)
6
Such a status is reflected in the words of Ali Shariati: "She herself is an Imam...." ('Ali Shariati,
Fatima Is Fatima, trans. L Bakhtiu [Tehran: The Shariah Foundation, (1980)], p. 225. For important recent
scholarship on Fatima see the writings of Muhammad Ali Amir Moezzi: ŖAspects de lřImamologie Duodécimaine
I: Remarques sur la Divinité de lřImamŗ, Studia Iranica, 1996, 25(2), 193-216; ŖCosmogony and Cosmology in
Twelver Shiřism,ŗ Encyclopedia Iranica, vol. 6, pp. 317-322; (in collaboration with Jean Calmard), ŖFatimah,
daughter of the Prophet Mohammad,ŗ Encyclopedia Iranica, vol. 9, pp. 400-404; The Divine Guide in Early
Shiìsm: The Sources of Esotericism in Islam. Tr. David Streight. Albany: State University of New York Press,
1994, passim. The recent lucid discussion of the general development of the religio-literary image of Fatima will
also be of interest: Verena Klemm, "Image Formation of an Islamic Legend: Fatima, the Daughter of the Prophet
Muhammad," in Sebastian Günther (ed.), Ideas, Images, and Methods of Portrayal: Insights into Classical Arabic
Literature and Islam, Leiden & Boston: E. J. Brill, 2005, 181-208.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
ibn Abi Talib (d. 661) (and his wife and the Prophet's daughter, Fatima) as
the guardian, protector, and true friend of those who have acknowledged his
station as the immediate successor of the Prophet Muhammad. For this
reason he is known as wall, and the quality of his authority is called walaya,
frequently (and inadequately) rendered "sainthood."7 There is in Shi'ism no
notion more fundamental than this. It will be seen, perhaps not surprisingly,
that the idea was just as central to the Bab's thought, as it is to Shi'ism in
general. Also, it will be seen that belief or faith (iman) is conditioned by the
degree to which one accepts and testifies to the walaya of the so-called
Family of God (al Allah).8 This family consists of the Prophet Muhammad,
'Ali, and Fatima, and the eleven other Imams. No deed, no matter how
meritorious, is acceptable unless it has been performed by one who has fully
confessed the truth of this walaya as borne by the Family of God. Moreover,
such walaya has existed from eternity, much like the so-called
"Muhammadan light" and numbers among those who have recognized it the
prophets Abraham, Moses, and Jesus. As an eternal principle, it remains an
imperative for all would-be believers at all times: through acceptance or
rejection of this spiritual authority, one determines the fate of one's soul.
Walaya is implicated in the fourth of five pillars of belief of traditional Ithna

'Ashari Shi'ism, which are (1) Divine Unity (tawhid), (2) Prophethood
(nubuwwa), (3) the Resurrection/Return (mařad), (4) the Imamate (imama),
and (5) Divine Justice (àdl). In Shi'ism prophetic authority ended with the
death of Muhammad (632), but the Prophet is understood as having two
types of mutually complementing authority: the one, connected with the
office of prophethood (nubuwwa); the other, in some ways a more general,
yet at the same time purer (and therefore higher) type of authority connected
with the office of guardianship (walaya). This teaching is based on the
Qur'an, where the noun wall occurs in several important contexts. Most
important for this discussion are all those Qur'anic verses that describe God
as the wall of the believers9 or the single verse that says that walaya belongs
to God alone (18:44). The general meaning of wall in these instances is
"protector," "friend," and "guardian." By extension, and in the context of the
most urgent doctrinal need of the Shi'i community, namely to explain the
system of distinctive leadership which it developed, walaya came to mean
"religious authority": believers are bound to obey what God, their best
friend and guardian, ordains. The "Family of God," to use the Bab's
distinctive terminology, are the only conduits of this divine protective
friendship, particularly in the context of the earliest struggles for leadership
7
This word is sometimes voweled as wilaya and frequently nice distinctions are made between the two
spellings in which walaya refers to spiritual authority and wilaya refers to political authority. Linguistically and
etymologically there is no basis for this distinction. One important Shi'i lexicon states that the voweling is optional
and the word connotes both political/temporal and spiritual power. A. Isfahani, Tafsir Mir' at al-Anwar wa
Mishkat al-Asrar ,Tehran: Chapkhaneh Aftab, 1874/1954, 337-38).
8
I prefer "Family of God" as a translation for this term to "clan of God" found throughout Amanat,
because of the obvious differences in connotation and denotation it carries: nearness, intimacy, and familiarity.
These persons are seen as the Holy Family in Shi'ism, not the Holy Clan.
9
E.g., Qur'an 2:107; 2:160; 2:257; 3:68; 6:51; 6:70; 9:112; 13:37; 18:26; 29:22; 32:4; 42:8; 42:9;
42:28; 42:31.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
within the Islamic community where one could make the error of choosing
the wrong "protecting friend" as a leader. Shi'ism says that this is precisely
what happened to those Muslims who chose Abu Bakr and the other two
early caliphs as leaders.10 While prophethood is in some sense superior to
guardianship because only a prophet receives revelation through direct
inspiration (wahy) and the task of a prophet is to establish a code of law
(shari'a), walaya is essential because only through this office or institution
can true religious authority be continued beyond the death of the prophet.
Furthermore, it is thought to be superior to nubuwwa because unlike that
institution, it is related directly to God. God is frequently called a wali in the
Qur'an, but never a nabi. In this way walaya is seen to be a divine attribute
certainly shared by all prophets, with nubuwwa representing in some ways a
subfunction of walaya. Postprophetic guardians (awliya') do not have
nubuwwa; it is only by virtue of their walaya that they have authority in the
community to interpret (never reveal) scripture. But their interpretation has
the authority of revelation.
Another complementary meaning of the term walaya is kinship, closeness,

allegiance and, in some ways, intimacy. A bearer of walaya is thus seen to
enjoy an especially close relationship to, in this case, God. This feature of
the word has lent it so well to all those contexts in the Islamic tradition
which have to do with sanctity and saintship.11 To take a recent example, it
was on the basis of these factors that Ayatollah Khomeini (d. 1989)
formulated the influential and politically astute doctrine known as "The
Guardianship of the Jurist" (Vilayat-i faqih), through which he demonstrated
to the satisfaction of his numerous followers that the decisions and opinions
of the godly jurist are guided by the unerring (ma `sum) hand of the Hidden
Imam and would therefore be identical with His teaching. Furthermore,
these rulings and opinions would somehow represent the very presence of
God and the Hidden Imam, a figure with almost ineffable sacral and
charismatic authority and power. Earlier examples of the usage have been
recently singled out as possibly the most important factor at play in the
spiritual authority of the Sufi shaykh or pir from very earliest times in
Islam.12 It is something of a truism that the Shi'i Imam is the analogue of
the Sufi shaykh (or vice versa). One reason is that the basic understanding
and function of the term walaya seems to be fairly constant across the
borders that otherwise separate the two. The point is that concern with
walaya means concern with power and authority. In the early work by the
Bab, there is a great deal of concern with walaya. In this study we are
interested mainly in the walaya and spiritual authority of Fatima. It is with
an enhanced appreciation of this topic that the remarkable life of Tahirih,
10
The most recent scholarly treatment of the key events and personalities in the drama that unfolded
after the death of the Prophet is Madelung, Wilferd. The Succession to Muhammad: A Study of the Early
Caliphate. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.
11
Hermann Landolt, "Walayah," Encyclopedia of Religion, and now the appropriate passages in Amir-
Moezzi, Divine Guide, index s.v. walaya, wali, awliya'.
12
Bernd Radtke and John O'Kane, The Concept of Sainthood in Early Islamic Mysticism, London:
Curzon Press, 1996.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
and the religious leadership of women, can be better understood within the
context of nineteenth-century Iran.
Usuli/Akhbari Debate
Before we turn directly to the writings of the Bab on this topic, it is

important to summarize, in very general terms, some of the pertinent
historical developments in Shi'i legal theory that serve as immediate
background to his career. By the time the Bab was writing, which was very
close to the time of the fulfillment of the Shi'i eschaton, a thousand years
having elapsed since the disappearance of the Twelfth/Hidden Imam,
Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Àskari, a long-standing dispute among
religious scholars had been rumbling for a number of decades. This dispute
had to do precisely with the way religious authority (walaya) would be
expressed and recognized among the believers and is known as the
Akhbari/Usuli debate. Although the Usuli position eventually won the day,
it is important to know what was at stake. In one sense, this dispute can be
characterized as "reason vs. revelation." The Akhbari position was against
the institutionalization of "independent jurisprudence" (ijtihad), and the
Usuli position upheld it. At stake, then, was not only a more or less abstract
legal theory, but also the potentially powerful office of mujtahid,
independent legal scholar, whose findings in all aspects of religion would be
binding upon the believers. These findings were derived through resort to
so-called sources (usul: roots) by the legal thinker or jurisprudent (faqih):
(1) Qur'an, (2) Sunna, or (3) Qiyas/Analogy. The process whereby these
elements were employed to derive a solution for a legal problem is called
ijtihad- "independent intellectual exertion." The Akhbaris asserted that there
was only one legal authority, namely, the Hidden Imam, the bearer of
walaya for this time, and that in such a circumstance there was in effect only
one mujtahid whom the faithful were required to emulate and follow,
namely the Hidden Imam. Thus the Akhbari position threatened the social
standing of an elite group of highly qualified legal experts by asserting that
each believer was to work out their own "salvation" through contemplation
of the sources of religion: 1) the Qur'an and 2) the Sunna. The name Akhbari
comes from the word used to refer to the thousands of traditions Ŕ akhbar,
sing. khabar, sometimes called hadith Ŕ that preserve the Sunna of not only
the Prophet, but the other thirteen immaculate ones, the twelve Imams and
Fatima. The Akhbaris taught that each believer had direct access to the truth
through reading the Qur'an and this supplementary material. The Usuli
position was eventually to lead to the establishment of the important
institution known as marja `-i taqlid, "one who is to be [blindly] imitated in
matters of religion."13
13
On this topic see Kohlberg, Etan. "Abu Turab." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies
1978, 347-52.;"From Imamiyya to Ithna-Àshariyya." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 39
(1976), 521-34.; "The Development of the Imami Shi'i Doctrine of jihad." Zeitschrift der Deutschen
Morgandlandischen Gesellschaft 1976, 126, 64-86.; Newman, Andrew Joseph III. The Development and Political

© 2007 Todd Lawson
In the process of winning the battle, Usulis argued heavily against the kind
of mystical or intuitive communion with the Hidden Imam that made the
Akhbari position feasible. In so doing, they argued very persuasively for the
superiority of the rational faculty and the use of reason. One response to this
argument would come in the form of the teachings of Shaykh Ahmad al-
Ahsa'i (d. 1826) and his successor, Sayyid Kazim Rashti (d. 1843), who
throughout their works cautioned against the elimination of the mystical or
intuitional aspects of religion and argued, in compelling language, for an
epistemology composed of equal parts of reason and "revelation." The
Shaykhi position won many supporters precisely because it rescued, in a
reasonable manner, the mystical noetic so dear to the Persian soul.14 The
Bab's writings, especially the ones examined in this article, are perhaps an
equally strenuously (if differently) argued mysticism. As we will see, the
Bab's source of authority is the Qur'an and the Family of God and no one or
nothing else.15
The Bab's Writings
There has been a tendency to regard the Tafsir surat Yusuf as the first work
of any significance written by the Bab, but this is wrong. 16 The Tafsir surat
al-Baqara Ŕ a work that has been habitually ignored by persons writing on
the Babi religion Ŕ is really the Bab's first major religious work. It first
became known in the West through E. G. Browne, who discussed it and the
circumstances under which he received a copy, in an article written in
1892.17 (It had been sent to him by Mirza Yahya Subh-i Azal, who had
Significance of the Rationalistic (Usuli) and Traditionalist (Akhbari) Schools in Imami Shi'i History from the
Third/Ninth to the Tenth/Sixteenth Century A.D. Ann Arbor: UMI Dissertation Service, 1986.
14
On the Shaykhi teachings see Juan R. I Cole, "Individualism and the Spiritual Path in Shaykh Ahmad
al-Ahsa'i." H-Bahai Occasional Papers in Shaykhi, Babi and Baha'i Studies 1/4 (September, 1997).; "The World as
Text: Cosmologies of Shaykh Ahmad al-Ahsa'i," Studia Islamica, 1994, 80, 1-23; Henry Corbin,.Spiritual Body
and Celestial Earth: From Mazdean Iran to Shiite Iran. Translated by Nancy Pearson, Princeton:Princeton
University Press, 1977.[Hereafter Corbin]; Corbin, Henry. En Islam iranien. 4 vols. Paris: Gallimard, 1971-
72.[Hereafter EII]; Rafati, Vahid. The Development of Shaykhi Thought in Shi'i Islam. Ann Arbor: University
Microfilms, 1979
15
On the subtle, amphibolous, and powerful relationship between Imam and Text, see Todd Lawson,
"Reading Reading Itself: The Bab's 'Sura of the Bees,' A Commentary on Qur'an 12:93 from the Sura of Joseph-
Text, Translation and Commentary H-Bahai Occasional Papers in Shaykhi, Babi and Baha'i Studies 1/5
(November, 1997).
16
Even as recently as 1989, we find the following statement on the date of the Tafsir surat Yusuf: ŖAs
far as can be verified, up to this time [when he produced the Tafsir surat Yusuf] the Bab had not produced any
work of significance, and it was only during his encounters with his early believers that he became fully aware of
his talent for producing Qur'anic commentaries." Amanat, Resurrection, 172-73.Manuscript: Tafsir Surat Yusuf by
the Bab" (1) Haifa, Baha'i World Centre: (QA)
17
Edward , 637-710, "A Catalogue and Description of 27 Babi Manuscripts," Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society, 1892, 24, 493-99. Azal, like his half-brother Baha'u'llah, had been a follower of the Bab from the
early days. As a result of disagreements between himself and Baha'u'llah, he became the leader of the Azali faction
of the Babis. Browne received a great number of Babi manuscripts from him.In this article Browne quotes a
passage from the Tarikh-i Jadid which recounts the conversion of the young Shaykhi Mulla Husayn Bushru'i to
the cause of the Bab in May 1844. While Mulla Husayn was visiting the Bab in the latter's home, he discovered a
commentary on the Surat al-Baqara. Reading some of it, he was impressed by the merits of the work and asked
his host who its author was. The Bab said that he in fact had written the work. This story relates that Mulla Husayn
was puzzled by one of the passages in the work: "the explanation of the inmost of the inmost" (tafsir-i batin-i
batin). Mulla Husayn is reported to have said: This appeared to me to be an error, and I remarked, "Here it should

© 2007 Todd Lawson
received it from a scribe in Tehran.) By virtue of the number of existing

manuscripts of this work that he enumerated, Denis MacEoin rekindled
interest in it as a valuable source for the history and doctrines of the Babi
movement.18 Through further research it has become clear that the Bab's
Tafsir surat al-Baqara enjoys a unique and heretofore unappreciated
significance for a study of the growth and development of the Babi religion.
MacEoin may have been correct when he suggested that it is much less
likely to have been corrupted by partisans of the later Baha'i/Azali dispute
because of its status as a preproclamation work.19 On the other hand, such
corruption may be a red herring, since a study of a number of manuscripts of
the later and much more famous and pivotal Tafsir surat Yusuf reveals very
little willful tampering with the text.20 But MacEoin is certainly correct in
his assertion that "since this tafsir is the only extended work of the Bab's
written before May 1844 [when he made his momentous claims public] and
still extant, it is indisputably of unique importance as a source of concrete
evidence for the development of his thought in the six months or so that led
up to the initial announcement of his prophetic claim."21 Insofar as this first
major work was also a tafsir, its interest goes beyond the confines of a study
of a specific heresy to engage with the greater Islamic tradition itself on the
common ground of the Qur'an.
Indeed, it is of some significance that this first major work by the Bab is a
commentary on the Surat al-Baqara, or Sura of the Cow (in actual fact, it is
a commentary on both the Surat al-Fatiha, the first sura and the Surat al-
Baqara, the second sura), a sura sometimes regarded by exegetes as "the
Qur'an in miniature" because in it are found many of the same concerns,
be 'the inmost,' and they have written 'the inmost of the inmost.'" "What can I say?" [the Bab] answered, "the
author of the Commentary lays claim to even more than this of greatness, glory, and knowledge. Consider the
passage attentively." I did so, and said, "It is quite correct. But I am wearied. Do you read and I will listen." He
read for a time, and then, as men are wont, I said, "It is enough. Do not trouble yourself further.". Browne,
Catalogue, 496-97. While this account is important for the history of the Tafsir Surat al-Baqara, it raises the
question of why Mulla Husayn should have been stopped by such an expression. The tafsir does in fact employ it,
although Browne was unable to locate it in his manuscript. It also seems logical to assume that Mulla Husayn
would have been quite conversant with such language. The writings of both Shaykh Ahmad and Sayyid Kazim
contain many allusions not only to the batin al-batin, but also to the batin batin al-batin, Whir al-batin, and so
forth. The young Mulla may have wanted to say that this particular passage deals only with the batin and should
not therefore have been referred to as an explanation of the "inmost of the inmost." It may be that the passage was
left out of Browne's manuscript because it was thought to damage the credibility of the Bab. Or it could be an
apocryphal tale designed to present the Bab as more learned than Mulla Husayn. Tafsir surat al-baqara (ms.) by
the Bab, Sayyid Àli Muhammad Shirazi, Tehran Bahai Archives 6014C [Baq]. Additional manuscripts:
Cambridge University Library, Browne Or. Ms. F8. (C); Leiden University Library, Or.4971 (Ar.2414). Item No.
8. (L); Majmu 'ah-ye Athar Hadrat-i A'la, 156-410. (1).
18
Denis MacEoin, The Sources for Early Babi Doctrine and History: A Survey (Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1992), 46-47.
19
Ibid., 41.
20
Todd Lawson, "Interpretation as Revelation: The Qur'an Commentary of Sayyid Àli Muhammad
Shirazi, the Bab (1819-1950)" In Approaches to the History of the Interpretation of the Qur'an, ed. Andrew L
Rippin. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988, 223-53.
21
MacEoin, Sources, 47. Extant works that were probably written by the Bab before the Tafsir Surat
al-Baqara include the short Arabic Risalat fi al-Suluk (on which see MacEoin, Sources, 44-45). For a translation
and description of this short epistle, see Todd Lawson, ŖThe Babřs ŘJourney towards Godř: Translation and Text.ŗ
In H-Bahai Translations of the Shaykhi, Babi and Bahai Texts 2/1 (January, 1998b). .Manuscript: Tehran Baha'i
Archives, 6006.C: (S)

© 2007 Todd Lawson
ordinances, conceits, and images found throughout the book. A commentary

on this sura by any given author would therefore tend to reveal the way he
would approach the entire Qur'an. It may be, in fact, that the Bab had
intended to produce a commentary on the whole Qur'an at this time. He is
said to have later produced no less than nine complete commentaries on the
Qur'an during his incarceration in Azerbaijan.22 Why he would have
suspended such a project at this earlier date is open to speculation. We do
know, however, that it was shortly after the completion of the commentary
on the first part23 of the Qur'an that Mulla Husayn Bushru'i made his visit to
Shiraz, during which time the Babi movement may be said to have been
born. Such a dramatic occurrence might possibly have had the effect of
deflecting the Bab's attention from such a "merely literary" project to
concentrate on newer and more important developments. One of these
developments was the composition of another tafsir (the Qayyum al-Asma
or Tafsir surat Yusuf) of such a startlingly different nature from this earlier
work that the two might be thought to have been written by two different
authors, though in reality this is probably not the case.24
The radical interpretation of several passages in the Surat al-Baqara as

speaking directly to the subject of walaya is not an innovation of the Bab's
but has characterized a strong tendency in Shi'i exegesis from the earliest
times.25 This is clarified in notes in the following text that direct the reader
to similar interpretations in classical literature. Of interest here is that such a
commentary was written by one who was not a member of the ulama class,
but rather a young merchant. The nature of the commentary shows that there
was a perceived need to reassert, revalorize, relocate, or perhaps take
possession of this cardinal Shi'i doctrine. Why such a need was felt at this
particular time and within the Iranian merchant class, has been discussed at
length by scholars concerned with the social history of late-eighteenth- and
early-nineteenth-century Iran. The following discussion attests to the degree
to which this need was felt, and the consequences it had for the
interpretation of scripture. Here we begin to understand why the Tafsir surat
al-Baqara provides invaluable information about the development
22
Zarandi, Mulla Muhammad (Nabil). The Dawn-Breakers: Nabil's Narrative of the Early Days of the
Baha'i Revelation, tr. and ed. Shoghi Effendi. Wilmette, Ill.: Bahai'i Publishing Trust, 1974, 31
23
Literally juz'. The Qur'an is divided in thirty more or less equal parts (ajza') for liturgical purposes,
enabling the believer to read equal parts of the text on successive days of the sacred month of Ramadan, for
example. The first part includes the first sura, al-Fatiha, the Opening, consisting of seven verses and the first 141
verses of the Surat al-Baqara. The Surat al-Baqara comprises roughly two and one-half parts. It is the longest sura
of the Qur'an.
24
This much more famous second work, the Qayyum al-Asma, appears to be the first work written after
the commentary on al-Baqara. By its special structure it actually may be considered a commentary on the entire
Qur'an. Thus, if it had been the Bab's desire to produce a complete tafsir at this early stage, he may be seen as
having accomplished this task though in a radically and unpredictably untraditional form. For a fuller description
of this second commentary, see Lawson "Interpretation as Revelation."
25
If the basic conclusion of this paper is correct, namely that the Babi movement represents an
efflorescence of themes, motifs, and religiosity associated with the earliest extremist Shi'is, then Halm's statement,
referring to the Ahl-i Haqq and the Nusayris, needs to be reassessed: "Descendarts of the Kufan ghulat have
survived to the present time in two mountainous areas of retreat, far from the centres of political power and from
Sunni as well as Shiite orthodoxy.... The Nusayris are the only Islamic sect to preserve the unbroken tradition of
the Kufan guluw." Heinz Halm, Shiism, trans. J. Watson, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1991, 158-59.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
of the Bab's religious ideas.
Walaya in the Bab's Earliest Work
The subject of walaya is introduced very early in the tafsir where reference
is made to the Absolute Walaya (walayatuhu al-mutlaqa) of Àli. In the
following pages, Qur'an citations are presented in small capital letters in
order to make as clear as possible the connection between the words of the
commentator and the sacred text. In the course of the Bab's commentary on
the second verse of the Fatiha, "Praise be to God, the Lord of the Worlds,"
the verse is said to be the book (kitab) of Àli, in which God has placed all
the principles (ahkam) of Absolute Walaya pertaining to it. It is designated
here, the Paradise of the Inclusive Unity (jannat al-wahidiya), whose
protection has been reserved for all those who affirm 'Ali's walaya.26
In this very brief statement, certain important terms are introduced, which
play a key role throughout the rest of the tafsir. Apart from the word walaya
(guardianship, friendship), the designation wahidiya occurs over and over
again throughout the work. It is descriptive of one of the degrees of divinity
which constitute the whole hierarchical metaphysical structure of the world.
It is the degree immediately inferior to the divine Exclusive Unity
(ahadiya). Such terminology betrays the influence of the so-called wahdat
al-wujud school associated with Ibn 'Arabi. Suffice it here to say that the
Absolute Walaya represents a theoretical position at least one remove from
the Ultimate. A third ontic level, "existence as an expression of divine
mercy," is associated with Fatima. We will return to this presently.27
The choice of the word principles (ahkam) has several connotations. In this
short introductory sentence to the tafsir on the Fatiha, the Bab characterizes
this opening chapter of the Qur'an as containing seven clear verses (ayat
muhkamat). The hermeneutic polarities of mutashabihat/muhkamat
represent one of the oldest concerns of tafsir in general and have occasioned
much speculation on the part of exegetes of all schools and attitudes. The
26
Baq., pp. 8 and 1, p. 156: qad ja 'alaha Allahu zillaha li-man aqarra bi-walayatihi; C, f.2b: qad
ja'ala Allahu.... Repeated reference throughout this commentary to ahadiya, wahidiya, rahmaniya, and so on
constitutes one of its more distinguishing characteristics. The terminology comes originally from Ibn 'Arabi
(638/1240) and its use here by the Bab offers yet another example of how the work, if not the thought, of one of
history's greatest mystics had thoroughly permeated Iranian Shi'i spiritual discourse (ìrfan) by this time. For a
study of these terms as they were received by Ibn 'Arabi's student Qunawi and others, see William Chittick, "The
Five Divine Presences," Muslim World, 1982, 72, 107-28. (See also the critique of this article: Hermann Landolt
ŖReview of W. Chittick, ŘThe Five Divine Presences- From al-Qunawi to al-Qaysari.ř Studia Iranica, Suppl. 8,
1985, #488, p. 126.) Briefly, the term ahadiya represents the highest aspect of the Absolute about which we can
notion (if one may use a noun as a verb) but does not, of course, define the Absolute that must always be beyond
whatever occurs about It in our minds- The term wahidiya refers to the second highest aspect of the Absolute, the
aspect that involves the "appearance" of the divine names and attributes. See also 'Abd al-Razzaq al-Kashani, al-
Istilahat al-Sufiya, edited by Muhammad Kamal Ibrahim JaŘfar, Cairo: al-Haiřat al-Misriyat al-ŘAmma liřl-Kitab,
1981, 25,47. The proper understanding of this technical terminology has been a subject of scholarly debate in Iran
for centuries.
27
Etymologically feminine, rahmaniya, from the Arabic word for "womb," is the abstract noun
mercifulness. Ibn Arabi seems to be the one responsible for characterizing the existentiation of creation as an act
of mercy, an expression of rahmaniya.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
primary idea is that the Qur'an contains both ambiguous and unambiguous
verses. At the most basic level, these are thought to be divided between
straightforward legal prescriptions and the rest of the book. The terminology
here is taken from Qur'an 3:7:
He it is who has sent down to thee the Book. In it are verses basic or
fundamental (of established meaning) [muhkamat]. They are the
foundation of the Book [umm al-kitab]. Others are allegorical
[mutashabihat]. But those in whose hearts is perversity follow the
part thereof that is allegorical, seeking discord, and searching for its
hidden meanings [ta'wil]. But no one knows its hidden meanings
[ta'wil] except God. And those who are firmly grounded in
knowledge say: "We believe in the Book, the whole of it is from our
Lord." And none will grasp the message except those who have
understanding.
With this aya comes one of the more fundamental differences between the
Sunni and Shi'i exegetes who disagree about its grammar and syntax. The
above translation represents the "Sunni" reading. A Shi'i reading would be:
"And none knows its interpretation save God and those firmly rooted in
knowledge" (al-rasikhun fi'l -'ilm). These rasikhun are of course the Imams,
in the first place, and in the second place, at least amongst the Usulis, the
mujtahids. So understood, the designation of the verses of the Fatiha as
unambiguous strongly suggests that the Bab read them as having a positive
and binding relationship with a true understanding of the Book. Seen in this
light, his statement that verse 2 of the Fatima ordains belief in the Absolute
Walaya of Àli must be taken as divine law, binding upon the believer in the
same way as legal prescriptions for the terms of inheritance, or even prayer
and fasting, are obligatory.
In this same commentary on the seven verses of the Fatiha, we first

encounter Fatima. In line with his method and the structure of this section,
the Bab designates the third verse, "the merciful the compassionate" (ar-
rahman ar-rahim), as "the book of Fatima" (kitab Fatima salat allah
'alayha).28 That Fatima is associated with rahma, "mercy," is in line with the
general idea of existence as mercy and the role of the feminine articulated in
the writings of Ibn Àrabi.29 It should also be noted that rahma is a feminine
noun constructed on the root rhm, which is also the basis for the word
rahim, "uterus, womb." Fatima is associated with this verse because it is
gender-specific so that grammar reflects reality Ŕ a basic axiom of the
worldview we are investigating. That it is also the third verse of the sura
means that the order: Muhammad, Àli, Fatima (ahadiya, wahidiya,
28
In the commentary on the rest of the Fatiha, each verse of which is designated as "the book" or
writing of one of the fourteen Pure Ones, that is the twelve imams, Fatima, and Muhammad. For specifics on the
heptadic structure that reflects the realities of Family of God, see Lawson (1986).
29
See also Huda Lutfy, "The Mystical Dimensions of Literature" Alif: Journal of Comparative Politics
Spring 1985, 5, 7-19.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
rahmaniya) is corroborated both through the gender reference and

chronological order of birth.30 The remainder of the commentary runs:
And God has put in [this verse] all that is hers and all that pertains to
her. [This verse] is the Garden of Divine Grace (jannat al-na'im).
God has ordained its shade for the one who believes in her and loves
her after he has recognized her as she deserves (ba `da ma 'arafaha
bima hiya ahluha), as she appeared to the seeker (or:
knower/Gnostic, Řarif) through his own self (kama tajallat li'l 'arif
lahu bihi). Then this garden will open to him.31
While there is no explicit mention of walaya here, it is nonetheless assumed

throughout the tafsir that Fatima is, as a member of the Family of God, one
of the fourteen bearers of walaya. The Bab, it seems, wishes to highlight
various nuances of this religious authority according to the particular
bearer/wali he is discussing. In the case of Fatima, this religious authority is
clearly associated with love (mahabba) and knowledge/gnosis ('irfan), and
as we already saw, mercy. For example, in his commentary on 2:25, the Bab
states that Paradise or "the Garden" is indeed the love of the form of Fatima
(mahabbat shabah Fatima). Before we look further at this material, it may
be helpful to offer a brief summary of the general place of Fatima in Islam
and Shi'ism.
Fatima of History
Fatima (11/633), the daughter of Muhammad and wife of the first Imam Àli
ibn Abi Talib (40/661) enjoys an exalted position in Shi'i piety and is
thought by some to function for the Shi'a much the same way that Mary
functions in the Catholic tradition.32 She is depicted in the histories as the
long-suffering darling of her father, to whom she was born through
Muhammad's first wife, the incomparable Khadija. She was married to Àli,
which sources say was a difficult marriage.33 But while she lived, she was
30
It should be noted that we find no mention of Fatima at the corresponding place in the eleventh-
century classical work by the otherwise influential Shi'i theologian Tusi, Muhammad al-Hasan, al-., al-Tibyan fi
Tafsir al-Qur' an, Najaf ,1957-63, Vol. 1, 28-30.
31
Baq. p. 8, 11.4-8.The phrase "Garden of Grace" (jannat al-na'im) is determined by Qur'anic usage
(see, e.g., 26:85). "Gnostic" translates 'arif. There are other choices: "recognizer," "knower," "seeker."
32
Ali's nickname Abu Turab is said to have originated because whenever he and Fatima would quarrel,
he would leave the house and cover his head with dust, presumably out of the frustration at being married to the
Prophet's daughter. Indeed, the Prophet himself bestowed this name upon him (Laura Veccia Vaglieri, "Fatima",
Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed.). For other explanations of the distinctive nickname, see Kohlberg, Abu Turab,
347-52; and "The Dawning Places of the Lights of Certainty in the Divine Secrets Connected with the Commander
of the Faithful, by Rajab Bursi (d. 1411)." In The Legacy of Mediaeval Persian Sufism, ed. Leonard Lewisohn,
foreword by Javad Nurbakhsh, introduction by S. H. Nasr. London: Khaniqah Nimatullahi Publications in
association with the SOAS Centre of Near and Middle Eastern Studies, University of London, 1992, 261-76, cf.
268. One of the key figures in the drama and legend of Tahirih the Babi is one Shaykh Abu Turab. For the most
recent and quite penetrating study of this drama, see Negar Mottahedeh, "Ruptured Spaces and Effective Histories:
The Unveiling of the Babi Poetess Qurrat al-Àyn- Tahirih in the Gardens of Badasht." Occasional Papers in
Shaykhi, Babi and Baha'i Studies 2/2 (February, 1998.
33
The bibliography on Fatima remains to be compiled. For this paper I have benefited from Laura
Veccia Vaglieri's excellent Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd ed., entry. See now (in collaboration with Jean Calmard),
Fatimah, daughter of the Prophet Mohammad, 400-404. A study of Fatima in tafsir is Jane Dammen McAuliffeřs

© 2007 Todd Lawson
his only wife. She is venerated as the mother of the second and third Ithna
Àshari Imams, Hasan and Husayn (and by extension all of the Imams). She
is held up to the believers by the sources as a model of suffering, patience,
generosity, wisdom, and valiant heroism ending in martyrdom. During the
Prophet's Meccan and early Medinan period, when the Banu Hashim
imposed a ban upon dealings with Muhammad, Fatima is singled out as
having endured the privations with great dignity and patience. 34 Of all the
Prophet's children, Fatima lived the longest (although she died only a few
months after the Prophet's death) and gave Muhammad, who would have
otherwise been bereft of male progeny, many descendants. Indeed, one of
the many calumnies directed at Muhammad was that he was without male
progeny. Such a man was known derisively in this milieu as Ŗcut offŗ (al-
abtar).35 Muhammad was cruelly taunted with this epithet by his fellow
Meccans because of the death of his and Khadija's two infant sons, Qasim
and Abdallah. Fatima is seen by the tradition as being the one responsible
for giving the lie to this cruel insult by providing the Prophet his two
grandsons, Hasan, Husayn, and their sisters Zainab and Umm Kulthum.36
Shi'i religious literature delights in demonstrating how this epithet, recorded
in the sura The Abundance (Qur'an 108, as it happens, the shortest sura in
the book), was turned against Muhammad's enemies because through
Fatima Muhammad's lineage not only continued but multiplied greatly in
the Imamate that is the institutional sanctuary of walaya in Shi'ism.37
Ironically, it was Muhammad's enemies who were Ŗcut offŗ (al-abtar) by the
will of God.
Fatima is greatly venerated by all Muslims who, when speaking of her,

typically add the honorific al-Zahra' (the shining one, the luminous, the
gloriously radiant). Among the Shi'a this veneration reaches its greatest
intensity. Two Western scholars, Henri Lammens and Louis Massignon,
studied the historical basis for this reverence and reached diametrically
opposite opinions: Lammens argued that the historical Fatima was "a
woman devoid of attraction, of mediocre intelligence, completely
insignificant, little esteemed by her father, ill-treated by her husband....
brief ŖChosen of All Women : Mary and Fatimah in Qur'anic Exegesis,ŗ Islamochristiana, 1981, 7, 19-28.
Surprisingly, much early and later explicitly Shiři material is ignored in this otherwise interesting article. For
example, the very early Shi'i Tafsir Furat ibn Ibrahim mentions Fatima in over twenty places. The commentaries
of the two famous classical Shi'i exegetes, Tusi and Tabrisi, also mention her at various points in their
commentaries. The commentaries of Muhsin Fayd Kashani and others also frequently cite hadith, or more
appropriately akhbar, which mention Fatima's name.
34
"She is usually depicted in the Shi'i sources as a bitter woman who spent her last days mourning the
death of her father and refusing any contact with the outside world Mahmoud Ayoub,. Redemptive Suffering in
Islam: A Study of the Devotional Aspects of 'Ashura' in Twelver Shi'ism, The Hague: Mouton Publishers, 1978.,40.
35
The lack of descendants is a topos in Muhammad's biography and is reflected in the Qur'an as well.
This meant that his progeny was destined to issue only from his daughters, which in his society meant that he was
without descendants.
36
A third son, Muhsin, was stillborn.
37
Later on in his career, the Bab himself would compose a lengthy commentary on this very sura. See
Todd Lawson, "Qur'an Commentary as Sacred Performance: The Bab's tafsirs of Qur'an 103 and 108, the
Declining Day and the Abundance." In Iran im 19. Jahrhundert and die Enstehung der Baha'i Religion, ed.
Christoph Burgel and Isabel Schayani. Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1998, 145-58.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
anaemic, often ill, prone to tears, who died perhaps of consumption."38

Massignon has made Fatima "sublime, elevating her to a position often
reminiscent of that which the Virgin Mary holds among Christians. For
Massignon, she represents the beginnings of Universal Islam" because of
her care for the non-Arab converts.39 Massignon's study improves upon
Lammens by offering a "psychologico-religious explanation for the origin
and development of the legend of the daughter of the Prophet and bridges
the gap between legend and reality as Lammen's book fails to do;ŗ however,
"[Massignon's work] cannot escape the objection of the historian, who will
consider that the author subordinates the facts to beliefs about Fatima which
appeared only later."40 This statement obviously represents a certain
historiographical approach. Beliefs, it is clear, have frequently been as
crucial to history as facts. Indeed, in this article beliefs are of primary
interest; whether or not they represent, in the case of Fatima, "true historical
reality" is immaterial. This is so precisely because we can see how much
such belief actually influenced the unfolding of radical religious activity in
nineteenth-century Iran. But it is also true Ŕ and this is a historiographical
element of consequence Ŕ that Fatima's life was so obscure that Ibn Hisham
and the other earlier historians had little occasion to concern themselves
with her.
Fatima died in the eleventh year of the hijra, six months after the death of
the Prophet. Today (because her grave is unknown), Shi'is visit three places
in Medina in order to pay homage to her: her house, the Baqi' cemetery, and
the space in the Great Mosque between the rawda and the tomb of the
Prophet.41 Her nickname, "Mother of her father" (Umm Abiha) has several
explanations: she learned through a revelation that the name of her very last
descendant would be Muhammad, perhaps as a logical inference from the
story of her heavenly, luminous origin and birth. Her name Creator (Fatir),
which is one of the names listed in an eleventh-century source, represents a
glorification of Fatima that seems to be characteristic of the extreme
Isma'ilis and of "aberrant" sects such as the Nusayris rather than of the
Imamis. Have we here a borrowing of the latter from the former? Veccia
Vaglieri asks.42 The belief that Fatima is Fatir, Creator, would also help
explain her kunya Umm Abiha. Another explanation for the name is that it
became Fatima's as a result of her providing comfort to Muhammad during
the darkest times.43 It has been suggested that because of the connections
38
Veccia Vaglieri, Fatima. Cf. Lammens, Henri. Fatimah et les filles de Mahomet. Rome: Sumptibus
Pontificii Institut Biblici, 1912.
39
"La notion du voe et la devotion musulmane a Fatima." In Studio orientalistici in onore di Giorgio
della Vida. Rome: Instituto per l'Oriente, 1956, vol. 2, 102-26., p. 118f. But see the legend of the heavenly table
being removed from the ahl al-bayt because they tried to share it with outsiders, Ayoub, Redemptive Suffering, 44-
45.
40
Veccia Vaglieri, Fatima
41
Ibid.
42
Dalař il al-Imama by Husayn ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, Najaf, 1949/1369, 1-58. This source is used
heavily by Veccia Vaglieri, Fatima. It is, unfortunately, unavailable to me.
43
Àli Shariati, Fatima Is Fatima. Translated by Laleh Bakhtiar. Tehran: Shariati Foundation,[19801].
160-61.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
between the cult of Mary among Christians and that of Fatima among
Muslims, it is possible that the title arose as a counterpart to that of "Mother
of God," especially since the name seems to be found only in later (that is,
twelfth-century) sources.44
Islam has honored 'Asiyah bint Muzahim, (Pharoah's wife), Maryam bint
'Imran (Mary, mother of Jesus), Khadija, and Fatima as the four perfect
women of the world, the best women of Paradise.45 By the twelfth century,
Shi'i scholars had compiled a list of nearly a hundred names and attributes
by which Fatima should be honored46 This veneration may be best seen in
three of the titles by which she is most frequently designated: al-Zahra', "the
luminous"; Fatir, "Creator"; and Umm Abiha, "Mother of her Father."
Others include the masculine form Fatim, al-Tahira, al-Zakiya, al-
Muhaddatha, al-Siddiqa, al-Batul, and Maryam al-Kubra, and especially
significant in connection with Tahirih, Qurrat al-'Ayn Ŕ one of the most
common names by which Tahirih the Babi was known. Official occasions
for honoring her are her birth (20 Ramadan), marriage to 'Ali, and the public
feast of Mubahala (21, 24, 25 Dhu'l-Hijja). This last deserves a special word
because it is in connection with the Mubahala that Fatima becomes known
as one of the Ahl al-Kisa', "People of the cloak." These are Muhammad,
'Ali, Fatima, Hasan, and Husayn, a group that represents an "elite within an
elite" in Shi'ism.47 The anniversary of her death (3 Jumada II and 2
Ramadan) is also befittingly observed. These are all public holy days in Iran
and observed around the world. Other holy days, such as the Day of al-
Ghadir (18th of Dhu' 1-Hijja) and the Muharram observances Ŕ tradition has
Fatima making a post mortem appearance at Karbala (which the Bab
mentions in his tafsir) to lament the cruel fate of her son and his family and
companions48 Ŕ are public and private occasions for honoring her memory.
Other events in her life have particular interest here: she is depicted as
threatening to remove her head covering twice: on one occasion to protest
the treatment of 'Ali after the death of the Prophet,49 and another time as
threatening to remove her head covering in order to stop Abu Bakr and
'Umar from forcibly entering her house after the so-called election of the
first caliph.50 This will bring to mind Tahirih's removal of the veil that so
scandalized even the Babis themselves.51 In another tradition, she is
presented as defiantly turning her back to the intruders to express her
44
45
See McAuliffe, Chosen of All Women; and Ibn Shahrashub, Abu Ja'far Muhammad bin Àli.
Manaqib Al Abi Talib. 4 vols. Beirut: Dar al-Ida', 1405/1980
46
Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib, vol.3 357-58 cited by Veccia Vaglieri, Fatima. For the name Qurrat
al'Ayn, "Solace of the eyes," see also Abu'l-Layth al-Samarqandi (d373/983), Tanbih al-Ghafilin, 2nd ed.
Taqqadum Press, 1324/1906, 7-25.
47
For details on the proper observance of this important day, see ŘAbbas Qummi, Mafatih al-jinan
Beirut: Dar al-Ida', 1407/1987, 350-54. See also the related hadith al-kisa', Qummi, Mafatih, 386-89; cf, also
Moojan Momen, An Introduction to Shi'i Islam, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985, 14.
48
Baq, p. 211 in the course of the commentary on Qur'an 2:76; Veccia Vaglieri, "Fatima."
49
50
Ibid.
51
Mottahedeh, Ruptured Spaces

© 2007 Todd Lawson
repugnance;52 she is also seen traveling on horseback with Àli to ask for the
support of the Ansar (who, unfortunately had already committed themselves
to Abu Bakr);53 she is quoted as having challenged 'Umar himself: "You
have left the body of the Apostle of God with us and you have decided
among yourselves without consulting us, without respecting our rights."54
Thus we clearly see the figure of a politically active woman, one who could
easily inspire others to similar action. It is curious, in light of this that one of
the prevailing images associated with Fatima is that of a sickly and timid
victim. Another element in Fatima's political biography is the troublesome
Fadak affair. Abu Bakr, according to Shi'i sources, deprived Fatima of
inheriting this productive oasis that the Prophet had promised her. This
deprivation caused great hardship for her and her family and also deprived
the cause of Àli essential material support. In addition, there is the legend
of the mushaf of Fatima, the book that Gabriel brought her for consolation
after the death of her father.55 As Veccia Vaglieri points out, the material on
Fatima remains to be systematical studied. Once it is, however, it will be
most interesting to notice whether or not these conflicting images are the
result of confessional influences. In the meantime, the question posed by
Veccia Vaglieri, did Imami Shi'ism borrow from Isma'ili Shi'ism in the
veneration of Fatima? is quite pertinent to the study of the literature of the
Shaykhi school in general. As I demonstrate, it is also pertinent in the study
of the writings of the Bab, who, as far as we know, was an Imami Shi'i, born
in Shiraz on 20 October 1819 (1 Muharram 1235).
The Bab's Fatima
Many of the events or topics recounted above are touched upon and
elaborated in the Bab's tafsir. It is crucial, however, first to establish some
idea of what is to be expected. To do this, I rely upon the studies of Henry
Corbin, who is the one Western scholar to have penetrated many of the
mysteries that this kind of literature holds. In this case, we are particularly
fortunate that Corbin devoted an entire book to the study of the spiritual
feminine in Iranian religion. In Corbin's distinctive approach, Mazdean
religious ideas are connected with Islamic Shiite gnosis, first in the work of
Suhrawardi and finally, and more resoundingly, in the corpus of the
Shaykhis, a corpus that remains lamentably understudied, though progress
has been achieved since Corbin's time.56 In any case, Corbin saw the
founder of the Shaykhi school, Shaykh Ahmad al-Ahsa'i (1826) and his
52
53
Ibid.
54
Ibid.
55
Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib, vol. 3, 359.
56
See now Cole, Individualism, and World as Text, Rafati, Development, and parts of Todd Lawson,
"The Quran Commentary of Sayyid Ali Muhammad, the Bab (1819-1850)." Unpublished Ph.D. thesis. McGill
University, Montreal, 1987. Until the mid 1970s Corbin's was really the only effort in the West, apart from
Nicolas' pioneering work (A. L M Nicolas,. Essai sur le Cheikhisme. 4 vols. Paris: Geuthner and Ernest Leroux,
1910-14), to devote serious attention to this intellectual development of the late eighteenth/early nineteenth
century in Iran.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
successor, Sayyid Kazim Rashti, as revivers of "primitive Shiite gnosis." 57 It

is even more fortunate that part of this book is a study of Fatima in the
writings of Hajj Karim Khan Kirmani (1870), the Shaykhi leader who was,
in some respects, the Bab's (1850) most bitter opponent. Both had been avid
students of the teachings of Ahsa'i and Rashti (as had Tahirih herself).
Corbin's reading of Kirmani's works will be shown to resonate with the
image of Fatima in this early commentary by the Bab. It is still too soon to
determine on what doctrinal grounds they might have differed with regard to
Fatima, or indeed, if they differed at all. The main area of disagreement
between the two was not a matter for scholasticism.
In this school of thought the Family of God, the Fourteen Very-Pure,

function, according to Corbin, in a way "analagous to the Aeons of the
pleroma in Valentinian gnosis." One of the distinctions between the
Suhrawardian and Shaykhi cosmologies is discerned in the shift from a
threefold to a fourfold cosmology. For Suhrawardi these were 1) the earthly,
human world, "the object of sensory perception"; 2) the world of Soul or
Malakut, "the world of imaginative perception" and 3) the cherubinic or
angelic world of Jabarut, "the object of intelligible knowledge."58
Consonant with the motif of quaternity by which much of their thought is
distinguished, Shaykhism added a fourth realm (as did Ibn 'Arabi), namely
the sphere of deity, the world of lahut. For the Shaykhis, however, this realm
was "occupied" only by the Family of God Ŕ not, as it were, God Himself.
Fatima is located first and foremost in this supracelestial realm. As Corbin
says, using one of his favorite metaphors:
One might say that [Shaykhi thought] allows us to hear the theme of
the celestial Earth... in a still higher octave. Each octave is a new
world, a new beginning, where everything is rediscovered, but at a
different height, that is, in a higher mode of being. This succession of
octaves is what allows the ta'wil, or spiritual hermeneutics, to be
practiced authentically. Moreover, in the transcendent Person of
Fatima as a member of the supreme Pleroma, we shall be hearing
something like the motif of the supracelestial Earth ...59
The four universes or realms "symbolize with" each other so that the
"historic dimension" is a means of discovering the sacred
relationship between and among these worlds.
This will be essentially the esoteric hermeneutic, the ta'wil; it will be

a discovery of the true and hidden meaning, the spiritual history that
57
Corbin, 58; "primitive" here is both a formal and a chronological designation. By it such groups as
the Nusayris, the early Isma'ilis, and other of the so-called ghulat are intended.
58
Ibid, 59.
59
The passage continues: "And through this supracelestial Earth, we are led to the idea of a Shi'ite
Sophiology, by which we shall perceive afresh something that Mazdean Sophiology already perceived in the
Angel of the Earth, but this time at a new and higher level, since the progressio harmonica produces the resonance
of harmonics which until then had remained silent." Corbin, 59-60).

© 2007 Todd Lawson
becomes visible through the recital of external events. It will mean to

"see things in Hurqalya.."60
In this quaternary world the relationship between male and female is

accorded the highest possible value. Hurqalya is, of course, the abode of the
Hidden Imam who is alive there and "in hiding" since his disappearance in
260/874. There is ample evidence throughout the works of the Bab, and
particularly in the one under study here, that he himself shared a similar, if
not identical, approach to history and scripture (although he does not use the
word Hurqalya here). But we will see more of this later in this essay.61
There is no need to dwell further here on Corbin's harmonic rendition of the

history of Iranian mythology and religious symbolism62 whereby he can see
the ancient Spendarmat in the Fatima of the Shi'a, except to say that the
apokatastasis, the "restoration of all things to their primordial splendor and
wholeness, to the state in which they were before the invasion of the
Ahrimanian Counterpowers" that he perceives in Shaykhism,63 is very much
a feature of the clan of Babism. As we have already indicated, the authority
and power of Tahirih (and the other Babis) is a result of three simultaneous
events: a fulfillment of the past, a reenactment of the past, and a break with
the past.
Day of the Covenant
One of the more important controlling myths in Islam, whether Sunni or

Shi'i, is the drama of God's establishing a covenant (àhd, mithaq) between
Himself and humanity through the prophet Adam. The Qur'an tells the story
in a characteristically terse passage at Qur'an 7:172. At a time before the
creation of the world, God summoned Adam to His presence whereupon he
caused the "seeds" (al-dharr) of all future generations to come forth from
Adam's loins. God confronted Adam Ŕ and this vast company thus arrayed
before Him Ŕ with the question "Am I not your Lord?" (a-lastu bi-
rabbikum). The immediate response was "Yea, verily!" (bala). The Qur'an
explains that this was done so that no human would be able to say on the
Day of Resurrection, when all would be given their just deserts, that they
should be excused for their sins because they were not aware of their
60
Corbin, 60.
61
All of this may be found amplified in greater detail at Corbin, 60-73.
62
Nothing if not baroque, Corbin's interest in the theme of the "celestial earth" (a basic coincidentia
oppositorum, it should be noted) went far beyond, yet somehow remained centered, in the figure of Fatima. He
offered the metaphor of music, specifically the progressio harmonica of the pipe organ, to explain what he saw as
a beautiful and compelling Iranian enrichment of intellectual history: "Whoever is somewhat familiar with the
organ knows what are referred to as "stops." Thanks to these stops, each note can cause several pipes of different
lengths to "speak" simultaneously; thus, besides the fundamental note, a number of harmonic overtones can be
heard. Among the contrivances that regulate them, the progressio harmonica designates a combination of stops
which allows more and more overtones to be heard as one ascends towards the upper register, until at a certain
pitch the fundamental note also resounds simultaneously" (Corbin, p. 51).
63
On this see Todd Lawson, "A 'New Testament' for the Safavids: Interpretations of The Day of the
Covenat (Quran 7:172) in Safavid Quran Commentary." Proceedings of the Safavid Roundtable, Edinburgh
(1988)., forthcoming.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
obligation to God. The "Yea verily!" constitutes humanity's primordial

assent to the divine covenant.64 Within this covenant myth dwells the
explanatory theory of all Islamicate religious authority. It has been
particularly instrumental in justifying the mediation and negotiation of
charismatic power and authority in a Sufi milieu, but no less in the Shi'i
milieu.65
In Shi'i communities throughout the world, the eighteenth day of Dhu' l-

Hijja, the pilgrimage month, is commemorated as the Day of the Covenant
(yawm al-mithaq) and anniversary of the public appointment by the Prophet
Muhammad of Àli as his successor at a small oasis known as Ghadir
Khumm, "the pool of Ghadir." (In Iran, a Shiì state, this date is an official
public holiday.) This oasis was a way station between Mecca and Medina
and it was here, during a rest on the way back from his last pilgrimage, that
the Prophet made his famous speech, the words of which are preserved in
both Sunni and Shi'i books of Tradition:
We were with the Apostle of God in his journey and we stopped at

Ghadir Khumm. We performed the obligatory prayer together and a
place was swept for the Apostle under two trees and he performed
the mid-day prayer. And then he took Àli by the hand and said to the
people: 'Do you not acknowledge that I have a greater claim on each
of the believers than they have on themselves?' And they replied:
'Yea verily!' [bala] And he took 'Ali's hand and said: 'Of whomsoever
I am Lord [Mawla], then Àli is also his Lord. O God! Be Thou the
supporter of whoever supports 'Ali and the enemy of whoever op-
poses him.' And 'Umar [the future second caliph] met him ['Ali] after
this and said to him: 'Congratulations, O son of Abu Talib! Now
morning and evening [i.e., forever] you are the master of every
believing man and woman.66
This passage (along with its several variants) is important for two main
reasons; 1) the establishment of the continuance of religious authority by the
Prophet "the covenant"; 2) the use of the exquisitely polyvocal term mawla,
which is a derivative of the root wly, upon which the word walaya is built.
Mawla is a particularly interesting Arabic word in that it can mean either
"master" or "client" Ŕ diametrically opposite denotations, according to
usage. As such, it represents admirably the mutuality and reciprocal nature
64
Corbin, 69.
65
See, e.g., Bowering, Gerhard, The Mystical Vision of Existence in Classical Islam: The Qur'anic
Hermeneutics of the Sufi Sahl At-Tustari (d.283/896). Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1980; Kazemi-Moussavi, Ahmad.
Religious Authority in Shiite Islam: From the Office of Mufti to the Institution of Marja'. Kuala Lumpur:
International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization, 1996.; Dabashi, Hamid. Authority in Islam : From the
Rise of Muhammad to the Establishment of the Umayyads. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1989; Arjomand,
Sayyid Amir, ed. Authority and Political Culture in Shiìsm. Albany : State Universityof New York Press,1988.;
Calder, Norman. The Structure of Authority in Imami Jurisprudence. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis. School of Oriental
and African Studies, University of London, 1980; Stewart, Devin J. Islamic Legal Orthodoxy : Twelver Shiite
Responses to the Sunni Legal System. SaltLake City: University of Utah Press, 1998.
66
Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, tr. Momen, p. 15.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
of walaya. But it also gives rise to alternate interpretations of this sermon, as

the entire history of Islam will attest. It is as the de facto and de jure
establishment of the sacred covenant that this sermon occupies us for the
moment. This covenant functions as the raison d'être of Shi'ism. Those who
recognize, subscribe to, uphold, and defend the appointment of 'Ali as
Muhammad's rightful successor and leader Ŕ both spiritual and temporal Ŕ
of the community of Muslims, are faithful to the covenant and may be
considered believing Muslims (muslim mu'min). Those who acknowledge
anyone else as the successor of Muhammad and leader of the community is
accounted a breaker (naqid) of this covenant and an infidel (kafir).
A natural starting place, then, for a detailed examination of the

person/figure/symbol of Fatima in the Bab's Qur'an commentary is the
Covenant. The Bab draws a comparison or homologue between the Qur'anic
primordial yawm al-mithaq, the events of which are narrated in Qur'an
7:172, and the Day of al-Ghadir. The first Qur'anic cue for this comparison
is in verse 2:8: "Of the people there are some who say: 'We believe in God
and the Last Day'; but they do not really believe." The people specified here,
according to the Bab, are those whom God will cause to forget faith in 'Ali's
walaya on the Last Day. They are not believers because their faith is flawed,
even though they may consider themselves true believers in 'Ali's spiritual
authority:
Whoever knows that Àli is the sign of God in the station of the
Exclusive Divine Unity ... is one of the believers "in God and the
Last Day," which is really the First Day, and it is the beginning of the
mention of the created thing in the world of contingency, and it is the
day God made to shine with light, and it is the light of Àli. Such a
one is one of the believers. And whoever abandons this station enters
into the category: "and he is not an exalted believer." May God
protect us through Muhammad and his family from entering into this
error!67
It will become clear below that "the day God made to shine with light, and it
is the light of Àli" is an indirect reference to Fatima, who is the source of
all light. The Bab strengthens the connection or homology between the Last
Day mentioned here and the Day of the Covenant and the Day of al-Ghadir
Khumm by quoting a long hadith from the eleventh Imam al-Hasan al-
'Askariřs tafsir, in which the occasion of revelation (known in some circles
as sabab al-nuzul) for this verse is established as the Day of al-Ghadir. In
this verse, the Imam says God was warning Muhammad about those who
feigned allegiance to Àli following the sermon just quoted. The Bab says:
That place of testimony is the same as the "dimension" (dharr) of the

primordial covenant, when the covenant of lordship was taken:
67
Baq, 47-48.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
whoever was recognized [then] was recognized [for all time]. Indeed,
"those possessed of minds" know what happened there by what
happened here (Ghadir Khumm), the realm of this world (or
"religion" tashri) is in accord with the realm of that world (or "divine
creation" takwin). But this place of testimony (viz. the Day of al-
Ghadir) is greater than the first place of testimony, the dimension of
the affirmation of Divine Unity, while the second place of testimony
is the dimension of the affirmation of Prophethood Ŕ nay, rather it is
the essence of the Divine Cause. This place of testimony of the Day
of al-Ghadir is the third place of testimony and the greatest
dimension. The remaining place of testimony is the last: it is the
dimension of the Fourth Support, the rising of the Qa'im, may God
hasten his glad advent. This occasion of testimony will occur in the
beginning of his appearance (or emergence, zuhur) and it is the di-
mension of the affirmation by their Shi'a that the Family of God are
the worn of magnification in the midmost sanctity of praise.ŗ 68
Thus the fourfold structure of the Bab's approach. The Bab says that the
shahada, the true testimony to the truth of this, is none other than the Imams
and Fatima.69 The Bab demonstrates how Fatima is implicated in this
covenant in his commentary on Qur'an 2:83. Here he says that the esoteric
meaning of the word kindred is a clear designation of Fatima, just as the
word orphans is a reference to al-Hasan and al-Husayn. "God has spoken
here about the taking of the covenant with all created things in the eight
Paradises, in affirmation of the walaya of 'Ali"70The Qur'anic verse is:
And remember We took a Covenant from the Children of Israel:

Worship none but God; treat with kindness your parents and kindred,
and orphans and those in need; Speak fair to the people; be steadfast
in prayer; and practice regular charity. Then did ye turn your back,
except a few among you, and ye backslide even now.ŗ [Qur'an 2:83]
In another quaternary interpretation, the phrase: "those who broke the

covenant" [Qur'an 2:27] refers to the covenant ('ahd) of Muhammad vis-à-
vis the signs (ayat) of Àli. This covenant was instituted in the world of the
Unseen (al-ghayb), the spiritual realm. Although the term lahut is not used,
nor the word hurqalya, it is clear that the realm of al-ghayb is a spiritual
"space" with its own "time."
These signs were placed within (fi) the dimension (dharr) of the
hearts [which represents] the station (maqam) of Divine Unity
(tawhid), and [in] the dimension of the intellects [which represents]
the level (rutba) of Prophethood (nubuwwa), and [in] the atoms of
souls [which represents] the abode of the Imamate (imama), and [in]
68
Ibid., 49-50.
69
Ibid., 52.
70
Ibid., 224.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
the dimension of the bodies [which represents] the place (mahall) of

the love of the Shi'a after God imposed this solemn binding upon all
created things [which is] faith (iman) in Muhammad, Àli, Hasan,
Husayn, Ja'far, Musa, and Fatima.71
The first who "broke the covenant" was Abu Bakr.
He broke the covenant of God concerning His friends (awliya) in the

unseen worlds and he violated the walaya of Àli in its [future]
apppearances in the visible Imams . . . and he [broke the covenant]
by taking the land of al-Fadak away from Fatima after he knew very
well that the Apostle of God had specified it for her during his life
and forbidden its produce to go to anyone else.72
In Kirmani's treatment of the Qur'anic Day of the Covenant when God

demanded from the seed of Adam absolute obedience, this drama was
originally played out in the realm of lahut, "long before" it achieved its first
earthly iteration at the time of Adam. Its second, and most important
iteration occurred at the pool called Ghadir Khumm when Muhammad
appointed Àli his successor and took a pact with all of the Muslims to this
effect.73 Fatima's response in this divine setting is precisely the "theurgic ac-
complishment" of becoming the Earth for the production of the cosmos.
None can have access or perception of this realm, it is too ratified, powerful
in its beauty and luminous beyond mortal ability to perceive. "The beings of
the pleroma of the lahut are visible only in their apparitional forms
[ashbah], which are the receptacles of their theophanies."74 According to
Kirmani, Fatima is the Earth of the sacred lahuti universe,75 which is related
to the mysterious earth of Hurqalya.
The Bab describes Fatima as the "Universal earth," "heaven" and "the
Sabbath." This same idea may be evident in a particularly vivid passage of
the Bab's tafsir. At verse 60 of Surat al-Baqara, for example, the water that
71
Ibid., 94. kafirun instead of the Qur'anic "losers" (khasirun, all mss.). These seven names are used as
a kind of shorthand to represent the Prophet, Fatima, and the twelve Imams because although they are twelve, they
may be known by using only these seven names; That is, each of the names Muhammad, 'Ali, Hasan, and Husayn
may be applied to more than one Imam while the names Fatima, Ja'far, and Musa can apply to only one person
respectively. Earlier in this commentary, the Bab ad Qur'an 2:3 (Baq, 22-23), speaks of seven grades of faith
(iman), taking his cue from yuminuna, "those who believe." One grade, the third, is faithfulness (wafa')- a near
synonym -associated specifically with Fatima.
72
Ibid., 94-95.
73
For important background to the Shaykhi reading of Qur'an 7:172, see Lawson, A 'New Testamentř
74
Corbin, 63. A study of Shi'i akhbari tafsir on precisely the subject of the Day of the Covenant reveals
that the apparitional forms of the "first" participants is more or less a standard topos. See Lawson, "A 'New
Testament.'" This, of course, was one of Corbin's main points: the Shaykhis represent a revivification of very
ancient modes of religiosity combined with a terminology that had more recently developed through the works of
such important Iranian philosophers as Mulla Sadra (d.1640).
75
Formed on the Arabic word ilah (god), lahut refers to the divine realm. Three other similar words are
encountered in such discussions: jabarut, malakut, mink to refer to three realms that issue in descending order
from the lahut. All of these worlds symbolize with each other. A fifth term, nasut (humanity, human dimension),
is frequently encountered. It is built on the word nas and is the polar opposite of lahut. Between lahut and nasut
the whole spectrum of cosmic activity and events occurs.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
gushed forth from the rock at twelve different places after Moses struck it
with his staff, is said to represent the walaya of all the Imams. The Bab says
that although the water issued from these various places, it was in fact the
same water. The station of Fatima is further defined here as that without
which walaya could not have appeared in the world:
And remember Moses prayed for water for his people; We said:
"Strike the rock with thy staff." Then gushed forth therefrom twelve
springs. Each group knew its own place for water. So eat and drink of
the sustenance provided by God, and do no evil nor mischief on the
(face of the) earth. [Qur'an 2:60]
The Bab says, the striker here is Muhammad, the staff is Àli, and the stone
[from which the water came forth] is Fatima. And the springs are the twelve
Imams. Àli, by virtue of walaya, is counted among them and by virtue of
the rank of staff is also distinguished from them. The point of this Qur'anic
passage is that it corroborates the history of Islam. Or, more important, the
Bab, through this interpretation, demonstrates that in the eternal word of
God, the story of Muhammad and his family had been established or
"prophesied." History, according to this approach (as Corbin observed), is
best seen as a subject for tařwil: it is symbolic (as distinct from allegorical).
God commanded Muhammad to give his daughter Fatima in marriage to
Àli so that all people "at all times" might be able to recognize their Imam,
to "eat and drink of the splendours of the knowledge dispensed by your
Imam through the grace (fadl) of Muhammad."76 Some sources even suggest
that at this marriage (which occurred "first" in the spiritual realm) God
himself was wali for Fatima.77 Such a myth nicely supplies a narrative
explanation for those verses in the Qur'an, mentioned above, which say that
God is a wali or protector of the believers.
In the Bab's commentary at 2:29, we encounter another instance of the

historical event used as a subject of ta'wil. And here we also encounter
Fatima as the spiritual reality of a heavenly earth. The Qur'anic verse is: "It
is He who hath created for you all things that are on earth; then He turned
Himself to heaven, and he gave order and perfection to the seven heavens;
and of a[[ things he hath perfect knowledge" [Qur'an 2:291.
Fatima here is described as being this "universal earth" out of which the
Imams will appear.
76
Baq, 192-93. Veccia Vaglieri, "Fatima,ŗ noticed this identification of Fatima with the rock "among
Isma'ilis and the deviant sects" and says further that she has found no trace of such an idea in the Imami sources.
According to Kashani,Muhsin Fayd. al-Safi fi Tafsir Kalam Allah al-Wafi. 5 vols. Beirut: Mu'assasat al-A`lami li-
I'Matbuàt, 1979-82. Vol 1., 136-37, Moses struck the rock invoking the name of Muhammad and his family; there
is no mention of Fatimařs being the rock in Kashani or Bahrani, two late-seventeenth-century Safavid works. But
see Isfahani ,Tafsir, 244 where a somewhat rationalistic presentation of this reading is found. Isfahani avoids the
extreme personifications and "allegorizing" found in the tafsir of the Bab. (n.b the possible connection between
hajar "rock" and Hagar, the wife of Abraham and mother of the Arabs, as a manifestation of Fatima).
77

© 2007 Todd Lawson
God made the real meaning of this "comprehensive earth" to be

Fatima, upon her be God's blessing and peace. And [He made] what
was in her to be the Imams, upon them be God's blessing and peace.
He is the One who created, through the angels, all that is in the Earth
of the Divine Exclusive Unity, which is Fatima, for Muhammad,
upon him be God's blessing and peace.
"Then He lifted Himself to heaven," that is, He married her [Fatima]

to Àli and thus she is equated with heaven as far as honor (sharfa) is
concerned. Thus God made her ... "one of the mighty portents, a
warning to mankind, to any of you that chooses to press forward or
to follow behind" [Qur'an 74:36-37].78
In Corbin's summary of Kirmani, we discern the logic of the Bab's

hermeneutic: Since all earthly events are reflections of a pre-eternal order,
the earthly marriage of Àli and Fatima also had its purest and holiest
occurrence in the supracelestial realm. The earthly marriage in Medina thus
symbolized the original union that was itself "the manifestation of an eternal
syzygy originating in the eternity of the pleroma of the lahut. The First Imam
and Fatima are related to each other in the same reciprocal way as the first
two hypostases [of neoplatonism], Àql and Nafs, Intelligence and Soul, or
in terms more familiar to us (because they go back to Philo): Logos and
Sophia."79 It is also of some interest to note that Kirmani "finds" Fatima in
the Qur'anic verse quoted here by the Bab (74:36-37).80 An examination of
more traditional commentaries discloses that this exegesis is quite old
indeed. Thus the interpretations of both the Bab and Kirmani represent in
this instance a revivification of ancient religious ideas. 81 Whether the
following striking development also has its roots in the early history of Shi'i
Qur'an interpretation remains to be established. The Bab continues his
commentary on Qur'an 2:29:
78
Baq, 112.
79
Corbin, 64.
80
Corbin, 66
81
Cf. Bahrani, al-Sayyid Hashim al-. Kitab al-Burhan fi Tafsir al-Qur'an. 4 vols. Tehran: Chapkhaneh
Aftab, 1375/1955. Vol. 4, 402 and the hadith transmitted by al-Qummi, Mafatih, via the following isnad: al-
Husayn b. Muhammad ... al-Baqir, the fifth Imam who it seems was the first to interpret the verse as such. The
immediate translation for this interpretation would seem to be grammatical. "This is but one of the mighty
portents" translates the Arabic: innaha l'ihda al-kubra modifies the previous litany of three portents: "the moon,
the night, and the dawn." The Qur'an collapse all three in a not-uncharacteristic rhetorical gesture. The tension
between plurality and singularity is represented in the grammatical convention that casts nonhuman plural objects
in the feminine. The grammatical feminine is thus the exception rather than the rule. To the Shi'i exegete such an
anomalous linguistic event is demystified by identifying it with one of the Family of God, in this case the only
female member of that Family, Fatima. It should always be remembered in this context that the Arabic word for
Ŗearthŗ Ŕ ard Ŕ is grammatically feminine. That such otherwise superfluous considerations can have irreversible
and long-range effects on doctrine is born out of the example from Christianity. It seems certain that the Johannine
ŖIn the beginning was the Word/logosŗ was an adjustment to the Septuagintřs preoccupation with wisdom/Sophia,
precisely because it was felt inappropriate to refer to Jesus by means of a feminine noun. Note the interesting, if
oblique, confirmation of this in the Arabic translation of the New Testament. Here, in the process of changing
logos to kalmia a change in grammatical gender occurs. Yet, the resistance to referring to Jesus by means of a
feminine noun is apparent in the Arabic: fiřl-badř kana Řl-kalima… rather than the grammatical fiřl-badř kanat al-
kalima… This anomaly is standard in all Arabic translations of the Bible.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
So, in reality it was she who turned to the heaven and fashioned them
seven heavens that is, the seven proofs who are equal to Àli, upon
him be God's blessing and peace, with regard to their Origination.
The seven, when they go through the processes of Origination and
Invention become fourteen manifestations of Origination. And they
are seven heavens.82
The words fashioned and equal do not convey the exegetical device of
paranomasia with which the Bab conveys this interpretation. The Qur'anic
sawwahunna ("he gave order and perfection") is formed from the same root
as the Qur'anic istawa ("then He turned Himself"). This root, sawiya, can be
variously translated as "leveling," "making smooth," "making equal,"
"ordering." That the world is orderly Ŕ cosmos rather than chaos Ŕ is a
classic Qur'anic argument for the existence and function of God as orderer
and sustainer. How this ordering and creation is to be explained is of course
controversial. The Bab holds to a distinctive cosmogony entailing twin
creative processes;83 through these the seven heavens are rendered fourteen
Ŕ the number of the Family of God. This is a perfect example of the
otherworldly potency of Fatima's creative status: she is not only the "Mother
of her Father" (umm abiha) but the creatrice of her own self and the twelve
Imams as well. Kirmani, as recounted by Corbin, seems acutely apt in this
instance:
Without the person of Fatima there would be neither the

manifestation of the Imamate, nor Imamic initiation. For the
pleroma of these entities of light is the very place of the divine
mystery. Their light is the divine light itself; their transparency
allows it to shine through, retaining none of their own ipseity [viz
"ego"] ... they are the very substance of pre-eternal Love; they are the
identity of love, lover, and beloved, that identity which all Sufis have
aspired to live ....84
As Corbin summarizes; Fatima is the Soul of creation, the Soul of each

creature, "the constitutive part of the human being." Fatima is "the eternally
feminine in man, and that is why she is the archetype of the heavenly Earth;
she is both paradise and initiation into it, for it is she who manifests the
82
Baq, 112-13
83
ibda' and ikhtira'. Briefly, the first is the action of God, and the second is the action of the demiurge.
For a concise explanation of this terminology as it was used in a much earlier but apparently perfectly cognate
context, see A Altmann & S. M. Stern. Isaac Israeli, A Neoplatonic Philosopher of the Early Tenth Century: His
Works Translated with Comments and an Outline of His Philosophy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1958, 152-
52. See now Amir-Moezzi, Cosmogony, 317-322. This scholarřs series of articles, published in various journals
and books, entitled ŖAspects dřImamologie Duodécimaineŗ is essential reading for the present topic. It is hoped
that it will be available in a single volume in the near future. See Amir-Moezzi, Aspects, 193-216.
84
Corbin, 63-64. See my translation of the Bab's Risalat fi'l-Suluk for an explicit mention of this same
idea in the same vocabulary Lawson, Journey

© 2007 Todd Lawson
divine names and attributes revealed in the theophanic persons of the

Imams."85
The ontological rank of the Soul and the reality of the Soul are the
rank of Fatima. The Imams are masculine as agents of cosmogony,
since relation is their soul; as authors of spiritual creation they are
feminine, since they are the Soul and since the Soul is Fatima.... the
theophanic and initiatic function of the holy Imams is precisely their
"Fatimic" degree of being (their fatimiya, which we faithfully
translate as "Sophianity"), and this is how Fatima comes to be called
Fatima Fatir, Fatima Creator.86
"Without the person of Fatima there would be neither the manifestation of

the Imamate, nor Imamic intitiation."87 Corbin points out that it is in the
light of such theories the Isma'ili epithet Fatima Fatir (Fatima the Creator)
begins to be heard and understood, but this time in a new "key." Fatima, the
"queen of women " Ŕ a frequent honorific Ŕ should really be understood as
the "sovereign of feminine humanity" where "feminine" equals "meaning,"88
or "the totality of the beings of the Possible [al-imkan]! All creatures have
been created out of the Soul itself, out of the Anima of the holy Imams."89
The Bab will echo this second idea below in his commentary on Qur'an
2:35. Whether the Bab recognized anything like a Jungian "feminine
dimension of humanity" is difficult to say with any certainty at this times.90
Kirmani says the Imams are the brides of the prophet inasmuch as they have
been created from the soul or are the soul of the Prophet. As the Qur'an
[16:74 and 30:20] says, "He has made wives for you out of your own souls."
The real "mother of the believers" is the initiatic function of the Imams. But
this "motherhood" ultimately has its source in Fatima. Spiritual birth
happens through the "Fatimic" agency of the Imams. The Prophet has said,
"I and Àli are the father and the mother of this community." The Bab
quotes this tradition in his commentary on Qur'an 2:83.91
85
Corbin, 66.
86
Ibid., 68.
87
Ibid., 63.
88
See the cognate idea carried, for example, in the phrase ara'is al-bayan (the brides of meaning), the
title of an esoteric tafsir by the mystic Ruzbehan Baqli (d. 1209). Just as a verse of poetry is called a bayt (house,
tent), the meaning of the verse is considered the bride waiting within the house or tent.
89
Corbin, 67.
90
However 'Abduřl-Bahá, the Baha'i leader and thinker (and presumably influenced by the Bab's
ideas), spoke of the "feminization of humanity" as a precondition for the establishment of universal peace: "The
world in the past has been ruled by force, and man has dominated over woman by reason of his more forceful and
aggressive qualities both of body and mind. But the balance is already shifting; force is losing its dominance, and
mental alertness, intuition, and the spiritual qualities of love and service, in which woman is strong, are gaining
ascendancy. Hence the new age will be an age less masculine and more permeated with the feminine ideals, or, to
speak more exactly, will be an age in which the masculine and feminine elements of civilization will be more
evenly balanced" (J. E. Esslemont, Baha u'llah and the New Era, 5th rev. ed. Wilmette: Baha'i Publishing Trust,
1987, 149). This could be a perfect example of how such an idea as "equality of the sexes," which appears
incontestably modem and Western (i.e., foreign to Islam), is in reality a native outgrowth of Islamic culture.
91
Corbin, 67-68. The Bab's commentary, on Qur'an 2:83, is as follows: "And when We took compact
the Children of Israel: 'You shall not serve any save God; and to be good to parents, and the near kinsman, and to
orphans, and to the needy; and speak good to men, and perform the prayer, and pay the alms.' then you turned

© 2007 Todd Lawson
At Qur'an 2:65-66 Fatima as the creative element par excellence appears as

both the true meaning of "the Sabbath" and the primary principle of creation
or "primal command." It is reasonable to ask if Tahirih the Babi was
referring to this when she spoke of "the primal truth" mentioned by Amanat.
There, she is presented as seeing Fatima as a role model.92 It is possible that
she was referring to Fatima as the cosmogonic principle we are discussing.
This is not to say that Tahirih the Babi did not see in Fatima (the mother of
the Imams) a role model. But in line with the metaphysical mood of the time
and place which our texts reflect, it is probable that she was interested in
Fatima's ontological value before her sociological value. We also see in this
commentary a reappearance of the idea introduced at verse 3 of the Fatiha
above: a soul perceives according to its capacity, through himself. It sees
what it is.
The comprehensive or universal dimension of the Fatimid reality is brought

out again in the Bab's commentary on 2:37: "Thereafter Adam received
certain words from his Lord, and turned towards him; truly he turns, and is
All-compassionate" [Qur'an 2:37].
The Bab introduces his discussion by pointing out that words are "single
letters that have been combined." The Family of God represent several
stations with regard to these letters: Muhammad is the point, Ali, Hasan, and
Husayn are each different kinds of alif (viz., layniya, mutaharraka, ghayr
ma`tuf), the letters that do not change form in the Arabic script (dal etc.)
represent the remainder of the Imams. Finally, the status of word is reserved
for Fatima alone, the point being that "meaning" itself is implicated and
articulated through the Fatimid reality. The belief in the Divine unity taught
by the other prophets is in fact created by God himself from this word. In
actual fact, the Bab says, "Adam received certain words" of
acknowledgment of the walaya of the Tree of the Divine Exclusive Unity
that God had forbidden "all other than itself from approaching." But when
the visible form of Fatima was manifest to him, by means of his own self,
God cast into his soul (his huwiya) the likeness of repentance and "He
turned to him."
Typically, the Bab here cites, in rapid and skillful succession, a Tradition
and another Qur'anic verse supporting his tafsir: "The Imam, upon whom be
away, all but a few of you, swerving aside." The Bab says that God is speaking about His "taking compact" with
all created things "in the eight paradises," to recognize the walaya of Àli. The first of these paradises is the Depth
of Unity (lujjat al-wahda) and is characterized by the command, "You shall not serve any save God ... [and this]
without reference [to anything else]." In the second paradise the compact was taken by moans of recognizing the
Universal Walaya (al-walayat al-kulliya) of the "parents," i.e., Muhammad and 'Ali who are, respectively, the
symbols of universal fatherhood and motherhood. Such recognition, the Bab says, is in reality the good mentioned
in the verse, because to do good means to do good to all according to what each merits. The good that these
particular parents deserve has only been hinted at, because were the Bab to openly (bi'l-tasrih) describe it, the
prattling enemies (mubtilun) would cavil at it. [Baq, 223-24.]
92
Amanat, Resurrection, 331. No source for this statement is given here.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
peace, said: 'We are the words of God.'" "God (al-Haqq)," says the Bab,
"confirms this statement in His mighty Book with the following words."93
Say: 'If the sea were ink for the Words of my Lord, the sea would be
spent before the Words of my Lord are spent, though We brought
replenishment the like of it." [Qur'an 18:109]
And the "replenishment" (madad) is origination (ibda') and invention

(ikhtira`) which God placed under the grade of their lordship. And
this origination is spent before the light of Fatima is spent. "And [this
light] is inexhaustible" [wa ma lahu min nifad = Qur'an 38:54].
Fatima is also "the Sabbath":
And well you know there were those among you that transgressed the
Sabbath, and We said to them, "Be you apes, miserably slinking!"
(2:65)
In the presence of the Lord, the meaning (al-murad) of Sabbath is

Fatima the Resplendent (al-Fatima al-Zahra), because she is the Day
of the Book. Verily, God has caused all created things to appear
through her; this is clear. And verily God knows that the people of
the contingent world are not the Family of Muhammad, because their
realities are the shadows of her body, according to the degree to
which she appeared to them through their own souls (la-hum bi-him).
But they transgressed what God had taught them concerning true
doctrine (i`tiqad) [namely, they thought] "our [human] realities are in
the station of unity and gnosis (maqam al-wahda wa'l-ma 'rifa), and
thus more exalted than her body." God said to them: "The wage of
their [meager] knowledge concerning the gnosis of Fatima is 'Be you
apes, miserably slinking.'
He who claims that the prophets have become unified in the region
of their own hearts as the body of Fatima was unified, his Creator has
made him, at the very moment of this arrogant claim, an ape. The
wage of sin is justice from God for what they claimed.94
Kirmani has elaborated on the epithet al-Zahra in a discussion of the

Logos/Intellect. Corbin summarizes: The Intellect is the suprasensory
93
Baq, 159-60. On shabah: The beings of the pleroma of the lahut are visible only in their apparitional
forms, which are the receptacles of their theophanies (Corbin, 63; cf. Huwayzi, 'Abd Àli, al-. Kitab Tafsir Nur al-
Thaqalayn. 5 vols. Qum: n.p., 1383/1963-1385/1965,.Vol. 1, 56-57, #142-44). The words are a prayer; the names
of the six (above) and an invocation of these names. #149: God created the light of Muhammad before the heavens
and the earth and the throne and the kursi and the tablet and the pen and paradise and hell. 149, (cont. p. 58)
contains reference to ring of Solomon (Bahrani, Burhan, vol. 1, 86, #2 as Huwayzi #3): Adam was expelled on 1
Dhu al-qa'da, and on the 8th of Dhu al-Hijja Gabriel sent him to Minna. See now Amir-Moezzi, Cosmogony cited
above.
94
Baq, 198-99. The last two sentences are perhaps a reference to a specific controversy. Unfortunately,
the details of this are unknown to me.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
calling for visible Form, while the station of Fatima corresponds exactly to
this visible Form: "[The logos] is like the archetypal body, the inner astral
mass of the sun, invisible to human perception, in relation to the visible
Form, which is its aura, brilliance and splendor.... this is why Fatima has
been called by a solar name: Fatima al-Zahra ... the totality of the universe
consists of this light of Fatima.... "95Fatima is furthermore the soul (nafs,
"Anima") of the Imams, "she is the Threshold or Gate (bab) through which
the Imams effuse the gift of their light" she is "all thinkable reality." "Her
eternal Person, which is the secret of the world of the Soul, is also its
manifestation (bayan), without which the creative Principle of the world
would remain unknown and unknowable, forever hidden."96 The Bab's
commentary on 2:66 is similar:
ŖAnd We made it a punishment exemplary for all the former times

and for the latter, and an admonition to such as are godfearing.ŗ
[Qur'an 2:66]
God tells about the evildoers who are opposed [to the true walaya]
namely, that they allude to God by means of a triple allusion (isharat
al-tathlith).97 God says that they are apes referring to those who turn
to the sign of their own tawhid with worldly eyes (bi'lnazar al-
imkani).... Those who "fear" what God commanded vis a vis drawing
near to [Fatima] by attaining the depth of the Fatimid Exclusive
Unity (lujjat al-ahadiyat al-fatimiya) without modality or allusion
(bila kayf aw ishara),98 and fear what God commanded, namely that
none would draw near to her/it [lujja is feminine] except by clinging
to knowledge of Fatima (bi'l-i `tigad fi ma `rifat Fatima). This itself
is impossible in the contingent world, except to the degree that she
appears to whatever is other than her by means of whatever is other
than Him. And she is the Primal Command (al-amr al-awwal; cf.
Amanatřs Ŗprimal truthŗ), and nothing else. Therefore God made His
admonition compelling for the godfearing.99
In his discussion of the various levels of the "return" to God (thumma ilayhi
turja una, Qur'an 2:28), the Bab says that God created Fatima from the light
of His essence (nur dhatihi) and that all the prophets have their beginning,
and therefore their return in the Depth of the Exclusive Unity which Depth
was "invented" (ikhtirař) from the light of the body of Fatima. "And as for
the generality of believers, God originated them from the shadows of the
95
Corbin, 64.
96
Ibid., 65.
97
Baq, 200. This is possibly an allusion to the first three Sunni caliphs whom the Shi'a consider
usurpers of 'Ali's position and breakers of the divine covenant.
98
That is through pure contemplation, without images or thoughts contaminated by "the world." This is
a reference, one of many throughout the work, to the famous Hadith Kumayl.
99
Baq, 199-200.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
realities of the prophets (zill haga'iq al-anbiya). So their return is to

these."100
The beginning of the Act (al-fi'l) is the Depth of the Exclusive unity
(lujjat al-ahadiya) and its return is to it. And the beginning of
passivity (that which is receptive of act: infi'al) is the sea of the
inclusive unity (tamtam al-wahidiya), and its return is to it. And for
each grade there is a station in [the cosmic process of] Origin and
Return.101
Another interesting appearance of Fatima in this commentary is her

identification with the Tree that Adam and Eve were commanded to avoid at
Qur'an 2:35. Here the Bab says that the Tree is "absolute contingency Ŕ
because all of the manifestations (tajalliyat) are enfolded in it. "Tree,"
shajara, it will be noted, is feminine, so that the Arabic reads "enfolded in
her." This is perfectly analogous to the Imams being enfolded within Fatima
as discussed earlier. Continuing, the Bab says, "As for Adam, God created
the beginning of his existence from the superabundance of the luminous
rays of the body of Fatima."
And a [created] thing may not Ŗdraw nighŗ to [anything] beyond its
origin. So, when Adam Ŗdrew nighŗ to the Tree of Reality shining
forth from Fatima by means of the Ŗdrawing nighŗ of existence, he
disobeyed his Lord, because God commanded him to not to approach
it, except through an instance of ecstatic consciousness (al-wijdan).
At the time of such an experience, the "thing drawn nigh unto" is the
Tree itself and nothing other than it.102
Adam's disobedience is also related to Fatima in the commentary at Qurřan

2:6: "Verily as for those who disbelieve, it is all the same to them whether
ye warn them or ye warn them not, they will not have faith." Adam's
repentance after his expulsion from the Garden is the result of his having
been made aware of the generosity of Fatima. Adam had shown
covetousness, one of the three sources of kufr according to Ja'far alSadiq,
when he wanted to eat from the Tree.
The first disobedience of Adam was his desire for the Tree of the
Divine Inclusive Unity. Indeed, his desire was the very creation of
100
Ibid., 109-110.
101
Ibid., 108-9.
102
Ibid., p. 154. Here it is perhaps an affirmation of the agency and efficacy of the specifically ShiřI
form of Ŗenlightenmentŗ referred to by Corbin as Ŗinstaseŗ. Cf., in this regard, Fritz Meierřs definition of wijdan
as Ŗbeing touched insideŗ. Meier, Fritz. Die Ŗfawařih al-gamal wa fawatih al-galalŗ des Nagmuddin al-Kubra.
Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1957 fasl 41 & 95; 101 German text. The terms wijdan, derived from wujud Ŗfindingŗ
denotes Ŗecstasyŗ in Arabic and Ŗconscienceŗ in Persian. I have combined the two meanings here in Ŗecstasy of
consciousnessŗ Ŕ a paradoxical event of awareness in which there is no distinction between object and subject, and
therefore Ŕ according to the implied syllogism Ŕ no awareness. Wijdan can also connote an intensification or
Ŗthickeningŗ of the experience of being/existence analogous, perhaps, to poetry (Dichtung) as a thickening of the
experience of language. The language here is also another explicit reference to the Hadith Kumayl.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
this Tree! Otherwise, he would have remained a dweller in the

Divine Exclusive Unity, not desiring anything else. He would not
have abandoned the Garden of Muhammad and his Family. At the
time of this desire came shirk. And when this desire came about he
abandoned the Garden and the Divine Will became attached to the
Divine Purpose, and this is Eve and Adam. God created her from the
Divine Will for the comfort of Adam. When he disobeyed, he left the
Garden of the Divine Ipseity (huwiya) and he entered the black sea of
this world below-a veritable fire of duality where even the qualities
of submissiveness and humility fight with one another. He perceived
the generosity (jud) of Fatima. Then he lamented and he affirmed to
God his belief in al-bada' [viz., the distinctively Shi'i belief that God
can change His mind, or "start anew"] and attested to the prohibition
of wine and he wept thirty days, then he repented towards God by
clinging to the love of the recognition of the Family of God. God
accepted his repentance, and thus did Adam become one "of those
who do good."103
Love and Authority
We close this survey of Fatima in the Bab's tafsir with the subject that
opened the study, namely walaya, "spiritual authority," and its dimension of
love (mahabba). At verse 3 of Surat al-Baqara, the subject of Absolute
Walaya is encountered. Here the Qur'anic statement "those who perform the
prayer" is said by the Bab to imply general obedience to Muhammad and his
Trustees (or: Legatees, awsiya) and his Progeny (nabt) through the Most
Great Absolute Walaya (al-walaya almutlaqa al-kubra). While in other
statements Absolute Walaya was linked to 'Ali alone,104 here it includes all
of the Imams. In the same section walaya is identified with tawhid,
affirmation of the divine unity. The Bab says that the act of prayer (salat)
"from beginning to end" is the "form for affirming divine uniqueness" (surat
al-tafrid), the "temple (haykal) for affirming the divine unity (tawhid)," and
the "visible form (or: pre-vivified form, shabah) of walaya." This being the
case, only the actual bearers of walaya are able to perform it properly
because it is the foremost station of distinction between the Beloved
(mahbub, i.e., God) and the lover. The Family of God (al Allah =
Muhammad, Fatima, and the 12 Imams) are the true bearers of the meaning
of the divine love mentioned in the famous hadith qudsi: "I was a hidden
treasure and desired to be known, therefore I created mankind in order to be
known." This love (mahabba) was manifested (tajalla) by God to them by
means of their own selves (la-hum bi-him), to such a degree of exclusivity
103
Ibid., pp. 45-46 Cf. Tusi, al-Tibyan, vol. 1, pp. 59-60: This verse was revealed about Abu Jahl
according to al-Rabi' b. Anis, and al-Balkhi and al-Maghribi chose this; according to. Ibn Abbas, it was sent down
about the Jewish leaders around Mecca; some say it was sent down about the Arab idolators. Tabari chose Ibn
'Abbas: "We say rather that the verse has a general meaning."
104
Baq, p. 195.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
that this divine love subsists only through them, and pure servitude appears
only in them.
The Bab continues to say that the Family of God are the places (mahall)
where servitude and all lordship ('ubudiyat and rububiyat) distinguish
themselves, implying that it is through their act of servitude that they have
been invested with the rank of lordship in relation to others.
Whoever, then, confesses the truth of their walaya in Ŗthe region of

pure servitudeŗ has in fact performed the prayer according to all the
stations of the Merciful One. And he who performs the prayer [this
way] also "pierces the veils of gloryŗ (subuhat al-jalal) and enters
the house of glory (bayt al-jalal), where such a one will eternally
dwell in the protecting shade of their walaya.105
At verse 62, the term Absolute Walaya is associated again with the entire
Family of God, because they are sanctified servants who do nothing of their
own wills, but rather the will of God: "Surely they that believe, and those of
Jewry, and the Christians, and those Sabaeans, whoso believes in God and
the Last Day, and works righteousness Ŕ their reward awaits them with their
Lord, and no fear shall be on them, neither shall they sorrow."
The "works of righteousness" mentioned in this verse therefore are

described as being represented, par excellence, by the act of recognizing the
Absolute Walaya of the Family of God; and "their reward awaits them with
'Ali." In the context of the verse itself, the suggestion is that non-Muslims
are implicated in the responsibility of recognizing the authority of 'Ali and
the Family of God. This may offer an indication of the way in which
"absolute" (mutlaq) is to be understood. It should be noted that the last
phrase of the above verse is repeated at Qur'an 10:62 , where it is
specifically "the friends of God" (awliya' allah) who will neither grieve nor
sorrow. Such cross references and correspondences are most certainly not
accidental, particularly in this case where the later verse corroborates this
interpretation by virtue of its vocabulary (awliya'plural of wali).106
Love as a synonym for walaya is of course not new with the Bab, but it is
important that this aspect of walaya be constantly kept in mind as a means
of holding the other connotations of the term, such as "authority" and
"power," in perspective. This equivalence led Corbin to state that Shi'ism is
pre-eminently a religion of spiritual love107 Ŕ a very large assertion that must
be considered in the somewhat ratified context of Corbin's preoccupations.
However, insofar as devotion to the walaya of the Imam represents, in
essence, an act of love, the assertion seems to stand.
105
This is perhaps an example of the antinomian motif so prominent in certain so-called extremist Shi'i
texts and teachings.
106
Baq, 195-96.
107
E.g., Encyclopedia of Islam, 1st ed., i, 285-303 and iii, 210.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
In the commentary on Qur'an 2:23, "love" is again associated with walaya.

The Bab says:
None can attain to the Depth of the Exclusive Divine Unity (lujjat al-
ahadiya) except by means of his ('Aliřs) walaya. It is the goal
(maqsud) of your existence (wujudi-kum), because God has made
you for the sake of this love (mahabba). And He has put His life
(hayat) and His might ('izz) in it, to the extent that such is possible in
the contingent world Ŕ if only you understood .
Love is related to the idea of knowledge/ma' rifa (gnosis), by virtue of the

"theosophical" axiom: the more one knows the more one loves, and the
more one loves the more one knows. This axiom is represented in the
Islamic instance by the Tradition of the Hidden Treasure, quoted above:
God's love or desire to be known set the terms of spiritual development for
"all time." True knowledge is attained through love and devotion, and if this
devotion be tested through hardship, the love, and therefore the attendant
knowledge (or vice versa) is the purer. All of the Family of God suffered,
but perhaps none more than Fatima, who as the mother of all suffers doubly.
In his commentary on Qur'an 2:25, the Bab states that "the Garden," that is,
Paradise, is indeed the love of the visible form of Fatima (mahabbat shabah
Fatima).
But give glad tidings to those who believe and work righteousness,
that their portion is Gardens beneath which rivers flow. Every time
they are fed with fruits therefrom, they say: "Why, this is what we
were fed with before." For they are given things in similitude
(mutashabihan); and they have therein companions pure (and holy);
and they abide therein forever. [2:25]
For the people of inner knowledge "God gave glad tidings to those
who believe" in Muhammad and do righteous deeds with regard to
his Trusteeship by means of allegiance to 'Ali. For them await
gardens, and these [gardens] are the love (hubb) of Fatima
underneath which are rivers, meaning the two Hasans [ i.e., al-Hasan
and al-Husayn). ... the fourth [river] is of red wine, flowing for the
fragmentation (kasr) of all things and their refashioning (sawgh)
according to the divine signs and tokens. And by it the love bodies
(al-ajsad ab-mahabba) of the Shi'a of the Pure Family of God are
reddened. And God fashioned in this river the forms of the believers.
And God wrote at its head; "Love of the Shi'a of Ali is My fortress
(hisni). Therefore, he who enters My fortress is secure from My
chastisement." Every one who drinks from a river: they say, "This is
that" in which God has put all the lights of the four signs [i.e.,
tawhid, nubuwwa, imama, shi'a).... And there for them shall be

© 2007 Todd Lawson
spouses purified and virtuous ... And they shall dwell forever in the
love of Fatima.108
Given the dramatic role played by Tahirih Ŕ as the reappearance of Fatima-

in the formation and development of the Babi religion, such words as these
of the Bab's give us an enhanced understanding of the sources of her
authority and influence and raise the question, Must a challenge to the status
quo entail a break with the past?
108 Baq, 87: "love of the form of Fatima" (mahabbat shabah Fatima). Additional works consulted
include: Abu Lawz, Yusuf. Fatima Tadhhabu Mubakkira ila al-Huqul. Damascus: Ittihad al-kuttab al-arab,
1983.;'Adawi, Muhammad Mustafa, al-.Qissat ar-Raha li's-Sayyida Fatima az-Zahra (Cairo, n.d.). Translated in
Jeffery, Islam: Muhammad and His Religion, Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1958, 217-22.; Bani, Omol. Fatima
statt Farah: Erfahrungen einer Frau in der iranischen Revolution. Tubingen: Iva-Verlag, 1980. Bayat, Mangol.
Mysticism and Dissent: Socioreligious Thought in Qajar Iran. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1982, 1-58;
Bursi, Rajab al-. Mashariq Anwar al.Yaqin fi Asrar Amir al-Mu'minin. Beirut: n.p, 1979. Furat al-Kufi, Furat ibn
Ibrahim. Tafsir Furat al-Kufi. Ed. Muhammad Àli al-Ghurawi Urdubadi. Najaf al Matba'a al-Huyderiya
1353/1934.; Gerstle, C. Andrew. "Text as Peformance: Tragedy in Japanese Drama." In Recovering the Orient:
Artists, Scholars, Appropriations, ed. Andrew Gerstle and Anthony Milner. Singapore; Harwood Academic
Publishers, 1994, 205-28; Hajajji-Jarrah, Soraya. "Women's Modesty in Qur'anic Commentaries: The Founding
Discourse." In Women and the Veil in North America, eds. Sajjida Alvi, Homa Hoodfar, and Sheila McDonough.
Toronto: Womenřs Press, 2003.; Hermansen, Marcia K. "Fatimeh as a Role Model in the Works of Ali Shari'ati."
In Women and Revolution in Iran, ed. Guity Nashat. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1983,. 87-96; Khamis,
Muhammad Atiya. Fatima al-Zahra. Cairo, 1965.; Todd Lawson, Akhbari Shi'i Approaches to Tafsir." In
Approaches to the Qur'an, ed. G. R. Hawting and Abdul- Kader A. Shareef. New York and London: Routledge,
1993, 173-210.; Massignon, Louis. "Der Gnostische Kult der Fatima im Shiitischen Islam." In Opera Minora.
Beirut: 1963a, vol. 1, 514-22."La mubahala de Medine et l'hyperdulie de Fatima." In Louis Massignon, Opera
Minora. Beirut: Dar el-Maaret Liban, 1963: vol. 1,. 550-72. Massignon, Louis. "L'Oratoire de Marie a l'Aqca, vu
sous le voile de deuil de Fatima." In Louis Massignon, Opera Minora. Beirut: Dar el-Maaret Liban, 1963, vol. 1,
592-618.Massignon, Louis. "L'Experience musulmane de la Compassion ordonee a 1'Universel a propos de Fatima
et de Hallaj." In Louis Massignon, Opera Minora. Beirut: Dar el-Maaret Liban, 1963, vol. 3, pp. 642-53; The
Passion of al-Hallaj, Mystic and Martyr of Islam. Translated from the French with a biographical foreword by
Herbert Mason. 4 vols. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982; Milani, Fadil Husayni al-. Fatima al-Zahra
umm abiha. Beirut: Dar al-Ta'rif lil'matbu'at wamuassasa Ahl al-Bayt, 1979; Qazwini, Muhammad Kazim al-.
Fatima al-Zahra min al-Mahd ilal'l-Lahd, Beirut: Dar al-Sadiq,1977; Rashti, Sayyid Kazim. Sharh al-Qasida al-
Lamiya. Tabriz; litho., n.p.,1270; Stumpel, Isabel. "Tahira Qurrat al-'Ain." In Iran im 19 Jahrhundert und die
Enstehung der Baha'i Religion, ed. Christoph Burgel and Isabel Schayani. Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1998,
127-43.Tabrisi, Abu Àli, al-. Mamma' al-Bayan fi Tafsir al-Qur'an. Beirut: Dar al-Fikr wa Dar al-Kitab al
Lubnani, 1377/1957.

© 2007 Todd Lawson
Dreams and their Interpretation in the Baha‟i Religion

Some preliminary remarks
Dr. Necati Alkan

Jerusalem, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Abstract
This paper provides an outline of the importance of dreams and their interpretation
in the Bahářì Religion. After some general remarks on dreams, dreams and dream
interpretation in Islam will be discussed, since they provide an archetype for the
Bahářì context. Statements on dreams by Bahářuřlláh and ŘAbduřl-Bahá will be
examined. Finally, a dream interpretation by ŘAbduřl-Bahá in Ottoman Turkish that
contains significant Islamic elements, will be commented on and a provisional
translation of it appended.
Introduction
Dreams are a universal phenomenon and dream interpretation is an ancient

and universal practice. There are books and scrolls extant on the subject,
dating back to Ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia, the Ancient Greeks and the
Romans. In available sources from Ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia, India, in
the Iliad of Homer, also in the Old Testament and in pre-Islamic Arab
peoples, dreams are sources of divination, that is, predictions of future
events. In some indigenous cultures dreams are identical with reality or are
believed to be fulfilled . In Ancient Greece, dreams were used to provide
cures for ailments through divine power. The Greeks called this practice
egkoimesis, and the Romans incubatio. Dream incubation is commonly
associated with the cult of Asklepios but is apparently still an institution in
the Mediterranean. Perhaps the most famous book on dream interpretation is
by the Greek Artemidoros of Ephesos, called Oneirocritica (from Greek
oneiros, Ŗdreamŗ).1
Overall, messengers and prophets of God have received their first

revelations, inspirations, commands or glad-tidings through dreams and
visions,- sometimes through angels or other intermediaries,- such as
Abraham, Moses, Joseph, Muhammad, the Mormon Řprophetř Joseph Smith
or the Báb and Bahářuřlláh. Also, scientists claimed to have solutions for
intricate problems or inventions, in their dreams.
Dreams and their interpretation in Islam
During the period of classical Islam (9.-14. centuries A.D.) dream

interpretation, among the ancient sciences, was passed on to Islam through
1
For a general discussion of dreams, see e.g. the entry Řdreamř The Encyclopaedia Britannica and The
Encyclopaedia of Religion (ed. Mircea Eliade); for the general Islamic context, see The Encyclopaedia of Islam
(EI2, 2. edition), s.v. ŘRuřyāř; The Encyclopaedia of the Qurřān (EQ), s.v. ŘDreams and Sleepř; Orhan
Hançerlioğlu, İslam İnançları Sözlüğü (İSS, ŘDictionary of Islamic Beliefs,ř Istanbul 19942), s.v. ŘRüyâř.

© 2007 Necati Alkan
172 Necati Alkan Dreams Introductory Remarks
translations of Greek and Roman classics. Dreams (sing. ruřyá) and their
interpretation (taŘbìr) have had a central place among Muslims.2 Countless
books on dream interpretation in the Middle East are offered - and even on-
line interpreters and digital dream encyclopaedias on the internet. 3 Still
popular in the Islamic world is also the practice of istikhára4 (Řthe search for
the goodř) for invoking dreams in order to arrive at a solution of a problem.
It is moreover noteworthy that taŘbìr5 was utilised for political claims and
legitimation of rulers,6 the legitimisation of the four Sunni schools of law
(madháhib al-arbaŘa),7 or as a means to evaluate aḥádíth (Islamic
traditions, sg. ḥadíth).8
With respect to dreams and aḥádíth as a source of authority in Islam, it can

be said that so-called Řlegitimizing-edifying dreamsř were utilised for
decision-making, the establishment of preferences, and the approval of
ideas. The same type of dreams offered guidelines for right conduct,
thoughts and reactions in definite situations in the daily lives of Muslims.
ŘLegitimizing-edifying dreamsř also had an important function in disputes
among the Sunni madháhib through the way the four jurists were presented
in dreams, how these should be understood with regard to the juristsř
influence and status in the Islamic umma (community), and their value and
trustworthiness as the founders of eponymous schools of law.9
The revelation of the Qurřan (Q.) itself commenced with a vision or a dream
in which the angel Gabriel appeared to Muhammad (Sura 96), which is also
transmitted in a ḥadíth: ŘThe commencement of the Divine Inspiration to
Godřs Apostle was in the form of good righteous (true) dreams in his
sleep.ř10
The Qurřan itself contains some passages about dreams and their
interpretation. The most famous is in the story of Joseph, Řthe best of storiesř
(aḥsan al-qaṣaṣ, Q. 12:3) in the Súrat Yúsuf (12. Sura). As in Genesis, all
three dream episodes of Joseph are mentioned. The purpose of these is to
show that dreams and their proper interpretation are a sign of Godřs favour.
2
Seminal works on dreams in Islam are: Helmut Gätje, ŘPhilosophische Traumlehren im Islamř, in
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 109 (1959), 258-85, and Gustave E. Grunebaum/Robert
Caillois, The Dream and Human Societies (L.A./Berkeley, 1966); Leah Kinberg, Morality in the Guise of Dreams:
Ibn Abī d-Dunyā, A Critical Edition of the kitāb al-manām (Leiden et al., 1994); Annemarie Schimmel, Die
Träume des Kalifen: Träume und ihre Bedeutung in der islamischen Kultur (München, 1998).
3
See, e.g., the websites http://www.ibnsereen.com, http://www.alburaq.net/trabsform.cfm, and
http://dreams.al-islam.com
EI s.v. ŘIstikhárař; İSS, s.v. Řİstihârař; Schimmel, 40-41.
4 2
EI , s.v. ŘTaŘbīr; İSS, s.v. ŘTâbirř.

5 2
6
Leah Kinberg, ŘLiteral Dreams and Prophetic ḥadīths in Classical Islam: a comparison of
legitimationř, in Islam 70 (1993), 279-300.
7
Idem. ŘThe legitimization of the madhāhib through dreamsř, in Arabica 32 (1985), 47-79. The schools
are the Ḥanbalì, Ḥanafì, SháfiŘì and Malikì.
8
Idem. ŘDreams as a Means to Evaluate ḥadīthsř, in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 23 (1999),
79-99.
9
These founders are Abu Ḥanìfa (d. 767), Malik b. Anas (d. 795), Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal (d. 855), and
Muḥammad b. Idris ash-SháfiŘì (d. 820).
10
Ṣaḥìḥ Bukhárì (SB), Volume 9, Book 87, Number 111; online at MSA-USC Hadith Database,
http://www.usc.edu/dept/MSA/reference/searchhadith.html; where necessary, ŘAllahř in following aḥádìth is
replaced by ŘGodř.

The most significant episode is when Joseph tells his father about his own
dream of Řeleven stars and the sun and the moon were prostrating
themselves before me.ř In the Old Testament this means that Josephřs eleven
brothers and his father and mother will one day bow down before him and
this will infuriate his brothers. In the Qurřan it is said that his father warns
Joseph not to tell his dream to his jealous brothers because of their
intentions to kill him. His fatherřs statement ŘThus will thy Lord choose thee
and teach thee the interpretation of eventsř (tařwìl al-aḥádíth) (Q. 12:6)
alludes to a later episode during Josephřs imprisonment in Egypt when he is
asked to interpret the dreams of two men (12:36-42). With these dreams
coming true the Pharaoh realises Josephřs ability to interpret dreams and
asks him to interpret two dreams of his own after being displeased with his
advisors, who admitted that they are not knowledgeable about dream
interpretation and labelled the Pharaohřs dreams as Řconfused/jumbled
dreamsř (aḍgháth aḥlám, Q. 12:44). Joseph expounds the kingřs dreams as
predictions of his landřs future welfare and thus pleases him. As a result, the
king awards Joseph by making him his personal servant. Both in Genesis
and the Qurřan Josephřs piety and his ability to interpret dreams are a sign
of his nearness to God.11
Another crucial Qurřanic as well as Biblical episode is that of Abrahamřs

sacrifice of his son, which is Isaac in Genesis and IsmaŘil in the Qurřan.
Abraham receives Godřs command to sacrifice his son in a dream (manám).
After telling his son about this, both surrender themselves to Godřs will (fa-
lammá aslamá, Q. 37:102-105). This in itself is utter humility and absolute
trust and at the very heart of the Islamic faith: a Řmuslimř is someone who
entirely submits him/herself to Godřs will (islám). Apart from this, another
aspect is worth noting here. Although there is no indication that Abrahamřs
dream was divine in origin, he and his son readily accepted it as such.12
Nevertheless Qurřan interpretations emphasise that Abraham saw this dream
three times before being certain that it is from God. After the first night he
wondered whether his dream is divine or satanic. The subsequent night he
had the same dream and knew that it was a divine command. After seeing
the dream for the third time, Abraham was willing to sacrifice his son.
According to Qurřan commentators Abrahamřs hesitation is not in
agreement with the ḥadíth that dreams (ruřyá) of prophets are equal to
revelation (waḥy). Hence, if a prophetic ruřyá is waḥy, there is no room for
Abrahamřs hesitation. Also, that Abraham asks his son what he thinks about
the sacrifice is in the opinion of some commentators a contradiction.13
Four words stand for dreams, visions and sleep in the Qurřan: 1. ruřyá
appears six times (12:5, 12:43, 12:100, 17:60, 37:105, 48:27); 2. manám,
occurs four times (8:43, 30:23, 37:102, 39:42); 3. Then there is bushrá,
11
Leah Kinberg, ŘDreams and Sleepř, in EQ, vol. 1, A-D (Leiden et al. 2001), 546-53; Kelly Bulkeley,
ŘReflections on the Dream Tradition in Islamř, in Sleep and Hypnosis 4:1 (2002), 4-14,
12
Bulkeley, 6.
13
Kinberg, EQ 547.

meaning Řgood-tidingsř or Řgood news,ř which is used once as Řdreamř

(10:64). While these three terms signify good dreams, the word ḥulm that
occurs twice in the Qurřan, means bad dream and is used in the expression
aḍgháth aḥlám, that is, Řconfused/jumbled dreamsř (12:44, 21:5). Six of all
these references deal with the biblical figures Abraham and Joseph; the
other references relate to central Islamic issues like the conquest of Mecca
that was revealed to Muhammad in a dream prior to the event itself (Q
48:27). For the interpretation of these qurřanic verses the commentators
utilise Islamic sayings in canonical ḥadíth collections. They deal with the
authority of dreams and their use as a means of legitimation. Many
interpretive principles are found in the sayings, referring to the practice of
dream interpretation, and therefore guide dream practices in contemporary
Muslim countries.
Dreams in Islam are usually divided into three categories: 1. True dreams
which come from God and are part of revelation or prophetism; 2. Deceitful
dreams which are the whisperings of Satan or demons; 3. Dreams which are
the result of manřs nature that are not dangerous but also do not bear a
significant message.14 There are other classifications of dreams. The
theologian al-Razi (d. 1210) suggested the following: 1. There are dreams
with a message and become reality, such as Muhammadřs dream about his
conquest of Mecca; 2. Dreams whose message is realised in the opposite
way, like Abrahamřs dream: he was asked to sacrifice his son but in reality
he sacrificed a lamb; 3. Dreams that demand for interpretation, such as the
dreams in the Sura of Joseph.15 Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406), the great Muslim
learned, on the other hand, talks about 1. Clear dream visions which are
from God; 2. Allegorical dreams from the angels, which need to be
interpreted; 3. ŘConfused dreamsř from Satan, which are futile.16 The
differentiation between Řtrue dreamsř and Řconfused dreamsř is based on the
ḥadíth Ŗruřyá is from God and ḥulm is from Satan.ŗ As noted above ḥulm
denotes bad dreams also in the Qurřan. Dreams are also an integral part of
major and minor Islamic ḥadíth collections.
Dreams in the Babi and Baha‟i Religions

There are Tablets of ŘAbduřl-Bahá classifying dreams into several
categories. He endorses some of those categories as a kind of inspiration or
foreseeing of what will happen in future. In other Tablets he has given
interpretation to believers' dreams at the request of Bahářìs that had such
experiences.
The Babřs Revelation commenced with a vision. The Bab dreamt that He
drank Imam Husaynřs blood. In a passage in which Shoghi Effendi talks
about the first revelations of major prophets we read:
14
Gätje, 249-50.
15
Kinberg EQ, 547.
16
Bulkeley, 10.

The circumstances in which the Vehicle of this newborn Revelation,

following with such swiftness that of the Báb, received the first
intimations of His sublime mission recall, and indeed surpass in
poignancy the soul-shaking experience of Moses when confronted by
the Burning Bush in the wilderness of Sinai; of Zoroaster when
awakened to His mission by a succession of seven visions; of Jesus
when coming out of the waters of the Jordan He saw the heavens
opened and the Holy Ghost descend like a dove and light upon Him;
of Muḥammad when in the Cave of Ḥirá, outside of the holy city of
Mecca, the voice of Gabriel bade Him Ŗcry in the name of Thy
Lordŗ; and of the Báb when in a dream He approached the bleeding
head of the Imám Ḥusayn, and, quaffing the blood that dripped from
his lacerated throat, awoke to find Himself the chosen recipient of
the outpouring grace of the Almighty.17
Bahařuřllahřs as well received His first revelation in the Siyáh-Chál through

a vision. In a well-known passage He says: ŘOne night, in a dream (dar
Řālam-i ruřyā), these exalted words were heard on every side…ř18 He
regards sleep and the fact that we can dream as Řphenomenonř, which is Řthe
most mysterious of the signs of God amongst men (āyat al-aŘẓam bayna řn-
nās), were they to ponder it in their hearts.ř He adds that events in a dream
during the sleep (tará fí nawmika) that become realised Řafter a considerable
lapse of timeř (lit.: baŘda sana aw sanatayn aw azyad, Řafter a year or two or
moreř)19 or Řafter the lapse of many yearsř (lit.: baŘd az bīst sanih aw azyad,
Řafter twenty or more yearsř).20
Elsewhere, Bahářuřlláh talks about a dream of His own, in which He beheld

the Prophet Muḥammad. This dream serves as a confirmation of the removal
of the Islamic jihád, of Řholy warř and His mission of peace:
One day I saw in a dream that I associated with His Holiness, the Apostle
(Muḥammad), may the souls of all else but Him be sacrificed for His sake.
Words were revealed and utterances were made manifest from that
Dawning-Place of Godřs Book. Thereupon He said: ŘPreviously I had said:
ŘParadise is beneath the shades of swords (al-jannatu taḥta ẓiláli řs-
suyúf).ř21 However, if I were manifest in these days, I would say: ŘParadise
is beneath the shade of the tree of friendliness and compassionř (al-jannatu
17
Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, Bahářì Publishing Trust: Wilmette 1944 (19792), 92.
18
Bahařuřllah, Epistle to the Son of the Wolf 21; Lawḥ-i Khiṭāb bih Shaykh Muḥammad Taqī Iṣfahānī
(Lawḥ-i Ibn-i Dhiřb), Bahaři-Verlag: Hofheim BE 138/1983-84), 15; online at the Bahaři Reference Library,
http://reference.bahai.org/fa/t/b/ESW/
19
Bahářuřlláh, Gleanings from the Writings of Bahářuřlláh, ch. 79, p. 151-52; Muntakhabátí az Áthár-i
Haḍrat-i Bahářuřlláh (Bahářì-Verlag: Hofheim BE 141/1985-86), 102-103
20
Ibid, 162/108.
21
A ḥadīth; see Ṣaḥīḥ Bukhārī, Volume 4, Book 52, no. 73: ŘKnow that Paradise is under the shades of
swords.ř; cf. Volume 4, Book 52, no. 2: ŘOnce Godřs Apostle (during a holy battle), waited till the sun had
declined and then he got up among the people and said, ŖO people! Do not wish to face the enemy (in a battle) and
ask God to save you (from calamities) but if you should face the enemy, then be patient and let it be known to you
that Paradise is under the shades of swords.ŗř; online at MSA-USC Hadith Database

taḥta ẓiláli sidrati řl-ulfati wa řr-raḥma). Upon hearing this blessed and
exalted Word, I declared: ŘMay the souls of all men be a sacrifice unto Thy
loving-kindness, tender mercy and bounty!ř Subsequently, the Ocean of
utterance spoke that which the Pen was unable to reveal and the ink not
capable to make manifest. When I woke up from my sleep I have found
Myself filled with gladness for a time, in such wise that it was beyond
description.22
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, speaking of the immortality of the spirit/soul, reiterates the

realisation of dreams. He also states that a problem or question, which one
cannot resolve in this Řworld of wakefulness is solved in the world of
dreams (Řálam-i ruřyá)ř or Řthe world of sleepř (Řálam-i khwáb). When man
is asleep he does not any distance or dimension as in this material world but
he embraces the East and the West, and travels Řin the twinkling of an
eyeř.23 ŘAbduřl-Bahá differentiates between two kinds of visions or dreams,
which He calls Řspiritual discoveriesř (iktisháfát-i ruḥániyyih). The first one
is Řthe revelations of the Prophets (ruřyá-yi anbiyář), and the spiritual
discoveries of the elect (iktisháfát-i ruḥániyyih-i aṣfiyář).ř According to
ŘAbduřl-Bahá those of the Prophets are not dreams (ruřyá-yi anbiyář khwáb
níst) but Řspiritual discoveries (iktisháfát-i rúḥáníst) and have reality
(ḥaqíqat)ř since it occurs in the state of wakefulness and not during a
sleep.24
The second sort of Řspiritual discoveriesř in ŘAbduřl-Bahářs categorisation

are Řmade up of pure imaginationsř (awhám-i ṣirf), which appear to Řsimple-
hearted peopleř as having a reality. In this situation the minds of men
discover truths, Řand from this thought and discovery signs and results are
produced. This thought has a foundationř. However, ŘAbduřl-Bahá
compares these to Řthe waves of the sea of imaginations; they have no fruit,
and no result comes from them. In the same way, man sees in the world of
sleep a vision which becomes exactly realized; at another time, he sees a
dream which has absolutely no result.ř25
What we mean is that this state, which we call the converse and
communications of spirits, is of two kinds: one is simply imaginary
(awhám-i maḥḍ), and the other is like the visions (ruřyáhá) which are
mentioned in the Holy Book, such as the revelations of St. John and Isaiah
and the meeting of Christ with Moses and Elias. These are real, and produce
wonderful effects in the minds and thoughts of men, and cause their hearts
to be attracted.26
22
From the Lawḥ-i Ṭabīb, provisional translation, Mářidih-yi Ásmání, (ed. ŘAbduřl-Hamid Ishraq-
Khavari), vol. 8, Tehran 129 BE/1972-73, 78;
23
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Some Answered Questions, p. 227/ Mufáwaḍát-i ŘAbduřl-Bahá (Miṣr 1339/1920, 2
edition by Mirřát Publications 1998), 160. , cf. Khiṭābāt Ḥaḍrat-i ŘAbduřl-Bahā, vol. 2, Bahaři-Verlag: Hofheim
BE 127/1970-71, 14.
24
Ibid. ch. 71, 251-53/176-78.
25
Ibid.
26
Ibid.

At another instance, ŘAbduřl-Baha classifies dreams into three categories: 1.

ruřyá-yi ṣádiqih, Ŗtrue dreamsŗ: they are as bright as the morning sun and
do not need interpretation (taŘbìr). They come to pass in the same manner as
it was seen but most of the people do not achieve this; it needs a heart rid of
all attachment and there must not exist idle thoughts in the mind; 2. ruřyá-yi
taŘbìrì, Ŗinterpretive dreamsŗ: these are idle thoughts from the heart or mind
and need interpretation. Idle thoughts must be separated from spiritual
discoveries. ŘAbduřl-Bahá explains thus: if you add any colour to a white
cloth, it will accept it; but if you add blue to a yellow cloth, it will become
green and the truth is distorted. In order to have the true colour, one needs to
remove the added colour. 3. aḍgháth aḥlám, Řconfused dreams.ř If man is
involved in strife and contention during the day and these events appear to
him in his dreams, these cannot be interpreted and are no discovery. Finally,
He adds that in the sight of the Prophets ruřyá is part of waḥy, in which they
see a celestial figure who tells them to say or to do things.27
„Abdu‟l-Bahá‟s Ta„bír in Ottoman Turkish
As in the case of some other Tablets which ŘAbduřl-Baha wrote in Ottoman

Turkish,28 this Tablet was also in all probability written to an Ottoman
official.29 He addresses the recipient with Řhis excellencyř (zât-ı ulyâları). In
the first part of this Tablet ŘAbduřl-Baha provides a short exegesis (tafsír) of
a hadith to the same person.30
The second part is ŘAbduřl-Bahářs interpretation of the following Řtrue

dreamř (rüyâ-yı sâdık): the person saw himself in the holy KaŘba, the centre
of the Muslim pilgrimage in Mecca. He moreover dreamed of the prophet
Muhammad riding a camel (deve), and Muhammad was casting a sheltering
shadow with his hand (pençe) on a flock of sheep. However, only ten chosen
sheep were particularly protected.
ŘAbduřl-Baha explains what the ŘKaŘba,ř ŘMuḥammad,ř Řcamel,ř Řhand,ř the

Řflock of sheep,ř and the Řten sheepř stand for. He concludes by assuring his
recipient that Muḥammad has blessed him by revealing to him this dream.
What is interesting is that ŘAbduřl-Baha interprets this dream in favour of
the Ottomans by saying that Sultan Abdulhamid II. and the Islamic umma
were victorious over their enemies, the Greeks. In particular, the Muslim
martyrs of the (first) Greco-Ottoman War of 1897,31 who died for the
Řreligion and stateř (din ve devlet) receive his special blessings. Here
27
Quoted in Khosrow Farahani, Sayrì dar ŘAwálim-i Ruřyá (Bahářì-Verlag: Hofheim, 149/1992), 9-10.
28
See, e.g., Necati Alkan, ŘŘAbduřl-Bahářs Turkish Commentary of the Sura of the Fig: Introduction
and Provisional Translationř, Bahářì Studies Review 10 (2001), 115-129.
29
MajmúŘa-yi Alwáh wa Munajáthá-yi Turki (Muřassasa-yi Millí-yi MatbúŘát-i Amrí, BE 127/1970-
71), 142-46.
30
Necati Alkan, ŘŘAbduřl-Bahářs Commentary on the Islamic Tradition: ŖGod doth give victory to this
religion by means of a wicked manŗ Ŕ a provisional translation and notesŗ, in Bahářì Studies Review 11, 53-57.
31
See, e.g., Stanford Shaw/Ezel K. Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey (2 vols.),
Cambridge University Press, 1977, 2:206-207; Mehmet Uğur Ekinci, ŘThe Origins of the 1897 Ottoman-Greek
War: A Diplomatic Historyř, M.A. Thesis, Bilkent University, Ankara, 2006

ŘAbduřl-Baha also acknowledges the first three caliphs Abu Bakr, ŘUmar,
and ŘUthman as rightly guided and among the ten companions of
Muhammad whom He had promised paradise.
Provisional Translation of „Abdu‟l-Bahá‟s ta„bír:
As regards the interpretation of thy true dream (rüyâ-yı sâdık): thou hast
seen thyself in the holy KaŘba. According to interpretation, the KaŘba is an
impregnable stronghold and divinely safeguarded and protected. For it is a
threshold of protection and safety and a refuge and asylum for all beasts
and birds.
Thou hast also seen His Holiness, the Prophet (Muhammad) in thy dream.
According to the holy tradition ŘWho hath seen Me in a dream, he indeed
hath beheld the truthř (Man rařánì fa-qad rařá al-ḥaqq ),32 to see the blessed
perfection, our Lord the Prophet (pbuh)33 in a dream, there is no doubt that
it is a real vision and true dream that hath come to pass (müşâhede-i hakikî
ve rüřyet-i vâkıî). To behold our Lord indicateth attainment of gladness,
bounty and blessings.
Furthermore, our Lord (pbuh) hath been envisioned riding a camel (deve). In
the science of dream interpretation (ilm-i tâbir) the camel standeth for the
enemy. This vision is a sign for the victory over and subjugation of the
extremely rancorous and malicious (lit. Řvindictive as a camelř) enemies and
adversaries by the centre of the caliphate, the exalted Sultan Abdulhamid
Khan (II.) and the late lamented umma (Tr. ümmet) of Muhammad.
And it has been revealed (inkişâf) in the dream that our Lord (pbuh) hath
cast a sheltering shadow with His blessed hand (pençe) upon a flock of
sheep.34 The flock of sheep is the umma and the hand signifieth the Řfive
People of the Cloak (Hamse-i Âl-i Abâ),ř35 whose grace and blessings hath
been vouchsafed unto the whole umma.
Moreover, thou hast seen that His blessed and sanctified hand hath cast its
shadow only upon ten sheep of the flock. Those ten sheep are the ŘTen who
have been brought good newsř (Aşere-i Mübeşşere)36 who … 37 are the
manifestations of the sublime grace of the People of the Cloak. However
much the mass of the umma is blessed by the grace of the sanctified hand
32
Man rařánì fa-qad rařá al-ḥaqq; cited in Ibn Sírín, Tafsír al-Aḥlám, p. 7 , www.al-waraq.net.
33
Ŗpeace and salutation be upon Himŗ.
34
Or, Řhath protected with His blessed hand…ř.
35
Ŗ… the five ŘPeople (or Companions) of the Cloakř (Ahl al-Kisař or Ashab al-Kisař), a name which
derived from the famous occasion when Muhammad took ŘAli, Fatima, al-Hasan and al-Husayn under his cloak
and described them as members of his family, an event of immense significance for Shiřismŗ; Ian Richard Netton,
A Popular Dictionary of Islam, Curzon Press: London 1992,, 81, s.v. ŖFatimaŗ; Momen, Shiři, 14.
36
Netton, 18: ŖTradition portrays the Prophet Muhammad promising Paradise to ten of his followers.
The names on the received lists vary but they usually include the Rashidun.ŗ; Netton, s.v. Ŗal-ŘAshara al-
Mubashsharaŗ. These are usually the first four Caliphs Abu Bakr, ŘUmar, ŘUthman, ŘAli, and ŘAbduřr-Rahman ibn
ŘAwf, Abu ŘUbayda, Talha, Zubayr, SaŘd ibn Abi Waqqas, and SaŘd ibn Zayd; see, Hançerlioğlu, İnanç Sözlüğü,
35.
37
The text says eğer ziyade (Řshould moreř) but this does not make sense.

like unto that flock of sheep, only the ten who have been brought good news
have fully attained unto the special bountiful gifts and found shelter beneath
the extended shadow of the Řfive People of the Cloak.ř In addition, the flock
of sheep, which hath been specially chosen by our Lord (pbuh) for sacrifice,
represents the martyrs of the umma. This is the recent battle. These are the
martyrs of the Greek War (Muhârebe-i Yunan) who readily laid down their
lives for the religion and the state (din ve devlet), may God bless them and
be pleased with them. That these visions were revealed unto thine
excellency, shows the liberal effusions and favours of our Lord (pbuh) unto
thee. Peace be upon thee.ŘAbbas
Latinised Text of the Tablet:
Gelelim gördüğünüz rüyâ-yı sâdıkın tâbirine: kendinizi Kâbe-i

Mükerremeřde görmüşsünüz. Tâbirce, Kâbe, hısn-ı hasîn ve savn-ı himâyet-
i İlâhiyeřdir. Zîra, dergâh-ı emn ü emân ve kâffe-i vuhûş ve tuyûra melce ve
penâhtır.
Bir de Hazret-i Risâlet-penâh Efendimizi rüyâda görmüşsünüz. ŖBeni gören

Hakkı görmüş olurŗ hadîs-i şerîfînin fehvâsınca, Cemâl-i bâ-kemâl-i
Nübüvvet-penâh, aleyhiřs-selâti veřs-selâm, Efendimiz Hazretlerini görmek,
müşâhede-i hakikî ve rüyet-i vâkıî olduğu şüphesizdir. Efendimizi müşâhede
etmek, husûl-i inşirâh ve husûl-i feyz ü berekete delâlet eder.
Bir de bir deveye Efendimiz, aleyhiřs-selâti veřs-selâmın bindikleri
müşâhede buyrulmuştur. İlm-i tâbirde, deve düşman demektir. Bu rüyâ,
merkez-i hilâfet-i seniyyeleri olan es-Sultân Abdülhamîd Hân efendimiz
hazretlerinin ve ümmet-i merhûme-i Mustafavîlerinin şedîdüřl-bağzâ deve
kineli olan âdâ ve husemâya gâlib ve kâhir olacaklarına delâlet eder.
Bir de, Efendimiz aleyhiřs-selâti veřs-selâmın bir sürü koyuna mübârek
pençeleriyle sâye saldıkları rüyâda inkişâf olunmuştur. O koyun sürüsü
ümmettir ve ol mübârek pençe Hamse-i Âl-i Abâřdır ki bütün ümmete feyz
ü bereketleri şâmil olmuştur.
Bir de, mukaddes ve mübârek pençelerinin sâyesi koyun sürüsünden ancak

on koyuna saldığını görmüşsünüz. O on koyun Aşere-i Mübeşşereřdir ki
eğer ziyâde feyz-i celîl-i Âl-i Abâřya mazhardırlar. Sâir ümmet o koyun
sürüsü gibi her ne kadar pençe-i mukaddesin berekâtından feyz-mend iseler
de, fakat hasâis-i mevâhibe tamâm ile naîl olan zıll-ı memdûd-i Hamse-i Âl-
i Abâřya sığınmış bulunan Aşere-i Mübeşşereřdir. Bir de Efendimiz
aleyhisselâmın tarafından kurbanlığa tahsîs olunmuş olan koyun sürüsü
şühedâ-yı ümmettir. Bu yakında gazevât-ı ahîredir. Din ve devlet uğrunda
cân-fedâkârâne bezl-i hayât eden şehîdân-ı Muhârebe-i Yunânřdır;
aleyhimiřr-rahmet veřr-rıdvân. Ve o müşâhedât zât-ı ulyâlarına inkişâf
olduğu cihetle aleyhiřs-selât veřs-selâm Efendimiz size bir teveccühât-ı
feyz-âyât-ı saâdetleri olduğuna delâlet eder. Veřs-selâm. Abbas

Messengers of God in North America Revisited:1

An Exegesis of „Abdu‟l-Bahá‟s Tablet to Amír Khán2
Eugene, Donald Francis Addison, Ph.D.

Pittsburgh, Christopher Buck, Ph.D., J.D.
Abstract
The following paper is cast in the form of a conversation between two Bahářì
scholars, Dr. Donald Francis Addison and Dr. Christopher Buck, in an emic/etic
1
Dedicated to the memory of Dr. Pauline Tuttle (d. 2007), of partly East Coast Miřkmaq as well as of
African, Irish, and British ancestry and, by marriage, of Ŗthe People of the Salmonŗ ŕ that is, of Stö:ló, Ditidaht,
and Cowichan heritage. She was Adjunct Professor of Ethnomusicology, University of Victoria School of Music,
author of The Hoop of Many Hoops: The Integration of Lakota Ancestral Knowledge and Bahářì Teachings in the
Performative Practices of Kevin Locke (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, 2002) and other works,
having dedicated her life and career to Native cultures and Bahářì enlightenment. See also Pauline Tuttle, ŖBeyond
Feather and Beads: Interlocking Narratives in the Music and Dance of Tokeya Inajin (Kevin Locke).ŗ Selling the
Indian: Commercializing and Appropriating American Indian Cultures. Edited by Diana Royer and Meyer Carter
Jones (Phoenix: University of Arizona Press, 2001). Formerly, Dr. Tuttle was also an instructor at Malaspina
University-College (in Nanaimo, British Columbia), Maxwell International Bahářì School (at Shawnigan Lake,
British Columbia), and the University of Washington (Seattle). She also, among other things, helped to establish
and coordinate the Tawacin Waste Win Indigenous Studies Special Interest Group of the Association for Bahářì
Studies.
Dedicated also to the memory of the late Dr. David S. Ruhe (1914Ŕ2005), former member of the
Universal House of Justice, the international governing council of the Bahářì Faith. Elected to the National
Spiritual Assembly of the Bahářìs of the United States in 1959, Dr. Ruhe served as its secretary from 1963 until
1968, when he was elected to the Universal House of Justice. His service on the democratically-elected Universal
House of Justice extended for five terms of five years each until 1993. Medical doctor, accomplished film-maker,
painter, and author, Dr. Ruhe produced scores of medical films, winning the Golden Reel Award (1957), the first
Golden Raster award (1967), the Venice Film Festival award, and the Royal Photographic Society of Great Britain
award for his productions, eventually leading to his appointment as Director of the Medical Film Institute for the
Association of American Medical Colleges. Prior to his passing in 2005, Dr. Ruhe was planning to produce a film
documentary on Native Americans and the Bahářì Faith. He personally believed that the Iroquois culture-hero,
Deganawidah, was Ŗan astonishing Prophet of Peaceŗ (idem, ŖA New Evolution: Religious Bonding for World
Unity,ŗ Journal of Bahářì Studies 6.4 (1994-1995): 45Ŕ57 [45]), and that the time was ripe for the Bahářì Faith to
formally establish the Ŗcategoryŗ of Native Messengers of God Ŗat the leastŗ and to recognize ŖDeganawida as
indigenous Prophet at the mostŗ ŕ and that such would be Ŗa great serviceŗ to the Bahářì Faithřs outreach to
indigenous peoples. (See Appendix Three, infra.)
2
The question of whether Bahářì doctrine can accept, in principle, the existence of ŖMessengers of God
to First Nationsŗ ŕ on a par with those ŖManifestations of Godŗ that the Bahářì Faith already recognizes ŕ was
first addressed by Buck in 1996. In this 2007 joint venture by Buck and Addison, this question is Ŗrevisited.ŗ This
time, the centerpiece of the discussion is ŘAbduřl-Bahářs Tablet to Amír Khán which, in part, declares:
ŖUndoubtedly in those regions [America] the Call of God must have been raised in ancient times, but it hath been
forgotten now.ŗ By way of disclaimer, the authors admit that this text is susceptible of multiple interpretations,
both for and against the existence of Native Messengers.
As a Ŗspectrum hypothesis,ŗ both maximalist and minimalist readings confirm and uphold the divine
inspiration of indigenous spiritual traditions. Maximalist reading: Great Manifestations of God appeared among
the Native Americans and raised directly the Call of God, Their teachings being to some extent forgotten, but
Their influence not lost, and restored through Bahářuřlláh. Minimalist reading: The Call of God, proclaimed in the
East by the Manifestations of God, was raised among Native Americans through their seers, sages, and holy men,
who were inspired by God to impart the light of His teachings unto their people. Both readings sacralise and
legitimize Native tradition, and furnish bridges for the cultural appropriation of the Bahářì Faith into Native
spiritual idioms. Both readings delegitimize and undermine colonialist approaches to Native spirituality that place
before Native converts an Ŗeither/orŗ choice between their Native traditions and the Bahářì Faith. In the following
paper, Buck and Addison present a maximalist reading as an alternative to the minimalist reading that seems to
prevail in current Bahářì thinking. The reader is free to agree or disagree with this maximalist reading of the Tablet
to Amír Khán.
Let the reader bear in mind that Buck and Addison are proposing a formal recognition of the
Ŗprincipleŗ of ŖMessengers of God to First Nationsŗ and not necessarily the Ŗprincipalsŗ by name (that is, any
purported Native Messengers of God such as Deganawidah and White Buffalo Calf Woman) except insofar as to
accord Them recognition and respect, as one important and highly symbolic dimension of the Bahářì-Native
encounter.

© 2007 Donald Addison & Christopher Buck
181 Donald Addison & Christopher Buck Messengers North America
(insider/outsider) collaboration that offers a complement of Native/non-Native

perspectives. Their work takes the form of an experimental alternative to traditional
models of academic discourse ŕ one called Ŗconversive relationality,ŗ3 broadly
defined as follows: ŖA conversive model of communication and
scholarship…firmly rooted within the sacred, emphasizing relationality,
intersubjectivity, and collaboration…[to] reinform and transform
academic…writing and scholarship.ŗ4
The exchange between Dr. Addison5 and Dr. Buck6 addresses the critical need to
fully transform intercultural interactions between Native American/Native
Canadian and mainstream Bahářì communities, and that this process can renewed
through a formal recognition, on the part of the Bahářìs, of the value and
authenticity of Native American spirituality. One way that this can be achieved
symbolically is through acknowledging that, in principle, the indigenous peoples of
the Americas have their own claim to wisdom traditions, and that these traditions
derive from ŖMessengers of God to First Nations.ŗ This principle is anchored,
Buck and Addison argue, in the Tablet to Amír Khán Áhan. And while Bahářìs
cannot officially add names of individuals who might otherwise qualify as
ŖManifestations of God,ŗ they can certainly Ŗrecognizeŗ the fact that sacred Indian
tradition has. This new rapprochement, if successfully undertaken, will signalize
3
See Susan B. Brill de Ramìrez, ŖConversive Relationality in Bahářì Scholarship: Centering the Sacred
and Decentering the Self.ŗ Journal of Bahářì Studies 1995, 7(2), 1Ŕ28.
4
ibid.
5
An elder in the Choctaw community, Dr. Donald Addison has a Ph.D. in Ethnomusicology. He
currently teaches Native American Music and African Music courses for both undergraduate and graduate students
at the University of Oregon on a part-time basis, having proposed and designed these courses for adoption in the
curriculum. He is also instructor of Ethnic Studies and Anthropology at Lane Community College in Eugene,
Oregon, and teaches at Chemeketa Community College in Salem, Oregon, as well. Dr. Addison is currently
earning his second Ph.D. in the Department of Linguistics at the University of Oregon. For the ŖWisdom of the
Elders Radio Programsŗ Series Three (funded in part by the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National
Endowment for the Arts, the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the Lewis and Clark National Historic Trail, the
Oregon Arts Commission, and Spirit Mountain Community Fund, Grand Ronde, Oregon), Dr. Addison hosts
ŖSpeaking Nativeŗ in the eight, one-hour public radio programs on Native languages of the Lewis and Clark Trail.
The ŖTribal Rhythmsŗ segments ŕ which introduce Native music through interviews with Native American
musicians who share the history and background of the traditional music and dance of featured tribes ŕ is
likewise scripted by Dr. Addison. As a team member in the ŖWisdom of the Elders Curriculum Project,ŗ Dr.
Addison is helping to develop multimedia American Indian curriculum materials for schools in collaboration with
the State of Oregon Department of Educationřs Indian Education office and other agencies. (See also Donald
Addison, ŖNative Americans and the Bahářì Faith,ŗ The Community College Moment, 2002, 2(1), 68Ŕ76.
6
Dr. Christopher Buck is an attorney-at-law and independent scholar. Author of Alain Locke: Faith
and Philosophy (2005), Paradise and Paradigm: Key Symbols in Persian Christianity and the Bahářì Faith
(1999), Symbol and Secret: Qurřan Commentary in Bahářuřlláhřs Kitáb-i Íqán (1995/2004), and editor of
Generation Y Speaks Out: A Policy Guide (2002), Dr. Buck has recently been admitted to Bar of the
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. He now works as an attorney-at-law for the law firm of Pribanic & Pribanic
(White Oak, PA). At Michigan State University (2000Ŕ2004), Quincy University (1999Ŕ2000), Millikin
University (1997Ŕ1999), and Carleton University (1994Ŕ1996), Dr. Buck taught American studies, African
American studies, Islamic studies, and religious studies. ŖReligious Myths of Americaŗ (2003Ŕ2004) and ŖAfrican
American Spirituality and the Conscience of Americaŗ (Spring 1999) are among the courses he designed and
taught during his ten years as a professor. Dr. Buck has published several contributions to American Indian
studies: Christopher Buck, ŖBureau of Indian Affairs.ŗ Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity, and Society. Edited by
Richard T. Schaefer (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2008); ŖŘNever Againř: Kevin Goverřs Apology for
the Bureau of Indian Affairs.ŗ Wicazo Sa Review 2006, 21(1), 97Ŕ126; ŖBahářì Universalism and Native
Prophets,ŗ Reason & Revelation: New Directions in Bahářì Thought. Edited by Seena Fazel and John Danesh (Los
Angeles: Kalimát Press, 2002), 172Ŕ201; and ŖNative Messengers of God in Canada?: A Test Case for Bahářì
Universalism,ŗ Bahářì Studies Review, 1996, 6, 97Ŕ133. Presented at the 18th Annual Conference. Association for
Bahářì Studies (Aug. 1994, Cambridge MA), and given ŖAward for Excellence in Bahářì Studiesŗ by the late Dr.
David S. Ruhe, on behalf of the ABS, at that same conference. For another Bahářì perspective on Deganawidah,
see Aram Gomez, ŖTree of Peace and the Coming of Bahářuřlláh,ŗ presented at the Irfan Colloquia, Session #2
(English), Bahářì National Center: Wilmette, IL (March 25Ŕ27, 1994). Abstract online.

the intercultural parity and equality that is needed before the indigenous peoples of
the Americas can find inspiration and empowerment in what has been
characterized as the sole Ŗspecific racial prophecy in all of the Bahářì scriptures,ŗ7
which is this: ŖAttach great importance to the indigenous population of America.
For … there can be no doubt that they will become so illumined as to enlighten the
whole world.ŗ8
[BUCK] Halito. Chahta iskitini anumpuli li. Chim achukma? (ŗHello. I

[now] speak a little Chahta [Choctaw]. Are you well?ŗ). Don, I just
downloaded a 2005 Masterřs thesis on Aboriginal-Bahářì relations in British
Columbia. I was quite surprised by the authorřs findings, and was
wondering if you could help me understand? In her thesis, ŖAs ye have faith
so shall your powers and blessings beŗ: The AboriginalŔBahářì Encounter
in British Columbia, Chelsea Dawn Horton ŕ who is now a Ph.D.
candidate at the University of British Columbia ŕ has chronicled the
notable growth of the Bahářì religion in western Canada.9 In an online
interview, Horton attributes the initial successes of the Bahářì outreach to
indigenous communities to the Bahářì tradition of Ŗlegitimizing, honouring
and validating native spiritual prophecies and practices.ŗ10 Notwithstanding
the promising overtures and high hopes, however, Horton concludes:
ŖRelatively few of the over nine hundred Aboriginal people who enrolled in
the Bahářì Faith [in British Columbia] between 1948 and 1992 ultimately
became active adherents…ŗ.11 And further: ŖDespite such empowering
impact, however, patterns of non-Aboriginal cultural dominance
encountered within the Bahářì community simultaneously suggest the
pervasiveness of the colonial legacy and the potency of contemporary social
context; good intentions proved insufficient to fully transform intercultural
interactions.ŗ12 In your experience, has Horton identified a real problem
here? Ak akostinincho. (ŗI donřt understand.ŗ)
[ADDISON] Yes, this is a very real problem ŕ one that has not been
sufficiently recognized in the Bahářì community. This is a perfect, although
sobering, example of some of the contributions that scholarship can bring in
terms of cross-cultural awareness. But first, letřs review the history of the
ŖAboriginal-Bahářì encounter,ŗ as Horton terms it. What reasons explain the
growth of the Bahářì Faith among Native Americans? Why do indigenous
Bahářìs find such ready acceptance of their peoples and traditional cultures
among Bahářìs of other cultures and ethnic groups? Why has the Bahářì
Faith steadily grown among Native peoples from its earliest Native converts
7
Andrew Pemberton-Piggot, The Bahářì Faith in Alberta, 1942Ŕ1992: The Ethic of Dispersion
(Masterřs thesis: University of Alberta, 1992), 34. Cited by Chelsea Dawn Horton, ŖBeyond Red Power: The
Alternative Activism of Dorothy Maquabeak Francis,ŗ Journal of Bahářì Studies 2004, 14(3/4), 35Ŕ71 [43].
8
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Tablets of the Divine Plan (Wilmette, IL: U.S. Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1993), 33.
9
Chelsea Dawn Horton, ŖAs ye have faith so shall your powers and blessings beŗ: The AboriginalŔ
Bahářì Encounter in British Columbia (Masterřs thesis: Simon Fraser University, 2005).
10
Dept. of History, Simon Fraser University, ŖMaking Connections.ŗ Primary Source 4 (June 2006):
11.
11
Horton, The AboriginalŔBahářì Encounter in British Columbia, iii (Abstract).
12
ibid.

dating back only approximately seven to eight decades? And what

characterizes the informal and formal recognition of Native American
traditional prophets ŕ which has such enormous symbolic significance for
many Native peoples ŕ by adherents and institutions of the Bahářì Faith?
Like Ms. Horton, I have conducted my own research on these matters for a
number of years. Research at the community level for this study stems from
individual interviews I have carried out with both Native and non-Native
peoples ŕ both Bahářì and non-Bahářì ŕ over approximately 40 years in
both the U.S. and Canada. Such a study poses interesting questions for
students of the social sciences and the history of religion. Ever increasing
numbers of Native peoples are also watching the mounting instances of
Native community involvement in the Bahářì Faith. Unlike the spread of
Christianity within Indian country, the Bahářì Faith has never been
associated with a fortification of colonial occupation, Euro-American
assimilation, or forced conversions of Native Americans.13
[BUCK] Yes, thatřs quite true. In fact, one notable Bahářì figure has, in
fact, apologized for the devastation that colonialism has visited upon Native
peoples. In a joint letter addressed to the National Spiritual Assemblies of
the Bahářìs of Canada and the United States, Rúhìyyih Khánum (wife of
Shoghi Effendi, Guardian of the Bahářì Faith from 1921Ŕ1957) expressed
some of her concerns following her trip throughout Canada and the United
States in the spring of 1960:
Bahářuřlláh warned us against the evils of civilization when carried

to extremes, the Master and particularly the Guardian, elaborated on
this theme until at the end of his life. Shoghi Effendi fairly thundered
against our civilization ŕ particularly the American variety of it…
I remember when we had the first Japanese pilgrim here,
Shoghi Effendi said to him that the majority of the human race was
not white and that the majority of Bahářìs would not be white in the
future. As up until very recently the Bahářìs of the world were almost
exclusively white it is only natural that their virtues and their faults
should have colored the Faith and its community life. It is illogical to
suppose that what we have now is either mature or right; it is a phase
in the development of the Cause; when peoples of different races are
incorporated in the world-wide community (and in local
communities) who can doubt that it will possess far greater power
and perfection and be something quite different from what we have
now?…
13
While my purpose is not to criticize religions or missionaries of any denomination, clarification must
be made here. In my many years of college teaching, I am often amazed at how little of the accurate record of the
Christian conversions of Indians is either known, understood, or even acknowledged. For example: ŖBeginning in
1644, Puritans took over Indian communities…which meant that Indians were forced to dress and follow Puritan
proprieties and profess Christianity, or else be flogged.ŗ Alice B. Kehoe, North American Indians: A
Comprehensive Account (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Prentice Hall, 1981 [3d edn., 2006]), 234.

Bahářuřlláh said the black people are like the pupil of the eye
and sight is in the pupil: When Bahářuřlláh likens the Negro race to
the faculty of sight in the human body ŕ the act of perception with
all it implies ŕ it is a pretty terrific statement. He never said this of
anyone else…
I am convinced that if we start mass conversion of the Indians
and Negroes, mass conversions of the whites will follow…
I could see the American Indians straighten their shoulders
when I asked their forgiveness for the injustices my race had done
them and when I praised their great past.14
These words of Rúhíyyih Khánum are quite powerful and give pause for
thought! From these statements, we can see that the colonial legacy has not
only wreaked havoc in ŖIndian Countryŗ but has greatly conditioned the
colonizers as well, with the lingering effects visible in the subtle, perhaps
unconscious attitudes of many, if not most of the Bahářìs within the
dominant culture of North America. Yet the fact that Rúhíyyih Khánum was
moved to express a formal apology to American Indians for what her race
had done to them is extraordinary. This represents a clearly decolonizing
attitude and goes far in explaining how and why Bahářìs have, despite their
cultural conditioning and other limitations, succeeded in crossing racial
divides to widen the embrace of the Bahářì community to include significant
numbers of African Americans and Native Americans alike.
[ADDISON] Yes, Iřm glad that you cited this extraordinary letter that
Rúhíyyih Khánum was moved to write. Looking back historically, we can
see that the early successes experienced by Bahářìs in their outreach to
Native Americans did not go unnoticed by non-Bahářì observers. Some of
the earliest helpful references to Native Americans and the Bahářì Faith date
back to the 1960s. Anthropologist Alice B. Kehoe encountered the Bahářì
Faith among aboriginal peoples and documented this in a pamphlet
published in March, 1963, by the Saskatchewan Museum of Natural History
in Regina.15 In Saskatchewan Indian Religious Beliefs, she describes the
influence of traditional Native religions, Christian beliefs, and other
16
movements such as the Native American Church. Not to be confused with
some type of eclectic movement, the Bahářì Faith, she notes, is considered
by its members to be a universal faith, not tied to any one particular culture,
religious background, language, or even country of origin. She adds that it
Ŗdoes not deny the validity of native Indian beliefs, [and the Bahářì
14
Hand of the Cause of God ŘAmatuřl-Bahá Rúhíyyih Khánum, joint letter 1961 dated to the National
Spiritual Assembly of the Bahářìs of the United States and the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahářìs of
Canada (emphasis added).
15
Alice B. Kehoe, Saskatchewan Indian Religious Beliefs. Popular Series No. 7 (Regina: Saskatchewan
Museum of Natural History, 1976.
16
The Native American Church is also known as the Peyote religion, a cultural hybrid, representing a
synthesis of traditional Indian beliefs and ritual with Christian dogma and symbolism.

Faith]…appeals to many Indians who are seeking a religion that is neither

exclusively Indian nor dominated by white values and customs.ŗ
17
Similarly, in the 39th Annual Report of the Board of Evangelism and Social
Service of the United Church of Canada, 1964, William Wuttunee, Chief of
the National Indian Council in Calgary, Alberta, writes of the success of the
Bahářìs. He states, in part, that they Ŗare moving along quite quickly. They
only started a few years ago and yet one-third of their people [one-third of
the whole Bahářì population of Canada] are Indians. I think they are
18
converting practically whole Indian Reserves which hitherto had been
Catholic or some other denomination. Why is it that they are making such
headway? Because their attitude is different. Their attitude is this: Your
religion [Native spirituality] is correct, the way you worship the great Spirit
[Creator or God] is right. You should worship Him that way. But in addition
we [the Bahářìs] have something new to offer you. We have a new Prophet
for this era. They are increasing the faith of the Indians, not detracting or
replacing [it]. They accept Indians whole-heartedly…and Indians take an
equal part [in Bahářì activities and administrative institutions].ŗ19 Not only
Native writers but some non-Native anthropologists (and other non-Bahářì
sources) have documented the all-embracing manner in which Bahářìs view
indigenous peoples and cultures. Such accommodation is not, as some
observers may be tempted to infer, tantamount to syncretism. It is better
analyzed as a practical application of a Bahářì universalism, that all
religious truth ŕ insofar as it is truth ŕ proceeds from one source.
[BUCK] This is all very interesting. Please understand that Iřm not trying to
be dismissive of these fine beginnings. Yet the consolidation of Native
Canadian Bahářìs was lacking, and currently it seems that much of that
initial work has been undone. As Chelsea Horton observes:
In the latter half of the twentieth century, however, the Bahářì

community of Canada set about realizing a specific racial prophecy
concerning the Aboriginal inhabitants of North America revealed in
1916 by then-leader of the Faith, ŘAbduřl-Bahá. Sensing, by mid-
century, that the Canadian Bahářì community was sufficiently
established to undertake concerted teaching efforts, the international
and national Bahářì administrations launched calls for a variety of
teaching programs within Aboriginal communities that resulted in
over fifty-four hundred declarations in Canada, over nine hundred of
them in British Columbia, between the years 1948 and 1992.20 Many,
perhaps most, of these Aboriginal enrollments did not translate into
17.Quoted in Patricia Verge, Angus: From The Heart (Cochrane, Alberta: Springtide Publishing,
1999), 106Ŕ107.
18
An Indian Reserve in Canada is similar to an Indian Reservation in the U.S.
19
.Quoted in Verge, Angus: From The Heart, 106.
20
. Statistics supplied by Lindsay Slavin (Department of Archives, Bahářì National Centre), e-mail to
the author, 15 Sept. 2004.

active participation in the Bahářì Faith. Lacking in resources and

maintenance procedures, the British Columbian Bahářì community
proved hard-pressed to consolidate new Aboriginal membership,
resulting in large-scale drop-off. The significance, however, of the
Aboriginal-Bahářì encounter in the province lies beyond statistics.21
Can you give me an honest appraisal of the problems that the Aboriginal-
Bahářì encounter now faces? If, as Horton observes, the Ŗsignificance…of
the Aboriginal-Bahářì encounter in the province lies beyond statistics,ŗ what
challenges confront the dominant Bahářì community now?
[ADDISON] Hortonřs observation regarding Ŗthe pervasiveness of the

colonial legacyŗ is absolutely most significant here. The history of the West
is tainted with the notion that Indian culture (ŗuncivilized peoplesŗ) must be
taught how to be white. Most white Canadians and Americans have no clue
with respect to how constantly they reinforce their own cultural
assumptions, right or wrong, and pile them upon Indians, never willing or
even interested in hearing our own Native view. I agree that the Bahářìs in
Canada and the U.S. have made some good headway in the honoring and
validating native spiritual prophecies and principles. However, much more
transformation along the lines of intercultural interactions within the Bahářì
international community needs to take place. In particular, I am referring
specifically to most (but not all) of our non-Native Bahářìs who find it
impossible to break through the inner barriers of their own Euro-American
culture.
Yes, Ŗconsolidationŗ follow-up was lacking in those Native communities,

but I think the most paralyzing issue is cultural. When some Native
believers were filling a Peace Pipe for Rúhìyyih Khánumřs visit, for
example, at one conference where she spoke, lots of non-Native believers
acted very disrespectful and treated the Peace Pipe ceremony as satanic.
Rúhíyyih Khánum treated it with the highest degree of love and respect and
many believers were very rude to the Native peoples out of cultural
ignorance. When all or most of the members of the U.S. and Canadian
Bahářì community are white, without any Indians, and they plan Ruhi study
circles, or for a dinner for a fireside, or a public meeting for United Nations
Day, all of the programming is white by culture. So what you have is that
many white Bahářìs think that their community life is Bahářì when, in fact,
it is more Euro-American in culture. For example, it is very traditional for
most all Native peoples at the beginning of any gathering, whether for
praying, singing, eating, etc., to quietly and unobtrusively to go and
personally shake the hand and greet any elders in the room. Most Euro-
Americans arenřt often comfortable doing this because, they assume, ŖI
donřt know them, so I donřt want to embarrass myself.ŗ This lack of respect
for elders ŕ or call it simply a lack of awareness to show such respect ŕ
21
Horton, The AboriginalŔBahářì Encounter in British Columbia, 2.

can extend to other seemingly commonplace situations, where Euro-

American cultural assumptions unconsciously dictate behavior.
Accepting Bahářuřlláh as the Healer ŕ what Bahářìs call the

ŖManifestation of Godŗ for this day and age, Who can bring all of humanity
together ŕ is the first step. But unfortunately, most Euro-American
believers just stop there. They begin a very deceptive process, not out of
racism so much, but out of sheer unwillingness to step outside the
boundaries of their own cultural assumptions. The reason why most
believers in the West view their perception of Bahářì culture as Ŗuniversalŗ
in principle ŕ when it really isnřt in practice ŕ is because Westerners take
it for granted.
[BUCK] Now let me see if I understand you correctly. Your anecdotal

account seems to underscore the central problematic in the Bahářì-
Aboriginal encounter, as Horton alternatively frames it: ŖPatterns of
paternalism and non-Aboriginal cultural dominance persisted within the
Bahářì community regardless of intense commitment to the overarching
principle of unity in diversity. This suggests both the pervasiveness of the
colonial legacy and the potency of contemporary social context. Like
religious change, the transformation of intercultural interactions represents a
process as opposed to event alone. Throughout the specific time period
under consideration, however, good intentions, it seems, proved insufficient
to fully achieve this goal.ŗ22 Is Hortonřs observation a fair characterization?
Let me hasten to add that I donřt expect you to go into great detail, as you
can paint the current scene in bold strokes, without compromising the
Bahářì ethic against backbiting, as Horton herself observes: ŖThe process of
oral history also demands sensitivity to the significance of silence as well as
verbal articulation. Given Bahářuřlláhřs prohibition against Řbackbiting,ř
which Bahářìs take very seriously, a number of the consultants that I
interviewed proved reticent to discuss potentially controversial issues or
engage in critique of past people and events.ŗ23 So I will respect any
reticence that you might have in being too specific in what you are about to
say.
[ADDISON] Thank you for commenting on that ethic. Before I address this
question, let me first say something about my training and experience, in
order to establish the Ŗethosŗ (credentials/credibility) needed to inspire
confidence in the reader that what I am about to say is borne of sufficient
background and knowledge in these rather delicate matters. As you know,
my Ph.D. is in ethnomusicology, and Iřm currently in the process of
acquiring a second Ph.D. in linguistics. The University here (i.e. the
University of Oregon) rarely ever allows older students (Iřm 64) to return to
graduate school to get a second Ph.D. But their diversity policy is very
22
23

strongly enforced here. Also the demand for Indians to work in linguistics
(because of so many of our languages dying out as we speak) is so great,
that they Ŗinvitedŗ me to work toward a second Ph.D. in linguistics.
However, the second Ph.D. will simply formalize and validate what Iřve
been doing for some time now. Iřve taught Native American languages at
the college level for many years, and in our local Native American student
programs for the public schools as well. I script some of the ŖWisdom of the
Eldersŗ programs and curricula projects which are produced for public radio
broadcasts all across the country. So I think youřll agree that what I am
about to say comes from extensive experience as well as academic training
in terms of framing these problematics and proposing possible solutions.
[BUCK] Itřs clear that youřre a fellow academic. But thereřs something you
have that I donřt. Would you elaborate on that?
[ADDISON] For a minute there, you were making me feel like an

anthropologist, looking from the outside in! This is what we academics call
the Ŗeticŗ approach. But Iřm a mixed blood Choctaw. As a Ŗreal Indian,ŗ as
they say, I offer an Ŗemicŗ perspective, looking at the inside out. In that
sense, I guess you could say that I combine the training of an academic with
the worldview of an authentic Native American perspective.
At my age, Iřm considered an Elder and I speak four of our Native

languages and teach them at the University level. As an Elder, I am
authorized to bear the Eagle Staffs in ceremonial processions and offer the
Native Prayers for most all the powwows in this area. I always use Bahářì
Prayers in Native languages publicly in these powwows and most all Indians
in our area know that Iřm a Bahářì, and weřve had some rather exciting
Native seekers arise and declare themselves also Bahářì. Elders who are
strictly Christian or strictly traditional, likewise, pray publicly when called
upon, in their own tradition. Thereřs no hard-and-fast rule applying to
everyone. Any elder, asked to share a prayer at any of our Native
community activities, can do so in any language, and from any religious
tradition they choose. I canřt tell you the number of other elders and
younger Indians who come up to me and say how good it is for them to hear
American Indian languages in the prayers ŕ because today, most Indians
simply donřt speak their traditional Native language.
[BUCK] Don, your credentials are certainly impressive, and your

experience as a member of the Choctaw Nation imbues you with
authenticity. Now, letřs revisit the problem that Chelsea Horton has raised.
Recall her conclusions regarding the Bahářì-Native encounter in British
Columbia, when she wrote: ŖDespite such empowering impact, however,
patterns of non-Aboriginal cultural dominance encountered within the
Bahářì community simultaneously suggest the pervasiveness of the colonial
legacy and the potency of contemporary social context; good intentions

proved insufficient to fully transform intercultural interactions.ŗ24 If this is

true, then what went wrong? And, more importantly, what can be done
about it?
[ADDISON] Whatever problems Horton has identified are really part of a

larger set of issues. Patterns of oppression, based upon incorrect Euro-
American perceptions of Indians, still exist. Due to the chronic lack of
accurate information about our Native cultures, fantasies about Indians and
our peoples, as well as our religions ŕ attitudes largely inherited from the
colonial past ŕ are still very much with us. They plague the academy. They
abound in the media. They are alive and well in society at large, and in the
concepts that the general population of the U.S. still maintains about
Indians. Many non-Indians, in fact, havenřt got a clue how hurtful it is when
Euro-Americans make assumptions about our peoples and our beliefs. And
these pompous and grossly inaccurate assumptions continue to abound
because so few folks are courageous enough to speak up when a wrong has
been committed.
[BUCK] How do these attitudes manifest themselves in Bahářì-Native

interactions? Can you give an example of a situation in which well-meaning
Bahářìs might say or do the wrong thing, without realizing it?
[ADDISON] Yes, thatřs quite easy to do. Hereřs a typical scenario that Iřve
witnessed and experienced all too well. Remember I had spoken about our
elders, whom we hold in the highest respect. At Native gatherings, the
elders eat first. They go through the line to get their plates before all the rest
of the peoples. Euro-Americans rarely ever do this. And Bahářìs are usually
following the Euro-American cultural prescriptions in community activities,
oblivious to Indian mores and culture. So Indians just sit in amazement,
hoping some day, ŖThey will appreciate the elders, as we do.ŗ Indians
believe the elders have earned that right to be fed first, or go through the
serving line first ŕ that they have Ŗpaid their dues,ŗ so to speak. I canřt tell
you how painful it is to have to tell you that with few exceptions, when
focusing Bahářì teaching efforts among indigenous peoples, most white
Bahářìs are usually unwilling to even consider allowing elders to eat first.
When meeting Indians for the first time, most whites ask far too many
questions. Even worse, when a white person thinks or assumes that they
might have some Indian blood, to Ŗmake friendsŗ with this Indian, thatřs the
first thing out of their mouth: ŖYou know, Iřm part Indian also!ŗ ŖI have a
great great great great great grandmother who was a Cherokee princess in
our family ancestry.ŗ Well, thatřs actually the worst thing to do! Usually that
kind of a statement, without any previous contact with those Indians, is
considered phony and Ŗsucking up.ŗ I donřt go up to anyone and ask them
Ŗhow much French blood do you haveŗ? So why does someone want me to
24
Horton, The AboriginalŔBahářì Encounter in British Columbia, iii (Abstract).

know that they have 1/64th Cherokee blood, and from a princess no less.
Why arenřt there ever any Ŗprincesŗ out there? Only Ŗprincessesŗ? For a
very good reason! Women ancestors pose no threat, but male ancestors
represented Ŗthe enemyŗ at one time! And why Cherokee? This is a common
joke among Indians: if there truly were as many Cherokee princesses as
some folks claim, the population of the Cherokee tribe would equal four
times the whole USA!
I believe at the top of this list of cultural misunderstandings among white

Bahářìs is the notion that Native Americans of the whole Western
Hemisphere (our Native elders tell us) had genuine divinely ordained
Messengers of God. Rarely, if ever, have I seen these Native figures
compared to Prophets of other nations and peoples around the globe on an
equal footing: I agree with scholars Robert Ruby and John Brown when
they underscore this lack of recognition based on a want of
phenomenological parity:
Unlike the prophets of other religions, Smohalla and Skolaskin

needed no credentials from church boards or other governing bodies
to prove that their authority came directly from above. Both believed
in a Ŗcovenantŗ not unlike that of Judeo-Christianity, to which they
owed a debt. This covenant required that, since the Creator nourished
his children, they in turn were obligated to use and gratefully protect
the bounties so generously bestowed on them. Any threats to the
relationship between them and the Creator, be they human or natural,
required supplications and appeasements beyond those required of
traditional worshipers. It seems ironic that, despite the similarity of
the native prophets to those of Judeo-Christian tradition, they were
never accepted nor acknowledged as having merit by adherents of
25
those faiths.ŗ
My epistemological basis stands in direct contradiction to the lack of

recognition that Ruby and Brown have noted above. As a believer in the
Prophethood of Bahářuřlláh, the Founder of the Bahářì Faith, I firmly
believe in the efficacy and whole-hearted validity of these Native
Messengers of God. Bahářìs believe that all the Manifestations of God, or
Prophets of God ŕ these great Spiritual Seers or Teachers, by whatever
name one chooses to call them ŕ have appeared to all the peoples on earth
at one time or another, and that these Messengers have received guidance
from an unseen, otherworldly, divine source. These include Abraham,
Moses, Muhammad, Buddha, Krishna, Zoroaster, as well as the Founders of
the Bahářì Faith, the Báb and Bahářuřlláh ŕ and to this list, I submit that
we should include, among others, White Buffalo Calf Woman and
25 Robert H. Ruby and John A. Brown, Dreamer Prophets of the Columbia Plateau: Smohalla and
Skolaskin. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989; Red River Books edition), 2002), 14Ŕ15 (emphasis
added).

Deganawidah. I take the view here that these Prophets deserve

acknowledgement of their contributions in their own cultural contexts, and
should be acknowledged as such by the Ŗoutside world.ŗ Western
theologians and historians will advance in their understanding of our Native
Prophets once they decide to remove the cultural and religious barriers to
understanding that they themselves have constructed in their own minds.
Furthermore, without trying to force these Native Messengers or spiritual
guides into a mold imposed from any outside perspective, we should not
deny the possibility that not only might Native Prophets internally share
similar as well as contrasting characteristics with one another, but that their
inclusion within a global context is only just and proper.
While Bahářuřlláh does make statements to the effect that we, as have all
peoples, had them, there are still obstacles to this acknowledgement. At a
secondary level, many whites have certain superior cultural assumptions
that Indians find very difficult to deal with, so some just stop trying. Some
believers canřt even discuss the issue without critically taking to task the
person that acknowledges that Bahářìs officially accept the validity of
Native Prophets. Itřs far too difficult for them to break out of that cultural
mold. I think this problem is cultural, not theological.
[BUCK] Are there any theological problems as well?
[ADDISON] Surprising as this may seem to many, if not most Bahářìs, I

would have to say, yes. Again, just as in the intercultural problems that Iřve
just described, assumptions lie at the root. One such assumption is that if a
Prophet of God isnřt named in some authoritative text, this must be a false
Prophet. I donřt think that that is a Bahářì belief. Rather, I attribute this to
the dominant cultural assumptions that a certain view of history is the
correct one, that their perception of the Bahářì Teachings is the only valid
one, and that if Native peoples have a different take on things, non-Native
believers seem to just brush these aside. ŖThey need a Ruhi study circle!ŗ
ŖSend him to a deepening class!ŗ Third, most all white peoples accept as
absolutely binding, the assumption that that Bering Straits theory must be
correct because scientists came up with it.26 For instance, Bahářì scholar,
Dr. Susan Maneck, in her review of your abridged article, ŖBahářì
Universalism and Native Prophets,ŗ27 essentially reads the Bering Straits
theory into a statement by ŘAbduřl-Bahá, which we will discuss further in
this article:
In terms of Bahářì scholarship the most significant contribution of

this article is bringing to the forefront a Tablet written by ŘAbduřl-
26
For a scholarly refutation of the Bering Straits theory from a Native American perspective, see Vine
Deloria, Jr., Red Earth, White Lies: Native Americans and the Myth of Scientific Fact (Reissue edn.: Fulcrum
Publishing, 1997), 67Ŕ91.
27
Christopher Buck, ŖBahářì Universalism and Native Prophets.ŗ Reason & Revelation: New
Directions in Bahářì Thought. Edited by Seena Fazel and John Danesh. Los Angeles: Kalimát Press, 2002. Pp.
172Ŕ201.

Bahá which explicitly addresses the issue of revelation in regards to

the Native Americans. This Tablet, addressed to one Amir Khan of
Teheran [sic], acknowledges that at one time there was
communication between Asia and America via the Bering Straits, the
implication apparently being that they might have received
revelation through this means.28
With all due respect to my colleague, this reading of a Bahářì text reveals
more about the cultural assumptions behind the reading rather than the
Ŗoriginal intentŗ of the text itself, since ŘAbduřl-Bahá is simply
acknowledging that the Bering Straits theory enjoyed wide currency,
although, to be fair, Dr. Maneck can rely on ŘAbduřl-Bahářs statement in the
same Tablet: ŖThere are other signs which indicate communication.ŗ
Another thing is that Bahářìs say, ŖWe love all the Prophets of God,ŗ and
then when we begin a discussion of specifics about Deganawidah, or White
Buffalo Calf Woman, or others, I can see the believers pulling back. I can
Ŗhearŗ their Ŗinner voicesŗ saying, ŖIs this in the Writings?ŗ Then I can see
them pulling back, and disengaging. Physically their rejection can be read
on their faces. And then I feel badly. I feel people buddy-up to us with
friendship, but they really donřt mean that Indians have Ŗrealŗ Prophets or
Manifestations of God.
Some non-Native believers, I truly believe, try sincerely to overcome those

invisible walls between our peoples, but a huge amount of work is yet to be
done, and so far, with a few rare exceptions, it hasnřt even begun.
[BUCK] Fair enough. But is the Bahářì Faith taking root in Native
American and Native Canadian cultures and contributing to the social
amelioration and empowerment of those communities? It seems to me that
what Chelsea Horton is saying is that the very question of forging what we
might call Ŗdecolonizingŗ relationships is, in fact, a core issue. While we
must not lose sight of power dynamics both internal and external to the
Faith, Horton has found that the Bahářì community has nevertheless proved
a significant site of (oftentimes empowering) intercultural interaction
between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people that warrants analysis in
terms of its decolonizing achievements and potential. Horton writes:
This very question of forging what we might call Ŗdecolonizingŗ

relationships is, in fact, a core issue that I hope to explore in much
greater depth through my doctoral research. While we must not lose
sight of power dynamics both internal and external to the Faith, the
Bahářì community has nevertheless proved a significant site of
(oftentimes empowering) intercultural interaction between
28
Susan Maneck, Review of ŖBahářì Universalism and Native Prophets.ŗ

Indigenous and non-Indigenous people that, to my mind, warrants

analysis in terms of its decolonizing achievements and potential.29
Notwithstanding the potential to achieve ideal intercultural relations, the

Bahářì-Native encounter has experienced some very real challenges. As a
researcher directly observing (and also experiencing) these interactions in
the course of her field work, Ms. Horton stresses the crucial role that non-
Native Bahářìs can play in bringing about true intercultural parity and
reciprocity:
In terms of insights or lessons from my thesis research, perhaps the

most painful and disheartening finding of my MA work was that
concerning the difficulty Indigenous people continue to face in their
interactions with so-called Ŗdominantŗ society, where even in a
context such as a Bahářì gathering characterized by an open and
inclusive atmosphere, the very act of engaging with (even the most
well intentioned) non-Indigenous people can serve to invoke
sentiments and memories of inferiority, marginalization, and
oppression on the part of Indigenous participants. In terms of
Ŗrelational dynamicsŗ necessary to help balance such unequal power
relations, as well as the more overt instances of discrimination and
marginalization sometimes encountered in the Bahářì community, in
the context of my research in British Columbia, it was those non-
Indigenous Bahářìs who had committed themselves to Indigenous
teaching over the long term, who had lived with Indigenous people
and built personal, engaged, sustained relationships with them, who
appear to have most effectively contributed to the neutralization of
these pervasive power dynamics.30
Yet, in light of the central problematic that Horton has identified (i.e.
Ŗpatterns of non-Aboriginal cultural dominance encountered within the
Bahářì community simultaneously suggest the pervasiveness of the colonial
legacy and the potency of contemporary social context; good intentions
proved insufficient to fully transform intercultural interactionsŗ), what needs
to be done to fully transform Bahářì-Aboriginal intercultural interactions?
Might such a transformation begin with establishing intercultural religious
parity between the dominant Bahářì culture and the indigenous Bahářì
conclaves scattered throughout the First Nations of North America? Could
that process begin, both doctrinally and symbolically, with an affirmation of
the highest expressions of Native spirituality ŕ that is, in a formal
recognition that North America (and, by extension, all of the Americas)
were not bereft of their own Prophets (to use an Abrahamic term)?
29
Chelsea Horton (Ph.D. candidate, University of British Columbia), e-mail, dated 27 April 2007, in
reply to Dr. Christopher Buck and Dr. Donald Addison, cited with permission.
30
ibid.

[ADDISON] Yes, this is precisely where the application of an Abrahamic

term ŕ prophets ŕ as applied to Native Messengers of God would carry
manifest symbolic value. Better still would be to apply Bahářì terminology
ŕ Manifestations of God ŕ to the great Native Wisdom Bearers. At least
this should be possible to do in principle, donřt you think?
[BUCK] Letřs explore a solution that begins with a symbolic transformation

of the dominant Bahářì cultureřs relationship to the Native American and
other aboriginal Bahářì communities. There may be a reading and linguistic
argument whereby one could reach this result, such that ŖMessengers of
God to First Nationsŗ may now be presented as a valid Bahářì principle,
anchored in a clear, authoritative text. Youřll recall that I had originally
proposed the following conceptual scheme in ŖNative Messengersŗ article
back in 1996:

PROGRESSIVE REVELATION
Messengers of God to First Nations*
Abraham
Krishna
Moses
Zoroaster
Buddha
Jesus
Muhammad
The Báb
Bahá‟u‟lláh
__________________
* Sacred tradition names such Messengers
as Deganawidah, Quetzalcoátl and Viracocha
(Iroquois, Toltec, Inca traditions
in North, Central, and South America).
Let me introduce the teachings of Deganawidah, since he is the first

traditional Native Messenger of God mentioned in the note above. His
station is clearly that of a Messenger of God:
It is just this, that the Holder of the Heavens, Dehaenhyawa?gih,

chose her as the medium through whom shall be born the one he has
sent to work here on earth. ŖMoreover, when he shall be born you
two shall name him Deganawidah. And the reason he shall have such
a name is that he will travel about on the earth; for he is the principal
person both in the skyworld and here on earth. For understand, he
brings with him Power, ga?shasdenhsa?, and also the Great Law,
gayanebsa?go:nah, that everything shall become peaceful,
sken:non?, on earth as well as in the sky-world.ŗ31
In Bahářì theophanology, there is the Messenger and then there is the

Message. This roughly corresponds to what systematic theologians term the
ŖPersonŗ and the ŖWorkŗ of Jesus Christ. In more familiar Christian terms,
Christ is both the ŖSaviorŗ who brings Ŗsalvation.ŗ Bahářìs have
universalized that concept (not derivatively, but simply analogously), such
that every Messenger of God is effectively a Savior-figure and every
31
William Nelson Fenton, The Great Law and the Longhouse: A Political History of the Iroquois
Confederacy (Norman University of Oklahoma Press, 1998: Series: Civilization of the American Indian, Vol.
223), 85.

corresponding Message effects the process of salvation. In every age and era
of history in which a Messenger of God appears, the peoples of that part of
the world have a responsibility to investigate the truth of that Messengerřs
claims. This involves two Ŗtwinŗ duties: (1) recognition of the Messenger of
God; and then (2) application of the Messengerřs Message (that is, faithful
adherence to the laws and ethical teachings revealed by that Messenger of
God). Now as for Deganawidahřs divine Message, the reader can judge for
himself or herself how closely it resonates with the essential teachings of
Bahářuřllah and also Jesus. This is the essence of Deganawidahřs Message:
I carry the Mind of the Master of Life … and my Message will bring
an end to the wars between east and west.
The Word that I bring is that all peoples shall love one another
and live together in peace. This message has three parts:
Righteousness and Health and Power ŕ Gáiwoh, Skénon,
Gashasdénshaa. And each part has two branches.
Righteousness means justice practiced between men and
between nations; it means also a desire to see justice prevail.
Health means soundness of mind and body; it also means peace, for
that is what comes when minds are sane and bodies are cared for.
Power means authority, the authority of law and custom,
backed by such force as is necessary to make justice prevail; it means
also religion, for justice enforced is the will of the Holder of the
Heavens and has his sanction.32
32
Cited by Paul A.W. Wallace, White Roots of Peace (Santa Fe, New Mexico: Clear Light Publishers,
1994), pp. 39Ŕ40, Ŗa publication endorsed by prominent chiefs of the Haudenosaunee.ŗ See Indian and Northern
Affairs Canada, Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (Ottawa, Ontario: Canada
Communication Group ŕ Publishing, Oct. 1996), Vol. 1, Part 1, Section 4, Sub-section 2, ŖIroquoians and the
Iroquois,ŗ pp. 14 and 58, n. 26. The following are the major versions of the Deganawidah Epic:
1885 Version: Seth Newhouse, Cosmogony of De-ka-na-wi-dařs Government of the Iroquois
Confederacy: The Original Literal Historical Narratives of the Iroquois Confederacy. Manuscript. Public
Archives of Canada, folder MG 19 F. 26, Ottawa. American Philosophical Society Library, catalogued as: Seth
Newhouse, Mohawk Cosmogony of De-ka-na-wi-dařs Government, 1885, 1 vol. (302 pp.). Photocopy. Described
by William N. Fenton, ŖSeth Newhouseřs Traditional History and Constitution of the Iroquois Confederacy,ŗ
American Philosophical Society Proceedings, 1949, 93, 141.
1897 Version: Seth Newhouse, Constitution of the Confederacy by Dekanawidah (1897). Trans. by J.
N. B. Hewitt (1937). Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Archives, No. 3490.
1898 Version: John Napoleon Brinton Hewitt, Constitution of the Confederacy by Dekanawidah,
collected and translated from Mohawk by Chief Seth Newhouse 1898 (Manuscript 1343, Smithsonian Institution
National Anthropological Archives, Ŗcopied 1936.ŗ
1899 Version: Chief John Arthur Gibson (1899), ŖThe Deganawiidah Legend: A Tradition of the
Founding of the League of the Five Iroquois Tribes.ŗ English translation of text given by John Arthur Gibson to J.
N. B. Hewitt. Ed. by Abram Charles, John Buck, Sr., and Joshua Buck (1900Ŕ1914). Trans. by William N. Fenton
and Simeon Gibson (1941). National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.,
Bureau of American Ethnology, Nos. 1517b and 1517c. Copy in American Philosophical Society Library.
1912 Version: John Arthur Gibson, Concerning the League: The Iroquois League Tradition as
Dictated in Onondaga by John Arthur Gibson. Newly Elicited, Edited and Translated by Hanni Woodbury in
Collaboration with Reg Henry and Harry Webster on the Basis of A.A. Goldenweiserřs Manuscript (Winnipeg,
Manitoba: Algonquian and Iroquoian Linguistics, 1992). Vecsey says that this may well be the Ŗdefinitive
versionŗ: ŖA major, perhaps definitive, version of the story was narrated by John Gibson to Alexander
Goldenweiser in 1912.ŗ Christopher Vecsey, ŖThe Story and Structure of the Iroquois Confederacy,ŗ Journal of
the American Academy of Religion 54.1 (Spring 1986): 79Ŕ106 [80, n. 3]. The original Gibson-Goldenweiser
Manuscript in Onondaga is preserved in the Canadian Ethnology Service Archives at the Canadian Museum of
Civilization in Hull, Quebec as Ms. 1252.5. A facsimile of page 4 of this manuscript appears as Fig. 2, opposite p.
xi, in Concerning the League.

[ADDISON] There may be a connection between the passage youřve just

cited and Deganawidahřs name. First, let me say something about how
deeply this name is revered by most Native American who are familiar with
the Deganawidah tradition. The Iroqouis consider Deganawidahřs name so
sacred as to be ineffable ŕ that is, out of reverence and profound respect,
the name ŖDeganawidahŗ should not be pronounced. Instead, Deganawidah
is customarily referred to as Ŗthe Peacemaker.ŗ
The sacred name ŖDeganawidahŗ means Ŗtwo river currents flowing

together.ŗ33 This is significant because these Ŗtwo riversŗ could be a
metaphor for both Deganawidah and His spokesman, Hiawatha (as His
major mouthpiece or speaker, since Deganawidah stuttered). Or it is
tantalizing to see this metaphor of Ŗtwo riversŗ in light of the prophecy
youřve quoted above: that the Ŗtwo riversŗ might refer to the Ŗeast and
westŗ in your sentence, ŖI carry the Mind of the Master of Life … and my
Message will bring an end to the wars between east and west.ŗ
[BUCK] Interesting! I hadnřt thought of that.
[ADDISON] Now before you develop the notion that Deganawidah is a

great Prophet (which is a common, perhaps universal belief among Native
Americans who are not predisposed by Christian doctrinal conservatism to
believe otherwise), can you say something that might begin to articulate a
Bahářì perspective on Native Messengers of God generally?
[BUCK] Well, while there may be some distance between the ideal and the
actual with regard to Native American spirituality by the Bahářì community
at large, the official Bahářì position is quite clear, so far as it goes.
Generally, we can say that the Bahářì attitude towards Native American
religions is ŕ or should be ŕ been characterized by the Universal House of
Justice as follows:
The Bahářì attitude to earlier religions, therefore, is not that they are
false or Ŗheathenŗ, but that, at root, they are all true and that these
fundamental truths still persist within them. Bahářìs encourage
Indians in South America, for example, to see and reverence the
profound spiritual truths which are to be found in both their pre-
Christian religions and in the Catholicism which, in later centuries,
has to varying degrees supplanted or overlaid their archaic faiths.
1916 Version: Arthur C. Parker, The Constitution of the Five Nations or the Iroquois Book of the
Great Law. New York State Museum Bulletin, No. 184 (Albany: NY: April 1, 1916). Reprinted in William N.
Fenton, ed., Parker on the Iroquois, Book III: The Constitution of the Five Nations (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse
University Press, 1968), 30Ŕ60.
33
See Alice B. Kehoe, North American Indians: A Comprehensive Account. 3d edn. (Upper Saddle
River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2006), 227. Or ŖTwo water currents flowing together.ŗ A. Parker, ŖThe Traditional
Narrative of the Origin of the Confederation of the Five Nations Commonly Known as the Iroquois,ŗ in Parker on
the Iroquois, ed. W. Fenton (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1968) 3: 64, n. 2.

Through the Bahářì teachings, the inner conflict which many still feel
between their ancient religions and Christianity is resolved and, at
the same time, they are enabled to understand their spiritual unity
with the peoples of other continents, such as Buddhists, Hindus and
Muslims with whom they will undoubtedly come into contact with
increasing frequency.
An example of the Bahářì attitude is to be found in the
operation of such radio stations as Radio Bahářì Ecuador, which has
a policy of encouraging Indian arts and music and fostering in the
Indians pride in their heritage.34
Therefore, Native Bahářìs should neither feel ŕ nor be made to feel ŕ Ŗthe
inner conflict which many still feel between their ancient religions and
Christianity.ŗ Moreover, since the source of all spiritual truth ultimately
harks back, in Bahářì belief, to a Manifestation of God, therefore the source
of all Native wisdom and spirituality perforce must derive from a Native
Messenger (or from more than one Native Messengers of God), as Shoghi
Effendi clearly implies, in a text cited by the Bahářì World Centre:
While the peoples in certain parts of the world hold religious beliefs
that are classified as animist, the Research Department has not, to
date, been able to locate any clear statements in the Writings about
animist spirits. You might be interested in the general guidance
contained in the following extract from a letter dated 7 July 1942,
written on behalf of the Guardian in response to a question about the
status of a number of different religious groups and movements:
ŖTruth is found everywhere. It would be indeed difficult to
find a creed or a doctrine of any sort in this world that did not
possess some facet of truth; this is what Bahářuřlláh believed and
taught. But everything has a source or focal centre; the focal centres
of truth are not broken up or distributed at random, but, like the sun,
are concentrated in one mighty source whom we call a Prophet or
Manifestation of God. What we find in each other, and in various
creeds, are rays from this source ŕ but the source is the all-
important thing, and to recognize and turn to it gives one an infinitely
greater degree of strength and enlightenment than to try to find its
rays, one here and one there, scattered about among our fellow
men.ŗ35
Consider the work of Patricia Locke. Recognized as one of the most

influential American Indians of the 20th century, Locke dedicated her life to
preserving the languages, cultures and spiritual traditions of American
34
The Universal House of Justice, letter dated 22 March 1988, written on behalf of the Universal
House of Justice to a National Spiritual Assembly (unpublished). Cited by Universal House of Justice, letter dated
25 March 1997 to an individual Bahářì. Posted by Brent Poirier on the Tarjuman list, 9 June 2007.
35
The Universal House of Justice, unpublished letter dated 25 March 1997 to an individual Bahářì.
Posted by Brent Poirier on the Tarjuman list, 9 June 2007.

Indians and other indigenous peoples. This was her abiding passion.
Moreover, she helped organize seventeen tribally-run colleges, and
influenced changes in federal laws affecting Native Americans. In 1991,
Locke was awarded a MacArthur Foundation Fellowship. She was also the
first Native American woman elected to the National Spiritual Assembly of
the Bahářìs of the United States (1993Ŕ2001). As a crowning tribute to her
life and work, in 2003 Patricia Locke was admitted into the National
Womenřs Hall of Fame.36 Reflect how this historic document, the
Declaration of Vision, which Locke was instrumental in facilitating, and
which was initially adopted by a near-unanimous vote by the delegates at
the 1993 Parliament of Worldřs Religions, yet ultimately nullified by Dr.
David Ramage, Jr., Chairman of the Council Parliament, who overruled the
vote. The 1993 American Indian Declaration of Vision states, in part:
One hundred years ago, during the 1893 Parliament of World

Religions, the profoundly religious Original Peoples of the Western
Hemisphere were not invited. We are still here and still struggling to
be heard for the sake of our Mother Earth and our children. Our
spiritual and physical survival continues to be threatened all over the
hemisphere, we feel compelled to ask you to join us in restoring the
balances of humanity and Mother Earth in these ways:
A. Acknowledgement of the myriad of messengers of the Creator,

the Great Mystery, to the peoples of the Western Hemisphere.
B. Support in promoting, preserving and maintaining our
Indigenous languages and cultures.37
Obviously the Bahářì delegates (Patricia Locke and Jacqueline Left Hand
Bull, who is now Chair of the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahářìs of
the United States), had voted in support of this resolution. It seems to me
that, if Patricia Locke and Jacqueline Left Hand Bull had advocated that the
peoples of the world should ensure Ŗthat the myriad of Messengers of God
to the peoples of the Western Hemisphere be acknowledged,ŗ then surely
the Bahářì Faith should as well ŕ at least in principle, especially on the
clear authority of the Tablet to Amír Khán.
Now, Don, let me ask you: Would this be a welcome way of presenting the
Bahářì Faith to Native Americans and Native Canadians, as well as to the
indigenous peoples of South America and Central America? I believe that
Chelsea Horton has already predicted that it would, when she writes: ŖIn
regards to the question of ŘMessengers of God to First Nationsř…[i]f by this
you mean the recognition, acknowledgement, and validation of Indigenous
prophets on the part of the Bahářì community (whether officially or at the
36
See ŖPatricia A. Locke (1928Ŕ2001),ŗ Women of the Hall. National Womenřs Hall of Fame,
http://www.greatwomen.org
37
Valerie Taliman ,řParliamentřs chair nullifies ŖVisionŗ as delegates leave News From Indian
Country, September, 1993.

level of praxis), my research in British Columbia has certainly indicated this

to have had an empowering effect for Indigenous Bahářìs.ŗ38 Do you agree?
[ADDISON] Yes! Wholeheartedly yes! Lots of Indians view such

recognition of ŖDeganawidah, Quetzalcoátl and Viracochaŗ and are deeply
thrilled, deep down inside. Like a breath of fresh air! Even some will say to
themselves, ŖWell, this group of names comes from other tribes and
indigenous Nations, not my own particular tribe or prophet or spiritual
leader (whatever you want to call them). But this list of Native Messengers
does contain at least some founders of indigenous religions, and therein is
Ŗthe miracleŗ ŕ finally a religion that includes our own! At long last,
thereřs a religion that came along (the Bahářì Faith) in which some of its
followers and some of its literature includes Native Prophets! Or at least the
notion that Native Prophets have existed that must have been inspired by the
Divine Creator of us all! Native peoples love this! (Except, of course, those
converted Indians who are stuck in the very literalist, evangelical Christian,
very closed-minded doctrines, foreign to Native experience and culture. And
unfortunately we do have some Indians that have bought that notion, Ŗhook,
line and sinker.ŗ) I love it! Yakoke! (Choctaw for ŖThank you.ŗ)
As you know, Iřm Choctaw. We had a very very ancient prophet whose
name was lost. Heřs part of our earliest creation/migration story (we donřt
call it a Ŗmythŗ for obvious reasons) and Ŗprophetŗ is the word used in our
Choctaw stories in English. I can even cite publications where Ŗprophetŗ is
the term used. Even though this chart doesnřt include our Choctaw prophet,
Choctaw peoples will look at this list and be thrilled! The reason being is
this: that previous religious literature and (especially Christian) missionaries
actually teach the reverse ŕ that our Native prophets were Satan
personified, or were the Ŗanti-Christŗ or that they were duping the people. I
heard a Christian minister with a straight face once say, ŖAll Native
prophets were sent by the devil.ŗ And he was serious! It makes most Native
peoples sick when folks say this, but weřre used to it from Christians. But
when Bahářìs include even some Native Prophets, somewhere, anywhere in
their presentation of the Faith (whatever form that takes) it is like a huge
ŖAh-ha!ŗ ŖFinally!ŗ Then Indians sense that Ŗwhen these Bahářìs are saying
that they are free of religious prejudices, they really mean it! They Řwalk
their talkř.ŗ I have seen other Native people accept the Bahářì Faith deep
down in their hearts (that internal inmost spirit inside each of us) and accept
Bahářuřlláh (Whom theyřd never previously heard of) initially because a
Bahářì states that Bahářuřlláh makes statements along the lines that there is
no people on earth to whom God has not sent some prophet or messenger!
[BUCK] I have found what appears to be an ethnographic record of the

name of your Prophet, which was Chah-Tah: ŖThe name of their principal
38
Chelsea Horton, e-mail, dated 27 April 2007, in reply to Dr. Christopher Buck and Dr. Donald
Addison, cited with permission.

chief or prophet was Chah-tah, and he was a man of great age and
wisdom.ŗ39
[ADDISON] I loved your information on ŖChah-Tahŗ being the Ŗnameŗ of

the ancient Choctaw Prophet. Somewhere, sometime back, somewhere
along the way, it seems to me that I vaguely recall that others have talked
about that notion and this idea has been around for a while. I have a
tendency to really accept it as valid and accurate, even without Ŗempiricalŗ
proof, because it has been very common in ancient times for a Prophetřs
name to become the name of a peopleřs tribe, band, clan or even family, and
in this case, we have abundant Ŗhintsŗ that our tribeřs authentic name
ŖChahta,ŗ came into existence by virtue of ŖChahtaŗ being the name of that
early Messenger or Prophet of God. He was honored and his memory given
great prestige that the tribe was named for him. It was Europeans who
changed the spelling, and hence the name, from Chahta to Choctaw. But we
still say ŖChahtaŗ as our tribal name. So thanks much for finding this. You
certainly are constantly amazing me with the wonderful materials you come
up with.
[BUCK] Thanks, Don. Let me you ask a question regarding a sensitive

issue. I have chosen ŖFirst Nationsŗ here, although it is a Native Canadian
term. Some have objected to my use of ŖFirst Nationsŗ here, arguing thatřs
itřs a purely Canadian term. Does ŖFirst Nationsŗ enjoy some currency
today among Native Americans today? If so, is it an acceptable phrase in
terms of its accuracy and dignity, or is it used alternatively or even
begrudgingly? Is this term appropriate?
[ADDISON] I think ŖFirst Nationsŗ is a beautiful term, an honorary term.

Its certainly not an Ŗabbreviatedŗ term that divides peoples one from
another. Personally, I think itřs more inclusive. I find its use among Bahářìs
as highly respectful and shows that Bahářìs are attempting to redress the
wrongs of colonial times. Because behind those two beautiful words ŕ
ŖFirst Nationsŗ ŕ are families, and grandmothers, prayer makers, and
loving relationships, one tribe with another, and all the love that my mother
put into the red and green grass dance outfit she sewed for me by hand when
I was a kid, etc. What is not a ŖFirst Nation,ŗ by contrast, is clearly meant
the Europeans who came to the Western Hemisphere looking for gold,
conquest, converts, lands, etc.
Sometimes the use of ŖFirst Nationsŗ is a statement of survival. Weřre here

still, in spite of 600 years of efforts to eradicate all of us indigenous peoples.
I would deeply encourage a more fuller reading of ŖFirst Nationsŗ ŕ not to
exclude others who have different prophets, or Ŗnoŗ prophets at all ŕ but to
39
As reported by Peter Pitchlynn, ŖChief of the Choctaws,ŗ The Atlantic Monthly Vol. 25, Issue 150
(April 1870).

include all peoples who faced the onslaught of Europeans who had guns,
and Natives who only had spiritual beliefs to sustain them.
Iřm interested in what you have to say about this Bahářì text ŕ one that
youřve effectively rediscovered and brought back to influential life. Do you
mean the Tablet to Amír Khán, which you briefly discussed in your lengthy
ŖNative Messengersŗ article back in 1996?
[BUCK] Yes. I should give credit, however, to my dear wife, Nahzy Abadi
Buck, who first brought this Tablet to my attention. But there have been
some problems associated with this text.
[ADDISON] How so?
[BUCK] There were discussions about the Tablet to Amír Khán on two
scholarly Bahářì lists ŕ Tarikh and Tarjuman. Unfortunately, these debates
generated more heat than light, and I was opposed by several individuals on
each list ŕ yet others ŕ that is, those few individuals who have been
willing to explore this issue further, to assist in the necessary research, and
who have contributed their understanding of the text ŕ have made it all
worthwhile. This debate, I should add, has already attracted scholarly
attention. On the positive side, Chelsea Dawn Horton40 notes:
Although there is debate, from an official Bahářì perspective, as to

whether Aboriginal prophets occupy an equal station with such
figures as Jesus, Buddha, and Mohammed or are, rather, Ŗlesser
Prophets,ŗ more significant here are the interpretations of Aboriginal
Bahářìs themselves. In the words of Linda Loft Pappenberger,
41
progressive revelation is not, for many Aboriginal people, Ŗa taking

away of anything that they didnřt believe beforeŗ; Ŗin fact,ŗ she
continues, Ŗitřs even enhanced.ŗ Many Aboriginal Bahářìs from
42
across North America have interpreted the Bahářì Faith as the

43
fulfilment of prophecies from their respective Aboriginal cultures.
40 Horton, The AboriginalŔBahářì Encounter in British Columbia, 2.

41 Hortonřs footnote: On the debate over the station of Aboriginal prophets see Pauline Tuttle, The
Hoop of Many Hoops, 188. While Tuttle elects not to take a stance on the issue, citing the need for further
research and consultation, Christopher Buck, for his part, does so in his article ŖNative Messengers of God in
Canada?ŗ
42 Hortonřs footnote: Interview.
43 Hortonřs note: For references to discussion of the Bahářì Faith as the fulfillment of Aboriginal
prophecy in British Columbia see Canadian Bahářì News, no. 273 (Sept./Oct. 1973), 6; Canadian Bahářì News,
no. 305 (July 1977), 9; ŖIndian fire warms,ŗ [Victoria newspaper], 1977. For discussion from outside the province,
see [U.S.] Bahářì News, no. 148 (May 1962), 11 [Blackfoot]; Canadian Bahářì News, no. 205 (Feb 1967), 1, 7
[Navajo]; Canadian Bahářì News, 2, no. 3 (July/Aug. 1979), 12 [Tejas]; Canadian Bahářì News, 9, no. 8 (Oct
1987), 3 [Navajo]; Canadian Bahářì News, 10, no. 4 (June 1988), 3; Canadian Bahářì News, 10, no. 5 (July 1988),
4; Joseph O. Weixelman, ŖThe Traditional Navajo Religion and the Bahářì Faith,ŗ World Order, 1985, 20(1), Fall,
31Ŕ51; Carolyn Patterson Sawin, Native Conversion, Native Identity: An Oral History of the Bahářì Faith among
First Nations People in Southern Central Yukon Territory, Canada (Ph.D. dissertation: University of Washington,
2000), 9Ŕ11, 130Ŕ138; Tuttle, ŖBeyond Feathers and Beads,ŗ 108, 124Ŕ125, 127, 129Ŕ130 [Lakota]; Tuttle, ŖThe
Hoop of Many Hoops,ŗ 78, 318, 325 [Lakota]; William Willoya and Vinson Brown, Warriors of the Rainbow:
Strange and Prophetic Dreams of the Indian Peoples (Happy Camp, CA: Naturegraph, 1962); Annie Kahn, Olin

Lakota Bahářìs Kevin Locke and Jacqueline Left Hand Bull, for
example, consider Bahářuřlláh the fulfillment Ŗof White Buffalo Calf
Womanřs promise to return…ŗ.44
However, this position has had its detractors. I have my own stories to tell,
having directly experienced criticism with the lively (and deadening!)
Ŗdebateŗ of which Chelsea Horton speaks.
[ADDISON] Yes, Iřve read some of the recent postings that have
confronted your postings ŕ as well as to the proposition that drew such
opposition. I would say that, while your views did generate some support,
they were often resisted by others. What, if any, was your most successful
argument against this opposition?
[BUCK] Good question. That would be when I posted this argument on 16

May 2007:
Suppose that Bahářuřlláh had appeared in North America ŕ not in

Iran ŕ and that Europe and the rest of the world only had oral
religious traditions. Then let us suppose that Bahářuřlláh, under this
hypothetical, had named Manifestations of God who were known to
have appeared in the Americas. And then the Faith, instead of
spreading from East to West, had spread from West to East.
Imagine how strange it would feel to Europeans if their sacred
traditions ŕ based on the oral traditions of Moses, Jesus, and
Muhammad ŕ were not truly and equally recognized by the Bahářìs
under this reverse hypothetical. And imagine if someone like me or
you started to say: ŖWell, perhaps God did send Messengers to
Europe.ŗ But we lack a Ŗclear Textŗ either way. And letřs suppose
further that the Jews, Christians, and Muslims ŕ all without a
written tradition under this hypothetical ŕ had to perdure the
Native-centrism of the Bahářìs from North America.
The indigenous Europeans would have every reason to feel
alienated, since somehow their spiritual traditions were not really
being recognized, nor their cultures, etc. And then someone like you
or me rises up to proclaim that, yes, perhaps we can aver that God
must have sent ŖMessengers of God to Europe.ŗ And then that person
draws all kinds of criticism for doing so! And, far worse, the
indigenous European believers were leaving the Faith. Under such
hypothetical circumstances, what other choice would you or I have,
as scholars, as concerned Bahářìs, and empathetic to their situation?
Karch, and Blu Mundy, Four Remarkable Indian Prophecies of the Navajos, Toltecs, Mayas and Indians of Idaho
(Happy Camp, CA: Naturegraph, 1963). Buckřs/Addisonřs note: See also Joseph O. Weixelman, ŖThe Traditional
Navajo Religion and the Bahářì Faith,ŗ World Order (Fall 1985): 31Ŕ51.
44
Horton, The AboriginalŔBahářì Encounter in British Columbia, 72Ŕ73.

[ADDISON] Wow! Now thatřs quite a scenario ŕ what you call a

Ŗhypotheticalŗ ŕ that almost anyone in the West can relate to. What about
the text itself? First, what were the Ŗcircumstances of revelation,ŗ as
Islamicists would say? Who was the recipient? Who was Amír Khán? And
how did his questions regarding the issue of Manifestations of God in North
America arise in the first place? What do you think precipitated this sudden
and unexpected interest in Native Americans?
[BUCK] On this issue, I think youřll agree when I say that the Tablet to
Amìr Khán exists in Ŗsplendid isolationŗ (as scholars sometimes refer to a
unique text) and is thus a singular and therefore absolutely critical text. As
for Amìr Khán himself, Iřd say that it wasnřt so much an interest in
indigenous cultures per se, but rather a curiosity about the possibility of
extra-Semitic and extra-Aryan Messengers of God. Or, more simply, we can
say that Amír Khán was concerned over what scholars like John Hinnells
have termed, Ŗthe salvation of others.ŗ As for the identity of Amìr Khán
himself, Dr. Iraj Ayman knew him personally. Here is what Dr. Ayman says
about him:
Amìr Khán of Tehran refers to a Bahářì known as Amìr Khán Áhan.

He owned a shop at the beginning of Naser Khosrow Street in
Tehran. It had a sign of ŖMagházeh Áhan.ŗ So he was known in
Tehran as Amír Khán-i-Magházeh Áhan. He was importing and
selling various hardware items. Amír Khán was famous for his many
inventions. He had traveled to Europe and especially to Russia where
he had sold some of his inventions. He is the recipient of a famous
Tablet of ŘAbduřl-Bahá in response to his submission asking His
guidance on what line [of endeavor ŕ s.anáyiř (sing. s.anřat ŕ
variously translated as Ŗcrafts/arts/industriesŗ]45 he should pursue,
due to his many different interests. The Master advises him to
concentrate on one line, otherwise his talent and energies will be
wasted. Amír Khán was the recipient of several Tablets and he had
met ŘAbduřl-Bahá in the Holy Land. Amír Khán was a close friend
of my father. Accompanying my father, I did meet him many times.
He was full of fascinating ideas and constantly making new devices
and solving technical problems.46
I then replied:
Not only have you identified who the mysterious ŖAmìr Khánŗ was
(i.e., Amír Khán-i-Magházih Áhan), you have accurately described
the most famous Tablet that the Master had revealed for him. On the
basis of Omid Ghaemmaghamiřs provisional translation of Parts One
45 Dr. Iraj Ayman, e-mail, dated 10 May 2007, in reply to Dr. Christopher Buck, posted on the Tarikh
list.
46 This explanatory information was provided by Mr. Omid Ghaemmaghami, e-mail, dated 12 May
2007, in reply to Dr. Christopher Buck, posted on the Tarjuman list.

and Three (based on the Research Departmentřs Memorandum,

which I quoted earlier), I was able to match your description of that
famous Tablet with this particular Tablet in ŘAmr va Khalq … Then
Omid observed that the presence of an ellipsis indicates that some of
the text of this Tablet is missing. Of course, I immediately wondered
where the original Tablet in its entirety might be found. You, Dr.
Ayman, have now solved this mystery! This is a thrilling moment of
discovery for me, after first having encountered a small excerpt from
this Tablet many years ago. Naturally youřll expect my next
question: Can you provide a facsimile of this complete Tablet so that
we can all study it closely? 47
Dr. Ayman responded in two separate messages, which I combine as

follows:
This is the Tablet that I had mentioned in my previous message. This

is addresses to.Amír Khán that I briefly introduced in that message.
If you check this Tablet in the collection of Tablets transcribed and
photo-printed by Mìrzá ŘAlì-Akbar Mílání Rúghin (Muhibb al-
Sultán) in blue color, the complete name of Amír Khán Áhan is
written on the top of this Tablet.48
Unfortunately, I do not have access to the collection of the
Tablets transcribed and published by ŘAlì-Akbar Mílání. I remember
very well that the complete text of that Tablet was published in the
series of Tablets that he was photographically publishing in blue
color. ŘAbduřl-Bahá and the Guardian have endorsed the authenticity
of the Tablets published by ŘAlì-Akbar Mílání. Someone who has
access to that collection could leaf through it and find it.49
Here, Ŗphotographically publishing in blue colorŗ refers to mimeographing

or jellygraphing as a form of reproduction, since the publication of Bahářì
books in Iran was outlawed (and still is).
[ADDISON] Do you have a provisional translation of the Tablet to Amír

Khán?
[BUCK] Yes. Hereřs what we have so far:
47 Dr. Christopher Buck, e-mail, dated 12 May 2007, in reply to Dr. Iraj Ayman, posted on the
Tarjuman list.
48 Dr. Iraj Ayman, e-mail, dated 12 May 2007, in reply to Dr. Christopher Buck, posted on the
Tarjuman list.
49 Dr. Iraj Ayman, e-mail, dated 12 May 2007, in reply to Dr. Christopher Buck, posted on the
Tarjuman list.

He is God!
O servant of God! You had complained about [your] inability to

attain perfection in more than one craft (dar s.anáyiř mutařddidih). A
multiple number of crafts cause [oneřs] perceptions to become
scattered. Endeavor in one of these crafts and strive and exert
yourself to attain perfection therein. This is better than having a
number of crafts (all) remain in a state of imperfection50…
In ancient times the people of America (ahl-i Amrík) were, through

their northern regions, close to Asia, that is, separated from Asia by a
strait. For this reason, it hath been said that crossing had occurred.
There are other signs which indicate communication.
As to places whose people were not informed of the appearance of

Prophets, such people are excused. In the Qurřán it hath been
revealed: ŖWe will not chastise them if they had not been sent a
Messengerŗ (Q. 17:15, mâ kunnâ muřadhdhîna h.attâ nabřatha
rasûl(an)).51
Undoubtedly in those regions the Call of God must have been raised
in ancient times, but it hath been forgotten now.
Undoubtedly, in those regions, the Call of God must have been raised
in ancient times, but it hath been forgotten now (al-battih dar án
s.afahát níz dar azmanih-yi-qadímih vaqtí nidá-yi-iláhí buland
gashtih va-lákin hál farámush shudih ast).52
I will supplicate God to confirm you in attaining perfection in one of

the crafts.53 And upon thee be greetings and praise.54
[ADDISON] This is a remarkable text! But the first thing that Bahářì
scholars will do is to question its authenticity. Is this text authentic? And is
this text an actual ŖTabletŗ or merely a Ŗreported utteranceŗ? I understand
50
Provisional translation by Omid Ghaemmaghami. Persian text: ŘAmr va Khalq, vol. 3, p. 307.
51
Transliteration provided by Dr. Necati Alkan (Hebrew University of Jerusalem), e-mail, dated 31
May 2007, posted on the Tarjuman list.
52
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Tablet to Amír Khán Áhan of Tehran, in Fádil Mázandarání, ŘAmr va Khalq (Germany:
Bahářì-Verlag, 1985), vol. 2, pp. 46Ŕ47
53
Provisional translation by Omid Ghaemmaghami. Persian text: ŘAmr va Khalq, vol. 3, p. 308.
54
Provisional translation by Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir. Based on facsimile of the original Tablet to Amír
Khán, provided as an attachment of the Research Department memorandum dated 16 May 1996 (and re-sent by
the Universal House of Justice as an attachment in its letter of 8 June 2007 to Dr. Christopher Buck. Although the
identity of the recipient of this Tablet is not mentioned in the 16 May 1996 memorandum, Amír Khán of Tehran
was identified as the recipient in the Research Department memorandum dated 25 August 1994: ŖIn an email
message dated 1 August 1994, Mr. Christopher Buck requests the source of a quotation attributed to ŘAbduřl-Bahá
by Fáḍil Mázandarání in Amr va Khalq (vol. 2, pp. 45Ŕ46). This quotation is found in a Tablet of ŘAbduřl-Bahářs,
revealed for a certain Amír Khán in Ṭihrán. The section referred to by Mr. Buck is the central portion. Fáḍil
Mázandarání has also published the beginning and final passages of this Tablet in Amr va Khalq (vol. 3, pp. 307Ŕ
308).ŗ

that this Tablet was introduced as a Ŗkhit.ábŗ (discourse or speech), and that
this terminology has cast some doubts over the authenticity of this text.
[BUCK] The Tablet to Amír Khán Áhan is most definitely a Tablet, for the
following five reasons:
1. Research Department Memorandum: I just opened up several old

boxes and found a stack of letters from the Universal House of Justice, I am
happy to tell you that I have at last located the Research Department’s
Memorandum in reply to my question regarding the source of Tablet to
Amír Khán of Ṭihrán:
MEMORANDUM
To: The Universal House of Justice

Date: 25 August 1994
From: Research Department
Source of Citation
In an email message dated 1 August 1994, Mr. Christopher Buck

requests the source of a quotation attributed to ŘAbduřl-Bahá by
Fádil Mázandarání in Amr va Khalq (vol. 2, pp. 45–46). This
quotation is found in a Tablet of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s, revealed for a
certain Amír Khán in Ṭihrán. The section referred to by Mr. Buck is
the central portion. Fáḍil Mázandarání has also published the
beginning and final passages of this Tablet in Amr va Khalq (vol. 3,
pp. 307Ŕ308).
n
This Tablet takes on heightened significance as a textual basis for putting
forth the proposition that ŖMessengers of God to First Nationsŗ is a valid
Bahářì principle, the formalization and application of which would go far in
bringing about a symbolic transformation of interracial and intercultural
relations ŕ first among mainstream American Bahářìs and Bahářìs of
Native American ancestry and identity. Wouldnřt you agree?
[ADDISON] I wish the non-Indian believers here in the West were more
tolerant of our Native voices and American Indian Prophets. As a Native
American, Iřm deeply saddened that some Bahářìs of non-Indian
backgrounds find it so difficult to cut through their own European cultural
barriers that cloud their open acknowledgment of Native American Prophets
as Manifestations of God.
Would it be a serious breach of Bahářì belief or a mistaken

misrepresentation of the Teachings of Bahářuřlláh if an enrolled Bahářì in
good standing were to write and publish in print ŖBahářìs acknowledge the
validity of the Prophethood of Deganawidahŗ? It seems to me that this

would not detract in any way from the authenticity of Bahářuřlláh or His
Writings, nor does it in any way detract from the validity of all the other
Central Figures and the Administrative Structure of this Divinely ordained
Faith. This statement, I hasten to add, doesnřt in any possible way represent
a challenge to the Covenant ŕ God forbid! My statement is fully in
accordance with Ŗthere being Řno people to whom a Messenger has not been
sentř and the general doctrinal position that ultimately all religion comes
from God,ŗ as you yourself just stated. Why impose a disconnect between
the latter and the former?
The Sacred Writings of the Báb, the forerunner, and Bahářuřlláh, the
Prophet-Founder of the Bahářì Faith, of even Bahářuřlláhřs appointed
successor, His eldest Son, ŘAbduřl-Bahá, do not specifically mention any
Native American Prophet by name. However, their Writings all clearly
imply their existence. Many distinguished Bahářì writers, scholars, and
administrative servants of the Faith, have increasingly been referring to
Native Prophets in public talks, in publishes articles, and other media
presentations.
[BUCK] Quite true. First, note that both Qurřánic and Bahářì texts that
basically state that no people, at some point in its history, has been bereft of
divine guidance. Thus, ŖUnto every nation hath an Apostle been sentŗ (Q.
10:47; cf. Q. 16:36). In the Commentary on the Surah of the Sun,
Bahářuřlláh states that Messengers of God have been sent to every people:
ŖAs thou canst see, every nation on earth hath been enlightened by one of
these brightly shining Suns. Whoso denieth Them remaineth deprived.ŗ55
[ADDISON] Thatřs certainly a universalism. For skeptics, however, isnřt

that a little too general, too abstract, too diffuse? I think that, while
practically all Bahářìs would support this analysis, relatively few of them
would be prepared to extend full recognition and parity with the highest
spirituality that indigenous cultures have to offer. This is a precious legacy
that, if ignored and otherwise devalued, can never combust with mainstream
Bahářì spirituality to ignite the worldwide influence that ŘAbduřl-Bahá has
envisioned (and predicted) that the indigenous Bahářìs of North America
might contribute. I recall that ŘAbduřl-Bahá had commented on the fact that
America had a great civilization in the past.
[BUCK] Yes, Don, in fact it was you who recently brought this to my
attention in a recent posting of yours. It was either Friday, July 5, 1912, or
July 9, 1912, when Bahářì artist, Juliet Thompson, took the leader of the
Bahářì Faith, ŘAbduřl-Bahá, to visit the American Museum of Natural
History. Of particular interest was an exhibit of art and artifacts from early
America. Whether pre-Columbian or later is not clear at this time. This
55
Adapted from translation by J. Cole of Bahářuřlláhřs Commentary on the Surah of the Sun (Ames,
Iowa: Omphaloskepsis, 2000) at 10Ŕ11

exhibit was probably on the Blackfoot Indians, since anthropologist Clark

Wissler (1870Ŕ1947) was curator of the American Museum of Natural
History in New York City for nearly 40 years, and had published several
monographs on the Blackfoot Indians.56 On seeing this exhibit, ŘAbduřl-
Bahá made a comment in passingŕrecorded in its original Persian in
Mahmudřs Diaryŕfrom which a possible religious significance might be
inferred. The authoritative account relates this event as follows:
Today, at the invitation of Juliet Thompson, ŘAbduřl-Bahá went to a

museum near His house. On the first floor there were statues, figures of
animals and a collection of relics of early American civilization. On
observing these objects, ŘAbduřl-Bahá said, ŖFrom these things it
appears that America had a great civilization in ancient times.ŗ57
The Persian original reads: ŖAz ìn áthár mařlum ast kih Amrìká dar ayyám
qadím dará-yi tamaddún búdih.ŗ58 Translated literally, this means: ŖFrom
these relics, it appears America had a civilization in the days of old.ŗ 59 On
the surface, this is a statement of the obvious. Whether it has a deeper
meaning ŕ that the rise of a great civilization is necessarily the result of a
great religion ŕ is impossible to say.
[ADDISON] I agree. Evidence of a high civilization does not directly imply

a Manifestation of God. Thatřs the problem as I see it. In the vast corpus of
Bahářì Writings, it appears that only one single text been found that might
conclusively establish that North America had not only high civilizations
but independent Manifestations of God. It that your conclusion?
[BUCK] As far as specific pronouncements on that issue are concerned, I

would have to say, yes.
56
N. C. Nelson, ŖClark Wissler, 1870Ŕ1947.ŗ American Antiquity, 1948, 13(3), 244Ŕ247.
57
Mírzá Mahmúd-i-Zarqání, Mahmudřs Diary: The Diary of Mìrzá Mahmúd-i-Zarqání. Translated by
Mohi Sobhani (Oxford: George Ronald, 1998), 158Ŕ159. For an alternative account of this excursion, see Juliet
Thompson, The Diary of Juliet Thompson, with a preface by Marzieh Gail (Los Angeles: Kalimát Press, 1983),
329Ŕ332. However, Juliet Thompsonřs date differs from that of Mahmúd, in that she gives Monday, July 9, 1912
(see p. 329). Not only does this date conflict with that given in Mahmudřs Diary, but the comment by ŘAbduřl-
Bahá as well:
ŖI have heard a tradition,ŗ I said, Ŗthat in the very distant past this country and Asia were connected.ŗ
ŖAssuredly,ŗ answered the Master, Ŗbefore a great catastrophe there was such a connection between
Asia and America.ŗ
It should be noted that Mahmúdřs account is considered authoritative as it is Ŗregarded as a reliable
account of ŘAbduřl-Bahářs travels in the West and an authentic record of His utterances, whether in the form of
formal talks, table talks or random oral statements. Mírzá Mahmúd was a careful and faithful chronicler and
engaged in assembling and publishing his work with the permission of the beloved Master.ŗ (The Universal House
of Justice.) Thus this contradiction should be resolved in favor of Mahmúdřs report, and Juliet Thompsonřs
contradictory narrative regarded with some suspicion here, where she also states that the exhibit was one of
Mexican antiquities (not of Blackfoot culture).
58
Persian text. Mirza Maḥmúdi-i-Zarqani, Badáyiřuřl-Athařr.
59
Provisional translation provided by Dr. Ahang Rabbani, e-mail, dated April 20, 2007, in reply to Dr.
Christopher Buck, posted on the Tarikh list.

[ADDISON] Seeing that this text, the Tablet to Amír Khán Áhan, exists in
Ŗsplendid isolation,ŗ as you say, why donřt we take a closer look at it? Itřs
this part of the Tablet that interests us:
In ancient times the people of America (ahl-i Amrík) were, through

their northern regions, close to Asia, that is, separated from Asia by a
strait. For this reason, it hath been said that crossing had occurred.
There are other signs which indicate communication. As to
places whose people were not informed of the appearance of
Prophets, such people are excused. In the Qurřán it hath been
Messengerŗ (Q. 17:15, má kunná muřádhdhibìna hattá nabřatha
rasúláan).60
Undoubtedly, in those regions, the Call of God must have
been raised in ancient times, but it hath been forgotten now (al-battih
dar án s.afahát níz dar azmanih-yi-qadímih vaqtí nidá-yi-iláhí
buland gashtih va-lákin hál farámúsh shudih ast).61
Now I like this statement from ŘAbduřl-Bahá very much: ŖUndoubtedly in

those regions the Call of God must have been raised in ancient times, but it
hath been forgotten now.ŗ My own people, the Choctaw, had an ancient
Prophet whose name no one remembers (unless, as you pointed out, the
name of our Prophet was ŖChah-tahŗ). So I think ŘAbduřl-Bahá is quite
accurate here as well. Only a very few Native American Prophetsř names
have endured. We have some, identified all the way from the lowliest village
elder, healer, traditional singer of prayers, all the way up to Ŗgreat seers,ŗ
Ŗgreat visionaries,ŗ Ŗspiritual leaders,ŗ to lesser Prophets and Major
Manifestations of God ŕ just as in most other societies on earth (although
the terms change obviously). With the exception of famous people like
Wodziwob, Ganiodaiyo (Handsome Lake), White Buffalo Calf Woman,
Deganawidah, we have others who admittedly are problematic. Yet some of
our sacred traditions remain. Thus they are Ŗrememberedŗ ŕ not forgotten.
They are preserved as living traditions. Does this language of Ŗforgottenŗ
effectively bar Bahářì recognition of these living traditions?
[BUCK] Again, letřs examine the clause, Ŗ…but it hath been forgotten
nowŗ (va-lákin hál farámúsh shudih ast), closely. Here follow
representative texts in which ŘAbduřl-Bahá comments on how living
religious traditions ŕ all of the named exemplars of which are considered
Ŗhistoricŗ insofar as they are Ŗfoundedŗ religions ŕ are functionally
Ŗforgottenŗ even though they are present in the world today.
Buddha‟s and Confucius‟ Teachings Have Been Forgotten:
60
Transliteration provided by Mr. Omid Ghaemmaghami (slightly modified by the present writer), e-
mail, dated 16 April 2007, in reply to Dr. Christopher Buck, posted on the Tarikh list.
61
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Tablet to Amír Khán Áhan of Tehran, 46Ŕ47

Buddha also established a new religion, and Confucius renewed

morals and ancient virtues, but their institutions have been entirely
destroyed. The beliefs and rites of the Buddhists and Confucianists
have not continued in accordance with their fundamental Teachings.
The founder of Buddhism was a wonderful soul. He established the
Oneness of God, but later the original principles of His doctrines
gradually disappeared, and ignorant customs and ceremonials arose
and increased until they finally ended in the worship of statues and
images.62
The meaning is that the Buddhists and Confucianists now worship

images and statues. They are entirely heedless of the Oneness of God
and believe in imaginary gods like the ancient Greeks. But in the
beginning it was not so; there were different principles and other
ordinances.63
Moses‟ Teachings Have Been Forgotten:
When in San Francisco, I was invited to speak in a Jewish

synagogue. I said, ŖFor about two thousand years, between you and
the Christians, there have been friction and opposition, owing to the
misunderstandings which today have blinded the eyes. You conceive
that His Holiness the Christ was the enemy of Moses, the destroyer
of the laws of the Pentateuch, the abrogator of the commandments of
the Bible. When we investigate the reality we observe that Christ
appeared at a time when according to your own historians, the laws
of the Torah were forgotten; the foundation of religion and faith was
shaken.64
Christ‟s Teachings Have Been Forgotten:
Again, consider how much the principles of the religion of Christ

have been forgotten, and how many heresies have appeared. For
example, Christ forbade revenge and transgression; furthermore, He
commanded benevolence and mercy in return for injury and evil.
Now reflect: among the Christian nations themselves how many
sanguinary wars have taken place, and how much oppression,
cruelty, rapacity and bloodthirstiness have occurred! Many of these
wars were carried on by command of the Popes. It is then clear and
62
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Some Answered Questions (Wilmette, IL: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1984), 165.
63
ibid, 166.
64
Originally reprinted from Abdul Baha [sic] on Divine Philosophy. Comp. Isabel F. Chamberlain.
Boston: Tudor Press, 1916, chapter V: ŖAbdul Baha Answers Many Questions asked by Theologians of Parisŗ.
The original text has been reprinted in Persian in Khitábát (Talks of ŘAbduřl-Bahá). Rev. ed. Hofheim-
Langenhain: Bahářì-Verlag, 1984, pp. 737Ŕ747. See revised translation Seena Fazel and Khazeh Fananapazir,
ŖřAbduřl-Bahá on Christ and Christianityŗ, Bahářì Studies Review, 1993, 3(1).

evident that in the passage of time religions become entirely changed

and altered. Therefore, they are renewed.65
The foundation of the religion of God is one. The same basis which
was laid by Christ, and later on was forgotten, has been renewed by
His Holiness Bahářuřlláh.
God has founded religion so that it might be the bond of amity and
mutual association between the peoples. His Holiness the Christ did
not sacrifice his life so that the people might believe the doctrine that
he is the word of God; nay, rather he gave his life so that he might
bestow the consciousness of eternal life to the world of humanity.
That is why he said, ŖJesus, the son of man, is come to give life to
the worldŗ.
This reality has been forgotten by the people, and the doctrine of the
father, son and holy spirit has been substituted. The original
foundation has been lost sight of. Christ said, Ŗif one strikes you on
the right cheek, turn to him the other also.ŗ Is there any relation
between this commandment and bloody events taking place today? 66
Muhammad‟s Teachings Have Been Forgotten:
Those Ŗkindreds, people and nationsŗ signify those who are gathered
under the shadow of the Qurřán, not permitting the Cause and Law of
God to be, in outward appearance, entirely destroyed and annihilated
ŕ for there are prayer and fasting among them ŕ but the
fundamental principles of the Religion of God, which are morals and
conduct, with the knowledge of divine mysteries, have disappeared;
the light of the virtues of the world of humanity, which is the result
of the love and knowledge of God, is extinguished; and the darkness
of tyranny, oppression, satanic passions and desires has become
victorious. The body of the Law of God, like a corpse, has been
exposed to public view for twelve hundred and sixty days, each day
being counted as a year, and this period is the cycle of Muhammad.
The people forfeited all that these two persons had established, which
was the foundation of the Law of God, and destroyed the virtues of the
world of humanity, which are the divine gifts and the spirit of this
religion, to such a degree that truthfulness, justice, love, union, purity,
sanctity, detachment and all the divine qualities departed from among
them. In the religion only prayers and fasting persisted; this condition
65
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Some Answered Questions, 166.
66
Seena Fazel and Khazeh Fananapazir, ŘAbduřl-Bahá on Christ and Christianityř Compare: ŖThe
Teachings of Christ were forgotten. The Christly bounties ceased. Divine moralities disappeared. Day ended in
night.ŗ ŘAbduřl-Baha, Promulgation of Universal Peace (ed. Howard MaxNutt, Willmette, IL: Bahářì Publishing
Trust 1992), 55.

lasted for twelve hundred and sixty years, which is the duration of the
cycle of the Furqán. It was as if these two persons were dead, and their
bodies were remaining without spirit.67
Generally, The Past Manifestations‟ Teachings Have Been Forgotten:
O ye respected souls! From the continual imitation of ancient and

worn-out ways, the world had grown dark as darksome night. The
fundamentals of the divine Teachings had passed from memory; their
pith and heart had been totally forgotten, and the people were
holding on to husks. The nations had, like tattered garments long
outworn, fallen into a pitiful condition.68
My thesis is simply this: ŖForgottenŗ is relative, not absolute. ŖForgottenŗ

does not mean that all memory of the Manifestation of God and His/Her
Teachings has been effaced from historical memory, without a trace. Rather,
Ŗforgottenŗ primarily means that the Teachings have been displaced, having
lost their primacy in actual practice.
[ADDISON] The notion of Ŗforgottenŗ is a huge issue in Indian country as

well. First, most Native peoples will say that we all accept the fact that some
of our cultures have been Ŗforgotten,ŗ no doubt about it, but the white Euro-
American suppression of our peoples, languages, religions, and cultures has
not wiped everything away. So lots of Indians are super-sensitive about
saying, for example, that our music or that our language is Ŗdead.ŗ Rather,
since many of our languages that used to be spoken fluently in the 19th
century are no longer around, we simply say that these languages Ŗare
asleep.ŗ
During the most severe repression of our religions in the U.S. and Canada,
the languages, dances, stories and the songs were forced underground, or
our people said, Ŗput to sleep.ŗ Now they can be revived out in the open,
those songs and languages that remain, when elders can be found still alive
who are willing to remember them and bring them back to the community.
Unfortunately, a few of our living elders in various parts of the country have
been so deeply hurt by Christian missionaries telling them Ŗyour religions
and your languages are evil,ŗ so much so, that some of these elders actually
started believing that. They then refuse to share any of their traditional
cultures (today) that they might remember because they donřt want Ŗto go to
hell when they die.ŗ Many parents wouldnřt teach their Native language to
their kids so they wouldnřt suffer what the parents went through with
classmates laughing at Indian children who speak in their native tongue.
During the Boarding School Era, if you pretended to Ŗforgetŗ your Native
religion, it meant you would be beaten by the missionaries much less often!
67
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Some Answered Questions, 52Ŕ53.
68
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Selections from the Writings of ŘAbduřl-Bahá, (Haifa: Bahářì World Centre, 1982), 252.

That was a means of sheer survival. Some say during those difficult times
that Ŗwe werenřt dumb, just numb!ŗ To Ŗappearŗ to Ŗforget,ŗ one has to Ŗgo
numb,ŗ to Ŗpretendŗ to Ŗfit in,ŗ so the missionaries wouldnřt beat the kids as
much.
ŖForgettingŗ of the past is a much more difficult set of problems. Many of

the ancient Native spiritual traditions and ŖTeachingsŗ have been lost, no
doubt about it, from both the ravages of time, cultural migrations and
change, and especially from official governmental attempts to cripple our
Native religions through the boarding schools, enacting of anti-Indian
legislation, English-only programs, forced Christian Church conversions,
etc., and when those failed, some of our religions and their ceremonies and
their practitioners were persecuted at gun point. The Ghost Dance
worshippers, massacred in 1890 at Wounded Knee, and other similar events
explains why most of our peoples say Ŗcertain ceremonies have been
forgotten.ŗ However, many Teachings still remain ŕ such as reverence for
the Creator, the importance of prayer, the relationship between sacred lands
and sacred traditions, those Ŗancestorsŗ who are Ŗstill associated with the
land,ŗ our need to care for this land, the Native prophecies that are still
remembered and recorded, our valuable elders and the cultural wisdom they
pass on, and above all, the fact that much ŕ but not all ŕ of our sacred
beliefs and Teachings, do survive as they are passed on to our young people.
These include beliefs from ancient Prophets, some of Whose Names have
not even survived into the 21st century, but most all Indians regard their
Ŗmemoriesŗ as sacred, even if we know little more than that about most of
them. Native Bahářìs often, but not necessarily always, enjoy recapturing
our Native languages, and learning about our Native belief systems ŕ you
see these do not really conflict with the Bahářì Message.
While many elders talk as if much of the spiritual knowledge of the past still
remains, a more accurate appraisal is that Ŗit does, and it doesnřt.ŗ So for
Indian religious traditions with which I have spent a life time studying and
in which I have participated for many years, Ŗforgottenŗ ŕ many will agree
ŕ is a relative term. I and many other Native Bahářìs feel that Bahářuřlláh
has Ŗrevivedŗ many Native ways and recast some Ŗconceptsŗ that were
Ŗlostŗ and now have been Ŗreturnedŗ ŕ from perhaps a different part of the
globe, but with the same spiritual energy, creative vigor, and transformative
power. I have witnessed first hand how the Bahářì Faith has already begun
to create the rich and loving climate for a Ŗreturn to Native culturesŗ while
concurrently Ŗstepping into the new world communityŗ brought by
Bahářuřlláh, and seeing these two as complementary, and not competitive in
any way.
The ŖCall of Godŗ mentioned in this Tablet is a most significant metaphor

to most Indians who really know their own cultural, spiritual, and Native
belief systems. I find this absolutely fascinating.

[BUCK] Iřm glad you drew our attention to this metaphor, the explication
of which may prove decisive ŕ either way. Here is how I would analyze
this figurative expression. Rhetorically as well as logically, the ŖCall of
Godŗ presupposes a ŖCallerŗ ŕ one who is doing the calling. In Islamic
eschatology, this is a Summoner to the Day of Judgement. Prefigured in the
Qurřán (Q. 50:42; cf. Q. 3:193), this future Figure is actually called Ŗthe
Callerŗ or Ŗthe Crierŗ (al-Munádí), and is a subject of the Last Day. The
Caller is thus an actor in the divine drama of the end of prophetic history,
which Bahářì doctrine equates with the beginning of history of prophecy
come true (the ŖCycle of Fulfillmentŗ). The Caller is eschatologically
realized in the persons of the Báb and Bahářuřlláh. In the Tablet of the Son,
for instance, Bahářuřlláh has identified the Báb as the eschatological
ŖCallerŗ of the Qurřan.69 Similarly, in the Lawh-i Aqdas: ŖSay, did ye not
hearken to the Voice of the Crier, calling aloud in the wilderness of the
Bayán, bearing unto you the glad-tidings of the coming of your Lord, the
All-Merciful?ŗ70 Although the phrase al-nidá al-iláhí does not appear in the
Qurřán, it would be difficult for anyone familiar with the Qurřán to read the
phrase and not think of al-Munádí, according to Dr. Moojan Momen.71
[ADDISON] Thatřs all well and good. But as you well know, Bahářìs are
not Muslims. The Qurřan, at best, would enjoy a secondary authority at best.
What about evidence from the Bahářì primary sources themselves?
[BUCK] While we would have to verify each text in the Persian or Arabic
original, a representative survey of ŘAbduřl-Bahářs various usages of the
ŖCall of Godŗ are all unified by one single referent: the Manifestation of
God (primarily, but not exclusively, Bahářuřlláh) and His message. We can
arrive at this determination by examining such exemplars as these:
Message of The Manifestations(s) of God:
O ye concourse of the Kingdom of Abhá! Two calls to success and

prosperity are being raised from the heights of the happiness of
mankind… The one is the call of civilization, of the progress of the
material world.… The other is the soul-stirring call of God, Whose
spiritual Teachings are safeguards of the everlasting glory, the
eternal happiness and illumination of the world of humanity… The
propagator and executive power of this call is just government…
This second call is founded upon the instructions and exhortations of
69 ŖThe Caller has cried out (lit., Ŗthe Caller has raised the Call,ŗ wa qad nádá al-munádín) in the
sacred plain (fí barríyyat al-quds) with the name of ŘAlì-Muhammad (bi Řismi ŘAlì qabli Nabìl)).ŗ Translated by
Juan Cole, ŖTablet of the Son (Jesus): Letter of the Middle Edirne Period circa 1866,ŗ Translations of Shaykhí,
Bábí and Bahářì Texts, 2001, 5(2) with transliteration (slightly emended) supplied by Sen McGlinn, e-mail
message dated 24 April 2007, and Ŗsacred wildernessŗ changed to Ŗsacred plain,ŗ as suggested by Omid
Ghaemmaghami, e-mail message dated 25 April 2007.
70 Bahářuřlláh, ŖLawh-i-Aqdas,ŗ Tablets of Bahářuřlláh Revealed After the Kitáb-i-Aqdas (U.S.
Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1988), 12
71
Dr. Moojan Momen, e-mail, dated 23 April 2007, to Dr. Christopher Buck.

the Lord and the admonitions and altruistic emotions belonging to

the realm of morality which, like unto a brilliant light, brighten and
illumine the lamp of the realities of mankind. Its penetrative power is
the Word of God.72
Message of The Prophets, Christ & Bahá‟u‟lláh:
O honoured lady! For a single purpose were the Prophets, each and
all, sent down to earth; for this was Christ made manifest, for this did
Bahářuřlláh raise up the call of the Lord.73
Message of The Báb and Bahá‟u‟lláh:
By the term Ŗthat true and radiant mornŗ mentioned in the Hidden
Words is meant the Dawn of divine Revelation when the Exalted
One [The Báb] manifested Himself in the plenitude of His glory,
while the Blessed Tree referreth to the Ancient Beauty
[Bahářuřlláh]… However when the Call of God was raised in the
realm of the heart and spirit, mankind remained heedless and
inattentive, and therefore was dumbfounded.74
Message of Bahá‟u‟lláh, Promulgated by „Abdu‟l-Bahá:
Note ye that when, singly and alone, with none to second me, I
upraised the call of God around the world, the peoples thereof rose
up to oppose, to dispute, to deny.75
Message of Bahá‟u‟lláh, Promulgated by Bahá‟í Teachers and Hands of

the Cause of God:
O thou beloved maid-servant of God (Miss Haruko Mori). Praise be

unto God, that through the guidance of Miss Alexander thou couldst
hear the Call of God. Then strive as far as thou art able to spread the
Divine Teachings, so that thou mayest become distinguished with
this great Bestowal among the women of the world.76
Message of Bahá‟u‟lláh, Promulgated by Ideal Bahá‟ís:
Rest ye assured that if a soul ariseth in the utmost perseverance and

raiseth the Call of the Kingdom and resolutely promulgateth the
Covenant, be he an insignificant ant he shall be enabled to drive
72
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Selections from the Writings of ŘAbduřl-Bahá, 283Ŕ284.
73
ibid, 31.
74
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, from a Tablet to an individual (on Hidden Words, Persian No. 19), translated from the
Persian.
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Selections from the Writings of ŘAbduřl-Bahá, 230
75
76
ŘAbduřl-Bahař, Tablet dated August 10, 1920. Translated by Azizullah Bahadur, ŖTablets to Japan,ŗ
Japan Will Turn Ablaze! (Tokyo: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1992).

away the formidable elephant from the arena, and if he be a feeble

moth he shall cut to pieces the plumage of the rapacious vulture.77
Message of Bahá‟u‟lláh, Promulgated by Ideal Bahá‟í Husbands:
Know thou, verily, the husband is one who hath sincerely turned unto
God, is awakened by the call of the Beauty of El-Bahá and chanteth
the verses of Oneness in the great assemblies78
Message of Bahá‟u‟lláh, Promulgated to Indigenous Peoples:
God willing, the call of the Kingdom may reach the ears of the
Eskimos, the inhabitants of the Islands of Franklin in the north of
Canada, as well as Greenland.79
Hearing The Message of Bahá‟u‟lláh:
Happy are ye for this favor, the likeness of which was not seen by the
eye of existence, not its similitude heard by the ears of the creatures;
because it is the greatest favor on the part of the Lord of the
Kingdoms in the world of existence; that is, the greatest guidance,
the attainment unto the day of the Lord and listening unto the call of
God.80
Believing the Message of Bahá‟u‟lláh:
Hájí Muhammad-Ridá came from Shíráz. He was a man spiritually

minded, lowly, contrite, the embodiment of serenity and faith. When
the call of God was lifted up, that needy soul hurried into the shelter
of heavenly grace. As soon as he heard the summons, ŖAm I not your
Lord?ŗ he cried out: ŖYea, verily!ŗ and became as a lamp to the
peopleřs feet.81
Also among the emigrants and near neighbors was Áqá ŘAlì Najaf-
Ábádí. When this spiritual young man first listened to the call of God
he set his lips to the holy cup and beheld the glory of the Speaker on
the Mount. And when, by grace of the light, he had attained positive
knowledge, he journeyed to the Most Great Prison, where he
witnessed the substance of knowledge itself, and arrived at the high
station of indubitable truth.82
77
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Selections from the Writings of ŘAbduřl-Bahá, 209.
78
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Tablets of Abduřl-Baha Abbas, Vol. 3, (Chicago: Bahářì Publishing Committee,
1916), 605.
79
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Tablets of the Divine Plan (Wilmette, IL: U.S. Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1993), 29.
80
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Tablets of Abduřl-Baha Abbas, Vol. 3, 662
81
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Memorials of the Faithful (U.S. Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1971), 117.
82
Memorials 61.

I have perused thy excellent letter which shows that thou art turning
thy face unto the living, eternal One and grasping the hem of His
Grandeur and thy attraction unto the Call of thy Supreme Lord. Well
done! Well done! O maid-servant of God, for thou hast believed in
the Glorious Beauty (of El-Abhá) and art confirmed in the
manifestation of the Kingdom of God, during this time.83
On the basis of this evidence, the expression ŖCall of Godŗ (Persian: nidá-yi
iláhí) in Bahářì texts is a transparent reference to Prophets of God in
general, and, in historical-contemporary references to Bahářì history, to
Bahářuřllah in particular (as well as the Báb). The expression, the ŖCall of
God,ŗ is thus a stock allusion to revelation, as in Bahářuřlláhřs poetic
description of the Bábřs revelation: ŖThe divine call (nidá-yi iláhí) of the
Celestial Herald from beyond the Veil of Glory.ŗ84
Of all of the possible meanings of the phrase, the ŖCall of God,ŗ the
probable meaning is that ŘAbduřl-Bahá is speaking of a Manifestation of
God and His message. Relying on these exemplars, which both fairly and
primarily represent ŘAbduřl-Bahářs relevant discourse, I conclude that the
probable meaning ŕ indeed, the almost certain meaning ŕ of the ŖCall of
Godŗ in the Tablet to Amír Khán of Tehran is a Manifestation of God ŕ
such that ŘAbduřl-Bahá can be understood as confirming the existence of a
Manifestation or Manifestations of God to North America.
[ADDISON] What about the place from which the Call of God originates?
[BUCK] Letřs examine this statement closely: ŖUndoubtedly in those

regions the Call of God must have been raised in ancient times, but it hath
been forgotten now.ŗ The words, ŖUndoubtedly in those regionsŗ (al-battih
dar án s.afahát) indicates ŘAbduřl-Bahářs preferred explanation, in favoring
the third possibility that Amír Khán must have raised: namely, that one or
more Manifestations of God appeared in North America. As stated, the
ŖCall of Godŗ appears to be ŘAbduřl-Bahářs euphemism for a Manifestation
of God and His Message.
Since the whole discussion was about North America in the first place, Ŗin
those regionsŗ has to mean North America. Furthermore, it cannot mean
Asia, since Manifestations of God had already appeared in Asia. For
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, there is no question but that this must be so, which is why he
uses the adverb, Ŗundoubtedlyŗ (al-battih). As to place, the words Ŗin those
regionsŗ (dar án s.afahát) must refer to North America ŕ and not to
83
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Tablets of Abduřl-Baha Abbas, Vol 1, (Chicago: Bahářì Publishing Committee, 1916),
97.
84 Bahářuřlláh, The Kitáb-i-Íqán: The Book of Certitude, tr. Shoghi Effendi (Wilmette, IL: Bahářì
Publishing Trust, 1931/1970) 239; Persian text, Bahářuřlláh, Kitáb-i-Íqán: Book of Certitude (Germany: Bahářì
Verlag, 1980) 186, line 3.

circumpolar Asia ŕ for syntactical as well as semantic reasons, as the

previous sentence refers to Ŗplaces whose people were not informed of the
appearance of Prophets.ŗ
ŖIn ancient times the people of America were, through their northern
regions, close to Asia, that is, separated from Asia by a strait. For this
reason, it hath been said that crossing had occurred. There are other signs
which indicate communication.ŗ Here, ŘAbduřl-Bahá notes the possibility of
Ŗcommunicationŗ between the circumpolar regions of present-day Russia
and Alaska, presumably across the land-bridge of the the Bering Straits. It is
important to note that ŘAbduřl-Bahá does not commit Himself to this theory.
In saying that Ŗit hath been said that crossing had occurred,ŗ ŘAbduřl-Bahá
simply acknowledges a prevailing theory, advanced by some of the leading
geologists and anthropologists of the day. While the reader gets the sense ŕ
or even the distinct impression ŕ that ŘAbduřl-Bahá cites this scientific
authority with tacit approval,85 still He entertains the opposite possibility in
His response to what appears to have been Amìr Khánřs second concern or
question.
The land-bridge theory has its attractions for religious reasons, in that it
makes it possible for the ŖCall of Godŗ ŕ the saving Message of a
Manifestation of God ŕ to have reached the ancient inhabitants of North
America as the missionary by-product of the migration of peoples from East
Asia to North America. For this hypothesis to hold, not only would there
have to be persuasive evidence of material culture (and some argue that
there is), there would also have to be compelling evidence of similar
spiritual practices that resist the alternative explanation of having simply
reflected parallel developments. In neither case is there a sufficiently strong
monotheistic tradition (despite the presence of ŖHigh Godsŗ) that one might
expect from a Bahářì concept of a Manifestation of God.
[ADDISON] Despite the fact that this theory has its attractions for
religiously-minded people that measure prophetic authenticity by the
yardstick that youřve trenchantly termed ŖSemiticentrismŗ ŕ which term
perhaps we could refine as Arya-Semiticentrism (as the Bahářì Writings
acknowledge the non-Semitic, Aryan, Manifestations of God as well) ŕ the
Bering Straits theory has its detractors. Indeed, it has the opposite effect on
Native Americans. Most Native Americans see that Bering Straights theory
of our Native origins as the white manřs conception. You see, thatřs not how
we view our origins. Each tribal community may have one or more origin
85 Anecdotal evidence for this exists in the following reported utterance of ŘAbduřl-Bahá recorded by
Louis Gregory (who was later designated as a Hand of the Cause of God): ŖBut in very ancient times Asia led all
the continents in civilization. At this time there was a connection between Asia and America which was lost and
entirely forgotten. As to the belief of the American Indians in the Great Spirit, this is explained by the fact that
worship is inherent in the nature of man, who must have something above himself upon which he may depend.
Even men who are unconscious of this and deny it, depend upon it notwithstanding.ŗ Louis G. Gregory, ŘA
Heavenly Vista: The Pilgrimage of Louis G. Gregoryř (Ferndale, MI: Alpha Services, 1997 [reprint of original
edition: Washington. D.C.: Pendleton, 1911(?)]), 13.

story, often called Ŗmythsŗ which is (again) a very insensitive and hurtful
term. Why are our Native origin stories Ŗmythsŗ, but the Euro-American or
Euro-Canadian Ŗexplanationŗ considered Ŗscientific irrefutable proofŗ? (In
the same light, why are our Native arts called Ŗcraftsŗ or Ŗhandicraftsŗ and
Ŗhobbiesŗ and European examples Ŗhigh artŗ? and ŖFine artsŗ?)
As a Choctaw, I enjoy our own approaches to science and scientific

pursuits. We have them, you know, but about the only folks in the Western
Hemisphere that knows nothing about our Native sciences are the Euro-
American scientists and scholars. I find academics particularly fond of
claiming that our Indian origins are Ŗtheirŗ (the whiteřs) domain of study,
and that our own views of our own Native origins, are (by definition)
Ŗunscientific,ŗ Ŗunproven,ŗ Ŗlegendsŗ and Ŗtalesŗ and unreliable
undocumented Ŗmyths.ŗ
Our elders say that three Ŗtheoriesŗ of our origins include the following: (1)
first and foremost is that our people emerged out of Mother Earth at a
beautiful ancient Choctaw site near Philadelphia, Mississippi, known as
ŖNanih Waiyaŗ (ŖLeaning Mountainŗ). It is a stark soil mound physically,
but it is a Ŗbeautiful placeŗ for us, spiritually! Inwardly! Ancestrally! It is an
earthen mound that is now protected by the state of Mississippi as a state
park. We say it is being Ŗprotectedŗ from archaeologists that want to dig up
anything they can find, if it might contain Indian burials.
In our language, we have a beautiful origin statement: ŖHopaki fibna kask,

hattak at atoba ammona kat Nanih Waiyah.ŗ ŖThe place where man (hattak)
[meaning all peoples, men and women] came into being a long time ago was
Nanih Waiyah.ŗ You see, right there is a good example. In English, Ŗmanŗ
is the generic term for Ŗpeopleŗ ŕ yet it is a decidedly male-dominated
cultural matrix out of which English emerged. Not so with most of our
Native languages.
A second origin belief (not Ŗmyth,ŗ mind you) is that our ancient ancestors
came down from ancient American earthen mound civilizations such as
Cahokia and migrated into the Southeast. Many of our tribe truly believe
that we are descended from Cahokia, but scientists canřt prove or disprove
it. And they certainly wonřt even countenance our explanation, either.
Cahokia flourished from about 400 to 1450 CE and much of it still exists,
many earthen mounds in an ancient metropolis whose ruins are located not
far from St. Louis, MO and Collinsville, IL. A third possible explanation
from our elders states that ŕ instead of migrating from Siberia through the
Bering Straights, down through Alaska, Canada to Mississippi ŕ our own
ancestors came north from the Maya regions, boating up through the Gulf of
Mexico, up into what is now Mississippi untold thousands of years ago.
[BUCK] Yes, I see the problem here. These Bering Strait discussions
proceed from one major assumption: That the Ŗaboriginalŗ peoples of North

America were not Ŗoriginalŗ in that their physical and cultural origins are
derivative. That assumption must be looked squarely in the eye for what it
really is. And its limitations must be acknowledged as well.
In any event, the indigenous religions of North America have their own
history, development, and character ŕ entirely distinct from any Bering
Straits hypothesis. In other words, if we bracket the question of origins, itřs
quite clear that the subsequent history and development of Native American
traditions is an entirely separate matter altogether.
Now let us consider the possibility that Ŗfamilies of religionsŗ had existed
independently on continents that, until relatively recently, had little or no
contact ŕ and even less possibility of religious influence or syncretism ŕ
as ŘAbduřl-Bahá has stated in the Tablet of the ŖSeven Candles of Unityŗ:
ŖContinents remained widely divided, nay even among the peoples of one
and the same continent association and interchange of thought were well-
nigh impossible. Consequently intercourse, understanding and unity
amongst all the peoples and kindreds of the earth were unattainable.ŗ86 On
the basis of Bahářì texts taken together, we have firm acknowledgement of
at least three Ŗfamiliesŗ of religions and Manifestations ŕ and, now,
possibly four:
1. Pre-Semitic: Melchizedek, Adam, Noah).

2. Semitic/Abrahamic: Moses, Jesus, Muhammad.
3. Aryan: Krishna, Zoroaster, Buddha.
4. Native American/Native Canadian: White Buffalo Calf
Woman, Deganawidah (tentatively).
While I wonřt say that this list is complete or more representative than
previous Bahářì lists ŕ which consist of Semitic and Aryan Prophets
combined ŕ this one widens the circle and further universalizes Bahářì
universalism, I dare say.
[ADDISON] I have long been puzzled by so many Bahářìs who say they are
open-minded, but donřt really want to commit themselves to saying Indians
had real Manifestations of Gods or at least ŖMajorŗ Prophets of God! What
about a known and named Native Messenger of God, like Deganawidah.
Havenřt you presented him as a Ŗtest caseŗ for Bahářì recognition?
[BUCK] Yes, I certainly have. But first, let me say a few words about the
process of evaluating the qualifications or judging the authenticity of
anyone claiming to be a Messenger of God. Discussing the Ŗprophetic
credentialsŗ of a claimant is a proper religious and scholarly inquiry. Let me
explain. Such an inquiry serves to establish or disqualify the prophetic
86
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Selections From the Writings of ŘAbduřl-Bahá (Haifa: Bahářì World Centre, 1982),
31.

warrants of a claimant according to specified criteria from within a Bahářì,

Christian, Islamic or other perspective. While scholarship cannot stand in
the shoes of belief or faith, scholars can certainly discuss what has been
called the Ŗphenomenology of revelationŗ and study how such
characteristics are exemplified by any given religious figure. Thus, whether
from a scholarly or a religious perspective, we can examine the Ŗprophetic
credentialsŗ of a culture-hero such as Deganawidah.
According to Iroquois oral tradition, Deganawidah established the ŖGreat

Law of Peaceŗ87 ŕ arguably the first New World democracy, which one
scholar has dated at August 31, 1142.88 This could well be one of the criteria
of Deganawidahřs authenticity from a Bahářì perspective, since Ŗevery Faith
89
has given rise to a culture which flowered in different forms.ŗ History and
the problems of dating aside, may I ask how you personally respond to these
words of Deganawidah?
I carry the Mind of the Master of Life, and my message will bring an
end to the wars between east and west. The word that I bring is that
all peoples shall love one another and live together in peace. This
message has three parts: Righteousness and Health and Power -
Gaiihwiyo, Skenno, Gashedenza. And each part has two branches.
Righteousness means justice practised between men and between
nations; it means also a desire to see justice prevail.
Health means soundness of mind and body; it also means
peace, for that is what comes when minds are sane and bodies cared
for.
Power means authority, the authority of law and custom,
backed by such force as is necessary to make justice prevail; it also
means religion, for justice enforced is the will of the Holder of the
Heavens and has His sanction.
It will take the form of the Longhouse, in which there are
many fires, one for each family, yet all live as one household under
one Chief Mother. Hereabouts are Five Nations, each with its own
Council Fire, yet they shall live together as one household in peace.
They shall be the Kanonsiónni, the Longhouse. They shall have one
87
See John Arthur Gibson, Concerning the League: The Iroquois League Tradition as Dictated in
Onondaga by John Arthur Gibson. Newly Elicited, Edited and Translated by Hanni Woodbury in Collaboration
with Reg Henry and Harry Webster on the Basis of A.A. Goldenweiserřs Manuscript.(Winnipeg, Manitoba:
Algonquian and Iroquoian Linguistics, 1992); and Jacob Thomas, The White Roots of Peace: Reading of the Great
Law of Peace (Brantford, Ontario: Iroquoian Institute, 1992).
88
The ŖSix Nationsŗ of the Iroquois is a living confederacy of the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga,
Cayuga, Seneca, and Tuscarora tribes. Today, the Iroquois number more than 60,000 in population across 14
reservations and several urban centers in New York, Ontario, Quebec, Wisconsin, and Oklahoma.
89
From a letter dated 23 December 1942, written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to an individual Bahářì.
Cited by Chris Jones, ŖIndividual Bahářì Perspective on Spiritual Aspects of Cultural Diversity and Sustainable
Development: Towards a Second Enlightenmentŗ (2005).

mind and live under one law. Thinking shall replace killing, and there
90
shall be one Commonwealth.
I am Dekanawidah and with the Five Nationsř Confederate

Lords I plant the Tree of the Great Peace….
I name the tree the Tree of the Great Long Leaves. Under the
shade of this Tree of the Great Peace we spread the soft white
feathery down of the globe thistle as seats for you, Adodarhoh, and
your cousin Lords….
Roots have spread out from the Tree of the Great Peace, one
to the north, one to the east, one to the south and one to the west. The
name of these roots is The Great White Roots and their nature is
Peace and Strength….
We place at the top of the Tree of the Long Leaves an Eagle
who is able to see afar. If he sees in the distance any evil approaching
or any danger threatening he will at once warn the people of the
91
Confederacy.
Thereupon Tekanawita [Deganawidah] stood up in the center of the

gathering place, and then he said:First I will answer what it means to
say, ŖNow it is arriving, the Good Message.ŗ This, indeed, is what it
means: When it stops, the slaughter of your own people who live
here on earth, then everywhere peace will come about, by day and
also by night, and it will come about that as one travels around,
everyone will be related…
Now again [?], secondly I say, ŖNow it is arriving, the
Power,ŗ and this means that the different nations, all of the nations,
will become just a single one, and the Great Law will come into
being, so that all now will be related to each other, and there will
90
Deganawidah, quoted in P. Wallace, The White Roots of Peace 13Ŕ14. According to a note archived
in the Hewitt Papers, the Great Law is comprised of three dual concepts:
The League of the Iroquois was founded on six basic principles … But these six principles … were
expressed by (only) three terms, each of which denoted two of these underlying principles. These three terms are:
Ne? Skannon?, ne?, ga: i?hwiyo, and ga?shasdenhsen?. The first as applied to the body politic denotes peace,
tranquility, rest; but as applied to the human or living body of flesh and blood, it denotes health or soundness,
normal functional condition. War, strife, contention is the antithesis of the first meaning; and disease, illness,
obsession or possession by another personality, especially … through … sorcery [is the antithesis] of the second
meaning. Here we have the maximum extension and intention in the connotation of a term.
The second term is ga: i?hwi yo, which is not so easy of translation into English. Its first denotation is
gospel, wholesome doctrine, what is good to be heard, ethical teaching, values, ethics ŕ righteousness. As its
second meaning, it denotes justice, right, as formulated in the customs, manners, religion, and ritualistic
summations of the past experience of the people. The first is the teaching of a good doctrine; the second is the
establishment of the good doctrine in institutional forms.
The third is ga?shasdensa?, whose first denotation is force, as expressed in the war power of the
people; and its second meaning is the power, force or authority of the orenda or magic potency of the institutions
of the people. It was at this point only that religion … exerted its influence on the organic units of the social
structure.
The institutions arising from these six fundamental principles or conceptions were together called
Kaenensha?go: na, or the Great Commonwealth of Law.
John Napoleon Brinton Hewitt, qtd. in William Nelson Fenton, The Great Law and the Longhouse, 86.
See also Vecsey, Imagine Ourselves Richly 113Ŕ115.
91
Deganawidah, qtd. in Fenton, Parker on the Iroquois, Book III: The Constitution of the Five Nations,
33.

come to be just a single family, and in the future, in days to come,

this family will continue on.
Now in turn, the other, my third saying, ŖNow it is arriving,
the Peace,ŗ this means that everyone will become related, men and
also women, and also the young people and the children, and when
all are relatives, every nation, then there will be peace… Then there
will be truthfulness, and they will uphold hope and charity, so that it
is peace that will unite all of the people, indeed, it will be as though
they have but one mind, and they are a single person with only one
body and one head and one life, which means that there will be unity
… When they are functioning, the Good Message and also the Power
and the Peace, these will be the principal things everybody will live
92
by; these will be the great values among the people.
[ADDISON] To me, these words are magnificent. They ring as true to me

as the words of Bahářuřlláh Himself. And I know that at least a few other
Bahářìs feel the same way. What does your experience in these matters
reveal?
[BUCK] Quite true! Why else would Dr. David S. Ruhe publicly proclaim?
To the warring tribes 700Ŕ800 years ago there came an astonishing

Prophet of Peace ŕ Deganawidah united five, later six, mutually
hostile tribal groups in a federal union based on democracy, the first
in the Western Hemisphere. He cemented this union with a ŖGreat
Law of Peace,ŗ a constitution which propounded one expansive
human family… And thus, in Godřs Plan, with Benjamin Franklin
and Thomas Jefferson as perceptive mediators, the Bill of Rights and
the Constitution were vital steps (after the War of Independence
[1775Ŕ1783]) toward realising in America the Iroquois concept of
the primacy of individual rights as superior to property and power.
And of course the Iroquois foreshadowed, in their Longhouse of sky
93
and earth, the planetary Message of the Bahářì Faith for today.
[BUCK] If this new approach might be tried out as an experiment ŕ that is,
the recognition, acknowledgement, and validation of Indigenous prophets
on the part of the Bahářì community (whether officially or at the level of
praxis) ŕ what social benefits might accrue? What do you foresee?
[ADDISON] Alex Poorman, a Cree Bahářì of the Poorman Reserve, said, in

reference to the first National Bahářì Convention Indians that he had
attended in Canada, Ŗ[W]hen the diversity of the human race comes
together, thereřs a tremendous power released. And this was the first time
that this had happened in Canada, where we have two different cultures, the
92
Deganawidah, quoted in John Arthur Gibson, Concerning the League, 36Ŕ41.
93
David S. Ruhe, ŖA New Evolution: Religious Bonding for World Unity,ŗ Journal of Bahářì Studies
6.4 (1994-1995): 45Ŕ57 [45].

Native people, and the people that had come from Europe. Two cultures and
we came together in the Bahářì Faith.řŗ A review of research into the
94
growth of the Bahářì Faith around the world, published in 2000, concludes:
ŖAs community after community steadily awakens to the possibility of unity
in diversity, the pain caused by centuries of racial and ethnic violence is
being openly acknowledged and addressed, and the first glimmerings of
healing can be discerned.ŗ This healing process, which is ongoing and ever
95
widening, is also a major contributing factor that will ensure that Native
American peoples and cultures, with the flute performances and powwow
dancing of culture-bearers such as Kevin Locke, will survive.
[BUCK] Yes. Kevin Locke makes this very point when he said in an
interview:
As he [Kevin Locke] explored the history and tenets of the Faith,

which teaches that there is only one God and that all of the worldřs
religions, including many indigenous ones, are expressions of the
same ancient and eternal faith, he decided that many of the
prophecies of the White Buffalo Calf Woman had been fulfilled.
ŖThe central prayer of the Lakota is to be sheltered under the ŘTree of
Life,ř and the teachings about the great ŘHoop of Lifeř are that the
many hoops of creation, or, peoples of the world are interconnected
and destined to come together,ŗ he said, pointing out that one of the
titles of Bahářuřlláh, the Founder of the Bahářì Faith, is the ŖTree of
Life.ŗ
ŖI realized that the teachings of the Woman [White Buffalo Calf

Woman] were part of a great process of divine revelation that all
peoples have taken part of, and that it has reached its culmination in
the Bahářì Faith,ŗ he said. ŖI also realized that what the Bahářì Faith
teaches does not detract from or in anyway negate my own
traditional religion. Many people ask me, ŘHow does the Bahářì Faith
tie in with your Indian spiritual traditions?ř Because there is an
assumption that people get from their experience with Christianity, at
least as practiced here, that you have to renounce your former
practices when you join a new religion.
ŖBut the Bahářì writings say that all peoples have received a portion
of the divine bounty, and that this bounty is all from the same
source,ŗ he said. ŖIn other words, the truly valid and beautiful
spiritual traditions are from one source and they all have prophetic
traditions that point to the same point of unity and to the same
glorious future for humanity, which is the unfoldment of an all-
94. Quoted in Patricia Verge, Angus: From The Heart, 75.

95. The Bahářì World Centre, The Bahářì World 1998Ŕ1999: An International Record (Haifa, Israel:
World Centre Publications, 2000), 89.

embracing world civilization. So there is no need to deny or negate

or invalidate each otherřs spiritual heritage.ŗ96
Note here that this official Bahařì publication (One Country is the
ŖNewsletter of the Bahářì International Communityŗ) goes on record to state
that the Bahářì ŖFaith…teaches that there is only one God and that all of the
worldřs religions, including many indigenous ones, are expressions of the
same ancient and eternal faith.ŗ Not many Bahářìs are actually aware of this
representation ŕ this crucial nuance ŕ of the Bahářì doctrine of
ŖProgressive Revelation.ŗ
[ADDISON] Please elaborate on this line of reasoning.
[BUCK] The Bahářì teachings embody what has been termed a Ŗtheory of
civilization.ŗ In fine, the Bahářì perspective, as I understand it, inextricably
links social evolution with spiritual evolution. In other words, civilization
cannot progress without Progressive Revelation. Social evolution would
have no generative force were it not for the regenerative forces released by
these charismatic spiritual geniuses ŕ Native Messengers of God, Krishna,
Moses, Zoroaster, Christ, Muhammad, the Báb, and Bahářuřlláh, to name a
few ŕ who punctuate history to create the moral and social foundations for
the advancement of civilization.
Kevin Locke also speaks of the prophecies of White Buffalo Calf Woman as
having been fulfilled by the advent of Bahářuřlláh. How, then, are Native
prophecies possible without Native Prophets?
[ADDISON] Point well-taken!
[BUCK] For each and every Lakota Bahářì Iřve read about or met, White
Buffalo Calf Woman is clearly a Messenger of God. Would you agree?
[ADDISON] Yes, absolutely.
[BUCK] The presence of Lakota Bahářìs is part of the diversity that so

greatly enriches the Bahářì world community. Yet there exists some real
confusion on the part of many Bahářìs, who are either at a loss as to how to
integrate the rich religious diversity that Native Americans bring to the
Bahářì experience of unity in diversity. Some Bahářìs are locked into an
ŖArya-Semiticentricŗ ŕ to coin your improvement of my neologism,
ŖSemiticentrism,ŗ Don ŕ worldview, such that no authentic Prophets can
have ever existed (unless Ŗunnamedŗ and therefore unproblematic) outside
of the Semitic (i.e., Judaism, Christianity, Islam) and Aryan (i.e., Hinduism,
Zoroastrianism, Buddhism) families of religions. How do we clear up this
96
ŖHoop dancing and world citizenship: meet Kevin Lockeŗ One Country 8.2 (JulyŔSept. 1996).
(Emphasis added.)

confusion, Don? What insights do your have to offer, from a Native

perspective?
[ADDISON] Well, for one thing, donřt the Native American religions
represent another distinct Ŗfamily of religions,ŗ just like the Semitic and
Aryan religions, as you have rightly pointed out? I think you had previously
made that point in your 1996 ŖNative Messengersŗ paper. But let me talk
about the Ŗextended familyŗ of Native peoples worldwide.
More broadly, the consciousness of interrelatedness of all indigenous

peoples would quickly clear up this confusion. This interrelatedness of
Native peoples has inspired some films done by our late Bahářì brother, and
my Choctaw brother, Phil Lucas, who just passed away in Issaquah,
Washington. Watch those films. He, for example, links up the Seri of
Tiburon Island (Mexico), with the Kwakiutl of Canadařs Northwest
Territories, with the Maori of New Zealand, with the Aborigines of
Australia. He called them, ŖStorytellers of the Pacific Rim,ŗ and this film
documentary was broadcast on ŖIdentityŗ ŕ which I use in all the cultural
97
anthropology classes I teach.
I believe what Bahářuřlláh says about the Prophets of God must include
Native Prophets. This should pose no threat to Bahářìs who carry more
traditional views. I can tell you that I was physically present when I heard
Jacqueline Left Hand Bull (now Chair of the National Spiritual Assembly of
the Bahářìs of the United States) refer, almost as a side note, that, to her,
Bahářuřlláh represents the ŖPromised Return of the White Buffalo Calf
Woman.ŗ She made no further issue of it at all! In fact, I personally
witnessed Jacqueline say that she believes Bahářuřlláh is the Return of
White Buffalo Calf Woman at two Bahářì events: once when she spoke at
an Association for Bahářì Studies conference, and a second time at a Native
Bahářì gathering at the Brighton Creek Conference Center grounds near
Yelm, Washington.98 I should highlight the fact that her comments at both
events were very natural, that she didnřt go into any further detail about this
statement, that she didnřt appear to sense that anyone in either audience
would object. It was a very matter-of-fact statement. Since she saw no need
to explain or defend it, she didnřt offer any further discussion or Ŗproof.ŗ
She just made a simple statement of faith and personal conviction ŕ as if
all in the hall would understand ŕ and that was that! Iřve never heard other
Lakotas (whether Bahářì or not) try to Ŗfill in the blanksŗ and get others to
acknowledge that White Buffalo Calf Woman was a real prophet! Itřs
almost irrelevant.
97 See Storytellers of the Pacific: Identity (1996).

98 See also a published statement to this effect: ŖThe Return of the ŘWhite Buffalo Calf Womanř:
Prophecy of the Lakota,ŗ interview of Counsellor Jacqueline Left Hand Bull by U.S. National Spiritual Assembly
member, Patricia Locke (Lakota) in 1989.

Bahářìs in every community trace their descent to any number of various

ethnic and cultural backgrounds. In fact, the lack of any one dominant
cultural community or perspective in the Bahářì Faith clearly illustrates its
all-embracing nature, and Native Americans quickly notice this
characteristic of Bahářì communities. At the international level, Amoz
99
Gibson, who descended from Native American, African American, and
Scottish Irish ancestry, was elected, at the Royal Albert Hall in London in
1963, to the first Universal House of Justice, which has established its Seat
100
on Mount Carmel in Israel. Native peoples were elated and deeply moved
when this happened, because Gibsonřs election to that august institution
became a clear and powerful demonstration that Bahářìs were putting the
Bahářì teachings into practice.
More importantly, most American Indian Bahářìs are more invested in the
discussions of how we can help our Euro-American Bahářì brothers and
sisters better appreciate the gifts that we (Natives and Euro-Americans) can
contribute together to the accomplishment of ŘAbduřl-Bahářs great
prophecy.
[BUCK] Letřs talk about the importance of cultural diversity as a shared

communally shared value. Article 1 of UNESCOřs Universal Declaration
on Cultural Diversity states: ŖCultural diversity is as necessary for
humankind as biodiversity is for nature.ŗ Would you agree when I say?:
ŖCultural diversity is as necessary for the Bahářì community as it is for
humanity at large.ŗ
[ADDISON] How could I not? Listen to this interview with Jacqueline Left
Hand Bull:
Patricia Locke: How many Indians do you estimate are Bahářìs in

the Americas?
Left Hand Bull: There are probably over 200,000 Indian Bahářìs in
the Americas. Most ŕ the vast majority ŕ are in South America,
where there are very large populations of Indians, many who donřt
even speak Spanish. But Central America also has quite a few
thousand, especially among the Mayan Indians.
Patricia Locke: Why do you think so many indigenous people have
become Bahářì?
Left Hand Bull: I think indigenous people are initially attracted to the
Bahářì Faith for two or three reasons. For some, it is the fact that the
teachings of the Faith emphasize the importance of preserving Native
cultures. We know that we, and all Indians, have been under
tremendous pressure to assimilate into non-Indian ways, so it is a
99 Quoted in Verge, Angus: From The Heart, 101.

100 The Universal House of Justice is the nine-member, internationally elected administrative
institution that is the governing body of the Bahářìs throughout the globe.

confirmation for many to learn that a Messenger of God brought this

particular teaching over a hundred years ago.101
I really appreciate this statement: ŖFor some, it is the fact that the teachings
of the Faith emphasize the importance of preserving Native cultures.ŗ It
should become a more pronounced ŕ and practiced ŕ Bahářì principle.
Not everything in our indigenous cultures should be preserved. But, here,
unity should stress cultural preservation (survival), not assimilation
(extinction), even though a Ŗworld cultureŗ will likely emerge, coefficient
with the kind of world unity that Bahářìs have been advocating all along.
[BUCK] In keeping with what you have said, there has been an official or
semi-official Bahářì endorsement of precisely this perspective. In fact, the
Canadian Bahářì pamphlet, The Right to An Identity, is one of the most
remarkable Bahářì documents Iřve seen. It states, in part:
Our hope is that Canada will be the first nation on earth to give
practical force to the most fundamental right of all: the right of every
citizen to be what God has made him.
Some of the steps which can contribute to such a breakthrough are:

• Recruitment of native Canadians as teachers and teaching
assistants.
• Kindergarten and some primary instruction in the native
language of the children.
• Development of courses of study covering the entire religious
heritage of mankind.
• Involvement of Indian youth in Canadařs overseas aid programs.
• Inclusion of the right to a cultural identity in any civil rights
entrenched in the Constitution.102
Note here the proposal for a new constitutional right to be added to the
Canadian Constitution! Also note the recommending of the Ŗ[d]evelopment
of courses of study covering the entire religious heritage of mankindŗ ŕ
which presumably adumbrates Native Canadian and Native American
religions. Does it stand to reason that whatever the Bahářì community
proposes for adoption as a fundamental right ŕ whether under
constitutional law or under international law ŕ the Bahářì community
ought to accept for itself? What do you think, Don?
[ADDISON] I am currently using copies of The Right to an Identity with all

my summer semester students at the University of Oregon! I made copies
101
Jacqueline Left Hand Bull, ŖThe Return of the ŘWhite Buffalo Calf Womanř: Prophecy of the
Lakotaŗ (South Dakota, 1989) See also: Counsellor Jacqueline Left Hand Bull Delahunt, ŖBahářì,ŗ in A
Parliament of Souls: In Search of Global Spirituality. Interviews with 28 Spiritual Leaders from Around the
World, ed. M. Tobias, J. Morrison, B. Gray (San Francisco: KQED Books, 1995), 22.
102
The Right to An Identity (Toronto: The Canadian Bahářì Community National Office, n.d.), 9. Color
copy of this pamphlet provided courtesy of Chelsea Dawn Horton.

for every single student! They loved it! As for striking a symmetry between
between our own practices and those which we propose that governments,
such as Canada, ought to adopt, it seems perfectly obvious to me that we are
obligated to practice what we preach. So, we ought to recognize Ŗthe right to
a cultural identityŗ as a Bahářì principle and we ought to develop Ŗcourses
of study covering the entire religious heritage of mankindŗ ŕ curricula that
recognize and include Native Canadian and Native American religions.
Imagine ŕ when a Bahářì community like Canada takes a visible position
of advocacy for Native rights and recognition of Native religions ŕ how
else can we escape a charge of ideological duplicity unless we ourselves
model such noble principles as these! Isnřt that what you and I are partly
endeavoring to accomplish in this collaboration of ours?
[BUCK] Dr. Addison, friend and colleague, yes, I wholeheartedly agree. I

guess thatřs why this conversation has been important. We should probably
bring this discussion to a close. I can tell you that I am certainly not alone
among Bahářì scholars in reading ŘAbduřl-Bahářs Tablet to Amìr Khán as
providing independently sufficient warrant for ŖMessengers of God to First
Nationsŗ as a valid Bahařì principle. For instance, let me introduce my
friend and colleague, Dr. Necati Alkan, who is currently a visiting scholar in
Bahářì studies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. In 2004, Dr. Alkan
successfully defended his doctoral dissertation, The Bábì and Bahářì
Religions in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey, 1844Ŕ1928, at the Ruhr-
Universität Bochum. In 1998, he completed his Masterřs thesis, Die Bahářì-
Religion und ihre Beziehung zu den islamischen Reformbewegungen am
Ausgang des Osmanischen Reiches, 1860Ŕ1922.103
Dr. Alkan, what is your reading of ŘAbduřl-Bahářs Tablet to Amìr Khán? In

your professional and personal opinion, and based on your knowledge of the
Bahářì source languages of Persian, Arabic, and Turkish ŕ together with
your investigation of ancillary, authoritative Bahářì statements that bear on
the question that we now have before us ŕ is this a clear Text?
[ALKAN] As to the text in the Tablet to Amír Khán, for me it sounds clear
that Prophets must have appeared in America in ancient times. Otherwise
why would ŘAbduřl-Bahá say Ŗthe Call of God must have been raised in
ancient timesŗ? Who else, if not a Prophet/Messenger, raised the ŖCall of
Godŗ? I do not see a problem when ŘAbduřl-Bahá says that the Ŗmust have
been raisedŗ and, on the basis of this clear statement, effectively admits
Native American Messengers of God into the line of Ŗourŗ Prophets. You
discuss this all in your article clearly.104
103
Dr. Alkanřs curriculum vita may be accessed at online and a list of his publications is also available.
104
Dr. Necati Alkan, e-mail, dated 27 May 2007, in reply to Dr. Christopher Buck. Slightly edited and
cited with permission. The statement, ŖYou discuss this all in your article clearly,ŗ refers to the article, Christopher
Buck, ŖNative Messengers of God in Canada?: A Test Case for Bahářì Universalism.ŗ idem, ŖBahářì
Universalism and Native Prophets.ŗ

My reading is based both on the Persian reading and English translation.

Only a Prophet/Messenger can Ŗnida-yi ilahi buland gashtihŗ ŕ raise the
Call of God! And I checked Shoghi Effendiřs translation of the word Ŗal-
battihŗ: he translates it as Ŗwithout doubtŗ, Ŗno doubtŗ, Ŗof a certaintyŗ,
Ŗunfailinglyŗ, Ŗsurelyŗ, Ŗmost certainlyŗ, etc.105 I really do not know what
the problem is with stating that there were Prophets sent to the First Nations.
I would base my arguments on the following reasons:
1. ŘAbduřl-Bahářs statement in the Tablet to Amìr Khán is

unambiguous. Who else than Prophets or Messengers can raise
the Call of God?
2. According to ŘAbduřl-Bahá, only 28 prophets (anbìyář) are
mentioned in the Qurřan by name. There are many others who
are unnamed.
3. The Qurřan says: ŖAnd there never was a people, without a
Warner having lived among them (in the past).ŗ (Q. 35:24); and
Ŗ… to every people a guideŗ (Q. 13:7).
4. Shoghi Effendi states that the nine religions that Bahářìs
regularly speak of is sufficient yet not exhaustive. Consider this
statement: ŖThe number nine, which in itself is the number of
perfection, is considered by the Bahářìs as sacred, because it is
symbolic of the perfection of the Bahářì Revelation which
constitutes the ninth in the line of existing religions, the latest
and fullest Revelation which mankind has ever known. The
eighth is the religion of the Báb and the remaining seven are:
Hinduism, Buddhism, Zoroastrianism, Judaism, Christianity,
Islám, and the religion of the Sabaeans. These religions are not
the only true religions that have appeared in the world but are the
only ones still existing. There have always been Divine Prophets
and Messengers, to many of whom the Qurřán refers. But the
only ones existing are those mentioned above.ŗ106
This statement must not be read dogmatically and exclusively, for

Shoghi Effendi hastens to add: ŖThe Guardian feels that with
intellectuals and students of religion the question of exactly
which are the nine existing religions is controversial, and it
would be better to avoid it. He does not want the friends to be
rigid in these matters, but use their judgment and tact, sometimes
one statement is exactly the right thing for one type of mind and
the wrong thing for another.ŗ107
5. Therefore, in my opinion, Bahářì doctrine can recognize ŕ at

least in principle ŕ the existence of other Prophets, such Native
American Messengers of God. In response to a believer who
105
Dr. Necati Alkan, e-mail, dated 28 May 2007.
106
Shoghi Effendi, Directives from the Guardian (New Delhi: Bajaři Publishing Trust, 1973), 51Ŕ52.
107
ibid, 52.

raised this issue, Shoghi Effendi explained: ŖRegarding your

question: the only reason there is not more mention of the
Asiatic Prophets is because their names seem to be lost in the
mists of ancient history. Buddha is mentioned and Zoroaster in
our scriptures ŕ both non-Jewish or non-Semitic Prophets. We
are taught that there have always been Manifestations of God,
but we do not have any record of their names.ŗ108 This same
reasoning can certainly be applied to the question of whether
Bahářì doctrine can accept the existence of ŖMessengers of God
to First Nations,ŗ as you say.109
These ancillary texts provide strong support for the argument based on the
Tablet to Amír Khán. To be honest, in light of this clear Text that has now
surfaced and come to light, I fail to see why some Bahářì scholars still
object to the idea of Native American Prophets.110
In conclusion, it is my professional and personal opinion that ŘAbduřl-

Bahářs Tablet to Amìr Khán provides a sufficiently clear text to warrant
ŖMessengers of God to First Nationsŗ as a valid Bahářì principle. I will be
happy if you would extract my comments from my e-mails and add it to the
conversation between you and Dr. Addison.111
[ADDISON] Yakoke! Dr. Alkan, for providing this independent attestation!
[BUCK] Dr. Addison, let me recapitulate what I understand to be our

collaborative and conversive thesis and reasoning here. In the Tablet to
Amír Khán, ŘAbduřl-Bahá is speaking about two distinct, yet interrelated
subjects: the question of migration and then the question of revelation.
Although we do not have the exact questions posed by Amir Khan, ŘAbduřl-
Bahářs reply should be accounted as an answer to the question of crossing
and communication, including the issue of whether there was any religious
influence as a result of this migration. I agree with you, Don, that ŘAbduřl-
Bahá is simply acknowledging the currency of this theory without endorsing
it. First, ŘAbduřl-Bahá acknowledges that a migration across the Bering
Straits has been postulated by scholars. I would concede that ŘAbduřl-Bahá
cites this theory with tacit approval, but only to the extent that migration
may well have occurred. Forgive the pun, but the Bering Straits have little
or no Ŗbearingŗ on Native American religions.
[ADDISON] In fact, the Bering Straits theory is reductive, not productive. I

might add that other Native scholars say much the same thing. Lakota
108
From a letter, dated 10 October 1950, written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi. Lights of Guidance: A
Bahářì Reference File, comp. H. Hornby, 2nd ed. (New Delhi: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1988), 503.
109
Dr. Necati Alkan, e-mail, dated 29 May 2007, in reply to Dr. Christopher Buck. Slightly edited and
cited with permission.
110
ibid.
111
Dr. Necati Alkan, e-mail, dated 3 June 2007, in reply to Dr. Christopher Buck. Slightly edited and
cited with permission.

author and scholar, Vine Deloria, Jr., has written extensively on this in Red
Earth, White Lies: Native Americans and the Myth of Scientific Fact.112 So
has Devon Mihesuah, associate professor of American Indian history,
Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff, and member of the Choctaw Nation
of Oklahoma, who states that the stereotype that ŖIndians arrived in this
hemisphere via the Siberian land bridgeŗ is simply not what Indians, on the
whole, believe. The reality, she says, is that ŖIndians believe that they were
created in this hemisphere.ŗ113
[BUCK] Yes, the Bering Straits theory treats Native American spirituality
as a genetic question. In focusing almost exclusively on origins, it
practically excludes the question of development, doesnřt it? In any event,
simple logic rules out genetic arguments that would suggest that Native
American religions are derivative as a consequence of the Bering Straits
migrations. Consider:
Despite truth-claims of Mormon doctrine to the contrary, scholars have

found no trace of Western religious influence ŕ whether that of
Judaism, Zoroastrianism, Christianity, or Islam ŕ on the American
continent before the European conquest and colonization of the
Americas. Nor, for that matter, are there any pre-Columbian relics or
doctrinal vestiges of the so-called Eastern religions, such as Buddhism, to be
found in the Americas.
The verb Ŗforgottenŗ (farámush shudih ast) in the Tablet to Amír

Khán, therefore, is not related to those religions, for the simple reason that
the utter lack of evidence clearly shows that these religions did not enter the
Americas ŕ whether in antiquity or in the medieval period ŕ prior to the
European conquest and colonization.
[ADDISON] This is an argument from silence, with which I agree.
[BUCK] Yes, the silence is resounding, isnřt it? In addition to this

argumentum ex nihilo, we also have Qurřánic arguments and terminological
arguments as well.
Now letřs revisit the Qurřánic text that ŘAbduřl-Bahá adduced. In citing the
verse of the Qurřán, ŖWe will not chastise them if they had not been sent a
Messengerŗ (Q. 17:15), ŘAbduřl-Bahá invokes traditional Islamic reasoning
to register a key point: By implication, this verse implies that North
America has been the scene of the advent of Native Messengers of God
112
Vine Deloria, Jr., Red Earth, White Lies: Native Americans and the Myth of Scientific Fact (Reissue
edn.: Fulcrum Publishing, 1997), at 67Ŕ91, and passim at xi, 6, 31, 33, 47, 55, 93, 94, 95, 161, 196Ŕ197, and 211.
Deloria underscores the absolute lack of Indian oral tradition about such a migration at pp. 81Ŕ83, and suggests
alternative theories at pp. 33Ŕ34 and 59Ŕ60, not to mention the general lack of evidence for the Bering Straits
theory at pp. 58Ŕ62, 70Ŕ73, and 91, with topographical factors in opposition to such a migration at pp. 72Ŕ76.
113
Devon A. Mihesuah, American Indians: Stereotypes & Realities (Regina, Saskatchewan: Clarity
Press, 1998), 46.

since other Qurřanic passages, in relation to this verse, clearly testify that
God has sent a Messenger to every nation (ummah) (Q. 10:47; cf. 35:24).
Thus a whole-to-part deduction obtains here. This doctrinal evidence from
the Qurřán necessitates the advent of the Native Manifestations of God
specifically for the Ŗpeople of Americaŗ (ahl-i Amrík), as ŘAbduřl-Bahá
explicitly indicates in the Tablet to Amír Khán.
Bahářuřlláh points to Qurřanic universalisms as well, as Dr. Alkan has

already noted. We can extend this reasoning geographically and historically,
even though this is a religious argument rather than an archaeological or
historical one. In His Commentary on the Surah of the Sun, after explaining
that by al-shams (Ŗsunŗ) is meant the Manifestation of God, Bahářuřlláh
affirms the truth of Q. 10:47 and parallels: ŖThen, in another station, it
referreth to the Prophets and Pure Ones of God, for They are the Suns of
His names and attributes amidst His creation. Were it not for Them, no one
would have been illumined by the mystical knowledge of God. As thou
canst see, every nation on earth hath been enlightened by one of these
brightly shining Suns. Whoso denieth Them remaineth deprived.ŗ114 In this
statement, Bahářuřlláh declares that Messengers of God have appeared to
every one of the peoples of earth, although in sundry times and places.
Obviously this includes, inter alia, Native Americans and Native Canadians,
as ŘAbduřl-Bahá clearly affirms in the Tablet to Amír Khán.
[ADDISON] This traditional Islamic argument, as made by both

Bahářuřlláh and ŘAbduřl-Bahá, makes eminent sense as well. Note that
ŘAbduřl-Bahá applies this reasoning specifically to North America.
[BUCK] In addition to arguments from silence and Islamic reasoning, we

can point to a terminological argument as well. Weřve already demonstrated
that the ŖCall of Godŗ (nidá-yi iláhí) is a Bábì and Bahářì euphemism for
Manifestations of God, or, derivatively, in reference to belief in or
promulgation of Their teachings. By the phrase of the ŖCall of Godŗ is
definitely meant the advent of ŖManifestations of Godŗ ŕ or, derivatively,
recognition and promulgation of Their Teachings ŕ as Iřve demonstrated in
the various Bahářì texts that weřve previously adduced. The Bahářì
meanings attached to this term are all unified by reference to divine
Manifestations or the divine Teachings that emanate from Them.
Thus, in this Tablet, the phrase, Ŗthe Call of Godŗ is not referring to the Call
of God raised by the promulgators of previous religions, because their
adherents never reached the Americas in pre-Columbian times in the first
place. If such were the case, then we would expect to find a few vestiges, at
least, of such cultural influences, even admixed with superstitions. Yet this
expectation has never been met.
114
Adapted from translation by J. Cole of Bahářuřlláhřs Commentary on the Surah of the Sun (Ames,
Iowa: Omphaloskepsis, 2000) at 10Ŕ11

[ADDISON] Yes, the fact is that we have precious few artifacts that suggest
such religious influence should indicate that Native American religious
possess their own distinctive character.
[BUCK] Yes, in our argument from silence, weřve already noted that there
is no trace of such putative religious influence from Siberia on North
America, except perhaps for shamanism. This can just as easily be explained
as a parallel development. In any case, no prior influences are sufficient to
account for the teachings of Deganawidah, which are remarkable in that
they are as original as they are fully consonant with Bahářì teachings.
Would you agree?
[ADDISON] Deganawidahřs religious teachings are quite advanced ŕ a far

cry from the inauthentic, to be sure.
[BUCK] Quite so. Now letřs review our geographical argument: Reflect on
this emphatic statement by ŘAbduřl-Bahá: ŖUndoubtedly in those regions
the Call of God must have been raised in ancient times, but it hath been
forgotten now.ŗ115 The words, ŖUndoubtedly in those regionsŗ (al-battih dar
án s.afahát) indicates either North America in particular or the Americas in
general (and so, both). This phrase obviously cannot mean Asia, since
Manifestations of God had already appeared in Asia.
[ADDISON] ŘAbduřl-Bahářs reference to North America is explicit

textually and patent contextually.
[BUCK] Iřd say that you are living proof of that point, Don! Now letřs
review another argument from silence: diminished influence. The verb
Ŗforgottenŗ (farámush shudih ast) scarcely means obliterated. Rather, in
most cases, Ŗforgottenŗ means diminished influence, not total
disappearance. That having been said, I must concede a sad fact of history:
It is true that some Native religions have became extinct whenever language
and culture were eradicated, which is a tragic outcome of much of the
history of Indian Country. Nevertheless, I believe that what ŘAbduřl-Bahá
primarily means here is that the teachings and influence of these Native
Manifestations of God has waxed and waned. They longer possess the
currency and influence that They once enjoyed.
[ADDISON] Yes, Iřve already spoken of how some of our Choctaw

traditions have largely disappeared, although the cultural values and wisdom
that these have imparted are woven into the fabric of who we are as a
people.
115
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Tablet to Amír Khán Áhan of Tehran, This text appears at the top of the page at 2-47

[BUCK] Now letřs recap our exegesis with a rhetorical argument: ŘAbduřl-
Bahá uses the adverb, Ŗundoubtedlyŗ (al-battih) with such rhetorical force
that we cannot doubt His word that the ŖCall of Godŗ was raised in
America. If our interpretation that the ŖCall of Godŗ essentially means
ŖManifestation of God,ŗ then ŘAbduřl-Bahářs rhetorical use of
Ŗundoubtedlyŗ raises the the appearance of Native Manifestations of God to
a level of doctrinal certainty!
[ADDISON] Yes. We cannot take this statement lightly. It is definitive. I

cannot escape this conclusion in my reading of this Tablet.
[BUCK] And so, in light of our informally logical, Islamic, terminological,

and rhetorical arguments, here is the interpretive challenge: Is the Tablet to
Amìr Khán this a Ŗclear Textŗ or not? Although whatever ŘAbduřl-Bahá is
stating is stated forcefully, I concede that no consensus has yet emerged as
to whether ŘAbduřl-Bahá is referring to Native Manifestations of God or
otherwise. Eleven years ago, in 1996, this Text was admittedly not Ŗclearŗ
enough for the Universal House of House to make an official
pronouncement (either way) at that time.
[ADDISON] Times can change. What about now, in 2007?
[BUCK] Perhaps in the near future, God-willing, the the Universal House of
House might revisit this question in light of a fuller analysis by the Research
Department of the Tablet to Amír Khán ŕ possibly in reference to the
detailed textual and contextual analysis that you and I have offered here.
[ADDISON] So the question is still open? Certainly this issue is still alive.
[BUCK] Well, we can at least proceed from the fact that the House says, in
its letter cited after the English translation, that while there is nothing in the
Writings that definitively establishes ŖMessengers of God to First Nations,ŗ
there is nothing in the Writings to deny it.
[ADDISON] Iřd say that what we are proposing is relatively new and
controversial ŕ yet of far-reaching and profound importance for Native
teaching. This question again stands before us as a Bahářì community, and
deserves our serious reconsideration, rather than brusque dismissal, which is
what Iřve seen in recent discussions of this question online, where you were
more or less pilloried in cyberspace.
[BUCK] That comes with the territory of presenting anything thatřs novel
and new. Still, in covering new doctrinal territory, and in pushing the
frontiers of Bahářì universalism, you and I have stood our ground.
[ADDISON] Are you as certain of your reading of the Tablet of Amír Khán
in 2007 as you were in 1996 when your ŖNative Messengersŗ paper was

first published, or as you were in 1994 when you first publicly presented it
at the Association for Bahářì Studies conference at Harvard?
[BUCK] Yes. And Dr. David S. Ruhe, who was there and came to my
defense during the vigorous discussion that followed, inspired in me even
greater confidence.
After serious study of this text for well over a decade, I have scholarly and
spiritual certitude that ŘAbduřl-Bahářs use of the term, the ŖCall of God,ŗ is
a clear reference to Manifestations of God, since every single text where this
expression occurs warrants ŕ if not compels ŕ the conclusion that the
ŖCall of Godŗ (nidá-yi-iláhí) is clearly a Bábì and Bahářì euphemism for
Manifestations of God, or, derivatively, for a belief in or promulgation of
Their teachings, as Iřve previously stated.
In fine, the Tablet to Amír Khán is, in my estimation, a sufficiently clear

text that enunciates what amounts to a newly-discovered Bahářì teaching
that Native Manifestations of God have definitely appeared in the Americas.
On its surface, the Tablet to Amír Khán appears to be a piece of
correspondence of relatively minor importance, yet which, in actuality, is a
unique text. For out of the entire corpus of Bábí and Bahářì sacred Texts,
this is the only definitive and authoritative Bahářì statement on the issue of
Native Manifestations of God raised up in the Americas.
[ADDISON] And how does this all tie in with ŘAbduřl-Bahářs Ŗsole racial
prophecyŗ (as Chelsea Horton has characterized it) of the destiny of
American Indians to enlighten the world?
[BUCK] As you well know, another singular text is the Tablets of the
Divine Plan, where ŘAbduřl-Bahá states: ŖAttach great importance to the
indigenous population of America. For these souls may be likened unto the
ancient inhabitants of the Arabian Peninsula, who, prior to the Mission of
Muhammad, were like unto savages. When the light of Muhammad shone
forth in their midst, however, they became so radiant as to illumine the
world. Likewise, these Indians, should they be educated and guided, there
can be no doubt that they will become so illumined as to enlighten the
whole world.ŗ116 Underscoring the fact that this statement is without parallel
in other Bahářì texts, the Research Department concludes: ŖThe Masterřs
likening of the indigenous Americans to the pre-Islamic Arabs, which is
described in His Tablets of the Divine Plan, is not noticed in His other
works.ŗ117
116
Revealed on April 8, 1916, in the garden outside the Shrine of Bahářuřlláh, and addressed to the
Bahářìs of the United States and Canada. ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Tablets of the Divine Plan (Wilmette, Illinois: U.S.
Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1993) 33.
117
See Appendix One, infra.

Since ŘAbduřl-Bahá compared the American Indians to the ancient Arabs,

then the appearance of Native Manifestations of God ŕ such as Chah-
Tah,118 ŕ the Prophet of your people, the Choctaw Nation ŕ White
Buffalo Calf Woman, and Deganawidah ŕ would complete the analogy, as
counterparts to Hud, Sálih, and Muhammad.
[ADDISON] Youřre not suggesting that Deganawidah is the New World

Muhammad?
[BUCK] No, except that Deganawidah may be a figure of comparable

influence in the New World.
[ADDISON] Granted. But where does this line of reasoning lead?
[BUCK] Bear in mind that we are basically arguing for recognition of a

Bahářì principle of First Nations Manifestations, not necessarily a
concomitant recognition of the principals (names of these Manifestations),
even though we can certainly acknowledge and honor their mention, such as
that of Deganawidah, just as the late Dr. David S. Ruhe stated, which I
quote once more: ŖTo the warring tribes 700Ŕ800 years ago there came an
astonishing Prophet of Peace ŕ Deganawidah united five, later six,
mutually hostile tribal groups in a federal union based on democracy, the
first in the Western Hemisphere. He cemented this union with a ŘGreat Law
of Peace,ř a constitution which propounded one expansive human family…
And of course the Iroquois foreshadowed, in their Longhouse of sky and
earth, the planetary message of the Bahářì Faith for today.ŗ
[ADDISON] I concur, my good friend, wholeheartedly. And Dr. Ruheřs

words are worth repeating. But his words never rose to the level of
recognized Bahářì doctrine, unfortunately.
[BUCK] You make a good point here. Whether the Bahářì Faith can
formally recognize Native Messengers of God is as open a question as it is a
vexed question. In her dissertation, Pauline Tuttle (to whom this paper is
also dedicated, along with Dr. David S. Ruhe), wrote:
It is important to note a from a [sic] Bahářì perspective there is some

question as to whether White Buffalo Calf Woman was a ŘProphetř of
the same station as Bahářuřlláh or a Řlesser Prophet,ř whose
reachings [sic] were inspired by the spiritual impulses of the
Manifestation of Her day as defined by Shoghi Effendi (1923Ŕ57:
156). The Universal House of Justice has consulted at length about
extensive research which Patricia Locke, Jacqueline Left Hand Bull,
and Kevin Locke have conducted on the station of indigenous
118
ŖThe name of their principal chief or prophet was Chah-tah, and he was a man of great age and
wisdom.ŗ As reported by Peter Pitchlynn, ŖChief of the Choctaws,ŗ The Atlantic Monthly Vol. 25, Issue 150 (April
1870)

Prophets and to date it has been determined that further research is

required before a decision can be rendered in relation to this
particular question, a factor which Christopher Buck does not seem
to be cognizant of in his discussion of this topic (Buck 1996).
Patricia Locke suggests that in light of the guidance from the

Universal House of Justice, the term Holy Souls is preferable to that
of Messengers when speaking of indigenous Prophets (Interview in
Wakpala July 1999, Tuttle Collection 99.47-MD). Although I use the
terms Messenger and Holy Souls interchangeably I do so with the
understanding that the words themselves do not hold particular
meaning beyond tat construed by the reader and elucidated in the
body of the text. What is important for purposes of this dissertation is
what is found in the Sacred Texts on this issue and how the
individual Lakota Bahářìs I have worked with interpret both the
station and teachings of White Buffalo Calf Woman. Rather than
arguing the point one way or another, as Buck chose to do, I fully
concur with the conclusion that further research is required before a
de facto stance can be taken regarding this issue.ŗ119
[ADDISON] Is Chelsea Horton correct here?
[BUCK] Sheřs entitled to her view, of course. But let me speak in my own
behalf. Just for the record, in my ŖNative Messengersŗ paper I did cite a
letter from the Universal House of Justice (in reply to my research
questions) that a pronouncement was impossible to make in the absence of a
Ŗclear Text.ŗ So, with all due respect (sincerely so), I think Pauline missed
the point with respect to my ŖNative Messengersŗ paper. It represents some
of the Ŗfurther researchŗ that the House rightly said needed to be
undertaken. And, now, our exegesis of the Tablet to Amír Khán presents
both still further research and a Ŗclear Text.ŗ Whether our elucidation of this
Text will be sufficiently clear remains to be seen.
[ADDISON] I get the sense that what we are doing here is potentially
historic?
[BUCK] Whether or not this a historic moment remains to be seen. This is

what we have done: We have argued that the principle of ŖMessengers of
God to First Nationsŗ is based on a sufficiently Ŗclear Text.ŗ We can say
this partly on the basis of the close textual analysis proferred by Dr. Necati
Alkan, among others with whom you and I have previously consulted.
So is with measured confidence that we can say that the Tablet to Amír
Khán promulgates a clear teaching that Native Manifestations of God
119
Pauline Tuttle, The Hoop of Many Hoops, 188, note 177.

appeared in the Americas. In so saying, we prescind from making any

authoritative pronouncement, as we clearly have no authority to do so.
[ADDISON] Yes, we need to make this disclaimer abundantly clear. What

we claim argumentatively, we disclaim as having any authority. Adoption or
formal recognition of our findings would have far-reaching implications for
presenting the Bahářì Faith anew to Native Americans and Native
Canadians ŕ and potentially to all of the indigenous peoples of the Western
hemisphere. In so saying, we are not stating this definitively, as only the
Universal House of Justice ŕ in its role in elucidating the Bahářì Writings
ŕ could ever authoritatively validate such a pronouncement on behalf of
the Bahářì community at large.
[BUCK] Yes, in law, we call cases that have no precedential authority

merely Ŗpersuasiveŗ precedent (also persuasive authority).
[ADDISON] Not binding, right?
[BUCK] Right. Yet the implications of our argument are quite clear,
wouldnřt you say?
[ADDISON] Yes, indeed. Let me say, on a formal note, that the application
of our thesis has obvious implications for the Bahářì teaching work ŕ with
Native American and Native Canadian communities of interest in mind ŕ
as our finding permits an open declaration that Bahářìs can now proclaim
that Native Manifestations of God are not simply a valid inference from
Qurřanic universalisms, but that Bahářìs, on the authority of the Tablet to
Amír Khán, can and should ŕ without an ontological commitment to
specific names and personages per se ŕ affirm and honor the central role
that these Wisdom Bearers and Lawgivers have had in the finest traditions
of Native spirituality. And, on a personal note, I have to say that I, along
with many other native American Bahářìs, have waited for Bahářì validation
of what we always knew to be true.
[BUCK] Yes, and the implications of all this for the future course of the
Bahářì-Native encounter are nothing short of profound! But, in so doing,
arenřt you and I ŕ or I myself at least ŕ vulnerable to the criticism that we
are somehow co-opting Native American spirituality ŕ that, indeed,
Bahářìs who wish to recognize, integrate, or even assimilate elements of
Native sacred tradition are engaging in something that is not only spiritually
inauthentic, eclectic, and syncretistic, but is tantamount to spiritual
imperialism?
[ADDISON] By way of a disclaimer, I think it vital to add that Bahářìs are

not engaged in the ugly business of co-opting Native American spirituality. I
want to make this point very clearly ŕ mainly for the sake of American
Indian readers who know nothing about the Bahářì Faith. Let me assure our

Native American readers that Bahářìs are definitely not stealing American
Indian beliefs, rituals, doctrines, ribbon shirts, drumming practices, and
transforming them into some hybrid or amalgam of Bahářì and Native
religious experience as some other religious movements have done in the
past, like the Ghost Dance, or the Peyote Religion, or the Shaker Church ŕ
all of which are syncretic movements of both Christian and Native
provenance.
Most importantly, as Bahářìs, we are not a community of Indians and non-

Indians who pretend to speak for Native Americans regarding their own
sacred traditions. I can tell you that an ongoing controversy has raged
among scholars in the academic Study of Religion over this very issue for
some time now, precisely because Euro-American or other non-Indian
scholars have assumed that they have a scholarly prerogative or Ŗrightŗ to
study any American Indian religion that they want and to conclude what
they will as a result of their investigations. Worse still, some non-Native
scholars act as if they themselves are the quintessential experts on
indigenous religions ŕ not Native Americans ourselves! In fine, this
Ŗacademic freedomŗ has, in the transgressive extremity of its overreaching,
led to a certain cultural imperialism borne of overweening academic hubris.
Scholar Lee Irwin has edited a thought-provoking collection of essays on
this scholarly debate, entitled, Native American Spirituality: A Critical
Reader.120
I should hasten to add this critical disclaimer. Under no circumstances are

Bahářìs ever doing these things or fawing and foisting such grandiose
claims on others. As Bahářìs, we are not embroiled in or otherwise tainted
by this controversy in any way, and I think it is absolutely vital that we
clarify this for the non-Bahářì Native American reader ŕ whether a
practicing member of a Native American religion or not. American Indian
scholars sometimes speak of these practitioners as Ŗwhite shamansŗ (also
spelled as one word, whiteshamans). Steven Leuthold, assistant professor in
Syracuse Universityřs School of Art and Design states in his monograph,
Indigenous Aesthetics: Native Art, Media, and Identity, explains that
Ŗwhiteshamansŗ basically manufacture Ŗinvented traditionsŗ out of their
own appropriation of Native spirituality, and the result of such
transmogrifying of sacred traditions is a hodge-podge and a monstrosity
I want to add I believe the term Ŗwhiteshamanismŗ is admittedly a racist

term and that Bahářìs donřt use that term. Bahářìs will want to understand
why the practices that led to the birth of this term are so offensive to Native
Americans. By the same token, Native Americans need to understand that
Bahářìs do not in any way condone what these Ŗwhiteshamansŗ are doing.
The problem with these offensive Ŗwhiteshamansŗ is that they typically
120
Lee Irwin, Native American Spirituality: A Critical Reader (Lincoln, NE & London: University of
Nebraska Press, 2000).

refuse to give up their appropriation of Native practices or their pretense of

being (magically) Ŗauthenticŗ Native spokesmen or so-called Ŗspiritual
guides.ŗ Bahářìs, under no circumstance, would ever condone the offensive
behavior of these Ŗwhiteshamans.ŗ Nor would we condone the misuse of
any other religious ceremony, nor would we want Native peoples to ever
think that Bahářìs (Indian or not) take on Native Americans beliefs,
ceremonies, ritual art or artifacts, in order to incorporate these into Bahářì
beliefs and community life. Bahářìs have done nothing to merit being called
Ŗwhiteshamans,ŗ in fact. That would be quite unfair and grossly inaccurate.
Conversely, a word of caution is important here. A Native American Bahářì,

on the other side of the coin, is not Ŗco-optingŗ Native beliefs if she or he
sings, for example, an authentic Native American spiritual song at a Bahářì
event. I, and many other Native Americans, share Native prayers and
spiritual songs at Native and Bahářì gatherings. This does not compromise
the great respect that we have for the prayers or beliefs of any other
religious tradition on the planet. Bahářìs maintain respect for all other
religions. Therefore a clear distinction must be made here, so that (non-
Bahářì) Indians donřt confuse membership and active participation of
genuine American Indians in Bahářì community activities as cutural
imperialism or misappropriation of Native spirituality.
No tribal tradition forbids the respectful sharing of Native prayers or songs

or drumming, if genuine elders and respected authentic Native spokesmen
do not object to it. As an elder, Iřve often been asked to share Native prayers
at Bahářì events and Iřve found these prayers always honored and
respectfully received, and never Ŗstolenŗ by Bahářìs. I have, however, been
very careful about imprudently sharing Native spiritual beliefs when they
wouldnřt be honorably received. My point here is that Bahářìs do not
practice what Native Americans find so objectionable in the behavior of so-
called Ŗwhiteshamans.ŗ
[BUCK] Very important points youřve made, Don. However, not every
non-Native who recognizes and appreciates the importance of Deganawidah
is a Ŗwhiteshaman.ŗ Take the U.S. Congress, for instance, which holds that
the Iroquois Confederacy, founded by Deganawidah, helped to shape
American democracy. The Iroquois influence thesis holds that the U.S.
Constitution was largely modeled on the Iroquois Confederacy. This thesis
sparked a vigorous scholarly debate.121 While its historical merits and
121
See Donald A. Grinde, Jr. and Bruce E. Johansen, Exemplar of Liberty: Native America and the
Evolution of Democracy (Los Angeles: Native American Studies Centre, UCLA, 1991); J. Barreiro (ed.), Indian
Roots of American Democracy (Ithaca, NY: Northeast Indian Quarterly, 1988); ŖIroquois Great Law of Peace and
the United States Constitution: How the Founding Fathers ignored the Clan Mothers,ŗ Native American Law
Review 16 (1991): 497Ŕ531; cf. P. A. Levy, ŖExemplars of Taking Liberties: The Iroquois Influence Thesis and
the Problem of Evidence,ŗ William and Mary Quarterly 53.3 (July 1996): 588Ŕ604; S. B. Payne, ŖThe Iroquois
League, the Articles of Confederation, and the Constitution,ŗ William and Mary Quarterly 53.3 (July 1996): 605Ŕ
620; D. A. Grinde, Jr., ŖSauce for the Goose: Demand and Definitions for Proof regarding the Iroquois and
Democracy,ŗ William and Mary Quarterly 53.3 (July 1996): 621Ŕ636; W. A. Starna and G. R. Hamell, ŖHistory

demerits continue to be weighed in the balance of historical scrutiny ŕ which

any historical thesis must withstand ŕ the fact remains that Deganawidah is
now part and parcel of the legacy of America.
That it enjoyed some popular support as well is reflected in a Congressional

resolution, passed in 1988. On September 16, 1987, Senator Daniel Inouye
(D-Hawaii) introduced S.Con.Res. 76. On July 11, 1988, similar legislation
was introduced by Representative Morris Udall (D-Arizona) in the House of
Representatives as H.Con.Res. 331. On October 4, 1988 the House passed
H.Con.Res. 331122 ŕ A concurrent resolution to acknowledge the
contribution of the Iroquois Confederacy of Nations to the development of
the United States Constitution and to reaffirm the continuing government-
to-government relationship between Indian tribes and the United States
established in the Constitution ŕ by a vote of 408Ŕ8. By voice vote, the
Senate agreed to H.Con.Res. 331 on October 21, 1988.123
In 2007, U.S. Representative Joe Baca and U.S. Senator, Daniel Inouye,
respectively introduced H.R. 3585 and S. 1852: Native American Heritage
Day Act of 2007, ŖA bill to designate the Friday after Thanksgiving of each
year as ŘNative American Heritage Dayř in honor of the achievements and
contributions of Native Americans to the United States.ŗ This proposed
legislation, in its current draft, acknowledges the contribution of the
Iroquois League of Nations: ŖCongress finds that … the Founding Fathers
based the provisions of the Constitution on the unique system of democracy
of the Six Nations of the Iroquois Confederacy, which divided powers
among the branches of government and provided for a system of checks and
balances.ŗ124
[ADDISON] If the U.S. Congress has recognized the legacy of

Deganawidah, why canřt we as Bahářìs?
[BUCK] I quite agree. Letřs see what our readers have to say! I believe that
the Online Journal of Bahářì Studies invites reader responses.
Dr. Addison, I can say that my contact with your culture has enriched me.
And our collaboration would not have been possible were it not for our
contact having transpired through an inspired vision of intercultural unity,
founded on the bedrock of mutually recognized cultural integrity (that is,
sovereignty, as regards First Nations).
[ADDISON] Yakoke! Itřs been wonderful collaborating with you, too. Let
me explain the framework within which I see our work, which is the work
and the Burden of Proof: The Case of Iroquois Influence on the U.S. Constitution.ŗ New York History 77 (1996):
427Ŕ452.
122
See <http://www.senate.gov/reference/resources/pdf/hconres331.pdf>.
123
See <http://www.senate.gov/reference/common/faq/Iroquois_Constitution.shtml> and
<http://140.147.249.9/cgi-bin/bdquery/D?d100:55:./temp/~bdcHxQ:@@@L&summ2=m&>.
124
Text available online at <http://www.govtrack.us/congress/billtext.xpd?bill=h110-3585>.

of all those who share the same interests and vision: A mandate for building
bridges with Native peoples was given by Shoghi Effendi, who wrote: ŖNor
should any of the pioneers, at this early stage in the upbuilding of Bahářì
national communities, overlook the fundamental prerequisite for any
successful teaching enterprise, which is to adapt the presentation of the
fundamental principles of their Faith to the cultural and religious
backgrounds, the ideologies, and the temperament of the divers races and
nations whom they are called upon to enlighten and attract.ŗ125 Here, we
have done just that, in adapting Ŗthe presentation of the fundamental
principlesŗ of the Bahářì Faith to the Ŗcultural and religious backgroundsŗ
of Native Americans and Native Canadians in particular, and to indigenous
peoples in general. We have also done our best to completely avoid Ŗa
purely mercenary approach to religion.ŗ126
But not only have we attempted, in good faith, to do that fine and necessary
work. We have also tried to educate ourselves and our peers ŕ for our own
enlightenment ŕ to see that the wisdom of Native peoples (which must
have derived, al least in part, from Native Messengers of God in the distant
past) is very much on a collective par with the established world religions.
The problem of identifying Native Messengers is not that cut-and-dried by
any means.
Fundamentally, Native religions, unlike Bahářì Faith and in Abrahamic and

Aryan religions generally, are not Ŗwrittenŗ traditions. Our religions are oral
traditions and because of this, the passing on of a Native Prophetřs Ŗwordsŗ
are typically found in oral tribal histories, in ceremonial Ŗtexts,ŗ Ŗsongs,ŗ
and, symbolically, in tribal rituals and the like. And these are held extremely
sacred, with tremendous respect and even protocol associated with them.
Yet at least we have established ŕ or endeavored to establish ŕ
recognition of ŖMessengers of God to First Nationsŗ as an authentic Bahářì
principle grounded in the Tablet to Amìr Khán and in other sacred Bahářì
texts.
As you say, my good friend and colleague, the Bahářì teachings adumbrate
the principle of ŖMessengers of God to First Nationsŗ ŕ without making an
ontological commitment to which principals are within the class of Native
Messengers. Let us hope that the powerful resonances between Native
wisdom and Bahářì wisdom transcends the issue of Ŗnamesŗ and that their
harmonics ring true in the inner ears of the person who sees both traditions
as part and parcel of one universal Message.
We are wisely counseled by Shoghi Effendi with respect to the Bahářì-

Native encounter ŕ about which Chelsea Dawn Horton has written with
125
From a letter dated 5 June 1947 written by Shoghi Effendi to the Bahářìs of the West (emphasis
added), in ŖTeaching Among Aboriginal and Indigenous People.ŗ
126
From a letter dated 29 April 1948 written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to the National Spiritual
Assembly of the British Isles, ibid.

such great sensitivity and insight ŕ ŖWe should meet them as equals, well-
wishers, people who admire and respect their ancient descent, and who feel
that they will be interested, as we are, in a living religion and not in the dead
forms of present-day churches.ŗ127 As I understand it, this admonition
applies not only to the Bahářì-Native encounter individually, but
collectively as well. This is where some kind of highly symbolic ŕ and real
ŕ recognition of Native Messengers of God becomes the litmus test of our
own universality and authenticity. Maybe we need to begin to look at other
peoplesř religions as being just as good as our own ŕ and perhaps this will
bring some much needed understanding and appreciation for spiritual
traditions from a wide variety of the worldřs diverse religions. I can think of
no better line, in stark contrast to Western exclusivity that is so toxic, that
describes this more clearly than a passage from a prayer of Bahařuřllah: ŖI
yield Thee such thanks as can … fulfill the needs of the peoples of all
religions.ŗ
128
And letřs not forget the importance of the Bahářì-Native encounter, which
should assume more importance than it now has: ŖHe attaches the greatest
importance to teaching the original inhabitants of the Americas the Faith.
ŘAbduřl-Bahá Himself has stated how great are their potentialities, and it is
their right, and the duty of the non-Indian Bahářìs, to see that they receive
the Message of God for this day.ŗ129 This is described as a Ŗrightŗ that
Native peoples possess ŕ to preserve their respective cultural and spiritual
identities within the global framework of an emergent world civilization that
the Bahářì world community is now establishing.
Consider this profound parallel: ŖThe Master has likened the Indians in your
countries to the early Arabian Nomads at the time of the appearance of
Muhammad. Within a short period of time they became the outstanding
examples of education, of culture and of civilization for the entire world.
The Master feels that similar wonders will occur today if the Indians are
properly taught and if the power of the Spirit properly enters into their
living.ŗ130 By God! How utterly amazing is this vision! Has the Bahářì
community forgotten? Has it largely, although not completely, neglected the
sole Ŗspecific racial prophecy in all of the Bahářì scriptures,ŗ131 which is
this: ŖAttach great importance to the indigenous population of America. For
127
From a letter dated 21 September 1951 written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to the Comite Nacional
de Ensenanza Bahai pare los Indigenas, in ibid.
128
Bahařuřllah, Prayers and Meditations. Translated by Shoghi Effendi (Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing
Trust, 1938; reprinted 1998), 331.
129
From a letter dated 29 July 1957 written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to the National Spiritual
Assembly of Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay and Bolivia, in ŖTeaching Among Aboriginal and Indigenous
People.ŗ
130
From a letter dated 22 August 1957 written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to the National Spiritual
Assembly of Central America and Mexico, in ŖTeaching Among Aboriginal and Indigenous People.ŗ
131
Andrew Pemberton-Piggot, The Bahářì Faith in Alberta, 1942Ŕ1992: The Ethic of Dispersion
(Masterřs thesis: University of Alberta, 1992), 34. Cited by Chelsea Dawn Horton, ŖBeyond Red Power: The
Alternative Activism of Dorothy Maquabeak Francis,ŗ Journal of Bahářì Studies 14.3/4 (Sept.ŔDec. 2004): 35Ŕ71
[43].

… there can be no doubt that they will become so illumined as to enlighten

the whole world,ŗ132 as you have already mentioned.
Iřd like to close with excerpts from a column I published in the Eugene
Weekly in 2004:
Iřve noticed an increasing interest in Native American cultures,

languages, and especially spirituality today, which has translated into
full classes wherever I am teaching courses on these subjects.
I, myself, am Choctaw Indian. I am grateful to be Native
American, but it wasnřt always something one wanted to state
publicly in the past. A fresh new spirit abounds today, and many
American Indians are tracing their roots, learning about their
cultures, and getting acquainted with their indigenous languages. A
recent local powwow is a good illustration of this return to oneřs
Native cultural roots. As I looked around the crowded hall, I saw
rows of Native youth eager to participate. When the drumming and
singing began, the dancing commenced and our spirits soared into
the sky.
Many Native American spiritual leaders over the centuries
foretold this phenomenon we are privileged to see today. White
Buffalo Calf Woman, a Lakota, spoke of a great spiritual renewal.
Other American Indian prophets expressed a dream that Indian and
non-Indian would someday come together in unity. Deganawidah,
Peacemaker of the Iroquois Confederacy, long ago promised he
would Ŗreturn,ŗ and other great messengers left similar prophecies
that a great teacher would come, as the Navajos believe, from the
East.
Bahářuřlláh, the prophet-founder of the Bahářì Faith, did
come from the East and Native Americans are increasingly joining
his faith, because they believe Bahářuřlláh has fulfilled these
prophecies. The Hopi, for example, foresaw a time when the Indian
and the Euro-American would join together in unity. Bahářuřlláh
proclaimed this, saying, ŖYe are the flowers of one garden and the
leaves of one tree.ŗ
Unity in diversity characterizes Native communities today.
We Indians enjoy comparing notes on how languages, music, and
customs differ in some cases, and appear similar in others. Bahářì
teachings encourage unity in diversity ŕ the coming together of all
peoples. However, Bahářuřlláh never said Native Americans must
give up their cultures or languages. Kevin Locke, Lakota musician,
dancer and educator says that Ŗthe Bahářì Faith actually enhancesŗ
his Native beliefs and culture.
The resurging interest in Native spirituality is not without
controversy, and Native American Bahářìs are quick to point out their
132
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Tablets of the Divine Plan, 33.

beliefs are not being compromised or misused by the Bahářìs. On the

contrary, in 1916 Bahářuřlláhřs son, ŘAbduřl-Baha, gave a most
splendid prophecy about a glorious future for Native Americans.
I believe I am lucky to be Bahářì ŕ it gives me answers to
todayřs problems, it requires religion and science agree and if they
donřt, science without spirituality can become materialism and
religion without science can become superstition. American Indians
have always had Ŗscienceŗ ŕ ourřs just developed differently than
European sciences. Natives see science as spiritual.
The Bahářì prayers revealed by Bahářuřlláh for believers to
use do not preclude using prayers of other religions, including those
of indigenous religions in American Indian languages. Bahářìs
believe in the same God as Native Americans, Christians, Jews,
Muslims and the other world religions. We have beautiful prayers for
unity, marriage, the morning time and the evening hour, for
assistance, and for children. And when life on lifeřs terms gets
difficult, I look up a powerful prayer Bahářuřlláh revealed to be read
in times of tests and difficulties: ŖArmed with the power of Thy
Name, nothing can ever hurt me, and with Thy love in my heart, all
the worldřs afflictions can in no wise alarm me.ŗ
Many folks ask about the sad things that happened to Indians
over the last 600 years. Those things really did happen, so let us learn
from those experiences and teach our children to look at all peoples
as members of the same family, enjoying the beauty of all our
cultures and languages. The Bahářì Faith gives me this hope.
What the Bahářìs express about unity can also be summed up
in probably the most famous American Indian expression one can
find around the country today: ŖMitakuye Oyasin.ŗ Though it is
Lakota, this phrase is used by Indians from many different
backgrounds; it means Ŗall my relationsŗ or Ŗall my relatives.ŗ In
other words, we are all related in one family. So we must put hatred
and prejudice behind us because one must not hurt oneřs own
relatives. Mitakuye Oyasin!133
My dear friend and colleague (ŖDr. Buck, I presume?ŗ), you and I ŕ as an

emic/etic team ŕ have engaged in Ŗconversive relationalityŗ whereby both
of us have been transformed. We hope that our readers, too, may experience
some of this reciprocal enlightenment that can result from a truly relational
and potentially transformative dialogue among equals. Furthermore, the
implications for further research are patently obvious: If generalizable, our
hypothesis and argument invite research on the issue of Indigenous
Manifestations of God among Oceanic, Australasian, African, and other
indigenous peoples.
. Don Addison, ŖMitakuye Oyasin! We are All Relatedŗ Eugene Weekly (2004).
133

Appendix One
Facsimile of Tablet to Amír Khán & Research Department Memoranda
THE UNIVERSAL HOUSE OF JUSTICE

DEPARTMENT OF THE SECRETARIAT
Bahářì World Centre • P.O. Box 155 • 31001 Haifa, Israel
Tel: 972 (4) 835 8358 • Fax: 972 (4) 835 8280 • Email: secretariat@bwc.org
8 June 2007
Transmitted by email: buckc@msu.edu
Dr. Christopher Buck
U.S.A.
Dear Bahářì Friend,
Your email letters of 25 April and 22 May 2007, inquiring about the
recipient of a Tablet of ŘAbduřl-Bahá, have been received at the Bahářì World
Centre and forwarded to the Research Department for study.
The Research Department confirms that ŘAbduřl-Bahářs original Tablet,
part of which was published in Amr va Khalq, volume 2 (Hofheim: Bahářì-
Verlag, 1985), pages 45 and 46, was addressed to Amír Khán of Tihrán. A
copy of that Tablet was sent to you as an attachment to a memorandum dated
16 May 1996 written by the Research Department at the instruction of the
Universal House of Justice. An additional copy of that material is enclosed for
your study.
As the name of the recipient of the Tablet is not cited in the above-
mentioned memorandum, you may wish to change the wording of the source
of your published footnote to read, ŖAn attachment of the Research
Department memorandum dated 16 May 1996ŗ.
With loving Bahářì greetings,

Department of the Secretariat
Enclosure with attachment
MEMORANDUM


Date: 16 May 1996
Tablet of the Holy Mariner;

the “Call of God” and Native Messengers
In his electronic mail messages dated 15 November 1995 and 22
November 1995 to the Universal House of Justice, Mr. Christopher Buck
requests certain materials concerning the Tablet of the Holy Mariner and
raises questions about an extract from a Tablet revealed by ŘAbduřl-Bahá to
which reference is made in memoranda prepared by the Research Department
on 25 August 1994, 24 May 1988 and 22 October 1995. We respond as
follows.
1. Tablet of the Holy Mariner

As Mr. Buck requested, we attach a photocopy of the original of the
section of this Tablet that was revealed in the Persian language together with
a short list of references from the Writings of ŘAbduřl-Bahá, from God Passes
By, and from letters written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi concerning the Tablet
of the Holy Mariner. To date, no English translation of the Persian section of
this Tablet is available at the Bahářì World Centre. However, a brief summary
of the contents of this Tablet may be found in Adib Taherzadehřs The
Revelation of Bahářuřlláh, rev. ed. (Oxford: George Ronald, 1988), volume 1,
page 243.
2. Tablet Revealed by „Abdu‟l-Bahá, in Amr va Khalq, volume 2,

pages 45-46
We attach for Mr. Buck a copy of the original of the Tablet revealed
by ŘAbduřl-Bahá, part of which is published in Amr va Khalq, volume 2,
pages 45Ŕ46. As noted in our memorandum of 25 August 1994, the beginning
and final passages of this Tablet are published in Amr va Khalq, volume 3,
pages 307Ŕ308.
The English translation of the section of the Tablet that appears in
volume 2, pages 45-46 is as follows:
In ancient times the people of America were, through their
northern regions, close to Asia, that is, separated from Asia by a strait.
For this reason, it hath been said that crossing had occurred. There are
other signs which indicate communication.

As to places whose people were not informed of the appearance

of Prophets, such people are excused. In the Qurřán it hath been
Messenger.ŗ
Undoubtedly in those regions the Call of God must have been
raised in ancient times, but it hath been forgotten now.
As Mr. Buck observed, the final paragraph of the Tablet is cited in the
Research Department memorandum of 24 May 1988. The first and last
paragraphs are quoted in the letter dated 7 July 1988, written on behalf of the
Universal House of Justice to an individual believer, which was attached to
our memorandum of 22 October 1995, and phrases from the final paragraph
are also cited in the October 1995 memorandum.
3. The “Call of God” and Native Messengers

Mr. Buck states that he regards the phrase ŖCall of Godŗ, mentioned
in the extract above, as a technical term which Ŗis very clearly a reference to
the teachings that originate from Manifestations of Godŗ. He also indicates
that this Tablet appears to provide Ŗa textual basis for establishing in principle
but not in name ŕ the existence of Manifestations of God sent to the
aboriginals of North America, and possibly, by extension, to other indigenous
peoples as wellŗ. He, therefore, proposes that
… the Faith officially proclaim that God, in addition to sending the
named Manifestations of God that we already have accepted, has sent
ŖMessengers of God to Indigenous Peoplesŗ as a principle grounded in
Amr va Khalq (vol. 2, pp. 45-46). We should at least be able to assert
that there were ŖMessengers of God to First Nationsŗ, as we say in
Canada.
Further, Mr. Buckřs understanding of the Tablet leads him to question
whether the Research Department used excerpts from the Tablet to support
two conflicting views. Before considering this question, it is, as Mr. Buck
says, important to address the issue of the meaning of the term ŖCall of Godŗ.
3.1 The “Call of God”

The Persian term translated as ŖCall of Godŗ in the above Tablet is
Ŗnidáy-i-Iláhíŗ. This term appears frequently in the Tablets of ŘAbduřl-Bahá
with differing shades of meaning. By way of illustration, we provide the
following examples from Selections from the Writings of ŘAbduřl-Bahá
(Haifa: Bahářì World Centre, 1982), each of which contains the expression
Ŗnidáy-i-Iláhíŗ, though the English translations differ:

- Section 15, page 31: Ŗ… for this did Bahářuřlláh raise up the
call of the Lordŗ.
- Section 195, pages 234Ŕ235: Referring to the influence of
opposition to the Faith on its dissemination, ŘAbduřl-Bahá asks: ŖHow
else could His summons have been heard in the continents of America
and of Africa the dark?ŗ
- Section 219, page 274: ŖAlthough ye dwell in western lands,
still, praise be to God, ye did hear His call from out the east and, even
as Moses, did warm your hands at the fire kindled in the Asian Tree.ŗ
- Section 225, page 283: Describing the ŖTwo calls to success
and prosperityŗ, ŘAbduřl-Bahá indicates that the second Ŗis the soul-
stirring call of Godŗ, which, He explains, Ŗis founded upon the
instructions and exhortations of the Lord and the admonitions and
altruistic emotions belonging to the realm of morality which, like unto
a brilliant light, brighten and illumine the lamp of the realities of
mankind. Its penetrative power is the Word of God.ŗ
From these several examples, it is suggested that while the ŖCall of
Godŗ is clearly Ŗfoundedŗ upon the teachings of the Manifestation of God,
being in the physical presence of the Manifestation is but one means by which
people become informed of ŖHis summonsŗ.
3.2 Native Messengers

With regard to whether the excerpt from the Tablet of ŘAbduřl-Bahá
cited above enunciates a general principle that permits the conclusion that
God sent His Messengers to indigenous peoples, specifically to the Americas,
we wish to note, that, to date, the Research Department has not been able to
locate any authoritative interpretation of the Masterřs Tablet in the Bahářì
Teachings, nor have we found a text which clearly indicates that
Manifestations of God have appeared in the Americas. We offer the following
points for consideration:
The Tablet
It is not clear from the context of the Tablet that the reference to
raising the ŖCall of Godŗ presupposes the presence of a Manifestation of God
in the Americas.
The Masterřs Tablet appears to be a response to a question about the
fate of people who live in Ŗplacesŗ which have not been penetrated by the call
of the Prophets. If this be so, then ŘAbduřl-Bahářs statement about the raising
of the ŖCall of Godŗ could simply imply that Ŗthe people of Americaŗ were
Ŗinformed about the appearance of Prophetsŗ as a result of the contact and
Ŗother signs which indicate communicationŗ that occurred Ŗin ancient timesŗ

between the peoples of America and Asia. In this regard, the following extract
from a letter dated 25 November 1950, written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to
an individual believer is of interest:
It is possible the Indians of the Americas were influenced in the
remote past by Prophets in Asia. But again, as there is nothing in our
teachings about it we cannot do more than speculate.
Statement in The Promulgation of Universal Peace, page 289

In one of His talks published in The Promulgation of Universal Peace,
ŘAbduřl-Bahá is reported to have stated:
The East has ever been the dawning point of the Sun of Reality. All
the Prophets of God have appeared there. The religions of God have
been promulgated, the teachings of God have been spread and the
Law of God founded in the East. The Orient has always been the
centre of lights.
The principle enunciated in this statement is confirmed in the
published letters of Shoghi Effendi. For example, in his letter addressed to the
Asian Intercontinental Teaching Conference in October 1953, the Guardian
refers to the ŖAsiatic continentŗ as Ŗthe cradle of the principal religions of
mankindŗ. And, in his letter entitled ŖAmerica and the Most Great Peaceŗ,
Shoghi Effendi reiterated the principle and actually cites this and other similar
passages from Promulgation on the same subject.
Prophetic Figures
While we are unable to locate a text which clearly indicates that
Manifestations of God have appeared in the Americas, the Bahářì Teachings
and the Qurřán recognize the possibility of individualsř being centres of
divine guidance for their own people, without occupying the station of Major
Prophethood. In a letter dated 21 December 1986, written on behalf of the
Universal House of Justice to a National Spiritual Assembly, the House of
Justice states:
… there are also other prophetic figures who are under the shadow of
the Manifestation, and personages, such as sages, seers, and divine
men of learning, who because of their wisdom and guidance,
profoundly influence the lives of people in certain parts of the world.
4. Two Conflicting Views?

Mr. Buck refers to Research Department memoranda dated 24 May
1988 and 22 October 1995, which, he believes, use the statement from the

Tablet of ŘAbduřl-Bahá about the ŖCall of Godŗ to support two opposing

points of view. He states that, while, in one memorandum the passage argues
the possibility of two Manifestations of God on earth at the same time, in the
second, it is used to argue against the possibility of Native Manifestations in
the Americas.
In our memorandum of 24 May 1988, the Department was addressing,
among other things, the question of whether, in the past, it was possible that
two Manifestations of God could have lived at the same time. In commenting
on this question, we called attention to the fact that the Bahářì Teachings
contain no exact information about the dates of Dispensations prior to
Muhammad, that our Writings and the Qurřán indicate that Manifestations
and other prophetic figures have been sent down to mankind from the
beginning of time, and that the records concerning many of these personages
have been lost. Since we were not able to find any clear guidance in the
Bahářì Teachings concerning the possibility of two Manifestations of God
having lived at the same time, our tentative conclusion ŕ that it was not
possible to rule out such a possibility ŕ was based on the fact that the
Teachings affirm that the traces of many such personages had been lost. The
statement from ŘAbduřl-Bahá was cited in this connection, rather than to
argue for the presence of Messengers in a particular place, i.e., the Americas.
This usage is consistent with our reading, as outlined above, of ŘAbduřl-
Bahářs statement as an affirmation of the fact that ŖIn ancient times the
people of Americaŗ had been Ŗinformed of the appearance of Prophetsŗ, but
that Ŗit hath been forgotten nowŗ.
With regard to the citation of the Masterřs statement about the ŖCall
of Godŗ in our memorandum of 22 October 1995, we wish to note that
reference to this passage was included because it is one of a small number of
texts and authoritative statements which, when considered in relation to each
other, help to provide insight into the question of whether or not Messengers
of God have arisen in the western hemisphere. Based on these materials, it is
our view that evidence for the advent of Messengers of God in the Americas
does not appear to be very strong. However, we have found no text which
explicitly rules out the possibility.

Figure 1:
Facsimile of Tablet to Amir Khan, courtesy Bahářì World Centre (digital artifacts
removed).

Figure 2: Facsimile of Tablet to Amir Khan, cont.

M E M O RAN D U M

Date: 6 August 2007
Tablet to Amír Khán and Related Questions
The Research Department received a copy of Mr. Phillip Tussingřs

email letter dated 25 May 2007 and studied the matters that he has raised in
his message. The following is our response to his questions:
1. The text of the Tablet is correct. In response to his request, the
facsimile of the original Persian text is attached. The Research
Department is not aware of whether a copy of the Tablet also exists in
the handwriting of Mìrzá ŘAlì Akbar Mìlánì.
2. As indicated in the attached facsimile, the Tablet was revealed in
honor of a certain Amír Khán, about whom we have no information.
Therefore, we can not verify the biographical information provided by
Dr. Iraj Ayman and quoted in Mr. Tussingřs email. The Archives
Office at the Bahářì World Centre so far has no evidence regarding
the questions that Amír Khán submitted to the Master.
3.a. The Research Department is not aware of any other Tablets, textually
similar to that of Amìr Khán, in which the question of the ŖCall of
Godŗ being raised in North America is discussed.
b. The terms ŖCall of Godŗ and ŖAmericaŗ, of course, appear in a
number of Tablets of the Master in various other contexts unrelated to
the text of the Tablet to Amír Khán. As Mr. Tussing has indicated in
his letter, the term ŖCall of Godŗ in the Bahářì texts relates to Godřs
voice and His summons, messages and teachings.
c. The literal meaning of the Persian term Ŗfarámúsh shudih astŗ is
Ŗforgottenŗ, as it appears in the English translation of the Tablet. The
Research Department is not in a position to interpret the term beyond
its literal meaning.
4. The Masterřs likening of the indigenous Americans to the pre-Islamic
Arabs, which is described in His Tablets of the Divine Plan, is not
noticed in His other works.
Attachment

Appendix Two.
Bahá‟u‟lláh‟s Tablet to Badí‟u‟lláh: Parallels to Bahá‟í Teachings by Native
American Messengers of God
Donald Francis Addison, Ph.D.

Christopher Buck, Ph.D., J.D.
Be generous in prosperity, and thankful in adversity. Be worthy of the

trust of thy neighbor, and look upon him with a bright and friendly
face. Be a treasure to the poor, an admonisher to the rich, an
answerer of the cry of the needy, a preserver of the sanctity of thy
pledge. Be fair in thy judgment, and guarded in thy speech. Be unjust
to no man, and show all meekness to all men. Be as a lamp unto them
that walk in darkness, a joy to the sorrowful, a sea for the thirsty, a
haven for the distressed, an upholder and defender of the victim of
oppression. Let integrity and uprightness distinguish all thine acts.
Be a home for the stranger, a balm to the suffering, a tower of
strength for the fugitive. Be eyes to the blind, and a guiding light
unto the feet of the erring. Be an ornament to the countenance of
truth, a crown to the brow of fidelity, a pillar of the temple of
righteousness, a breath of life to the body of mankind, an ensign of
the hosts of justice, a luminary above the horizon of virtue, a dew to
the soil of the human heart, an ark on the ocean of knowledge, a sun
in the heaven of bounty, a gem on the diadem of wisdom, a shining
light in the firmament of thy generation, a fruit upon the tree of
humility. Bahářuřlláh, Tablet to Badìřuřlláh134.
 Be generous in prosperity, and 

Then Tekánawìta said, ŖWho is helping you to guard the field?ŗ
Thereupon the man came there, and then Tekánawìta said ŖAre you
the person who guards this field?ŗ and the man answered, saying, ŖIt
is I, indeed, I am the person who stands guard at night at the
cornfield;ŗ then Tekánawìta said, ŖHow do you do it, customarily?ŗ
and the man said, ŖThis, generally, is how: when it just dawns, I am
roaming about all over the field; sometimes I find corn cobs lying on
the ground and I pick up as many as I can find. Then I take them bak
to the chief‟s house, and that is how we do it throughout the
harvest. Actually everything is owned jointly, and when the task is
done, the way our chief distributes it is in equal shares for them to
receive it, all of the people in the settlement.ŗ Thereupon
Tekánawìta said, ŖNow I understand what your work is, so this shall
be your name, they will address you calling you Kanuhkweřyotuř
[Growing Corn Cobs] and that is what everyone will live by. This is
134

what your work will be now, the newly arriving Good Message and
the Power and the Peace.ŗ ŕ Deganawidah135
 …thankful in adversity. 
Thereupon Tekánawìta stood up, saying, ŖThe Great Power came
from the sky, and now it is functioning, the Great Power that we
accepted when we reached consensus. So now our house has become
complete. Now, therefore, we shall give thanks, that is, we shall
thank the Creator of the earth, that is, he who planted all kinds of
weeds and all varieties of shrubs and all kinds of trees; and springs,
flowing water, such as rivers and large bodies of water, such as lakes;
and the sun that keeps moving by day, and by night, the moon, and
where the sky is, the stars, which no one is able to count; moreover,
the way it is on earth in relation to which no one is able to tell the
extent to which it is to their benefit, that is the people whom he
created and who will continue to live on earth. This, then, is the
reason we thank him, the one with great power, the one who is the
Creator, for that which will now move forward, the Good Message
and the Power and the Peace, the Great Law. ŕ Deganawidah136
 Be worthy of the trust of thy neighbor, and 

[Then Tekánawíta stood up in front of the whole group and said:]
ŖThirdly, this is what ŘPeaceř means: now it will stop, the massacre
of humans and the scalping and bloodletting among themselves,
specifically, among the people of the various nations. Now as to that,
it will end, the human slaughter, because the Great Spirit never
planned for humans to hurt one another nor to slaughter one another.
So now it will end, the warpath, and everywhere it will become
peaceful; the different nations‟ villages are as neighbours and as to
the localized families and their children, what will happen is that
they all will be very close relatives; and it will come to pass that they
will become just like one family which will encompass every nation
and every language. And this: when everyone can travel from village
to village, then it will end, the danger and terror, and everything will
be peaceful, and they will rejoice by day and by night as the family
continues on, there being no end to peace; that is what it means, the
Great Law of Peace, and everyone will be united; now I am
finished.ŗ ŕ Deganawidah137
 look upon him with a bright and friendly face. 

Thereupon Tekánawìta prevented them, saying, ŖYou will stop it
because it is sinful for people to hurt one another; you especially, for
135
Deganawidah, qtd. in Gibson, Concerning the League, 193Ŕ196.
136
137

you are all relatives, and so it is necessary for you to be kind to one
another, as well as to other people, those you know, and those people
you do not know; and you should respect them equally — all of the
people — you should be kind to everyone.ŗ ŕ Deganawidah138
 Be a treasure to the poor, 

Thereupon Tekánawìta said, ŖMoreover, I decree that if this is what
will happen to the coming generations, if they are going to be
impoverished, our grandchildren, then these chiefs are to look for
there very biggest tree, the large elm, which is tall and has huge
branches and roots, all of them extending equally into the depths, and
if they find such a large tree with long branches and roots extending
equally deep, they will have good luck in generations to come, our
grandchildren; in that place they will collect their heads, all of our
Nations of our League, all of us will place our heads there, and there
we will hide our heads as long as it will last, the earth which is
beneath the sun. This is where it will be possible for them to be
happy for they will continue to hold on to that which protects the
group, that is the Good Message and the Power and the Peace and the
Great Law; there the fire will be rekindled, our fire of our League
which will keep burning and the smoke will keep rising, piercing the
sky where all of us share our beliefs.ŗ ŕ Deganawidah139
 …an admonisher to the rich, 

The man who is a skillful hunter, and whose wife is alive to her
opportunities, makes many feasts, to which he is careful to invite the
older men of his clan, recognizing that they have outlived their
period of greatest activity, and now love nothing so well as to eat in
good company, and to live over the past. The old men, for their part,
do their best to requite his liberality with a little speech, in which
they are apt to relate the brave and generous deeds of their hostřs
ancestors, finally congratulating him upon being a worthy successor
of an honorable line. Thus his reputation is won as a hunter and feast-
maker, and almost as famous in his way as the great warrior who has
a recognized name and standing as a Ŗman of peace.ŗ140
 …an answerer of the cry of the needy, 

Whenever a specially important matter or a great emergency is
presented before the Confederate Council and the nature of the
matter affects the entire body of the Five Nations, threatening their
utter ruin, then the Lords of the Confederacy must submit the matter
138
139
140
Charles A. Eastman (Ohiyesa), The Soul of the Indian: An Interpretation (Lincoln and London:
University of Nebraska Press, 1980 [1911]), 100Ŕ101. Cited as an exemplar of traditional Native American
religion, with wisdom handed down from unnamed Native Messengers and sages.

to the decision of their people and the decision of the people shall
affect the decision of the Confederate Council. This decision shall be
a confirmation of the voice of the people. ŕ Deganawidah141
Should a great calamity threaten the generations rising and living of

the Five United Nations, then he who is able to climb to the top of
the Tree of the Great Long Leaves may do so. When, then, he reaches
the top of the tree he shall look about in all directions, and, should he
see that evil things indeed are approaching, then he shall call to the
people of the Five United Nations assembled beneath the Tree of the
Great Long Leaves and say: ŖA calamity threatens your happiness.”
Then shall the Lords convene in council and discuss the impending
evil. ŕ Deganawidah142
 …a preserver of the sanctity of thy pledge. 

All Lords of the Five Nations Confederacy must be honest in all
things. They must not idle or gossip, but be men possessing those
honorable qualities that make true royaneh. It shall be a serious
wrong for anyone to lead a Lord into trivial affairs, for the people
must ever hold their Lords high in estimation out of respect to their
honorable positions. ŕ Deganawidah143
 Be fair in thy judgment, and 

De-ka-na-wi-da and Hai-yo-hwat-kař then added: ŖIn the first place,
the chiefs must be patient, long-suffering, and courageous in the
cause of right and equity. This applies to the chiefs and the war-
chiefs who shall fill these offices. All this must be done for the sole
object of peace and quietness. We are bound also to carry this Law
around and show it to all the nations, and we will name it the Great
Law ŕ the Great Law of Equity.ŗ ŕ Deganawidah and Hiawatha144
 …guarded in thy speech. 

ŖGuard your tongue in youth,ŗ said the old chief, Wabashaw, Ŗand
in age you may mature a thought that will be of service to your
people!ŗ145
141
Deganawidah, qtd. in Arthur C. Parker, The Constitution of the Five Nations or the Iroquois Book of
the Great Law, Article 93.
142
ibid, Article 61.
143
the Great Law. New York State Museum Bulletin, No. 184 (Albany: NY: April 1, 1916). Reprinted in William N.
Fenton, ed., Parker on the Iroquois, Book III: The Constitution of the Five Nations (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse
University Press, 1968), Article 27.
144
Deganawidah, qtd. in J. N. B. Hewitt, ŖLegend of the Founding of the Iroquois League,ŗ American
Anthropologist 5.2 (1892): 131Ŕ148 [140Ŕ141].
145
Chief Wabashaw, qtd. in Charles A. Eastman (Ohiyesa), The Soul of the Indian: An Interpretation,
90. Cited as an exemplar of traditional Native American religion, with wisdom handed down from unnamed
Native Messengers and sages.

He believes profoundly in silence ŕ the sign of a perfect

equilibrium. Silence is the absolute poise or balance of body, mind,
and spirit. … If you ask him, ŖWhat is silence?ŗ he will answer: ŖIt is
the Great Mystery!ŗ ŖThe holy silence is His voice!ŗ If you ask:
ŖWhat are the fruits of silence? he will say: ŖThey are self-control,
true courage or endurance, patience, dignity, and reverence. Silence
is the corner-stone of character.146
 Be unjust to no man, and 

The chiefs of the League of Five Nations shall be mentors of the
people for all time. The thickness of their skins shall be seven spans,
which is to say that they shall be proof against anger, offensive action
and criticism. Their hearts shall be full of peace and good will and
their minds filled with a yearning for the welfare of the people of
the League. ŕ Deganawidah147
 …show all meekness to all men. 

Then Tekánawìta stood up in front of the whole group and said, ŖYou
shall listen well, for you wanted to ask questions so as to understand
what it means, ŘGood Messageř; this is what it means: people respect
each other as though they are one person; also everybody is related
among the various nations, so that now they will stop, the sins and
activities of evil people; now everyone will repent, the old people
and the young people; now everyone will respect one another
among the nations; and just this is what will operate again, the good,
and that is what the ŘGood Messageř means.ŗ ŕ Deganawidah148
The wakan woman [White Buffalo Calf Woman] then touched the
foot of the pipe to the round stone which lay upon the ground and
said: … ŖEvery dawn as it comes is a holy event, and every day is
holy, for the light comes from your Father Wakan-Tanka; and also
you must always remember that the two-leggeds and all the other
peoples who stand upon this earth are sacred and should be treated
as such.ŗ ŕ White Buffalo Calf Woman149
 Be as a lamp unto them that walk in darkness, 

With endless patience they shall carry out their duty and their
firmness shall be tempered with a tenderness for their people. Neither
146
ibid, 89Ŕ90.
147
Deganawidah, qtd. in Arthur C. Parker, The Constitution of the Five Nations Article 24. See also
Deganawidah, qtd. in Bruce E. Johansen, Forgotten Founders: Benjamin Franklin, the Iroquois and the Rationale
for the American Revolution (Ipswich, MA: Gambit, 1982), Chapter Two, epigraph. Cf. Gibson, Concerning the
League, 698.
148
149
White Buffalo Calf Woman, qtd. in Black Elk, The Sacred Pipe: Black Elkřs Account of the Seven
Sacred Rites of the Oglala Sioux. Recorded & edited by Joseph Epes Brown (Norman: University of Oklahoma
Press, 1989 [1953]), 7

anger nor fury shall find lodgement in their minds and all their words
and actions shall be marked by calm deliberation. ŕ Deganawidah150
 …a joy to the sorrowful, 

Thereupon he said, Tekánawìta did, ŖMoreover, I decree that these
the clear minded, shall take care of all of it. When the day comes,
when they go to bury him, these, the clear minded ones. I will choose
a man to be their speaker. Now this one will direct his words towards
the other side of the fire, towards the bereaved, raising their spirits,
the survivors ŕ the chiefs and also the deaconess of the title name
and the whole group ŕ he will raise all of their spirits; and this
represents everything he will speak about to strengthen the spirits of
the survivors.ŗ ŕ Deganawidah151
 …a sea for the thirsty, 

Public giving is a part of every important ceremony. It properly
belongs to the celebration of birth, marriage, and death, and is
observed whenever it is desired to honor any person or event. Upon
such occasions it is common to give away to the point of utter
impoverishment. The Indian in his simplicity literally gives away all
that he has, to relatives, to guests of another tribe or clan, but above
all to the poor and the aged, from whom he can hope for no return.
Finally, the gift to the ŖGreat Mystery,ŗ the religious offering, may be
of little value in itself, but to the giverřs own thought it should carry
the meaning and reward of true sacrifice.152
Orphans and the aged are invariably cared for, not only by their next
of kin, but by the whole clan.153
 …a haven for the distressed, 

Thereupon Tekánawìta said, ŖIn relation to that I have decided to
extend a pole from which we will hang a pouch made of [spotted
fawn hide]. Thereupon we will drop into it strands, the short strands
called Atuřtaksheř. As to that, it shall be ours jointly. Moreover, if, in
some particular place one will come to be a mourner, thereupon it
will be the clearminded ones who will take down the pouch.
Thereupon a man will bend down near the wall where he will pick it
up, the object made of [spotted fawn skin] and, throwing it on his
back, take to the road, walk to the place where one is mourning, and
at the edge of the ashes he will stop, kneel down [?] and then he will
speak up, this one, using gentle words, for it would not be fitting if
he were to use strong language when one is, actually, grieving.
150
Deganawidah, qtd. in William N. Fenton, ed., Parker on the Iroquois, Book III: The Constitution of
the Five Nations 37.
151
Deganawidah, qtd. in Gibson, Concerning the League, 495.
152
Charles A. Eastman (Ohiyesa), The Soul of the Indian: An Interpretation, 102Ŕ103
153
ibid, 101.

Moreover, he will use the thirteen matters for clearing the mind,
indeed, the thirteen strands of wampum [the Condolence Wampum].
Moreover, when he completes the rite in which he will raise the
spirits of the mourners again, these, as soon as they recover, will
follow again the path of the Great Law.ŗ ŕ Deganawidah154
 …an upholder and defender of the victim of oppression. 

Moreover, this also I decree: if the wind blows this way, coming
from the east ŕ or possibly coming from the west, or possibly it will
come from the south, or possibly it will come from the north ŕ if
this wind comes, hitting the growing tree we have planted, and the
tree falls over ŕ or hits where we are holding each others arms ŕ
nevertheless it ought not break it; and this means that it could come
from anywhere, the trouble that causes us to die, or perhaps, attempts
to break our power; even if, say, it happens that way to only one
person, we shall stand up as one, protecting ourselves and
shielding all of the people, so that they will survive, and the
families will continue on. Moreover, I decree that a single family we
shall become, our various nations. ŕ Deganawidah155
 Let integrity and uprightness distinguish all thine acts. 

Moreover, and most importantly, one is going to assemble in
meetings where it will be announced that all of mankind will repent
of their sins, even evil people, and in the future, they will be kind to
one another, one and all. When they are functioning, the Good
Message and also the Power and the Peace, moreover, these will be
the principal things that everybody will live by; these will be the
great values among the people. ŕ Deganawidah156
 Be a home for the stranger, 

Roots have spread out from the Tree of the Great Peace … and the
name of these roots is the Great White Roots of Peace. If any man of
any nation outside of the Five Nations shall show a desire to obey the
laws of the Great Peace … they may trace the roots to their source …
and they shall be welcomed to take shelter beneath the Tree of the
Long Leaves. ŕ Deganawidah157
 …a balm to the suffering, 

Thereupon Tekánawìta said, ŖMoreover I decree that if she is not
able to get ready by the third day, she may postpone it to the tenth
154
Deganawidah, qtd. in Gibson, Concerning the League, 534Ŕ537. Cf. pp. 646Ŕ648.
155
ibid, 307Ŕ309.
156
ibid, 40Ŕ41.
157
Deganawidah, qtd. in William N. Fenton, ed., Parker on the Iroquois, Book III: The Constitution of
the Five Nations, 9.

day, which is the time indicated in mourning ordinary persons - when

they have someone who dies, and the families (lineages) and clans
grieve at their separation by reason of that persons death ŕ so the
time has passed, ten days, then she will cook one more meal, and this
one is called the Dead Feast.
This is how it is done when an ordinary person has died, and so

similarly, when the time has passed, the ten days, then the matron of
the title name will prepare a Dead Feast upon the death of a deceased
chief, and their at the feast all Three Brothers chiefs (the mourners)
will assemble. Thereupon the other side of the fire, the clear minded
ones, now they will go to the door of the bereaved, and they will
clear the mourners minds, the Three Brothers, Indeed, that is to say,
the Mohawk and the Seneca and the Onondaga, and what will get
used to accomplish it are thirteen matters, which we shall call
Atuřtakshaeř, the thirteen strands of wampum, which will always get
used to raise the mourners‟ spirits.ŗ ŕ Deganawidah158
 …a tower of strength for the fugitive. 

Then Deganawidah said, ŖSo then what is the reason that you are
stirring about here?řř The men replied saying, “Actually we are
fugitives.” Then Deganawidah asked saying, ŖWhat is the reason that
you are running away, for surely there is nothing amiss now?ŗ
The men said, ŖUnderstand that it so happened that where we lived

our village was destroyed. So really we do not know the state of
affairs there.ŗ Then Deganawidah inquired, ŖWho are these people
who have destroyed your village?ŗ The men answered, ŖIt is indeed
that person who continually harms us named Dehononhsahenhhwa?,
ŖHe whose house obstructs the path.ŗ
Now then Deganawidah affirmed, ŖNow as for that, from now on

that kind of work shall stop. Indeed understand that such an intention
was not in the mind of the Creator of the earth and the skyworld.
Moreover, it is also my aim to put a stop to the killing of one another

ŕ that too should cease.159
Moreover, I am putting down inside of the area you are surrounding

the arrow-bundle which signifies a single mind; for this bundle,
made of five arrows, is impossible to break, and it is impossible to
bend it; but if someone were to pull out one arrow, it will weaken its
power, and if someone should pull out two arrows, thereupon it will
158
159
Deganawidah, qtd. in William Nelson Fenton, The Great Law and the Longhouse: A Political
History of the Iroquois Confederacy, 87.

become bent, and if sometimes only two arrows remain, thereupon it

is no longer strong and it has no power. Thereupon it will get broken,
and it will come to pass that just about anyone will be able to bend it
back and forth; but if all the arrows separate, now as to that, it will be
easy for someone to break it, and so it is with your power: it should
not get broken, nor should it get bent. This therefore, is what I
decree: we shall have only one body, and only one head, and only
one life. ŕ Deganawidah160
 Be eyes to the blind, and 

Moreover, at present it [the Great Law] is young as the day is when
the sun is rising and lights up the earth; just as it causes warmth all
over the earth for all the people, we will help the people of every
nation. And just as all of the many things grow on earth and sustain
the people, the newly arriving Great Law will come to shed light on
the minds of the people, the elders and the younger people,
everybody, even the children, and this is what you will work at:
everyone shall become related to one another, so that it will become a
single family consisting of every tribe; and they will be kind to one
another, all of the people, and this is what will unite them: the Good
Message, and the Power, and the Peace. ŕ Deganawidah161
 …a guiding light unto the feet of the erring. 

It shall be the duty of all of the Five Nations Confederate Lords,
from time to time as occasion demands, to act as mentors and
spiritual guides of their people and remind them of their Creator‟s
will and words. They shall say:
ŖHearken, that peace may continue unto future days! ŖAlways listen
to the words of the Great Creator, for he has spoken. ŖUnited people,
let not evil find lodging in your minds. ŖFor the Great Creator has
spoken and the cause of Peace shall not become old. ŖThe cause of
peace shall not die if you remember the Great Creator.ŗ
Every Confederate Lord shall speak words such as these to promote

peace. ŕ Deganawidah162
 Be an ornament to the countenance of truth, 

Then the Spirit-woman pointed to the other scout, who trembled
before her, and she said, ŖGo, tell your People what you have seen
here. Tell them to build an altar of sage and cherry branches, and also
160
161
ibid, 127Ŕ129.
162

to put up a great tipi, and I will come tomorrow from where the sun
sets. Tell them I have a great gift to give them, a gift kept in this
sacred Bundle.ř And she told him, ŘTell them just what I have said.
Donřt make more than what it is and donřt make less than what it is!ŗ
ŕ White Buffalo Calf Woman163
 …a crown to the brow of fidelity, 

Thereupon Tekánawìta said, ŖStand-up,ŗ and the man stood up in
front of the chiefs. Thereupon Tekánawìta said, ŖNow the task is
done, and it is you who are the first one they have crowned with
antlers. Moreover your title shall be Thatotahoř, which is what they
will call you, the people living on earth. Moreover, this is what will
protect them, all of the people of future generations, your
grandchildren. Moreover, now it will function, that which we will
call the Great Law. So this is what we will begin to do in relation to
you who are chiefs: from now on we shall have as symbols of our
status, antlers for us to wear.ŗ ŕ Deganawidah164
 …a pillar of the temple of righteousness, 

Righteousness means justice practised between men and between
nations; it means also a desire to see justice prevail. ŕ
Deganawidah165
 …a breath of life to the body of mankind, 

Now in turn, the other, my third saying, Ŗnow it is arriving, the
Peaceŗ, this means that everyone will become related, men and also
women, and also the young people and the children, and when all are
relatives, every nation, there will be peace as they roam about by day
and also by night. Now, also, it will become possible for them to
assemble in meetings. Then there will be truthfulness, and they will
uphold hope and charity, so that it is peace that will unite all the
people, indeed, it will be as though they have but one mind, and
they are a single person with only one body and one head and one
life, which means that there will be unity. ŕ Deganawidah166
 …an ensign of the hosts of justice, 
163
As recounted by Arvol Looking Horse (the 19th Generation Keeper of the Sacred White Buffalo
Calf Pipe), The Native Voice (Rapid City, S.D.) 5.13 (Oct 1ŔOct 15, 2006): p. D1. ŖShe [White Buffalo Calf
Woman] told the remaining scout to go back, tell what he had seen, but not to make more of what it is or make less
of what it is. These words are also a teaching of staying with truth.ŗ Chief Arvol Looking Horse, ŖResponse to
Eagle Hunter,ŗ Lakota Journal, 2004, June 18Ŕ25, A5.
164
165
Deganawidah, qtd. in Paul A.W. Wallace, White Roots of Peace, 39Ŕ40 See Indian and Northern
Affairs Canada, Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal, Vol. 1, Part 1, Section 4, Sub-section 2,
ŖIroquoians and the Iroquois,ŗ pp. 14 and 58, n. 26.
166

Power means authority, the authority of law and custom, backed by

such force as is necessary to make justice prevail; it means also
religion, for justice enforced is the will of the Holder of the
Heavens and has his sanction. ŕ Deganawidah167
 …a luminary above the horizon of virtue, 

A broad dark belt of wampum of thirty-eight rows, having a white
heart in the center, on either side of which are two white squares all
connected with the heart by white rows of beads shall be the emblem
of the unity of the Five Nations. [Ed. note: This is the Hiawatha
Belt, now in the Congressional Library.] The first of the squares on
the left represents the Mohawk nation and its territory; the second
square on the left and the one near the heart, represents the Oneida
nation and its territory; the white heart in the middle represents the
Onondaga nation and its territory, and it also means that the heart of
the Five Nations is single in its loyalty to the Great Peace, that the
Great Peace is lodged in the heart (meaning the Onondaga Lords),
and that the Council Fire is to burn there for the Five Nations, and
further, it means that the authority is given to advance the cause of
peace whereby hostile nations out of the Confederacy shall cease
warfare; the white square to the right of the heart represents the
Cayuga nation and its territory and the fourth and last white square
represents the Seneca nation and its territory. White shall here
symbolize that no evil or jealous thoughts shall creep into the
minds of the Lords while in Council under the Great Peace. White,
the emblem of peace, love, charity and equity surrounds and
guards the Five Nations. ŕ Deganawidah168
 …a dew to the soil of the human heart, 

Thereupon Tekánawìta said, ŖNow, moreover, I decree that you
chiefs of the Five Nations, that is to say, the Mohawk and the Oneida
and the Cayuga and the Seneca and the Onondaga, who have the
Good Message and the Power and the Peace and the Great Law, this
is what I decree: do not ever disagree, thus there shall always be
unanimity! It will be like a single person; you will have one body,
and one head, and one heart, which means that as it became one
family, when unified, creating relatedness and kindness, each person
will now be kind to one and all. Moreover, we have completed all
matters that follow in the family through generations, and these shall
last as long as the earth exists, and as long as they are going to grow,
the grasses and also the various weeds, as long as the shrubs keep
growing wild, the various shrubs, and as long as they [keep growing
wild], the trees, all kinds of trees; and as long as springs emerge the
167
Deganawidah, qtd. in Paul A.W. Wallace, White Roots of Peace, 39Ŕ40.
168

water of rivers will keep flowing, also the large rivers and the
various lakes; and as long as the sun keeps rising and setting and the
moon keeps up its phases, and in the sky the stars do the same, and
the wind is stirring on the land, and the heavenly bodies continue to
provide light by day and by night; thus, it shall last, the task we are
completing, the Great Law, and these two will cooperate, the
earthly land and the other one, the heavenly land.ŗ ŕ
Deganawidah169
 …an ark on the ocean of knowledge, 

Nineteen generations ago the beautiful spirit we now refer to as Pte-
san win-yan (White Buffalo Calf Woman) brought the Sacred
Cřanupa to our People. She taught the People the Seven Sacred Rites
and how to walk on Mother Earth in a sacred manner. She said,
ŖOnly the good shall see the Pipe … the bad shall not see it or touch
it.ŗ ŕ White Buffalo Calf Woman170
 …a sun in the heaven of bounty, 

Thereupon Tekánawìta said, ŖIt will turn out well for us to do this:
we will say, ŘWe promise to have only one dish among us; in it will
be beaver tail and no knife will be there.ř Thereupon the chiefs
confirmed that so it should happen.ŗ Thereupon Tekánawìta said,
ŖNow we have completed the matter; we will have one dish, which
means that we will have equal shares of the game roaming about in
the hunting grounds and fields, and everything will become
peaceful among all of the people; and there will be no knife near our
dish, which means that if a knife were there, someone might
presently get cut, causing bloodshed, and this is troublesome, should
it happen thus, and for this reason there should be no knife near our
dish.ŗ ŕ Deganawidah171
 …a gem on the diadem of wisdom, 

She warned, ŖYou must have a good heart and a good mind to go to
the ceremonies. Honor the Sacred Places, the Sacred Ceremonies and
the Sacred Sites. Each Sacred Site is an altar to the Great Spirit.
Gather there often and pray the prayers and sing the songs I have
taught you. In time you will understand the meaning of the Seven
Sacred Rites that come with this sacred Bundle.ŗ ŕ White Buffalo
Calf Woman172
 a shining light in the firmament of thy generation, 

169
170
As recounted by Arvol Lookinghorse. The Native Voice (Rapid City, S.D.) 5.13 (Oct 1ŔOct 15,
2006): p. D1 (2 pp.).
171
172
As recounted by Arvol Lookinghorse. The Native Voice p. D1

Moreover, at present it is young as the day is when the sun is rising

and lights up the earth; just as it causes warmth all over the earth for
all the people, we will help the people of every nation. And just as all
of the many things grow on earth and sustain the people, the newly
arriving Great Law will come to shed light on the minds of the
people, the elders and the younger people everybody, even the
children, and this is what you will work at: everyone shall become
related to one another, so that it is what will unite them: the Good
Message, and the Power, and the Peace. ŕ Deganawidah173
 …a fruit upon the tree of humility. 

She [White Buffalo Calf Woman] said, ŖWhen you put the Cřanupa s
bowl and stem together, you connect the world above and the world
below. The only time the Cřanupa is put together is when you are in
prayer. And when you pray with the C‟anupa, humble yourself.
Present your prayers to all four Sacred Directions, and then pray to
the Great Spirit above and Mother Earth below. Sing your songs and
pray for life, peace, harmony and happiness.ŗ ŕ White Buffalo Calf
Woman174
173
174
As recounted by Arvol Lookinghorse. The Native Voice p. D1.

Appendix Three
Letter from Dr. David S. Ruhe on Native Messengers of God / Deganawidah
14 July [2001]
Dear Christopher ŕ
It was a happy thing to find that you are now at Michigan State ŕ a
university affiliation which Iřve been too busy to develop as an
alumnus ŕ and have lost classmate contact ŕ thus being an active
Bahai and physician!
The ms175 is coming by separate posting.
If you can bring off the Ŗcategoryŗ idea at the least, and Deganawida
as indigenous Prophet at the most[,] it will be a great coup and a
great service. A Bahai Indian woman, with tearful eyes, said that the
Bahais gave her no respect as an Indian ŕ a sorry thing.
Your mission = to bring respect for spirituality of the original

Americans and perhaps much more ŕ pride in Founders of their
spiritual systems.
Nuff said, and thanks for chance to see your thorough scholarship
once again ŕ
Warm greetings to Nazy [Nahzy] from ŕ
Dave & Meg Ruhe
175
Manuscript, i.e. Dr. Ruheřs critical comments on ŖNative Messengers of God in Canada?: A Test
Case for Bahářì Universalismŗ prior to its abridgement and republication as: Christopher Buck, ŖBahářì
Universalism and Native Prophets.ŗ Reason & Revelation: New Directions in Bahářì Thought. Edited by Seena
Fazel and John Danesh. Los Angeles: Kalimát Press, 2002. Pp. 172Ŕ201.

Bahá‟u‟lláh‟s Four Tablets to Maryam

Lawh-i-Maryam, Maryama Isiy-i-Jan, Hurufat-i-„Ali‟in and Ziyárat-Námih-i-
Maryam
Gloria Shahzadeh
Dubai, United Arab Emirates
ŖIn one of the older neighbourhoods in Tihran, there exists a

beautiful, large house, which belongs to the relatives of Mirza
Buzurg-i-Nuri. A young woman, by the name of Maryam -- who is
well endowed with beauty and perfections -- is the bride of the
household. An Immortal Beauty, Whose luminous Countenance can
easily steal the hearts of the worldřs inhabitants and Whose blessed
heart can attract all those around Him, has been released from the
darksome and stench-filled prison of the Siyah Chal, and, freed from
the heavy chains that had been weighing on Him, lies in His sickbed
in that house. He slips in and out of consciousness as He rests in bed
gravely stricken with ill health.
Maryam, enthralled with love, circles moth-like round that Peerless

Flame and weeps tears of anguish. She sings out with heavenly
melodies the odes of love that stream forth from the pure plains of
her delicate heart as she circles in adoration around His Blessed
Person and attends to his ails. She sees the luminousness of His
Countenance, discerns the Glory of His majesty and grandeur, and
recognises in His Countenance the all encompassing transformations
derived from divine inspiration!ŗ1
These are the words by which Furugh Arbab introduces her short chapter on
Maryam, Bahařuřllahřs cousin, sister-in-law, friend, and faithful follower.
Unfortunately other works by other historians such as Malik-Khusravi,
Baydaři, and Ishragh-Khavari present even shorter accounts on the life of
Maryam. In a maximum of two pages, they all introduce her ancestry and
outline her relationship to Bahařuřllah; assert that she lived a short life of
pain and agony; indicate that beautiful Tablets were revealed in her honour
by the Pen of the Blessed Perfection; refer to the great bond of love and
devotion between her and the Ancient Beauty; and mention the month she
spent nursing Bahařuřllah back to health Ŕ with the help of Assiyih Khanum
-- after His release from the Siyah Chal.
Reading these short chapters, one is left thirsting after the truth of this
womanřs existence. The mystery behind her unbearable life of hardship, her
character, her obscurity, and her station as a historical figure so closely
1
. Furugh Arbab, Akhtaran-i-Taban v1, p109

© 2007 Gloria Shahzadeh
272 Gloria Shahzadeh Tablets to Maryam: Introduction
associated with the Person of Bahařuřllah all leave one question mark after
another in the readerřs mind!
Who was this woman other than being the daughter of Mirza Karim-i-
Namadsab and Malikuřl-Nisa Khanum, Bahařuřllahřs paternal aunt? Or the
sister of Fatimih Khanum (Mahd-i-ŘUlya), Bahařuřllahřs second wife?2
What other social status did she hold than being the wife of Bahařuřllahřs
half brother, Mirza Rida-Quli who was a Haji by his pilgrimage to Mecca
and a physician?3 And what purpose did she serve in the history of a Faith
she had espoused so early in its development?4 What services did she render
surrounded by a husband who tried his best to conceal his association with
Bahařuřllah and sister-in-laws who were staunch supporters of Mirza Yahya
and who tried everything in their powers to keep her mute in praise of her
Lord and to make sure that she was not to attain her heartřs desire of
attaining the presence of Bahařuřllah after His exile from Iran.5
The dates of her birth and death are not conclusively clear from any of the
aforementioned historical works; however what can be fairly decisively
assumed from them is that she Ŕ in most probability Ŕ died around the year
1868 or 1869 at around the age of 41 or 42. It is also said that she married
Bahařuřllahřs brother Mirza Rida-Quli a couple of years before the
Declaration of the Blessed Bab at around the age of 15; which makes her
about 10 years younger than Bahařuřllah.6
There is no indication anywhere of her formal education, but since she was
obviously literate, it can be assumed that she received some sort of home-
schooling. Regardless, however, of the sort of training she received, her
poetry is testimony to the fact that she was not only eloquently literate; but
that she was also knowledgeable in matters of religious history, theology
and classical poetry.
One of her poems reads:
ŖA rare heart -- bewildered and bleeding -- is my lot;

Flowing out rivers -- Euphrates and Tigris -- from the crimson sea
that is my heart.
There once was a time when peculiar I found Majnunřs tale;

In my heart now two hundred Layli and Majnun epics prevail.
To the wilderness, withdrew His tent from this town, my heartřs

Desire;
2
. Muhammad-ŘAli Malik-Khusravi, Iqlim-i-Nur p137
3
. H.M. Balyuzi, The King of Glory p13
4
. Adib Taherzadeh The Revelation of Bahařuřllah v1, p12
5
. Adib Taherzadeh The Revelation of Bahařuřllah v3, p212
6
. Furugh Arbab Akhtaran-i-Taban v1, pp110, 112

And so -- enamoured as the mad Qays Ŕ to the wilderness is set my

gaze.
One luminous Moon may have had doleful Zulaykha in captivity;

What I have in bondage are two hundred suns shining brightly.
Nine heavens shall I burn to naught;

Should I tell of all the worldřs ails that lie in my heart.
At the Kařba of the Beloved, I held refuge for many years;

Yet I am now separated from Him by more than a journey of a
hundred years.
O thou whose abode is now set across from the deep sea;
My heartřs vessel do Thou witness, so filled with Thee.
So grieved I am with pain of separation from thee;

That saddened I shall make the hearts of all maidens -- both angels
and houris.
Untold doth remain my heartřs secret, though to its end the page hath
arrived;
Oh, how I lament this blazing fire that within the core of my being
remains enwrapped.ŗ7
In the first four verses of this poem, she unveils her inner knowledge of such
subjects as the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, which, in addition to being
geographical elements, have profound theological significance and deep
roots in religious history; her knowledge of poetical epics such as the story
of Layli and Majnun; her knowledge of the name of Majnun, the mad
ŖQaysŗ; and her knowledge of the Qurřanic account of Yusuf and Zulaykha.
One may assume -- at first glance -- that her usage of such metaphors may
simply be out of a common familiarity with popular epics and stories;
however, a deeper study of this and her other poems and a systematic
analysis of the context in which she uses these familiar words or names will
prove her deep understanding of their place in history; their symbolism in
religion; and their effects on society.
Her poems are, however, generally written with the fire of her devotion for
her Lord and with the tender eloquence of a handmaiden wholly enthralled
with the love of God.
Lovers' melodies echoed thoroughly enchanting;

Flames of love filled the world wholly energizing
7
. Baydaři, Tadhkariy-i-Shuřaray-i-Qarn-i-Avval-i-Bahařì v3, p337

The lover's plight perceiveth not, but a lover's mind;

For a lover's plight is of a peculiar kind
A fare so splendid wherein kings of the day;

Like unto beggars bare and forlorn at its way
So enticingly played Love's flute;

Liberating my soul from both worldsř loot
Ah! If only Love's scorching blaze;

Bestirred me at every breath with its flame ever more
ablaze8
Fascinating as Maryamřs poetry may be, however, the purpose of this paper
lies in the introduction of her character and identity as portrayed by
Bahařuřllah in His four Tablets addressed to her; for given the brevity of all
historical accounts on her life, the answers to the questions pertaining to this
blessed handmaiden may only be attained in these Tablets.
The Tablet of Maryam
One of these Tablets, known as Ŗthe Tablet of Maryamŗ, is the one that is
translated in part by Shoghi Effendi and starts with ŖO Maryam! The
wrongs which I suffer have blotted out the wrongs suffered by My First
Name from the Tablet of Creationŗ. It is written in the same poetic language
as the other Tablets addressed to her and Ŕ like all the other ones Ŕ it is
clearly indicative of the most tender affection cherished by the
Manifestation of God for this cousin and obviously loyal friend and trusted
confidant.
This Tablet is a heartrending account of Bahařuřllahřs pre-exile trials in

Tihran and of the actual exile from Tihran to Baghdad, as well as what befell
him during His sojourn in Sulaymaniyyih, the details of his being
discovered and His return to Baghdad. It recounts His triumphant victory in
reviving the perishing Babi community of Baghdad in the mid 1850s, and
the sufferings He endured at the hands of those from within and outside of
His own community. And ultimately, it reveals the adversities that are yet to
come and His further banishment to remote lands.
Bahařuřllah cries out in this Tablet with eager affection, confiding His
heartřs ails in a devoted relative, a cousin, a sister-in-law, a friend and a
faithful believer. He shares His agonies almost as if seeking comfort in her
unquestionable understanding and her absolute willingness to be party to
8
. Baydaři, Tadhkariy-i-Shuřaray-i-Qarn-i-Avval-i-Bahaři v, p 336

His sufferings, and bestows upon her the ultimate bounty of sharing in His
own tribulations
Maryama Isiy-i-Jan [O Maryam, the Spirit of life ascended to the

domain of placelessness…]
The date of the Revelation of this Tablet has not yet become clear, and
therefore one cannot conclude with certainty where it was revealed;
although Adib Taherzadeh alludes to the fact that all the Tablets addressed to
Maryam -- except the Tablet of Visitation Ŕ were revealed in Baghdad.9 This
Tablet, like the other ones, speaks of clamours and afflictions in the path of
the Beloved, however it seems rather different in tone to the other Tablet in
that it appears to have been revealed by Bahařuřllah mainly to comfort
Maryam in times of adversity, perhaps soon after His settlement in Baghdad
and in appreciation of her tireless efforts in nursing Him back to enough
health for Him to undertake the journey, and while she must have been
agonizing over the separation.
Hurufat-i-„Ali‟in [Exalted letters]
Another tablet, which in reality is a prayer because it is entirely addressed to

God, is Hurufat-i-ŘAliřin or Hurufat-i-ŘAliyat (Exalted Letters] or Musibat-i-
Hurufat-i-ŘAliyat, which means the sufferings of the Exalted Letters. This
tablet was revealed by Bahařuřllah in 8 sections first in Arabic and then
translated by Himself into Persian. In a prologue to the tablet, He explains
that at the request of some believers He translated the tablet into Persian; but
that the translation is that of the essence, because a word for word literal
translation would not have been seemly.10
The tablet was dedicated to the memory of Mirza Muhammad-i-Vazir,

Maryamřs brother. Mirza Muhammad and his wife Havva (Bahařuřllahřs
niece from one of His half sisters from His motherřs side) were both
devoted believers. In fact according to Adib Taherzadeh, Mirza Muhammad
may have been the first in Bahařuřllahřs family who was converted by Him
to the Cause of the Bab in 1844.11
Mirza Muhammad died in Nur when Bahařuřllah was still in Baghdad, and
the Blessed Beauty revealed this Tablet in his honour and sent it to Mirza
Muhamadřs sister (Maryam) and his wife (Havva) to console them in their
time of sorrow.12
9
Adib Taherzadeh, The Revealtion of Bahařuřllah v1, p12
10
Bahařuřllah, Adřiyyiy-i-Hadrat-i-Mahbub p.?
11
Adib Taherzadeh, The Revelation of Bahařuřllah v1, p122 [He was presumably the first in
Bahařuřllahřs family to be converted by Him to the Cause of the Blessed Bab after Mirza Musa]
12
Ibid

Adib Taherzadeh and John Walbridge both explain the contents of this tablet
in very similar words;13 but both explanations are minimal in the extreme.
The tablet covers a whole array of things in a unique tone, and although the
general purport of the tablet is about life -- and it paints a vivid picture of
the journey from pre-conception to death (or the destruction of the temporal
body as the tablet explains it) -- it touches on so many various aspects along
the way.
It praises God; recounts the bounties of God showered upon the believers
from the moment of creation; explains the soul and its eternal nature,
elucidates the nobility of man and his being created in Godřs own image,
and speaks of the greatest bounty bestowed upon man which is his ability to
recognize Godřs Manifestation and gain eternal life.
The tablet also speaks of the believerřs path towards certitude and how he is
to endure tremendous sufferings and persecutions in the path of God,
renounce the world and become wholly detached from all else except Him.
After an elaborate and eloquent description of the station of the soul,

Bahařuřllah speaks of the physical death and the afflictions that befalls the
human temple upon its destruction after death. He also explains how this
physical destruction can be mournful to the loved ones who are left behind;
but ultimately His attention reverts in several part of the tablet to the
limitless sufferings with which the believer is afflicted in his path toward
eternal glory.
The last section of the tablet was revealed specifically for Maryam and
Havva, where Bahařuřllah ever so tenderly and lovingly showers these
women with the utmost of affection and consoles them in the loss
Tablet of Visitation
The Tablet of Visitation revealed by the Pen of the Blessed Perfection in her
honour can certainly serve as a comprehensive introduction to the life and
character of Maryam; one that defines her beginnings, her life, and her end
well beyond the confines of parental ancestry and social standing. It speaks
of time immemorial, pre-existence, the beginnings of love, of her being a
sign of love, and much more.
In the prologue to this tablet, Bahařuřllah states that it was revealed for one
who was named Maryam, and who was ablaze with the fire of the love of
her Lord before the flames even touched her.
13
Adib Taherzadeh, The Revelation of Bahařuřllah v1, p122 Ŕ John Walbridge, Exalted Letters, The
Overview (published in Sacred Acts, Sacred Space, Sacred Time, pp267-8

The analogy of being lit without coming into contact with the light or fire
goes back to the Qurřan, where in Surih 24:35 it is said:
ŖAllah is the Light of the heavens and the earth.

The Parable of His Light is as if there were a Niche
and within it a Lamp: the Lamp enclosed in Glass:
the glass as it were a brilliant star:
Lit from a blessed Tree, an Olive,
neither of the east nor of the west,
whose oil is well-nigh luminous,
though fire scarce touched it:
Light upon Light !
God doth guide whom He will to His Light (núr):
God doth set forth Parables for men: and God doth know all
things.ŗ14
And so Bahářuřlláh says that the Fire scarce touched Maryam, and yet she
was ablaze with the Fire and thus she was one whom God hath willed to
guide.
Bahařuřllah indicates in the prologue that Maryamřs station had remained

concealed throughout her life time, but that after her death God unveiled her
(through this Tablet of Visitation, it may be assumed) and revealed her to
His servants. The prologue also states that should one wish to pay homage
to Tahirih, one can do so with this same Tablet.
It is most interesting that the same tablet is for both Tahirih and Maryam:
the first woman so well-known in Babi/Bahaři history, so bold in character
and so revolutionary in nature; while the second woman so obscure, so
subtle and so concealed.
Nevertheless, if one were to paint a portrait of the lives of these two women,
it would almost be the exact same drawing, but done in different colours.
Here are two women who were both instantly confirmed believers Ŕ both
poetesses. They were both married, while in both cases, they were not in the
least supported by their husbands in their acceptance of their newfound
Faith.
They each lived their lives for their Beloved and would give it up in a
twinkling of an eye for Him. They both died at a young age: Tahirih died a
martyrřs death, while Maryam, dying after a lifetime of anguish, was named
by Bahařuřllah Himself Ŗa martyr in the path of Baháŗ.
They were both persecuted by their relatives, and kept at some point captive
in their own homes against their will.
14
. Yusuf Ali translation

However, within all these similarities there exists the stark difference in
their lives and character.
Tahirih was very much famous for her poetry; while Maryamřs was written
in the seclusion of her home and chanted out as a means of soothing her
own bereaved heart. Tahirihřs fame of scholarship, poetry, lectureship, faith,
bravery and martyrdom were almost instant and far-reaching; resulting in
her celebrity status throughout time and beyond the geographical limits of
Iran. Her poetry has been translated into other languages. She lives in many
homes across the globe, while Maryam is pretty much still envisioned in
that same beautiful house on Khadim Street, where she looked after her
noble Guest -- her Lord -- for a short time, and where she died in her
longing desire to be near Him.
The study of the differences between these two women and that of the
common thread between them -- which is their reciprocated love for their
Lord -- makes for a very interesting discussion. However, since the focus is
intended to be on Maryam alone here, space does not afford the present
writer a further examination of this matter.
What stands out, however, and is addressed by Bahařuřlláh Himself in His

prologue is her obscurity. Bahařuřllah says that her station was concealed
throughout her lifetime and revealed by God only upon her death! So,
according to Bahařuřllah, this Tablet of Visitation is in fact a discovery of
her life and station which was concealed prior to her death -- perhaps in
order to protect her from even further jealousy and hatred by her unfaithful
relatives.
This Tablet of Visitation is not dated; however it had to be revealed in Akka,

because it was revealed after Maryamřs passing to the Realm on High,
which was about the year 1868-69. Therefore, depending on how soon after
her death Bahařuřllah revealed this Tablet; it could very well have been
while He was still inside the Prison Cell within the barracks. The Tablet is
written in a poetic and highly symbolic style, and consists of three distinct
parts with three distinct addressees.
Bahařuřllah starts out by addressing the ŖSupreme Penŗ. This in itself -- at

the very first sentence of the Tablet -- is at once captivating.
In the Suratuřl-Qalam (the Tablet of the Pen), Bahařuřllah asserts that the
divine blessings were bestowed upon the Exalted (or Supreme) Pen (Qalam-
i-ŘAla) before the creation of letters and words and that of the kingdom of
names and attributes, and before Godřs mighty Tablets were revealed.15 In
Islam, The Supreme Pen is of the highest station. It is the station of Ŗthe
15
. Kavian Milami and Nafeh Fananapazir, A Study of the Pen Motif in the Bahaři Writings, March
1999

reality of realitiesŗ [Haqiqatuřl-Haqařiq]; or the reality of Muhammad as the

Prophet of God. In Surah 96:1 of the Qurřan it is said:
ŖRead, in the name of your Lord, who created. He created man from
an embryo. Read, and your Lord, Most Exalted teaches by means of
the pen.ŗ16
The Pen is then a symbol for the creative forces of the manifestation of God.
And here Bahařuřllah -- a captive in the great citadel of Akka -- is calling
out to ŖThe Supreme Penŗ to console It for the calamity of Maryamřs death.
Turning His attention to Maryam herself, Bahařuřllah laments her death and
confers upon her the title of ŖCrimson Leafŗ.
Bahařuřllah referred to His male off-springs as Ŗbranchesŗ and to the

females in the family as Ŗleavesŗ; however many outstanding women
outside the family were also honoured by being addressed by Him as a leaf.
In the case of Maryam and Tahirih, they were both blessed with the title of
Ŗcrimson leafŗ! The word crimson appears frequently in Bahařuřllahřs
Writings -- and is symbolic of all things pertaining to Bahařuřllahřs Own
Dispensation -- such as the Crimson Ark17 (His Cause), the Crimson Book
or Scroll18 (The Book of His Covenant), the Crimson Spot19 (the Most Great
Prison), the Crimson Wine20 (His Revealed Word), The Crimson Cup21
(oneřs portion of Godřs Decree), the Crimson Light22 (testimony-evidence
of the His Revelation), the Crimson cloud23 (Throne of Revelation), the
Crimson Ink24 (the blood shed in His path Ŕ martyrdom). And of course Ŗthe
shores of the crimson seasŗ which in the tablet of the Holy Mariner is
identified as a Ŗsacred strandŗ from where those upon the Ark of God can
attain a station (ethereal invisible station):
Ŗ… Wherein the Lord hath in the Flame of His Beauty appeared

within the deathless tree.ŗ
Ŗ…Wherein the embodiments of His Cause cleansed themselves of
self and passion.ŗ
Ŗ…Around which the glory of Moses doth circles with the
everlasting hosts.ŗ
16
Bahařuřllah, Epistle to the Son of the Wolf, translated by Shoghi Effendi (Wilmette, Bahai
Publishing, 1988), 32.
17
. Bahařuřllah, The Kitab-i-Aqdas, p215
Bahařuřllah, Epistle to the Son of the Wolf, p135, 139
18
. Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, p238
19
. Bahařuřllah, The Kitab-i-Aqdas, p56
20
. Bahařuřllah, Suriy-i-Haykal
21
. ŘAbduřl-Baha, Bahaři World Faith Ŕ ŘAbduřl-Baha Section, p440
22
. Bahařuřllah, Gleanings from the Writings of Bahařuřllah, p282
23
. Bahařuřllah, Tablets of Bahařuřllah, p182
24
. Bahařuřllah, The Arabic Hidden Words

Ŗ…Wherein the Hand of God was drawn forth from His bosom of
grandeur.ŗ25
Thus a Ŗcrimson leafŗ may be characterised by any and all things for which
the aforementioned stations stand: A leaf belonging to the new Dispensation
and so cherished as belonging to the Tree of God, moving by the Will of
God -- a leaf signifying the crimson blood and a martyrřs life, and a leaf
who has attained to a station of utter servitude, utter annihilation and eternal
glory.
Bahařuřllah honours her in this Tablet with such appellations as: Ŗan
adorning sign of guidance on the faces of womenŗ and Ŗa light unto the
brow of pietyŗ!
Through her, Bahařuřllah affirms, the veils of superstition were rent asunder
from the eyes of women and their beings were adorned with the
remembrance of the Lord of earth and heaven, and characterises her as:
Someone who upon hearing the call of God hesitated Ŕ not even for a
moment, but hastened towards Him detached from all else save Him.
Someone who embraced Him and His great signs and recognised the
manifestation of God in His Days.
Someone who was a stranger in her own land and a prisoner in her
own home! One who was far from the presence of His Holiness even
in her eagerness to be near, and forbidden to attain His presence even
in her fervid desire to behold Him.
Someone who was moved by the winds of the will of God in such
way as was desired and willed by Him.
Someone who had no movement or rest save by His command and

permission.
Someone who annihilated her own will in the will of her Lord and
her desire in His Decree.
Someone whom the whisperings of the stirrers of sedition failed to

keep back from the Daystar of the world; and whom the opposition
of the promoters of sedition deterred not from the Lord of the Day of
Reunion.
Someone who remained firm in the Covenant on a Day in which the

eyes of men were stilled with bewilderment.
25
. Bahařuřllah, The Tablet of the Holy Mariner

Bahařuřllahřs Pen is moved again and again in this Tablet by the calamities
that had befallen Maryam, and He is transported back to pre-existence,
poetically relating a great shock as a result of Maryamřs sufferings.
He expresses sorrows at the death of this friend in poetic hyperbole of

cosmic catastrophes such as the disconnections of the letters at the
beginning of the surihs of the Qurřan and the essence of being taking the
form of the temple and becoming a historic Manifestation. He speaks of
multiple existences coming about from a primal state of unicity, of the
words of negation and affirmation (ŖLa-Ilaha Illallahŗ), of the most great
colourless river being divided into four rivers and acquiring various shades
and earthly limitations; of the Primal Point becoming all letters and words;
and of the point of knowledge being multiplied by the ignorant.
This differentiation of multiple existences, coming forth from a primal state

of unicity, is clearly explained in ŘAbduřl-Bahařs Tafsir-i-kuntu Kanzan
Makhfiyan [ Commentary on ŖI was a Hidden Treasure…ŗ] where He
considers the Ŗdotŗ [a mere point] and how all the letters and words are
concealed within this mere Ŗdotŗ. But all these letters and words are within
the dot in absolute annihilation. By looking at the dot, no trace can be
discerned of these words and letters and there is no difference between
them.
In the same way He explains that the names and attributes of God are also
absolutely and entirely obliterated and annihilated in the station of Primary
Oneness.26
And it is thus that as humans we are exhorted to attain the utmost of self-
effacement and submit to complete self annihilation in order that Ŕ
according to ŘAbduřl-Baha in the same commentary -- one may shine forth
from the dawning place of perpetual existence.
So in understanding the poetic hyperbole of Bahařuřllahřs words describing

the shock of the agonies suffered by Maryam, one can merely begin to
imagine this essence of detachment in her annihilation of a pre-existence
shining forth from the Dawning Place of perpetual existence as Bahařuřllah
Himself has described her in His Tablet of Visitation for her!
Concerning the station of love, in the same aforementioned Commentary,

ŘAbduřl-Baha states that this station is over and above the world of
estimation or description, and that the power of intellect and reasoning can
26 . Makatib-i-Hadrat-i-ŘAbduřl-Baha, v2. p4 Tafsir 'Kuntu Kanzan Makhfiyan' "Tafsir 'Kuntu Kanzan

Makhfiyan'" (Commentary on the Saying 'I was a Hidden Treasure.'Makatib Hadrat Àbdu'l-Baha, Vol. 2 (Cairo:
Matbaàt Kurdistan al-Ìlmiyyah, 1330 A.H./1912). Reprinted, East Lansing, H-Bahai, 1998. [a provisional
translation of this commentary is available by Moojan Momen.] Moojan Momen, "Àbdu'l-Baha's Commentary on
the Islamic Tradition 'I was a Hidden Treasure,' " Baha'i Studies Bulletin vol. 3, no. 4 (December 1985), pp. 4-64.

never attain an understanding of this station. He calls it an eternal mystery.

This eternal Mystery, He says, is identical to the Essence of the Absolute
and is the origin of all love and affection.27
Therefore, these cosmic catastrophes are expressed by Bahařuřllah

poetically at the shock of the sufferings inflicted upon a leaf who was
touched by the origin of all love and affection Ŕ or rather a leaf who was
ablaze by the fire without the fire even touching it!.
The last section of the Tablet is a prayer in which Bahařuřllah, while

extolling Godřs attributes, confers even greater blessings upon His cousin
Maryam.
Postcript
Upon her death, Maryam was survived by one, sole, faithful relative, that
being her daughter, Zahra Khanum, who was referred to by ŘAbduřl-Baha as
Thamarih [thamarih literally meaning fruit]. Zahra Khanum gave birth to
three children two daughters and one son. One of the daughters passed away
at an early age, and when the son passed away as well, the other daughter,
Zibandih Khanum came to be the only surviving member of the family who
remained faithful to the Cause.
Like her mother and grand-mother, Zibandih Khanum was surrounded by

relatives who were mostly followers of Azal. According to Furugh Arbab,
who actually had the privilege of interviewing her, Zibandih Khanum
survived their oppression and persecution and was able through a loving
approach to reduce their animosity to some degree.
In one of His Tablets addressed to Zibandih Khanum, ŘAbduřl-Baha writes:
…Hadrat-i-Thamarih [thamarih literally being fruit], in whose bosom

thou wert reared, was the one blessed fruit and the only shell of
steadfastness in the Covenant, and a brilliant star favoured and
distinguished at the Holy Threshold….28
Zibandih Khanum had heard stories of Maryamřs incredible love for

Bahařuřllah from her mother and knew of the calamities she had suffered in
her life. She often retold those stories to other friends.
From a very early age, Zibandih Khanum Ŕ like her grandmother -- was
consumed with a burning desire to move to the Holy Land and to live in
close proximity to ŘAbduřl-Baha and the Holy Family; but her father would
not grant her permission. According to Furugh Arbab, from as early as age 9
27
. Ibid
28
. The complete Tablet is quoted by Furugh Arbab in Akhtaran-i-Taban v2, p2

she had increased her desperate pleas for permission to go and had wept
uncontrollably, expressing her longing desire to undertake the journey; but
still her father had not given consent for the trip.
Eventually in later years, she was finally able to realise her own desire Ŕ as
well as her grandmotherřs desire -- of travelling to the Holy Land to visit
ŘAbduřl-Baha and the Holy family; however she arrived after ŘAbduřl-Baha
had passed away.
Although in great pain while mourning the loss of ŘAbduřl-Baha, the

Greatest Holy Leaf rushed out to meet her. Welcoming her, the Greatest
Holy Leaf told Zibandih Khanum that they were all awaiting her arrival.
She was in the Holy Land for 19 days, and then she was to leave like all
other pilgrims; however, she went into the presence of Shoghi Effendi and
with great longing said that she did not want to go. She was given
permission to stay for another 19 days. Finally after 85 days she left the
Holy Land deeply touched with the loving affections of Shoghi Effendi and
the Greatest Holy Leaf who referred to her as ŖDokhtar-Amihŗ [paternal
cousin]. Shoghi Effendi also referred to her as ŖMansub-i-bavafaŗ [the loyal
relative] and a Ŗreminder of Hadrat-i-Thamarihŗ.
At age 35, she married Saniř ŘAtaři [Saniřus-Sultan]. Her husband passed
away in 1322, leaving her a good inheritance, which she left for the Bahaři
community after her death at age 100.29
Tablet for Cousin Maryam: Provisional Translation
O Maryam! The wrongs which I suffer have blotted out the wrongs suffered
by My First Name (the Bab) from the Tablet of Creation, and showers of
tribulations have rained from the clouds of Godřs decree upon this Manifest
Beauty. My banishment from My home was prompted by naught else but
the love of the Beloved, and My exile from My land for none other reason
than attaining the good pleasure of the Desired One.
Like a candle, I remained radiant and luminous before the biddings of His
decrees, and stood as firm as a mountain in the face of divine tribulations. I
was even as a torrent of rain amidst the revelations of the tokens of His
Grace, and a flame of fire in staying the enemies of the Sovereign Lord of
Eternity.
The manifold evidences of My might gave way to the envy of the enemies,
and the revelations of My wisdom brought forth their malice and perfidy.
29
All the information on Zibandih Khanum is drawn from Furugh Arbabřs Akhtaran-i-Taban, v2. pp 1-
6

Not for one night did I rest in a place of safety, nor did I lift my head from
my couch on any morn with ease. I swear by the beauty of the True One that
Husayn wept at my meekness and the Friend of God (Ibrahim) cast Himself
into the fire for My afflictions. Shoudst thou observe plainly; thou shalt
witness that the Eyes of Majesty are shedding tears beneath the Tabernacle
of Purity, and the men of glory are wailing in the Realm of Grandeure; to
which beareth witness the Tongue of Truth and Glory.
O Maryam! From the land of Ta (Tihran), after countless afflictions, We

reached ŘIraq at the bidding of the Tyrant of Persia, where after the fetters of
Our foes, We were afflicted with the perfidy of our friends. God knoweth
what befell Me thereafter. Until such time as I renounced My home and all
therein, and my life and all its attachments; and unaccompanied and alone
chose to set out into retirement. I roamed the wilderness of resignation,
travelling in such wise that in my exile every eye wept sore over Me, and all
created things shed tears of blood because of My anguish. The birds of the
air were My companions and the beasts of the field My associates.
I traversed the mortal world in a flash of the sprit, and for two years or
rather less, I shunned all beside God, and closed Mine eyes to all except
Him, that haply the fire of hatred may die down and the heat of jealousy
abate.
O Maryam! It is not befitting to divulge the divine mysteries, nor is it

seemly to reveal heavenly secrets; and by this is meant the mysteries
enshrined within the treasury of My being and naught else! As God is My
witness, I endured what the oceans, waves and fruits -- and all that hath ever
been or will ever be Ŕ could never bear to endure.
During this period of retirement, none from amongst my brothers or others

ventured to enquire into this matter; nor did they seek to understand it,
whilst this was a matter greater than the creation of the heavens and the
earth. By God! One moment of this journey is far greater than pious worship
in both worlds. Although this journey was a most great testimony and the
mightiest and clearest evidence; yet it requires a man of insight to behold
the scene of His Transcendent Glory. He, who is bereft of insight, perceiveth
not even his own beauty; what recourse does he have then of attaining the
most sacred Divine Beauty.
What can the shadow discern of the object who sheddeth the shadow; or a
handful of clay perceive of the subtle reality of the heart?
At length, divine providence prompted some of His spiritual servants to

think of this Canaanite Youth, and they set out with a bundle of letters to
search Me out everywhere and from everyone, until they discovered a trace
of this Traceless One in a cave of a mountain. And He guideth all things
unto the straight, sacred, path.

I swear by the Sun of Divine Reality that this poor forsaken One was so
utterly amazed and mystified by their arrival that this Pen is unable to
recount. Perhaps a keen Pen must needs step forth from within the eternal
realm to rend asunder the veils and reveal all the mysteries with absolute
sincerity and utmost certitude, and to speak with such tongue that would
draw out the heavenly pearls from the shell of silence. And this indeed
would not be difficult for Him.
At last, the Hand of Glory broke the seal of mystery; but alas, ignorant
remained the wise, save those who were truly detached.
Then, the Day-star of the World returned to Iraq. We found no more than a
handful of souls, faint and dispirited; nay utterly lost and dead. The Cause of
God had ceased to be on any oneřs lips; nor was any heart receptive of its
message.30
Hence, this Servant, arose to safeguard the Cause and exalt it to the heights
of glory in such wise as though a new resurrection had come to pass. The
loftiness of the cause became so evident in every city and so manifest in
every land that all sovereigns conducted themselves with forbearance.
O Maryam! Arising before all enemies of different sects and tribes by this
Servant, increased the fire of jealousy of Our foes, to such degree that is not
possible to mention; nor is it imaginable -- thus hath it been decreed by the
Exalted, the Almighty.
O Maryam! The Pen of Him who is the Ancient of Days sayeth that the
greatest of all deeds is to purify the heart from all else but God. Sanctify thy
heart then from the ungodly, that thou mayest be worthy of the Realm of
Eternal Reunion.
O Maryam! From the limitations of vain imitation, step thou into the vast
immensity of the realm of detachment. Purify thy heart from the world and
all that is therein, that thou mayest attain unto the sovereign Lord of faith,
and not be deprived of His Divine Sanctuary. Rent asunder the veils of idle
fancies through the power of detachment, and enter thou into the sacred
court of certitude.
O Maryam! Though a tree may bear a hundred thousand leaves and harvest
a hundred thousand fruits; yet all these leaves and fruits shall disappear and
be destroyed with one movement of the autumn breeze or the cold of the
winter. Waver not away thy gaze then from the very Root of the Divine Tree
and of the branches of the Tree of Transcendent Oneness. Witness thou the
30
This and the preceding sentence translated by Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, (Willmette::Bahaři
Publishing Trust, 1944),126

sea abiding secure in its spot with the utmost poise and dignity; yet how
innumerable shapes and figures form on its surface through the stirring of
breezes of the will of the Everlasting Beloved. All these waves appear to be
different one from another and run contrary to each other; yet the people are
all busy with the waves and are veiled from the sovereign Might of the Sea
of Seas, from Whose movement have appeared the signs of the
Unconstrained.
O Maryam! Seek thou companionship with the Self of the All-merciful, and,
barring thyself from association with evil, abide under the unerring
protection of the Most Bountiful; so that perchance the Hand of divine
blessings may draw you away from the path of selfish desire to the vast
immensity of exaltation and glory.
O Maryam! From beneath the shadows of mortality repair thee unto the Sun
of Eternal Glory. All shadows remain and move about by reason of the
existence of the sun; in such manner that -- were the sun to withhold its
bountiful rays for only a moment -- all created things would return to utter
nothingness.
Alas, how pitiful and regrettable that one should busy oneself with the
manifestations of the mortal world and remain deprived of the Dawning-
Place of Sacred Immortality.
O Maryam! Cherish thou these days, for soon thou shalt not see the
Celestial Youth in the earthly pavilion, and shalt behold the signs of grief in
all things. They shall bite their fingersř end in wonder and regret; yet they
shall not find the Youth even if they were to search for Him to the uttermost
limits of the heavens and the earth. Thus hath it been revealed from the
Kingdom of Exalted Glory.
Yea, soon thou shalt see thyself biting thy fingersř ends, and endeavour to
seek Him in all the heavens and the earth; but alas thou shalt not attain the
presence of the Youth.
In short, such was ultimately the state of affairs that this Servant decided to
leave from amongst the stirrers of sedition, separated from all except for a
few women who perhaps have to remain with this Servant. I shalt not even
take with me the maids of the household; until such time as God may desire
otherwise.
This Youth begins His journey, whilst My tear drops are My only comfort;
the sighs of My heart are My only companion; My pen is My only friend;
My Beauty is My only solace; My army is my reliance and My people are
my trust. This is what I divulged unto thee from the mysteries of the Cause,
that thou mayest be of them that are endued with understanding.

O Maryam! All the seas of the world and the rivers that flow out from them
are pouring down from the eyes of the Youth that hath appeared as a cloud
and is weeping at His Own meekness.
Alas, this Life and this Head, We offered in the path of the Friend from all
eternity to all eternity, and shall be wholly resigned to whatever that may
transpire.
At one time this Head was raised on a spear; and at another time it was
delivered to the hands of Shimr. I was cast into the Fire at one time, and
suspended in the air at another time. And this is that which the infidels have
wrought against Us.
And thus, O Maryam, We named this Tablet with wondrous wailings and
showers of tears; and dispatched it towards thee; that thou mayest bewail
with ease and share with the Ancient Beauty in His anguish.
Furthermore, since Jinab-i-Baba was in our presence in the first year, he is

aware of certain matters. God willing, the Holy Spirit will inspire his tongue
to speak of the undoubted truth, and cleanse the world with a dewdrop from
the story of the Youth.
Tablet for Maryam on Sorrow and Love: Provisional Translation
O Maryam, The Spirit of life ascended to the domain of placelessness; the

Cage of Being was bereft of its Ever-blessed Cageling; the Bird of eternity
took its flight to the wilds of evanescence; and the Divine Nightingale let
out its cry on the Celestial Tree. The Tabernacle of Glory was rent asunder;
and the Phoenix of Grandeur winged its way from the boughs of delight.
Spheres, lofty and transcendent, descended on the darksome dust; and ailing
hearts let out clamours of affliction. Wholesome waters were turned into
blood, and with blood was tinged the Courtyard of the All-highest Paradise.
Yea, the gleaming hearts of the friends are alone befitting of the darts of His
decree, and the throats of those that love Him are alone yearning for the
mesh of limitless anguish.
Wherever a spear flies, it strikes the breasts of the friends; and wherever
sorrow is dispelled, it descends on the hearts of the companions.
Wells of tears are the eyes of the lovers, whilst charming indifference is the
response of the objects of their desires. Shouldst the lover cry out with pain
hundreds of times over, the beloved shall only add to the anguish of the
lover. Shoudst thou desire to drink of the Cup of Reunion, thou must submit
to evanescence; and if thou wishest to partake of the Wine of His beauty,
thou must enter the valley of privation.

O Maryam, taste thou joy in sorrow and drink thou anguish from the cup of
gladness. Shouldst thou desire to advance into the wilderness of search,
endure patiently and do not tear away at thy face. Shed thou not tears from
thine eyes and be not of the anxious ones. Put on the robe of submission and
quaff from the wine of acquiescence; and sell the entire world for a mere
derham31. Give thy heart to Godřs irrevocable decree and submit to that
which hath been ordained for thee.
Open thine eyes of discernment and turn away from all else but the Friend,
for erelong we shall gather round together at the Court of Eternal Holiness
and gain admittance to the Presence of the Lord of Mercy. We shall hear the
Harp-Player of Persia sing out in the melodious language of Hijaz, and
come together with the Friend. We shall speak of the unspoken, behold the
unseen, and give ear to that which is unheard.
We shall bring to dance the Tabernacle of Spirit with the hymns of light and
array the sanctuary of the heart with a delightful feast. We shall obtain the
Chalice of Beauty from the Cupbearer of Glory and drink from its
Matchless Wine in the memory of the Countenance of the Lord of Majesty.
Dry up thy tears then, sanctify thy soul from sorrow, free thy heart from
anguish, and sing out with thy melodious voice:
Should there be swords raining down in the path to the abode of the all
Beauteous; Our necks we shall offer on their edges at the behest of the all
Glorious!
Exalted Letters: Provisional Translation
Verily, Thou seest, my best Beloved, how trials and tribulations have
appeared from the horizon of Thy will. The fury of Thy wrath is pouring in
from all sides, and the winds of sorrow have begun to blow. Numerous the
lives that were sacrificed in the path of the Friend, and countless the
illustrious heads that were hung on gallows. Neither a momentřs repose
was attained; nor a nightřs fete possible. The rope of Thy love has firmly
fastened the necks of such as have recognized Thee, and the darts of Thy
affection have been fired into the breasts of Thy lovers.
Fourteen years have elapsed since tranquillity ceased and the means of
comfort were sealed. Not one pleasure did they embrace from the favours
of the world; nor a breath did they inhale from the merciful breezes of the
spirit. At times, they were afflicted with the degradation of captivity and, at
other times, with banishment in the plains of remoteness -- cast out from
every home, exiled from every land, and debarred from every comfort.
31

What indissoluble bonds were torn apart, and what cords of constancy were
rent asunder!
Deprived they remained of every portion of their lot, and empty handed they
persisted of their share. Blessings of the lands were turned into pernicious
vengeance; the orb of the dayspring of divinity was veiled beneath the
twilight of obscurity; the light of omnipotence was held hidden within the
lamps of menřs hearts; the eternal flame was concealed within the tree of
mystery; the everlasting pearl lay sheltered in the invisible shell; and the
dawning place of Thy Godhead was enwrapped within the veil of holiness.
How then can the pen move or the tongue recount? O Thou my Lord and
my Master, thou knowest of the sufferings inflicted upon this Servant and
the afflictions heaped upon this Wronged One. Not for a fleeting moment
did I rest in an abode of safety; nor did I secure a refuge at any time. I
quenched not My thirst but with the blood of My heart, and received not for
sustenance but a token of the lamentations of My soul.
At times, I roamed the cities, captive in the hands of the unbelievers; yet, at
other times, I was accompanied by chains and fetters. And in these days, I
have, in particular, become a target for the arrows of both parties [Shiřites
and Azalis] and the object of retribution from both sides. Friends glory in
My abasement and rejoice in My sorrow; whilst foes have their heartsř fill
of ill-will for My existence. Ample is the malice concealed in their breasts
and plentiful the animosity hidden in their hearts.
Having left the outward dungeon, I was taken captive in the prison of the
ungodly. Shafts of idle fancies are flying from all sides, and swords of
rivalry are rushing-in like torrents of rain. Yet in the face of all these trials
and adversities and weighty afflictions, may there be no pause in servitude;
may the steps not waver from steadfastness, and the eyes take stand in
service in place of the feet. At this time when tears are flowing from My
cheeks, and crimson blood is pouring out from My heart, I call on Thee to
cause My anguished heart to turn away from all things except Thee, and to
fix it wholly upon Thyself; so that it may be severed from all else and enter
in Thee. For he who holds fast unto Thee will never be put asunder, and he
who is accepted by Thee will never be scorned. A king shall he remain even
if condemned by mankind; victorious he shall be rendered even if no-one
cometh to his aid; and dearly cherished shall he prevail even if he be an
outcast. Then shall the flame of oneness be set ablaze; the tabernacle of
divine unity shall shine forth from the mirror of singleness; and the pipe of
the Persian shall sing out in the 32Arabic tongue the verse Ŗall things shall
perish, except His countenanceŗ; inasmuch as the out-stretched arms of
those that have recognized Thee are wanting and Thou art securely
established upon the exalted court of glory. The longing hearts of those who
32
Qurřan 22:88

thirst after Thee are perplexed, and Thou art everŔabiding with absolute
sovereignty upon the repository of grandeur.
How then can mortal conception find its way to soar in the vast immensity
of Thy firmament; or the mind advance into the realm of sacred
evanescence? How can the vain imaginings of men, tarnished with dark
and dreary clouds of dust, ever touch the hem of Thy sanctified and holy
vesture; or narrow vision ever settle on Thy most luminous Countenance?
Thou hast ever been and shall ever remain unfathomable, even though Thou
art more manifest than any manifestation. And Thou shall remain veiled for
eternity, even though Thine evidence is more evident in every object than
the object itself. Thus Thou art unseen in Thy revelation and manifest in Thy
concealment. Aye, O my beloved, not every breast is deserving of Thy love;
nor is every heart worthy of Thy affection. Thy love is a burning flame and
the bodies of men are like unto firewood. How can firewood remain
unmoved in near proximity to the flame, unless Thy eternal bounties are
sent forth to hoist the banner of peace and to move the Almighty pen across
the luminous tablet of the heart with Thy tender affection? Such is Thy
ancient grace, for Thou bestowest unto thy servants whatsoever Thou
willeth.
I swear by Thy majesty, O my Lord, that these calamities are sweeter than
the sweetest nectar, and more desirable than the breath of life; for unless
those longing after the Kařba of reunion transcend the limits of grandeur,
they shall not delight in the joy of the manifestation of Thy beauty. Unless
they quaff their fill from the chalice of selflessness, they shall not enter the
threshold of immortality. Unless they attire themselves with the garb of
poverty in the path of Thy good pleasure, they shall not be blessed with the
exalted cloak of riches. Unless they are afflicted with the ailment of fervid
love; they shall not discover the abode of healing. Unless they renounce
their earthly home, they shall not ascend to the land of divine holiness.
Unless they die to the perpetual desert of desire, they shall not attain life
eternal. Unless they take refuge in the land of abasement, they shall not find
the path to the heaven of exaltation. Unless they taste of the venom of
separation, they shall not savour the sweetness of divine presence; and
unless they traverse the wilds of remoteness and bereavement, they shall not
abide secure in the cities of nearness and reunion.
Although, O my Lord, calamities have surrounded all thy loved ones, two of
Thy handmaidens -- one by the name of Havva and the other by the name of
Maryam -- have, in this day, been especially afflicted with extreme
adversity. This great calamity was heaped upon them whence Thy
handmaidens had no mother to tear away her garment in despair and throw
dismal dust upon her head for their anguish. They had no companions to
dry up their cheeks from their tears and shield their tresses from gloomy
tarnish; nor did they have loving friends to console their sadness and fill

their hearts with gladness. And they had no confidant to offer affection, or to
brush their locks and tinge their hands after their loss.
They drank their fill from draughts of blood and took their sustenance from
provisions of grief; inasmuch as Thou didst purpose for them that which was
willed by Thee, and ordained upon their fate Thine all-compelling behest in
whatsoever thou didst desire.
Thus, O my best Beloved, clothe them with the garb of patience and
constancy, and with the attire of mercy and forbearance; that their eyes may
be illumined by Thy new-found bounties and their hearts may be consoled
by Thy boundless blessings. Enter them into the rivers of nearness and
cities of reunion; and shelter the homeless within the precincts of Thy mercy
and under the pleasant shadows of Thy forgiveness and grace. Comfort
these bewildered ones in Thy sacred assemblages and give these thirsty ones
a taste of the unseen streams of Thy life-giving waters and the preserved
wine that is life indeed. Let the breezes of the city of Thy love waft over
them, and cause them to enter the everlasting lands of Thy affection; so that
they may stray far from all else and draw nigh unto Thee, and busy
themselves in the glorification of Thy name and take pleasure in
remembrance of Thee. Plant the tree of Thy affection in the luminous fields
of their hearts and nurture it with the waters of Thy love, so that its branches
may grow, develop, and bear fruit; and so that they may remain steadfast in
Thy love, walk upon the land of Thy good pleasure, lay in the cradle of Thy
divine presence, traverse the plains of Thy reunion; soar in the firmament of
Thy nearness; renounce the tokens of worldly limitations and be ennobled
by entering Thy gatherings of divine singleness; and inhale the breezes of
unity in the realm of detachment. Thus they may close their eyes to all and
open them to Thee, flee from aught else and seek Thy presence.
Then bestow upon them and upon Thy newly-arrived guest, O my Lord, all
that hath been described herein and all that hath been set aside, and
everything that belongeth neither to the former nor to the latter.
The day is soon approaching when Thou shall grant that which is implored
of Thee, for such are Thy all-embracing favours that have encompassed all
Thy creatures, O my God.
Ziyárat-Námih-i-Maryam: Provisional Translation
This Tablet was revealed for one who was named Maryam. Verily she was
ablaze with the fire of the love of her Lord, before its flames approached
her. And We concealed her station during her life time. Upon her ascension
to the realm on High, God unveiled her and revealed her to His servants.
Should one desire to pay homage to the Great ŖTaŗ [Tahirih], who was
martyred in the years passed, he may do so with this Tablet of visitation.

In the name of God, the Exalted, the Most High
O Supreme Pen, joyfulness did not take hold of Thee in the days of Thy
Lord, the Exalted, the Most High, whereupon Thou didst sing with the
melodies of Bahá upon the twigs of the divine Lote-tree; yet there
descended upon thee a great calamity that hath caused the lamentation of
those between heaven and earth. Speak out therefore of that which befell
Thee from the rulings of His decree, that the tears of all in the oceans of
names may begin to flow for a calamity that hath caused the trembling of
heaven, the quaking of the earth and the agitation of the inmost essence of
being; and hath brought tears to the Eye of Grandeur on the Throne of His
Mercifulness.
And say: May the first outpourings of the showers of bounty that descended
from the clouds of the Will of God -- the Most Exalted, the All-Glorious --
and the first glimmerings of light that dawned from the Horizon of Eternity;
and the first salutation that was revealed from the Tongue of Grandeur in the
Kingdom of His irrevocable decree rest upon thee O thou great sign, exalted
word, luminous pearl and countenance of unity [talřat-i-ahadiyyih] in the
dominion of His decree.
How can I make mention of thy afflictions, O thou Crimson Leaf! I swear
by God that through thy fall from the Tree of the Cause, the leaves of the
divine Lote Tree fell; the twigs of the tree of eternity were severed; the
branches of the Tree of Blessedness were seared; the hearts of His loved
ones were sorely afflicted; the faces of the chosen ones of God were bereft
of colour; and the hearts of the godly were torn apart in the highest paradise.
Gabriel [Ruhuřl-Amin Ŕ the Faithful Spirit] wailed in the Court of Grandeur,
and the inhabitants of earth and heaven cried out:
O thou who were an adorning sign of guidance on the faces of women and a
light unto the brow of piety. Through thee, the veils of superstition were
rent asunder from the eyes of women, and their beings were adorned with
the remembrance of the Lord of earth and heaven.
Thou art she who Ŕ upon hearing the call of God Ŕ hesitated not, even for a
moment, but hastened towards Him detached from all else save Him. Thou
didst embrace Him and His great signs and recognised the Manifestation of
the Self of God in His days, while all that were in heaven or on earth were
terror stricken except for those who were aided by the hand of the Will of
God and saved from the abyss of self and desire. Thou wert a stranger in
thine own land and a prisoner in thine own home; one who was far from the
Presence of Holiness even in her eagerness to be near and forbidden to
attain His presence even in her fervid desire to behold Him.
Thou wert moved by the winds of the will of thy Lord, the All-Merciful, in
such way as was desired and willed by Him. There was no movement or

rest for thee save by His command and permission! Blessed art thou for
annihilating thine own will in the Will of thy Lord, and thy desire in His
Decree.
Thou art she whom the whisperings of the stirrers of sedition failed to keep
back from the Day-star of the world; and the opposition of the promoters of
sedition deterred not from the Lord of the Day of Reunion.
Verily, thou didst remain firm in the Covenant on a day in which the eyes of
men were stunned with bewilderment and the sinners fled from the presence
of the Manifestation of the Self of God, the Unconstrained -- except for a
few amongst the righteous.
Ah, ah, for thy calamity, the Pen ceased in its flow and breezes of sadness
wafted over the inhabitants of paradise. The foundations of His all-
encompassing Word were torn asunder and its members appeared as isolated
letters at the beginning of the surihs of the book [Qurřan], through which
understanding accepted the decree of limitation in the world of Godřs
command, and the Essence of Being was dressed in the form of the Temple
in the kingdom of Godřs irrevocable decree.
By God, O eternal leaf, perplexing indeed it is for Me to witness the world

and not behold thee; and to hear the voice of the heavenly dove and hear not
thy sweet melodies in praise of thy Lord, the Exalted, the All-Glorious. As
God is my witness, by thy afflictions all who have come into being in the
kingdom of creation were stricken with sorrow, and all in the kingdom of
names robed themselves with black garments. How I recall, O beloved of
Bahá, the days in which thou wert engaged in singing the praises of the All-
Merciful with thy sweet melodies upon the boughs and branches; within
which was raised the voice of the Tree of Utterance, the cooing of the dove
of understanding, the melodies of the waters of life, the whisperings of
heavenly breezes and the song of the bird of heaven!
Thou art she with whose song of praise all created things arose in
glorification of the All-Loving God. And after thee, the dove crept away in
silence, the winds remained still, the lights of salvation were extinguished,
and the waters of prosperity stood frozen.
Blind be the eye that beholdeth not in thy face the beauty of the
Countenance of the Lord, and shedeth not tears of anguish for the sorrows
that befell thee; and mute be the tongue that doth not make mention of thy
name in the world of being.
Hail unto the days, during which thou wert rustling upon the tree singing
verses of the unity of God; thereby was attracted the heart of every
submissive woman who desired to turn to her Lord with a countenance

joyful and radiant. How sad were the days, in which thy face was veiled
and thy revelation was hidden, and nearness to thee was not possible.
Ah, ah, O leaf of singleness, O primal word, O imperishable essence, O

divine fruit, O effulgent beauty, O celestial sign and heavenly soul! By the
calamities that were heaped upon thee, the oceans were banned from surging
forth their waves, the trees from bearing fruit, verses from being revealed,
words from carrying meaning, the sky from its ornaments, the earth from its
vegetation, the water from running forth, and the wind from blowing. And
were I to describe thy tribulations, the world of being would turn to utter
nothingness, and the shrill voice of the Pen of the Ancient of Days would
raise its cries.
I know not which of thy calamities I should make mention of before the
Concourse on High: those that were heaped upon thee by thy friends or
those that came from the enemies of God. Thou art she who suffered in the
path of thy Lord what no other faithful woman could bear to suffer; through
which came to flow the tears of maidens in the celestial chambers, the huris
of heaven fell upon the dust in prostration, and heavenly countenances shorn
their heads of the tresses.
O Crimson Leaf, through thy calamities, the face of Revelation was

changed, joy was overturned, the foundations of the frequented fane were
shaken, and the outspread roll was rolled up. Then alas, alas, by the
calamities that befell thee all created things both visible and invisible
accepted death and the Primal Will donned the robe of names and attributes.
When thy tribulations were poured into the most Great River, which was
sanctified of all colour, it divided into four rivers and acquired various
shades and earthly limitations. And as they [the calamities] were released
onto the primal pillar of the word of piety, the letter of affirmation delayed
in its sorrow, while the letter of negation raced ahead, from which appeared
what set the heart and soul of Bahá afire. And no sooner were [thy
calamities] recited unto the Primal Point than it let out a cry and was seized
with perplexity and agitation, thereupon letters were revealed and appeared
over the pages.
When the Point of Knowledge heard of thy calamities, it began to wail and
cry and became scattered and disconnected, from which there appeared
diverse sciences and various exponents, through which the learned
manifested pride towards God on a Day whereon all created things bore
witness to the truth that the dominion belongs to God, the Almighty, the All-
Compelling.
By God, on account of that which was heaped upon thee by thine enemies,
His mercy was well-nigh overtaken by His Justice, and His bounties --
which have transcended all created things -- by His wrath!

Ah, ah, O word of Baha, and martyr in the path of Baha, how many a night
didst thou shed tears on thy pillow in thy eagerness for nearness to Bahá;
and how many a day wert thou consumed with the fire of desire for reunion
with Bahá and fixed thy gaze on the Countenance of Glory, in which naught
else could be beheld but God, the exalted, the Most High, and desired
naught from its Countenance save the Countenance of thy Lord! To this
bear witness the inhabitants of the Concourse on High; nay those of the
realm of Eternity. Blind be the eye that beholds not in thee the sign of His
oneness and the manifestations of His singleness, O thou who hast been
mentioned by the tongue of Bahá. As God is my witness, the station of
womanhood is abashed to be bestowed thee, O thou who art the pride of all
men.
Blessed art thou O manifestation of beauty. Blessed art thou indeed, for
God hath Ŕ from time immemorial -- sanctified thee from the idle fancies of
the people of perdition, and protected thee from wavering. Verily, He is the
Best-Beloved, the All-Glorious, and onto Him shall return the realms of the
beginning and of the end.
I bear witness that thou wert a leaf that was moved only by the breezes of
the Will of God; and that the vain imaginings of the people of sedition --
who broke the Covenant of God and turned against Him who is the Lord of
the Day of Judgement -- did not take hold of thee.
Blessed is the woman who attained thy companionship and hearkened to thy
praise, and held fast unto the robe of thy love, and drew nigh unto thee and
unto the Lord thy Maker and Creator. Verily, he who did not recognise thy
love -- wholly for the sake of God Ŕremained deprived of the special favours
which God had purposed solely for thee. Paradise is for him, who hath
turned unto thee, shed tears for thee, and visited thee after thy death. O thou
who art hidden within the layers of the earth, verily thy corpse is a trust of
God, the All-Bountiful, latent beneath the earth while thy soul hath ascended
to the All-Glorious Horizon and the realm of the Most High.
O God I beseech thee to confer Thy bounties upon whomsoever gazeth with
affection upon her, and to turn away from whomsoever ariseth against her.
Aid thou whomsoever cometh to her aid; and ordain for whomsoever
cometh to visit her the good of this world and of the next and all that hath
been decreed for those of thy creatures who are near unto Thee and those of
Thy servants who are wholly devoted to Thee. Verily Thou art the King of
Kings and One whose mercy is bestowed upon the down-trodden. In Thy
grasp are the kingdoms of earth and heaven. Thou doest as Thou willest.
None other God is there but Thee, the Lord of the Throne on High and of the
earth below; the Lord of this world and of the next.

Holy and sanctified art Thou, O my God. I entreat Thee by the

Manifestation of Thine Own Self -- the Exalted, the Most High -- and the
revelation of Thy wondrous signs; and by Thy manifold evidences which
have encompassed heaven and earth, and by this grave which Thou hast
designated as the home of Thy love and the resting place of a leaf from the
leaves of Thy Tree of Revelation, not to turn me away from Thy Gate and
not to deprive me of that which hath been decreed for Thy chosen ones.
O God, I beg of Thee by Thy Name, and by her name, and by the revealers
of Thy Names not to leave me to myself and not to number me amongst
those that have turned aside from Thee and repudiated Thee on the Day
Thou didst seat Thyself upon the Throne of Thy Mercy and revealedst
Thyself with all Thine attributes unto all created things.
Give me to drink then O my God from the soft-flowing waters of Thy

knowledge and the heavenly rivers of Thy loving kindness, so that I may
become independent of all things except Thee and turn towards the
Sanctuary of Thy divine presence and nearness. Thine is the authority to do
as Thou pleasest. There is none other God but Thee, the Most Exalted, the
Almighty, the Most Bountiful.
O God, I beg of thee by the fire which was set aflame in the heart of this
handmaiden -- who was stirred by the breezes of Thy Will and gave
utterance to Thy praise -- to set ablaze the hearts of Thy servants by the fire
of Thy love; that they may sever themselves from those who are numbered
amongst the infidels and may turn towards Thy Countenance.
Send down then O God upon me and upon those of Thy servants who are
detached from all things and are Thy steadfast friends, the good of this
world and of the next.
Forgive us then and forgive our fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters and our
dear ones; and forgive those who have believed in Thee and in Thy signs,
have testified to Thy Oneness, have acknowledged Thy Unity, have obeyed
Thy behest and have spoken out in Thy praise.
Verily Thou art Him who hast been from everlasting and wilt ever be the
Supreme Ruler. No name shall ever hinder Thee from another name and no
attribute from another attribute. All names serve Thine own Self, circle
around Thy Holy Threshold, are submissive to Thy Sovereignty, are lowly
before the revelation of the evidences of Thy Might, and humble before the
glimmerings of the light of Thy Countenance.
Verily Thou hast forever been and wilt forever be sanctified from Thy
creation and Thy servants. And to this beareth witness my soul, and every
atom of my being and that of all who are between heaven and earth. There

is none other God but Thee, the Almighty, the Most-High, the Most-Exalted,
the All-Bountiful.

Memories of My Life
Translation of Mírzá Habíbu‟lláh Afnán‟s Khátirát-i-Hayát1
Ahang Rabbani
Houston, Independent Scholar
In the name of God, the Most Glorious, the Most Luminous.
Recently, I received a letter from the National Spiritual Assembly of the

Bahářìs of Iran Ŕ may God always sustain its pillars. It urged me to write an
autobiography detailing what I have witnessed in life and to present it to that
sanctified Assembly.
What I have written below is a brief sketch of the 74 years of the Bahářì life
of this ephemeral servant, Habìbuřlláh Afnán-i-A`lářì. My purpose is to
offer, from memory or notes I have kept, a summary of my recollections and
of what I have heard or seen. This particularly relates to the period during
which I was reared through the loving-kindness of the illustrious wife of the
Báb and her sister [Zahrá Bagum], and the hallowed time that I spent in the
presence of the Blessed Perfection and the Center of His Covenant.
God willing, I will endeavor to offer a short history of the Blessed House of
the Báb Ŕ the site of pilgrimage for all the denizens of the Supreme Ark.
Childhood and Early Life in Shiraz
My name is Habìbuřlláh2 and I am the fourth child of Áqá Mírzá Áqá, who
was honored by Bahářuřlláh with the title Núriřd-Dín [the Light of
Religion]. I was born on 1 Muharram 1292 A.H. [7 February 1875], in the
1
Additional sources used in translation of this work include Abadiři, Mìrzá Qábil; Tarikh-i-Abadih va
Tavabi`; MS, n.d. Manuscript in private hands. Hamadání, Mírzá Husain. The Táríkh-i-Jadíd, or New History of
Mírzá Àlí Muhammad the Báb. Translated by Edward Granville Browne. Cambridge: The University Press, 1893.
Iran National Bahářì Manuscript Collection [INBMC]. 103 vols. Tehran: Muřassasih-Ři Milli-yi Matbuřat-i Amri,
[1970s]. Note: This is a limited set of Xeroxed manuscripts produced from copies in the Archives of the National
Spiritual Assembly of the Bahářìs of Iran. Ishráq Khávarí, Àbd al-Hamíd, ed. Máìdih-ři Ásmánì. 9 vols. Tehran:
Muřassasih-Ři Milli-yi Matbuřat-i Amri, 128-129 B.E. [1971-1973]. Nicolas, A.L.M.; Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le
Báb. Paris, 1905. Táhirzádeh, Habìb. ŖDr. Youness Afrukhtih.ŗ Bahářì World (Wilmette) vol. 12, 1950-1954
(1956), pp. 679-681
2
His given name was Muhammad-Àlì. Bahářuřlláh addressed him in Shiraz by this name in one of His
Tablets; Bahářuřlláh. Majmuřih Athar-i Qalim-Ařla. Vol. 51. Iran National Bahářì Manuscript Collection. Tehran:
Muřassasih-Ři Milli-yi Matbuřat-i Amri, [c 1977] 353-4, no. 362. INBMC 51: While on pilgrimage, as a sign of
respect, Núriřd-Dìn asked Bahářuřlláh to give his young son a different name, so that he would not be a namesake
of Bahářuřlláhřs son, Mìrzá Muhammad-Àlí (1853-1937). Granting his wish, Bahářuřlláh named the young
pilgrim, Habìbuřllah [Beloved of God]. From then on, he was known by this name and it was used in all
subsequent Tablets by Bahářuřlláh and Àbduřl-Bahá.

© 2007 Ahang Rabbani
299 Ahang Rabbani Khátirát-i-Hayát
city of Shíráz, and raised by the loving and compassionate hands of the wife
of the Báb3.
I was no more than four years old when Shiraz was plunged into turmoil as
a result of the martyrdom of the illustrious [Áqá Mírzá Muhammad-
Husayn], the Mahbúbuřsh-Shuhadá [the Beloved of Martyrs], and [Áqá
Mírzá Muhammad-Hasan], the Sultánuřsh-Shuhadá [the King of Martyrs],
in Isfahán.4
At that time, the Qajar prince Farhád Mírzá, the Muřtamiřd-Dawlih, was the
governor-general5 of Fárs, and he was especially antagonistic towards the
Cause. There was great commotion in Shiraz. The merchants in the bazaar
and custom offices, as well as the shopkeepers and traders, spoke constantly
of the events in Isfahán. The elders of the Bahářì community were
particularly concerned since, only a short time earlier, three believers in
Shiraz had been martyred by the enemies. A number of friends gathered and
consulted about the difficult situation. They concluded that, among the
believers, my father, Áqá Mìrzá Áqá, was the most renowned as a Bahářì.
Therefore, if the foes plotted to commit injustices against the community,
they would certainly be directed against him. They said, ŖFrom the very
beginning, because of his devotion to the Faith, Áqá Mírzá Áqá has allowed
everyone to learn of his attachment to this Cause. Should trouble now be
directed against him, others would suffer as well.ŗ Each one of them spoke
in a similar manner, until they unanimously resolved that it was best for my
father not to remain in Shiraz, but to leave immediately for Búshihr and
head to Bombay [India].
Afterwards, the entire consultative body6 came to our house and informed
my father of its decision. They noted that, in light of the turmoil in Shiraz
and all the talk among the people, it would be wise for him to depart
immediately for Búshihr.
Within 24 hours, my father left for Bombay. He entrusted our mother and
sister, and us five brothers, to the joint care of Hájí Mírzá Abduřl-Qasim-i-
3
See Balyuzi, Hasan M. Khadíjih Bagum, Wife of the Báb. Oxford: George Ronald, 1981. for a
biography.
4
The martyrdom of these two brothers took place on 17 March 1879. For details see: Ishráq Khávarí,
Àbd al-Hamíd. Núrayn-i-Nayyirayn. Tehran: Muřassasih-Ři Milli-yi Matbuřat-i Amri, 123 B.E. [1966].; Nur,
ÌzzatuŘllah. Khatirat-i Muhajiri az Isfahan dar Zaman-i shahadat-i Sultan ash-Shuhadařva Mahbub ash
Shuhadař. Tehran: Muřassasih-Ři Milli-yi Matbuřat-i Amri, 128 B.E. [1972].; Mázandarání, Fadil Mírza
Asadullah.. Tarikh-i Zuhur al-Haqq (History of the Manifestation of Truth). Vols.1-9. Digital facsimile. East
Lansing, Mich.: H-Bahai, 1998-1999., vol. 5, pp. 242-8 ; and in English, Balyuzi, Hasan M. Eminent Bahářìs in
the Time of Bahářuřlláh: With Some Historical Background. Oxford: George Ronald, 1985, pp. 33-51.
5
The term governor-general will be used throughout to refer to civil ruler at the provincial level.
6
On the election of the first Spiritual Assembly of Shiraz in 1908, see In the Land of Refuge,
(forthcoming), chapter 16. Before this Assembly was formed, as bidden by Bahářuřlláh, the community benefited
from an unstructured consultative body, where the elders and prominent believers discussed local affairs and
advised the friends. For example, see Bahářuřlláhřs Tablet to Núriřd-Dìn dated 4 Rabìùřl-Avval 1301 A.H. [2
January 1884] in Núriřd-Dín Collection of Tablets, p. 70, in which each locality was asked to form a consultative
body to assist the believers.

Afnán, the older brother of Khadíjih Bagum, and our paternal grandmother
[Zahrá Bagum], a sister of the aforementioned Hájí.
Khadíjih Bagum
The wife of the Báb was a maternal aunt to my father and a paternal aunt to
my mother [Maryam-Sultan Bagum]. As such, she was intimately concerned
with our upbringing. She tried her utmost to ensure that, from the earliest
age, we would flourish under the canopy of Godřs Cause. This was the
greatest blessing of our lives. Whatever spiritual perspicacity I may possess,
the faith that I consider to be the source of my salvation, the blessing of
beholding the Countenance of God [Bahářuřlláh], and all the other blessings
of this life that have unfailingly been the lot of this lowly servant are all due
entirely to the favors and care of the esteemed wife of the Báb. That link to
the Most Great Infallibility [the Báb] remained faithful to the Covenant of
God until her final breath. I beseech her to intercede on behalf of this
servant for the confirmations of the Concourse on High.
At the age of seven [circa 1882], I was sent to the traditional elementary
school in Masjid-i-Naw7, Shiraz, along with my older brother, the late Hájí
Mírzá Buzurg-i-Afnán. There, we were taught by the respected Hájí Mírzá
Muhammad-Sádiq, who was a great admirer of the Báb and ranked among
the most esteemed of the cityřs recognized citizens.
During this time, the wife of the Báb became severely depressed due to her
disappointment over not being able to visit Bahářuřlláh. Shortly after, as a
result of contracting dysentery, she passed on to the Abha Kingdom, thus
depriving us of her infinite loving-kindness and unsurpassed spiritual
qualities. After the ritual washing [of her body] at the Hammam-i-Khayri
(otherwise known as Guldastih), her earthly remains were interred in a
sacred shrine.
Addressing my late father, Áqá Mìrzá Áqá, Bahářuřlláh revealed a special

Tablet of Visitation in the ever-brilliant memory of Khadíjih Bagum, which
extols her exalted station and bestows the grace of God upon her. ...8 From
these exalted Words [of Bahářuřlláh], her brilliant station is most evident.
7
A prominent mosque constructed during the rule of Ibn-i-Zangi of the Atabakan dynasty. This
classroom is located on the eastern corner of the mosque.
8
At this point, Mìrzá Habìb quotes portions of this Tablet of Visitation. However, the Bahářì World
Centre has indicated that they will publish a translation of this Tablet in due course. Bahářuřlláh. ŖLawh-i-Ziyarat-
i Khadijì Bagum.ŗ (Tablet of visitation for Khadijíh Bagum) In Khándán-i-Afnán sadra-yi Rahmán, by
Muhammad-ŘAlì Fayzì. Tehran: Muřassasih-ři Milli-yi MatbuŘat-i Amri, 127 B.E. [1971], pp. 184-6. Bahářuřlláh.
ŖTablet of Visitation for the Wife of the Báb, Khadìjih Begum.ŗ Translations of Shaykhi, Bábì and Bahářì Texts,
Ahang Rabbani, (East Lansing, Mich.) no.9 (Oct. 1997.)

The Báb at the Masjid-i-Vakíl
Several years after Khadìjih Bagumřs passing, when I was 13 years old and
still studying under the tutelage of the late Hájí Mírzá Muhammad-Sadiq-i-
Muàllim, the honored Àndalíb9 arrived in Shiraz from Yazd. I remember
well how that Àndalíb would set out for his afternoon walk around [my
school at] Masjid-i-Naw. Because he was a poet, calligrapher and
accomplished gilder, and had become renowned throughout Shiraz, our
teacher invited him to our class one day. As was customary at the time, upon
arrival, he sat next to the Hájí on the floor. Because of our close kinship to
the Báb, our teacher treated my brother and I with the utmost consideration
throughout our school years, and he used to seat us near him in the front row
of the class. As a result, we could hear clearly everything that was said. On
that day, I was particularly attentive to what passed between the honored
Àndalíb and my late teacher.
Our teacher lit the waterpipe and offered it to Àndalíb, and the conversation
between the two of them began. For a while, they spoke of various topics.
At first, their discussion revolved around the art of poetry and the late
Muàllim, [as a sign of respect], insisted that Àndalíb should teach the
science of prosody and rhyme to his son Mírzá Muhammad, who was
talented in calligraphy and occasionally composed verses as well. Àndalíb
showed humility, however, and eventually directed the conversation to
teaching the Faith. On that day, I realized that our teacher had a particular
fondness for the Báb and referred to Him reverently as the Jináb-i-Mírzá
[the honored Mírzá].
Our teacher then related the story of the day when the Báb arrived at the
Masjid-i-Vakíl. He stated:10
I was about 25 years of age or perhaps a bit older, already engaged in

my occupation as a teacher in this same school, and had heard
something about the call of the Jináb-i-Mírzá. I was uncertain as to
the truth of the matter though. The learned ùlamá, especially Shaykh
Abúřl-Qásim, the brother of the Imam-Jumìh11, and Shaykh
Husayn-i-Zalim [the tyrant], were terrorizing and tormenting [the
seekers]. In the streets, bazaar and mosques, they would sully
peopleřs minds about Him at every opportunity by saying, ŖAs this
9
Àndalib [Nightingale] (d. 1920) was the sobriquet of Mírzá Àlí-Ashraf of Lahijan in the Caspian
province of Gilan. Àndalib was a poet of superb accomplishment and an eloquent teacher. A collection of his poems,
filling over 760 pages, was published in 1969 Àndalíb, Àlí Ashraf Láhíjání, Mírzá. Díván-i-Àndalíb. [Tehran]:
Muřassasih-Ři Milli-yi Matbuřat-i Amri, [1969].For a biography, see Sulaymánì, Àzizuřlláh. Masábih-i-Hidáyat. 9
vols. Tehran: Muřassisih Milli-yi MatbúŘát Amri, 124-32 B.E. [1967-1975]., vol 7.
10
See Nabíl-i-A`zam (Mullá Muhammad-i-Zarandí). The Dawn-Breakers: Nabìlřs Narrative of the
Early Days of the Bahářì Revelation. Translated and edited by Shoghi Effendi Rabbani. 2nd ed. Wilmette, Ill.:
Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1970, 1974., pp. 153-4, for a brief reference to this incident.
11
Shaykh Abu-Turab, a son of Shaykh Mufid, was a great admirer of the Báb and belonged to the same
learned, extended family as Siyyid Yahya Vahid-i-Darabi; see Rabbani, Ahang. ŖThe Family of Vahid Darabi.ŗ
Research Notes in Shaykhi, Babi and Bahářì Studies, vol. 7, no. 1 (April 2004).

claim is fundamentally a source of the destruction of Islam, it must

be eradicated.ŗ They even conspired to slay the Jináb-i-Mírzá in
Shiraz. However, as Shaykh Abu-Turab, the Imam-Jumìh, did not
agree with their plans, they schemed to invite the Jináb-i-Mírzá to the
Masjid-i-Vakíl12 so that, upon seeing a large multitude and the circle
of the ùlamá, He might become frightened and renounce His claim.
Eventually, they conspired with Husayn Khán, the Nizamuřd-Dawlih,
the governor-general of Fárs, to realize their plan. It was a Thursday
when the public crier announced [throughout the city] a call for all
the citizens to gather the following day, three hours before sunset, at
the Masjid-i-Vakíl to witness the Siyyid-i-Báb renounce His false
claims.
From the morning of that day, the entire courtyard, the cloisters, the
roofs and even the minarets of the mosque were thronged with
onlookers. There was no one who had not come to see and hear the
Jináb-i-Mírzá. I, too, went to the mosque at about an hour past noon
and, with great difficulty, reached a spot near the pulpit, designated
for the government officials and the ùlamá. I was keen to meet Him
and hear His words. There was a great deal of noise because people
were busy talking about the Person and claim of the Siyyid-i-Báb.
The ùlamá entered the mosque and the officials and dignitaries were
present also [sitting in the cloisters, near the stone pulpit13].
Three hours before sunset, a great commotion occurred near the

entrance of the mosque and we heard, ŖHe is coming!ŗ At once, all
tumult in the mosque subsided and there was absolute silence. Not a
whisper could be heard from anyone. I witnessed Àbduřl-Hamíd
Khán, the Darúghih [the sheriff], enter the mosque, followed by five
farrashes [attendants], then the Jináb-i-Mírzá, followed by yet
another group of five farrashes.
The Jináb-i-Mírzá wore a black turban, a green sash [signifying His

holy lineage], and an àbá on His shoulders. His hands extended
beyond the sleeve of the àbá. When He approached the spot where
the officials and ùlamá were seated, without paying the slightest
attention to anyone, He inquired of the governor-general [Husayn
Khán], ŖWhat is your purpose in summoning Me to this place?ŗ
Shaykh Husayn, the Nazimuřsh-Shariìh, known as Zalim [the
tyrant], responded with much vehemence, ŖThe intention is that you
should ascend this pulpit and repudiate your false claim!ŗ
I looked very closely at the countenance and appearance of the Jináb-

i-Mírzá and noted that the presence of the vast multitude, the
12
The name derives from the fact that Karim Khán-i-Zand (d. 1779), whose capital was in Shiraz, had
built this structure.
13
This pulpit is carved out of a single piece of marble and has 14 steps.

authority of the officials and the might of the ùlamá did not have the
least influence on His dignified bearing. Oblivious to all, He
proceeded to the pulpit, ascended the third step and stood there.
Shaykh Husayn said to the governor, ŖInstruct Him to go to the top
of the pulpit so everyone will hear Him.ŗ Husayn Khán said, ŖSiyyid,
go up so all will see you.ŗ His Holiness ascended to the top of the
pulpit and began to recite a homily on the divine unity with such
eloquent Arabic as I had not heard until that day. It was truly
magnificent and wondrous. The concourse of people, high and low,
learned and illiterate alike, were in total rapture as they listened
attentively and fascinated.
When Shaykh Husayn noticed that His power of utterance had

absorbed all there, he said to Husayn Khán, ŖThe Siyyid is casting a
spell on the assemblage with His enchanting speech. Instruct Him to
say what He intended to say.ŗ With great vehemence, Husayn Khán
shouted, ŖSiyyid! Say what you are supposed to say. What is this idle
chatter?ŗ The Jináb-i-Mírzá remained silent for some two minutes
and then said, ŖO People! Know this well and be informed. I say unto
you what My Forefather, the Messenger of God, spoke twelve
hundred and sixty years ago and I do not speak what He did not.ŗ He
then quoted the following hadìth, ŖWhat Muhammad made lawful
remains lawful unto the Day of Resurrection and what He forbade
remains forbidden unto the Day of Resurrection. Thus said the
Immaculate One: ŘWhen the Qářim appears is, verily, the Day of
Resurrection14.řŗ
Having recited this Tradition, He then descended the pulpit. Shaykh

Husayn, who appreciated the significance and meaning of this
proclamation, raised his walking-stick, out of sheer hostility, to strike
Him on the head. Mìrzá Abúřl-Hasan Khán, the Mushiruřl-Mulk15,
quickly brought forward his shoulder to ward off the attack, and his
shoulder sustained the blow.16
After relating this story, our late teacher commented, ŖI still have not
understood the implications of His saying, nor comprehended the reality of
His meaning, ŘI say the same that My Forefather, the Prophet, has said.řŗ
ŖThat is rather surprising,ŗ Àndalìb responded, Ŗas you yourself testify that
the Primal Point stated, ŘWhatever the Messenger of God spoke, I speak
14
In numerous places, the Báb identifies the Day of Resurrection with His own Advent; see, for
example, The Persian Bayan 2:3 The Báb. Inna al- bayán. [Tehran?, s.n., 1947]. [Kitáb-i Bayán-i Fársí].
15
He and his father, Mírzá Muhammad-Àlì, the first Mushiruřl-Mulk, were the viziers of Fars, in
succession, over a period of 40 years; see Afnán, Mìrzá Habìbuřllah. Tarikh-i Amri-yi Shiraz: History of the Cause
in Shiraz. East Lancing, Mich. H-Bahai, 2000. .Translated and Annotated Ahang Rabbani, In the Land of
Refuge:Genesis of the Bahaři Faith in Shíráz, Series:Witnesses to Bábi and Baháři History Vol 1., 2007 . One of
the daughters of the renowned Bábí martyr, Hujjat (Mulla Muhammad-Àlí Zanjani, 1812-1850), had married Mírzá
Abuřl-Hasan Khán; see In the Land of Refuge.
16
With some minor differences, the author reports this event in two manuscripts Khátirát-i-Hayát and
Táríkh Amrí Fárs va Shíráz; see In the Land of Refuge.

also.ř Consider that the same sufferings that Muhammad endured were
indeed sustained by the Báb, and that the same Call that the Messenger of
God raised was also proclaimed by the Báb.ŗ
Leaving Shiraz
In 1307 A.H. [1890], my maternal grandmother, Zahrá Bagum, the sister of

the Bábřs wife, passed away. Only a few months later, Bahářuřlláh
instructed our family to proceed to the Holy Land. My father wrote to us
[saying] that our oldest brother, Mírzá Jalál, was to remain in Shiraz to
protect, and serve at, the august House of the Báb. The rest of the family
was to join him in Port Said, where he was engaged in commerce [and from
there, to proceed to Àkká]. As a result, Mírzá Jalál married and established
himself in a residence next to the sacred House of the Báb.
At the beginning of the month of Safar 1308 A.H.17, we left Shiraz with a
caravan, traveling on horses and mules. Our group consisted of the
following: my mother, Maryam-Sultan Bagum; the mother of Áqá Mírzá
Hadiy-i-Afnán [Zivar Sultan Khánum]; my brothers, Áqá Mírzá Buzurg and
Áqá Mìrzá Diyařuřllah; my sister, Tuba Khánum; myself; and an attendant
named Áqá Muhammad Àlí, who was a Bahářì from Káshán. At that time, I
was 16 years old.
Experiencing great hardship, we traveled the near-impassible and difficult

roads and arrived in Búshihr. The weather was oppressively hot and we all
fell ill. My sister was seriously ill and her condition was worse than the rest.
We languished like this for over 30 days, until a ship arrived from London
destined for Port Said. During our time in Búshihr, we stayed at the house of
one of our relatives, the late Hájì Mìrzá Àbduřllah-Khán, the uncle of the
Múvaqqaruřd-Dawlih. He was the Governor of Búshihr and the southern
ports, and the representative of the British government for commerce and
political affairs. He had been instrumental in freeing Muhammad Khán-i-
Balúch from trouble in Shiraz.18
After we left Búshihr and were on the high seas, difficulties intensified and
we were assailed from every direction by tremendous hardship, distress and
suffering. At one time, near the port of Masqat, we faced severe storms that
lasted about ten hours and our ship had to weather the huge waves of an
angry sea. That incident was not quite over and we had not had any rest,
when a hole developed in the side of our ship, which nearly caused her to
sink. And then, for the third time, the shipřs engine caught fire. But
eventually, through the infinite grace and bounty of the Ancient Beauty, we
reached Port Said unscathed and our ship anchored.
17
Circa 16 September 1890
18
See In the Land of Refuge.

When we disembarked, we did not know where to go or what to do, so we

stood perplexed in a corner and occupied ourselves in conversation. Then
my older brother, the late Áqá Siyyid Áqáy-i-Afnán, who was fluent in
English and Arabic, arrived and greeted us warmly. After several years of
separation, we were seeing each other again. He took us to his home and, on
the way, we saw our father, who was on his way to welcome us. Tenderly, he
embraced each one of us and showered us with his love and affection. At
long last, the grace of God had surrounded us and the hardship of the
journey was over.
First Pilgrimage: In the Presence of Bahá‟u‟lláh
We stayed in Port Said for seven months, until my late father wrote to
Bahářuřlláh seeking permission for us to attain His presence. Permission
was granted.
Arrival at Haifa
We left Port Said on 7 Dhiřl-Hajjih 1308 A.H. [14 July 1891], spent the next
day aboard the ship and, that evening, arrived at the port of Haifa. At dawn
on 9 Dhiřl-Hajjih, the ship anchored at the port of Haifa, and, with intense
eagerness and anticipation, we got ready to disembark. [The prospect of
fulfilling] our life-long desire to place our brow at His Most Holy Threshold
and gaze on the Countenance of the Beloved of the world overjoyed us. The
thought of being able to kiss the ground He walked on - an act that was the
highest aspiration of the bygone Prophets and saints - caused our beings to
tremble with extreme delight. With great humility, we called to mind that we
were about to set foot on a land that the spirit of the Holy Ones, Prophets of
old, and Manifestations of past ages circumambulated in adoration. Tears of
joy flowed uncontrollably from our eyes. My brother [Áqá Siyyid Áqá],
who, along with our father, had attained the presence of Bahářuřlláh19
before, was constantly counseling us about how we should behave in the
presence of the Blessed Perfection. He emphasized that, at His Threshold,
we must be the essence of submissiveness and reverence.20
Eventually, the first believer to welcome us came on the boat. It was the late
honored Manshádí21. In accordance with the Blessed Beautyřs instructions,
he arranged for our landing, guided us through customs and, from there, led
us to the tent of Bahářuřlláh, which was pitched at the foot of Mount
19
In the eleventh leaf of Kalimát-i-Firdawsíyyih, Bahářuřlláh announces the arrival of the Núriřd-Dín
and his son, ŖRecently the Afnáns and Amìn Ŕ upon them be My glory and loving kindness Ŕ attained Our
presence and beheld Our countenance.ŗ Bahářuřlláh. ŖKalimát-i-Firdawsìyyih (Words of Paradise).ŗ In Tablets of
Bahářuřlláh Revealed after the Kitáb-i-Aqdas. Compiled by the Research Department of the Universal House of
Justice and translated by Habíb Taherzadeh, with the assistance of a committee at the Bahá'í World Centre. 1st
pocket-sized ed. Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1988, p. 73
20
Portions of Mìrzá Habìbřs recollections of Bahářuřlláh have previously appeared in Balyuzi, Hasan
M. Bahářuřlláh: The King of Glory. Oxford: George Ronald, 1980. chapter 41.
21
During the time of Bahářuřlláh and Àbduřl-Bahá, Siyyid Taqiy-i-Manshadi lived in Haifa where he
served in many capacities.

Carmel. For this unique visit and as a sign of respect, a special Arabic
custom was prepared for us. But there was no time to change and we went
along in our European-style clothing. I well remember that the sun had not
quite come up over the crest of the mountains, and the air was particularly
fresh and vivifying. [As we waited by His tent], the honored Manshádí was
asking about Shiraz and the friends. Suddenly, Mírzá Mustafa, [later] known
as Abu Hurayrih22, an attendant of Bahářuřlláh who in later years broke the
Covenant23, appeared and guided us to His house24 and to the blessed
Presence. Our one ardent wish was realized! He held aside the curtain and
we saw the Blessed Beauty standing in the middle of the room. When we
saw His sacred Figure and luminous Visage, we became utterly oblivious of
all else, as tears poured from our eyes. Overwhelmed, we circumambulated
His blessed Person.
Bahářuřlláh invited us to sit. He sat on the mandar. With the utmost respect,
we four brothers sat on the floor on our heels. On our right, Mírzá Áqá Jan
was in attendance and the samovar was brewing tea in front of him.
Bahářuřlláh said, ŖPour tea for the young Afnáns. They have just come
ashore.ŗ Then the Tongue of Grandeur spoke these sweet words, ŖO flowers
of the rose-garden of the honored Afnán! You are welcome; you are
welcome. Your departure from Shiraz was very difficult and tiring. The
divine will and the resoluteness of the honored Afnán brought you to this
threshold of holiness. During your sea journey, dangers beset you and God
protected you. Consider, this very day several thousand people are treading
the ground between Safa and Marwih [on one foot].25 The Beloved of the
world of being is present in this land, but they are oblivious. All are
heedless; all are unaware; all are uninformed. You are the true pilgrims.ŗ
Three times He repeated, ŖYou are the true pilgrims!ŗ At that moment, as I
sat enraptured and listening attentively to the utterances of the Desire of the
world, these lines of Rúmí26 came to my mind:
O pilgrims on pilgrimage, where are ye, where are ye?

the Beloved is here, come hither ye, come hither ye.
The Beloved is your neighbor, wall by wall;

why in the wilderness lost are ye all?
22
Named after a fickle follower of Prophet Muhammad. He was the son of Mírzá Mustafay-i-Naraqi (d.
1867), who became a martyr in Tabriz; see Balyuzi, Bahářuřlláh: The King of Glory, pp. 204-5 and 237-8.
23
After the ascension of Bahářuřlláh, he became a follower of Mìrzá Muhammad-Àlí. He lived towards the
end of his life near Tiberias, on a property belonging to Mírzá Majdi'd-Din (d. 1955), a nephew of Bahářuřlláh.
24
During Bahářuřlláh's sojourns in Haifa, houses in the German Templer colony would be rented for Him.
25
The Festival of Sacrifice (Ìd-i-Qurban) occurs on the tenth day of Dhiřl-Hajjih. Part of the rites of
pilgrimage includes traversing seven times the distance between two mounds where, according to traditions, Hagar ran
back and forth seven times, seeking a spring to quench her sonřs thirst.
26
Maulana Jalaliřd-Din Rumi (1207-1273) was the most renowned of all mystic poets of Iran. Jalál al-Dín
Rúmí. The Mathnawī of Jalālu'ddīn Rūmī. Edited and translated with commentary by Reynold A. Nicholson. 8
vols. London: Luzac, 1925-1940.

At that very moment, the blessed Countenance turned to this servant and
said, ŖThe mystics have also had something to say on this matter.ŗ Once
again, He ordered more tea for us. After that, we left His presence.
With Bahá‟u‟lláh in Haifa
The house next to His blessed residence was rented for us. We lived in close
proximity to the house of the Abhá Beauty. Attaining His blessed threshold,
meeting the believers living in the Holy Land and consorting with the
veterans of the Faith had blotted everything else from our minds. The
sweetness of living and the spiritual ecstasies that we experienced in those
days lie beyond description. The pen is unable, and the words inadequate, to
convey those feelings.
Haifa was hot during these days. We were not familiar with, or accustomed
to, its climate and had a very difficult time, often falling ill. But the bounties
of our beloved Lord were measureless and the sea of His grace and
munificence was ever billowing. I remember well one day when we were
called to His presence at three ořclock in the afternoon. I had a very bad
fever. My brothers dressed and prepared to attain His presence. I also got up
[from my bed] to accompany them, when my oldest brother tried to stop me
from going. He said, ŖPerhaps you are not allowed to attain Bahářuřlláhřs
presence in such a feverish condition.ŗ I replied, ŖHe is aware of my
condition.ŗ I went into His presence. The Blessed Perfection turned to me
and said, ŖYou have a fever,ŗ at which I bowed my head. He continued,
ŖFever is a product of this land. Whoever comes here must suffer from it.ŗ
Then He ordered tea to be given to us. Immediately I began to perspire so
much that my clothes were soaked. Then the Blessed Perfection said, ŖGo
and change your clothes. Fever will not trouble you again.ŗ Throughout the
remaining nine months we spent in the Holy Land, I did not suffer from
fever again.
After 15 days, my brother [Áqá Siyyid Áqá] returned to Port Said and my
father came [to Haifa]. My father was the recipient of infinite bounties and
kindness from the Blessed Perfection.
During these days in 1308 A.H. [1891], the episode of the seven martyrs of
Yazd took place. When the news was brought to Bahářuřlláh, it caused Him
tremendous sorrow and anguish.27 For nine whole days, verses were not
revealed from the heaven of divine knowledge and no one was allowed into
His presence.
27
For a discussion of this tragic event, which was brought about by Masùd ibn Nasiriřd-Din Zilluřs-Sultan
(1949-1918) and his son, Husain Mìrzá, Jalaluřd-Dawlih (1870-1913), in the spring/summer of 1891, see: Bayda,
Abúřl-Qásim. Tarikh-i-Bayda. Manuscript in private hands. ; Mazandarani, Tarikh Zuhuruřl-Haqq vol 5, pp 404-26;
Málmírí, Hájí Muhammad Táhir. Táríkh-i shuhadá-i-Yazd. 2nd ed. Karachi: Muřassasah-í Matbú`át-i
Pákistán,[1979].; and Momen, Moojan. The Bábì and Bahářì Religions, 1844-1944: Some Contemporary Western
Accounts. Oxford: George Ronald, 1981, pp. 301-5.

On the ninth day, the friends were all summoned, and we had that honor too.
The deep grief that surrounded His Blessed Person was indescribable. He
spoke extensively about the Qájárs and their misdeeds. Afterwards, He
mentioned the events of Yazd. Sternly, the Tongue of Grandeur spoke of the
Jaláluřd-Dawlih28 and Zilluřs-Sultan: ŖZilluřs-Sultan29 wrote Us a letter in
his own handwriting and gave it to Hájí Sayyah 30 to bring. He asked Us to
help him, with [the support of] the Bábís, to destroy his Sháh-Bábá31. ŘIf
You do thisř, he wrote, ŘI will give You liberty; I will give You official
recognition; I will help and support You; I will make amends for the past.
Whatever Sháh-Bába did, I will do just the opposite.ř The entire letter was
full of such statements. The answer We gave him was this: ŘPraying for the
Sháh is obligatory for both you and Us. Never again write to Us in this vein.
Never again put such requests to this Wronged One. We have arisen to
improve the morals of a number of people wronged in this world. If We
were after leadership, what authority would have been better than holding
the position of a minister in Iran?ř When he received this answer from Us,
he despaired of Us, and is now behaving in this manner. Were We to send
his letter to Nasiriřd-Din Sháh, he would skin him alive. But God is the
Concealer. He draws veils over the deeds of His servants.ŗ Then He said,
ŖDo not be sad; do not be downcast; do not let your hearts bleed. The sacred
tree of the Cause of God is watered by the blood of the martyrs. Unless
watered, a tree does not grow and bear fruit. Before long, you will see the
name of the Qájárs obliterated, and the land of Iran cleansed of the filth of
their existence and the odor of their names.ŗ
Regarding the Jaláluřd-Dawlih, the Blessed Perfection said, ŖThis

ungrateful one has done what has caused the eyes of the denizens of the
Supreme Concourse to shed tears of blood.ŗ Just 32 years from that day, the
rule of the Qájárs came to an end and they were overthrown. After nine
days, the first Tablet revealed from the heaven of divine will was the Lawh-
i-Dunyá [Tablet of the World]32, with which our father was honored. That
reference to the oppression of the Jaláluřd-Dawlih can be read in this Tablet:
ŖThe tyrant of the land of Yá (Yazd) committed that which has caused the
Concourse on High to shed tears of blood.ŗ33 That night, Bahářuřlláh gave a
copy of the Tablet of the World, in the handwriting of Zaynuřl-Muqarrabin,
28
Sultan-Husayn Mìrzá, the eldest son of Zilluřs-Sultan, was made the deputy governor of Fars at the
age of 13. In 1888, he was appointed the governor-general of Yazd and, to amass a personal fortune, killed a large
number of people, including seven believers. He was dismissed from the office in 1892, but re-appointed to it in
1903 when, once again, he launched a Bahářì pogrom in which nearly 100 believers perished. During the
Constitutional Revolt of 1905-11, he sided with the revolution and the despotic Muhammad-Àlí Sháh (1872-
1925) imprisoned him for a while, ordered him stripped of his estate, and eventually exiled him to Europe. For a
biography, see Sharh-i Hal-i Rijal-i Iran 2:77-80.
29
For a biography, see In the Land of Refuge.
30
Hájí Muhammad-Àlíy-i-Sayyah-i-Mahallati (1836-1924) was an attendant of Zilluřs-Sultan and his
autobiography is published under the title, Khatirat Haji Sayyah, edited by Hamid Sayyad.
31
His father, Nasiriřd-Din Sháh (r. 1848-1896), had not selected Zilluřs-Sultan as the heir to the throne.
32
Bahářuřlláh. ŖLawh-i-Dunyá (Tablet of the World).ŗ In Tablets of Bahářuřlláh Revealed after the
Kitáb-i-Aqdas. Pp. 81-97.
33
Bahářuřlláh, Tablets of Bahářuřlláh, p. 85.

to my late brother, Hájì Mìrzá Buzurg. He commented, ŖAt the beginning of

this Tablet, mention has been made of your father, the Afnán. We therefore
bestow it upon you.ŗ
With Bahá‟u‟lláh in Àkká
Fifteen days after my father arrived and the days of our attainment were
drawing to a close, an epidemic of cholera broke out in Syria and Lebanon.
The government set up quarantine around the borders. My father asked for
permission to leave, but Bahářuřlláh did not grant it, remarking: ŖWhile the
epidemic rages, you are not to leave.ŗ For us, this was the supreme felicity.
Autumn came and the air of Haifa and Àkká improved. The Blessed
Perfection moved from Haifa to the Mansion of Bahjí. We were provided
with a small house next to the blessed Mansion34. Our house was situated so
that we had a good view of His blessed chambers. When we got up at dawn
to say our prayers, most of the time we saw that His chamber was lit and
Tablets were being revealed. The Blessed Perfection was pacing the room
and the amanuensis was busy writing. I do not remember anyone other than
Mírzá Áqá Jan taking down the revealed Words in those days.
During that time, the late Mírzá Yúsuf Khán-i-Vujdání35 and the late Áqá
Siyyid Asaduřllah-i-Qumí36 were tutoring the Aghsán in the Mansion. The
Blessed Perfection instructed my brothers, Hájí Mírzá Buzurg, Hájí Mírzá
Diyář and myself to attend their lessons too. The late Mishkin-Qalam taught
us calligraphy. Every day, we went to the room on the ground floor of the
Mansion set aside as a classroom. There we received our tuition, and we
passed our precious days oblivious of all our blessings. Our father
constantly admonished us, so that we would never act improperly in the
presence of the Blessed Beauty or in the Mansion.
On the first day of Muharram 1309 A.H. [7 August 1891], the Blessed
Perfection celebrated the festival [of the anniversary of the birth of the Báb
by the lunar calendar]. He called together all the friends, and we attained
His presence as well. My father was corpulent and suffered from
rheumatism. He could not sit on the floor. The Blessed Perfection said,
ŖBring a chair for the Afnán,ŗ and one of the attendants provided a chair for
him. Bahářuřlláh then said, ŖBring chairs for his sons as well,ŗ and so we
were all seated on chairs. The entire company of resident believers and
pilgrims were in His presence.
34
The date of Bahářuřlláhřs first arrival at the Mansion of Bahji is given as September 1879 in
Bahářuřlláh: The King of Glory, p. 362. However, in a Tablet dated 11 Rabìùřl-Avval 1298 A.H. [11 February
1881], Bahářuřlláh tells Núriřd-Dín that it had been only a month since He arrived at the Mansion; see Núriřd-
Dìnřs Collection, p. 43.
35
Previously, a mystic of the Àlí-Allahy order (also known as Ahl-i-Haqq). He was a renowned
teacher of the Faith from Kirmanshah.
36
A trusted believer who served in the Holy Land with distinction during the ministry of Bahářuřlláh
and Àbduřl-Bahá.

On that day, His blessed utterances mainly concerned division and disunity
in religion. He stated, ŖIslam was a good religion, but they destroyed it.
Differences arose from the beginning of the Dispensation and, after the
ascension of the Prophet, the foundation of Islam was shattered. Division
first appeared in the house of the Prophet. When the Messenger of God
[Muhammad] was ill and His companions37 gathered about His deathbed,
He asked for a pen and paper to write His Will. Ùmar said, ŘHe is
delirious.ř His Holiness Àlì responded, ŘSickness and fever have no effect
on the condition of the Prophets; they are always inspired. Present Him with
writing materials and see what guidance He gives.ř Ùmar responded, ŘThe
Book of God is sufficient unto us.ř Those same words became the cause of
division, and the world and Islam have suffered since. The same words Řthe
Book of God is sufficient unto usř broke the back of the Prophetřs daughter.
The same words Řthe Book of God is sufficient unto usř resulted in the
slaying of Ùthmán. The same words Řthe Book of God is sufficient unto usř
brought about the Battle of Camels38. The same words Řthe Book of God is
sufficient unto usř split Àlìřs forehead. The same words Řthe Book of God is
sufficient unto usř precipitated the episode of the land of Taf and the
martyrdom of Husayn ibn Àlì. The same words Řthe Book of God is
sufficient unto usř sent the House of Immaculacy39 into slavery and scattered
it in all directions. The same words Řthe Book of God is sufficient unto usř
ultimately assailed the holy breast of the Exalted One [the Báb]. He then
raised His hand and stated, ŘOur enemies are also in Our sleeve.řŗ
Afterwards, the Blessed Perfection, Himself, distributed baqlavá [baklava]40

to the friends present. He said, ŖThis is the day on which Hadrat-i-
Mubashshir41 set foot in this nether world and illumined it with His dazzling
brilliance. There is every reason to rejoice.ŗ He then dismissed us all. After
that, the friends gathered in smaller groups in the surrounding grounds of
the Mansion beneath the Spruce and fir trees and, with tremendous
excitement, repeated Bahářuřlláhřs words to ensure that they remembered
them accurately.
The next day, the second day of Muharram, was the anniversary of the birth
of the Lord of Days and the World of Being42. In the morning, all the
pilgrims, visitors and resident believers were summoned to the presence of
the All-Knowing One. Bahářuřlláh spoke about the sublimity of His advent,
the power of the Most Exalted Pen, the circumstances of His exile, and the
arrival at the Most Great Prison. Then He spoke extensively about the
37
The Islamic traditions maintain that four believers were present: Abu Bakr, Ùmar ibn Khattab, Ùthman
ibn Affan and Àlí ibn Talib; see Taherzadeh, Adib. The Covenant of Bahářuřlláh. Oxford: George Ronald, 1992., p.
156.
38
A watershed battle led by Àyyishih, a wife of Muhammad and a daughter of Abu-Bakr, against
Imam Àlí and His companions, marking a division within Islam.
39
The descendants of Muhammad and Àlí; implies the Imams and Their families.
40
A traditional sweetmeat
41
lit. His Holiness, the Herald (the Báb)
42
Bahářuřlláh's birth took place on 2 Muharram 1233 A.H./12 November 1817.

aggression and transgressions of the tyrants and divines. He said, ŖNasiriřd-

Din Shah and Àbduřl-Àziz both transgressed against Us and harmed the
body of the Cause of God, but the tyranny of Àbduřl-Àziz was by far the
more severe, because he banished, without any reason, the Wronged One of
the worlds to the Most Great Prison. Nasiriřd-Din Sháh, however, because
of the ignorant action of the believers in the early days of the Cause,
whenever he strokes his limbs and feels the pellets under his skin43, is
roused in anger to commit these harsh deeds and adopt tyrannical measures
against the friends, spilling the blood of innocent people. Notwithstanding
all these injuries inflicted upon them by the Sháh and the government, the
friends do not stop practicing their Faith openly and do not observe wisdom.
You cannot blame them, because two great festivals have been joined into
one44, foreshadowing a brilliant future for the Cause of God in all corners of
the world.ŗ Then the Blessed Perfection spoke these two verses45:
ŖThese times more bitter than venom shall pass,

And once again, times as sweet as sugar shall come our way.ŗ
When He finished His blessed words, He graced us with sweetmeats and we

left His presence.
The glad tidings uttered on that day by the Author of the Cause were
realized not long after, when the hand of His believers raised the banner of
Godřs religion in various corners of the world: the Western countries, the
provinces of India, Ìshqábád, and many other territories of the globe. In the
early years of the ministry of the Center of the Covenant, the first group of
American pilgrims, with utmost humility and indescribable gratitude,
arrived in the Holy Land and attained the presence of the Appointed Beauty.
I have already mentioned that our house was adjacent to the blessed
Mansion. Our practice was to wake at dawn to carry out our devotions,
recite Tablets of Visitation and perform our daily obligatory prayers. One
morning, before sunrise, an attendant came with the news that the Blessed
Perfection was coming to our house. In this way, He placed the crown of
everlasting honor upon the heads of these humble servants. The tiding made
us weep uncontrollably with joy and we hurried out [to welcome Him]. We
saw His blessed Person coming towards our house with great majesty and
glory. We all prostrated, kissed His feet and made the earth trodden by His
blessed feet the kohl of our eyes. Each one of us in turn was favored with
His tender blessings and was given a share of His infinite generosity. He
went inside our house and, in doing so, conferred upon us an everlasting
honor. I offered Him a cup of tea. The Tongue of Grandeur stated, ŖWell
43
See The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 599-600.
44
Regarding the celebration of the Bábřs Birth and His own, in Questions and Answers, question 2,
Bahářuřlláh has revealed, ŖThese two days are accounted as one in the sight of God.ŗ Bahářuřlláh. The Kitáb-i-
Aqdas: The Most Holy Book. Haifa: Bahářì World Centre, 1992.p. 105.
45
These lines are by Hafiz.

done!ŗ He drank half of it and gave the rest to me. He also gave me a black
rosary made of dark olive-wood that He was carrying. I kissed His hands.
That rosary, which has been as dear to me as life itself, is now placed in the
Archives of the House of the Báb in Shiraz.
Again, I have mentioned that His blessed chamber was visible from our
house. We saw Him several times at dawn and early morning while He
spoke the revealed Word. Mírzá Áqá Jan wrote it down as He uttered it.
Mírzá Áqá Jan used to have several reed pens well cut and pointed, with ink
and paper ready. The flow of divine verses from the heaven of Revelation
was swift. It was like a surging ocean. Mírzá Áqá Jan wrote as quickly as he
could - so quickly that, at times, the pen slipped out of his hand. He would
promptly take up another pen. There were times when he could not keep up
and would say: ŖI canřt write.ŗ Then the Blessed Perfection would repeat
what He had spoken.
The Blessed Perfection instructed my brother, Hájí Mírzá Buzurg, to make a

copy of Qasídiy-i-Ìzz-i-Varqářìyyih46. When he had finished the task and
presented it, he received much commendation and praise from Bahářuřlláh,
and was favored with a pen-case made in Isfahán, which held a silver
inkstand. That pen-case is now held in the Archives of the Blessed House
[of the Báb].
On another occasion, Bahářuřlláh called me by myself and, after showering

His indescribable blessings on me, stated, ŖWe have asked Mìrzá Yúsuf
Khán and Siyyid Assaduřllah to pay particular attention to your lessons and
instructions.ŗ I bowed down. With His blessed hands, He gave me a bottle
of rose-water saying, ŖThis rose-water comes from Qamsar of Káshán. It
has taken 40 days to reach this land. God has created this rose-water for
such a day as this, which is the Prince of days.ŗ He then dismissed me. I had
the bottle of rose-water until not long ago, and some of the friends would
use it to perfume their faces and hairs. Now I deeply regret not having saved
what was given to me by the Hands of the divine sovereignty of the Blessed
Perfection.
One evening, Abu-Hurayrih announced that the Beloved of the world had
decided to visit the Garden of Junaynih47 on the following morning and had
asked all pilgrims and resident believers to accompany Him. I speak the
truth when I say, the joy of knowing that we would be in the presence the
Blessed Beauty for several hours the next day kept me awake that night until
morning. At times, I was rapt in supplication and prayer, and at other
moments filled with euphoria and excitement. The night passed in this way
and, at early dawn, I faced His blessed chamber offering prayers of
46
A poem of 127 verses composed by Bahářuřlláh in Sulaymaniyyih; see Bahářuřlláh. Áthár-i-Qalam-i-
A'lá. 7 vols. Tehran: Muřassasih-Ři Milli-yi Matbuřat-i Amri, 1963-1968, vol. 3, pp. 196-215. Bahářuřlláh. Ode of
the Dove (Qasídiy-i-Varqářìyyih). Translated by Juan R. I. Cole. [s.l.]: Bahářì Library Online, [n.d.].
47
Known also as Bagh-i-Jamal, it is situated close to the Mansion of Mazraìh.

thanksgiving and praise. Before sunrise, we all gathered by the gate of the
Mansion. An hour later, Bahářuřlláh came downstairs. A white donkey was
brought for Him to ride on it. This donkey was a gift of the late Áqá
Ghulam-Àlíy-i-Kashi and Áqá Muhammad-Hashim-i-Káshí. The rest of the
friends followed Him on foot towards Junaynih. Hájí Khavar48, a resident of
the Holy Land for many years and a fairly tall man, held an umbrella over
the head of Bahářuřlláh to protect Him from the sun. The air was extremely
fresh and invigorating. We sensed that, from the pleasant air of Àkká, the
spirit of the poet of Shiraz had soared with the verse:
The morning breeze is fragrant as ambergris today,

As my beloved moves towards the meadow.
Eventually, we reached the Garden, which had been prepared by attendants

and believers. They had assembled all the items necessary for receiving the
Blessed Perfection and the other friends. The Garden paths were very
charming and attractive. The trees, grass, flowers and orchard danced with
joy in the breeze, while the sweet-singing birds were crying out in ecstasy
and merriment, all praising the grace and blessing of the presence of their
Beloved. On that day, the Countenance of the Blessed Perfection radiated
with the greatest joy and He paid tribute to and commended each of the
friends. In such an atmosphere, lunch was served.
After lunch, all the believers were present at yet another spiritual gathering
in Bahářuřlláhřs presence. It was then that Àbduřl-Bahá arrived from the
city [of Àkká] and the Ancient Beauty commanded us: ŖThe Master 49 is
coming. Hasten to welcome Him.ŗ I should note that a similar event
occurred on several other occasions. I will describe the details at a later
stage. It was evident that, from that time, the Blessed Perfection was
planting in the spirit and hearts of the friends seeds of humility,
submissiveness, mindfulness of the Covenant and faithfulness towards Him
Whom God hath purposed [Àbduřl-Bahá]. He would always teach the
believers about the exalted station and hidden reality of the beloved Master.
And so we went out to welcome Àbduřl-Bahá and, in His company, once

again attained the presence of Bahářuřlláh. With extreme humility and
attention, Àbduřl-Bahá sat in His presence and gave permission for the
pilgrims to sit as well. Then, the Tongue of Purity spoke words with this
meaning: ŖThe garden was not pleasant enough this morning. But now, with
the arrival of the Master, it has become most pleasant.ŗ Then, turning
towards Àbduřl-Bahá, He observed, ŖIt would have been exceedingly good
if you had come this morning.ŗ Àbduřl-Bahá replied, ŖThe Mutasarrif
Pasha and some other of the cityřs inhabitants sent word that they were
coming. On Your behalf, I had to receive them and offer them hospitality.ŗ
48
An attendant of Bahářuřlláhřs household.
49
The word ŘÁqář has been used throughout the original as the term Bahářuřlláh used to refer to Àbduřl-
Bahá. This has been rendered as Řthe Master.ř

The Blessed Perfection smiled and said, ŖThe Master is Our shield and the
shield of everyone else. All live at ease, all know utmost comfort and
tranquility. Associating with men such as these is very, very difficult. It is
the Master who stands up to everything and supplies the means for the well-
being and peace of all the friends. May God preserve Him from the evil of
the envious and inimical.ŗ ŖOne day in Baghdad,ŗ Bahářuřlláh continued, Ŗa
beggar asked for alms. We gave him one majídí50 and he told Us: ŘGo in
peace, young man; may Hadrat-i-Àbbás51 give you support.ř He prayed for
Us Ŕ it was a good prayer.ŗ
In short, on that day, the blessings of Bahářuřlláh towards all [of us] were
extremely generous. About an hour before sunset, the Sovereign of the
world decided to return to the Mansion and, as in the morning, we all
walked back. At the gate, we were dismissed from His presence.
The distance between the city of Àkká and the Mansion is about four to
five kilometers. The Bagh-i-Jamál is one of the gardens on the outskirts of
the city, near the Mansion. When you pass by this garden, one comes within
full view of the Mansion. The door to the chamber of the Blessed Perfection
opened this way. Whenever Àbduřl-Bahá approached by this route on a
steed, He would dismount as soon as the Mansion came into view and walk
the rest of the way to the Mansion with the utmost humility and reverence.
One day, all the friends and the Aghsán were in Bahářuřlláhřs presence. I
well remember that among them were the following: Nabíl-i-A`zam, Afnán-
i-Kabír, Áqá Ridá [Qannád] Shírází, Ustád Muhammad-Àlíy-i-Salmání52,
Mishkin-Qalam, my late father, and attendants such as Áqá Muhammad-
Hasan of the Pilgrim House. Suddenly, the Blessed Perfection turned round
to look at the plain and, seeing Àbduřl-Bahá approaching the Mansion,
said, ŖThe Master is coming; go and welcome Him.ŗ We all hurried out and
attained the presence of ŖHim round Whom all names revolveŗ53 and, in His
company, went back to the presence of the Blessed Perfection.
On that day, Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí54, the other Aghsán, Mírzá Áqá Jan,
Siyyid Àlíy-i-Afnán, and [Mìrzá] Madjiřd-Din55 were present. At a later
50
A currency of the Ottoman Empire, installed by Sultan Àbduřl-Majid (1823-61).
51
Àbbas (d. 680), a brother of Imam Husayn, was the standard-bearer on the plain of Karbala and the last
of His men to stand with his Brother. Subsequent to his martyrdom, he has been greatly revered and extolled by the
Shiì community. Àbduřl-Bahá was named Àbbas after His grandfather, Mírzá Àbbas-i-Nuri (d. 1839).
52
A poet and native of Isfahan and Bahářuřlláhřs barber. He is the author of an important narrative,
translated Salmaní, Muhammad-Àlí. My Memories of Bahářuřlláh. Translated by Marzieh Gail. Los Angeles:
Kalimat Press, 1982. The original text is published electronically as Sharh-i Hal, East Lansing, Michigan: H-
Bahai, 1997.
53
One of the titles of Àbduřl-Bahá given in the Tablet of the Land of Bá (Beirut); see Shoghi Effendi.
The World Order of Bahářuřlláh. Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1955., p. 136. Bahářuřlláh. ŖLawh-i-Ard-i-
Bá (Tablet of the land of Bá ).ŗ In Tablets of Bahářuřlláh Revealed after the Kitáb-i-Aqdas. Pp. 225-228.
54
During Bahářuřlláh's ministry, Mìrzá Muhammad-Àlí was known by the title Ghusn-i-Akbar (the Greater
Branch). After he broke the Covenant, believers referred to him as the Naqid-i-Akbar (the Arch-Covenant-breaker), a
title Mírzá Habíb uses for him throughout the text. However, for clarity, his given name is used in this translation.

time, however, these same people were among the Covenant-breakers and,
with the greatest vehemence and infidelity, rose against the Cause of God.
After the ascension of the Blessed Perfection, this servant himself witnessed
their treachery, betrayal, hypocrisy and imposture. During that period, which
outwardly constituted Bahářuřlláhřs final days in this nether world, His
words mostly focused on the issues of the protection of the Covenant and
firmness in the divine Testament. On that occasion, He fervently
admonished the people of the world to remain loyal to the Covenant and not
to raise the standard of discord in the Cause of God. Then He raised His
blessed hand and, pointing to the Aghsáns and Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí, said,
ŖShould one of Our Aghsán ever for a moment pass out from the shadow of
the Cause, he will cease to be of any consequence.ŗ These words, emanating
from the Source of compassion and the Heaven of divine will, were spoken
so forcibly and with such a strong resonance that all in His presence were
thunderstruck and shaken to their very core.
Another day, when we were in the presence of the Blessed Perfection, Mírzá
Diyářuřlláh56 came in to ask, ŖÁqá seeks permission for us all to go with the
friends to the Garden of Junaynih.ŗ ŖWho has said this?ŗ Bahářuřlláh
inquired, to which Mìrzá Diyářuřlláh replied, ŖÁqáy-i-Ghusn-i-Akbar.ŗ
Sternly, Bahářuřlláh said, ŖThere is only one Áqá; all the others have names.
That one Áqá is ŘHim round Whom all names revolveř, the Ghusn-i-
A`zam.ŗ57 Throughout those days, the blessed Person of the Ancient Beauty
used various statements and means to educate the friends on the sacred
station of Àbduřl-Bahá and warn them against breaking the divine
Covenant. He constantly affirmed the unique and exalted station of the
beloved Master so that the satanic whispers and intrigues of the enemies of
Godřs Cause would not lead those clinging to the Sure Handle58 away from
the straight path, or cause the inhabitants of the Crimson Ark to drown in the
sea of neglect and ignorance.
One late afternoon, we were in the presence of Bahářuřlláh in the Garden of

Ridván. The air was very fresh and redolent, and it was raining lightly. He
spoke about the days in Baghdad and the harm inflicted upon the Cause of
God by the Azalis59. He said, ŖConsider how unfair and truly void of faith
they are. Because of the Mu`tamuřd-Dawlihřs supplications in Isfahán, the
Primal Point took the sister of Rajab-Àlí [Qahyir] as a wife so that she
could look after His household needs. After the great Martyrdom and the
most mighty Tragedy60, notwithstanding the explicit Text forbidding
55
A notorious Covenant-breaker of later years. He was a son of Mírzá Musa Kalim (d. 1887),
Bahářuřlláhřs faithful brother.
56
Bahářuřlláhřs son from a second marriage.
57
See Balyuzi, Eminent Bahářìs at the Time of Bahářuřlláh, p. 163.
58
An allusion to the religion of God; see, for instance, Bahářuřlláh, The Kitab-i-Aqdas, pp. 61-62.
59
The text refers to the followers of Mírzá Yahya Azal (1831-1912) as ŖYamutihaŗ (literally: the dead).
60
The martyrdom of the Báb took place on 9 July 1850.

marriage with the Bábřs wives61, with utmost impudence, Azal at first took
her as a wife and then, having absolutely no sense of shame or compunction,
gave her to Siyyid Muhammad-i-Isfahání.62 This act resulted in the mother
of the Báb refusing to give her allegiance to the Faith for some time.ŗ As He
spoke these words, the sorrow on His Countenance was evident and the
friends, especially my father, were greatly affected and wept bitterly. Then
the Blessed Perfection said, ŖDo not grieve. Praise be to God, the mother of
that Blessed Being came to believe at the end. Their station is well above
the conception of peoples and the understanding of Our servants.ŗ
Then, He continued to recall the days of Baghdad: ŖOne day, several of the
clergy came to visit Us. One of them asked, ŘWhere are you from?ř ŘWe are
from Àmá63,ř We responded. He asked further, ŘWhere is Àmá? What sort
of place is that?ř We replied, ŘÀmá has a pleasant, heavenly air; the trees
are fruitful; the plain is lusciously green; the rivers are flowing; its
inhabitants are spiritual people.ř He asked, ŘIs it possible for us to go there?ř
We responded, ŘNo, it is impossible. Your place is not there.řŗ
He then related, ŖThe day We left Baghdad, We moved to the Garden of

Najìb Pasha and stayed there for 12 days. Each day, scores of the cityřs
inhabitants came to visit Us and bid Us farewell. One day, among those who
came was a group of the learned theologians. After attaining Our presence,
one of them said, ŘWe were anticipating the appearance of the promised
Mihdí, and the Siyyid-i-Shirází came forward with a claim. A number
became His followers, gathered around Him, and did certain things. After
that, we expected the manifestation of Husayn, and now You claim that
Station. What are we to do now?ř On that day,ŗ Bahářuřlláh continued, ŖWe
told them what they were to do and said to them, ŘYou are to continue
reading Sharh-i-Lamàh and Saybawayh64 until you return to where you
belong.řŗ
61
The Text of the Bábřs injunction has not been located so far. However, there is a Qurřanic verse
(Surah al-Ahzab) that provides for this restriction: ŖNearer of kin to the faithful is the Prophet, than they are to
their own selves. His wives are their mothers.ŗ
62
During the Bábřs six-month sojourn in Isfahan, He married Fatimih (1822?-1916), the sister of Mulla
Rajab-Àlíy-i Qahir, a prominent Bábì of that city. Some time after the Bábřs martyrdom, she traveled to Baghdad,
where she came under the influence of Siyyid Muhammad Isfahani and Mìrzá Yahya Azal. Despite the Bábřs
injunction forbidding marriage with either of His wives after Him, Azal married her. A month later, however, after
protests from his other wives, Azal divorced Fatimih and gave her in marriage to Siyyid Muhammad. She died in
December 1916 in Tihran, aged 84. For further details, see Balyuzi, Hasan M. Edward Granville Browne and the
Bahářì Faith. London: George Ronald, 1970, pp. 34-5 n. 3.
63
Rendered typically as Řeternal,ř Řimmortal,ř or Řdivine,ř this term has many connotations, which all
mean Řthat which pertains to Godř. An Islamic hadith maintains that Muhammad was asked, ŖWhere is God?ŗ and
He responded, ŖIn àmá.ŗ
64
Both texts are used in the Shiì seminarian training. The complete title of Sharh-i-Lumàh is ar-Rawdat
al-bahiyyah fi sharh al-lumàh al-Dimashqiyah and was authored by Shaykh Zaynuřl-Àbidin Shahid ath-Thani
(1506-1559). It is an exposition of al-Lumàh ad-Dimashqiyya by Shaykh Muhammad ibn Makk Shahid al-Awwal
(1333-1380). The text is used today in the madrassihs for teaching jurisprudence (fiqh) at the secondary (sutuh)
level. The second reference, Saybawayh, is named after a Shirazi jurist whose resting-place is located in Sang-i-Siyah,
near the Masjid-i-Mushir (see Fasaři, Tarikh Farsnamih-i-Nasiri, vol. 2, pp. 1021-3).

On another day, the Blessed Perfection mentioned the days of Baghdad and
the tyranny and oppression of Shaykh Àbduřl-Husayn [Tihrani]65, saying,
ŖWith the aid of Nasiriřd-Din Sháh and [Sultan] Àbduřl-Àziz, Shaykh
Àbduřl-Husayn tried hard to extinguish the light of Godřs Cause. But the
effulgence of the Faith of God has illuminated the East and the West, and
the vengeance and victory of the religion of God has made the necks of
sovereigns bow down in humility. Before long, you will see all systems
rolled up, and the peoples and nations of the world gather under the shade of
the canopy of the Cause of God.ŗ
He then said, ŖAnother day in Baghdad, a learned divine came to see Us. He
had a tall, heavy frame and thick beard, was quite corpulent and was
wearing a large turban. He greeted Us with a guttural tone and, when he sat
down, began to recite convoluted and incomprehensible Arabic verses. We
said to him, ŘKindly introduce yourself so that We might learn something
about you.ř He said, ŘI am the seal of the ecclesiastics.ř We responded,
ŘInshařlláh, inshařlláh.řŗ On that day, the Blessed Perfection was extremely
joyous and smiled frequently. He said, ŖPray that God does not create
another sect like the Shiì.ŗ
On another day, Bahářuřlláh spoke of Mullá Àlìy-i-Sabzivari66, saying,

ŖWhen Mullá Àlì was led to the place of his martyrdom, he instructed the
executioner to open one of his veins. When a bit of his throat was cut, with
his own sacred blood, he dyed his white beard red, calling out to the crowd,
ŘO people! On the day of His martyrdom on the field of Karbalá, Husayn
ibn Àlì spoke these words: ŖIs there anyone truly capable of dispensing
victory who will come to aid me?ŗ But I say unto you, ŖO people, is there
anyone truly capable of seeing who will come to behold me?ŗřŗ Bahářuřlláh
repeated several times: ŖWhat weighty words did that man speak, and how
he bore witness to the truth of this Faith with his precious blood! People
witnessed it but were not moved, and barbarously put to death that innocent
soul.ŗ He then added, ŖAll these strange events support the greatness of this
blessed Cause. They will all be recorded in the pages of history and future
generations will feel proud of them.ŗ
The late Hájì Àbúřl-Hasan [Bazzaz] Shirází67 was present and asked
Bahářuřlláh, ŖAfter the martyrdom of Husayn ibn Àlì, the sovereignty of
65
Known as Shaykhuřl-Ìraqayn (d. 1869), he was a close ally of Mírzá Taqi Khán, the Amir-Kabir (d.
1852). He was sent by Nasiriřd-Din Sháh to the Àtabat to regild the dome of the Shrine of Imam Husayn and to
cause trouble for Bahářuřlláh.
66
One of the seven Bahářìs martyred in May 1891 in Yazd. Earlier, he had asked Bahářuřlláh for this high
station and, in a Tablet, was told to seek his heart's desire in Yazd. Forty days later, he attained his wish. For details, see
Malmiri, Tarikh-i-Shuhaday-i-Yazd, pp. 32-56.
67
In 1844, he had traveled on the same vessel with the Báb and Quddus, when They were going on
pilgrimage to Mecca. He later recounted many details of that historic journey to Mìrzá Habìb; see Rabbani, ŖThe Báb in
Shiraz: An Account by Mirza Habibuřllah Afnanŗ, Bahářì Studies Review, 2004, 91-127 (See also Afnán, Mírzá
Habìbuřllah. ŖThe Báb in Shiraz.ŗ Translated by Ahang Rabbani. Translations of Shaykhi, Bábì and Bahářì Texts
(East Lansing, Mich.) no.11 (January 1998). ) . He attained full certitude during the Bábřs appearance at the Masjid-i-
Vakil. He was the father of Mírzá Muhammad-Baqir Khán-i-Dihqan, a very influential Bahářì in the administrative
apparatus of Fars (see In the Land of Refuge).

Yazid lasted no more than three years. Why is it that, 50 years after the
martyrdom of the Exalted One, Nasiriřd-Din Sháh still rules with full
powers, inflicting day and night much injury on the Faith; and God has
[seemingly] spared him?ŗ Bahářuřlláh replied, ŖGod has given him this
clemency because of the error of some believers in the early days and their
assassination attempt on him. But he too will have his day. You will see.ŗ
Departure from the Holy Land
Our stay in the Holy Land had been nine months long. Each day, we had
been showered with new favors without deserving them. The infinite grace
of God had surrounded us. The happiness of our good fortune was the wish
of all the Prophets and saints of the past. The spread of cholera and illness
had subsided and the day for us to leave was quickly approaching.
One afternoon, we were summoned to the presence of the Blessed

Perfection in the Mansion of Bahjí. His blessed Person was standing in the
middle of His chamber when we entered. Immersed in deep grief and
sorrow, we circumambulated His Person and prostrated ourselves at His
feet, as tears like spring-showers streamed uncontrollably from our eyes.
With our emotions and words, we expressed our heart-felt gratitude for the
glorious days we had in His presence. Then the Tongue of Purity spoke
these sacred words: ŖDo not be sad; do not lament. If you attained Our
presence once, your attainment was complete. Be assured that, under all
conditions, We are with you. Why are you downcast? Port Said is very near.
Whenever We call, you will hear Us. Do not be sorrowful; do not grieve. Be
confident. The divine favors have surrounded you and will continue to
envelop you.ŗ Again, He repeated, ŖIf you attained Our presence once, your
attainment was complete.ŗ Then He added, ŖFor no other pilgrims were the
blessings and circumstances as complete as they were for the Afnáns. Be
happy; be thrilled; be radiant. The grace of God has surrounded you and will
continue to embrace you everlastingly.ŗ
He sat down and invited us to sit also. With His blessed Hand, He passed to
us the sacred Tablets that He had revealed for each one of us.68 We
reverently kissed His fingers and read the Tablets. They venerated and
glorified each one of us. After nine months of being in His presence, we
were now bidden farewell with these words: ŖGod be with you.ŗ
From there, we went to Àkká and attained the presence of Àbduřl-Bahá.

With tearful eyes and hearts set on fire, we anticipated our coming
separation. We prostrated at His feet and, clinging to the hem of His robe,
begged for His help with divine favors and confirmations. His blessed Being
68
The Tablet bestowed upon Mìrzá Habìb on that occasion is in Bahářuřlláh, INBMC, Majmuìh
Athar-i-Qalam A`lá, vol. 51, p. 354, no. 363; the original is kept in the Bahářì Archives of the House of the Báb. A
translation appears as the frontispiece of the publication.

lifted us from the ground and, kissing the brow of each of us, bid us
farewell.
While these ephemeral servants were in Àkká, the Blessed Beauty called
our mother and sister into His presence and showered them with much
admiration and untold praise. As they were leaving, my mother kissed His
blessed hand. The thought came to her that, if His ring were given to her as
a means of attracting divine blessings and as a source of healing, all her
wishes in this world would be realized. Shortly after, when they were in the
presence of the Greatest Holy Leaf, one of the maidservants came in to
present the ring as a gift, saying, ŖBahářuřlláh told me to present you with
this ring.ŗ For this divine favor, my mother cried out in joy and gratitude.
She then bid farewell to the Khánum, the other Varaqát69, and the wife of
Bahářuřlláh70. The ring of the Blessed Perfection is now held in the
Archives of the House of the Báb. It has been a source of pride and joy for
this family and our descendants.
Afterwards, my mother and sister attained the presence of Àbduřl-Bahá one

last time. Then, filled with deep sorrow, we all left the sacred city of Àkká
for Haifa.
Outside the city gate, our much-loved companions, who had been friends to
my father and our spiritual comrades for nine months, had gathered. With
deep affection we all embraced and kissed each other farewell. They helped
us board our carriage and we left for Haifa. In Haifa, the late Manshádí,
along with our father, secured our boarding pass from the Namsavi Shipping
Company. About an hour before dusk, accompanied by the honored Áqá
Siyyid Taqí, we were on our way by boat to the destined ship. Our ship left
[the Bay of Haifa] at about sunset. It is impossible for me to describe the
feelings we experienced at that time and how the fond memories of those
days overwhelmed us.
This was a brief summary of the memories of the days we beheld the
countenance of God, which have remained with me after 50 years. God
willing, I will now give my recollections of visiting Àbduřl-Bahá and what
I observed next.
One thing we came to realize after the ascension of the Blessed Beauty was
that, at the moment we left, He had twice said to us, ŖIf you attained our
presence once, your attainment was complete.ŗ The meaning of this blessed
utterance was now clear: we would never be worthy to see His blessed
Literally Řleaves;ř signifies the women of the Holy Household.

69
70
Navvab (Asiyyih Khánum) had passed away in 1886. Therefore, this reference is to either Mahd-i-Ùliya
or Gawhar Khánum and, most likely, to the former.

countenance in this world again; outwardly He would be hidden behind

veils, and His passing was near.71
Education and Commerce in Egypt
The headquarters of my late fatherřs commercial enterprise was in Cairo and

he also had a branch office in Port Said. The late Áqá Ahmad [Yazdí]72 and
my older brother, the late Áqá Siyyid Áqá, were responsible for its affairs
and supervised the branch office.73 A few days after arriving in Port Said,
we traveled to Cairo, where my late father had a room in Saray-i-Jawahiri.
In that city, once again, he was immersed in business activities. While we
assisted him in his daily work, we also continued our education, to develop
a strong command of the Arabic language.74
In those days, several of the eminent friends in Cairo were engaged in

commerce. This included men such as the late Hájí Mírzá Hasan-i-
Khúrásání, Hájí Mírzá Muhammad-i-Afshár75, Mírzá Àlí-Muhammad-i-
Shirázì, Hájì Àbduřl-Karim-i-Kaziruni, Hájí Lutf-Àlíy-i-Namaziy-i-
Shirází, Hájí Muhammad-i-Yazdí76, the late Hájí Niyyaz77, and several
others that were either related to these individuals or worked in their place
of business. The Iranian Consul-General78 at that time was the late Mírzá
Ridá Khán, the Bananuřl-Mulk79, the father of Áqá Mìrzá Fadluřlláh Khán-
i-Banan80.
Before the ascension of the Blessed Beauty, Mírzá Hasan-i-Khúrásání and

Hájí Niyyaz were given permission to go on pilgrimage and had left for the
Holy Land.
71
Though the date of the Afnánsř departure is not noted, it is estimated to be in late March 1892. The
ascension of Bahářuřlláh occurred on 29 May 1892.
72
The fourth and youngest son of Hájì Àbduřr-Rahim-i-Qannad-i-Yazdi, he had married Munavvar
Khánum, the youngest daughter of Àbduřl-Bahá. Years later, both husband and wife broke the Covenant.
73
When he arrived in Egypt, Núriřd-Dín established an import-export company called Shirkat-i-
Ruhaniyyih.
74
In a Tablet, Àbduřl-Bahá instructed Mìrzá Habìb: ŗAt nighttime, you must put effort into your
studies and learning languages. Likewise, make an effort to learn as much about sciences and literature as you can.
Since the divine confirmations render the Afnán victorious and triumphant, soon you will advance in all
areasŗ.Abduřl-Bahá. Majmuřih Makatib-i-Hadrat-i-Àbduřl-Bahá. Vol. 52, Iran National Bahářì Manuscript
Collection. Tehran: Muřassasih-Ři Milli-yi Matbuřat-i Amri, [c 1977],348, no. 390,.[Hereafter INBMC 52].
75
A native of Yazd, he is best known for an important proof treatise known as Risalih-i-Afshar or
Bahruřl-Ìrfan.
76
The father of Àziz Yazdi (1909-2004), a Counsellor member of the International Teaching Centre
during 1973-86.
77
A native of Kirman and a travelling jewelry salesman.
78
The Iranian Embassy was in Istanbul, with various branch consulates throughout the Ottoman
Empire.
79
His name was Rida Mustawfi. He was often referred to as Hakim-Banan. In 1884, he was given the
title Bananuřl-Mulk and, four years later, was appointed as the chief of staff for the Zilluřs-Sultan, the Governor-
General of Isfahan. However, in 1890, out of fear for his life, he left Iran and took residence in Egypt. In the
middle of 1892, he was appointed to the consulate in Cairo. After a while, he was dismissed from office and
returned to Isfahan, where he passed away; see Bámdád, Mahdí. Sharh-i Hál-i Rijál-i Irán dar Qarn-i 12, 13, 14
Hijri. 4 vols. Tehran: Kitabfurushi-i Zuvvar, 1347-1353 Sh. [1968-1974]., vol 2, pp. 1-2.
80
The secretary of the Spiritual Assembly of Shiraz during much of the 1930s and 1940s; see In the
Land of Refuge.

News of Bahá‟u‟lláh‟s Ascension
The great calamity and the supreme tragedy of the ascension of the Blessed
Beauty Ŕ may my life be a sacrifice to the dust of His Sacred Threshold Ŕ
happened two months and a few days after we left the Holy Land. With
broken hearts and spirits and consumed by the fire of His separation, tears
of sorrow, anguish and lamentation poured from the eyes of every denizen
of the Crimson Ark and dweller beneath the tabernacle of His Cause. He
Himself is my witness, I can never describe the unbearable pain brought on
by knowing that I could not once again behold His blessed Countenance on
this plane of existence! God alone knows that this pen is utterly incapable of
recounting what happened during those dark days!81
The late [Mírzá Hasan] Khúrásání and Hájí Niyyaz were in Àkká at the
setting of the Sun of Truth in the Holy Land. Also present was the honored
Áqá Mírzá Taraz-i-Samandari, son of the illustrious Samandar, who had
been among a group of pilgrims from Iran. He had arrived in the Holy Land
a few months before the ascension and remained there for a while after that
event. As a token of Bahářuřlláhřs grace, the bonds of our friendship and
fraternity, first established during our days together in the presence of the
Blessed Perfection, has grown ever stronger with the passage of these 55
years.82
In the days after the ascension of the Blessed Perfection, hearts were melted,
spirits were downcast, and eyes cried bitter tears of anguish. It was a
particularly unbearable and sorrowful time for those who had been in His
presence and had beheld that mighty Sovereign of the world of being. Many
of the friends, men and women alike, gathered at night or during the day, in
various homes, raising the cry of ŖYá Bahářuřl-Abhá!ŗ and supplicating for
the honor of martyrdom and self-sacrifice in the path of His glorious Cause.
The month of Dhiřl-Qa`dih passed and, on 10 Dhiřl-Hajjih [6 July 1892],

the Ìd-i-Qurbán (the festival of Sacrifice) was observed. As was customary
in those days, all the Iranian merchants would go to the Iranian Consulate,
visiting the Consul-General and wishing him well. Typically, on such
occasions, they would be served lunch and would stay until late in the
afternoon. Because the Bahářì merchants and Muslim merchants associated
very little, each would occupy a different side of the reception hall in the
course of their visits.
Because of his age and prominence in the community, my late father was the
senior member and leader of the Bahářì merchants. Consequently, we went
81
A detailed and poignant description of Bahářuřlláhřs ascension is given in Mazandarani, Tarikh
Zuhuruřl-Haqq, vol 5, pp. 433-72.
82
See Samandarí, Taráz Alláh. Moments with Bahářuřlláh, Memoirs of the Hand of the Cause of God
Tarázuřlláh Samandarì, translated by Mehdi Samandari and Marzieh Gail. Los Angeles: Kalimát Press, 1996.

to the Consulate led by him. [Because we were mourning Bahářuřlláhřs

ascension], our intention was to leave after visiting for a few minutes, and
not participate in the celebration.
When we arrived at the Consulate, as was customary, we sat on one side. At

that moment, however, the Bananuřl-Mulk [Consul-General], without
realizing that a number of Bahářìs had arrived, said, ŖAccording to a report
in a recent issue of the Hikmat Newspaper, the Prophet of the Bábís has
passed away.ŗ He made this comment with such a mocking tone that it
greatly offended the friends [the believers]. With a quick signal from my
father, the Bahářì group left the gathering without the least
acknowledgement to the host or bidding anyone farewell.
Noting our departure, the Bananuřl-Mulk was greatly surprised by the turn
of events. Later, we heard from other Iranian merchants present [in the
gathering] that they had all reproached him, saying, ŖThis place is not Iran
and you cannot say things that are not civil or good mannered. Those people
who left the gathering are not ordinary and commonplace people. They rank
among the most respected merchants and should be seen as a source of pride
by the Iranian government. If an amiable reconciliation is not brought about
immediately, this incident will become a cause of great inconvenience,
directly affecting you.ŗ This warning from the Muslim merchants, coupled
with the powerful effect of our departure, left the Consul-General terrified
of its possible consequences.
From the consulate building, we all went to my fatherřs commercial office.

We gathered in a room adjacent to his office where all the Bahářì meetings
took place. This room was decorated with a very large and unique
calligraphy by Mishkin-Qalam, depicting two ornamented birds that made
up the words of the Greatest Name. There was also a large circular table in
the middle of the room. Most of us gathered around this table to discuss the
event that had just taken place in the Consulate.
Some of the friends thought that our departure had insulted the Iranian
Consul and that he had unwittingly acted in an impertinent way. I remember
vividly that my late father was very upset and cried out in a raised voice,
ŖHe has erred greatly on something that he should have known better! I
know him very well from our days in Shiraz and we have been friends ever
since. However, we acted in the name of the Blessed Beauty and out of
respect for the Greatest Name. I am prepared to have my blood spilled in
this path! Mark my words: the Bananuřl-Mulk is now greatly repentant and
ashamed [because of our departure].ŗ

While this discussion was taking place, Hájí Sayyah83, who lived in Egypt at
the time and was a confidant to both the Bahářìs and the Muslims, entered
the room. He related that the Bananuřl-Mulk had asked him to convey, with
great reverence, his apologies for what he had said and further begged the
Bahářìs to return to the festivities so that the Consulateřs traditional
celebration could continue amiably. Hájí Sayyah added, ŖThe Consul must
send a report of the event to the Iranian Embassy in Istanbul. If you do not
participate, it is possible that certain ill-wishers will connive and cause
trouble for the Consul.ŗ My father replied, ŖInform the Bananuřl-Mulk on
our behalf that, as he has noted, we are currently mourning the departure of
our Beloved and cannot participate in the festivities. Our visit this morning
was only for the purpose of meeting him. However, we expect that, from
now on, he will show proper respect to everyone with his remarks. This
country is not Iran, where one can say and do as one pleases.ŗ
This warning and the gathering of the friends had greatly frightened the
Bananuřl-Mulk. Hájí Sayyah had also added his own flavor to the message
by reporting [to the Consul], ŖThey have all gathered in Áqá Mìrzá Áqářs
office and are deliberating on plans to unseat and impeach the Consul.ŗ
Consequently, before we had ended our discussions, Hájí Sayyah returned
and, once again, on behalf of the Bananuřl-Mulk, fervently implored
everyone to return to the Consulate and participate in the festivities. My
father reiterated, ŖThe Bahářìs will not take part in your celebration,ŗ and
repeated what he had said earlier.
Ultimately, the result of this incident was that the Bananuřl-Mulk became a
loyal friend of the Bahářìs and would not make the slightest decision
without consulting my late father or Hájí Mírzá Hasan-i-Khúrásání. The
friends enjoyed full freedom to do as they saw fit and became the envy of all
the Muslim merchants.
Núri‟d-Dín Departs for Iran in 1894
Two years passed. As before, we were carrying out our commercial

activities from Cairo, Port Said and Alexandria, when my late father was
called by Àbduřl-Bahá to return to Iran. As a prelude to this, a Tablet was
revealed in his honor and he was instructed to go to the Holy Land. Before
leaving for Iran, he set up a company with Áqá Ahmad [Yazdí], Hájí
Muhammad-i-Yazdí and Hájí Siyyid Àlíy-i-Yazdí.84 Consequently, I was
working in his office in Cairo under the supervision of Áqá Siyyid Àlí and
83
In a second copy of this manuscript, the following parenthetical comments are recorded: ŖThis was the
same Hájì Sayyah who had attained the presence of Bahářuřlláh and had been the bearer of letters from the Zilluřs-
Sultan and the Mushiruřl-Mulk-i-Shirazi.ŗ And, in the margin, it is written ŖHájì Muhammad-Àlíy-i-Sayyah-i-
Mahallati.ŗ Although I have been unable to confirm the identity of this carrier, it is clear from Khátirát Hájj Sayyáh that
Hájí Sayyah Mahallati was imprisoned in Iran throughout the period under discussion and the intended person is
someone else. Sayyáh, Muhammad-Àlí. Khátirát Hájj Sayyáh. Edited by Hamíd Sayyáh. 3rd ed. Tehran: Amír
Kabír, 1359 [1980].
84
The Yazdi brothers had previously formed a company known as Société Ruháníyyih. However, because
of some misfortunes, they now needed fresh capital and new partners; for details, see Yazdi, Blessing Beyond Measure,
pp. 12-14. At this time, Núriřd-Dín was very affluent and was able to bankroll his fortune into this new joint venture.

my late brother, Hájí Mírzá Buzurg, and in Alexandria under the supervision
of Hájí Muhammad. Even though some of the friends were not optimistic
about the prospects of this business merger, my late father did not heed their
warnings and left for his pilgrimage. On this journey, my late brother, Hájí
Mírzá Buzurg, and I did not have the honor of attaining the presence of
Àbduřl-Bahá. My father went with my mother, older brother Áqá Siyyid
Áqá, younger brother Áqá Siyyid Diyář, and sister Tuba Khánum.85
After attaining the presence of Àbduřl-Bahá, and gaining further spiritual

sustenance and insight from Him, they left for Búshihr by sea. En route, my
father visited the renowned cleric [in Baghdad], Áqá Mírzá Muhammad-
Hasan-i-Shìrázì, the Hujjatuřl-Islam (known as the Mírzáy-i-Shírází), at the
clericřs request. He was a close relative of the Báb. I have recorded the
details of this visit elsewhere.86
Regarding his visit with the above-mentioned person, my father received a

Tablet from Àbduřl-Bahá during his stay in Baghdad. In that blessed Tablet,
He wrote:
To the attention of the illustrious Afnán, Áqá Mírzá Áqá, upon him
rest the Glory of God, the Most Glorious.
He is the All-Glorious.
O thou twig, who hath excelled in propagating the Word of God!

From what hath been heard, thou didst travel from Baghdad to
Sámarrá for the purpose of conversing in utmost wisdom with the
desired person87. Even though that person is physically weak and no
doubt hath little strength and joy for discourse and communion,
however, the divine fragrance bringeth immeasurable vigor, and the
spiritual ecstasy hath eternal influence. It will convert a barren land
into a flourishing city, and a dead and sterile realm into luscious
earth. Bounties of the Holy Spirit will quicken moldering bones and
the outpouring of the rain will bring forth pure pearls. Thus thou
shalt see the earth giving praise and thanks, as we observe upon it
everything delightful and verdant.
I hope that, in that region, thou wilt succeed in disseminating the

words of truth and spreading the divine fragrance, in such wise that
its sweet scent will perfume all nostrils and confer life upon the dead.
85
In a Tablet (INBMC 52:329-30, no. 368) addressed to Núriřd-Dìnřs son, Mìrzá Jalal, who had stayed
in Shiraz to serve at, and protect, the House of the Báb, Àbduřl-Bahá speaks of the imminent arrival of Núriřd-
Dìn. The Master recounts the bounties showered upon Núriřd-Dìn during the days of Bahářuřlláh, and how he had
stayed in Egypt at His behest. He further states that Núriřd-Dín was now travelling to Iran in order to propagate
the divine teachings and raise the banner of Godřs Cause.
86
See In the Land of Refuge, Chapter 11.
87
A reference to Mírzáy-i-Shirazi.

His Glory rest upon thee and all who stand firm in the Covenant.
Àbduřl-Bahá Àbbás.88
My late father related, ŖThe Hujjatuřl-Islam had declared his belief in the
validity of the Bábřs claim, the truth of the Blessed Beautyřs Manifestation
and the greatness of Àbduřl-Bahářs station. I asked him, ŘWhen did you
learn about the Faith?ř He responded, ŘDuring the days when I was busy
with my studies as a student in Isfahán. Your maternal uncle, Mírzá Siyyid
Hasan (the Afnán-i-Kabír), was a student there as well. His Holiness [the
Báb] had come to Isfahán and, one day, at the home of [the Sultanuřl-
Ùlama,] the Imam-Jumìh, one of the divines asked Him a scientific
question. He gave a sufficient answer, but the akhund [cleric] spoke most
unfairly and inappropriately. The injustice of the divine and the
impeccability of the Exalted One awakened me to the truth of His blessed
Cause.ŗ The details of this meeting have been written in a separate
volume89.
Arrival of Mírzá Abú‟l-Fadl
In 1311 A.H. [1894], in accordance with Àbduřl-Bahářs instructions, Mìrzá

Abúřl-Fadl90 came to Cairo. The Master instructed the prominent Bahářìs
not to associate openly with him so that he would not attract undue attention
and notice.91 After he arrived, he moved to an apartment with two furnished
rooms, situated above my fatherřs business in Saray-i-Jawahiri. He began
teaching philosophy and logic at Al-Azhar University and meeting and
associating with the learned and accomplished men of his time. He
organized and taught classes in various branches of knowledge and
philosophy. Among his students were Shaykh Farajuřllah Ziky-i-Kurdi92,
[and his brothers,] Shaykh Muhayřd-Din and Shaykh Badruřd-Din.
When he had been in Cairo for a while and had become acquainted with
certain of its inhabitants, Mìrzá Abúřl-Fadl would occasionally allow a few
of the friends to attend his classes. I remember vividly one day, when I was
present in his class, the important philosophical question of life and the
nature of the soul was being discussed and explained. He quoted
extensively, and cited many references, from well-known scholars and
learned men and, employing solid reasoning and indisputable evidence,
totally rejected the position of the naturalists and the theologians. On that
88
INBMC 52:315 no. 353, Khándan-i-Afnán 16-7 and Mařidih-i-Asimani 5:261-2. Although Mírzá
Habíb quotes only a portion of this Tablet, the full text is given here for ease of reference.
89
A reference to Tarikh Amri Fars va Shiraz (forthcoming In the Land of Refuge).
90
The text, and most other Persian sources, refer to him as Abuřl-Fadá'il, but this translation uses the more
commonly recognized transliteration.
91
Mìrzá Habìb means that Abduřl-Bahá did not want the public to know that Mìrzá Abuřl-Fadl was a
Bahářì, so that he could freely pursue his contacts among the intellectual circles of Cairo.
92
He published the first series of Bahářì books in Egypt, including the first compilation of Àbduřl-Bahá's
Tablets. ŘAbduřl-Bahá. Makatib-i-Àbduřl-Bahá. 3 vols. Cairo: Matbařa Kurdistan al-ŘIlmiyya, A.H.1330 [1910-
1921].

day, all his students testified that Jináb-i-Mìrzářs [Abúřl-Fadlřs] deductions

were perfectly correct.
Mìrzá Abúřl-Fadl then continued, ŖDuring my stay at Bukhara and

Samarqand, I saw a commentary by Bahářuřlláh that adequately clarified
this problem and resolved all questions.ŗ His students asked, ŖWho is
Bahářuřlláh?ŗ ŖThe Leader of our honored guests,ŗ he replied [pointing to
us]. With real excitement, all students said, ŖWell, we will secure a copy
from them.ŗ But Mìrzá Abúřl-Fadl responded, ŖOur guests are among the
ordinary people and laity. Such texts and commentaries are in the possession
of their learned and scholars. I must contact them for copies to be sent
here.ŗ And so, he concluded this subject and began discussing another topic.
With every subject, Mìrzá Abúřl-Fadl would do the same as described
above, helping his students to grow receptive to hear [the Divine Call] and
sowing the seeds of the Word of God in their hearts.
A month later, he told them that the commentary he had mentioned had
arrived. His students eagerly competed with one another to see and read the
Text, which they took home and spent countless hours discussing with one
another. After all the discussion, he would often remind them, ŖWithout a
trace of religious prejudice, study the scientific and rational arguments of
these Texts, and correlate them with your own deductive and intellectual
understanding. Consider the ease and facility with which they resolve all
complex issues. As for me, the more I study and ponder them in the light of
logic and reason, the more convinced I am that the contents of these
Commentaries are alone sufficient for all seekers of truth and only these
Writings contain undeniable proof.ŗ
In this manner, he taught the Word of God. As a result, a number [of his
students] enrolled under the banner of the Cause. Those who did not
convert, such as Shaykh Muhammad-i-Àbduh, who was among the
professors of Al-Azhar University, became sympathizers. Such was the way
that Mìrzá Abúřl-Fadl taught and served the Faith in Egypt.
The Greatest Holy Leaf in Egypt
I have mentioned earlier that, during the time of the most great calamity of
Bahářuřlláhřs ascension, the late Hájì Mìrzá Hasan-i-Khúrásání and Hájí
Niyyaz-i-Kirmaní were in the Holy Land and later returned [to Egypt].
Afterwards, the believers were not given permission to go on pilgrimage or
were very rarely given the privilege. This was because of the faithless
behavior of the Covenant-breakers and the manifold tests besetting the
friends in the Holy Land, or for reasons that remain concealed in the divine
knowledge. Consequently, we remained deprived of meeting the denizens of

the Crimson Ark and those circumambulating ŖHim round Whom the names
of God revolveŗ.93
During this year [circa 1894], our late father returned to Shiraz and this
servant and my late brother were busy with our commercial activities in Port
Said and Alexandria. We would mostly spend the rest of our time in the
honored presence of Mìrzá Abúřl-Fadl. To a certain extent, and according to
our abilities, we were able to benefit from his fellowship.
It was this very year, as well, that the Remnant of God, the Greatest Holy
Leaf, honored Egypt with her footsteps. She stayed at the residence of the
late Khúrásání. As a result of her visit, a rejuvenating breath of life was
breathed into the spirit of the friends, and a marvelous bliss and enthusiasm
developed among the community.94 Each one of us sent to her glorious
presence letters expressing our humility and absolute nothingness, and
asking for her intercession and confirmations. For the most part, they were
answered verbally.
The Effect in Egypt of the Sháh‟s Assassination
Not long after the Greatest Holy Leaf returned to the Holy Land, Nasiriřd-
Din Sháh was assassinated.95
One morning, Mìrzá Abúřl-Fadl came to our office greatly perturbed and
agitated. Until that day, he had concealed his belief [in Bahářuřlláh]. He
said, ŖLast night, I had a frightening nightmare. Since then, I have not had a
momentřs rest and fear that great trouble lies in store for the friends in Iran
or the Holy Land.ŗ He proceeded to describe his dream: ŖI dreamt that I
stood in a vast field and a ferocious lion was chasing me to the point where I
was thoroughly exhausted and could no longer escape his vicious grasp. I
sensed that, at any moment, I was about to be devoured by this wild beast. I
despaired and could find no way to save myself. Amidst this, a small door
appeared before me, and I entered it trembling with fear. Then I woke up
filled with terror and did not sleep a wink for the rest of the night.ŗ
He had not quite finished his description when we heard the cry of the
newspaper boy from the streets, ŖThe Iranian King is slain; the Iranian King
93
That is, the believers in Àkká and companions of Àbduřl-Bahá.
94
The following was revealed by Àbduřl-Bahá on the occasion of Bahiyyih Khánumřs departure for
Egypt (Bahíyyih Khánum: The Greatest Holy Leaf: A Compilation. Haifa: Bahářì World Centre, 1982., pp. 14-15).
For a considerable period - that is, from the day of Bahářuřlláhřs ascension - my sister had grown so thin and
feeble, and was in such a weakened condition from the anguish of her mourning, that she was close to breakdown.
Even though it was her dearest wish to drain her cup and wing her way to the realms where the Divine Essence
shineth in glory, still this servant could not bear to see her in that state. Then it occurred to me that, God be
thanked, I have such an unfailing comforter as Jinab-i-Hájí [Hasan-i-Khúrásání], and it would be well to make him
my partner in distress. I therefore determined to send her to Egypt, to provide her with a change of air. Although
this will certainly cause thee trouble and inconvenience, still, I trust that, out of Godřs bounty, it will also bring
thee joy and good cheer.
95
See Balyuzi, Bahářuřlláh: The King of Glory, pp. 430-55.

is slain!ŗ Mìrzá Abúřl-Fadl immediately said, ŖNow I understand the

meaning of my dream!ŗ We bought a copy of the Hikmat Newspaper, which
had devoted its lead column to this subject. It said in part, ŖYesterday, while
the Royal Court was preparing for the festivities of the anniversary of the
50th year of the Sháhřs ascent to the throne and the monarch was on a visit
to the Shrine of Hadrat-i-Àbduřl-Àzim, an Iranian Bábí by the name of
Mìrzá Ridá Kirmanì shot and killed him.ŗ Since this news was being
disseminated by Siyyid Jamaluřd-Din [Afghani]řs sympathizers, with gross
exaggeration and embellishments, it was obvious that they were trying to
attribute the Sháhřs murder to the friends in Iran and the Bahářì community
there. These accounts were aimed solely at provoking public reaction
against the Faith and its adherents.
Soon the news spread throughout the city and all the friends gathered in our
office, fervently supplicating divine protection for the Bahářì community of
Iran, so it would stay safe from the claws of the barbarous wolves. They
further prayed for celestial intervention, so that this event would not become
a situation where the innocent friendsř blood would be spilled and a number
of them martyred. In truth, all the believers were profoundly disturbed and
anticipated imminent tragedies.
At any rate, resigned to the will of God and submitting to His good-
pleasure, we waited for news from Iran. The other newspapers and
magazines were reporting the assassination of the Sháh in the same way, and
discussed its implications in a provocative fashion. They inflamed the fire of
enmity and hatred among the Iranians living in Egypt, preparing the ground
for massive disturbances and convulsions [for the Bahářìs] in Cairo.
During that period, the Consul-General of Iran was Mírzá Ishaq Khán96, [the
Mafkhamuřd-Dawlih,] who was from Kurdistan and a Sunni. Incited by
Mìrzá Mihdì, the Zaìmřd-Dawlih97, who was the secretary of the Consulate
and one of the followers of Siyyid Jamaluřd-Din [Afghani], the Iranian
merchants appealed to the Consulate. They reportedly said, ŖNow that the
Bábís have killed the Sháh, all the Bábís in Iran are [or will be] massacred
in reprisal. Therefore, we must also kill all those that live in this region and
completely uproot their community.ŗ They further noted, ŖWe have arranged
for each of us to kill the Bábís from his native town. For instance, the
Shìrázì Muslims are to kill the Bahářìs from Shiraz, and Khúrásánìs will do
likewise with Bahářìs from that region, and so forth.ŗ
96
From 1894, he was the Consul-General in Egypt for five years. Afterwards, he was the Iranian
Ambassador to Washington for six years; see Bamdad, Sharh-i Hal-i Rijal-i Iran, vol 1, pp. 108-11.
97
A native of Tabriz, he was the publisher of the Hikmat (wisdom) Newspaper in Cairo and the author
of an Arabic polemic against the Faith, titled Miftáhu Bábìřl-Abwab (the Key of the Gate of Gates). Initially, he
had written this attack to extract money from Àbduřl-Bahá, but failed in his purpose. See Browne, Edward G. The
Press and Poetry of Modern Persia: Partly Based on the Manuscript Work of Mírzá Muhammad-Àli Khán
ŖTarbiyatŗ of Tabrìz. Reprint. Los Angeles: Kalimát Press, 1983., p. 18.

From the outset, the late Mírzá Isháq Khán admonished them by saying,
ŖThis is not Iran where one can commit such heinous acts with impunity and
spill the blood of people for no reason. Whoever has murdered the Sháh is
now in prison and will be killed. In accordance with Islamic jurisprudence,
one cannot kill another in place of a murderer.ŗ
The more he reasoned in this way, the less effect it had on them, and they
rejected his arguments by advancing further threats. Eventually, Mírzá Isháq
Khán replied, ŖThe people that live in Cairo and are known by this name
[Bahářì] are not ordinary and commonplace folk. They are all among the
best known and most respected merchants and are engaged in business
activities in all corners of the world. How are you going to deal with
companies and merchants that they trade with and how will you compensate
their customers?ŗ They said, ŖWe stand ready to provide a guarantee that we
will settle all their accounts and are willing to sign a surety to this effect.ŗ
Mìrzá Isháq Khán finally managed to still their fury by saying, ŖI will
telegraph [the Amìnuřs-Sultan,] the Atabak98 [and find out the identity of the
Sháhřs assassin]. Should he be a Bábì, you are free to do as you please and
neither you nor I will be held responsible before the government. However,
if he is not a Bábí, there is no reason to inflict injuries upon innocent people.
Give me three days. If I havenřt received a reply by then, do as you please.ŗ
On the third day, a memorial service was organized in the Consulate for the
fallen monarch, and no response [to the telegram] had been received from
Tihran. I remember well when the Bahářì group, led by the honored
Khurasani, arrived at the gathering. The Zaìmuřd-Dawlih snapped, ŖThe
rascals have killed the Sháh and now occupy the seat of honor too!ŗ This
comment greatly offended the illustrious Mìrzá Abúřl-Fadl and he rose to
defend the friends. The Zaìmuřd-Dawlih asked, ŖJináb-i-Mírzá, it seems
that you are a Bábì as well?ŗ To which Mìrzá Abuřl-Fadl responded, ŖI am a
Bahářì and what harm is there in that?ŗ That gathering was the occasion
when, without the least hesitation, Mìrzá Abuřl-Fadl openly and publicly
declared himself to be a Bahářì and, with his characteristic courage,
heroically defended the Bahářìs.
However, the Consul-General, fearing that the [Iranian] Muslims would

commit an unseemly act, was extremely perturbed and worried. He was
thoroughly unmindful of the representatives of various governments and
officials of different embassies [who were there to pay homage]. With an
agitated face that betrayed his inner turmoil, he sat in his designated
position. Most people, however, thought that the loss and death of the
monarch had brought about deep grief. The worry did not last very long
however. At the final hour of the gathering, a telegraph arrived from the
Royal Court in Tihran to the effect that the murder of the Sháh was
committed by a certain Mírzá Rida of Kirman, who was a follower of Siyyid
98
During the reign of Nasiriřd-Din Sháh, the Prime Minister carried the title of the Atabak.

Jamaluřd-Din-i-Afghani and who was wholly unconnected with the Bábís or

Bahářìs. [The telegram further emphasized that] Iranian subjects, wherever
they lived, must remain unmolested and protected.
After reading this telegram, the Consul-General was elated. He instructed

the Zaìmuřd-Dawlih to read its entire text out loud to the gathering. He
read it once. The Consul ordered him to read it so emphatically that even
pedestrians outside would hear him. So, he read it a second time. And
likewise, a third time!
The Consul-General then got up from his seat and greeted the distinguished
guests. He said to the Iranians, ŖNow you understand that Bahářìs are not
killers. Rather, they are supportive of the government and the Sháh. It is
important that you now recognize the identity of the true enemy of the
monarchy and our nation.ŗ In such a way, this potential disturbance was
diffused.
Second Pilgrimage: In the Presence of Àbdu‟l-Bahá
Departure from Egypt
In the year 1314 A.H.99, I sought permission to attain the sacred presence of
the Center of the Covenant and visit the Holy Threshold of the Shrine of
Bahářuřlláh. This request was graced with acceptance and I was invited to
the Holy Land. Together with my brother, Hájí Mírzá Buzurg, we left Port
Said.
In Cairo, there had been occasional talk of the faithlessness of Mírzá

Muhammad-Àlí and his collusion with the Holy Family and the widow100
of Bahářuřlláh against [the provisions of] the Kitab-i-Àhdi and Àbduřl-
Bahá. However, since Àbduřl-Bahá had not yet disclosed this secret, none
of the believers was sure it was true or knew any of the details. Those that
had gone on pilgrimage were told by the Master, ŖWhen you return, leave
whatever you have heard or seen by the sea.ŗ As such, the friends heard
some things about what was going on, but did not dare repeat them. In
particular, this subject was discussed by the elders of the [Bahářì]
community in Cairo. They would say things like, ŖIf Àbduřl-Bahá is in debt
and has not been able to pay the expenses incurred during the days of the
Blessed Perfection or associated with the funeral of the Ancient Beauty, why
are the Aghsan living so luxuriously and lavishly?ŗ Others would say, ŖWhy
do the Aghsan have excessive expenses, such as maintaining carriages,
horses, and multiple servants, and incur the exorbitant cost of entertaining
government officials, nobles, and influential citizens, especially at this time
of widespread terrible financial recession when the Bahářìs have very little
99
June 1896 to June 1897
100
Presumably, a reference to Mahd-i-Ùliya, Bahářuřlláhřs second wife.

means? Beyond the expenses [in the Holy Land], the critical obligations of
the Cause in Iran must also be met! The actions of the Aghsan directly
conflict with the interests of the Faith!ŗ In short, there was talk like this
about the news and events in the Holy Land.
Shortly before we left Cairo, I attained the presence of the honored Mírzá
Abuřl-Fadl. After graciously welcoming me, he said, ŖSurely, you are
familiar with some of the concerns expressed by the pilgrims returning from
the Holy Land. When you have attained the presence of the beloved Master,
reverently relate [this] on my behalf: ŘThe fragrances of love and fellowship
do not show in the comments of some pilgrims returning through Cairo.
Some say that Àbduřl-Bahářs sanctified heart is not happy with the actions
and activities of certain individuals. The illustrious Aghsan do not attain the
august presence of the Master and, in turn, His blessed Person does not visit
the Mansion. Others say that the sacred Figure of Àbduřl-Bahá has not
been able to repay loans incurred during the period of Bahářuřlláhřs illness,
nor have the expenses associated with His ascension been paid. However,
we are told that the honored Aghsan spend excessively and live in great
luxury. And yet, Àbduřl-Bahá is obliged to pay for all of this. Inevitably,
when the pilgrims say such things here, they will repeat them elsewhere as
well. Consequently, the Masterřs sufferings will surely multiply. If the
blessed Person of Àbduřl-Bahá considers it wise to announce these issues
openly, perhaps the apprehension the friends experience when they hear
such hearsay would be alleviated.ŗ Mìrzá Abuřl-Fadl particularly
emphasized, ŖOpen your ears well and find out all that you can [about what
is going on in the Holy Land]. Pass on these things when no one besides
yourself is in the presence of the beloved Master.ŗ
In Àkká
Once again, after the passage of five years, I was returning to the Holy
Land.101 Memories of our last pilgrimage during the Days of God, and
beholding the Countenance of the Blessed Beauty, and our nine-month stay
under His blessed shadow were coming back and setting my heart and soul
on fire. The beloved Master had recently returned to Àkká from the cave of
Elijah.102
When we arrived, we attained His blessed presence. He showered us with

His measureless favors and infinite bounties and asked after the friends in
Cairo. He then warned, ŖThis region is beset with turmoil. The gale of tests
from the Blessed Beauty blows in every direction. Calamityřs tempest has
agitated the sea of the world of being. You must exert yourself and be
101
Though the exact date of Mìrzá Habìbřs second pilgrimage is not known, from the textřs internal
evidence, it is estimated to be in the spring of 1897.
102
Finding the situation in Àkka intolerable, Àbduřl-Bahá had moved to Haifařs Retreat of Elijah on
Mount Carmel for two months.

vigilant lest, God forbid, the dust of rancor, enmity and infidelity to the
divine Covenant should sully your pure hearts.ŗ
The beloved Masterřs comment left me very sad and pensive, as I thought
about the subject that had been discussed in Cairo. I was certain that
something ominous was stirring. Some of the resident believers, whom I had
known during the time of the Blessed Beauty and who had served with great
humility and sincerity, were no longer radiating the same spirituality and
reverence. It occurred to me to discuss my perplexities and questions with
two of my close friends in that land. Perhaps they could help alleviate the
storm that had unexpectedly engulfed my heart and had caused the sacred
city of Àkká to become like a cage to me.
What the Master said to us had profoundly saddened my heart, withered my

spirit and paralyzed my whole being. I asked myself: what has happened
that the One designated by both the Kitab-i-Aqdas and the Kitab-i-Àhdi,
and Who is the focus of adoration for the people of Bahá, must now warn
the pilgrims in this way? I remembered vividly that every day during our
pilgrimage at the time of the Ancient Beauty, we attained the presence of
Àbduřl-Bahá [and, as such, I knew His personality well]. Now I wondered:
what had robbed Him of His strength and vitality? What had diminished His
radiance and those heavenly smiles? His hair and beard had turned white;
His luminous cheeks were now full of lines; and His blessed eyes, which at
the time of the Ancient Beauty were full of life and brilliance, now looked
bitterly tired. He seemed very sad and grief-stricken. At times, I thought
perhaps it was the Blessed Perfectionřs ascension that had so profoundly
affected the Master and aged Him so much. But then I would reason: the
supreme Spirit of the Ancient Beauty prevails over all things and envelops
the world of being. Therefore, it could not cause such sorrow in Àbduřl-
Bahá. He knows best that Bahářuřlláhřs ascension was His own will Ŕ a fact
not only alluded to, but clearly enunciated in His sacred Writings Ŕ and this
truth is one of the divine attributes.
Overwhelmed by anxiety and unable to resolve any of these perplexities, I

would pace the streets like a crazed man and talk to myself. Eventually, I
went to see one of my old friends, the late Áqá Rida Shirazi103, whom I truly
loved like a father. I began to discuss these things with him, but being a wise
and experienced man, he responded in such a way that I did not understand
his meaning and was not enlightened any further.104
103
He embraced the Faith in Baghdad, where he owned a confectionery shop with Mírzá Mahmud-i-
Kashani. He accompanied Bahářuřlláh in all stages of His exile and served the Master until his death in 1912. In
the early 1880s, he penned a stirring account of Bahářuřlláh, which remains unpublished. See ŘAbduřl-Bahá.
Memorials of the Faithful, translated by Marzieh Gail. Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1971,pp. 39-41.
104
In accordance with the Masterřs instructions to all resident believers and in order to protect the
young Afnán, the wise and veteran believer had refused to share any details about the events of Àkka and the
rebellion of the Aghsan against Àbduřl-Bahá.

Several times in the streets, I saw Mírzá Áqá Jan105, whom I knew
Bahářuřlláh had expelled106. He expected me to show him respect, bow
down in deference to his station and greet him warmly, the same way that I
esteemed him during the time of Bahářuřlláh. But I did not take any notice
of him, even though I knew he resented my discourtesy. One day, he asked
me about my father. I pretended I had not heard him. He said, ŖJináb-i-
Afnán, what sin have I committed that you hold me in such contempt? Such
acrimonious behavior is not in keeping with the quality of the Afnánsř holy
lineage.ŗ I responded, ŖI dislike you and do not want to talk with you. From
now on, please do not converse with me and agitate my fatigued soul.ŗ
All strength and confidence seemed to have been drained from me. I was
very frightened and consumed with the thought that the talk circulating in
Cairo would become a divine test for this unworthy soul as well.
Eventually, I went to see another of my old friends, Mírzá Jalál107, the son of
the Sultánuřsh-Shuhadá [the King of Martyrs]. We were very close during
the period that had he lived in Cairo. One time, he came down with
dysentery and was near death. The Master had instructed that he be sent to
the Holy Land. However, none of the believers dared to take him to Port
Said so that, through Siyyid Yahya [Nahri], the brother of Àbduřl-Bahářs
wife, he could be sent to the Holy Land. Even though I was discouraged
from doing so by the honored Khurasani, I volunteered to take him, arguing
that he might pass away in Cairo and Àbduřl-Bahářs wish would remain
unfulfilled.108 Because of this incident, he developed a particular fondness
and affinity for me. As such, I went to visit him and asked him the truth of
the matter.
At first, he was reluctant to answer and said to me directly, ŖSuch

speculations will harm you and it is best to disregard them. Focus your
105
For a short biography, see Taherzadeh, The Covenant of Bahářuřlláh, pp. 181-92.
106
The original word is Řtard,ř which, in this context, means excommunication. During Bahářuřlláhřs
last years, He banished Mírzá Áqá Jan from His presence because of certain acts and attitudes. However, through the
intercession of Àbduřl-Bahá, he was forgiven and resumed his services. He was finally expelled two months before
Bahářuřlláhřs ascension.
107
He had married Rúhá Khánum, Àbduřl-Bahářs third daughter. This marriage produced two sons, Munìb
and Hasan, and three daughters, Maryam, Duha and Zahrá. The family name was Shahíd [martyr]. Mírzá Jalál and his
family eventually lost their faith.
108
Mìrzá Jalal arrived in Àkka severely ill and at deathřs door. Abúřl-Qásim Afnán relates that he
heard the following story from his father, Mírzá Habíb, on numerous occasions. His father deeply believed in
Àbduřl-Bahářs ability to work miracles. ŖSometime after Mìrzá Jalal had been sent to Àkka desperately ill, I saw
him well and in perfect health. He told me, ŖI have no memory of how I came from Cairo to Port Said and from
there to Àkka. I remember, however, that when I arrived in Àkka, I was laid up unconscious in bed and Àbduřl-
Bahá would come to visit me each day. One day, all of a sudden, I noticed that I had become very light, soaring in
the air and completely conscious. In that condition, I saw my body lying in bed while my mother and sister were
pulling a white sheet over me and sobbing profusely. After they left the room still weeping, they met the Master,
who asked them, ŘWhat happened?ř They answered, ŘMìrzá Jalal has died.ř Àbduřl-Bahá came into the room,
removed the sheet from my face, and began to chant certain verses. Instantly, I returned to my body, opened my
eyes and saw His luminous Countenance. The Master asked, ŘMìrzá Jalal, what do you desire?ř With a hushed
voice, I replied, ŘYogurt.ř Àbduřl-Bahá went outside and told my family, ŘMìrzá Jalal is well. He wants some
yogurt. Give him some.ř After I was fed a few spoonfuls, I began a full recovery and, in no time, was thoroughly
well and strong.ŗ

thoughts instead on the Threshold of the Ancient Beauty. Such affairs are
not worthy of mention or your consideration.ŗ I insisted on my request.
There was no one in the room except the ever-present God and the two of
us. He made me take an oath on the hair of the Master that I would not
divulge to another soul what he was about to share, not even to my brother.
Then he proceeded to recount all that had happened since the night of the
ascension, when Àbduřl-Bahá had noticed that the Aghsan were busy
searching the papers and Tablets [of Bahářuřlláh]. From beginning to end,
he described to me everything he had seen or heard. At the end, he
emphasized, ŖIt is Àbduřl-Bahářs wish that the believers not know these
things and you should pretend to be ignorant of them as well.ŗ
The world turned dark before my eyes. Uncontrollably, I went by the

seashore and, facing the Shrine of Bahářuřlláh, began to weep and
supplicate: ŖYá Bahářuřl-Abhá! Is it possible that Your religion, planted so
firmly through the Covenant that You have established with each of Your
servants, is now divided and fragmented? Is it possible that different sects
will now appear in it? And if so, what was the good in the Sacred Blood of
the Báb [being spilt] or the sufferings endured by the resplendent Person of
ŘHim Whom God shall make manifestř109? How is it that the blood of the
martyrs of the Cause has come to naught so quickly?ŗ I would say such
things and shed bitter tears. After several days of anguish, my sobbing and
tears calmed my heart and stilled the storm that raged in my soul. I was
afraid to speak with anyone or associate with any of the old friends.
As the grace of God always surrounds us, several pilgrims arrived from Iran
at that time who were without equal in their humor and always made
everyone happy. These were: Mírzá Àbduřllah Khán110, the father-in-law of
the martyred Varqa; the late Mìrzá Àzizuřllah Khán, a son of the martyred
Varqa; the honored Dr. [Yunis Khán] Afrukhtih111; and Áqá Mírzá
Fadluřllah Kandì112, known as the Mufsiduřl-Mamalik. Mufsid [corrupt]
was a title that Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí used for the thabityn113. When Áqá
Mìrzá Fadluřllah arrived in the Holy Land, it was said, ŖAnother mufsid is
added to the mufsidyn!ŗ Àbduřl-Bahá humorously would refer to him as
the Mufsiduřl-Mamalik114 and, thereafter, he was known by this name
among the friends. Often in the Pilgrim House, Mishkin-Qalim, Zaynuřl-
Muqarrabin and Áqá Rida [Qannad] Shirazi would entertain the friends with
witty stories and, as such, lessened the pain of our hearts.
109
That is, Bahářuřlláh.
110
A senior official in the Treasury Ministry of Tabriz.
111
For a biography, see the Bahářì World, vol. 12, pp. 679-681; and Afrúkhtah, Yúnus. Khátirát-i nuh
sálah. Rev. ed. Los Angeles: Kalimát Press, 1983. Translated by Riaz Masrour, Memories of Nine Years in Àkká.
Oxford: George Ronald, 2003.
112
The father of Mìrzá Ashraf Khán and Fuřad Ashraf.
113
The thabityn [the steadfast] were those who had remained faithful to Àbduřl-Bahá. They, in turn,
referred to the followers to Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí as naqidyn (the Covenant-breakers).
114
Literally, Corrupt in all realms.

The day after Mírzá Jalal told me the details and, to some degree, clarified
the situation for me, I was thinking that the friends were not aware of these
events. They did not know that the Aghsan had broken the Covenant of the
Cause of God and were raising a rebellion against the Wronged One of the
world [Àbduřl-Bahá]. Further, despite the emphatic injunction [of the
Master], the pilgrims leaving the Holy Land would, sooner or later, tell
others what they had found out, and this would sprout seeds of doubt in all
hearts. And I further reflected that perhaps an inner agitation, similar to
what had engulfed me during these few days, might overwhelm others as
well. I thought that perhaps it would be better if His blessed Person allowed
the friends to be generally acquainted with the details. At the least, the kind
of rumor that was current among the believers in Cairo would subside. They
would know how the Master was suffering daily at the hands of His jealous
brothers and other enemies inside and outside the Cause, and how He bore
the enormous expenses of the Mansion, which had become the center of
sedition and the headquarters of His ancestral enemies. Each day, a long list
of food and other necessities Ŕ from hay and barley, to meat and poultry -
was sent from the Mansion to be bought. Áqá Rida [Qannad-i-Shirazi] was
in charge of the expenditures and knew better than anyone else about the
unwarranted expenses demanded by the Aghsan. Each day he had to borrow
a sum to administer the affairs and Àbduřl-Bahá concealed all these
activities.
I did not sleep the whole of that night. Early in the morning, without telling
any of my companions where I was going, I set out directly for His blessed
House115. En route, on a street corner, I saw His sacred Figure coming
towards me. I bowed down and kissed His feet. He raised me from the
ground and showered me with His infinite kindness, saying, ŖWere you
coming to visit Me? I too was coming to see you. Today, I want to visit the
poor and needy. Come, so we may be together.ŗ
I began to follow behind His blessed Temple. I knew that He was fully
aware of oneřs inner thoughts and, therefore, knew my condition as well.
The resident believers were called on not to disclose what had happened
[regarding the Covenant-breaking], and the pilgrims were instructed to leave
behind by the seashore whatever they had heard or seen, and return home.
Surely, [I thought,] He was well aware that Mírzá Jalál had described all the
details for me. Also, I had heard some other things from Áqá Rida and
Mishkin-Qalam. He must certainly know the kind of whispers that
circulated among the believers in Cairo and the thoughts they commonly
had.
He asked after the honored [Mìrzá] Abuřl-Fadl, ŖHow is Jináb-i-Mírzá and

how is his health?ŗ He continued with the same theme and asked about the
friends in Cairo and their ways and thoughts. Characteristically, He
115
At the time, the Master and His family lived in the House of Àbduřllah Pasha in Àkka.

showered me with so much kindness that I found the courage to say, ŖMy
Master, it has been rather difficult for some of the friends in Cairo to accept
that Your blessed Person should be under the burden of so much debt, and
yet the Aghsan live luxuriously, spending their time merrymaking.ŗ Before I
could continue, His countenance was filled with rage and He exclaimed,
ŖHow is that?!ŗ and proceeded to walk on. I no longer had the strength to
follow Him and started to tremble uncontrollably. It was as if soul had left
my body. All I could do was lean against a wall. He had taken about 20 steps
before He realized that I was not following behind. Seeing my condition, He
returned, touching this servant on the shoulders. He said, ŖTell Me, what has
happened?ŗ He poured out so much kindness and offered such favors and
cheers that I gradually came to myself and began to follow Him.
At His bidding, I explained all that I knew and had heard. I also gave my
own assessment about the sort of talk that was circulating among the friends
and what the Jináb-i-Mìrzá [Abuřl-Fadl] had said, namely, ŖIf the believers
were to know the details, such concerns would surely be alleviated.ŗ The
beloved Master exclaimed several times, ŖWell said!ŗ He then added, ŖUntil
now, I had not wanted this talk to go beyond Àkká. But now it is clear that
it is already too late and that the foul odor of the Covenant-breaking has
reached the nostrils of the entire world.116 What you see or hear, you are to
share with the friends, but descriptively, not complainingly.ŗ He then
explained many things about the Covenant-breaking of Mírzá Muhammad-
Àlí and the sufferings that He had been forced to endure, adding,
ŖRecently, a Commission of Inquiry has arrived from Istanbul. Each day, I
go to the government office and they interrogate Me. My brother has filed
an official complaint. If I were to tell you the details, you would be grieved.
Surely, you have heard and seen certain things here, or will hear of them.
You must never complain. Tell the friends about them, but descriptively, not
complainingly.ŗ (I will tell the rest of this story when I recount the
subsequent events in Egypt.)
That day, His blessed Being visited the homes of several of the townřs poor
and destitute. At each place, with His own hand, He provided them with a
sum of money. He caressed all the small children, hugged them tenderly in
His bosom and kissed them affectionately. Several of those visited were ill
and He ordered their medicine. It was about midday when we returned. Near
the Khán [Avamid] I was given leave from His presence.
116
The following, by Dr. Yunis Afrukhtih (Khatirat-i-Nuh Salih, pp. 51-2), further explains the effort
that Àbduřl-Bahářs brothers went to spread the news of their split with Him: ŖÀbduřl-Bahá often used to say,
ŖOne day, Mìrzá Diyařuřllah came to see me. I noticed he was looking at his fingers, which were stained with ink,
expecting Me to comment on them. I did not say anything, so he volunteered the information, saying, ŘLast night
until the early hours of the morning, we were engaged in writing letters and gelatin printing. Consequently, my
fingers are stained. My brother [Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí] had written a letter, and we printed several copies and
sent them away this morning.ř I asked him, ŘDid you really write and dispatch them?ř And when he answered that
he had, I said, 'I swear by the Righteousness of God! A day will come when Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí will wish that
his fingers had been cut off so that he could not have taken the pen to proclaim his break with the Covenant. For
four years, I have concealed this matter so that the beloved of God may not learn of your unfaithfulness to the
Covenant. It is now beyond My power to hide it any longer. You have announced it yourselves to the believers.řŗ

The agitation of the past few days had now completely evaporated. My heart
was assured. I had no worries. I would converse, laugh and not avoid my
companions, knowing that if I divulged anything [about Mírzá Muhammad-
Àlí and his followers], I had the permission of the beloved Master and that
I need not feel repentant about it. Also, [I felt elated] since, on that day, I
had spent several magnificent hours in His presence, benefiting enormously
from His utterances. It was a meeting that transforms even bitter venom into
sweet honey.
When I joined my companions again, they asked me where I had been that
morning. I told them that I had been in the Masterřs presence. Each of them
expressed his joy for my good fortune in his own way and jested with me,
especially Jinab-i-Mufsiduřl-Mamalik and Dr. Yunis Khán [Afrukhtih], may
my spirit be a sacrifice to their dust.
The Dream of Salih Áqá
Salih Áqá had been a devoted, black slave and one of the eunuchs of Cairořs
royal court. After the Khedive117 of Egypt, Ismařil Pasha, fell from office,
all the slaves and eunuchs of his household that had been taught correct
manners and etiquette were freed. At the time when the Greatest Holy Leaf
came to Cairo, this black slave was introduced to her. As he possessed a
pure and luminous heart, and had mastered all manners and etiquette
[related to serving a royal audience], he had the good fortune of being
employed to serve the Greatest Holy Leaf and to return with her from Cairo
to the Holy Land. In his new capacity, he served the andaruni118 of the house
of the Master as well as His guests and pilgrims.
One day, all the friends, both pilgrims and residents, were in Àbduřl-Bahářs
presence in the biruni when Salih Áqá came in and said, ŖMy Master, last
evening I had a dream that I would like to recount for You.ŗ With utmost
compassion and infinite loving-kindness, Àbduřl-Bahá responded, ŖDo so.ŗ
Salih Áqá spoke an eloquent and engaging Arabic and always stood in a
punctilious manner before the Master. As he related his dream, his words
and expressions revealed the emotion that had prompted him to share his
thoughts. Salih Áqá recounted:
Last night, I dreamt that a very large legion of soldiers had camped on the
plain between Àkká and Haifa. [They were garrisoned so densely that]
passing through them was almost impossible. I stood at the top of a small
rise and, wherever I looked, I saw nothing but soldiers and munitions.
Armaments of all kinds were ready at the camp. I stood in wonder at their
order and discipline and how thoroughly they prepared. At the very heart of
117
A title belonging to a series of governors who ruled Egypt as viceroy to the Sultan of the Ottoman
Empire from 1867 to 1914.
118
The inner quarters of the house, typically accessible to the family and a few close friends. The
reception hall is known as the biruni.

the camp, a magnificent and enormous tabernacle was raised as the

headquarters for the armyřs Commander.
Your blessed Person [Àbduřl-Bahá] summoned me to Your presence and

instructed me to saddle a horse. I brought a wonderfully large, white horse
and the Effendi [Àbduřl-Bahá] rode towards the camp, while instructing
me, ŖCome, let us go and meet the Chief of this compound. This army has
come to help us.ŗ On foot, [I followed You], passing by the tents, where all
the soldiers would immediately salute You and stand to attention in
accordance with military custom. We came before that glorious tabernacle,
erected in the midmost heart of the camp, with majestic, golden lanterns
displayed above it. You dismounted and gave the horse to me and, with
extreme reverence, entered the tabernacle. I was lost in bewilderment. Who,
I thought, could the Commander of this army be that He could invoke such
profound veneration in You? I followed You inside and saw inside the
tabernacle a Person whose countenance I could not look upon. His beard
was black and His eyes brilliant.
Salih Áqá then proceeded to describe all the features of the Ancient Beauty.
He then continued:
When Your blessed Person went in, You prostrated and kissed the dust, and
then offered declarations of praise and glorification to that Commander. He
[came forward,] embraced You affectionately, showered You with His tender
kindness, and began to converse with You. Battle plans and maps hung on
the walls of the tabernacle and all were placed at Your disposal. You were
viewing them, conferring with One another on the battle strategy. It was
then that I woke up.
As Salih Áqá was describing his dream, tears streamed from Àbduřl-Bahářs
eyes. The friends too were deeply moved. The tongue of grandeur then
spoke these sweet words: ŖBlessed is your pure heart and luminous is your
spirit. You serve the sacred Threshold of the Ancient Beauty so faithfully
and are, indeed, among the near ones and His noble servants! The army in
your dream is the Army of God and represents the confirmations of the
Blessed Beauty. The Commander of the army that you saw in the world of
dreams is none other than the Greatest Name, the Person of Bahářuřlláh, and
the Author of this Cause. Those maps and charts that hung on the walls were
plans for the edification and reconstruction of the world.ŗ119 Àbduřl-Bahá
then gave a detailed explanation of the importance of the divine Covenant,
the magnificent future of the Cause, and its distinguished and superior
feature over the Dispensations of the past. Afterwards, we left His presence
[for the day].
119
See Afnán, Abúřl-Qásim. Black Pearls in the Household of the Báb and Bahářuřlláh. 2nd ed. Los
Angeles: Kalimát Press, 1999. pp. 49-52.

Actions of the Covenant-beakers
At that time, a Commission of Inquiry had arrived from Istanbul and was
causing enormous anxiety for the Master, the pilgrims and the resident
believers. It was investigating the constant barrage of false and calumnious
reports that Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí had sent to the Sublime Court120 and
the string of lies and deceptions that he had woven.
[Yahya] Tabur Aghasi was [Àkkařs] Chief of Police and a constant

companion and close friend of Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí. He frequently
visited the Mansion [of Bahjí], and, together with Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí,
Siyyid Àlíy-i-Afnán, [Mìrzá] Majduřd-Din, Mírzá Áqá Jan and some other
Covenant-breakers, was a principal figure in designing schemes against
Àbduřl-Bahá. These people occupied the Mansion like a beehive Ŕ a place
that once witnessed the revelation of Tablets and was the seat of Godřs
Supreme Manifestation.
In the early hours of every morning, Àbduřl-Bahá would leave His house
and return about one hour after noon or perhaps a bit later. As the Master
was leaving, Salih-Áqá would stand with the greatest dignity and reverence
by the entrance door and leave it open until Àbduřl-Bahá returned home.
His attention to his duties and sense of responsibility towards his Master
were indescribable. I well remember on one occasion, the entrance had been
left open as several of the friends were awaiting Àbduřl-Bahářs return.
Strong winds began to blow dust inside the house and one of the servants
decided to close the door. With an agitated face, Salih-Áqá roared in protest,
admonishing him, ŖHow dare you close the entrance to the house of a
Person Who desires to have it open to the entire world!ŗ
When Àbduřl-Bahá returned home that day, His blessed visage betrayed
His deep inner turmoil and it was clear that He was very tired.
Consequently, the friends were excused from His presence. That afternoon
when we were summoned, He informed us:
These honored persons121 have sent a report to the Commission of Inquiry,

which has resulted in the Commissionřs head moving with a vengeance to
eradicate the Cause of God. He is now raising a tumult by saying, ŖThe
claims of Your Father and Yourself are at variance with Your deeds and the
objections of Your brother. We have a Hadith that states: ŘThe Messengers
and Prophets do not inherit and have no heir.ř Your Father claimed the
station of Prophethood and gave You His successorship. Your brother states
that You have confiscated the estate of the Shaykh-i-Kabir122 and deprived
them of their inheritance.ŗ
120
A reference to Istanbul, the capital of the Ottoman Empire.
121
That is, the Covenant-breakers.
122
That is, Bahářuřlláh.

I realized that, with such slanders, they sought to shatter the foundation of
the Cause. However, at that moment, the confirmations of the Supreme
Concourse poured down and the sun of the favors of the Blessed Beauty
shone upon me. I said to him, ŖThe Shaykh-i-Kabir has left a Will and
Testament in His own hand and seal, and defined in it the inheritance of His
heir:
ŘAlthough the Realm of Glory hath none of the vanities of the world, yet
within the treasury of trust and resignation We have bequeathed to Our heirs
an excellent and priceless heritage. Earthly treasures We have not
bequeathed, nor have We added such cares as they entail. By God! In earthly
riches fear is hidden and peril is concealed. Consider ye and call to mind
that which the All-Merciful hath revealed in the Qurřan: ŘWoe betide every
slanderer and defamer, him that layeth up riches and counteth them123.řŗ124
Àbduřl-Bahá then added, ŖI said this to him and the words choked his
breath!ŗ
In those days, certain mischievous and disingenuous individuals125 often

frequented the gatherings of the friends, and were also present in that
meeting. Àbduřl-Bahá therefore said, ŖInform my brother that I am not
Àlí, nor is he Ùmar. I am much greater than Àlí and he is much slighter
than Ùmar.ŗ126 Then He smiled and talked about many subjects, none of
which I have remembered. Afterwards, we left His presence. After we
returned to the Khán [Avamid], each of us was filled with grief and sadness
over the actions of the Covenant-breakers and their lack of faith.
Mírzá Áqá Jan
At that time, the Covenant-breakers could generally be divided into two

groups. One group consisted of those who had completely severed their
relationship with the thabityn and, having crawled into a corner, spent their
days and nights in close companionship and fraternity of Mírzá
Muhammad-Àlí. The other group consisted of those who associated with
the friends and the thabityn. This latter group would [openly] attend the
presence of the beloved Master. But they were really agents of Mírzá
Muhammad-Àlì and Mìrzá Madjuřd-Din, and were told to try and
undermine the confidence of the friends, agitate their hearts and cloud their
thoughts. This group was extremely insidious and dangerous. For instance,
when a new pilgrim arrived [in the Holy Land], they would befriend and
engage him, presenting themselves as deeply devoted to Àbduřl-Bahá, so
123
Bahářuřlláh, Kitab-i-Ahd, in Tablets of Bahařuřllah Revealed after the Kitab-i-Aqdas, Haifa:Bahai
world Centre, 1982, p.219.
124
Qurřan 104:1-2
125
Allusion to the agents of Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí.
126
Dr. Afrukhtih reports a slight variation of this story: ŖOn numerous occasions, He [Àbduřl-Bahá]
sent word to the Naqid-i-Akbar [Arch-Covenant-breaker], ŘNeither are you Ùmar to shoulder such a mighty
Cause, nor am I Àlí to cry over your doings in the palm-grove.řŗ (Khatirat-i-Nuh Salih, p. 235)

that the unsuspecting visitor would think that they were sincere and loyal to
the Covenant and Testament. However, their motive was, through whatever
means possible, to plant seeds of discord in the heart of their victims, poison
their soul and undermine their faith. [These agents] would attend the
gatherings of the friends in the Pilgrim House [of Àkka] and participate in
their conversations, which they would gradually begin to dominate. They
would talk of the days of the Ancient Beauty and express their
disappointment over the events subsequent to His ascension. They would
describe the state of affairs in the Mansion, the condition of Mírzá
Muhammad-Àlì, the anguish of [Bahářuřlláhřs] widow and others, thereby
causing sincere believers to be uncontrollably moved with sorrow.
For example, after 40 years of being in the presence of Bahářuřlláh, serving

as amanuensis for the Divine Revelation, and in the end losing both this
world and the next, the faithless and wicked Mírzá Áqá Ján would attain the
presence of the Master, [falsely displaying] humility and reverence. He
would stand at the threshold of the room, by the spot where shoes were
removed. After receiving Àbduřl-Bahářs permission, he would sit at the
very back of the room pretending to be in rapture and consumed with
adoration for the beloved Master. And, outside of the gathering, he would
engage the friends with the utmost consideration and charm. However, this
abominable man was in constant contact with the Mansion and the
Covenant-breakers.
And so it was until the events of the commemoration of Bahářuřlláhřs

ascension [in May 1897]. On this day, his malicious nature and sinister
character surfaced and became evident. The following is an account of that
day.
A few days before the anniversary of Bahářuřlláhřs ascension, evidence of

grief and deep sorrow were apparent on the Masterřs countenance and the
friends visiting the Holy Land were pensive and heartbroken as well. The
Masterřs appearance was such that the resident believers like the late Áqá
Rida [Qannad] and Mashkin-Qalam, who had been with Àbduřl-Bahá [for
many years], expressed bewilderment over His condition. They said that
they had never seen so much despondency on His face. Everyone thought
that Àbduřl-Bahářs heart was heavy with anguish and sadness because of
the approaching eve of [the anniversary of] the Blessed Beautyřs ascension.
These few days passed with great difficulty and gloom, until the 70th day
after Naw-Ruz127. The friends were gathered at the Pilgrim House and
Àbduřl-Bahá was present in that meeting as well. We remained there until
about two hours before the time marking the ascension. At that time, His
127
Bahářuřlláh's ascension occurred 70 days after Naw-Ruz, on the eve of 29 May 1892, at 3 a.m. It is
customary to recite the Tablet of Visitation at that time. Bahářuřlláh. ŖTablet of Visitation.ŗ In Bahářì Prayers: A
Selection of Prayers Revealed by Bahářuřlláh, the Báb and Àbduřl-Bahá. Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust,
1991, pp. 230-233.

blessed Person summoned all the believers and gave each a candle and a
bottle of rosewater. With unreserved grief and sorrow, we proceeded
towards the Mansion of Bahjì and Bahářuřlláhřs Shrine, following His
blessed Figure.
[Along the way,] Àbduřl-Bahá called on several of the friends to chant

prayers. Áqá Fadluřllah began to chant Bahářuřlláhřs Mathnavi128 and, in
such a meditative atmosphere, we arrived at the Shrine. Àbduřl-Bahá
instructed us to pour the rosewater on the inner garden of the Shrine and to
plant the candles in the same soil. With His heavenly and soul-stirring tone,
Àbduřl-Bahá chanted the Tablet of Visitation. Tears were streaming from
His eyes and the mourning of the friends soared heavenwards. The sound of
sobbing and yearning filled the court of the Shrine of Bahářuřlláh. Until
morning, each person was occupied offering prayers and supplications to the
Threshold of the Beloved, oblivious of his surroundings.
At Àbduřl-Bahářs bidding, we returned to the Pilgrim House of the

Mansion, had tea and rested. His blessed Being went to an adjacent room
next to the Shrine. After tea, we visited the Shrine once again. Later, we all
gathered in the building of the Pilgrim House under the shadow of the
Mansion of Bahjí.
On that day, Mírzá Áqá Jan, who, over the span of 40 years, had partaken
immeasurably of Bahářuřlláhřs ocean of favors and munificence, had asked
the friends to be his guests for lunch, so that the feast on that occasion
would be marked in his name. This invitation was accepted by Àbduřl-
Bahá. Mírzá Áqá Jan had prepared bread and broth for lunch. A few hours
before sunset, while some of the friends were sleeping in the Pilgrim House
and some were awake, he came to the Pilgrim House and started saying, ŖO
ye believers in the Blessed Beauty! Today is not a day to rest. Because of
this calamity [the ascension of Bahářuřlláh], today the world and its
inhabitants are in lamentation. Today, the denizens of the Supreme
Concourse are fervently sobbing and are bitterly grief-stricken. Arise!
Arise!ŗ So, everyone got up and gathered about.
Mírzá Áqá Jan ascended a stool - that same Khadimuřllah, that same Àbd-i-
Hadir129, that same person who, because of countless favors bestowed on
him by Bahářuřlláh, had attained a great station and possessed an
unequalled prestige in the Faith, to the point where the most prominent
believers were humbled before him. He spoke like this: ŖIn a dream, the
Ancient Beauty bequeathed the station of divine revelation upon me,ŗ and
then proceeded to belittle and speak disparagingly of the sacred station of
Àbduřl-Bahá. After voicing only a few sentences, the thabityn and the
128
Bahářuřlláh. ŖBahářuřlláhřs Mathnavíy-i Mubárak: Introduction and Provisional Verse Translation.ŗ
Translated by Franklin Lewis. Bahářì Studies Review (London) vol. 9 (1999/2000), pp. 101-57.
129
Khadimu'llah (the servant of God) and Abd-i Hazir (the ever-present servant) were titles given to Mírzá
Áqá Jan by Bahářuřlláh.

believers were so greatly enraged that they decided to slay him. Two of
them, Habíb Áqá130 and Taraz131, the son of Áqá Mírzá Muhmud-i-Kashi,
who were stronger than the rest, rose to their feet, grasped his throat and
pulled Mírzá Áqá Jan from the stool. They started to punch and kick him,
with the intention of taking his life. [Through Mìrzá Áqá Jánřs death,] the
plan of Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí and the other Covenant-breakers was about
to be fulfilled and their malicious desires realized. However, before it was
too late, Mírzá Àlí-Akbar, son of the honored Mishkin-Qalam, rushed to
the presence of Àbduřl-Bahá and told Him the situation. Àbduřl-Bahá
came quickly. He pulled Mírzá Áqá Jan from beneath the hands and feet of
the friends and took him to the Shrine of Bahářuřlláh.
The author of this scheme, Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí, had invited [Yahya]

Tabur Aghasi, the Chief of Police, and a number of other notable enemies of
the Cause to the Mansion. He hoped that, when Mírzá Áqá Jan made his
accusations, it would provoke the believers into a violent response and
result in a brawl between the two sides. He expected that the Police would
be forced to intervene and the situation would end in their favor. However,
with Àbduřl-Bahá arriving on the scene [and rescuing Mírzá Áqá Jan], their
plans came to naught and the officers had no reason to intervene.
In Àbduřl-Bahářs company, Mìrzá Áqá Jan was taken to the Shrine. The
Master locked the Shrineřs entrance from inside. There, this abominable
man, who had been freed from the grasp of the friends [by Àbduřl-Bahá],
made an attempt on the Masterřs life. Furious and deeply upset, the friends
stood outside the Shrine and the Holy Family waited in the adjacent rooms,
while Àbduřl-Bahá remained inside. We were truly distressed and agitated,
until the Master opened the Shrineřs entrance. He instructed Mìrzá Habìb
and Taraz to take Mírzá Áqá Jan to a stable near the Mansion. He
confiscated all the papers he had hidden inside his pockets and returned only
his seal to him. Mírzá Áqá Jan had wrapped large handkerchiefs containing
seditious papers around his waist and under his àba, and had many similar
materials stuffed in his side pockets as well. Àbduřl-Bahá then dismissed us
from His presence and we returned to Àkká.132
Through this scheme, the Covenant-breakers intended to create an

unfavorable situation, so that police officers would interfere in the affairs of
the Cause and seize control of the Shrine. Even though the divine plan has
always been, and will always be, more powerful than their sinister schemes,
they didnřt stop. They used cash, gifts, [Chinese] ceramic vessels 133, and
130
Better known as Mìrzá Habìbuřllah. He was a son of Áqá Ridá Qannád-i-Shirazí and the father of
Àbbas Huvayda, a long-time Prime Minister of Iran during the rule of Muhammad-Reza Sháh Pahlavi.
131
In the latter years of Àbduřl-Bahářs ministry, he broke the Covenant.
132
With some minor variations, another eyewitness account of this event is recorded in Khatirat-i-Nuh
Salih, pp. 80-84.
133
The Afnán family had extensive trade with China and the Far East, and several of them had offices in
these countries as far as Shanghai. Throughout Bahářuřlláh's ministry, they presented the Holy Family with many pieces

Persian carpets from the days of Bahářuřlláh that were used by His sacred
Person, to bribe government authorities, political officials and anyone else
associated with the State, hoping to win their sympathy. They either
presented them with these gifts or sold the items at a nominal price until,
eventually, their activities resulted in the Commission of Inquiry coming [to
the Holy Land] and the amazing events that then happened.
O dear readers, who may one day peruse these notes! I swear by the oneness
of the Author of the Cause, that no pen, save the august pen of the Center of
the Covenant Himself, is able to convey a thousandth part of the calamities
and tribulations that beset the blessed Person of Àbduřl-Bahá in those days.
They were filled entirely with pain and sufferings. Innumerable Tablets
revealed in honor of friends throughout every corner of the world bear
witness to this humble statement.
The papers discovered in the pockets of Mírzá Áqá Jan, or hidden elsewhere
on his person, were found to be all written in the style of Revelation Writing
and addressed to different friends, particularly prominent believers
throughout the Bahářì world. Each was given a mission and a [new] title.
According to their scheme, Mírzá Muhammad-Àlì and [Mìrzá] Madjuřd-
Din hoped that the letters would confuse the friends and undermine their
confidence [in Àbduřl-Bahá]. Such was the lifelong harvest of a man who
had been singularly favored by the Almighty, but now had lost both this
world and the next. I beseech God, through His subduing Might, omnipotent
Authority, encompassing Favors and ever-present Grace, to protect all
believers from the whisperings of evil-doers and worldly passions, and to
guard the friends throughout all ages within the stronghold of His Covenant
and the shelter of His Cause.
The following day, when we attained the presence of the beloved Master in
His house, we noticed that He had spread all of Mìrzá Áqá Janřs papers on a
table and was looking through them. On seeing us, He laughed and handed
us a blue sheet of paper, saying, ŖLook, one of these tablets was addressed
to your illustrious father!ŗ
In short, the atrocities committed by the Covenant-breakers against the body

of the Cause was so heart-wrenching and harrowing that they truly defy
description. The heat and flames of this fire engulfed and encircled the
pilgrims and visitors alike. At last, due to the uncertainty in the Holy Land,
the constant agitation of the Covenant-breakers and the arrival of the
Commission of Inquiry, the entire company of pilgrims was dismissed.
Àbduřl-Bahá specifically instructed me to keep all correspondence,
received from the believers in Iran or other corners, in Port Said. It was not
to be forwarded to the Holy Land, as danger was always present. After that,
of fine china and other service utensils. Some of the remnant pieces are currently displayed at various Bahářì Holy
Places in Haifa and Àkka, such as the House of Àbbud.

the Iranian pilgrims returned to Iran and the pilgrims from Egypt traveled to
Port Said.
Departure from the Holy Land
One day, the custodian of the Pilgrim House, Áqá Muhammad-Hasan, came
and informed us that the beloved Master had instructed us to leave the Holy
Land within a week. The next morning, Àbduřl-Bahá called this servant
and my late brother into His presence and said, ŖBecause of the
uncertainties in this land, return [to Egypt] aboard next weekřs ship. The
Covenant-breakers have reported to the Commission of Inquiry that, in
addition to the luxury of our lives in this House, the Pilgrim House has
become very crowded because, day and night, we are entertaining a large
number of pilgrims and resident believers. They claim that, with a large
salary, we have hired for our own service a eunuch from the court of the
[Egyptian] Pashas. Although I do not want to part with Salih-Aqa, there are
compelling reasons for him not to remain here. It is best for him to return to
Cairo as your guardian.ŗ We both bowed down in respect [and obedience].
The following day, we were once again called into His presence, and Salih
Áqá was there as well. After showering His infinite kindness upon this
fortunate black slave, who was the envy of all whites, the beloved Master
said, ŖSalih Áqá, I did not want to send you away and had desired for you to
remain in the Holy Land and continue serving the friends here. However, I
am in a quandary. These two youth are very dear to me and are the trust of
one of my closest friends. I wish now to commit this trust to your care and
pray that you will do your best to look after them.ŗ Though not a believer,
Salih Áqá profoundly adored the Master and, in tears, implored Him,
ŖEffendi, I desire to remain close to this Threshold and serve it until my last
breath. Would it be possible for the request of this servant to find acceptance
in Your sight? Had it been Effendiřs wish, in a single moment, a hundred
guardians would have been found for these two.ŗ The Master responded,
ŖWould you allow these two youth, whose father has entrusted them to me,
to travel to a strange land? No one is more trustworthy than you.ŗ At last,
with tears pouring from his eyes, this noble black man said, ŖWhatever is
Your blessed will, I shall obey and resign myself to Your good-pleasure.ŗ
Àbduřl-Bahá consoled him, ŖI will summon you back here as soon as these
honored youth have established themselves in Cairo, started a business and
familiarized themselves with the Arabic language.ŗ
Because the time to leave the presence of the Center of the Covenant was
near, we were particularly depressed and downcast during the last few days
of our pilgrimage. In this period, all His blessed utterances centered on the
activities of the Covenant-breakers, the hardship of the Baghdad period and
the sufferings that the Blessed Perfection had endured at the hands of the
followers of Azal.

During this pilgrimage journey, immeasurable divine favors and bounties

were showered upon this undeserving servant. I considered myself
thoroughly unworthy of these, as I found nothing but shortcomings and
neglect in my deeds. With His own hands, the Master graciously bestowed
upon me His Arab àba, which I thankfully received, kissed and placed to
my brow. That àba is now kept among the sacred relics of the Archives of
the House of the Báb in Shiraz.
In those days, each morning, the blessed Person of Àbduřl-Bahá had to go

to the government house and would not return until late afternoon. Many of
the days, the pilgrims and resident believers could not behold His heavenly
countenance or attain His presence. The exception was when they saw Him
on the streets and en route. Then He would briefly greet the friends and
quickly go on His way.
With Àbduřl-Bahářs permission, the day before our departure, we visited

the Shrine of Bahářuřlláh and offered our last homage. The next morning,
the Master called us into His presence and, with a world of sadness, we bid
Him farewell. We traveled to Haifa and, from there, to Port Said.
Back in Egypt
As mentioned earlier, the veil concealing the deeds of the violators of the
divine Covenant was not yet lifted. They continued to associate with some
of the friends. Through various means, they sought to spread their polemics
and tried to undermine the believersř confidence and confuse their thinking.
Àbduřl-Bahá had instructed me to share [with the friends] all I had heard
[while on pilgrimage] in a descriptive way.
In Cairo, the same rumour and speculation as before was still circulating.
When this servant arrived, the friends gathered at our house and Mírzá
Abuřl-Fadl came as well. [During our discussion,] the subject of the Holy
Land and the afflictions surrounding the beloved Master came up. I
explained all that I had seen or heard and the sufferings that beset Àbduřl-
Bahá. I called the Ghusnuřllah Akbar [the Great Branch of the divine Tree]
by his given name Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí. Similarly, I referred to Mírzá
Badiùřllah and Mìrzá Diyařuřllah by their names only and did not refer to
them as the Aghsan of the Tree of Holiness. Suddenly, quite angrily and
with fury, Mìrzá Abuřl-Fadl addressed me, ŖHow dare a youngster like you
be so presumptuousness towards the Branches of the Tree of Sanctity and
insult the text of the Kitáb-i-Aqdas! The spirit of the Prophets and
Messengers circle in adoration around these sacred figures and no one in the
world is permitted to belittle them. The explicit text of the Kitáb-i-Àhdi, the
Will and Testament of the Blessed Beauty, states that the entire world must
respect Bahářuřlláhřs widows, the [members of the] Holy Household and the

Aghsan.ŗ134 He voiced his views with such passion and indignation that I
felt paralyzed. The more I repeated, ŖI saw and heard Àbduřl-Bahá relate
these things and do not share them on my own accord,ŗ the more he roared
back that, ŖI do not accept hadith.ŗ Finally, I was forced to say, ŖWrite to
His sacred Threshold. What He favors with a reply is verily the essence of
truth.ŗ He replied, ŖOf course I shall write!ŗ
Mìrzá Abuřl-Fadl immediately sent a supplication to the Holy Land. In

response to his letter, a Tablet similar to the Lawh-i-Hizar Bayti135 was
revealed in 16 pages in Àbduřl-Bahářs own hand. It started with these
sweet words: ŖHe is the Most Glorious. O thou who hath devoted thy life to
the propagation of the Word of God!ŗ This Tablet detailed the deeds of the
Covenant-breakers and the jealousy and enmity of the people of rancor.
In short, this is how the efforts of the Covenant-breakers [to subvert the
Cause] became known to the friends throughout Egypt. [The believers]
immediately severed all connection with them.
After receiving this Tablet, Mìrzá Abuřl-Fadl showered this servant with the
greatest kindness. He apologized so frequently that, to this day - some 50
years later Ŕ I am embarrassed [by his extreme generosity]. Later, he gave
that Tablet to Áqá Àbduřl-Husayn Samandari136, who was in Egypt at the
time, to make a copy for him, and gifted me the original Text as a momento.
That Tablet is currently in a safe place.137
As instructed by Àbduřl-Bahá, I related the events of the Holy Land and

the activities of the Covenant-breakers to my father [in Shiraz]. He informed
the friends throughout Shiraz, Abadih, Sarvistan and Nayriz. As a divine
favor, during the Days of God, the seeds of firmness and faithfulness had
been planted in the hearts of the friends in [the province of] Fárs.
Throughout the ministry of the Center of Covenant, all the believers [in
Fárs] were immune to the temptations and satanic whisperings of the
Covenant-breakers. The sole exception was a certain Mullá Husayn-Àlí
Jahrumi138, who fell under the influence of the violators of the Covenant in
134
The two injunctions of the Kitab-i-Àhdi are: ŖIt is incumbent upon everyone to show courtesy to, and
have regard for the Aghsan...ŗ, and ŖYe are bidden moreover to respect [My wife,] members of the Holy Household, the
Afnán and the kindred.ŗ (Bahářuřlláh. ŖKitáb-i-ŘAhd (Book of the Covenant).ŗ In Tablets of Bahářuřlláh Revealed
after the Kitáb-i-Aqdas. pp. 222-3).
135
Revealed in the same year, 1897, for Mírzá Jalil-i-Khuři. Because of its length, it is known as the Tablet
of One Thousand Verses. The original is found in INBMC 52:551-605. ŘAbduřl-Bahá. ŖLawh-i-Hizar Bayti.ŗ In
Majmuřih Makatib-i-Hadrat-i-ŘAbduřl-Bahá. Vol. 52, Iran National Bahářì Manuscript Collection. Tehran:
Muřassasih-Ři Milli-yi Matbuřat-i Amri, [c 1977], pp. 551-605.
136
The older brother of Tarazuřllah Samandari.
137
The original text of Àbduřl-Bahářs Tablet remains among the Sacred Writings and other Holy relics
in the Archives of the House of the Báb. Mírzá Habíb left instructions with his sons to publish the text of this
Tablet with his memoirs. The Bahářì World Centre has advised the present translator that they will publish a
translation of this important Tablet in due course.
138
In his memoirs, Hájí Àlíy-i-Yazdi states that Jahrumi was influential in the Covenant-breakersř
scheme to use Mírzá Áqá Jan against the Master. For a summary translation, see, Taherzadeh, The Covenant of
Bahářuřlláh, pp. 184-5.

India and became wayward. When he returned to Jahrum, he was shunned

by all, near and far, and died in the utmost poverty.
A Pilgrim from Mecca139
During the time that my brother and I were engaged in commerce at Port
Said, the Consul-General of Iran gave us the seal of the Consulate in Egypt
so that we could stamp the passports of the Iranian pilgrims returning from
Mecca. This was to prevent them from proceeding to Cairo and further
burdening the Consulate Office in that city. One of the pilgrims who came to
us to process his passport was a tall and corpulent Siyyid who appeared to
be a dignified man. He said to us, ŖI do not wish to return to Iran with my
fellow travelers so soon [after our pilgrimage]. I want to journey in this
region.ŗ However, his traveling companions were adamant that he should
return, saying, ŖWe have paid all his travel expenses so that, throughout the
h.ajj journey and our return home, he would be our prayer-guide and
example, informing us of our religious duties. Now that we are returning
from the House of God [in Mecca], it is unfair of this Siyyid to leave us
stranded and unguided in mid-journey. Furthermore, we have taken an oath
in the name of his illustrious Ancestor to pay for his return [to Iran] and we
do not want to betray our promise.ŗ
In private, they had earlier asked me to convince the Siyyid to comply with
his solemn agreement. Therefore, I said to him, ŖThis is a foreign country
and you have no friends or acquaintances here. In addition, you do not speak
the vernacular Arabic or its Egyptian dialect and may find yourself
inconvenienced. Reason dictates that you not hurt the feelings of your
traveling companions and comply with their request. Further, this country is
not like Iran, where it is customary to organize passion plays and Siyyids are
paid for their sermons. If you stay in this region, I am certain that you will
be disappointed.ŗ With a face flushed with anger, he responded sarcastically,
ŖI am responsible for myself. Should I come to your house, you may refuse
me hospitality!ŗ I had nothing more to say. Since their ship was ready to
pull anchor, the other pilgrims left and the Siyyid stayed.
The following day, the Siyyid came to my office in the same state and said,
ŖThe reason I didnřt want to return to Iran with my fellow pilgrims is
because I want to visit Àbbás Effendi in Àkká.ŗ The enmity of the
Covenant-breakers in those days had reached its peak. The Holy Land was
in turmoil and many perils surrounded the blessed Person of Àbduřl-Bahá.
I didnřt consider it prudent for such a Siyyid to visit Àkká at that time and
offered many excuses. I said, ŖAttaining His presence is not an easy task.
First, one must receive His permission and it may well take over a month for
the post to deliver your letter and bring back a reply. It is best if you go back
139
This section consists of the recollections of Mírzá Habíb kept by his son, Hasan Afnán. Mírzá Habíb
intended for them to be inserted here.

to Iran and leave this visit for another opportune time.ŗ ŖHow do you make
a visit?ŗ he inquired. I responded, ŖWe first pray fervently and focus our
thoughts on His sacred Being. Then, with the utmost sincerity and humility,
we send a request. After that, we wait for His response. If we are given a
favorable reply, with utter elation and yearning, we attain His presence and
stay for however many days He allows. Upon leaving, we [once again] pay
homage at the Shrine of Bahářuřlláh and return home.ŗ He responded, ŖI
will not go in this manner. I will join whoever is traveling to Àkká.ŗ I
finally surrendered, ŖThe route to Àkká is known. Travel as you think
best.ŗ
Immediately, I sent a telegraph to Áqá Siyyid [Muhammad-] Taqi Manshadi

in Haifa, warning him that such a person was arriving and giving him the
vesselřs details. Áqá Siyyid Taqi went by the ship and took the Siyyid first
to Haifa and, from there, sent him to Àkká on a hired coach. He also
telegraphed Àbduřl-Bahá about the matter. Mishkin-Qalam related the
details of his visit for me:
When the Siyyid arrived at the Khán-i-Àvamid, he called out in a

loud voice, ŖAre any of the honored gentlemen [Bahářìs] present?ŗ I
replied, ŖPlease come upstairs.ŗ After he arrived, tea was brought for
him. After tea, he asked, ŖAre there any waterpipes ready?ŗ I
responded, ŖThere are no waterpipes here, but there are some at the
coffee shop.ŗ Surprised, he said, ŖTell them to bring me one.ŗ I sent a
message and they brought him one. I was greatly disturbed by his
rudeness and impolite manners. Several times he repeated, ŖI want to
go see Àbbás Effendi.ŗ At that point, I became angry and said to
him, ŖSiyyid, calm down. When you arrived, your name was
presented to Him. You will attain His presence whenever you are
summoned. If you are not given permission, you may not go. This
place is the sacred Threshold of the Lord and not a caravansary
where any intruder without prior notice may enter.ř At that point, the
Siyyid became silent and refrained from comment.
Late in the afternoon, we were all summoned to Àbduřl-Bahářs

House and the Siyyid joined us as well. When we came to the room
where the Master was, he entered and greeted Him with a guttural
voice in the custom of the clergy. With great pride, he occupied a seat
of honor facing the Master. Àbduřl-Bahá ignored him completely.
He spoke at length about the life of the Messenger of God
[Muhammad], the deceit and trickery of the Quriyish, the enmity of
Abu-Jahl and other oppressors in Mecca. I noticed that, as soon as
the Master began to speak, the Siyyid collected himself and, with
hands out of his pockets, politely began to listen most attentively to
Him. At the end of His comments, Àbduřl-Bahá said, ŖThere is a
tradition passed down from the Prophet Muhammad that states, ŘThe
wrath of God be upon those who claim to be My relation, but are a

stranger to Me.řŗ The Master then dismissed us, but the condition of
the Siyyid had changed dramatically. That night, they brought supper
from the House of Àbduřl-Bahá for all of us.
The next day, I noticed that the poor Siyyid had changed his black
turban for a white one. Therefore, I asked, ŖUntil last night you were
a Siyyid and a descendent of the Prophet [and signified it by wearing
a black turban]. How is it that this morning your situation has
changed?ŗ He replied, ŖYou are unaware that everything the Master,
Àbbás Effendi, said yesterday, from beginning to end, was meant for
me and that He was not speaking to the rest of you. Even the hadith
quoted at the end was for my benefit, as I am a commoner. A few
years ago, I went to Tihran and presented myself as a Siyyid and
people have believed me ever since. However, Àbbás Effendi was
aware of my deceit and the tradition He quoted was meant for me.ŗ
The Siyyid was in the Holy Land for 15 days. Àbduřl-Bahá paid his travel
expenses to Beirut and wrote to Áqá Muhammad-Mustafa Baghdadi to
ensure his comfort and arrange his travel to Iran.
[Some years later], I asked Áqá Muhammad-Mustafa about this Siyyid and
what had become of him. He replied, ŖWhen he arrived by boat, I went to
welcome him and brought him home. After we began to converse, I asked
him, ŘNow that you have spent 15 days in the presence of Àbbas Effendi,
what have you learned and what impression did this meeting leave with
you?ř He replied, ŘIn truth, and between us and God, Àbbas Effendi is the
most accomplished of men. He is knowledgeable in all branches of learning
and knows of divine truth hidden from us. However, when it comes to the
science of Islamic jurisprudence, He appears wanting.řŗ Áqá Mustafa
continued, ŖI said to him, ŘHe has left the science of Ŗunclean and cleanŗ140
and such unworthy things for people such as you to ponder and devote your
time to.ř After a few days, the Siyyid was sent to Iran through Damascus.ŗ
Siyyid Àlíy-i-Afnán
Siyyid Àlíy-i-Afnán141 was the second child of Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Hasan,
known as the Afnán-i-Kabìr. As a result of supplications [to Bahářuřlláh]
140
Ìlm-i nájasat is a sub-branch of Shiì jurisprudence.
141
The writings of the Guardian record that a son-in-law of Bahářuřlláh, Siyyid Àlìy-i-Afnán, was an
entrenched enemy of Àbduřl-Bahá and that he had previously caused the untimely death of Khadíjih Bagum by
abandoning his promise to escort her to the presence of Bahářuřlláh. The following telegraph from Shoghi Effendi
refers to this: ŖInform National Assemblies that Godřs avenging wrath having afflicted in rapid succession during
recent years two sons, brother and sister-in-law of Arch-breaker of Bahářuřlláhřs Covenant, has now struck down
second son of Siyyid Àlí, Nayer Afnán, pivot of machinations, connecting link between old and new Covenant-
breakers. Time alone will reveal extent of havoc wreaked by this virus of violation injected, fostered over two
decades in Àbduřl-Bahářs family. History will brand him one whose grandmother, wife of Bahářuřlláh, joined
breakers of His Covenant on morrow of His passing, whose parents lent her undivided support, whose father
openly accused Àbduřl-Bahá as one deserving capital punishment, who broke his promise to the Bábřs wife to
escort her to Holy Land, precipitating thereby her death, who was repeatedly denounced by Center of the

from the wife of the Báb, Khadìjih Bagum, and Àbduřl-Bahá, he was
honored with becoming a son-in-law to the Blessed Beauty.142 At first, he
promised the illustrious wife of the Báb that, should she intercede on his
behalf by sending a letter to the sacred Threshold of Bahářulláh, he would
come to Shiraz and travel with her to the Holy Land. His father also wrote
to her in this vein. The wife of the Báb longed to attain the blessed presence
[of Bahářuřlláh] and behold the countenance of the Sovereign of the world.
Therefore, in order to enlighten the reader further, it is best that I now share
a letter written by the wife of Àbduřl-Bahá [Munirih Khánum] to the
honored wife of the Báb. It illustrates the extent of the latterřs intense desire
to attain the presence of Bahářuřlláh and her eagerness to share in the
blessings of such a pilgrimage:
... In short, you had written, ŖOn every occasion [that you are] in the
presence of the Divine Effulgence [Bahářuřlláh], may my spirit be a
sacrifice unto Him, kindly mention this desolate one. Perhaps,
through the blessings of the pure souls, this remoteness will pass and
I will attain the banquet of His presence.ŗ This supplication was
brought especially to His divine presence and, in response, the
Ancient Tongue spoke these words: ŖThrough His unceasing favors
and mercies, God has ordained that that Holy Leaf live at the shore
of the sea of Our presence forever and the Lord has given her to taste
the wine of Our union. At all times, the Tongue of the Merciful
makes mention of her. In light of this, there is no reason [for her] to
feel separation or remoteness. From the heaven of benevolence, an
exalted Tablet was revealed in her honor and sent through the letter
Sin143. God willing, on future occasions, other Tablets will be
dispatched as well.ŗ
Be assured those expressions of salutation, devotion and enthusiasm

that your good self wrote for the Divine Effulgence were shared in
their entirety in His sanctified presence.144
Even at this moment, all are present and avidly remember that
blessed Leaf. The Blessed Perfection conveyed these sentiments: ŖBy
God, in truth, not a moment passes that We do not occupy Ourselves
Covenant as His chief enemy...ŗ (Shoghi Effendi. Messages to the Bahářì World, 1950-1957. Wilmette: Bahářì
Publishing Trust, 1971, pp. 24-25) In this chapter, Mírzá Habíb records some of the details associated with Siyyid
Àlìřs broken promise and its devastating effect on Khadìjih Bagum.
142
Siyyid Àlì married Furughiyyih, a daughter of Bahářuřlláh from His third wife, Gawhar Khánum.
143
Presumably, Shaykh Salman, the courier of Bahářuřlláh.
144
Munirih Khánum visited Shiraz on her way to Àkka to marry Àbduřl-Bahá and recorded the
following (Khándan-i-Afnán, pp. 165-6): Ŗ...The wife of the Báb said: ŘPlease supplicate the Blessed Perfection to
grant two wishes of mine. The first, one of the exalted leaves of the Blessed Family may be permitted to join in
wedlock with a member of the Family of the Báb, so that even outwardly the two Holy Trees may be knit together.
The other, to grant me permission to attend His presence.ř I conveyed this message when I attained the presence of
Bahářuřlláh. He readily assented to both her requests.ŗ An additional request of Khadíjih Bagum was for the
House of the Báb to be renovated and this was also accepted.

with the joy of your mention. We beseech Him Who does what He
wills to gather all the Leaves of His divine Lote-Tree in one spot, so
that all will raise their voice in His praise and glorification and quaff
the sweet wine of union from the chalice of immortality passed from
one to another.ŗ ...145
The supplication of the wife of the Báb was accepted into the
presence of the Lord of the world of being. In a letter written by
Munirih Khánum to the blessed wife [of the Báb], the following was
noted:
You wrote about the matter that we had agreed.146 Know, then, that
your request was presented in the Sacred Presence and considered
with favor. Praised be God and glorified be His name! The grace of
God has surrounded your esteemed self in such wise that even such a
tremendous petition has found acceptance before His throne!147
After Bahářuřlláh consented to this union, Siyyid Àlì went to Simnán for
his commercial activities. His father remained in Yazd and his older brother,
Siyyid Mírzá, went to Bombay. The illustrious wife of the Báb passed on the
news of the blessed permission [of Bahářuřlláh] to [her brother,] the Afnán-
i-Kabír. She also expressed her extreme excitement and eagerness to take
part in this journey. She further wrote, ŖDay and night, I expectantly look
for your arrival [in Shiraz].ŗ
After waiting a considerable time, she received a letter from the Afnán-i-
Kabír148 and Siyyid Àlí, saying:
Since the means for our journey to Shiraz are not available at this
time, we have arranged to leave by way of Khurasan and through
Istanbul. Therefore, you may wish to go to Port Said with Hájí Mírzá
Àbduřl-Hamid149 and Áqá Siyyid Áqá150 so that, after we have
completed our hajj [obligatory pilgrimage], we may join you in Port
Said and, from there, leave for the Holy Land in your company.
Numerous letters are extant from them on this subject. However, we must
content ourselves with quoting just one as evidence, so that the reader can
plainly see how unfaithful the Covenant-breakers were to the blessed wife
145
This letter is also quoted in Khándan-i-Afnán, pp. 175-6.
146
Reference to the confidential agreement about the marriage of Siyyid Àlí with Furughiyyih Khánum.
147
Quoted also in Khándan-i-Afnán, pp. 175.
148
The term ŘAfnán-i-Kabirř was originally bestowed upon the uncle of the Báb, Hájì Mìrzá Siyyid
Muhammad (see Bahářuřlláh; Collection of Tablets revealed in honor of Áqá Mírzá Áqáy-i-Núriřd-Dín; MS, n.d.,
p. 60). However, in later years it became a designation for Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Hasan.
149
He embraced the Faith during the Bábřs sermon at Masjid-i-Vakil and, subsequently, was taught the
Faith through the loving-kindness of Khadíjih Bagum. He became a resident in the House of the Báb after the
Bábřs martyrdom and Khadìjih Bagumřs departure for the home of the martyred uncle. He passed away around
1897.
150
Parenthetically, Mìrzá Habìb has added, Ŗmy older brotherŗ.

of the Báb. She had suffered so long and so bitterly in the path of the Faith,
and the one solace for her broken heart would have been attaining the
presence of the Blessed Beauty. Siyyid Àlíy-i-Afnán, in a letter dated 19
Ramadan 1299 A.H. [14 August 1882], writes from Simnán:
Humbly submitted to the presence of that honored noblewoman, may

she be blessed with a long life:
Your blessed letter spoke of your perseverance and health, and this
caused us to raise our voice in praise and gratitude to the threshold of
the Almighty. May God perpetually keep you shielded under the
shadow of His protection and custody.
However, your blessed letter was bereft of kind sentiments towards

this servant and therefore rendered this ephemeral one perplexed and
thoroughly disappointed in [his] self as to what has occasioned such
a response. I have exerted efforts in [your] service and carried out my
duties to the best of my ability. Nevertheless, I remain hopeful that,
God willing, the Almighty will fulfil our arrangements in a splendid
way.
At the time of my departure from Simnán, I was not fully apprised of

my fatherřs travel arrangements, and did not know whether he
intended to go only to Mashhad or wanted to travel further. When he
left Yazd, he told me, ŖI am setting out for Mashhad and you must
depart in that direction as well.ŗ However, when he arrived in
Mashhad, it became clear that he intended to leave directly for the
Holy Land. I was thinking about this when your letter arrived, which
caused deep sadness and disappointment. God willing, the Lord will
conclude these affairs in a most agreeable fashion.
At the moment, it is impossible for me to return from here, otherwise

I would attain the presence of that eminent personage [Khadíjih
Bagum]. Such has been decreed. My own health is not the best. Be
assured and rest confident knowing that this insignificant one
remains devoted to his oath and promise.
Even now, should you agree and consider it appropriate, I have asked
my honorable maternal uncle, Áqá Mírzá Buzurg, to arrange your
travel. My honored cousin, Áqá Siyyid Aqa151, and Hájí Mírzá
Àbduřl-Hamid have gone to Mecca, which will not benefit you. You
should journey from Bushihr to Alexandria and remain there for a
few days. This servant will also travel to Alexandria and join you
there and help Áqá Siyyid Aqa to leave for Bombay.
151
Parenthetically, Mìrzá Habìb has added, Ŗmy older brother.ŗ

And should this [suggested] arrangement fail to please you, then,

God willing, I will come from there [the Holy Land] and we will
travel together. ...ŗ
In a letter to the wife of the Báb, the Afnán-i-Kabír, expresses the following
sentiments:
Again I submit that, concerning the travel of that exalted lady

[Khadíjih Bagum], Áqá Siyyid Àlí has written to the honored Hájí
Mírzá Buzurg. God willing, arrangements for your departure will be
made with ease and facility. In order to avoid any alarm, Áqá Siyyid
Aqa, son of Áqá Mírzá Aqa, will accompany you to provide privacy
and the honored Hájì Mìrzá Àbduřl-Hamid will serve as your
attendant and entourage. From Shiraz, you should travel directly to
Alexandria, where Áqá Siyyid Àlí will join you and accompany you
to the desired destination [the Holy Land].
One after another, the blessed wife of the Báb received communications
from Áqá Mírzá Muhsin and others that thoroughly dashed her hopes of
ever attaining the presence of Bahářuřlláh.152
During that time, my late father was doing business in Bombay, and my
paternal grandmother, [Zahra Bagum], told him in writing what had
happened. Each week, my late father would write to the wife of the Báb. He
was filled with gratitude to her for affection governed their relationship. On
this occasion, too, my father wrote a letter describing some of the misdeeds
and the infidelity of these kinsmen. I quote a portion of this letter here:
To the presence of that honorable and exalted lady, may my life be a

sacrifice unto you:
My sole supplication at the Threshold of the All-Glorious Lord is

your well-being and health. Through the grace of the Exalted God,
may happiness ever surround you!
Previously, the details were recorded for your kind consideration and
submitted in a humble letter. God willing, it has been perused by
your good self. On this occasion, I humbly note that your cherished
and most gracious letters of 9 Shařban [26 June 1882] and 2
Ramadan [10 July 1882] were received. Through your most kind and
benevolent letters, I learned of their [the Afnán-i-Kabir and Siyyid
Àlìřs] departure for Mecca and their unfulfilled promises. Their
misdeeds are not surprising; what bewilders me is that your esteemed
self would have any confidence in their empty and worthless words. I
152
See In the Land of Refuge for the text of Bahářuřlláhřs Tablet on the occasion of the passing of
Khadíjih Bagum.

have yet to see a truthful word spoken by them. God knows the
secrets of all hearts. There should be no need for my explanation.
That honorable lady must not be sad, nor should you dwell on what
has happened. There is a station for everything, and the exalted honor
of this task [to accompany you] was not to be theirs. God did not
decree for this blessing to be bestowed on them. Otherwise, events
would not have turned out as they have.
Consider what He [Bahářuřlláh] has revealed in honor of your

journey and note well the way He has spoken of its importance.
Furthermore, call to mind the bygone days of the illustrious Báb,
may my life be a sacrifice unto Him. To be sure, the Exalted One
would not have wanted them to be in your service. However, what
this desolate one writes is of no consequence, given that your own
honored self is well aware of their character. Nothing at all is
concealed from God and everything is known to Him.
I will forward your letter to the presence of Bahářuřlláh, and will

write separately to Áqá Siyyid Mihdi153.
In short, my father wrote extensively to console the wife of the Báb. Even at
the end of this letter, he noted:
I have now sent the letter of that esteemed lady [to Bahařullah] and I
have also informed Áqá Siyyid Mihdi. Do not give way to despair.
God will decree what is best for all. Of a certainty, His Holiness the
Báb was not pleased with this arrangement [that you should journey
with them]. You know best that they have always treated you in this
way. If you reflect on the details, you will come to the same
conclusion. Concerning the question of faith, if someone is truly
faithful, he will consider it an obligation to obey your every
command and never fail in your service. In any case, what has
happened to the consideration [one should have for] oneřs sister154?!
In short, these thoughts have set me on fire. God will set all things
right; whatever else I say is unworthy.
8th Ramadán 1299 A.H. [24 July 1882]
[Signed] Mírzá Áqá
The profound disappointment of not having the privilege of going on

pilgrimage and attaining the presence of the Blessed Beauty shattered the
153
Most likely, a reference to Siyyid Mihdi Afnán; private communications from Dr. Moojan Momen,
April 2004.
154
The Afnán-i-Kabir was an older brother of Khadíjih Bagum.

blessed wife of the Báb and burned in her soul.155 Her illustrious self soon
became seriously ill through acute depression and she contracted dysentery.
Within two months of hearing the news from her brother and faithless
nephew, she left this transient life for her eternal abode within the
everlasting divine paradise and for perpetual consort with the sacred spirits
of the Prophets and His chosen ones. Her unique and exalted station is
evident from the Tablet of Visitation revealed by Bahářuřlláh in her honor,
which adorned these pages earlier.
I wish, also, to quote a letter of the late Hájì Mìrzá Abúřl-Qásim-i-Afnán,

the older brother of Khadíjih Bagum. He selflessly and devotedly served his
noble sister until her last breath. This letter is addressed to my late father in
Bombay. In it, he describes the events during and after the passing of
Khadíjih Bagum.
Dated 28 Dhiřl-Hajjih 1299 A.H. [10 November 1882]
Beloved light of my eyes, may God preserve you.
Monday last week, I wrote you a letter that I mailed immediately.

God willing, it has been seen by your illustrious self. I pray that,
through the decree of God, you remain protected and preserved from
harm and injury. As the mail for Bushihr is about to leave soon, it is
necessary to write a few words about what has happened and give the
details.
In my previous correspondence, I described the condition of my most

cherished sister and her infirmity, and said I had no hope that she
would be cured and recover. I also expressed my fear that the illness
was at an advanced stage and had become very acute. The honored
Áqá Mírzá Ahmad-i-Tabib was her physician, and the honored Hájí
Mírzá Hasan (the Hakim-Bashi-i-Buzurg) frequently attended as
well. On occasion, we troubled the honored Aqay-i-Hakim-Bashi to
help Áqá Mírzá Ahmad and he would confirm that the right
medication had been prescribed. However, ŖAll bounties are in the
hand of Godŗ156, and the decree of God and his predestined will
cannot be delayed.
Finally, on the eve of Monday the 2nd [Dhiřl-Hajjih 1299 A.H.157],

about three hours after sunset, she left this world and winged her
155
Bahářuřlláh notes in a Tablet addressed to Núriřd-Dín that the wife of the Báb always longed for the
privilege of pilgrimage: ŖO My Afnán! My Glory of God be upon thee, as well as My Bounty, My Peace, My
Favor and My Mercy! Day and night, that esteemed and late lady wished to attain Our presence and desired to
behold Our Countenance. This was the object that her heart longed for, her tongue spoke of, her eyes searched for
expectantly and her whole being yearned for; and yet, the divine decree prevented.ŗ INBMC 51:332-3, no. 338
156
Qurřan 3:73
157
This letter does not give the exact date of Khadìjih Bagumřs passing. However, Mìrzá Habìb has
noted that it was in the month of Dhiřl-Hajjih; see In the Land of Refuge, Chapter 9. This is consistent with Mírzá

flight for the unseen realm. Yet, how great the anguish of those that
are left behind. [I have] no strength or spirit left to describe the
details. My only prayer is that the merciful God will grant us all
patience and perseverance.
Kindly inform Hájí Mírzá Buzurg and Áqá Mírzá Aqa158 [of this
news]. The lights of my eyes [your sons] are in no condition to write
and are otherwise occupied elsewhere.
This lowly one knows perfectly well how painful and disturbing this
bitter news will be for you. But what is to be done? Whatever is
destined will happen, and what God decrees shall come to pass.
During her illness, she said nothing that can serve as her will, nor did
she leave any directions about what to do with the household goods.
On the night of her passing, we stayed behind and, with great care,
arranged for her blessed remains to be washed [and prepared for
interment] in the Hammam-i-Khaiyri159. From there, it was moved to
... and buried in a grave next to ...160 The undertakers came in the
middle of night. When they finished their work, she was interred
before the hour for the dawn obligatory prayer, and we returned.
Prayer vigils were held in her memory on Monday and Tuesday at

the burial-place. On Tuesday afternoon, a group of the cityřs
noblemen, which included the honored [Abuřl-Hasan, the]
Mushiruřl-Mulk and his Excellency the honored Imam-Jumìh161,
attended and helped to conclude the prayer vigil. From the burial-
place, we returned home and continued the prayer sessions there. The
friends that did not have the opportunity to come by her graveside
troubled themselves to come and visit. We are now occupied with the
memorial services. In short, the customary duties have all been
carried out.
However, since she did not leave a will, I am at a loss about what to
do. I am thinking of making an inventory of the residenceřs
furnishings and her other possessions. You must write [to
Bahářuřlláh] and ask for guidance. Whatever He commands will be
done. I am unclear about the status of the title of the House [of the
Abúřl-Qásimřs statement that her death occurred on the second of the month, which is a Monday. Therefore, it
seems clear that she passed away on 2 Dhiřl-Hajjih 1299 A.H. (16 October 1882). Based on this evidence, the
dates given in Khadíjih Bagum, p. 35 (15 September 1882) and Khándan-i-Afnán, p. 179, (29 Dhiřl-H.ajjih) must
be incorrect. The latter date must also be incorrect because it falls after Mìrzá Abúřl-Qásim wrote this letter.
158
He also lived in Bombay at the time.
159
Named after its owner, Khayr, this public bathhouse is otherwise known as the Hammam-i-
Guldastih. It is situated near the House of the Báb and next to the Masjid-i-Naw.
160
For security reasons, the exact location is not given in this translation.
161
Shaykh Abu-Turab

Báb] or what I must do.162 The property that she owned and was
leased to the gentlemen in Yazd163 earned three tumans a month. She
also had some property with Mírzá Siyyid Hasan and Siyyid Mírzá,
for which they paid 12 to 13 tumans a year. This year, even though
Siyyid Mírzá sent a draft for the due amount to Siyyid [Muhammad-
]Husayn, when it was presented to her, she refused it because of the
bitterness they had caused Ŕ a matter that she had repeatedly
complained about to me.
I also do not know the situation with the House [of the Báb] or what I
must do about it. I have heard that Hájí Mírzá Buzurg has said that,
after the return of Hájí Mírzá [Siyyid] Àlí and his mother, who is the
sister of Hájí Mírzá Buzurg, they may take up residence there. Your
mother said, ŖI cannot accept anyone in this house in place of my
sister. I will stay here for the rest of my days. ...ŗ164
I do not know the situation with the dedicated properties that my late
cousin165 gave to Khadíjih Sultan Bagum, or to what extent they have
been renovated. Surely, you know.166
You must write as soon as possible and ask for guidance [from
Bahářuřlláh] about what to do with the Blessed House [of the Báb],
the property leased to the Yazdi gentlemen, the property with Áqá
Mírzá Siyyid Hasan and Áqá Siyyid Mírzá, and all the furnishings,
carpets and clothing in this House, and other things. Once we have
His directions, we will attend to whatever is decided.
Please carry out this vital task in the quickest way possible, so that
we can have an early answer and know how to divide the estate and
distribute the inheritances. You must also mention in your letter [to
Bahářuřlláh] that she has been survived by a [natural] sister (my
maternal grandmother) and two brothers (Hájì Mìrzá Abúřl-Qásim
and Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Hasan, known as the Afnán-i-Kabir), and a
stepbrother and a stepsister (Hájí Muhammad-Mihdiy-i-Hijjab, the
wife of the martyred uncle of the Báb), and no other. It is critical that
whatever action is taken is done through His [Bahářuřlláhřs]
guidance and direction.
162
Hájì Mìrzá Abúřl-Qásim was unaware that, some time earlier, the title of the House of the Báb was
lost in a robbery at the home of Mìrzá Zaynuřl-Àbidin (Núriřd-Dìnřs father).
163
A reference to the sons of the Afnán-i-Kabir, who lived in Yazd.
164
During the early days of the Afnán family, there was considerable competition within certain
quarters of the family over the House of the Báb. On several occasions, the issue was brought to Bahářuřlláh. He
consistently reaffirmed the hereditary custodianship of Zahra Bagum and her descendants. By the time of Àbduřl-
Bahářs Ministry, only a few family members questioned the custodianship rights. However, to ensure complete
unity, the Master reaffirmed the hereditary right of Núriřd-Dín and, thereafter, Mírzá Habíb. Before his passing,
Mìrzá Habìb passed the custodianship to his oldest son, Abúřl-Qásim Afnán.
165
A reference to Fatimih Bagum, the mother of the Báb.
166
ŘVafqř properties are donated to the Faith for the promotion of its best interest, either during the
personřs lifetime or as part of their bequest.

If there is anything that you have become aware of recently that I do

not know, kindly inform me as soon as possible so that I know what
to do and how I should dispose of various articles. The sooner my
duties are made clear, the better her interest will be served.
In her latter days, she was deeply saddened and disheartened by the
false promises of Siyyid Mírzá, Siyyid Àlí and Siyyid Muhsin to be
available for the journey to Mecca167 and their eventual betrayal. She
used to repeat, ŖFor 20 years or more, Áqá Mìrzá Siyyid Hasan 168
never once wrote to me. Why did I write to him on this occasion and
about this journey, so that he would make a promise and then betray
it?ŗ She used to add, ŖAs soon as I read his letter [about not taking
her to the Holy Land], I felt an acute emptiness and depression inside
me.ŗ And it was then that she began to experience the symptoms of
dysentery. From the same illness, she left this nether world and
ascended to the immortal realm.
What am I to write?! It seems as if they [the Afnán-i-Kabir and his

progeny] have become proud and think too much of their
accomplishments. I am bewildered at their motives. This should not
be the conduct of people. In this new Dispensation, such
characteristics have been forbidden - nay, we are commanded to be
righteous. Then what manner of behavior is this?! ...ŗ
This was a portion of a letter of the late Hájì Mìrzá Abúřl-Qásim, who wrote
it shortly after the passing of the wife of the Báb in Shiraz. [I have] included
it in these pages to acquaint us with the details.
In accordance with Bahářuřlláhřs instructions, in 1308 A.H. [1891], Mìrzá

Muhammad-Àlí169 went to Bombay to publish some of the Holy Tablets. As
the Blessed Beauty instructed, he purchased a gravestone for the resting
place of the wife of the Báb. The following verse, revealed from the heaven
of divine will, was engraved on it: ŖHe is the Everlasting. Verily this exalted
leaf hearkened to the Call of the Tree beyond which there is no passing and
winged her flight towards it. 1299.ŗ170 This stone was left as a trust in the
home of the late Hájí Mírzá Muhammad-Àlíy-i-Afnán (a son of the
167
A coded reference to Àkka, where Bahářuřlláh resided.
168
The following Tablet of the Báb addressed to Khadíjih Bagum is quoted in Eminent Bahářìs During
the Time of Bahářuřlláh, pp. 216-17: ŖDo not expect any assistance from thy brothers. They will not help; it is
enough that they refrain from insults. Overlook their faults. Even Our enemies have not caused the like of what
resulted from the acts of Siyyid 118 in Isfahan. God grant that when the light of thine eyes Mírzá Áqá reacheth
maturity, he will be thy help and support. O God! Preserve him from all the evil of the envious and the
contumacious.ŗ It should be noted that Ŗ118ŗ is the numerical equivalent of Hasan. All evidence indicates that
Siyyid Hasan, the Afnán-i-Kabir, was never supportive of his sister, Khadíjih Bagum, or other family members.
169
Bahářuřlláhřs son
170
In a Tablet (Núriřd-Dìnřs Collection, p. 91), Bahářuřlláh revealed for Núriřd-Dín: ŖThe other matter
is that, at thy previous request, three verses were revealed and sent specially for the gravestone of the illustrious
exalted leaf, upon her rest the Most Glorious of the Glorious and the Most Exalted of the Exalted. Any of these
that thou consider to be in accord with wisdom and deem prudent may be engraved.ŗ

illustrious maternal uncle of the Báb, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad). Áqá
Mìrzá Abduřl-Vahhab (a son of the late Áqá Mírzá Aqa, son of the late Hájí
Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí) brought it to Shiraz when he returned from the
Holy Land through Bombay in 1327 A.H. [1909]. At present, it is in my
safe-keeping in the House of the Báb. When Godřs will decrees the time is
right, it will be placed on her grave.171
In summary, Siyyid Àlíy-i-Afnán grieved the wife of the Báb and prevented
her from attaining the presence of Bahářuřlláh. With his parents and brother,
he traveled to the Holy Land through Mashhad, Russia [Ishqabad] and
Istanbul. When he arrived, he arranged the wedding ceremony, which took
place in the presence of Bahářuřlláh.
On our [first] journey to the Holy Land [in 1891-2], the Afnán-i-Kabir was
still alive. Shortly after that, perhaps within only a few months of the
ascension of Bahářuřlláh, he too passed away. Subsequently, Siyyid Àlì and
his brothers, Siyyid Mírzá172 and Siyyid Muhammad, who were in Bombay,
began to collaborate with Mírzá Muhammad-Àlì, [Mìrzá] Majduřd-Din and
other brothers of Àbduřl-Bahá. They rose up fiercely to oppose Him. Using
various schemes and deceitful methods, they tried to cause division among
the friends. His brothers in India were particularly involved in undermining
the confidence of the believers by disseminating polemic papers.
This same Siyyid Mìrzá had a son named Àbduřl-Husayn, who was my
first cousin on my motherřs side. He lived in Yazd and was firm and
steadfast in the Divine Cause. He wrote to his father with great conviction,
ŖIf you return to Yazd in this state, I will not accept you in my house and
will shun you!ŗ During the days of the Ancient Beauty, Siyyid Mìrzá had
observed, and knew about, the singular spiritual bond that connected
Bahářuřlláh to His Center of the Covenant. He had witnessed the pilgrims
pleading with Bahářuřlláh, ŖWe have been deprived of beholding Your
blessed Countenance for several days,ŗ and Him telling them, ŖWhen you
attain the presence of the Master, it is as though you have beheld My
Countenance.ŗ On many occasions, Siyyid Mìrzá had heard the Tongue of
Grandeur say, ŖThe only Master is the Greatest Branch and all others dwell
beneath His shadow.ŗ Siyyid Mìrzá had been the recipient of infinite favors.
And yet, this same Siyyid Mírzá rose up to dispute with, and oppose,
Àbduřl-Bahá in the most vehement manner and caused tumultuous storms
in the Faith. With satanic schemes he would make his way into the
gatherings of the friends, acquaintances, Holy Family and other kinsmen
and deceive them for his own ends.
After hearing the news of the Covenant-breaking, the very first letter that
my father wrote to my brother and I contained certain glimpses of the evil
171
Abúřl-Qásim Afnán informs the translator that this gravestone is safe in an undisclosed location in
Iran. (Private communication, Aug 1997.)
172
Siyyid Mírzá was an older brother of Siyyid Àlí.

deeds they perpetrated during the days of the wife of the Báb. It gave us a
better idea of their activities. A section of this letter follows:
Concerning Siyyid Mírzá and his schemes and aims, I am very

familiar with the situation. In Bombay, I spent over 10 years, day and
night, with him and never perceived him to be firm in the Faith of
God. All his thoughts were focused on worldly matters.
In one instance, he had received a sum of money from Hájí Siyyid

Àlí-Akbar [Dahaji], and the two of us173 were discussing this
situation with Hájí Muhammad-Ibrahim, the Muballigh174. The latter
was speaking to him and offering friendly advice, ŖYou must never
use this money without the ownerřs permission, as this sum has been
placed with you in trust. The best course is to deposit it in a bank and
earn interest on it. This way, whenever Hájí Siyyid Àlí-Akbar asks
for the principal to be returned, it is readily available. Otherwise, you
ought to forget about this capital.ŗ But Siyyid Mìrzá roared back,
ŖWhat are you saying?! We are the heirs to the Throne and
Sovereignty of the Báb!ŗ This ephemeral servant replied, ŖBut the
Báb detested you and disavowed any relation with you!ŗ175 In no
time, we were arguing heatedly and Hájí Muhammad-Ibrahim had to
intervene.
If you remember well, when His blessed Temple [Bahářuřlláh] lived

in the Abode of Peace [Baghdad], the wife of the Báb had a Tablet
revealed in her honor by her illustrious Husband during His
confinement in [the citadel of] Mah-ku. She gave me that Tablet with
the instructions: ŖWrite to the Blessed Beauty on my behalf. Also
write another letter of your own and fold this Tablet of the Báb in
your letter. Then place both letters in an envelope and give me the
envelope.ŗ
I did as asked. She arranged for that envelope to be submitted

through Shaykh Salman to the presence of the Ancient Beauty.
Subsequently, I was informed that our letters and the Bábřs Tablet
were received. [This confirmation came] in a Tablet revealed in
honor of this evanescent servant in the hand of the beloved Master,
which is in my possession. The point is that, in the Tablet [forwarded
to Bahářuřlláh], in truth the Báb had recorded His Will and
Testament.176
173
Meaning, Núriřd-Dín and Siyyid Mírzá.
174
Lit. the Teacher. He was a son of the merchant Hájì Àbduřr-Rasul and the recipient of
Bahářuřlláhřs Tablet of the Letters (Lawh-i-Hurufat). Years earlier, he wrote a proof treatise on the appearance of
the Báb.
175
See the Tablet of the Báb quoted above.
176
The Will and Testament of the Báb is published in The Báb. ŖLawh-i Vasaya.ŗ (Will and
Testament) In Majumuřih-i Athar-i Hadrat-i Ařla. Vol. 64, Iran National Bahářì Manuscript Collection. Tehran:
Muřassasih-Ři Milli-yi Matbuřat-i Amri, [c 1977], pp. 95-102. INBMC 64.

Similarly, in a letter dated 1 Dhiřl-Hajjih 1314 A.H. [3 May 1897], my

father wrote from Shiraz to my late brother Hájí Mírzá Buzurg and myself
in Port Said:
About the matter that the light of my eyes, Mírzá Habíb, had written,
ŖSiyyid Mìrzá and his brethren have committed such deeds that have
greatly dishonored the name of ŘAfnánř and, because of this, we must
disassociate ourselves from this family...ŗ This is not so, my son. Do
not allow this situation to dishearten you. The more mischief they177
commit, the more manifest your nobility.
The Blessed Perfection, may my soul and the spirit of all creation be
a sacrifice to the dust trodden by Him, had already disassociated
Himself from them. But, unfortunately, at that time we did not see
the wisdom in, and the reason for, His words. Now His foresight
stands manifest, that He prepared for such a day beforehand.178 Many
times, He spoke of this to the friends present before Him. He also
instructed Mullá Muhammad-Àlì Dahaji, ŖWhatever town you
arrive in, inform the believers that Our union179 was only due to the
request of the wife of the Báb and the supplication of [Aqa] Mírzá
Aqa, the Afnán. We consented only for the sake of her wish and his
request. Otherwise, We knew Mírzá Hasan180 not, nor Siyyid Àlì.ŗ
Bahářuřlláh often spoke such words to many of the friends, including

Hájí Niyyaz and Áqá Siyyid Àlí. They were present on two
occasions and heard Him speak in this way. Now [because of the
misdeeds of these brothers] it is clear why the Blessed Perfection
made such pronouncements. ...
In a letter dated 5 Dhiřl-Hajjih 1314 A.H. [7 May 1897] addressed to [my

brother,] the late Hájí Mírzá Buzurg and this ephemeral servant, my father
wrote:
You wrote about the undertakings of Áqá Mírzá Muhsin and his
brethren. All their deeds and actions are plain to see. Hájí Siyyid
Muhammad is also in collaboration with them. This humble servant
wrote a detailed account to Hájí Mírzá Muhammad-Taqi and Hájí
Mírzá Aqa in Yazd. In response, they wrote a most informed reply,
expressing their own frustrations and complaining about the situation
[of these brothers]. However, you must not let yourselves be
discouraged by their activities. The Blessed Beauty, may my soul and
177
Reference to Siyyid Àlí and his brothers.
178
This suggests that early steps for the expulsion of Siyyid Àlì had been initiated by Bahářuřlláh and
later confirmed during the ministry of Àbduřl-Bahá.
179
Reference to the marriage of Furughiyyih and Siyyid Àlí Afnán.
180
The Afnán-i-Kabir.

every other spirit be a sacrifice to the dust of His Shrine, has closed
the door on them from all directions. No matter how openly they
manifest their evil nature, the noble character of the other [Afnán]
family members will be more evident. Under all conditions, you
must remain tranquil.
Third Pilgrimage: 1898
My late brother, Hájí Mírzá Buzúrg, and I [lived] in Cairo while our late
father remained in Shiraz. Months and days went by, each filled with
priceless, yet momentous and pregnant, events. A year and a half passed in
this way, from the time the goings of the believers to the Holy Land had
increased somewhat and the intensity of the calamities and upheavals had
subsided to some extent.
When petitions intended for the Holy Land were received, I immediately
submitted them to the presence of Àbduřl-Bahá. They were not delayed in
Port Said with Áqá Ahmad [Yazdi], as was done previously. The sun of the
Covenant and its life-giving rays shone very brightly, and these ephemeral
servants sent supplications to the blessed presence of the Master freqently
and also corresponded with each other. We also corresponded with the
honored [Siyyid Muhammad-Taqi] Manshadi and Áqá Rida [Qannad-i-
Shirazi]. Whenever supplications were received from our late father, these
were forwarded at once to the threshold of Àbduřl-Bahá as well.
Toward the beginning of 1316 A.H.181, we sought permission to attain His

Holy presence for a second time. Our request was readily accepted and we
were invited to the Holy Land. On this journey, we were accompanied by
the honored Shaykh Salman, who had been the courier of the Merciful, the
late Àlí Aqay-i-Khayyat [the tailor] Shirazi and several believers from
Sarvistan and Shiraz. There was also Áqá Mìrzá Ìnayatuřllah Isfahani 182,
who I remember fondly, but I havenřt known his whereabouts for many
years.
With incredible joy and felicity, we left Port Said. The extent of our bliss
none can fathom except God. He alone knows the profound heavenly
ecstasy that overwhelms the heart of pilgrims. In truth, you lose all
consciousness and find yourself in a flower-filled paradise of happiness,
intoxicated with the breezes of spirituality and fragrances of bliss Ŕ the very
thought of which is well nigh impossible.
We arrived in Àkká and beheld the Holy Land. When I attained the
presence of the Master, my unworthy eyes were illumined once more by the
beauty and divine radiance of the Center of the Covenant. My whole being
181
Circa summer 1898
182
He was a merchant. He lived in Haifa into the ministry of Shoghi Effendi and returned to Iran,
where he passed away.

was spellbound by His sweet and soul-stirring melodies. By now, the tumult
of the Covenant-breakers had subsided somewhat and was not as evident as
it was before. The majestic station of Àbduřl-Bahá and His august
sovereignty had humbled the necks of the skeptics and reduced the evil of
the mischief-makers. Now, everyone, such as the Mufti183, the Qadi [the
judge] and other influential members of society, clearly saw how Mírzá
Muhammad-Àlí was enveloped in the wrath of God. No matter what he
planned, only he was caught in his web of intrigues. It was an amazing
scene and in no way comparable to our previous pilgrimage after the
ascension of Bahářuřlláh. Then the violators of the Covenant associated
closely with the believers. Now there was a complete break and the
foundation of discord and division uprooted. Those here and there who had
tried to betray the Cause were now well known and it was clear to pilgrims
who they could associate with. Àbduřl-Bahá was devoting most of His time
to revealing Divine Verses and meeting with the friends.
One day in an afternoon, a large number of resident believers, pilgrims,

friends and non-Bahářìs were gathered in the biruni [the outer apartment] of
the Masterřs house. He was engaged in revealing the Lawh-i-Nuh-Shařn
[The Tablet of Nine Modes]. The Mufti of Àkká was sitting next to the
Master. He was a man of remarkable qualities. He had a pleasant nature and
was deeply devoted to Àbduřl-Bahá; he was sitting next to the Master. Next
to him was the Qadi of the city of Àkka, and seated after him was the
Mutasarrif184 of the city. The Master was busy revealing verses. His pen
moved extremely rapidly across the page. Meanwhile, He was conversing
with the Iranian believers in Persian, with the Mufti and the Qadi in Arabic
and with the Mutasarrif and several of the Pashas in Turkish. All the while
His pen never stopped moving. The divine spirit had enveloped the
atmosphere and anyone who ventured a question was favored with an
answer until that blessed Tablet was completed and Àbduřl-Bahá sat the
pen down.
Thereupon the Mufti implored the Master to read what He had written.
However, [Àbduřl-Bahá] responded, ŖMufti Effendi, this letter is an answer
to a letter from one of My close friends. As such, it is not possible for Me to
comply with your request.ŗ The Mufti asked for a second time and the
response was, ŖYou are asking for a difficult thing.ŗ Again, the Mufti
insisted, ŖAll the dwellers on earth are close friends of the Effendi and Your
blessed Person considers them all in the same light.ŗ The Master [still not
wishing to read the Tablet] answered, ŖBut portions of what has been
written are in Persian, while other segments are in Turkish; not everyone
183
In Islamic law, the mufti is the trained jurist who writes opinions (fatwa) on legal subjects for
private clients, or assists judges in deciding cases. Only fatwas given in the areas of marriage, divorce and
inheritance make binding precedents. Fatwas on other subjects may be set aside. In the Ottoman Empire, the
muftis were state officials, responsible also for civil administration at a given level. The mufti of Istanbul was the
highest of these. The British retained the institution in some Muslim areas under their control. They gave the office
of Hussayni, the grand mufti of Jerusalem, great political importance.
184
The highest ranking provincial military commander.

will understand.ŗ The Mufti replied, ŖThe Qadi Effendi knows Turkish and
others speak Persian.ŗ Eventually, he beseeched the Master in the name of
the Blessed Beauty and insisted so much that Àbduřl-Bahá consented and
read the first three Modes, which were revealed in Arabic. With extreme
humility, the Mufti asked the Master to continue and He recited the whole of
Tablet.
God knows that every time I think of that magnificent day, my entire being
trembles with wonder and joy. After Àbduřl-Bahá had finished reciting the
Tablet, the Mufti patted the Qadi on the hand, saying in Arabic, ŖDid you
understand? Did you understand? Do you now see that the Effendiřs
knowledge is innate and ours is acquired? I have studied the science of
religious jurisprudence and the doctrines of faith and its laws at the Al-
Azhar University, which has allowed me to gain an ijtihad and I am now the
Mufti of Àkka. Likewise, you have studied in the various schools of
Istanbul and Egypt and acquired the advanced degrees bestowed upon you
by others learned in the field of law. And, after much exertion, you have
become the Qadi. The Mutasarrif Pasha also started as a soldier in the
service of the government, participating in many battles and campaigns.
Today, he has risen to the office of chief command and been confirmed as
the Mutasarrif of Àkka. As such, our attainments are acquired, whereas the
Effendi has never studied in a school, nor has He received tuition from
anyone. The knowledge He possesses is God-given and most extraordinary.
The source of His innate erudition is God and its origin the fount of the
invisible world.ŗ
That day, we realized that the Qadi had been antagonistic towards the Faith
and that the Mufti was an honorable man and deeply devoted to Àbduřl-
Bahá. His purpose in being so bold in the presence of the Master had been
to impress upon the Qadi the innate character of the Masterřs knowledge.
In short, those were wonderful days. Previously, this same Mufti had taken
ill and was sent to Beirut for treatment. Àbduřl-Bahá wrote to Áqá
Muhammad-Mustafa Baghdadi185 urging him [to look after this man].
Baghdadi received the Mufti with the utmost compassion and consideration.
He housed him in his own home, arranged for all his medical treatment and
saw him through to a full recovery.
One morning, during the first days of our arrival in the Holy Land, the
Master called one of the resident believers and me, informing us, ŖThis
morning I want to visit the Mufti, who has recently returned [to Àkka].ŗ We
followed in attendance. Àbduřl-Bahá reached the entrance to the Muftiřs
home and called out, ŖMufti, where are you?ŗ [The Mufti] immediately ran
out to throw himself in prostration at Àbduřl-Bahářs feet. Àbduřl-Bahá
185
A son of Hájí Muhammad-Shibl. He and his father accompanied Tahirih on her return to Iran from
the Àtabat. He resided in Beirut and served the Faith as the focal point of communications with the Holy Land.

prevented the Muftí and, instead, raised him and kissed his face as He
entered the room. We followed inside as well. That day [as a sign of
respect,] the Muftì would not sit in the Masterřs presence and stood by the
threshold of the room.
After Àbduřl-Bahá insisted several times that he should sit, he finally sat on
a chair at the lowest part of the room [by the entrance]. Addressing those
present, the Muftì said, ŖGentlemen of Haifa and Àkká! You have come to
visit me and inquire about my health. I have been granted a new life through
a favor bestowed on me by [Àbbás] Effendi. He wrote a few lines to one of
His subjects in Beirut asking him to accept me and care for me. As a result,
despite my being a total stranger and unknown to them, I was received by
that family with such warm hospitality. I have never experienced [anything
like it before], even at the hand of my own children and kinsmen!ŗ In short,
it is impossible to describe his expressions of appreciation and gratitude and
the way that all those present showed humility and submissiveness before
the Master.
On another occasion, we were in the presence of Àbduřl-Bahá when one of

the Turkish Pashas arrived to visit Him as well. He spoke Persian in a sweet
manner and was very knowledgeable about Persian literature. He was also
profoundly devoted to the Master and loved Him dearly. As a token of his
affection, the Pasha said, ŖNo words can adequately express our thanks to
the Iranian monarch, or the government, and the people of that land for
exiling with their own hands this priceless Treasure, the blessed Person [of
Àbduřl-Bahá], and sending Him to our land. What extraordinary bliss and
exhilaration has surrounded us and how truly we pride ourselves in this
stupendous blessing! As the Shaykh-i-Shirazi186 has written:
The candle must be removed from home and extinguished,

so neighbors remain unaware that thou art among us.ŗ
Àbduřl-Bahá smiled and replied in verse:
In fear of rivals, quenching the candle is of what use?

when the radiance of thy beauty tells that thou art hither.
Surely, in whatever world the spirit of Sa`di is dwelling, he must have been
filled with pride and ecstasy!
Among the events that I remember vividly from this journey is the
following. One day, Àbduřl-Bahá spoke of His Holiness the Primal Point,
referring to the ways He conducted His business transactions as a merchant
and associated with people. He related:
186
A reference to Sa`di, one of the foremost literary figures in Iranian history.

During the time that His Holiness the Exalted One lived in Bushihr
and was in the trading business, a few merchants bought some
Prussian blue dye from His blessed Person. When their negotiations
were over, the goods were delivered to their office and the time came
to settle the account. But they abandoned their agreement and began
bargaining anew. This was the practice of the merchants in Bushihr
in former days. When the transaction was concluded, the buyer
would dismiss the contract and begin renegotiating, in order to get a
better price or a discount. Consequently, the merchants reneged on
the price. However, His Holiness did not agree to it. They persisted,
but He responded, ŖOur negotiations were completed. If you do not
want to buy [the goods], cancel the contract altogether.ŗ No matter
how hard they tried, their plea was not accepted. The Báb told them,
ŖI will arrange for the blue dye to be brought back from your office.ŗ
They replied, ŖBut then our credit will be ruined among the merchant
community!ŗ ŖWe have concluded the transaction and made a
contract,ŗ the Báb responded. ŖWhether the terms are favorable or
disagreeable, you must now pay the full sum.ŗ ŖBut it is the custom
of the realm,ŗ they said. To which He replied, ŖSoon many of these
ignoble customs will be changed.ŗ
The Báb did not give in and eventually the Prussian blue dyes were
brought back to His office. After a while though, one of the uncles of
the Báb arrived in Bushihr and the merchants complained to him,
ŖYour Nephew has thoroughly ruined our credit and you must advise
Him to be more considerate in dealing with us.ŗ The uncle of the Báb
reported the matter to the Latter, Who replied, ŖEven now, if they
wanted to conclude an agreement and then abandon it, I would not
agree to it.ŗ
On that occasion, the blessed Person of Àbduřl-Bahá noted, ŖThe ways of

His Holiness the Báb in Bushihr caused many of the old and sterile
traditions to be changed.ŗ
Àbduřl-Bahá also related:
One day in Baghdad, very early in the morning, Mullá Baqir, one of
the Letters of the Living, attained the presence of Bahářuřlláh. He
asked him, ŖWhat were you doing last evening?ŗ ŖI was reading the
Ahsanuřl-Qisas187,ŗ he replied. Bahářuřlláh queried further, ŖHow
much did you read?ŗ and he replied, ŖI read several chapters of the
Ahsanuřl-Qisas.ŗ Then He asked, ŖWhat did you understand [of it]?ŗ
187
The Bábřs Qayyumuřl-Asma is a commentary on the Surih of Joseph of the Quran, where the story
of Joseph is referred to as the ŖBest of the Stories,ŗ (Qurřan 12:3). The commentary of the Báb is typically referred
to by the same title. The Báb. ŖExcerpts from the Qayyúmuřl-Asmářŗ In Selections from the Writings of the Báb.
Compiled by the Research Department of the Universal House of Justice and translated by Habíb Taherzadeh.
Haifa: Bahářì World Centre, 1976.

In a state of extreme joy and ecstasy, Mulla Baqir whirled as mystics

are wont to do, snapped his fingers in rapture and replied, ŖEvery
word announces, ŘI long for My Beloved!řŗ188
That day the Master was extremely cheerful and happy and bestowed upon
us His infinite generosity and benevolence.
{One day my brother, Hájì Mìrzá Buzurg, and I accompanied Àbduřl-Bahá

in His carriage from Haifa to Àkka. Àbduřl-Bahá sat in the front next to
the driver and we sat in the back of the carriage. It was raining gently and
the sea was turbulent. Occasionally, the drops of rain sprayed the carriage
and Àbduřl-Bahá was whispering this verse:
Gentle sprinkles are joy for the drunkard,

Divine absolution is bliss for the sinner.
A few strands of Àbduřl-Bahářs hair had fallen on His blessed shoulders, so

I gathered them very gently from behind. Now they are kept in the Archives
of the House of the Báb in Shiraz.}189
On this trip, we were honored to stay for only a short time - perhaps two
weeks. When it was time for us to leave, Àbduřl-Bahá said, ŖI have
summoned your father and he will arrive soon. At that time, you will attain
Our presence once again, in his company. For now, return to Port Said and
keep working at your business.ŗ
As instructed by the Master, we returned and continued our commercial

activities in Port Said and Cairo as before. Eventually, because of
accounting improprieties in the Ruhaniyyih Company190, Àbduřl-Bahá sent
a message [instructing us to] write to our father and tell him, ŖYour accounts
and business transactions have become entangled like a hairball. It is
imperative that you return in order to fix the problem.ŗ In accordance with
the Masterřs direction, we wrote to Shiraz and told our father the exact
message of Àbduřl-Bahá. Along with it, we forwarded a Tablet revealed in
our fatherřs name.191
188
The Báb had told Mulla Baqir that he would attain the presence of the Promised One of the Bayan.
For details of his historic mission on behalf of the Báb, see The Dawn-breakers, pp. 504-6. Tarikh Zuhuruřl-Haqq
5:5 notes the following extract from a treatise of Mulla Baqir addressed to Yahya Azal: ŖHis Holiness the Báb
placed all the Mirrors, Witnesses and believers under the command of the Letters of the Living. Therefore, you
and those like you, who claim the station of Mirrorship, must obey my behest. Now I testify and confess that the
promised ŘHim Whom God shall make manifestř in the Bayan and the One lauded in the Tablet revealed in my
honor has indeed been made manifest. Since I [received] that assurance from the Báb, I have attained unto His
august presence. And you too, as you are under my shadow, must recognize Him and believe in Him.ŗ
189
The bracketed section is based on notes kept by Hasan Afnán. Mírzá Habíb intended for them to be
inserted at this point. (private communications, August 1991)
190
Shirkat-i-Ruhaniyyih was formed in 1305 A.H./1887 in Cairo through the association of Núriřd-Dín,
Hájí Mírzá Hasan-i-Khurasani, Hájí Muhammad-i-Yazdi, Áqá Siyyid Aqay-i-Afnán, and Hájì Àbduřl-Karim-i-
Tihrani. The company was dissolved in 1311 A.H./1893.
191
In a Tablet (INBMC 52:302-4, no. 345) to Núriřd-Dìn, Àbduřl-Bahá says that He reviewed the
accounts of the company and concluded that the partners had committed improprieties and owed money to Núriřd-

{Sh[iraz]. The illustrious Afnán of the sacred Lote-Tree, the honored

Áqá Mírzá Aqa, upon him rest the Glory of God, the Most Glorious.
He is God.
O thou distinguished offshoot of the sacred Lote-Tree! A while ago,

the illustrious Afnáns192, upon both be the Glory of God, the Most
Glorious, were summoned and they arrived in the Holy Land. It so
happened that, during those days, this servant was surrounded with a
multitude of troubles, to the point that night and day were
indistinguishable, and [I was] unable to see fully to their comfort and
felicity.
The Holy Land is tumultuous beyond description. Only the

constancy and tenacity of this servant and the resoluteness of the
steadfast friends have preserved us. Given that the agents of troubles
and difficulties are at the ready in all directions, I worried that further
hardships and adversities would lead to other trials. Accordingly, it
was considered wise not to entangle them in these matters and to
send them to Egypt to wait until word was received from you.
In short, the affairs of that honored person and your sons cannot be
resolved without your presence. I have written previously about this.
I wrote about the steadfastness and firmness of the friends of God,

and their devotion and attachment to the Covenant and Testament. It
is evident that, should the whole earth arise to disturb even slightly
the faith of those who believe in God and have certitude in His divine
Verses, they would utterly fail. This is because these souls have
quaffed from the chalice of favors, seek naught but the celestial
fragrances and are attracted to nothing but the divine effulgence.
Upon thee rest the Glory of God.
Convey my warmest greetings to the sacred leaf, your honored wife,

and assure all the friends of my deep love. The Glory of God rest
upon all.
Àbduřl-Bahá, Àbbas.}193
My father left Shiraz on Rabiùřl-Avval 1316 A.H. [July 1898] and arrived
in Port Said on Rabiùřth-Thani [August 1898]. Since he had told us when
Dìn. Further, the Master encouraged Núriřd-Dín to separate himself from this partnership and move his sons,
Mírzá Buzurg and Mírzá Habíb, to Beirut.
192
Presumably, a reference to Mírzá Habíb and Mírzá Buzurg.
193
INBMC 52:282-3 no. 334. This Tablet has been added to the memoirs at the request of Abúřl-Qásim
Afnán, who believes his father wanted it included.

he was due to arrive, we traveled from Cairo to Port Said and made the
arrangements for his landing and stay. He arrived with my mother, my
youngest and late brother, Mìrzá Diyař, and our sister, Tuba Khánum.
Without contacting his business partners, he instructed my brother, Hájí
Mírzá Buzurg, and I to establish a separate office in Port Said. Given that
we were thoroughly fluent in Arabic and Italian, we did not need any
assistance in seeing to the needs of the business.
Fourth Pilgrimage: 1898
After receiving permission from the presence of Àbduřl-Bahá, we left with

our father for the abode of the Beloved in the month of Jamádìyuřl-Avval
[September 1898]. When we arrived, we attained Àbduřl-Bahářs sacred
presence, and received His many favors and were showered with His love
and generosity. A house next to the Masterřs residence was prepared for our
stay and, each day, we were able to benefit from His blessed utterances.
The Remains of the Báb
One day, several elders among the resident believers were in the presence of
Àbduřl-Bahá when He informed us, ŖCertain [good] news has been
received from Iran. If divulged, the old would dance with joy. But the time
for its announcement has not yet arrived.ŗ The illustrious Zaynuřl-
Muqarrabin and the honored [Hájí] Mírzá Haydar-Àlí, who were present,
asked, ŖIs the time for proclaiming this good news near?ŗ Àbduřl-Bahá
answered, ŖGod willing.ŗ
During the following week, Àbduřl-Bahá informed us, ŖThe good news
that I had promised is this: the sacred remains of the Exalted Báb have
safely left the soil of Iran and just arrived in the Ottoman land. They are
now completely out of danger.194 After 50 years, what the Blessed Beauty
promised has come to pass. In gratitude for this most great divine blessing,
lives must be sacrificed! Soon will the effulgence of the Shrine of the Báb
attract the attention of the denizens of the world and the blessed prophecies
of Bahářuřlláh will be clearly fulfilled.195ŗ
On that occasion, Àbdul-Bahařs blessed countenance beamed with joy and

excitement. Truly, all the friends were deeply affected by this radiance and
were in a state of utmost ecstasy and rapture. Àbduřl-Bahá spontaneously
and repeatedly kept reciting this verse:
194
Shoghi Effendi notes that the remains of the Báb arrived in the Holy Land a short while later, on 31
January 1899; see Shoghi Effendi. God Passes By. New ed. Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1974; [1999], p.
274.
195
For Bahářuřlláhřs instructions regarding the building of the Shrine of the Báb and the development
of the Bahářì administrative nucleus on Mount Carmel, see Bahářuřlláh. ŖLawh-i-Kármil (Tablet of Carmel).ŗ In
Tablets of Bahářuřlláh Revealed after the Kitáb-i-Aqdas. Pp. 1-5.For a history of the remains of the Báb, see
Rabbani, Ahang. ŖEfforts to Preserve the Remains of the Báb: Four Historical Accounts.ŗ Bahářì Studies Review,
vol. 11, (2003), pp. 83-95.

Nayriz burneth with fever,

and my sorrow-filled heart sheddeth blood,
How consumed my soul is,

of what Adharbayjan hath wrought.196
Meeting with Siyyid Àlí
During this period, the violators of the Covenant were not quiet. From one
corner or another, each tried to spread intrigue through various means.
However, unlike the past, far fewer of the friends were gullible and taken in
by their vague promises and innuendoes.
Siyyid Àlíy-i-Afnán was informed of my fatherřs arrival and sent a

message saying he wanted to visit him. After my father consulted with the
Master and received His permission, Siyyid Àlí came to visit. At the start of
the conversation, even before the customary exchange of pleasantries, he
launched into a complaint and began listing grievances against me. He said,
ŖMírzá Habíb has acted presumptuously towards my brother, Siyyid Mírzá.
He has said to him, ŘBecause of your actions, I have to cut off my relations
with you!ř During his previous visits to the Holy Land, he has acted most
disrespectfully [towards me], as if I was his most determined enemy or had
committed a shameful act! Such base behaviors are the antithesis of the
Bahářì qualities we must possess. You must admonish him to stop this
contemptible conduct and these repulsive deeds. Bahářuřlláh has stated,
ŘHenceforth everyone ... should refrain from ... whatever causeth sadness in
men.ř197 I also have a complaint against your own self. I have written
several letters and messages to you, and have forwarded a number of tablets
penned by the Ghusn-i-Akbar198, which have all gone unanswered.ŗ
My father knew him and his family well. This was not only because they
were first cousins and had corresponded during the lifetime of Khadíjih
Bagum, but because for some ten years my father had been a business
partner of Siyyid Mírzá in Bombay. In addition, he was thoroughly familiar
with their recent deeds and Covenant-breaking activities. At the same time,
my father was extremely intense, law-abiding, and hot-tempered when it
came to the affairs of the Faith and its protection.
I noticed that my fatherřs face was flushed with anger over this manřs
hypocritical ways and I feared that, at any moment, they would end up in a
heated quarrel. Therefore, I intervened by gesturing for my father to remain
196
A decade later, in Naw-Ruz 1909, simultaneous with the interment of the remains of the Báb on
Mount Carmel, 19 believers were martyred in Nayriz and, as such, Àbduřl-Bahářs prophecy that such a sacred act
required sacrifice came to pass. See In the Land of Refuge, Chapter 16.
197
Tablets of Bahářuřlláh, pp. 219-220
198
The Great Branch, a title of Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí.

calm. After [taking] a few minutes to compose himself, my father began to

answer him. First, he recited from memory the whole of the Will and
Testament of Bahářuřlláh. Then he opened the Kitab-i-Aqdas and recited a
number of verses from it. He followed this with recollections of what he had
seen or heard during the days of Bahářuřlláh. Siyyid Àlì confirmed all that
he heard, but would surreptitiously add, ŖThere is no need for a mujtahid in
the Faith. God has rendered everyone capable of discernment.199ŗ
When my father finished, Siyyid Àlí endeavored to expand on his own

false views. However, my father cut him short and interjected, ŖWhat you
have related concerning Habìbřuřllahřs impoliteness towards Siyyid Mìrzá
is unknown to me. As such, I have no opinion on the matter.ŗ At this point, I
ventured to explain to my father: ŖOne day in Egypt, Siyyid Mìrzá came to
our office and asked after you. I did not reply and occupied myself with
some work. Several times he asked, ŘWhere is my cousin?ř ŘWhose cousin?ř
I finally replied contemptuously. ŘMy cousin,ř he said. I answered, ŘMy
father is not your cousin, since your connection was spiritual and that bond
is now broken.ř He started shouting, ŘMy son Àbduřl-Husayn writes that
should I, as a violator of the Covenant, go to Yazd, he would not admit me
to his house.ř I laughed and answered, ŘIf truth be known, Àbduřl-Husayn
is not your son; his father is the Holy Spirit.ř After that, I did not pay him
any further attention. This was the sum total of my rudeness towards him.200
And, as for not visiting Siyyid Àlí during my pilgrimages to the Holy Land,
in all my previous journeys, he lived in the Mansion [of Bahji] and was
always a close confidant and an intimate companion of Mírzá Muhammad-
Àlí. I, therefore, broke off all connection with him. Moreover, I cannot
fathom how it is that Áqá Siyyid Àlí is so intimately familiar with the verse
[of the Kitab-i-Àhdi], ŘHenceforth everyone ... should refrain from slander,
abuse and whatever causeth sadness in men,ř but has conveniently forgotten
the verse, Ř...turn your faces toward Him Whom God hath purposed, Who
199
A strategy of the Covenant-breakers was to undermine Àbduřl-Bahářs station by suggesting that
Bahářuřlláhřs Texts were clear and everyone could adequately understand them without the need for an
authoritative interpreter. For a similar situation in Islam that led to divisions, see Chapter 2 above. It is also
referred to by Àbduřl-Bahá in the following Tablet (INBMC 52:304-5 no. 345): ŖIn this day, should a person pay
attention to the insinuations of the doubters by a needleřs eye, of a certainty he would fall, in such wise that there
would be no remedy. Among the sayings of such insidious people is their claim that, ŘOne must return to the
Divine Verses and deduce for oneself.ř By this they mean to suggest, ŘAll are able to discern what they need and
no Interpreter is required.ř Consider how their claim can truly weaken the Cause of God and how it will bring
about divisions and differences. Even though the Book of the divine Covenant is evident and the appointed
Interpreter stands manifest, yet such things are spoken. This manner of reasoning was first proposed by Ùmar at
the time when the Messenger of God, may the spirit of all be a sacrifice unto Him, was on His death bed. He said,
ŘBring me a pen and paper.ř Ùmar responded, ŘDo not give Him writing papers as He is delirious,ř and then he
added, ŘSufficient unto us is the Book of God.ř Now that same saying of Ùmar has been changed into, ŘGod has
created all competent of discernment. Read the Writings.ř By this they mean to imply, ŘDo not ask the Interpreter
and do not pay attention to His words. Seeking His good-pleasure and following His instructions and example are
not necessary. Be your own judge.ř Their purpose is naught but to turn all against the Covenant and the
Testament.ŗ
200
In a Tablet to Núriřd-Dìn (INBMC 52:307 no. 347), Àbduřl-Bahá speaks very critically about
Siyyid Mírzá and states that everything he has written should be considered lies and calumnies. He also says that
Siyyid Mírzá is beyond all guidance, admonishment or reasoning and such efforts are fruitless. He traces Siyyid
Mìrzářs rebellion to the time of Bahářuřlláh, when the Latter emphatically forbade him from using opium and yet
he refused to obey.

hath branched from this Ancient Root. The object of this sacred Verse is
none other except the Most Mighty Branch.ř201ŗ
Addressing Siyyid Àlì, I further added, ŖNot only have we, who are
outwardly blood-relations, severed all ties with you, but rest assured that all
faithful believers and those remaining firm in the Covenant of God will do
likewise and disassociate from you. If you want to receive the same
consideration as before, then you must go before Àbdul-Bahařs blessed
threshold and, with great sincerity and absolute truthfulness, repent [your
misdeeds]. You must seize the hem of His garment and implore His
forgiveness. If the Head of the Faith accepts you, then count us among your
lowliest servants. Otherwise, it is best for you to take your leave.ŗ
My father never thought that I could speak with such force, vigor and
resolution. I said all that he had wanted to say, and he was elated and praised
[me] aloud, ŖWell said!ŗ ŖHe got his answer from me,ŗ I replied. My father
went on to tell him, ŖTwo years ago, the news of the Covenant-breaking of
Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí and others reached us in Shiraz through Mírzá
Habìbuřllah and Mìrzá Buzurg. Ever since, I have sent all your
communications, and those received from your comrades, unopened to the
presence of the Center of the Covenant. As soon as I saw that a particular
communication was from you or your associates, without even opening the
envelope, I would send it to the presence of the Master.ŗSiyyid Àlí grew
very agitated and apprehensive by this discussion. Now he could plainly see
that all his plans had come to nothing and had had no effect on us. My father
added further, ŖMullá Husayn-Àlíy-i-Jahrumi202 had also written and I have
also destroyed his letter.ŗ
This was our first and last meeting.
My late father related what happened to the presence of Àbdul-Baha. After

showering us with His infinite favors and kindness, He stated, ŖFrom this
one incident, you can well imagine the hardship and injuries heaped upon
me and calculate the extent to which I must be occupied watching over the
friends and how, day and night, I must see to their spiritual health and other
needs.ŗ
The Company‟s Finances
After a few days, Àbduřl-Bahá appointed several of the friends to assess

the accounts of our commercial enterprise [the Ruhaniyyih Company]. This
investigation committee included the honored Áqá Mírzá Hadi, Áqá Mírzá
Muhsin, Áqá Mírzá Mahmud-i-Kashi, Áqá Mírzá Husayn-i-Hájí and Hájí
Sayyid Javad. After this committee had studied and examined the
201
Tablets of Bahářuřlláh, The Kitab-i-Àhdi, p. 221
202
He lived in Bombay and was a contact for Mírzá Muhammad-Àlí and other Covenant-breakers.

companyřs accounts and books for a few days, it concluded that our partners
had embezzled our fatherřs fortune and bankrupted his principal capital.
Through the late Muvaqqaruřd-Dawlih, my father had already obtained an

official writ from the office of the Iranian Prime Minister, instructing the
Iranian ambassador in Istanbul to order its consulate in Egypt to arrest the
Yazdi brothers203 in Cairo. This arrest warrant, which was written in an
extremely strong and unusual tone, went on to say that, if the Consulate
could not evaluate all the business books in Egypt, it should immediately
send these partners to Iran by way of Bombay for [criminal] prosecution.
The esteemed believers in charge of the investigation sent the report with
their findings to the sacred presence of the Master. One day, very early in
the morning, Àbduřl-Bahá came to our house. After bestowing His
immense favors and infinite consideration upon us, He addressed my father,
ŖThe gentlemen charged with investigating your accounts have completed
their task and forwarded their audit report. They have rendered their
decision thoroughly in your favor.204 What do you intend to do now?ŗ My
father immediately replied, ŖI have no will of my own and am wholly
resigned to Your instructions. Whatever You order, I shall obey instantly.ŗ
He then submitted the decree of the Iranian Prime Minister to the presence
of the Master.
Àbduřl-Bahá studied the royal writ. Putting His blessed hand on His
forehead, He stood there in deep thought for a full ten minutes. We were all
transfixed during His contemplation. He then lifted His blessed head and
addressed us aloud, ŖAccording to this writ, you can strip them of all their
possessions, but hearken to your qualities as an Afnán.ŗ205 [In immediate
obedience,] my late father moved to burn all the papers right there in the
presence of Àbduřl-Bahá, when the Master sternly forbade him, saying, ŖIf
you destroy these papers, then they can launch a counter suit. You must
preserve these papers.ŗ In the presence of Àbduřl-Bahá, my father
immediately placed all the papers in a box and nailed it secure and
instructed that none of us were to ever open that box. At the present time all
the books and papers are preserved in the same way that were assembled in
the presence of Àbduřl-Bahá and my father never complained about the
misconduct of our business partners Ŕ not even to us, his own sons. He
further wrote separately to each of the former partners and assured them that
from that point he had relinquished all claims against them.
203
For a Yazdi family tree, see Yazdi, Ali M. Blessings Beyond Measure: Recollections of Àbduřl-
Bahá and Shoghi Effendi. Wilmette, Ill.: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1988., p. xv.
204
In a Tablet (INBMC 52:303 no. 346), Àbduřl-Bahá confirms in writing that Núriřd-Dín had been
wronged by his partners and that he was owed the principal plus interest.
205
Àbduřl-Bahá was urging Núriřd-Dín to forego his claims and the criminal investigation against the
partners.

Return to Egypt
The abundance of the generosity of the Blessed Beauty and the infinite
benevolence of Àbduřl-Bahá has forever sustained these meek and helpless
souls. In the course of this journey, we were honored to remain in the Holy
Land for nearly a month and each day were graced with beholding the
countenance of the Beloved of all hearts, may my spirit be a sacrifice for
His favors, and were rendered joyous as we partook of His generosity and
loving-kindness.
After one month we were dismissed and commanded to proceed to Port Said
where we would start our business activities afresh.
Final Years in Egypt
In those days, we were thrilled every month to meet a group of pilgrims who
had returned from circumambulating the Most Sacred Court206. During that
period, Àbduřl-Bahá issued instructions that, under no circumstances, was
the Cause of God to be proclaimed or propagated in Egypt. The pilgrims
who came through Port Said were told when they arrived not to teach the
Cause and, if they were asked about the Faith, not to offer a response.
Ibrahim Effendi
We had become intimate friends with one of the natives of Port Said Ŕ an
extremely kind and spiritual man by the name of Ibrahim Effendi207. We
associated with each other freely and without any of the customary
ceremonies. On one occasion, a group of Yazdi and Hamadani pilgrims
arrived in Port Said on their way to the Holy Land and this group included
the honored Nush208. We had neglected to tell him [about the Masterřs
instructions] and that he was to conceal his destination.
One day, it so happened that Ibrahim Effendi was visiting us. With a few
Persian words he had recently learned, he ventured to ask about the purpose
of Jinab-i-Nushřs visit. ŖEach month,ŗ Ibrahim Effendi asked, Ŗa large group
of Iranians arrive at Port Said and leave here for an unknown destination. A
month later, that same group returns and another one leaves in its stead.
Where do they come from and what is their destination, and why do they
wait in Port Said?ŗ Without the least hesitation or effort to disguise his
purpose, the honored Nush began to teach him about the Faith. At this point,
I happened to enter the room and, realizing what was happening, motioned
the honored Nush to end the discussion. He immediately complied.
206
The Shrine of Bahářuřlláh
207
He served in the Egyptian Custom Office as an inspector.
208
A renowned Bahářì teacher from a Zoroastrian background.

At this moment, Ibrahim Effendi turned around and saw me standing

[there]. As such, he was deeply agitated. With tears streaming down his
face, he protested, ŖIndeed, you do not have any consideration for our deep
bonds of friendship. You possess such wonderful news and do not divulge
any of it. And when another one begins to share this truth, you prevent him
from continuing.ŗ I realized at that point that it was already too late and
hesitantly engaged him in a teaching discussion. After a few meetings, he
declared his belief in the blessed Faith and, consequently, became the first
native believer of Port Said. In a Tablet addressed to my late father, Àbduřl-
Bahá, may my life be a sacrifice for His gracious generosity, urged us to
show him every consideration.209
In short, this believer was greatly favored by Àbduřl-Bahá and, truth be

told, it was the honored Nush who taught him the Faith in the first instance.
After his recognition [of Bahářuřlláh], Ibrahim Effendi became a celestial

source of light and inflamed with the fire of the love of God. When it came
to propagating the Word of God or proclaiming the Cause, he could never
stay still and, putting aside all caution, would teach at every opportunity that
presented itself. Although many a time he was advised to be more prudent in
his ways, he could never conceal what burned within his soul.
Praise be God, he eventually had a family and his children are firm in their
faith and have become staunch believers. His oldest son is the honored Dr.
Bashir, who I have heard is the chairman of the Local Spiritual Assembly of
Alexandria. I met his second son, Fadluřllah, sometime ago in Iran, where
he lived for a while.
The First Western Pilgrims
One of the important events that took place in those days was the arrival of
the first contingent of American and European friends. They arrived in Port
Said to go on pilgrimage to the Shrine of Bahářuřlláh and attain the presence
of Àbduřl-Bahá. This happened in 1317 A.H. [1899]210. Nearly a month
before they arrived, my father received a Tablet revealed in his honor by
Àbduřl-Bahá, in which we were told the good news of the arrival of the
pilgrims from America. The Master instructed us to look after the needs of
209
Àbduřl-Bahá (INBMC 52:272-3, no. 322) mentions this in the following Tablet:The illustrious
Afnán of the sacred Lote-Tree, the distinguished offshoot Áqá Mírzá Aqa, upon him be the Glory of God, the
Most Glorious.He is God.The illustrious Afnán of the divine Lote-Tree! In accordance with the unconditioned
will: since the honored Ibrahim Effendi is among those who have newly entered the religion of God and have
arrived at the shore of the sea of oneness, his heart is illumined by the effulgence of Divine Guidance and his soul
verdant with the sweet fragrance of the paradise of the Lordřs benevolence. Therefore, you are to use every means
possible to increase his faith and spirituality and to multiply the fire of the love of God in his bosom. To be sure,
you are to ensure that he is contented and grateful.May glory and luster, praise and salutations be upon him and his
kinsmen. Verily, he is remembered in the hearts of the Holy Household and other friends.Àbduřl-Bahá. In peace.
210
According to Stockman, Robert H. The Bahářì Faith in America. Vol. 1, Origins, 1892-1900.
Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1985, 36-57, the first group of pilgrims arrived in the opening months of 1899.
The year 1317 A.H. corresponds with May 1899 to April 1900.

these friends while [they were] in Port Said. In His blessed Tablet, Àbdul-
Baha enjoined upon my father, ŖThe Western friends will arrive; provide
Eastern hospitality.ŗ211 In a later Tablet, the Master wrote, ŖWhen the
American believers arrive in that realm, show them every consideration and
greet them lovingly on my behalf. À À.ŗ212
In those days, Port Said was not developed much and there were no hotels.
Although there were a number of streets designed in square and
perpendicular fashion, very few houses had been built. Our residence was an
apartment on the second floor of a three-story building belonging to a Greek
man named Dimitri, who showed great respect towards my father. Our
business offices were on the first floor and we lived on the floor above
them. Dimitri and his wife lived on the third floor and, on the rooftop, there
were a few more rooms used mostly for storage and drying clothes. My
father asked me to meet with Dimitri and ask him to rent the rooftop rooms
for our use, so that we could let the western pilgrims occupy our own
apartment. I conveyed my fatherřs inquiry to him. As soon as he understood
his request, he responded, ŖGod forbid! My wife and I will move to those
rooms and your friends can stay in our apartment. And I will accept no
additional payment.ŗ No matter how much I insisted, it did no good. I went
to my father with the story and he said, ŖThis is all due to the sovereign will
of Àbduřl-Bahá, Who removes all obstacles.ŗ He then went to Dimitriřs
apartment and thanked him for his immense kindness.
We waited until the ship carrying the pilgrims arrived at the port. My father
instructed my two brothers and I, along with Áqá Nuruřllah Isfahani, who
worked in our office at the time, to go and welcome the visitors.
When [they arrived and] we saw each other, the sound of ŖAllah-u-Abhaŗ
was raised all throughout the Custom Office. And as we tenderly embraced
and kissed one another, tears of joy streamed from our eyes because this was
the first time that we had met Bahářìs from the western countries. They
numbered fifteen and came to our home.
211
The following is recorded in Ruřyáháy-i-Sádiqih, p. 32 (compiled by Mihrangiz Khursrawi):In 1898
when the late Mírzá Aqay-i-Afnán, surnamed Núriřd-Dín, was engaged in business in Port Said, he received a
cable from Àbduřl-Bahá, stating essentially, ŖPort Said. Nur. Western friends will arrive. Provide Eastern
hospitality.ŗ This telegram confirmed for the honored Núriřd-Dín a prediction of the Master made two years
earlier during His conversation with Hájí Muhammad-Ismaìl-i-Yazdi. That is, two years earlier, Àbduřl-Bahá
one day humorously said to the Hájì, ŖI had a dream and you must interpret it for me.ŗ The Hájì responded, ŖBut
how am to interpret my Masterřs dream?ŗ For the second time, in humor, Àbduřl-Bahá insisted that the Hájí was
to give the meaning of His dream, but the Hájí yet again kept his tongue. Thereupon, the Master related His
dream: ŖLast night the Ancient Beauty appeared in my dream and said, ŘI have guests that have never been here
before. I want you to receive them most befittingly.ř I related Bahářuřlláhřs command to the Greatest Holy Leaf.
Together, we went to the storage [area] and retrieved the set of fine china that the Khalřs son (that is, the honored
Hájí Mírzá Muhammad-Àlíy-i-Afnán) had sent from China and got it ready.ŗ After jesting with the Hájì some
more, Àbduřl-Bahá explained the meaning of the vision: ŖThe standard of the Faith has been raised in America. A
number in that country have embraced the Faith and will come here soon for pilgrimage to the Sacred Shrine of
Bahářuřlláh. These friends have never outwardly been here and will now come and share in this blessing.ŗIt was
only two years later that the Masterřs prophecy was fulfilled and the first group of American pilgrims, joined by
British and French Bahářìs, came by way of Europe to Palestine for Bahářì pilgrimage.
212
Postscript to the Tablet in INBMC 52:319 no. 356.

Without delay, my father telegraphed the Master informing Him of the

arrival of the [western] friends. Àbduřl-Bahá instructed that they be divided
in three groups of five. Each group was to leave for the Holy Land only
after the previous one had arrived back in Port Said.
I distinctly recall that, one day at lunchtime, Mrs. Lua Getsinger 213 (who
was accompanied on this journey by her husband, Dr. [Edward] Getsinger)
suddenly began to weep very loudly. We were amazed, and perplexed as to
what had caused her sadness and brought about this condition. After a few
minutes, with intense emotion, she said, ŖIf, at every moment, we were to
offer a thousand thanks at the threshold of the Blessed Beauty, it would not
suffice. See how the promises of the Bible and the prophecies of the New
Testament and all other Holy Books of the Divine Messengers have come to
pass. Consider how it has enabled the cobra to play with the babe, sparrow
to dwell in the same nest as the hawk, and the bloodthirsty wolf to graze the
same pasture as the lamb.214 Where is the discerning eye and the hearing
ear? Consider how each of us is from a different race, religious background
or nationality. And yet, with utmost peace and affection, we have come
together under the shadow of Godřs Sacred Tree, dwell within the tabernacle
of unity raised by the Blessed Beauty and sit at the same table spread in the
name of oneness. I am from America and of Christian background, while
you are Iranian and of Jewish, Zoroastrian or Shiàh backgrounds 215, and
still this Ibrahim Effendi is Egyptian and of Sunni descent. And consider
how, because of our divers backgrounds, we are supposed to be ready to
shed each otherřs blood and to try to destroy one another; and yet, the Word
of God has healed our hearts. This is none other than the miracle of the
teachings of Bahářuřlláh and the result of His regenerative and life-giving
revelation.ŗ
We spent many wonderful hours and days in the presence of these western
pilgrims until, eventually, the preparation for their journey was complete.
After their visit to the Holy Land, with spirits brimming with affection and
enamoured with love for the Master, they returned to Egypt. Truly, they
were made a new creation, each the essence of joy and felicity, yearning to
teach the Faith of God day and night. In such condition, they returned to
their homeland. Dr. Getsinger gave my father his own photograph, which is
now kept safe with my fatherřs papers. Later they sent photographs taken in
the presence of the illustrious [Mìrzá] Abuřl-Fadl and Hájì Àbduřl-Karim-i-
Tihrani216.
213
See Sears, William and Robert Quigley. The Flame. Oxford: George Ronald, 1972.; and Metelmann,
Velda Piff. Lua Gestinger: Herald of the Covenant. Oxford: George Ronald, 1997.
214
For the Biblical prophecies, see the Book of Isaiah, chapter 11.
215
Parenthetically, Mìrzá Habìb adds: ŖAt that time, other Iranian and Indian pilgrims from Jewish and
Zoroastrian backgrounds were also present and were waiting for a sea vessel to take them to the Holy Land.ŗ
216
At Àbduřl-Bahářs instruction, he had gone to Chicago to encourage and deepen the believers.

One of the other ladies who came on pilgrimage was Miss Sarah Farmer,
with whom my brother, Hájí Mírzá Buzurg, remained in communication
over the years.217 I should note that, in addition to Miss Farmer, Hájí Mírzá
Buzurg was in constant contact with a number of other western friends until
the end of his life.
Several Tablets were revealed by Àbduřl-Bahá in honor of my father, Áqá

Mírzá Aqa, about meeting with the western believers. It was revealed,
ŖConcerning the other matter, the consideration you have shown to the
American visitors has brought immense joy and felicity to my heart. Naught
short of this is to be expected of your exalted station.ŗ218 At the conclusion
of the same Tablet, the Master writes, ŖHowever, about your return to your
beloved land, I had wanted you to remain in these parts [that is, near to the
Holy Land] and for the affairs [of the Cause] to pivot round the desired
goals. In this way, you could shoulder some of Àbduřl-Bahářs hardships,
even if you are in that region - much like your efforts during the visit of the
American ladies.ŗ
Departure from Egypt
For two years, affairs passed in this way. During this time, certain
communications arrived from Shiraz that worried the Master and brought
concern to His pure heart. In a Tablet addressed to my father in Port Said,
Àbduřl-Bahá wrote:
... You had written regarding the blessed Threshold of the Sacred
House [of the Báb] Ŕ may my soul be a sacrifice unto its dust. From
the letters arriving here, we continually hear the supplication of that
sacred city. Were I to expand on the details, it would surely bring
sadness and sorrow to that honored person and be a source of
217
The following is the text of the first letter that Mírzá Buzurg received from Miss Farmer (private
communications from Abúřl-Qásim Afnán, May 1992):Hotel Chateau-Durieux et des AnglaisAix-lex-Bains,
France July 24th, 1900 To: Mírzá Bozorg Afnán Dear Brother in the Truth:Your kind letter was most gladly
received. Miss Wilson and I both had desired to write and thank you for all the very generous way in which you
had received and cared for us, but we waited to learn first from you the address to which to send it Ŕ you
remember you promised it to us.When it did come, it found me recovering from a serious attack of Roman fever. I
am much better but am not permitted to write much yet. Consequently I have much time to think of you all and
pray for you, which I do constantly.God was so good to open the doors of His Holy Temple to us, to permit us to
come into the presence of our blessed Lord (Rouhi fedah) and to visit the Sacred Tomb that life itself will not be
long enough to pour forth our praise and thanksgiving. Miss Wilson and I spend our time reviewing the scenes
through which we have passed and the teaching which we have received, meanwhile studying the Old and New
Testaments and the Koran. It is a continual feast and we permit nothing to draw us away. We have the opportunity
also to unfold the Truth to hungry souls whom we meet, one, a Swedenborgian, confirmed it from the mouth of the
Swedish seer, who proclaimed that the next and the fullest revelation of God would be found in Persia and would
harmonize all that is true in all other scriptures.I could write for hours but must not. Keep on with your English. If
you desire it, I will help you by correspondence and point out any little mistakes which happen to come in. Miss
Wilson and I desire to be remembered to all the believers in Port Said, but especially to the dear mother and the
other members of your family. We shall never forget your loving-kindness to those who were strangers after the
flesh but who in the blessed Spirit are and always will be one with you! We rejoice in the inestimable privilege
you are all enjoying in the presence of our blessed Lord to whom be glory forever!With all good wishes,Your
sister in the Faith, Sarah J. Farmer
218
The full text is in INBMC 52:308 no. 347.

anguish. However, the intent is this: that Threshold is more important

than Àbduřl-Bahářs soul. From this, you can see how cherished and
venerated that House should be regarded. Therefore, your honored
person must take on this important task in such a way that it will
enthrall the spirit of Àbduřl-Bahá and bring it gladness. I swear by
the blessed Spirit of that Sanctified Being, that Sun of Reality and
Lord of the House Ŕ may my spirit, my essence and my whole being
be a sacrifice unto His dust! It is the ultimate desire of my heart and
soul that I may attain that hallowed dust and sweep that Threshold
with my eyelashes. Therefore, the honored Diyař Effendi should be
sent to sanctify that Threshold of Sanctity and serve that Spot on my
behalf.219
Several more Tablets on the same theme were revealed in honor of my late
father.220 Reading these over, my father realized that, to achieve Àbduřl-
Bahářs purpose, he would have to go to his native town in a hurry.
Therefore, he wrote about this proposal in a supplication to the Master. In it,
he asked whether [his plan] met with Àbduřl-Bahářs good pleasure. If so,
he was ready to wind up all his business interests in Port Said and return to
Shiraz with his family.
This petition was looked on with favor. After the passing of two years, we
were once again permitted to visit the Holy Land and pay our respects.
Immediately, we closed our commercial office and ended all financial
transactions in Port Said. Our entire family traveled to the Holy Land.
Fifth Pilgrimage: 1901
After arriving in the Holy Land, we went [first] to pay our humble respects
at the Shrine of Bahářuřlláh. The next day, the blessed Person of the Center
of the Covenant called our entire family into His presence. Having
showered us with His infinite blessings, He said, ŖIt had been my earnest
wish for you to stay in this region and to see to affairs related to the Holy
Land. In particular, now that I am busy with the construction of the Shrine
of the Báb, I had intended for you to help me in every aspect of the raising
of this Sacred Edifice. However, as I think about it some more, I note [that
there are] certain difficult undertakings; that is, an important task and a
befitting service in Shiraz. Therefore, I have decided to send you there.
When you arrive in Shiraz, I will give you the complete instructions221. This
task entrusted to you is the most important of all services and worthy of the
greatest reward before the Divine Court. Truly, future kings and monarchs
will long to have been present on this day and been numbered among the
servants and attendants of that Sanctified Threshold.ŗ He then proceeded to
219
The full text is in INBMC 52:320 no. 357 and Khándan-i-Afnán, p. 209.
220
See In the Land of Refuge, Chapter 8, for the text of one of these Tablets.
221
Àbduřl-Bahá is alluding to the rebuilding of the House of the Báb in Shiraz and the significance of
this undertaking.

give instructions on the way to receive visitors and pilgrims at the House of
the Báb and how to conduct the management of its affairs. ŖNow is only the
emergence of the dawn of the Sun of Truth,ŗ His blessed Person told us.
ŖSoon it will envelop the whole earth.ŗ
Our pilgrimage lasted a total of 40 days. For us, the passage of those days
was agonizing and filled with anguish, because we knew that we were about
to leave for a far off land, which gave us no further opportunity to attain the
presence of the Master.
Among the gifts that we had the privilege of carrying to the presence of the
Master on this journey was a piece of marble that the honored Áqá Siyyid
Mustafa [Rumi] had sent from Rangoon in the care of my father, intended
for the Holy Land. This was a sample of the marble that the sarcophagus for
the blessed remains of the Primal Point was to be made from. One day,
while contemplating this marble specimen against the sunlight, Àbduřl-
Bahá said, ŖObserve how you can see the sunřs rays through this stone. It is
the finest piece of stone excavated from the mine and purposed for this
sacred sarcophagus. In quality, it truly is peerless in the entire world.ŗ The
late Mishkin-Qalam was present and entreated, ŖIf it meets with the
Masterřs good pleasure and should He grant persmission, I will draw the
designs of the Greatest Name that would adorn this sarcophagus and present
them to Your august Self. And should You wish, I am prepared to journey to
India to arrange for them to be carved on the side of the sarcophagus.ŗ In
accepting this request, Àbduřl-Bahá said humorously, ŖYou want your
name to be preserved for as long as the earth and the heavens endure!ŗ ŖIt is
entirely possible,ŗ Mishkin-Qalam responded, Ŗif I am favored by the
Masterřs boundless grace.ŗ
As proposed, this illustrious person prepared the calligraphic pieces and

signed each, ŖThe servant of Àbduřl-Bahá, Mishkin-Qalam.ŗ I was present
when he offered them to the Master. When He saw them, His blessed
countenance showed signs of deep indignation and, with great disapproval,
He addressed Mishkin-Qalam, ŖWho told you to sign them in such a way?! I
do not wish for anything to be written at all!ŗ With tears pouring forth,
Mishkin-Qalam began to implore the Master. He took hold of the hem of
His garment and, with great fervor and intense wailing, begged forgiveness
for his misdeed. He sobbed and pleaded with much intensity until the ocean
of absolution of his compassionate Master was aroused and Àbduřl-Bahá
said, ŖIf you sign your name in the same manner that you did during the
time of the Blessed Beauty, then I will accept.ŗ Mishkin-Qalam complied
and changed his signature to ŖThe servant of the Threshold of Bahá,
Mishkin-Qalam.ŗ222
222
Throughout His ministry, Àbduřl-Bahá greatly disapproved of believers composing verses about, or
glorifying, His Person in any way. He would admonish them to focus their praise on Bahářuřlláh.

In short, in those days, wonderful news about the immense victories of the
Faith throughout the world, the vast proclamations of the Cause in the East
and the West, as well as very pleasing reports from other corners of the
globe, were arriving constantly. Because of this, the heart of the beloved
Master was brimming with joy and signs of immense elation were evident
on His blessed face. At times, He would go to Mount Carmel and allow
some of the friends to accompany Him on such visits. The land for the
construction of the Shrine of the Báb, which was designated in the days of
the Blessed Beauty, was now purchased and the neighboring grounds had
also been acquired. The sacred remains [of the Báb] were also now in the
Holy Land. Even though the Covenant-breakers persisted in their evil-
plotting and mischief-making, and corresponded day and night with the
Ottoman Court in an attempt to pollute peopleřs minds, by the divine favors,
the Cause of God was prevailing over all its adversaries.
Jamalu‟d-Din-i-Afghani
In those days, Siyyid Jamaluřd-Din-i-Afghani lived in Istanbul. From there,

he tried his best to extinguish the Cause of God because he believed that the
only obstacle in the way of achieving his evil-minded purpose was the
impenetrable fortress of the Faith of God. Therefore, in order to increase his
popularity and influence among the Shiàhs and the Sunnis, and also to
attain his ultimate objectives, he rose up to create a situation designed to
uproot the Faith of God in Iran and the Ottoman realms.
One night, the beloved Master called Husayn-i-Aqay-i-Khadim [the

attendant] and instructed him, ŖLight the lantern a little later tonight as I
want to talk with the friends.ŗ In those days, it was customary for a lantern
to be lit at night in the biruni [the outer apartment] of the house and His
blessed Person would meet with those of the townřs inhabitants who wanted
to attain His presence and listen to His utterances. That night, He instructed
that the lantern be lit later so that non-Bahářìs would not be present [as He
wished to talk confidentially with the believers].
He told us, ŖRecently Siyyid Jamaluřd-Din has announced that the Bahářì
Faith intends to destroy the foundation of the world and aims at obliterating
all religions. For instance, he has alleged that, ŘThe religious beliefs of
Bahářìs and the teachings of Bahářuřlláh are: the destruction of all Islamic
mosques, Jewish synagogues and Christian churches; the annihilation of the
Baytuřl-Haram223 and the Baytuřl-Muqaddas224; the burning of the Qurřan
and the Bible; the eradication of all evidence of religious attainments; and to
dislodge the Qajar and the Ottoman dynasties. These are the ordinances of
their Books and the religious beliefs of Bahářìs.ř He has further suggested,
ŘIf you want to stop these things from happening and to ensure that none of
223
A reference to Mecca, the holiest site of Islam.
224
A reference to Jerusalem, where the Mosque of the Dome of Rock is situated. It is considered
particularly sacred by Muslims.

these teachings is ever realised, then you must demolish Àkká, slay
Àbduřl-Bahá, Who is the Center of their Faith and the fount of their inner
confidence, and massacre all the Bahářìs, whether they live in Iran or the
Ottoman Empire.ř Such are the intentions of this evil man.ŗ225
Àbduřl-Bahá then added, ŖHowever, this man does not know that even if
Àkká is destroyed or Àbduřl-Bahá slain or Bahářìs martyred, he can never
extinguish the Faith of God. ŘLeave them to their inventions.ř226 Soon you
will witness how God deals with the tongue that has spoken in this way and
so dishonestly uttered such lies and slander.ŗ Then Àbduřl-Bahá asked for
the lantern to be lit and for various people to attain His presence.
Subsequently, they were dismissed after having received their fill of His
bounties.
Not long after that, the veracity of Àbduřl-Bahářs prediction about Siyyid
Jamaluřd-Din was demonstrated. Of course, it is now common knowledge
that, in order to carry out his plans, Siyyid Jamaluřd-Din went from Iran to
Istanbul and gathered around him a number of disciples. Sultan Àbduřl-
Hamid was disturbed and horrified by him and his partisans. He instructed
that a palace be assigned to him and arranged a haram, where [Afghani]
engaged in a life of luxury and indulgence. At the same time, the Siyyid
busied himself with making plans for sedition and revolt. However, a short
time after Àbduřl-Bahá spoke about him, a small growth appeared on the
Siyyidřs tongue. The Sultanřs special physician was sent to attend him. [In a
number of operations,] his tongue was cut several times until none was left
and, soon after, he died. This was the end of a person whose tongue had
spoken presumptuously towards the Cause of God and had committed such
slander and calumny against the Faith!227
Letters from Iran
On another occasion, while we were in the presence of the beloved Master,

the package of correspondence from Iran arrived. In it was a letter from
Yazd sent by the late Hájí Mírzá Mahmud-i-Afnán, the honored son of Hájí
Mírzá Muhammad-Taqi, the Vakiluřl-Haqq. He had written two pages in
small script, all devoted to the excellence of the Jalaluřd-Dawlih and his
very many services to the friends. [It mentioned] such things as his intention
to participate in the Feast in Mihdi-Abad228 and his profound humility and
submissiveness towards the Cause of God. Àbduřl-Bahá read the letter
closely, pondered for a moment, and then said, ŖBecause of his pure heart,
the honored Afnán harbors no malice, is void of bitterness and radiates
225
See In the Land of Refuge, Chapter 11, where the celebrated Mírzáy-i-Shirazi recounts some of
Afghaniřs efforts to assault the Faith.
226
Qurřan 6:137
227
On Afghaniřs life, see Keddie Keddie, Nikki R. Sayyid Jamal ad-Din Řal-Afghaniř: A Political
Biography. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972.; Balyuzi, Edward G. Browne and the Bahářì Faith, pp.
23-8 and Bamdad, Sharh-i Hal-i Rijal-i Iran, vol. 1, pp. 257-80.
228
A village in the vicinity of Yazd, where the believers of that region would gather for meetings.

nothing but truth and spirituality. He imagines that the Jalaluřd-Dawlih also
tells the truth. The Afnán conflates this man with his own self and is
unaware that the Qajars have no faith. The Jalaluřd-Dawlih is a liar and
merely wants to use the Afnán and the believers for his own purposes.ŗ
Àbduřl-Bahá then opened another envelope that contained only a blank

piece of paper. The beloved Master smiled and said, ŖThe servants want to
test us. Woe betide them of the day when God decides to test His servants!ŗ
Immediately, He picked up the pen and revealed a Tablet on that very same
paper and sent it back by the post. This piece of paper was sent by Áqá
Siyyid Muhammad-Sadiq, the husband of Fařizih Khánum. As a result of
many teaching discussions, he had decided to formulate a number of
questions in his own heart and to send a blank piece of paper before
Àbduřl-Bahá. He had resolved that, if the Master answered his heartřs
questions on that very same paper, then he would recognize the truth of the
Faith and accept it. Finally, when this Tablet arrived, his questions were
answered and he attained the shore of certitude.
Return to Port Said
I am at a loss to know what else to write about our time [in the Holy Land]
until the beloved Master sent us to Iran. To this day, whenever I think of that
time, I am stirred with profound emotions and reduced to bittersweet tears.
Eventually, for yet a second time, Àbduřl-Bahá bestowed His

immeasurable favors upon us and admonished us in this way, ŖPrepare
yourselves for the services and mighty tasks that lie ahead of you. God
willing, they will be accomplished through your perseverance.ŗ This
promise of the Master was the consolation of our heart. That is, if we were
to be outwardly deprived of the unfathomable grace of beholding His
blessed countenance and could no longer visit the sacred places of the Holy
Land, praise be unto God, we were propelled forward, instead, with His life-
regenerating promise!
After bidding farewell to our friends in Haifa, we went directly to Port Said.
We completed the remainder of our commercial activities and left for Shiraz
soon after.
Restoration of the House of the Báb
It was now over ten years since we had last seen Iran. Clad in Arab clothes,
we may even have been more fluent in the Arabic language than in Persian.
We arrived in Bushihr first, then traveled to Shiraz with a caravan led by
one of my late fatherřs assistants. When we arrived, we went directly to the
House of the Báb. After visiting that Holy Threshold, my late father
designated his ancestral home - situated next to the Masjid-i-Jami` and
blessed by the footsteps of the Exalted One - as the place for meeting the

friends. A steady stream of believers gathered to hear the good news of the
Holy Land. My late father spoke of the progress and victories of the Cause
of God in America, which brought great joy and delight to the friends.
During the first two years we were in Shiraz, two important incidents
happened that affected my late father. The first was that a rock was
deliberately hurled at his head from a rooftop, which injured him badly and
forced him to stay in bed for a long period of time. The second incident was
that he was badly stabbed in the foot one night as he was passing through
Shamshirgarha Street229. The injury never healed during the remainder of his
life. However, the confirmations of Abduřl-Baha poured out like spring
showers and he remained thoroughly fearless - nay, thankful - before all
adversaries and under all conditions and was completely resigned to His
good pleasure.
My brother and I resumed our trading business in Iranian carpets. In the

month of Rabìùřth-Thání, 1321 A.H. [July 1903], my late father was
honored with a Tablet from Àbduřl-Bahá. In it, he was asked to begin
rebuilding the House of the Báb in its original style. Therefore, it may be
helpful to document here a short history of the Blessed House of the Báb.
This will explain the reasons for the changes made to it previously, and the
efforts made during the Ministry of Àbduřl-Bahá to convert it back to its
original state, so that there will be no room for unwarranted speculation in
the future.
History of the Blessed House
The House of the Báb was an ancestral inheritance of Áqá Mírzá

Muhammad-Rida,230 the father of the illustrious Exalted One. The title for
this property was stolen, along with other goods and articles, from the house
of the late Áqá Mìrzá Zaynuřl-Àbidin, a brother-in-law of the Báb and my
paternal grandfather. The Báb grew up in this House until the passing of His
father, then He moved to the house of the martyred-uncle [Hájí Mírzá Siyyid
Àlí]. After His sojourn in Bushihr and pilgrimage to the Àtabat, the Báb
returned to Shiraz. He took up residence in this House and married His
motherřs paternal cousin, Khadìjih Bagum. From this union, a child was
born by the name of Ahmad, who died in infancy.
The declaration of the Báb took place on 5 Jamadiuřl-Avval 1260 A.H. [22
May 1844] in the upper chamber of this Blessed House. There the Báb
announced His mission for the first time, to Mulla Husayn-i-Bushrúřì.231
229
The House of the Báb was located on this street.
230
Taherzadeh, Adib. Revelation of Bahářuřlláh, Vol. 4, Mazraìh & Bahjí 1877-92. Oxford: George
Ronald, 1987.,429 and Khándan-i-Afnán, p. 204, state that the Bábřs father bought the House. However, the
family records show that it was an inheritance (Abúřl-Qásim Afnán, private communications, September 1995).
231
At this point in the narrative, Mìrzá Habìb notes: ŖEven though this might not be relevant, I would
like to relate a dream that the wife of the Báb had after she was married for only a short time.ŗ He then relates a

After His declaration, the Báb left for Mecca. He performed the hajj
ceremony and proclaimed the divine Cause to the entire Islamic world, the
Sheriff of Mecca and others, and returned to Shiraz. The account of the
journey to His native town and His stay there is extensive. As instructed by
the beloved Guardian, this has been recorded in detail and is available
elsewhere.232
After arriving in Shiraz, the Báb at first took up residence in the house of
the illustrious uncle [Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Àlí]. Previously, the Letters of the
Living would gather there. Later, however, He moved to the Blessed House,
where He lived until the time of His departure for Isfahan.
The Governor-General of Shiraz had been told that a group of believers

regularly gathered in the House of the Báb. Therefore, one night, he sent to
the House Àbduřl-Hamid Khán, the Darughih, and Mir Mu`min-i-Iyzad-
khasti, with a few guardsmen and night prowlers. Mir Mu`min-i-Iyzad-
khasti was influential in government affairs and particularly antagonistic
and spiteful [towards the Cause].
Unannounced, this group entered the House from the rooftop at a time when
the Báb and His wife were resting inside and the mother of the Báb was
sleep in the courtyard.233 When these men entered, the Báb sent His wife to
His mother and both women went into the adjacent room where His
declaration had taken place. He asked Àbduřl-Hamid Khán, ŖWhy have
you intruded into My House without prior notice?ŗ The Darughih
responded, ŖThe Governor has received reports that a group of men have
assembled in Your residence. Therefore, we were sent to investigate the
matter.ŗ The Báb said, ŖNow that you are satisfied that no men are here, you
may leave and inform your superior.ŗ The Darughih insisted on receiving a
bribe, but the Báb refused to give him one. The officer took the Bábřs
cashmere shawl, cut it in half and took a half. Without allowing the Báb to
dress properly, he arrested Him and took Him to the residence of the
Governor-General. At dawn, however, the Báb was released from custody.
That night, His blessed Person spoke vehemently against the Governor, the
Darughih and the ùlamas, and with great power addressed the Governor
and his men as ignorant and apostates.
Here I will include a small section of a letter from Hájì Mìrzá Abúřl-Qásim-
i-Afnán, a brother-in-law of the Báb, to the Khal-i-Akbar234, which gives an
dream that indicated Khadíjih Bagum would be with the Báb for only two-and-a-half years. Since this dream
appears in In the Land of Refuge, Chapter 2, and Rabbani, ŖThe Báb in Shirazŗ, it is not included here.
232
See In the Land of Refuge, chapters 1-4, and Rabbani, ŖThe Báb in Shirazŗ.
233
To enjoy the night breeze of the summer months, many Iranian families sleep outdoors under
mosquito nets.
234
Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad, the oldest maternal uncle of the Báb, who was in Bushihr at the
time. For a biography, see Rabbani, Ahang. ŖConversion of the Great-Uncle of the Báb.ŗ World Order (Wilmette,
Ill.) vol. 30, no. 3, (Spring 1999), pp 19-38.

outline of that eventful night [11 September 1846]. The letter is dated 20
Ramadan 1262 A.H. [11 September 1846]:
... These days, they have incited enmity against Hájí Mírzá Àlí-
Muhammad [the Báb] and Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Àlí. In every
gathering, they say what they will and accuse them of the worst
offences. Out of consideration for that Sahib [the Báb], one is unable
to confront the accusers and must bear all the allegations, show
patience and tolerance, and disregard their calumnies. We used to
hear these [accusations] from the city folk. More recently, [we hear
them] from our closer associates [too]. In the past, while they never
supported us, at least they refrained from insulting us. But now, they
readily scorn us as well.
Mir Mu`min-i-Iyzad-khasti is now securely established over all

affairs and is the lord and master of all the inhabitants. He too has
generated animosity towards Hájí Mírzá Àlí-Muhammad [the Báb].
Moreover, in this effort he is an accomplice of the Sahib-Ikhtiyar [the
Governor]. ... It is evident that the people of the world have dealt
[most unjustly] with the Holy Figures, upon Them be peace ...
It was the night of 20 Ramadan [11 September 1846] when Áqá Mir
visited the Sahib-Ikhtiyar ... to confer and seek his good pleasure... It
was six hours into that night235 when Áqá Mir went to their [the
Bábřs] House while they [the Household] were sleep.236 They woke
up and noticed the men intruding from the rooftop. As you recall,
there is not much distance between the courtyard and the roof. I find
myself thoroughly incapable of describing their shocked state,
particularly the condition of the ladies of the household. Certainly, it
evoked the opening scenes of Karbila. Indeed Àbduřl-Hamid Khán
himself had said, ŖHow have my deeds differed from Shimrřs237!?ŗ
The scene was such that, even had an infidel witnessed the last
eveningřs events, he would have grieved over them. The entire
neighborhood was awakened and the town was filled with the sigh of
anguish and sadness. They hardly gave the Hájí [the Báb] time to
dress and conducted Him away forthwith. They treated the Hájí most
discourteously. He therefore set aside all caution and spoke to them
as sternly and angrily as He willed. They confiscated from His House
whatever written materials were in the Hájìřs possession.
At last, two hours before sunrise, Àbduřl-Hamid Khán brought Him

back and procured a bond from me that He would no longer invite
235
This letter makes it clear that the Báb was arrested on the night before this letter was written;
namely, on the evening of 10 September 1846. On the authority of Tarikh-i-Jadid, The Dawn-breakers, p. 195 n.1,
incorrectly placed this event on 23 September 1845.
236
The Dawn-breakers, p. 195, states the house of the Bábřs uncle was targeted for this attack.
However, this document shows that the Báb was at His own residence when He was arrested.
237
It is believed that the Imam Husayn was slain by Shimr ibn Dhuřl-Jawshan on the plain of Karbala.

others to His House or converse with the mullas who are His
followers. God only knows what will happen now.
The mother of your illustrious self was at our house and I have
concealed the events from her. Your sister [the Bábřs mother] and my
sister [Khadíjih Bagum] are profoundly distraught and in a wretched
state. God will protect all.
The whole town is well aware of what happened and almost

everyone has learned that the ladies of the Household have been
overwhelmed with grief, which has rendered them paralyzed.
However, not one soul, neither family nor friend, has come to inquire
about our condition and what we have had to endure. In short, life in
this town has proved exceedingly difficult. To be sure, you will arrive
shortly and perhaps, out of respect for you, some may prove
embarrassed about their deeds. Events may take a different turn
though, and we may need to take our family and quit this town for
another region. Not even the land of the infidels manifests such
tyranny.
I have no inclination to write anything further.
[Dated] 20 Ramadán 1262 A.H.
Because of the great transgressions committed by Àbduřl-Hamid Khán, the

Báb cursed him and eventually he was killed, [dying] from a cut in the
stomach. It was the same Àbduřl-Hamid Khán who, on instruction from the
Governor, Husayn Khán-i-Ajudan-Bashi, imprisoned the Báb in his house.
When the cholera epidemic was spreading in the city and his two sons fell
ill, Àbduřl-Hamid Khánřs wife was convinced that her sonsř illness was
caused by her husbandřs cruel and unjust treatment of the Báb. She forced
him to release his illustrious Prisoner. Upon freeing Him, the Darughih
pleaded for the life of his sons. The Báb prayed for them and gave [him] a
sweet pomegranate that he had with Him, with this instruction, ŖGive this to
them and I will pray for their recovery.ŗ At last, the Báb returned home from
the house of Àbduřl-Hamid Khán and subsequently left for Isfahan.
After the Báb left Shiraz, His wife, mother, and maternal grandmother, a
black servant named Mubarak, and a black maidservant named Fiddih were
living in the Sacred House.238 When the news of the martyrdom of the Báb
reached Shiraz, Fatimah Bagum, the mother of the Báb, having previously
consulted with her Son about the journey to the Àtabat, decided to leave
Shiraz. She wanted to put behind her the constant barrage of insults aimed at
her family by the cityřs divines. Before she left, it was decided that Khadìjih
238
On the life of the black servants in the Household of the Báb and Bahářuřlláh, see Abúřl-Qásim
Afnán, The Black Pearls.

Bagum would live with her half-sister in the house of the martyred-uncle of
the Báb and the Blessed House be entrusted to Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn-i-
Bazzaz, son of Mìrzá Asaduřllah. He was not a believer in the Báb but a
native of Shiraz and a close acquaintance of the family. This [decision]
ushered in a period where the House was in the hands of non-believers.239
Gradually, two brothers, Samad and Ibrahim, took over all the affairs of the
House and claimed sole ownership.
At the time when my late father reached the age of maturity, he was deeply
saddened over this matter and appealed to Khal-i-Akbar, ŖYou are the
closest relative of His Holiness the Báb and, therefore, have responsibilities
towards this House. You must try to extricate the House from the grasp of
non-believers, who currently occupy it.ŗ240 ŖI canřt do it now,ŗ the
illustrious Khal-i-Akbar replied, Ŗsince all my sons are engaged in
commerce elsewhere. However, you have my permission to take all the
necessary steps to resolve this situation as you see fit.ŗ
My father took advantage of his influence and prestige241 and, during his
conversations with the tenants, said, ŖAs you know, this House has belonged
to the infidels and non-believers and, as such, your prayer offerings will not
be accepted from such a place. In addition, because of the recent
earthquakes, some parts of the House have been structurally damaged,
making it unsuitable to live in. Indeed, it is life threatening. Should you
agree, we are willing to purchase or lease another house in your name and
you can stay there while we renovate this one. When we have completed the
repairs, if you still prefer to live here, we will abide by your decision.ŗ The
tenants saw the opportunity to become homeowners and agreed immediately
239
Abúřl-Qásim Afnán notes the following in ŖBaytuřllahuřl-Akramŗ, p. 19: A year after Fatimih
Bagum left, a severe earthquake destroyed many homes and buildings in Shiraz, killing a third of the population
and forcing a vast multitude to live in the fields and wilderness and dwell in tents or makeshift camps.
[Farsnamih-i-Nasiri, vol. 1, reports that this massive destruction took place on the night of 25 Rajab 1269 A.H./4
May 1853. It destroyed many homes and killed several thousand citizens. It also demolished the majority of the
schools and mosques, including the one next to the House of the Báb. Translator. Fasaři, Hasan ibn Hasan. Tarikh-
i-Farsnamih-i-Nasiri. Tehran: Intisharat-i Kitabkhanah-i Nisaři, 1312-1314 [1895-1897]). Two volumes.] During
this incident, the House of the Báb was severely damaged and the mosque next to it was completely demolished.
Khal-i-Akbar came to Shiraz from Bushihr to look after the familyřs interests and business. One action he took
was to secure a written lease from Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn, who was occupying the House with no written
documentation. This lease is dated Rabìùřl-Thání 1270 A.H./January 1854 and reads: In the presence of the
esteemed Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn, son of the late Mìrzá Asaduřllah-i-Shirazi, it is known and rightly recorded
that the house located in the Kuchih-i-Shamshirgarha belongs in its totality to Siyyidih Fatimih Bagum, daughter
of the late Hájí Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn. This residence was entrusted to the aforementioned Mírzá to dwell
there upon her [Fatimih Bagumřs] departure from Shiraz. Since an earthquake has caused considerable damage
and the tenant wishes to make certain repairs, he is permitted to do so at his own expense. This will not be
reimbursed by the owner, who may claim possession of the residence at any time with due notice.This legal
document was signed and witnessed by the appropriate jurists and Shaykh Abu-Turab, the Imam-Jumìh of Shiraz.
After this document was signed, Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn realized the cost of the repairs was prohibitive.
Consequently, he leased the House to two brothers, Samad and Ibrahim, who were bakers. They took up residence
with no formal documentation. Afnán, Abúřl-Qásim; ŖBaytuřllah-i-Akramŗ, Àndalib, pp 16-27.
240
Abúřl-Qásim Afnán suggests that Núriřd-Dìnřs interest in the security and renovation of the Blessed
House stemmed from his reading in the Persian Bayan about the supreme station of this Dwelling; see
ŖBaytuřllahuřl-Akramŗ, p. 20.
241
At that time, Núriřd-Dìnřs father, Mìrzá Zaynuřl-Àbidin, was alive. He was closely related to two
prominent clerics, Mírzáy-i-Shirazi and Áqá Siyyid Javad-i-Shirazi, the Imam-Jumìh of Kirman, and enjoyed
great influence with the divines of the city.

to the arrangement. Quickly, a house was leased for 100 tumans and the two
brothers moved there.242
In this way, the House of the Báb was recovered from the hands of non-
believers. After some minor repairs, a believer named Àbduřr-Razzaq lived
there for three years. After him, it was occupied by the late Hájì Abuřl-
Hasan [Bazzaz], who had accompanied the Báb on His hajj journey to
Mecca and was one of the first believers of Shiraz.243 Afterwards, the House
was leased to Mulla Áqá Buzurg-i-Zarqani, who was a Bábí but not known
as one.244
During this period, Shiraz sustained a number of severe earthquakes, which

destroyed many homes and public buildings that had not been damaged
previously. Many people were forced to take refuge in the cityřs outskirts
and live in tents.
The First Renovation of the House of the Báb – 1289 A.H. [1871]
During Dhiřl-Qa`dih 1288 A.H. [January 1872], Munirih Khánum, who was
travelling to the Holy Land to marry Àbduřl-Bahá, arrived in Shiraz from
Isfahan. During her 15-day sojourn, she stayed in the house of the martyred-
uncle, where the wife of the Báb was living [with her maternal sister,
Hájíyyih Bibi Jan-jan]. During her stay, Munirih Khánum was a constant
companion of Khadìjih Bagum and the two were always in each otherřs
company.
One day, during their conversation, the wife of the Báb asked her guest to
supplicate on her behalf at the Threshold of Bahářuřlláh for permission to
renovate the Blessed House so that she could transfer her residence to that
sacred location. This request found ready approval in the presence of the
Blessed Perfection. He asked my father to restore the House in whatever
manner that Khadíjih Bagum saw fit.
After Bahářuřlláh gave permission to renovate the House of the Báb in

accordance with Khadìjih Bagumřs wishes, she instructed her nephew (my
father), ŖIf the House is renovated in its original style, the memories of the
days of His Holiness and my profound sadness over His loss will prevent
242
According to A.Q. Afnán, this house was located on Zanburak-Khánih Street; see ŖBaytuřllahuřl-
Akramŗ, p. 20.
243
Although Hájì Abuřl-Hasan had accompanied the Báb on His pilgrimage journey and observed all
the events of that voyage, it was the proclamation of the Báb at Masjid-i-Vakil that finally convinced him of the
truth of the new Dispensation. Hájì Abuřl-Hasan lived in the House of the Báb with his wife and two sons, Mírzá
Muhammad-Àlí and Mírzá Muhammad-Baqir, who later adopted the surname Dihqan. His wife was a relative of
the Imam-Jumìh Abu-Turab and, consequently, the family enjoyed some measure of protection. After five years
of living in the Blessed House, his wife passed away and the protection of the ùlama was withdrawn. Because he
was known as a Bábì, Hájì Abuřl-Hasan was forced to leave the city in the middle of the night, taking his two
young sons with him. See ŖBaytuřllahuřl-Akramŗ, p. 20.
244
With Zarqaniřs departure, in January 1872 a mother and daughter of Nayriz, who were brought as
captives to Shiraz after the battles of 1853, occupied the House in order to preserve it. They remained there until
1289 A.H./1872. See ŖBaytuřllahuřl-Akramŗ, p. 20.

me from ever living there. Certain changes must be made to the House.ŗ
Therefore, substantial changes were made to the structure of the House.
These included making two of the rooms part of the expanded courtyard and
moving the small pool. {The initial cost of this reconstruction was met by
Bahářuřlláh.
To protect the House further, a small house next to it on the eastern wall was
bought. It belonged to a certain Hájí Muhammad-Ja`far-i-H.adíd. The elders
of the Afnán family asked Hájì Mìrzá Àbduřl-Hamid to live there. He was
one of the early believers in the Báb and married to the daughter of Hujjat-i-
Zanjani. From the first day Hujjatřs daughter arrived in Shiraz, she was a
close companion of Khadíjih Bagum, who had a particular affinity for the
families of the Bábí martyrs. An underground passageway was constructed
connecting the two homes. It was used as the main entrance for the House of
the Báb so that the neighborhood would not take notice of the occupants.}245
After these changes [were made], the esteemed Khadíjih Bagum took up
residence in the Blessed House. She lived there for the next nine years, until
her noble soul took her flight to the immortal abode in the month of Dhiřl-
Hajjih, 1299 A.H. [October 1882].
After her ascension, as instructed by Bahářuřlláh, her sister, Zahra Bagum,

moved her residence to the Sanctified House. She lived there until her
passing in 1308 A.H [1891].
The Custodianship of the House of the Báb
In the year 1302 A.H. [1884], the following instructions were issued for the
custodianship of the House of the Báb from the heaven of Divine Will,
exalted be His utterance, in honor of the wife of the Báb, her sister and her
descendants. In this way, solely by divine grace, this honor was placed upon
them:
This honor and benevolence hath been bestowed upon the ukht246
and her descendants, from her Lord, the Merciful. He is the
Munificent and the Compassionate, and He is the Generous and the
Bounteous.247
245
The bracketed section was a supplement from Abúřl-Qásim Afnán, based on his ŖBaytuřllahuřl-
Akramŗ article.
246
Lit. sister. It refers to Zahra Bagum, the sister of Khadíjih Bagum.
247
A Tablet of Bahářuřlláh revealed in 1292 A.H./1875, which bears His seal reads: ŖThe custodianship
of the Blessed House has been granted to the exalted leaf, the wife of the Primal Point, and her sister, upon both be
My Glory of God, My Bounty and My Favor. Before God, we have conferred this custodianship on the House and
thus have We adorned it with Our Benevolence, and arrayed Our command with the evidence of His Might and
Compassion. Solely on the ukht [Zahrá Bagum] and her issue has this honor and favor been bestowed from the
heaven of the Lord, the Giver, the Compassionate, the Bestower, the Forgiver, the Merciful.ŗ

Years passed and the House of the Báb was left as described above. When
Zahra Bagum passed away, my mother [Maryam Sultan Bagum], two
brothers, sister and I left for pilgrimage to the Holy Land and reunion with
my father in Port Said. We had not seen him since 1296 A.H. [1879]. The
details of this visit have been recorded earlier.
During my fatherřs stay in Port Said, he was honored to receive several

Tablets from the beloved Master that spoke about the importance of the
friends visiting the Blessed House of the Báb under all conditions and the
harm [that would result] if this was neglected. One such Tablet addressed to
him said in part:
Port Said. The illustrious Afnán of the Sacred Lote-Tree, Áqá Mírzá
Áqá, upon him rest the Glory of God, the Most Glorious.
... You wrote about the Eminent House and the Point of Adoration of
the world, may my life be a sacrifice unto its dust. This issue is most
important; nay, it stands as the most momentous of all matters.
According to your letter, it is currently impossible for people to visit
the House. This is surely a source of great sorrow for the faithful
friends and those who long to circumambulate the Blessed House.
Certainly, in whatever way possible, a way must be found for some

of the friends to occasionally gain access [to the House] and at least
be able to visit that Spot. Otherwise, neglecting to visit will become a
norm and the sacredness of this act will be diminished. The friends
who live in Shiraz must consider it absolutely obligatory and binding
to visit the House at least once a month. If this servant lived in the
province of Fars, assuredly he would circumambulate that Sanctified
House once a week, even if the enemies rained blows of stones upon
him.248
You are the protector and custodian of this House and must make
every effort in this important matter.
Upon thee be the Glory of God.

Àbduřl-Bahá, Àbbas.249
Eventually, in 1319 A.H. [1901], as asked by Àbduřl-Bahá, my parents,

brothers and sister and I left for Shiraz. At the time we left the Holy Land,
His blessed Person said to us, ŖYou have been sent to Shiraz for the most
important of all duties. I pray that you will be effective in carrying out this
responsibility.ŗ However, the Master did not divulge the nature of the
entrusted task and our sole wish was that, whatever the duty, we would be
248
In a Tablet (INBMC 52:300 no. 344), the Master instructs Núriřd-Dín to make a complete and
befitting visit to the House of the Báb once a year on Àbduřl-Bahářs behalf.
249
The full text is in INBMC 52:318-9 no. 356 and Khándan-i-Afnán, p. 208.

able to carry out His wish and win His good pleasure. Things passed in this
way until 1321 A.H. [1903].
The Second Renovation of the House of the Báb – 1321 A.H. [1903]
Iran was in disarray and immersed in turmoil. In the face of sustained

persecution and unrelenting oppression, the Bahářìs of Isfahan had taken
refuge in the Russian Consulate. In Yazd and its environs, the believers were
martyred and those who survived were forced to flee to far away lands. 250
Shiraz was also in disorder and the friends were despondent and distressed
over the fate of their brethren and the gloomy news reaching them from
other sectors.
At this time, a Tablet was revealed by Àbdul-Baha in honor of my late

father. In it, he gave instructions to rebuild the House of the Báb according
to its original structure and design, without a momentřs delay. The following
week, a second Tablet on this matter was received from the pen of the
Center of the Covenant and, the following week, yet another Tablet was
received that further admonished: ŖNot a moment of lassitude must be
allowed, since a delay will cause a colossal catastrophe.ŗ In this Tablet,
Àbduřl-Bahá sternly ordered:
The Blessed House of the Exalted One must be restored without a

hairřs breadth change from its original form, and this must be carried
out with absolute cleanliness, elegance, delicacy and firmness.251
In one of these Tablets, the Master gave explicit instructions concerning the
speedy renovation of the Blessed House of the Báb:
Although at present the horizon of the world of humanity is darkened

with turmoil, its foundation shaken to its core, the portals of hardship
and trials are flung wide open, and the tempests of trials and
difficulties are everywhere, it is in such a state of tumult that the
reconstruction of the renowned House must be carried out, as it will
bring joy and comfort to every desolate heart.252
Having received these sacred Tablets, my father asked me to gather some

prominent friends on his behalf. I invited a number to the House of the Báb,
including such people as Prince Muřayyaduřs-Saltanih, the late
Muvaqqaruřd-Dawlih, Mírzá Muhammad-Baqir Khán-i-Dihqan, the
Bashiruřs-Sultan, Áqá Siyyid Husayn-i-Afnán, Àndalib, Mírzá Aqay-i-
Mi`mar-Bashi and Mírzá Aqay-i-Afnán. However, when they heard the
250
For a glimpse of this massive persecution, see Hájí Haydar-Àlí, Hájí Mírzá. Bahai Martyrdoms in
Persia in the Year 1903 A. D. Chicago: Bahai Publishing Society, 1904.; and Rabbani, Ahang and Naghmeh
Astani. ŖThe Martyrs of Manshad.ŗ World Order (Wilmette, Ill.) vol. 28, no. 1 (Fall 1996), pp 21-36.
251
The full text is in Khándan-i-Afnán, p. 211.
252
The full text is in INBMC 52:323 no. 361 and Khándan-i-Afnán, p. 213.

Tablets of Àbduřl-Bahá, each of the assembled notables voiced his concern

that the reconstruction of the House was an untimely endeavor, particularly
during such a turbulent period. After considering their views, my father
responded, ŖThe Head of the Faith has issued a command to rebuild the
House of the Báb without a momentřs delay. Surely, there is wisdom hidden
in this instruction that is not currently clear to us and we donřt understand its
insight. I have not invited you to consult on the matter, as the Masterřs wish
is clear and no one can speak contrary to His will or even question its
advisability. We are subjects and He is our lord. I have invited you to hear
the sacred Tablets that have recently been received and to tell you that I plan
to start construction immediately. I only wanted you to know about the
situation.ŗ When everyone heard him speak in this way, they readily agreed
with his views.
With Àbduřl-Bahářs confirmations, on Saturday253, 5 Jamaduřl-Avval 1321

A.H. [20 July 1903]254, the late Mi`mar-Bashi began the renovation project.
He was one of the most devoted believers and the love of the Faith burned
brightly in his bosom. My late father supervised every step.
At first, they demolished the whole structure. My father was present during
the first reconstruction and had supervised the work. Therefore, he knew the
original architecture of the House. He instructed that the ground under the
building be excavated until the original foundation of the House was
uncovered. The workers began to raise the walls and rebuild the House on
the same foundation and following the original design. Each day, in this
small area, over 30 construction crew labored devotedly. Within two
months, as Àbduřl-Bahá had commanded, the structural walls were
completed in exactly the same design as that of the time of the Báb. Soon
the rooms were finished and the doors and windows added, much as it was
in the old days.
At the beginning of Sha`ban [23 October 1903], my father fell ill and, day
by day, his condition grew worse. However, until a week before his passing,
he would come each day to the site of the construction and, although
suffering from illness, spend the day supervising all the work. He passed
away on 24 Sha`ban 1321 A.H. [15 November 1903] after completing the
task entrusted to him by Àbduřl-Bahá. It was then that the wisdom of the
Masterřs statement Ŗdelay will cause a colossal catastropheŗ became clear,
as my father was the only one of all the kindred who knew the original
design of the House. After his passing, the rest of the work, consisting of
painting and decoration, was completed.
253
According to the calendars available to the translator, 5 Jamadi 1321 A.H. fell on a Thursday.
254
This day corresponded with the anniversary of the Declaration of the Báb.

Renovation of the Adjacent Mosque
A mosque is located next to the House of the Báb. Originally, it was a

Jewish synagogue. Later, it was converted to a mosque named Khizr, and
now it is known as Masjid-i-Shamshirgarha. After the Muslims took
possession of the property and converted it into a mosque, the Báb would,
before His Declaration, frequently visit this Masjid and perform His
obligatory prayers. However, because of severe earthquakes, the building
sustained serious damage. By this time, it had become a site where the
neighborhood deposited its waste and where thieves, after having robbed
peopleřs homes, would hide and rest most evenings. During my late fatherřs
time, he blocked the entrance to the mosque and the neighborhood
protested, ŖIt is not appropriate to block the entrance to a mosque.ŗ To that
my father replied, ŖMy home and possessions are otherwise at the mercy of
thieves roaming this ruined building.ŗ
During that time, a Tablet255 was revealed in honor of my late father. It

contained important directions about this mosque. A section of this exalted
Tablet reads:
...You wrote that the renovation of the House [of the Báb] might
produce a great tumult. Indeed, the illustrious Áqá Mírzá Aqay-i-
Afnán, upon him be the Glory of God, the Most Glorious, pointed
out that the provinces of Fars and Yazd have sustained multiple
calamities. Concerning this, he has beseeched prayers at the Holy
Shrine of Bahářuřlláh.
The purpose of this servant was to alleviate these trials in order to

further promote the Cause of God and proclaim the Word of the
Almighty. Therefore, I accepted the [financial] obligations of this
important task so that, once the House [of the Báb] is renovated and
the Point of Adoration of the jewels of creation is rebuilt, these
calamities would completely disappear. Until now, no other in any
past Age has so readily and manifestly pledged such a commitment.
The intention was to fulfill the divine proof and reveal the honor and
excellence of that sacred and mighty House. Now that the people of
rancor have incited rebellion, wisdom must be observed.
As such, a plan must be found to reduce and decrease the persecution

so that, God forbid, these difficulties do not continue. Indeed, that
design is this: it must be said that a holy person who is
knowledgeable in the science of Jifr-i-Jámi`256 has calculated that,
when the ruined mosque is renovated, these persistent calamities will
255
While Mìrzá Habìb was in Egypt, Àbduřl-Bahá wrote to his father in Shiraz about the importance
of rebuilding the adjacent mosque and how this would alleviate the trails and tribulations besetting the inhabitants
of Fars; see INBMC 52:288 no. 339.
256
The science of numerology and letters.

be reduced and these dark clouds lifted. Oil must be poured over
troubled waters. This mosque is honored to be next to the House and,
because of this nearness, is endowed with an influence. It is not part
of the sacred House, but stands as the landing and portal to this
Threshold.
It does not seem likely that further unrest would result from this
proposal. However, should you note that it is indeed leading to
criticism and hostility and would raise a commotion among the
people and the cry of the inhabitants, then one must be resigned.
Certainly, wisdom is one of the divine teachings. Great care is vital
and protection essential.
Today, the most important of all things is firmness and constancy of

all in the Covenant of God. However, not such steadfastness that
consists of words and nothing else, much like some Muslimřs
testimony of faith. ...257
My late father never had the opportunity to renovate this mosque. It was not
until after the hallowed House of the Báb was completely restored and its
true majesty and exquisite beauty laid bare that the Muslim neighbors
thought to themselves, ŖThough there is only a few of them, the Bahářìs
have built their Temple258; and yet, we are so wanting in commitment to our
Faith that we have allowed our mosque to become ruins!ŗ Consequently,
they assembled and sought the advice and involvement of Mírzá Ibrahim-i-
Mahallati, a very influential cleric and a prominent mujtahid. They said to
him, ŖThis mosque is surrounded on three sides by the homes of these
people [the Afnáns] and, on another side, it shares a wall with the Jewish
homes. After sometime, the Bahářìs have built their Temple and a steady
stream [of believers] comes for pilgrimage to this Site. However, in its
present condition, this mosque is a disgrace to the Muslim community.ŗ
ŖYou must go and discuss this matter with these people,ŗ the Ayatuřllah
responded. ŖIf they agree, I expect that rebuilding this mosque will be an
easy job; otherwise, it would be very difficult.ŗ
One night, a neighbor of ours, Hájí Ahmad-i-Mahut-chi [the crinoline

merchant], sent word that he wanted to meet with us and I named a time for
this meeting. We met at the house next to the House of the Báb. After the
customary exchange of pleasantries and sharing of refreshments, he
ventured to say, ŖYou have raised a beautiful and most delightful House.
Nevertheless, it seems wanting in one respect. Once that is also taken care
of, it will be the essence of perfection.ŗ Imagining that he was about to be
presumptuous towards the House of the Báb, I sternly said, ŖWhat is the
defect that has come to your notice?ŗ ŖThere is a ruin next to your House,ŗ
257
The full text is in INBMC 52:294-5 no. 341.
258
In a Zoroastrian or Jewish context, ŘMa`badř is a place of worship.

he replied, and I said, ŖIt is a mosque and must be rebuilt.ŗ Taken by

surprise, he reiterated, ŖSo, you agree with rebuilding the mosque?ŗ I
answered, ŖI agree only to rebuilding the mosque and not to any other use
for the building.ŗ With great satisfaction, he exclaimed, ŖThe mosque will
be built!ŗ
Later, he went to Mahallati and reported that the Bahářìs had agreed, and
would help with the reconstruction. The Shaykh rejoiced, ŖIn that case, there
is no problem.ŗ To this day, I am puzzled as to why Mìrzá Ibrahim-i-
Mujtahid was apprehensive of us at that time and wanted our consent. In
short, he prepared a written petition for all who stood identified with the
sacred religion of Islam, requesting financial contributions toward the cost
of renovating the mosque. He instructed his agents to take this petition to all
the Muslim homes in the neighborhood, and each was to mark his pledge on
it. Then, he added, ŖYou are to take the petition to these gentlemen [the
Afnáns], but should they decline to make a contribution, do not constrain
them.ŗ
The Muslim neighbors were each content to make a small contribution.

After all the donations were collected, they came to us. After reviewing the
sheet, this servant said to Hájì Ahamd, ŖPerhaps the esteemed supporters
donřt know the true cost of such a construction, as this small amount is
certainly not enough.ŗ ŖEveryone has pledged according to his own ability,ŗ
Hájì Ahmad replied. ŖWhatever you give is in the path of service to your
illustrious Ancestor and will show your lofty purpose.ŗ Since it was my
desire to help realize Àbduřl-Bahářs wish to have the mosque rebuilt, I
pledged a sum of 300 tumans on behalf of my brothers and myself, to be
paid in three installments. When they brought this promise to the attention
of Shaykh Mìrzá Ibrahim, he raised his voice and cried, ŖO ye the faithful!
You claim that these people have no religion, donřt believe in the Prophets
and Imams, and donřt obey divine laws and ordinances, [but] they have, for
no reason other than the love of God, given 300 tumans! But consider, the
Sadruřl-Islam, with all his wealth and affluence, has contributed a trifling
three tumans! Theirs is the true demonstration of faith! If these people are
indeed Bábìs, I only wish that you were all Bábìs!ŗ One of the confidants of
Mìrzá Ibrahim, who was a Bahářì, reported all their discussions to us.
Soon the construction work began and a certain Nur-Muhammad was

appointed to supervise the task. He was one of the residents of
Shimshirgarha Street and had recently converted to Islam. From the
beginning, he defrauded and embezzled the funds and was soon discovered
by one of his co-workers Ŕ a righteous and religious man and a faithful
friend of ours. He reported the matter to Mírzá Ibrahim. After it was
determined that Nur-Muhammad had indeed committed theft, Mírzá
Ibrahim reproached him, ŖO infidel garbed in Muslimřs clothing! How
ironic that the Bábís should pay for the construction of the mosque and you,
who claim allegiance to Islam, would steal from the endowment fund!

Should the Bábís find this out, I will never be able to look them in the eyes
because of this shame!ŗ
In short, Hájí Muhammad-Rahim, another new convert to Islam, was

appointed to the task this time and he invited me to the mosque and
consulted about the repairs. Frequently, I would go and help with the
planning and discussions. When the work had progressed to the point where
a well and an underground cistern were to be built, Hájí Muhammad-Rahim
said to me, ŖYou have earned every right to this mosque. The existing well
and tank are situated behind the wall of your House and the repairs would
cause damage to your Dwelling. Therefore, we think it is best for the well,
cistern and sewage lines to be moved to the south-eastern quarters. In its
place, we will raise the pulpit and prayer-court.ŗ I thanked him very
cordially. The promise of Àbduřl-Bahá that ŖThis mosque will be the
landing and portal of the blessed Houseŗ was now fulfilled. As the
construction continued, they needed straw and wood to complete the work
and I contributed the required sum. Later, when they tried to reimburse me, I
refused, saying, ŖWhat I gave was in the path of God and my reckoning is
with Him.ŗ
When the mosque was completed, we also donated a pulpit that was
ornamented with silver domes and calico figures, which we had inherited
from the time of Hájì Mìrzá Abúřl-Qásim. This donation was reported to
Mírzá Ibrahim and he expressed great eagerness to meet us.
On the day the mosque was inaugurated, I attended with my two brothers,
Hájì Mìrzá Buzurg and Hájì Mìrzá Diyař. Mìrzá Ibrahim had extended a
special invitation to us. He presided over the ceremony. Beforehand, he had
particularly admonished the people and the clergy present to ensure that no
one acted in a presumptuous or insulting manner towards us. When we
entered, the crowd welcomed us with cheers and praise. They had arranged
for our seat to be next to Mírzá Ibrahim himself Ŕ the seat of honor Ŕ and we
were led to the designated spot by Hájì Àbduřl-Rahim. When Mírzá
Ibrahim saw us, he stood full figure as a sign of utmost respect and greeted
us very affectionately. Refreshments and water-pipes were served and then
the Mírzá ascended the pulpit. For well over an hour, he sang our praises
and complimented us. He even pointed to us and noted, ŖHad it not been for
the efforts of these gentlemen, this mosque would have never been raised.
They contributed in every way, from offering money to wood to
consultation, until this house of God was erected in such a wonderful
manner. Indeed, this very pulpit on which I stand today, and from which the
remembrance of God and the sufferings of the Five Immaculate Ones 259 will
be recounted from now on, is just one of their generous donations. They,
surely, are the true Muslims. One can only wish that a few more Muslims
like them were found in this town!ŗ
259
A reference to the principal Shiàh figures, Muhammad, Àlí, Fatimih, Hasan and Husayn.

In short, his expressions of acclamation knew no bounds. At the end, he

offered a prayer for us, supplicating that, in the future, we would attain even
greater success in the service of God. When he descended the pulpit, another
eulogist ascended the altar and spoke at length and in the same vein about
us.
A period passed and, because of the above-mentioned events, we were not

disturbed. Eventually, conflict among different political factions started and
the democrats, constitutionalists and royalists began to dispute.260 In no
time, this mosque became a beehive for all the worthless elements. It
ushered in an era of injury and torment for us and witnessed a great surge in
our persecution, which continues unabated to this day. This is particularly
bad during the commemorations of Àshura, the month of Ramadan, or any
other significant occasion, such as the marking of a martyrdom or a festivity.
[We are even persecuted] simply to raise a political clamor, as the sole target
remains the House of the Báb. However, God is the All-Powerful, the
Almighty and the Self-Sufficient. In Him we trust.
[As an example of Godřs all-preserving protection,] about a year-and-a-half

ago, one of the caretakers of the mosque negligently allowed the heater to
explode. It sat behind the wall of the House of the Báb. Soon the roof of the
mosqueřs sleeping quarters was in flames and it seemed imminent that the
fire would spread to the Blessed House as well. However, the friends who
lived in Shamshirgarha Street and pilgrims visiting at the time helped and
extinguished the fire.
Later that day, however, the Muslims claimed that the Bahářìs had
intentionally set fire to the mosque. {Since we were friends, I immediately
called the chief of police, the Brigadier General Qavami, the Furughuřl-
Mulk. He instructed Captain Iyzadi to come at once and to bring several
officers, as well as the district attorney and Muhammad Nimruzi, the
inspector general of the city.}261 After a thorough investigation and
examination of all the evidence, they prepared a written report concluding
that the fire had started due to the negligence of someone in the mosque.
Fortunately, their report prevented the incident from erupting into an attack
on the Faith.
On that day, Siyyid Muhammad-i-Razavi, one of the influential clerics of

the city, came to the mosque to inspect the situation for himself. The cityřs
officials were, however, able to convince him that the fire was accidental
and that the Bahářìs had no hand in it. It so happened that Mìrzá
Muhammad-Baqir-i-Khalili arrived as well. He was a friend to the Siyyid
and me, and he spoke with the Muslims to ensure that no disturbance
260
For the political turmoil during the constitutional revolution of Iran and its effect on the Bahářìs of
Shiraz, see In the Land of Refuge, Chapter 15.
261
The bracketed section was inserted by Abúřl-Qásim Afnán (private communication May 1992).

resulted from the accident. Khalili was a deeply devoted Bahářì, though he
never registered as one. On that day, without being asked, he volunteered to
pay for all the repairs, which drew the admiration of the Siyyid and other
Muslims. God works in wonderfully mysterious ways.

An Introduction to the Lawh-i Haqqu‟n-Nas1

Jean Marc Lepain
Kabul, Afghanistan, Independent Scholar
Baha'u'llah devoted an entire tablet, which is sometimes called "Lawh-i-

Haqqu'n-Nas"2, to explain the metaphorical character of this world.
Unfortunately we do not know the circumstances of the revelation of this
Tablet. It was written in response to a correspondent whom Baha'u'llah calls
"friend of my heart", and who apparently sent him a letter with a number of
questions to be answered. The question with which the tablet starts is
apparently a trivial one and a particularly obscure point of Muslim theology:
How is it possible, as tradition [hadith] teaches, that we can acquit ourselves
of our debts in the next world after we die? This is a principle known in
Muslim theology as "haqqu'n-nas", literally the "right of people". It affirms
that in the other world there is compensation for whatever is owed to us,
including everything stolen or usurped. In the context of the Baha'i
teachings, this question has no meaning, and this is what Baha'u'llah in a
gentle way endeavoured to have his interrogator understand.
The question nevertheless reflects the Persian mentality of the time. The
Shi'i theologians and jurists were partial to this kind of problem, engaging in
long contradictory debates which in turn gave rise to multiple interpretations
in which are systematically envisioned all of the germane cases, even the
most absurd. Baha'u'llah himself cites a particularly absurd example of such
casuistics which reminds us of the question asked to Jesus by the
Sadduccees, regarding the status, on the day of resurrection, of a widow
who would have successively married the six brothers of her first husband
after the passing away of each one.3
The problem is posed in the following terms: Let us imagine a Christian

who lends another Christian a jar of wine and a piece of pork meat; two
things which are permitted to Christians but forbidden to Muslims. After a
certain time the debtor and the lender both become Muslims. How can the
debtor acquit himself of his debt, for not only can Muslims not consume
either wine or pork meat, but they are forbidden to engage in the commerce
of either, and it is thus impossible to pay back the lender with money. If the
debt cannot be repaid in this world, how will it be in the other world for the
debtor? Persian society of the 19th century was passionately fond of this
kind of problem.
1
Translated from the French by Mr. Peter Terry, gratefully acknowledged by the Editorsř.
2
Mehran Ghasempour,. Bahářuřlláhřs Lawh-i Haqquřn-Nas: Tablet of the Right of the People,
Provisional Translation, International Journal of Bahaři Studies, 2007, 1, 405-409.
3
Luke 20:27-33

© 2007 Jean Marc Lepain
402 Jean Marc Lepain Introduction Lawh-i Haqquřn-Nas
Jesus gave the following response to the Sadducees:
"Those who belong to this world take wife and husband.But those
who have been judged worthy of having part in the world to come
and in the resurrection of the dead take neither wife nor husband. It
is that they cannot die, for they are the same as angels..."4
Baha'u'llah responds in a similar vein. He begins by indicating that in order

to understand this problem, one must have a detached heart and an
understanding purified from common superstitions, and only in this case can
one reach a the true comprehension of what life is after death and
resurrection. He proceeds by explaining that all that exists in the world of
Nasut, which He also calls the "world of limitations" ('alam-i-hudud),
whatever may be its name (ism), form (rasm), appearance (surat) or
characteristics (vasf), exists in the divine worlds in an appearance (shuhudi)
and a manifestation (zuhuri) which is appropriate to each of these worlds.
The things which exist in the spiritual worlds thus exist in these worlds with
totally different characteristics from those of the world below, in such
manner that no category of our understanding such as place, extent, form or
time can apply to them.
What Baha'u'llah says here is very different from what Muslim philosophy
used to teach, and in particular the Ishraqi or Shaykhi philosophy of his
time. Ishraqi philosophy says that to every thing existing in this world is
attached an intelligible reality (haqa'iq) which exists in Malakut or in the
World of Images or Imaginal World ['alam-i-mithal]. Thus, this world
(Nasut) becomes the mirror of the other world, as in Plato's myth of the
Cave. However, for Baha'u'llah it is not only the world of Malakut and the
world of Nasut which are the image of each other, but a plurality of worlds
which he calls divine (ilahi). In several places in this tablet he insists upon
this plurality in speaking of innumerable worlds (Arabic la-tuhsa).
Death in this world is thus but the disappearance of forms and appearances.
It never touches the "reality" (haqiqat) and the "essence" (dhat) of beings,
for the spiritual reality (haqa'iq) of things exists in each world with a
manifestation adapted to each of these worlds corresponding to degrees of
different realities, which might be understood as different ontological levels.
This explains why everything that man does in this lower world affects his
"essential reality" in the other worlds. Thus our acts and words live on from
one world to the other, and every soul find his retribution (reward) in
Malakut. It means that there is no avenging God who judges and condemns
us, but it is rather the consequences of our actions that follow us into the
next world represent our reward or punishment. God does not intervene
4
Luke 20:34-36

except to pardon the sinner and to assist him through his grace in
surmounting the handicap which he has created for himself.
Baha'u'llah continues with this theme by explaining that if we wish to

understand the way in which the reality of things is manifested in these
infinite worlds, the only fashion in which we can approach this
comprehension is to use metaphorical images. He explains that one of best
illustrations that we can find is that of sleep, because sleep is just like death.
It is so similar, that one can say that sleep and death are brothers. It happens
sometimes that we see things in our dreams that are unintelligible and
without relation to our lives. Yet, if we ask for the interpretation of these
dreams from a specialist, he will explain that the things we have seen in our
dream are symbolic representations of other things, and once we have
understood the key to this interpretation and the correspondence between
the symbol and the reality, we see that the things which we have seen in
dream corresponded to real situations in our lives. The only difference, in
this case, between the world of sleep and the world of waking is that these
things appear in one form in the world of sleep and in another in the world
of waking. The world after death, that is to say Malakut or the Kingdom of
Abha, is like the world of sleep. The things which we see in the temporal
world may also appear in the other world, but in another form which can be
as far removed from the reality of this lower world as the metaphorical
language of our dreams.
In another Tablet, Baha'u'llah explains that we cannot understand the

metaphorical character of this lower world in relation to the spiritual worlds
without understanding the nature of the soul. He says in speaking of the
soul that "It is, in itself, a testimony that beareth witness to the existence of a
world that is contingent, as well as to the reality of a world that hath neither
beginning nor end."5 It is the absence of any spatial and temporal reference
in the spiritual worlds which makes these so different from our world, and
which ultimately eludes our comprehension. It is for this reason that a
comparison can be made between the world of dreams and the spiritual
world after death, because the dream is the only experience which man can
have in this world which is exempt from space and time. Baha'u'llah says:
"Behold how the dream thou hast dreamed is, after the lapse of many years,
re-enacted before thine eyes. Consider how strange is the mystery of the
world that appeared to thee in thy dream."6
In the "Tablet of Haqqu'n-Nas", in order to illustrate his point, Baha'u'llah

takes the example the dream of Joseph. Joseph dreamed that the sun, the
moon and twelve stars prostrated themselves before him. This dream
announced the imminent ascension of Joseph to the rank of the Pharaoh's
5
Gleanings from the Writings of Bahářuřlláh, section LXXXII
6
Ibid.

prime minister and to the arrival of his family in Egypt, who would prostrate
themselves before him without recognizing his real identity. Baha'u'llah
points out that the world of dreams is strange inasmuch as in that world the
father and mother appear in the form of the sun and the moon, and the
brothers in the form of stars. This shows to what extent the forms and
representations of this world are different from the forms and
representations of the world of waking. The difference between the world
below and the world of death, he says, is of the same order.
To explain the metaphorical link which ties the changing of forms from one
world to another, Baha'u'llah brings another example. Let us imagine that in
the springtime a powerful man robs a weak man of his provision of seeds
and that he plants these seeds in his own garden. The seeds germinate and
in summer produce plants, trees and ultimately fruits. Then, it befalls that a
just king decides to redress the wrong that was done to the weak one. In
what manner should this just king proceed? Should he require from the
oppressor that he return the same quantity of seeds? At harvest-time the
seeds are of no immediate utility. Or should he return to him the product of
the seeds that were stolen from him? We understand immediately that
justice requires that we return to the victim not the original seeds but that
which they produced. The seeds changed in form, they were transformed
into something else, the appearance and the qualities of which are only
distantly related to their first appearance and qualities. The relationship
between this world and the other world is of the same nature, and of the
same nature also is the nature of justice that links the two. Here below
things exist only in the state of seed. When they evolve in the divine
worlds, they are completely transformed in form, appearance and qualities.
Nevertheless, the qualities of the tree and of the fruit depend upon the
qualities of the seed that produced them.
In this Tablet, Baha'u'llah proceeds with a digression of a moral rather than a

metaphysical character. In this life, the material things that we might lose
do not matter. In due course, these materials things show their true colors,
becoming tests and of calamities in our spiritual evolution, while tests and
calamities prove to be the source of true riches. At the final count, the fact
that we have lost material goods for spiritual reasons, whether we have
offered them to God in a spirit of detachment, or lost them because of the
oppression of men, makes no difference. The man who robs another man of
his wealth removes from him a portion of the tests that weigh upon his
victim's shoulders. In this subtle manner, Baha'u'llah explains that the
principle of "Haqqu'n-Nas" cannot apply to material goods. One cannot pay
these material debts in the next world. However he who has unjustly seized
the goods of another in order to accumulate his own riches in fact has but
accumulated obstacles to his own spiritual development. Without fail, the
consequences of our actions follow us from one world to the next.

Bahá‟u‟lláh‟s Lawh-i Haqqu‟n-Nas

Tablet of the Right of the People, Provisional Translation1
Dr. Mehran Ghasempour

Houston, Independent Scholar
In the Name of God, the Beneficient, the Merciful
Praise be to God Who fulfilled what He revealed to all His Prophets and
Messengers and gave to all the tidings of His days. And of them is the Day
which He promised us in His Mighty Book through His saying, exalted be
His dominion: on that day "God will enrich everyone out of His
abundance."2 And this, truly, is our Day, when I behold Him enriching all
who enter in His shadow from the abundance of His knowledge and
command, inasmuch as on this Day He hath placed the reins of knowledge
in the grasp of His lowliest servant and in the possession of His most
insignificant subject who hath held fast to the cord of His Love in the days
of His manifestation.
And praise be to God who inspireth whom He wisheth with the hosts of His
revelation and "casteth the light of His knowledge into the heart of whom
He willeth." (H.adíth) There is no God but Him Who is manifest through the
manifestation of His own Self, inasmuch as there remains no veil for Him
but the light of His Beauty, and no cloud but the abundance of His
manifestation. Blessing and peace be upon the noblest of His Chosen Ones,
and the most distinguished of His creation, and upon His kindred, and upon
His family, and upon His saints who stood firm in His Cause and continued
steadfast in His love.
And then We convey that the letter of that loved one was perused and was
the source of joy and cheer. God willing this divine confirmation may
always be Our friend and this divine assistance continue, such that from
time to time thou shouldst seek to become informed of, and have sympathy
for, the wanderers of the wilderness of disappointment and obscurity. Thus
may God reward thee with the best of rewards and graciously aid thee as He
wisheth and pleaseth.
Thou hadst inquired as to how the settlement of oneřs rights in the world
after death and paying the rights of people due to them can be conceived
and be made possible in the great Resurrection, which hath been referred to
as the Day of Judgement? Since these vanities, possessions, and rights that
are desired and wintnessed in this vain life have no existence in the worlds
1
The Persian original is printed in Àbdu'l-Hamid Ishraq-Khavari (ed.), Maìydih-i Asmani, vol. 7,
Iran, 129 BE, pp. 119-125.
2
Qurřán, 4:130. All translations of the Qurřan are from Muhammad Marmaduke Pickthal's translation
with some modifications.

© 2007 Mehran Ghasempour
406 Dr. Mehran Ghasempour Translation: Lawh-i Haqquřn-Nas
after death, and assuming their existence, they will be of no profit or benefit
to those to whom those rights are due; how then, will the settlement of oneřs
rights be accomplished in those worlds? Inasmuch as it is current amongst
people that God, the All-Merciful, at times forgoeth His own right and
forgiveth, but He forgoeth not the rights of the people until their rights are
settled.
O beloved of my heart, thou hast inquired of a subject which is extremely

perplexing and abstruse. For understanding this subject is dependent upon
understanding and comprehension of the days after death and the knowledge
of the the Day of Resurrection. And the comprehension of these two
subjects requireth a detached heart and necessitates a pure ear. Every ear is
not worthy to hearken unto this call. The ear which doeth not hearken unto
the roar of the trumpet and the bugle from the heaven of the Manifestation,
how can it hear the whisperings of the birds?
But since I cannot but reply to the bidding of that honored friend, therefore,
I will briefly state a compendium and express a few comparisons and
examples that they may suffice. And there is no power or strength save in
God, the One, the Subduer.
Thus I express to thee that what thou hast seen and heard in this mortal
world of limitations, by any name and character and by any form or
descriptive attribute, in every one of divine worlds is manifested and
witnessed in a manner suitable and proper to each world, which shineth
forth and revealeth itself by another name, character, form and descriptive
attribute.
This death that thou hast heard of in the world, referreth to the outward
appearance and the garment, and not to the truth and the inner essence.
Certainly the realities of things, through different appearances and various
manifestations, truth after truth, shine forth and reveal themselves in every
world. The sages of mature wisdom who have drunk from the mystic choice
wine - God requite them - have believed in the embodiment of deeds.
The All-Glorious saith: "God will reward them for their attributions !".3 The
Dawning-Place of revelation, the All-Merciful, hath said that people are
recompensed according to their deeds; reward for good and punishment for
evil.
Thus it becometh evident that a deed will remain and every attribute will
exist until recompense is given according to the deed and attribute
itself.Therefore, any deed and any attribute that appeareth from any person
3
Quran 6:139

hath a form in every world and unveileth itself "that God may reward every
soul what he hath earned; verily, God is swift in reckoning."4
And every time We wish, in making this subject understandable, to explain

the nature of the manifestations of things in the innumerable worlds by
mentioning and setting forth an example which is nearer to understanding
and comprehension, I consider none better to mention than the world of
sleep. It is said that sleep is the brother of death, that thou may know the
brother by the likeness of the brother. Thus observe that in the world of
dreams thou dost witness some things, and after awaking thou dost interpret
and explain them in this world by another name, form and description. And
then as days go by they are witnessed in a like manner as they were
interpreted and explained.
Thus O brother, every moment hath itself been from the dream, and in the
world of dreams thou hast seen such a thing which, had another name and
descriptive attribute in the dream, and hath another name and descriptive
attribute in this world. Therefore, acknowledge thou likewise, the different
forms in the world after death and know thou of a certainty that the truth,
essence, oneness, form, and descriptive attributes are different. And in the
event that thou hast not seen this same station with thine own eyes, thou
shouldst refer to the interpretation of dream interpreters who possess
knowledge and have interpreted every action and word, and have explained
every thing.
The Most Truthful of Speakers hath given utterance in mentioning Josephřs

dream (peace be upon the Lord of our age and upon Him) and hath
mentioned Josephřs explanations and interpretations of the two persons
mentioned in the Book.
Ponder now, what a world is this wherein father and mother are seen as the
sun and the moon, and brother viewed as a star? And what a world is this
which is seen conversely, inasmuch as the sun and the moon are witnessed
as the father and mother, and the star is observed as the brother?
He saith, glorified be His dominion: "Lo! I saw eleven stars and the sun and
the moon - I saw them prostrating themselves unto me."5 And the
interpretation of this dream became evident when Joseph sat upon the throne
and Jacob, peace be upon Him, with the eleven brothers fell at Josephřs feet.
Thus, after this question is definitely proven, the settlement of every right in
every world is in a manner that accords with that world. And, of course, if it
were otherwise then the right is not settled. I give thee another example that
4
Qurán, 14:51
5
Qurřan, 12:4

perchance through manifold examples that which hath been expressed

should be closer to understanding and the subject be acknowledged.
Consider thou that should a person usurp a grain or a seed from another
person and he should plant it in his own garden in the spring season, till it
becometh green and flourishing until it finally bears fruit and becomes a tree
in the summer season. Then, in this summer season, a just king desireth to
restore the rights of the one who was wronged. How would the king
accomplish this? Would he, in exchange, seize a grain or seed? Or would he
seize the tree itself with all its fruit, to surrender it to the one who was
wronged? Surely thou willt say the tree. However, the tree in this form is
different from the previous form, and its name and description is different
from the name and description in the spring season, because that grain or
seed, as thou wouldst claim, doth not exist. And assuming that it doth exist
and the same kind be given back, it would give no fruit and be of no
consequence to the owner inasmuch as the spring season, which was the
season of planting, hath ended and the grain or the seed will be an idle
object. To outward view it is possible to say that the grain or the seed doth
not exist and giveth no fruit. Nevertheless, in truth and reality this grain and
seed doth exist and is witnessed as a tree and fruit, which is better and more
valuable.
Many a time the settlement of rights hath taken place in this same world,
without thy being aware of it. Even as it doth happen at times that the riches
and possessions are the garment of fate and afflictions, and affliction and
fate are revealed as riches. Thus at times it doth occur that the loss of
possessions redounds to the removal of affliction, and in this instance it
maketh no difference whether this loss of possessions be due to heavenly
means or to the tyranny committed by the person who stealeth thy
possessions. In this case, whoever usurps and takes such possessions, that
person hath removed the affliction and fate from thee and hath taken them
unto himself. Could a better settlement of rights than this one be conceived?
Nay, by the Lord of the worlds!
And were I to unveil and elaborate upon the manifestation of deeds, actions,
and words, as they reveal themselves in various unlimited forms in the
worlds of God, it is feared that on the one hand the sanctified souls would
abandon their bodies and ascend toward the seats of grandeur of the All-
Merciful, and the ungodly and tyrannical souls would die for fear of what
they have done in this vain life.
O what longing for the spiritual characteristics, goodly deeds, truthful and
beneficial words and what manifests from them from the lofty heavens, to
the vast earth: shining suns, resplendent moons, radiant stars, clear springs,
flowing streams, pure air, sublime palaces, lofty trees, wondrous fruits,

clusters of fruit that are near,6 warbling birds, reddened leaves,7 fragrant
roses!
Whereas I say, ŖShelter! Shelter! O my Lord, the All-Merciful, from sinful

characteristics, ungodly actions, unseemly deeds, lying and harmful words
and that which appears from them:8 which manifests on earth as hellish fire,
hell, the tree of Zaqquřm,9 the bitter thorn fruit10 and in the form of all the
wickedness, deceptions, sicknesses, sorrows, Simúm,11 swords, arrows,
spears.
Great God! revealing of the mysteries, any further, is not permitted! And I
say: greatness, and again greatness and grandeur belongeth to God, the One,
the Subduer.
I give thee another example from the world of divine law, which
corresponds to the world of being, and I will conclude the examples with the
divine laws, that perchance thou mayest, to the extent that thou art familiar
with the worlds of God, know and comprehend the similitude of the world,
and extrapolate it, as much as thou art able, to the endless worlds. I give
thee an example of the divine law of Islam and the divine law before it
which thou art familiar with and cannot but accept:
If a jug of wine or a measure of swine meat was lawfully owed to a

Christian by another Christian, should both of them accept Islam, and the
magistrates of the religious court were to rule on the payment of this debt to
the creditor, how would the magistrates accomplish this and take give is due
to the creditor? Notwithstanding that in Islamic law wine and swine meat
are useless, have no value, and are of no benefit to the claimant, thou hast
no recourse except to say either that the debtor must give restitution from
whatever is lawful in Islam, or say that the defendant must pay its price
according to what is fixed and specified among those to whom it is lawful.
Similar cases are mentioned and written in the books of the doctors of
religion. And if I wish to give thee one hundred thousand examples,
mystical or vernacular, by Godřs power and strength I am not unable to do
so. However, I fear that this might become lengthy and tedious for thee, and
thou mayest become perplexed by what was said.
Thus We end Our argument and say: Praise be to God Who guided us unto
the knowledge of His Most Great Name and made Us know what the whole
world hath not known.
6
Quran 69:23
7
awráqun muh.ammara/awráqun muh.marra
8
What follows is a list of tropes for the traditional Islamic topography of hell
9
Qurřan, 37:62, etc.
10
Qurřan, 88:6
11
Samúm/Sumúm: since the text has no vowel markings, the word could be hot wind, hot sandstorm, or
simúm, poisons. Quran, 56:42, 52:27, 15:27

OJBS: Online Journal of Bahāřī Studies Volume 1 (2007), 410-413
„Abdu‟l-Bahá and Mírzá Ghaffár Zanúzí

ALM Nicolas‟s „Abdoul-Béha et la situation‟, 19121
Translator
Tenerife, Spain, Ismael Velasco
The Fikr, only journal currently published in Tauris, carried the following
article:
During these last years, some plotters had endeavoured to sow suspicion
between the government and the nation; to stir dissension between the
constitutionalists and the reactionaries! It was everywhere proclaimed: If the
government and nation do not become constitutionalists, religion will
disappear! We had been told this so much, that we were persuaded and
convinced of it. At last the government and the people came to agreement
and the organic laws were drawn and printed. We all know them; their limits
are precise, and the acts of government, as those of the nation also, must be
in accord with both the civil and the religious Law.
However, at that moment, someone, dressed in the garb of Islam, set about
gathering all that was needed to raise, between the government and nation at
last in agreement, the germs of dissension and hatred. Soon one could see
that certain individuals, enemies of Islam, whose garb they wore, were
carefully chosen by certain others. They were specifically charged to
prevent, by whatever means, the entente from becoming established.
Among these last, shines the name of Mirza Ghaffar Zenouzi, popular
tribune. This hypocrite, beating on his chest with the stone of Islamism,
shouted from the rostrum: ŖIslam has disappeared! Islam is dead!ŗ Certainly
all of you, inhabitants of Tauris, know him. Then the people of the governor
general arrested him2 and found him to be the carrier of the two letters
which we publish below. One of these letters is signed by Mirza Ghaffar
himself and is addressed to Saint-Jean dřAcre; the other comes from the
hand of Abdoul-Béha, signed with his seal and addressed to Mirza Ghaffar.
1
Abdoul-Béha et la situation [article traduit par A.-L.-M. Nicolas, sous le pseudonyme de Ghilan],
Revue du Monde Musulman (Paris), 1912, vol. 21, p. 261-267. Editorřs note: regarding this article, we read in
Mírzá Mahmúd-i-Zarqánířs diary for Sunday, August 24, 1912, ŖThe newspaper `Fikr' [Thought] was mentioned,
and He continued: ŖIn this newspaper our letter speaks for itself. We are far from taking part in any seditious
movement and we hold fast to the will of the Lord.ŗ (Mírzá Mahmúd-i-Zarqání, Mahmud's Diary: The Diary of
Mírzá Mahmúd-i-Zarqání, translated by Mohi Sobhani, George Ronald, Oxford, 1998.
2
Mirza Ghaffar frequented the Lazarite school in Tauris. As such he was more or less, and rather less,
protected by the French consulate. As the Consul was absent, a Lazarite went directly to the governor Choudja ed-
Dowlé. This behaviour was not pleasing and the Lazarite was not admitted. Mirza Ghaffar was condemned to
death, to be executed that very night. At nine oř clock in the evening, the Consulřs wife, made aware of the
situation, telephoned Choudja ed-Dowlé to ask for mercy for the guilty. Choudja ed-Dowlé granted it with the best
grace in the world and Mirza Ghaffar was released.
OJBS:Online Journal of Bahāřī Studies 410 1 (2007), 410-413

411 Ismael Velasco Situation in Tauris
I wish for you to publish these two documents so that Persians may become
aware of the hidden springs of certain events and understand, at the same
time as the goals pursued, the twisted means adopted. They will then know
whence come the widespread tides of blood, and from what source emanate
the troubles and discord. They will understand where is the centre of activity
seeking to throw to the winds the might of government. Then, perchance,
the blinded Persian nation will be able to recognise where her friends are to
be found and who her enemies are.
Letter of Abdoul-Béha
O friends of Abdoul-Béha! The Creator of the world is bestirred! The cloud

of divine mercy is moved! The light of God hath appeared and rises over all
horizons! It is the cause of tranquillity for all created beings. This is the time
for goodwill and union stretching to the high heavens! This is the peal of the
bell of unity and concord, sounding from the mysteries of glory! Man has
found felicity once more, while the shadows have cleared. The freed have
recovered their joy; the sea of unity is astir with crashing waves, and unionřs
zephyr blows from the flowerbed of mercy3. Each one of Godřs friends must
become even as a regiment, and make their hearts steadfast through
unveiling and making visible the truths, evidences, insights and meanings.
The divine bugles must proclaim the glad tidings of God, and attract the
souls to happiness in these good news.
Call all men to the light of guidance, and give the glad tidings of the great
gift! Soon will this land, through the bounty of the God of all the world,
become purified and be the object of heavenřs envy! The banner of guidance
will be raised! The curtains that conceal the unity of the human world will
be lifted! East and West will become one! Between North and South there
will be no more differences! The basis of all things will be founded upon
unity, and all mention of the opposer will die out! The Most Great Name,
may the souls of his servants be a sacrifice for Him, has destroyed all
obstacles, torn away all bonds. He shows forth love for everyone, casting
the blessing of unity into the thronged multitudes; spreading its benevolence
to each being in this world and counselling and bidding everyone to profit
from the lights of Truth and benefit from the ultimate Beauty!
Therefore do not look upon the faults nor defects of anyone! Pay no heed to
envy or hostility! Become, one and all, the tokens of Godřs mercy, and
endeavour to obtain forgiveness from everyone! Thus will ye change the
stranger into an intimate, and every oppressor into a friend of justice! The
ignorant, summon ye to knowledge! Guide the steps of the wayward to the
Sirat! Act with the greatest joy, the most perfect goodwill, with all your
soul! May the glory of the All-Glorious rest upon you.
3
Whether this tableau refers to Persia or the world in general, it must be confessed that it does not
remotely resemble reality.
OJBS:Online Journal of Bahāřī Studies 411 1 (2007)

Letter of Mirza Ghaffar
O my Master! O Abdoul-Béha!
I write with extraordinary ardour and love! I yearn to kiss thy blessed feet!
May it please heaven that as those who have at this moment the honour of
attaining thy presence, I may take my portion of this immense boon! For I,
who am nameless before the existence of that Sultan of Being, have rejoiced
in the recognition of this great Cause! It is through the blessing of the
marvellous preaching and exhortations of my dear friend Mounir Divan that
from darknessř shadows I have stepped into the world of lights! It is thanks
to him that I have become a unit in the army of the friends! Praised and
glorified be God!
At the command of my guide, Mirza Ebrahim Mounir Divan, I will recount

the dream that was my guide and the cause of my conversion. I will share
also a strange dream I had, two years ago, in Téhéran. The night of the 12
djemmedi el-evvel 1330, I saw a corridor 4 metres wide, but with a length
of many farsakhs. It stretched out in a straight line. The ceilings and walls of
this strange corridor were carpeted with polished fabrics of many colours
and great price. Suddenly, I arrived at a door that was on the right hand side
and opened into a room. Numerous people entered and left this room.
A young man, handsome, of tall stature, who wore on his koulah the
insignias of the Soultan4 of the Persian army, was sitting, in the room, on a
chair. Another young man, like a servant, stood nearby. Suddenly I saw my
eldest brother approach. Thereupon I understood I had stumbled into a
gathering of Béhaïs. I then began to insult my brother, telling him: ŖO my
brother, do you know what you have done? You have become a Béhaï! You
have dishonoured our family!ŗ I spoke to him thus for a long time! The
moment when, carried away, I overflowed with the most awful insults, I felt
of a sudden a revolver in my hand! I shot at him and struck his back on his
right. He bled profusely, but did not move. Only a faint smile hovered on his
lips, whilst he gazed at me.
The one who seemed the servant of the Sultan addressed me violently:
ŖBrother!ŗ he told me, ŖWhy do you torment the people? Why do you pull
the curtains thus? Perhaps the majority of men share in the beliefs of this
religion! What have you to meddle in the religion of another?ŗ But the
Sultan silenced him: ŖWhat is this to do with you? How many times have I
told you not to get involved in what does not concern you? Such a person
acts, acts, acts, and ends up by exhausting himself!ŗ I shot a few bullets at
the domestic and he was gravely wounded. But neither he nor my brother
died.
4
A subordinate officer in the Persian army

Fearing that I might be questioned, I moved on. I was leaving in a troubled

state, when suddenly I stepped on a precipice more than 1000 metres deep.
It rose above an ocean dark and full of waves. Were I to move in the
slightest, I was indubitably lost. My head turned and suddenly I began to
insult myself: ŖWretched one! Why did you not perceive this earlier! You
could have avoided this misfortune!ŗ I had such fear, that I could not turn
back my steps. The cliff plunged abruptly into the sea. I fell all the while
screaming like a madman. But, suddenly, I saw my brother who, with the
smile still on his lips, stretched out his arms and caught me. I was so
ashamed I turned away… and awoke. I declared my faith the same day!
As to my dream in Téhéran, which I have written on my notebooks as a

political dream, it is as follows:
ŖI saw, in a dark night, two dragons, similar to those which are struck on
Chinese coins, that is head raised, tail hanging, suspended between heaven
and earth. They were yellow and spotted and one would have described
them as golden by the light of the setting sun. Suddenly a two headed eagle,
full of eagerness, claws outstretched, plunged toward them. These two did
not pay, at the beginning, the least heed; but the eagle having reached their
vicinity, the dragons turned their heads toward it. The eagle then withdrew,
then returned to the charge. At this moment a tiger assailed the dragons; then
a panther made its appearance and joined the battle. A wolf arrived, then a
stag, and an elephant. All fell on the dragons and the attacks increased.
All these wilds beasts found themselves, now in the air, now on the floor.
I then saw an enormous lion, but very old and very thin. With perfect
slowness, caused by its weakness, it marched slowly towards the dragons. It
sought to keep itself on the air, but he was so feeble that he advanced only
with great difficulty. He went thus till he reached the dragons. Suddenly
these, with an infernal noise, exploded. One of them was surely an
instrument of hellfire, since all around him took flame. All the wild beasts
disappeared. There was naught but those multicoloured sparks one witnesses
in fireworks. I awoke trembling with fear.
May I be offered up as a sacrificed to the friends!
I beseech my Master to please to honour me with the explanation of these

dreams and instruct me as to the services I may render the Cause5
Translation: Ghilan6
5
One can get a sense of the mentality of Abdoul-Béhařs adepts. The misfortune is that this incident
alerted the Musulmans and that little by little the Béhaïs were thrown out, in Tauris, from administrative posts
6
Editorřs note: Pseudonym of ALM Nicolas

Bahá'í Consultation and Freireian Dialogue in Development

A Comparative Perspective
Adel Salmanzadeh
Auckland, Independent Scholar
ŖThe Řdevelopment debateř is re-forming around a conflict between

privileging the global market and privileging human communities:
Do we continue expanding industry and wealth indefinitely, or do we
find a way that human communities (however defined) can recover
social intimacy, spiritual coherence, healthy environments, and
sustainable material practices?ŗ1
History and meaning of development
Development as a practice and as an intellectual concept has become a

significant feature in many parts of the world for many decades, and over
time it has carried very different meanings. The meaning of Řdevelopmentř
that is most related to this dissertation dates from the post war era of modern
development thinking. According to Pieterse2 in modern development, the
core meaning of development was economic growth through Western
aspirations such as mechanization and industrialisation, which was later
broadened to encompass the advancement of social, economic and political
modernisation. Around this period, so-called developed nations believed
that it is only through material advancement (industrialisation and
urbanisation) that social, cultural and political progress can be achieved, and
that capital investment was the key to economic growth and development3
It was also then that many developed nations believed in the importance of
advancing the role of modernisation as an effective way of dealing with the
so-called social, cultural, and political backwardness of the nations that they
come to regard as ŘThird Worldŗ.
In January 20, 1949 US president Truman seized the moment as one of the
powerful leaders of the First World by asserting the importance of the US in
aiding the economic progress of the world:
ŖWe must embark on a bold new program for making the benefits of
our scientific advances and industrial progress available for the
improvement and growth of underdevelopment areas. The old
imperialism- exploitation for foreign profit Ŕ has no place in our
1
P McMichael, Development and Social Change: A Global Perspective, Thousand Oaks, California:
Pine Forge Press, 2000, xlii.
2
Jan, N Pieterse, Development Theory: Deconstructions/Reconstructions. Thousand Oaks, California:
Sage Publications Inc, 2001. 6.
3
A Escobar, Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third Word. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press,1995, 39-40.

© 2007 Adel Salmanzadeh
415 Adel Salmanzadeh Bahá'í Consultation and Freireian Dialogue
plans. What we envisage is a program of development based on the

concepts of democratic fair dealingŗ4
However, the motivations for the introduction of Řdevelopmentř as a global

project and the introduction of the notion of Ŗunderdevelopedř has been
widely criticised by intellectuals such as Gustavo Esteva, who makes the
following powerful statement:
ŖUnderdevelopment began, then, on January 20, 1949. On that day,

two billion people became underdeveloped. In a real sense, from that
time on, they ceased being what they were, in all their diversity, and
were transmogrified into an inverted mirror of othersř reality: a
mirror that defines their identity … simply in the terms of a
homogenizing and narrow minorityŗ5
According to McMichael6 this historical proclamation divided the humanity

into the Ŗdevelopedŗ and the Ŗunderdevelopedŗ regions. This became a new
way of looking at the world where so-called modern became the standard
that all the societies of the world were measured and judged. Furthermore
this became a new paradigm for producing a strategy to improve the
conditions of the Third World, mentioned before came to be known as the
development project. This strategy by the First World assumed that firstly,
no matter how diverse those Ŗunderdevelopedŗ nations where, they were
viewed in a similar way and that the western experience became the
universal model for their development. Secondly, the Third World nations
were seen as being only at the early stages of a universal path to modern
society.
At this period, underdeveloped nations were seen trapped in a cycle of

poverty and lacking the capital to achieve economic growth. To achieve this
material success, international supports such as foreign aid, technology
transfer, stable currency exchange and robust international trade became an
essential part of the development project. To accommodate these necessary
supports and funds United States spearheaded two initiatives to reconstruct
the world economy: the Marshall Plan and the Bretton Woods program7.As
the result of these initiatives the Ŗ twin sistersŗ of World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) were established, to stabilize national
finances and economic growth by funding the Third World, among others.
The following statement expressed at the 1944 Bretton Woods conference

offered invaluable evidence, for the types of attitudes that supported the
aims of development project for peace and free trade as a whole:
4
H. S Truman,. Harry S. Truman: Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of the
President, 1945-53. Washintgton: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1961, 114
5
G Esteva, ŖDevelopmentŗ. In Wolfgang Sachs (ed.), The Development Dictionary. London: Zed
Books. 1992, 7.
6
McMichael, Social Change, 24.
7
Ibid,44.

ŖCreation of a dynamic world economy in which the peoples of

every nation will be able to realize their potentialities in peace … and
enjoy, increasingly, the fruits of material progress on an earth
infinitely blessed with natural riches. This is the indispensable
cornerstone of freedom and security. All else must be built upon this.
For freedom of opportunity is the foundation for all other freedomŗ8
Moreover, on delivering the ŖResolution of Thanksŗ at the conference, the

Brazilian delegate, Souza Costa, proclaimed that the Bretton Woods
institutions were Ŗinspired by a single ideal - that happiness be distributed
throughout the face of the earthŗ9 Overall, these became the key sentiments
of the development project: multinational universalism, viewing natural
bounty as unlimited, and a liberal belief in freedom of opportunity as the
basis of political development and human satisfaction was linked to rising
living standards 10
Later as a direct outcome of those development initiatives and institutions,

many newly independent states were turned into financially dependent
states. It was at this point around the 1960řs that the dependency school of
thought began to expose the unequal economic relationships of aid, trade,
and investment between First and Third World nations. According to
Pieterse11 dependency theory acknowledged that the core meaning of
development was economic growth, under the heading of accumulation,
which was a distorted form of dependent accumulation that led to the
development of underdevelopment. Well-known dependency theorists like
A.G. Frank criticised development thinking for denying the historical
relationship between development and underdevelopment. Frank12 argued
that Řif the now underdeveloped were really to follow the stages of growth
of the now developed ones, they would have to find still other peoples to
exploit into underdevelopment, as the now developed countries did before
themř.
Dependency theory with its unique critique of development further

established a platform for new reflections and strategies that contributed to
the emergence of Řalternative developmentř and Řhuman developmentř.
From the 1970řs to the end of the 1980řs alternative and human
development thinking offered new understanding and approaches on
development that mainly focused on issues regarding social and community
development. According to Pieterse13 these new development paradigms
8
Theodore Roosevelt, United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference. Washintgton: U.S.
Government Printing Office. 1947, 4 (Statement by President Roosevelt, read by Henry Morgenthau)
9
Souza Costa, 1947, in Ibid, 4
10
McMichael, Social Change, 48
11
Pieterse, Development Theory, 6
12
AG Frank, Latin America: Underdevelopment or Revolution. New York: Monthly Review Press.
1969, 46
13

tended to be practice-oriented rather than theoretically inclined, and aimed

to create a people-centred development model that valued equity,
participation and sustainability.
The emergence of these new people-centred and action-oriented

development paradigms offers the most relevant context for the central topic
of this paper, discussed below. However it would be appropriate in this
historical overview to briefly discuss the emergence of radically different
development schools of Řneo-liberalismř and Řpost-developmentř in the late
1980řs and 1990řs. According to Pieterse14 neo-liberalism introduced the
return to the neoclassical economics model of economic growth, to be
achieved through structural reform, privatisation and deregulation. In this
approach development as a source of economic growth remains the central
goal and the market replaces the state as the agent of achieving this goal.
Pieterse further adds that the neo-liberalist approach can be regraded as anti-
development in terms of its emphasis on the power of the market for
achieving economic growth.
In the 1990řs post-development thinkers also put forth an anti-development

position. Post-development scholars such as Tucker15, Rist16 and Escobar17 ,
began to question the whole nature and the validity of development. Vincent
Tucker18 refers to the ŖMyth of Developmentŗ and criticises its application
as a natural law and a necessity that has been forced on millions upon
millions of human beings by Ŗdevelopedŗ nations. Furthermore, he strongly
views development as Řthe process whereby other peoples are dominated
and their destinies are shaped according to an essentially Western way of
conceiving and perceiving the worldř. Similarly, Rist19 affirms that
development is not a natural process or a transcultural concept that can be
simply transplanted to Ŗdevelopingŗ nations without a careful consideration
of peoplesř needs, histories and aspirations. Rist further argues that it is for
this very reason that despite all kinds of Western technological or
economical advancements, these accomplishments of the West cannot be
replicated in Third World countries. Some have argued that this attempted
replication of First World socio-economic accomplishments has come to
control the destinies of Third World nations and directly or indirectly began
to influence their social and cultural values and meaning systems 20
14
15
Vincent Tucker, The Myth of Development: A Critique of a Eurocentric Discourse. In Munck, R. &
OřHearn, D., (eds) Critical Development Theory: Contributions to a New Paradigm, Zed Books: London. 1999.
16
Rist, G., ŖDevelopmentŗ as Part of the Modern Myth: The Western Socio-Economic Dimension of
Development ŖDevelopmentŗ, European Journal of Development Alternatives, 1990, 2(1), 10-21.
17
Arturo Escobar, Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third Word.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 1995
18
Tucker, Myth, 1
19
Rist , Modern Myth, 12
20
Escobar, 1999.

Furthermore, Tucker21 recognises this type of control as being a central

issue in development discourse, and questions whether these
accomplishments as well as Western values should be replicated or imposed
on those nations in the name of Řdevelopmentř. Likewise which traditional
values and practices must be abandoned and which retained to make way for
development and modernisation. These questions are only some of those
asked by critical development theorists to challenge the myth of
development.
Does this imply that there is no need for nations, developed or

underdeveloped, to assist one another as inhabitants of one planet? Post-
development thinkers like Escobar22, Tucker23 and McMichael24 have
suggested that the West should abandon the concept of development as a
means for legitimising the oppression and domination of many nations.
Hegemonical development discourse has failed to acknowledge other forms
of rationality and ways of life that have existed before the introduction of
modernisation. There is an urgent need to rethink the notion of development
by addressing these destructive and dehumanising practices that have
resulted in unhealthy inequalities of power. Tucker25 sees this inequality of
power at the heart of the problem of development, where modernisation and
dependency discourses have Řreduced the subjects of development to
passive objectsř.
Today development is no longer divided between mainstream (based on

economic growth) and alternative (based on increasing of peopleřs choices
and human capacitation). According to Pieterse26, there is now a
considerable overlap between mainstream and alternative development,
especially in relation to their approach in defining and conceptualising
development in terms of participation, working with the poor and vulnerable
groups, and emphasis on local action. She further acknowledges that these
overlapping ideologies and practices with their particular emphasis on
peoples basic needs (health, literacy, education and housing), are giving
people-centred development a more mainstream position in recent years.
Overall, development is not what it used to be and it is in a constant state of
flux, with development practice, policy and studies rapidly flourishing and
universities establishing development schools more than ever before.
The alternative development paradigm

As mentioned by Pieterse27 alternative development since its inceptions in
the 1970řs has introduced alternative practices and redefining goals of
development. Its significant contribution has mainly been in the areas of
21
Tucker, Myth, 3
22
Escobar, Encountering Development
23
Tucker, Myth
24
McMichael, Social Change
25
Tucker, Myth, 14
26
Pieterse, Development Theory 94
27
Ibid,74

local and grassroots development. Alternative development is often

identified with development-by-NGOs28, however it can be further
distinguished with respect to its development notions of participation and
self-reliance aimed at achieving basic needs. Also according to Pieterse29
and Korten30, in alternative development the state has an important role in
being a facilitator of peopleřs self-development, complemented by business
and other voluntary agencies. For example as mentioned in Pieterse31 the
Thailand Five Star Partnership programme integrates the efforts of
government, NGOřs, private sector, religious communities and academic
institutions to facilitate local and grassroots development.
In recent years, alternative development has been regarded as a paradigm

that values equity, participation and sustainability32. Alternative
development thinkers such as Rahman33 unlike post-development thinkers
disapprove of abandoning development, as he regards the word
Ŗdevelopmentŗ to be a very powerful means of expressing peoples
creativity. He further argues that we must not abandon valuable words
because they are abused: what do we do then with words like democracy
and socialism, which have also been abused? However as Korten34 has
argued it is important to redefine development in relation to its benefits to
developing societies:
Ŗ Development is a process by which the members of a society

increase their personal and institutional capacities to mobilize and
manage resources to produce sustainable and justly distributed
improvements in their quality of life consistent with their own
aspirationsŗ35
One of the ways such definition of development becomes realised has been
through the practical concept of Řmobilisationř in the Participatory Action
Research (PAR) movement. Rahman36 regards mobilisation as a process
where by people are emotionally stimulated, in the sense of generating inner
urges for collective activity, an inner urge being defined as an urge that
arises from oneřs own consciousness to achieve emotional fulfilment.
Hefurther emphasis that mobilisation requires the following:
28
AG Drabek, (ed.), 1, Development Alternatives: The Challenge for NGOs, World Development, 987,
15, Supplement: 1-261.
29
30
DC Korten, Getting to the 21st Century: Voluntary Action and Global Agenda. West Hartford: CT:
Kumarian Press. 1990, 95
31
Pieterse, Development Theory
32
Arruda, M., 1994, ŘA Creative Approach to Structural Adjustment: Towards A People-Centred
Developmentř, in John Cavanagh, Daphne Wysham & Marcos Arruda (eds), Beyond Bretton Woods: Alternatives
to the Global Economic Order , London:Pluto Press. 1994, 139
33
Anisur Rahman, Peoples Self-Development: Perspectives on Participatory Action Research. A
Journey Through Experience, London: Zed Books. 1993, 213-214
34
Korten, Voluntary Action
35
Korten, Voluntary Action, 67
36
Rahman, Self-Development, 19-20

Firstly, that people have a sense of owning the means of production and a
sense of being the agents of decision-making. Secondly, they must have a
sense of positive purpose in the exercise of ownership and decision-making.
Thirdly, above all they must achieve self-reliance, that can be defined as a
state of mind that regards oneřs own mental and material resources as the
primary source of achieving oneřs collective objectives and emotional
fulfilment.
In relation to the aims of this study it would be relevant to place a particular

emphasis on what Anisur Rahman37 calls Řpeopleřs self-developmentř. In his
informative book with the same title Rahman comprehensively discusses
PAR as a significant movement within the field of alternative development.
This book presents Rahmanřs reflection on development through collective
grass-roots initiatives by people themselves. His intellectual and practical
involvement in grassroots, people led development, experimentation with
participatory research, and his experience in the field of Řanimationř is
invaluable to the field of alternative development.
Furthermore, the PAR group decision-making practice of Řanimationř has

been a significant feature of this movement, which according to Rahman38
aims to stimulate unprivileged people to regard themselves as the principal
actors in the development of their communities and to develop a critical
understanding of their conditions and to express and assert themselves
through collective action. In this decision-making process a significant
emphasis is placed on enabling people to get collectively engaged in seeking
creative solutions to their problems. This collective inquiry of people in to
their circumstances must be further complemented by collective action. As
Tilakaratna39 has observed:
ŖPeople operate as animated subjects when they are able to

investigate, critically reflect on and analyse the social reality on their
own, perceive self-possibilities for change, take initiatives and
engage in critical review of their ongoing actions as a regular
practice. The role of animation is therefore to assist the people to
build up the above capacities, and a knowledge base to think and act
creatively to transform their realitiesŗ.
Animation further requires Řfacilitationř for it to be systemically possible.

Rahman40 explains that facilitation is needed for the acquisition of basic
skills such as literacy and management skills, for effective operation of
organizations and collective undertakings. Through facilitation people are
also encouraged to develop contact with development agencies and
37
Rahman, Self-Development
38
Rahman, Self-Development, 156
39
S Tilakaratna, The Animator in Participatory Rural Development (Concept and Practice), Geneva:
ILO. 1987, 23.
40

institutions for funding and support. It is important to mention that this

process is initially introduced to a group by an animator, which has the
responsibility of stimulating people and advancing their knowledge for
collective inquiry and decision-making.
Furthermore, alternative development involves a social and political process

of Řempowermentř that aims to rebalance the structure of power through
greater participation. According to Oakley41, Řpower-formal, traditional, or
informal lies in the heart of any process of change and is the fundamental
dynamics that determines social and economic relationsř. Empowerment is
concerned with the recognition of peopleřs capacities to take action and to
play an active role in development initiatives. Empowerment is an
intentional and ongoing dynamic process centred on the local community,
involving mutual dignity, critical reflection, caring and group participation,
through the exercise of an increased leverage on power42. Overall, according
to Oakley43 , empowerment requires the full participation of people in every
step of the decision-making processes of: formulation, implementation and
evaluation for the well being of the society to be achieved.
In relation to the main topic of this paper, peopleřs participations in

decision-making has been recognised as one of the main features of
empowerment. Alternative development authors such as Friedman44,
Galjart45, Stiefel and Wolfe46 think of development as Řparticipation in
decision-makingř in matters to the target group. According to Oakley47 , this
expression of empowerment is significant when it comes to capturing the
basic element of Řpowerř: the power of decision-making. Empowerment
assists the subjects of development, who normally are, or have been
excluded from decision-making to be come Řself empoweredř48. In this
sense decision-making becomes central in exercising oneřs power to
influence change in a developing community in a social-political context.
The significance of decision-making has been discussed above in relation to

a number of concepts in alternative development thinking. However, when it
comes to the practical application of decision-making, alternative
development does not offer enough methodologies and principles to guide
the participants in the decision-making process. This paper aims to offer
and discuss two possible alternative group decision-making methods in the
41
P Oakley, Empowerment and Its Evaluation. In Oakley, P. (ed.), Evaluating Empowerment:
Reviewing the Concept and Practice. Oxford, UK: INTRAC. 2001,13
42
W Van Eyken, 1991, The Concept and Process of Empowerment. The Hague: Bernard Van Leer
Foundation
43
Oakley, Empowerment, 39
44
J Friedman, Empowerment: The Politics of Alternative Development. Oxford: Blackwell. 1992
45
B Galjart, ŘParticipatory Development Projects: The History of a research Project and Summary of
Resultsř, Netherlands Review of Development Studies, No. 1., 1987
46
M Stiefel & M Wolf, Voice for the Excluded: Popular Participation in Development, Utopia or
Necessity? London: Zed Books. 1994
47
Oakley, Empowerment, 59
48
R Tandon, Participatory Training for Rural Development. New Delhi: PRIA. 1987

context of development theory and practice: Bahářì consultation, and Paulo

Freireřs notion of dialogue.
The Bahá‟í consultation model
According to Wendi Momen49 the Bahářì Faith acknowledges that the

social, political, economic and spiritual capacity of people around the world
is advancing, as the scope of humanřs sense of loyalty to a group is
broadening from family to clan, tribe, city-state, nation and ultimately to the
recognition of the oneness of humanity. Bahářuřllahřs foundational principle
of the oneness of humankind is articulated in terms of unity in diversity,
peace, justice, and brotherhood among all the peoples of the earth regardless
of religion, nationhood, race or class. This implies, according to the Bahářì
writings, Ŗan organic change in the structure of present day society, a change
such as the world has not yet experienced.ŗ50. To achieve these aspirations,
Bahářuřllah advances a series of spiritual, moral, and social guidelines for
human development, one of which involves the decision-making system of
consultation.
Bahářì consultation advocates dialogue between individuals and within

groups as the ideal method of clear decision-making. Consultation is
encouraged in personal, family and community decisions51. Bahářì
consultation is put forward in the Bahářì writings as a method for problem-
solving and decision-making, and a contributor to the well being of the
group which through its processes enables its maturity and understanding to
manifest52. In this communicative process; true understanding materialises
when all the different views regarding a matter are courteously but candidly
expressed by everyone who would like to contribute to the discussion. This
level of openness to considering multiple views allows for a greater and
more holistic understanding of a subject matter. According to Bahářuřllah,
Řconsultation is the lamp of guidance which leadeth the way, and is the
bestower of understandingř 53. Bahářì consultation is seen as a powerful
process that can only be discovered gradually through practice and
reflection. It is regarded as significant in its potential to transcend the more
hierarchical decision-making processes of the institutions of church and
state. The Bahářì Faith has no clergy and the entire administrative body of
the Bahářì Faith locally, nationally and internationally is elected by all adult
members of its community. Authority is vested solely in collective
consultative bodies where individuals have no decision-making power54.
49
Wendi Momen, A Basic Bahářì Dictionary. Oxford, UK: George Ronald. 1989,186-187
50
Shoghi Effendi, Bahářì Administration: Selected Messages 1992-1932, Wilmette, Illinois: Bahářì
Publishing Trust. (7th ed), 1974, 43
51
Momen, Dictionary,57
52
Bahařuřllah, in Bahářì Consultation: A Compilation by the Universal House of Justice, Auckland,
New Zealand: National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahářìs of New Zealand. 1978, 93
53
Bahářuřllah, Consultation,1
54
Guy Sinclair, Mediation, Transformation and Consultation: A Comparative Analysis of Conflict
Resolution Models, Unpublished, Auckland: University of Auckland.1997.

Bahářì consultation is aimed to advance beyond the arena of limited interest,

replacing brute force and contending vested interests with a spiritually
engaged participatory process, while ideally enabling human beings to
graduate from divisive partisan politics55
The most significant purpose of Bahářì consultation is the Ŗinvestigation of

truthŗ56. This search for truth according to the Bahářì writings has universal
application. Whether it is used for administrative purposes or purely
personal matters, consultation is a process of achieving Ŗinsight into
thingsŗ57 and a method of establishing greater awareness in the spirit of
Ŗunity in diversityŗ. Consultation entails both joint consideration and
allowing an idea to grow. Once an idea is put forward by an individual as a
contribution to the search for truth, it is considered as belonging to the
group. At the same time, regardless of its propounder or the apparent
quality of the idea, the group is urged to consider its possible relevance and
value and consult on whether it needs implementation, further growth,
considered dismissal or postponement for future consultation. This process
is designed to ensure that every idea or recommendation is treated with
justice and fairness regardless of the position and background of the
individual. Bahářì consultation is thus a multi-dimensional concept that
respects and combines the experiences, knowledge, minds, hearts, feelings,
hopes and fears of the participants. For this reason consultation can initially
be somewhat complex and challenging for individuals inexperienced in its
dynamics, and it is through committed self-inquiry and personal observation
that oneřs quality of participation can increase.
In Bahářì consultative bodies of the Bahářì Faith, a chairperson is elected to

facilitate the consultative process and ensure that each member is provided
with the opportunity to contribute to the discussions. Overall, the teachings
of the Bahářì Faith emphasises collective leadership and through the process
of consultation the decision-making power of the elected group should be
realised and utilised. The group should welcome the views of all, including
Ŗthe most lowly, untutored and inexperiencedŗ58 In this forum, decision-
making is dialectically structured by differences of opinions and Ŗthrough
the clash of personal opinions the spark of truth is often ignitedŗ59.
Bahářìs are encouraged to come to terms with this challenging decision-

making process in the recognition that consultation is not an easy matter,
because of the imperfect individual behaviours, attitudes and orientations
we bring to this consultative process. Bahářì consultation is therefore not
merely a mechanical process or a specific methodology, but a journey of
personal maturation in which success will also depend on the qualities of
55 J Kolstoe, Consultation: A Universal Lamp of Guidance, Oxford: George Ronald.1985,8
56 ŘAbduřl-Bahá, The Promulgation of Universal Peace, Wilmette, Illinois: Bahářì Publishing Trust.
(4th ed) 1982, 68-70
57
Ibid, 97
58
Shoghi Effendi, Administration, 102
59
Ibid

oneřs character and personal conduct. Consultation requires therefore

constant examination of oneřs motives and conscious adjustment of oneřs
behaviour60 Sinclair suggests that these real dilemmas and conflicts
challenge individuals to mature over time, engendering a process of spiritual
transformation.
The Bahářì writings regard the domain of consultation as a Ŗspiritual

conferenceŗ and Ŗnot the mere voicing of personal viewsŗ61. In such a
conference, the participants are urged to detach themselves from their
opinion and Ŗset it forth as a contribution to the consensus of opinionŗ.
ŘAbduřl-Bahá62 encourages the participants through a Ŗspiritual conferenceŗ
to evaluate their personal opinions with utmost Ŗserenity, calmness and
composureŗ. By controlling oneřs emotional attachment to an opinion the
individual is able to consider the worth and the truth of the opinions that
have already been expressed; therefore they are able to willingly modify
their stance. In such situations, oneřs detachment and clarity enables one to
allow the consultation process to arrive at unity and truth. ŖTherefore true
consultation is a spiritual conference in the attitude and atmosphere that
good results may be forthcoming. Love and fellowship are the foundationŗ63
Bahářìs are urged to approach all collective matters in Ŗthe spirit of frank
and loving consultationŗ64. Opinions and ideas must be expressed with Ŗthe
utmost devotion, courtesy, dignity, care and moderationŗ65 Those who
engage in Bahářì consultation must Ŗsearch out the truth and not insist upon
their own opinion, for stubbornness and persistence in oneřs views will lead
ultimately to discord and wrangling and the truth will remain hiddenŗ66 This
involves learning increasingly to reconcile in consultation Ŗthe principles of
mercy and justice, of freedom and submission, of the sanctity of the right of
the individual and of self-surrender, of vigilance, discretion and prudence on
the one hand and fellowship, candour and courage on the other67
Above all else, then, Bahářì consultation stems from an engaged spirituality:
a state, an inner condition, that should manifest itself in action, in everyday
choices, in a profound understanding of human nature and in meaningful
contributions to community life and society.ŗ68 Such individual cultivation
of spirituality is considered fundamental to collective and united
consultation for the investigation of truth. According to Sinclair69 the act of
consultation is itself sacred and sanctified; first, through the spiritual
60
Sinclair, Mediation, 12
61
řAbduřl-Baha, Promulgation, 68-70
62
Ibid
63
Ibid
64
65
řAbduřl-Baha, Promulgation, 95
66
Ibid, 88
67
68
Farzam Arbab, ŖThe Process of Social Transformationŗ in Eyford, G., (ed.), The Bahářì Faith and
Marxism: Proceedings of a Conference held in January 1986, Ottawa: Association for Bahářì Studies. 1987, 49-50
69
Sinclair, Mediation, 11

outlook each participant brings to the consultation process, secondly

through their prayers and concentrated efforts to manifest spiritual qualities;
finally, dialogue is understood to be facilitated by the power of God and
oneřs reliance on God in all matters. ŖThe prime requisite for them that they
take counsel together,ŗ Bahářì writings assert, Ŗare purity of motive,
radiance of spirit, detachment from all else save God, attraction to His
Divine fragrances, humility amongst His loved ones, patience and long-
suffering and servitude.ŗ
Sustained by the spiritual dimension of consultation, then, Bahářìs are

encouraged to develop strong cooperation and association to achieve true
happiness and development, individual and collective70. Within this context,
Bahářìs become increasingly able to examine any issue from various points
of view, together finding the most suitable direction to embark upon,
consulting until a solution for collective action emerges. Through
consultation, unity of thought is persistently pursued and achieved, and
when the thoughts and views of all participants are united, imaginative plans
for development and growth of any community can be achieved71 (Ruhi,
Book 2, 1985).
Consultation is Ŗno easy skill to learn, requiring as it does the subjugation of

all egoism and unruly passions, the cultivation of frankness and freedom of
thought as well as courtesy, openness of mind, and wholehearted
acquiescence in a majority decisionŗ72 (UHJ, Wellspring, p.96). Certainly, in
this early stage of growth of the Bahá'í community with its wide diversity of
individuals the process of consultation may present itself as a challenge, and
at times the perfect decision may not be a practical possibility73 (Abduřl-
Bahá, 1982: 96). However, it is important for the group to remain united in
all stages of the decision making process, especially after the group has
reached its final decision. If the final decision is implemented and it does
not produce the desired out come, the group must reflect and consult on the
matter again in unity and solidarity.
Overall, Vick74 (1989:49) believes Bahářì consultation is a method of

human interaction and communication that suits all situations. It is a new
social institution that shapes and develops people and communities. Bahářì
consultation is put forward by its proponents as unique and evolutionary, its
full potential and powers only gradually being discovered and developed75
(Kolstoe:1985&1995, Vick:1989). The process of consultation is advanced
70
71
The Ruhi Institute, Book 2: Arising to Serve, Ruhi Foundation, Colombia, Florida: Palabra
Publications. 1987.
72
The Universal House of Justice, Wellspring of Guidance: Messages 1963-1968. Wilmette, Illinois:
Bahářì Publishing Trust. 1969,96).
73
74
HH Vick, Social and Economic development: A Bahářì Approach, Oxford: George Ronald. 1989,49
75
Kolstoe, Consultation; John Kolstoe, Developing Genius: Getting the Most Out of Group Decision-
Making, Oxford: George Ronald. 1995; Vick, Social

by Bahářuřllah as a universal Řlamp of guidanceř, and as a reflection of the

maturation of humanity and its ability to make informed decisions.
A case study of Bahá‟í consultation in development practice: Radio for

Development (Ecuador)
Consultation is one of the fundamental features of any Bahářì initiated

development project around the world. Below a case study of a bahářì
development project is discussed in which Bahářì consultation has been
used in practice. It is important at this point to offer a brief explanation of
the Bahářì understanding of development. Generally, it has been regarded by
the Bahářì Faith as the process of maturation of social institutions together
with an increase in participation of individuals and groups in those
institutions, and improvements in the economic welfare, wealth, standard of
living and material comfort of individuals, groups and whole populations76.
Furthermore, the success of any form of material development is held to be

related to the level of spiritual development. All of the social teachings of
the Bahářì Faith, such as universal education, equality of men and women,
the importance of agriculture, etc., are approached from a spiritually
informed perspective in both theory and practice. This fundamentally
spiritual approach to development has been the most significant vehicle for
humanitarian aid and assistance by the members of the Bahářì Faith.
In 1977, the Bahářìs of Ecuador began the first Bahářì radio station. Radio
Bahářì of Ecuador was established through consultation between the Bahářìs
in the Otavalo region and the National Spiritual Assembly of Ecuador.
According to the Bahářì scholar Kurt Hein77 the station was established in
part to promote self-determination and self-reliance among rural populations
by encouraging their participation in the operations of the station. In
particular the Bahářìs aimed to offer their services to the spiritual,
administrative, social, and economic of the indigenous population.
The station was licensed as an educational, cultural, and religious

institution. Its aims included:
 Providing universal education for the general population.

 Promoting the development of human potential.
 Promoting the unification of humankind into Ŗone universal
familyŗ.
 Assisting in the development and instruction of the Bahářì
community in the region.
76
Momen, Dictionary, 69
77
Kurt Hein, Radio for Development. World Order, 1987,198(3-4), 39-50.

 Helping raise the listenerřs standard of living without

destroying their values.78
In addition Radio Bahářì began serving community organizations through

programming that encouraged participation by all community members,
especially women, and by teaching the principles of Bahářì consultation as a
method of community decision making. This was initially to develop and
strengthen consultative skills among the Bahářì communities in the region,
later extending its benefits and possible usage to the rest of the community.
Bahářì consultation became an important feature of the management and

administration of Radio Bahářì, implemented by the Radio Bahářì
Commission. According to Hein79, the Commission met weekly to review
programming and personal issues. After consultation between the members
of the station staff and the Executive Director, the decisions and the policies
of the Commission were implemented. By following the principles of
Bahářì consultation each staff member had the opportunity to offer ideas for
improving the services of Radio Bahářì.
Since its inception Radio Bahářì has served the community by producing
many regular programs on agricultural and health issues; public
announcements; regular visits to the villagers to interview the people
concerning rural farming issues, womenřs activities, oral traditions;
indigenous music festivals and local news and information. These programs
have been effective for two reasons. First, the audience needs are addressed
and then the programming is developed to address those needs. Second,
Radio Bahářì uses the voices of the villagers and the indigenous people not
only so they can hear themselves but also using radio as a medium to reach
civil servants80
With regards to staff training many visiting consultants offered short-term

courses for those interested in learning to produce their own programs. As
mentioned by Hein for example a number of indigenous women produced
their own programs, although none had any radio experience before coming
to the station. In fact, only one of the women had received any formal
schooling. Nonetheless, after completing some initial courses, they were
teamed up with more experienced staff until they felt comfortable operating
the equipment on their own. As their confidence grew they started to
participate in daily consultation regarding Bahářì Radiořs activities,
especially in relation to indigenous womenřs issues.
In addition, through effective consultation between consultants, the

administrative bodies of the Bahářì Faith and volunteers, the station has
continued to fulfil its mandate as a participatory service to the indigenous
78
Hein, Radio, 41
79
Ibid, 44
80
Ibid, 46

community for more than two decades. Radio Bahářì of Ecuador has
inspired many other communities around the world to initiate similar
projects, Bahářì and non-Bahářì.
Freirean notion of dialogue
Paulo Freire has become one of the most influential educationists for nearly
four decades. His work and philosophy have inspired not only educational
workers but also others in the fields of human and social development, in
many developing nations and also in many developed countries. In his most
widely read book, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, he lays the foundations of
some of his most thought provoking concepts such as the notions of,
řliberationř, Řhumanisationř, Řdehumanisationř, Řconscientisationř, and
Řdialogueř. Many of these concepts were developed while developing and
conducting his revolutionary literacy programs in his home nation of Brazil.
However, after the military coup in 1964, the officials found his educational
activities and teaching philosophies too radical and placed him under house
arrest. He was later asked to leave his country and spent more than two
decades in exile.
With regards to the main theme of this study, the notion of dialogue can be
regarded as a significant contribution of Freirian philosophy. However, we
cannot treat dialogue as an isolated notion, and as a stand-alone contribution
of his philosophy. We must as Roberts81 (1998:33) argues, go beyond his
classic work the Pedagogy of the Oppressed and read Freire holistically. ŘA
holistic reading allows a more complex picture of both Freirean theory in
general, and the place of Pedagogy of the Oppressed in that theory in
particular, to emergeř
In another early work, Cultural Action for Freedom82 (1972) Freire

addresses some of the political and developmental issues in the Third World
with specific reference to Latin America. He examines the significant
process of conscientisation, and dialogue as one of its key components. Here
we must also mention that, although the concept of conscentisation has been
directly associated to Freire, he was not the first to use the notion. The
original Portuguese term, Řconscientizacaoř, came in to being during a series
of meetings between professors at the Brazilian Institute of Higher Studies,
and later popularised by Helder Camara83
It is appropriate at this point of the study to make an explicit and systematic

analysis of the concept of conscientisation and its relationship to the notion
of dialogue. In his work before the Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Freire refers
to dialogue as Ŗcommunionŗ in relation to the project of conscentisation by
81
. P Roberts, Knowledge, Dialogue and Humanization: The Moral Philosophy of Paulo Freire. Journal
of Educational Thought, 1998, 32(2), 95-117 33
82
Paolo Freire, , Cultural Action for Freedom, Harmodsworth: Penquin.1972
83
P Roberts, Rethinking Conscientization . Journal of Philosophy of Education, 1996, 309(2), 179-196

stating that Ŗonly praxis in the context of communion makes conscientsation

a viable projectŗ84 (1972: 46). In this sense conscientisation is a joint project
that takes its form with unity and solidarity between the people through
action and constant reflection upon that action and upon the world. Freire
emphasises that, in order for conscientisation to take place a radical
denunciation of dehumanising structures must occur alongside people
constructing a new reality for themselves. By doing this people come to
openly challenge the oppressive conditions they have been subjected to, and
through dialogue and action take charge of their own progress and
development.
According to Freire, the starting point for the analysis of conscientisation is

to critically comprehend humans as beings who exist in and with the world.
ŖIt is as conscious beings that men are not only in the world, but with the
world, together with other men. Only men, as Ŗopenŗ beings are able to
achieve the complex operation of simultaneously transforming the world by
their action and grasping and expressing the worldřs reality in their creative
language.ŗ85 According to Roberts, ŖŘconscientisationř is the reflective
moment which occurs in a liberating educational programme designed to
dialogically address and transform conditions of oppression.ŗ86 .
Freire has often referred to the importance of dialogue and its significant
role in the conscientizacao, or Ŗconscientizationŗ, process87. For example,
with regards to students and their process of becoming conscious and
transformed, dialogue represents a powerful and transformative political
process. It is through dialogical interaction and relationships that students
learn to build strong learning communities in which they can freely
communicate their thoughts and ideas about what they know and also in
relation to the larger political project of emancipation88 Even though in this
example the relationship of dialogue and conscientisation is expressed with
regards to students, the same would apply to other members of a society
who continue to engage in the process of critical consciousness and
liberation. According to Darder89 it is important to understand that a true act
of dialogue needs purposeful focus, particularly, on the process of
developing critical consciousness or transformative social action.
84
Paolo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, New York: Herder and Herder.1972,46
85
Paolo Freire, Cultural Action and Conscientization, Harvard Educational Review, 1970, 40(3), 452-
477 28
86
Roberts, Conscientization, 89
87
Antonia Darder, ,Teaching as an Act of Love: Reflections on Paulo Freire and His Contributions in
Torres, R.D. (ed), The Critical Pedagogy Reader, New York & London: Routledge Falmer. ;Roberts;
Conscientization
88
Darder, Teaching, 103
89
Darder, Teaching

According to Krank and Steiner90, Freirean transformation in relation to

education is based on the active engagement of students as liberatory
learners during their educational experiences and the critical facilitation of
learning. Furthermore this kind of transformation creates liberated learners
whom are actively involved in the humanisation of their individual realities
through subjective reflection, and rational objective action. Individual
transformation further contributes to the collective transformation outside of
the learning environment through active and united participation in
dialogical action and reflection. Taylor91 argues that Freireřs work
constantly asserts that conscientisation, engendered by dialogue, is the
means of transforming objects into subjects, the oppressed into the liberated.
Taylor goes on to identify five premises that accumulatively provide the
infrastructure of the pedagogy of the oppressed and highlights the liberating
and transformative power of dialogue:
 The individual deprived of dialogue is oppressed.

 Dialogue is the process and practice of liberation.
 The individual engaged in dialogue is liberated.
 Dialogue, by definition, requires more than one person.
 More than one person could be called a society.
Roberts92 stresses the fact that Řdialogue for conscientisation implies a

certain unity of purposeř and that this collective effort as human beings
originates from the ontological vocation of humanisation93. This unifying
nature of dialogue and its role as agent of unity is one of the key features of
this study and it will be further discussed in relation to the Bahářì model of
consultation.
Freire emphasises the importance of a constant dialectical relationship and

interaction for objective transformation. Further, Freire urges us to approach
this dialectical intervention as a way of verbally explaining to the people
their own action. This form of communication Řwithř the oppressed, rather
than Řtoř the oppressed Freire explicitly relates to the notion of Řdialogueř in
chapter three of Pedagogy of the Oppressed. However before focusing
further on his notion of dialogue we must reflect on his notions of Řactionř
and Řreflectionř. As mentioned in the Pedagogy of the Oppressed, for action
to be humanising it must be more than an occupation, a preoccupation,
which must not be separated from reflection. This interdependence of action
and reflection is highly important to the advancement of any liberation
process. For the oppressed to pursue liberation, they must engage with each
other dialogically through a constant process of critical action and
reflection. In this sense liberation is a process of struggle that encourages
90
HM Krank,. & Stanley Steiner, A pedagogy of transformation : An introduction. In S.F. Steiner,
H.M. Krank, P. McLaren & R.E. Bahruth (Eds.), Freirian pedagogy, praxis, and possibilities: Projects for the new
millennium (pp. ix-xiii). New York: Falmer. 2000, xi
91
P. V Taylor, The Texts of Paulo Freire, Buckingham: Open University Press. .1993, 58-59
92
Roberts, Knowledge,191
93
Ibid.

people to actively strive to improve their conditions as humans with unity,

and at the same time evaluate and reflect on their achievements through
ongoing communication with each other. Even though Freire did not regard
himself as a member of the oppressed class, as a teacher and a human being
he saw the importance of joining the oppressed with their struggle for
liberation and humanisation, and he encouraged others to do the same.
However, Freire warned people, whether academics or community workers
to avoid the trap of thinking that they are the executers of transformation,
just because they truly want to change injustices in the world.
Turning now to dialogue proper, Freire suggests that our initial attempts to
understand the nature and the meaning of dialogue, involves discovering
something that is the very essence of dialogue itself: it is not simply to view
the word as the instrument to carry out dialogue and its literal role in
constructing speech, but to go deeper and comprehend its constitutive
elements. We must understand that this word contains two important
dimensions of reflection and action, and that both need to interact for
authentic dialogue to emerge 94. In the absence of one of these dimensions
the word becomes unauthentic. When the word is deprived of one of these
dimensions, Freire adds95, the other one suffers; in this sense action without
reflection leads to an activism based on action for actionřs sake that negates
true praxis and makes dialogue impossible. On the other hand reflection
without action leads to verbalism, resulting in verbal reflection as an empty
word or idle chatter with no transformative power. These are both
undesirable outcomes in Freireřs pedagogy for liberation, humanisation, and
transformation of the oppressed. Overall, dialogue must become the
encounter between human beings, which is essentially mediated by the
world, in order to name the world 96.
Clearly, then, Freirean dialogue requires certain personal qualities to

succeed. Freire has discussed these in Pedagogy of the Oppressed 97, as
essential requirements for dialogue, including love, humility, faith, and
mutual trust, among others.
Freire, regards love as the foundation of dialogue, an act of courage, not of

fear, and an act of commitment to others. Dialogue, cannot exist without a
profound love for the world and humanity as a whole. Dialogue requires
humility, for the dialoguers to be able to name the world in unity and
partnership. In this way everyoneřs dialogical contribution is valuable and
no one can be regarded as ignorant. According to Freire, by having faith in
others the Ŗdialogical manŗ believes in others before even engaging in
dialogue with them. It is also, by having faith in their power to make and
remake; and in their vocation to become more fully human. This faith,
94
Freire, Oppressed, 68.
95
Ibid
96
Ibid, 69
97
Ibid, 70-74

however, is not naïve, and the dialogical man must be critical, although it is
possible for an individual to have the power to transform, it does not mean
individual dialogical action is in isolation. By achieving these virtues,
dialogue becomes a horizontal relationship of mutual trust between the
dialoguers in a logical sequence.
Dialogue emerges from this discussion as a collective and united interaction

(action and reflection) between the dialoguers, a necessary tool for
transforming and humanising the world. In this pedagogy human existence
is not silent, and no one in this collective struggle is denied his or her right
to speak his or her word. Therefore, dialogue becomes a necessary tool for
achieving significance as human beings and through speaking their word,
through naming their world, they have the power to transform their reality:
ŖIf it is in their word that people, by naming the world, transform it,
dialogue imposes itself as the way by which they achieve
significance as human beings. Dialogue is thus an existential
necessityŗ98
Freirean Dialogue and Bahá‟í Consultation: A Comparative Analysis
A comparative analysis of Freirean dialogue and Bahářì consultation can

begin by understanding their similarities and differences.
The Bahářì writings on consultation place significant emphasis on the

importance of developing a number of personal (spiritual) qualities when
taking part in the consultation process. Similarly, in Pedagogy of the
Oppressed and A Response among others Freire stresses the importance of
dialogical qualities and virtues that are necessary for individual and the
group as a whole.
In Bahářì consultation, ŘAbduřl-Bahá has emphasised that Ŗthe first

condition is absolute love and harmony amongst the members…ŗ99. By
acquiring this condition the consultative body are able to free themselves
from estrangement and antipathy and to care for each other personally100.
Furthermore Bahářìs are reminded by Shoghi Effendi, that the keynote of
this Faith is Ŗnot arbitrary power, but… loving consultationŗ. This is a kind
of love that is not simply based on just tolerating one another, but truly
committing ourselves to understanding one another.
In a similar way Freire101, regards love as the foundation for dialogue:

dialogue Ŗcannot exist in the absence of a profound love for the world and
for peopleŗ. Indeed, he clearly emphasises that love is dialogue itself and
98
Paolo Freire, Pedagogy of the City. New York: Continuum 1993, 69
99
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Selections from the Writings of ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Haifa: Bahářì World Centre. 1978,3.
100
Kolstoe, Consultation, 20
101
Freire, Oppressed, 70

that only people who love one another are able to enter into this dialogue
with each other. According to Darder102 Freire spoke of a love that is rooted
in commitment to humanity and the willingness to struggle to attain what he
calls our Ŗtrue vocationŗ Ŕ that of being human. Furthermore, he spoke of a
kind of love that was lively, inspiring but at the same time, challenging and
critical: an Ŗarmed love - the fighting love of those convinced of the right
and the duty to fight, to denounce, and to announceŗ103
Hence, although love as a starting point is shared between the two

perspectives, the notion of love used by Freire is fundamentally different to
the Bahářì notion of love. Bahářì love is based on the spiritual nature of
human relationships springing from the love of God, whereas Freirean love
is based on a humanistic understanding of peopleřs love and commitment to
their fellow humans and to the cause of liberation.
Humility is another crucial requisite of Bahářì consultation. Shoghi

Effendi104 urges Bahářìs to take counsel together with Ŗhumility and
lowlinessŗ. Bahářìs are discouraged from self-aggrandisement or self-praise
over their contributions to the consultative process. According to Kolstoe105,
humility is achieved through action and service to humanity and the Bahářì
community. Furthermore, he explains that true humility lies in the
development and use of talents, capacities and resources by individuals who
have participated in the consultative process106. In Bahářì consultation the
ability to listen to others and take in to consideration the opinion of others is
another significant characteristic of a humble participant and an open-
minded individual.
Freire likewise considers humility a crucial component of humanitarian

dialogue. He sees it as enabling dialoguers to name the world in partnership
to achieve common goals. In this way no one is regarded as ignorant, rather
people as partners attempt together to increase their knowledge and
understanding about their world. Freire explicitly states, ŖDialogue cannot
exist without humility. The naming of the world, through which people
constantly recreate that world, cannot be an act of arroganceŗ107. Freire too
emphasises the importance of the virtue of listening as a sign of humility
and that ultimately Ŗonly those who listen, speakŗ108.
However it is important to mention that Freire is not a relativist and does not
believe that everyoneřs dialogical contribution is of equal value; but on the
102
Darder, Teaching, 498
103
Paolo Freire, Teachers as Cultural Workers: Letters to Those Who Dare to Teach. Boulder, Co:
Westview.1998, 42
104
Shoghi Effendi, Administration,21
105
Kolstoe, Consultation,17
106
Ibid
107
Freire, Oppressed,71
108
Freire, P, Fraser, J.W., Macedo, D., McKinnon, T. & Stokes, W. T. (eds), 1997, Mentoring the
Mentor: A Critical Dialogue with Paulo Freire, New York: Peter Lang.1997, 306.

contrary, some peoplesř ideas and thoughts are better than others109. In
comparison, while acknowledging the differential value of concrete ideas,
the members of the Bahářì faith elect their Bahářì consultative groups with
an emphasis on their collective contribution to the community, and not the
quality or record of their individual ideas.
Bahářì consultation and Freirean dialogue also share a concern for unity
within a field of human diversity. The virtue of unity and unity in diversity
are fundamental teachings of the Bahářì Faith. Bahářuřllah has explicitly
stated that, Ŗno power can exist except through unity, no welfare and no
wellbeing can be attained except through consultationŗ110. Furthermore both
unity and consultation are bedrocks of Bahářì administration. The Bahářì
consultative process requires unity to create a sense of wholeness,
togetherness and solidarity among the group. In this form of group decision-
making, it is the first duty of the members to effect their own unity and
harmony in order to obtain good results. Overall according to Kolstoe111,
unity in consultation is a matter of identifying a clear common purpose.
When this clear common purpose is combined with other consultative
qualities of love, humility and respect, the group is then able to move
towards decisiveness. Even if a decision is made that is later proven to be
wrong, a united consultative body will simply review the matter, without
any disappointment or blame.
The principle of unity in diversity is closely related to the quality of unity in

consultation. The notion of unity in diversity offered by Bahářuřllah
encourages Bahářìs to first observe their oneness as human beings, so they
can make their differences harmonious. According to this principle, the
diversity of the individuals in a consultative body is acknowledged and
respected; and their personal views and background are welcomed. At the
same time through the ongoing process of consultation on all matters,
Bahářìs further recognise and celebrate their common spiritual path, guided
by Bahářìř principles. The practical application of unity in diversity in many
Bahářì communities is in its formative stage and an ongoing learning
process.
In Freirean pedagogy, the notion of unity is closely related to the

revolutionary praxis of liberation. In this model, it is the responsibility of
revolutionary leaders to dedicate themselves to a ceaseless effort towards
unity among the oppressed - and unity of the leaders with the oppressed Ŕ in
order to achieve liberation and that the unity between the leaders grows out
of communion with the people. Freire further emphasises that achieving this
level of unity requires a form of cultural action through dialogue, for people
to come to understand their adhesion to reality112. In this sense, unity is a
109
Roberts, Knowledge, 101
110
Bahařuřllah, Consultation,1
111
Kolstoe, Developing Genius, 1995
112
Freire, Oppressed, 153-154.

relationship between individual leaders and the people, whereas from a

Bahářì point of view, unity is achieved through consultative processes
between the collective leadership elected by the believers locally, nationally
and internationally and the wider community.
In Bahářì administration unity has been regarded as the most vital element
of the organization and management of communities around the world. In
particular, at the local and national level the collective leadership (local and
national spiritual assemblies) and the members of the community as a whole
are encouraged to work and consult in full harmony in a cooperative
manner. According to Shoghi Effendi113 the unity and cooperation of Bahářì
administrative bodies at the local and national level are of utmost
importance, upon them depend the unity of the Bahářì faith and the
solidarity of the members of the faith. Freire114 also regards unity as vital to
group organization and management development. For him, organization is
a highly educational process of learning and perfecting necessary skills and
knowledge required to achieve liberation. Which further requires the unity
of leaders and the people to create true authority and freedom through
dialogue.
´Thus unity is a recognised notion in both the Bahářì Faith and Frerian
pedagogy, however they represent two different models of unity. The Bahářì
approach to unity presents a collective spiritual vision of a global faith
community for the systematic and united implementation of Bahářì
teachings and its administrative order. For Freire unity represents a
collective action and reflection (dialogue) between people and revolutionary
leaders for social and political change and humanisation of the world.
According to Freire the notion of unity in diversity was born from his
growing awareness of the patterning of the specifics of oppression along the
lines of language, race, gender and ethnicity, etc. He further states that he
has Ŗbeen defending the fundamental thesis of unity in diversity, so that
various oppressed groups can become more effective in their collective
struggle against all forms of oppressionŗ115. Freire believes that through
unity in diversity and democratic solidarity, people are potentially able to
generate profound shifts in the political and economic systems that intensify
racism and separatism. Freire argues that we must begin by understanding
the history of these cultural differences, due to the presence of factors such
as class, race and gender, and secondly to understand how these differences
have contributed to discriminatory practices that exist in our societies
today116.
113
114
115
Freire, Dialogue, 310
116
Freire (1995:395).

Freireřs approach to the notion of unity in diversity is in some ways

compatible to the Bahářì approach especially when it comes to the
importance of open dialogue and solidarity among diverse sections of
society and humanity as a whole for the betterment of the world. Another
similarity is Freireřs acknowledgement of the importance of understanding
and embracing cultural differences for achieving unity in diversity. In the
Bahářì faith the vision of unity in diversity is foundational, considered a
fundamental step towards a greater understanding and the celebration of our
differences, and consultation provides the opportunity to communicate those
differences. In comparison, Freire only began to discuss unity in diversity or
unity within diversity later in his writing, without any in depth exposition of
the topic. His brief expressions on this topic have been mainly in relation to
unity in diversity among educators from educationally and politically
oppressive backgrounds.
Another noticeable similarity between the two philosophies is their

systematic approach to achieving group goals and aspirations. In the case of
Bahářì consultation, the Universal House of Justice117 directs all Bahářì
institutions and communities to foster the advancement of Bahářì
community growth and development by engaging in a constant process of
action, consultation and reflection/learning. Bahářìs around the world
engage in regular consultation meetings; to reflect on issues, consider
adjustments, and maintain enthusiasm and unity of thought.
Similarly in Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Freire rouses the oppressed to

achieve transformation through dialogue by committing themselves to a
constant process of action and reflection. If dialogue or the Ŗwordŗ is
deprived of the dimension of action, reflection automatically suffers as well,
and it becomes mere verbalism (Sacrifice of Action). On the other hand if
action is emphasised exclusively, to the detriment of reflection, the Ŗwordŗ
is converted into activism for activismřs sake (Sacrifice of Reflection)118
(1972:68-69). For Freire reflection provides people with a greater
understanding of the historical backgrounds of oppression, so that their fight
against oppressive conditions is not purely based on informative exposition,
without radical action. Freire has regarded the above as his revolutionary
theory, holding that any human activity or revolution must consist of action
and reflection for it to be transformative. ŖHuman activity is theory and
practice, it is reflection and action. It cannot be reduced to either verbalism
or activism119.
Finally, it is important to recognise that there are a number of fundamental

differences between the two approaches. Bahářìs believe that it is through
spiritualisation that humanity can advance and develop materially. Also the
117
The Universal House of Justice, The Five Year Plan 2001-2006: Messages of the Universal House
of Justice, Florida, USA: Palabra Publications. 2001
118
Freire, Oppressed, 68-69
119
Ibid, 106

institution of Bahářì consultation is regarded as a means whereby people can

now utilise their God-given wisdom to determine their own destiny, and no
longer need self-appointed leaders, clergy and priests to instruct them.
Bahářì teachings most of all stress the spiritual nature of justice and freedom
and see them as innate, bestowed when we enter the world. Bahářì teachings
also call us to engage, as individuals, with the social injustices of the world
through the development and application of virtues, noble deeds and the
development of spiritual, physical, emotional and intellectual capacities.
Bahářìs strongly believe that serious attention must be given to the role of
spiritual values in building human capacity, and that overall human progress
and development cannot come from political and revolutionary
participations alone.
By contrast, Freire focuses on the importance of revolutionary leadership

and theory, to transform the world. He also emphasises the political and
social nature of justice and fighting for freedom from oppression. He most
certainly sees humans as ethical beings always in the state of becoming
more Ŗfully humanŗ by engaging in authentic praxis, through dialogue with
others, in a critically conscious way120. Unlike Bahářìs, Freire does not
recognise religious spirituality as the key element for human betterment and
progress. For Freire, liberation and betterment is achieved through
conscientisation and humanisation of people and their willingness to fight
oppression through dialogue and political activism.
Both Bahářì consultation and Freireian dialogue are, it is suggested,

effective means of freeing people from oppression and a way of giving them
the power to make their own decisions and realise their own potential. For
Bahářìs, however, consultation is also a way of Ŗredefining power in
societyŗ making radiance of spirit, love of God, humility and patience the
dominant forces in all decision-making121. From the Bahářì point of view
human power is directly connected with spiritual power initiated through the
love of God and communion with him. Hence, all consultative meetings
always start with prayers and remembrance of the Creator, which is also an
effective way for the group to achieve a meditative state and a level of
clarity in preparation for the decision-making process itself. Bahářì
teachings acknowledge the power of human intellect and expression in
consultation, especially when combined with the power of spiritual insight
and faith.
Freire, on the other hand emphasises the power of human intellect and
human ethics for humans to achieve their significance. For instance in the
Pedagogy of the Oppressed he states that dialogue Ŗrequires an intense faith
in humankind, faith in their power to make and remake, to create and re-
create faith in their vocation to become more fully humanŗ122. In this
120
Freire, Teachers, 102-103
121
Vick; Development, 59-60
122

pedagogy the relationship between the dialoguers is the centre of achieving

true dialogue, whereas the Bahářìs believe that this relationship is secondary
to the relationship that people must develop with the Creator. However as
mentioned previously when it comes to peoplesř treatment and their
relationship with each other both Freirean and the Bahářì faith demand the
same degree of commitment.
According to Elias123 Freire was committed to the Christian gospel and

many concepts such as freedom and equality have deep religious roots, and
in his work as consultant to the World Council of Churches he more fully
developed the connection between his theological and his educational
theories. As an educationist, he preferred a prophetic type of religion that
used education as Ŗan instrument of transforming action, a political praxis at
the service of permanent human liberationŗ124 .
Overall, both the Bahářì Faith as a religious movement and Freirean

pedagogy as a revolutionary movement aim to empower the oppressed and
the downtrodden to be more conscious about their own abilities and
potentials as human beings. This sense of awakening and consciousness can
be pursued in significant measure through the decision-making powers of
Bahářì consultation and Freirean dialogue. Furthermore, they can both be
recognised as effective tools for people to unite and depend on one another
with intense love and faith. They also provide an ideal environment for
people to develop their humanity and human virtues while learning to listen
to others with patience, humility and trust.
Possible Contributions of Bahá‟í consultation and Freirean Dialogue to

the Field of Development
Consultation as a method of communication, decision-making and problem

solving has been one of the major features of Bahářì community
development for many decades. In relation to the field of development its
usage became official after the 20 October 1983 message from the Universal
House of Justice. Bahářìs around the world were encouraged to become
more effective in the field of socio-economic development Ŗthrough their
application of spiritual principles, their rectitude of conduct and the practice
of the art of consultation, to uplift themselves and thus become self-
sufficient and self-reliantŗ. As a consequence of this process they would be
able to extend the benefits of their experience and their efforts to society as
a whole125
The call was made globally to Bahářìs of all social, economic, educational
backgrounds to contribute to the field of development by evoking their
123
J.L Elias,.Paulo Freire: Pedagogue of Liberation, Malabar, Florida: Krieger Publishing Company.
1994, 110-112
124
Paolo, Freire, The Politics of Education: Culture, Power and Liberation. London: Macmillan.
Translated by Donaldo Macedo with an introduction by Henry Giroux. 1985, 140.
125
Vick, Development, 1-6

resourcefulness, flexibility and cohesiveness. This is to say that all Bahářìs,

irrespective of their circumstances and resources, are endowed with the
capacity to participate in activities and can use the Bahářì principle of
consultation, among others, to raise the quality of human life, followed by
unity in spirit and in action.
According to Vick126, Ŗsocial and economic development requires

consultation to restore hope and self-confidence to people who do not
recognise their own potentialŗ. Although many people are regarded as
Ŗunderdevelopedŗ, as belonging to the Ŗthird worldŗ, they are presented,
within a Bahářì paradigm, with an equal opportunity to participate in any
consultative process. First, they begin by creating a greater awareness about
their circumstances by listening to others, secondly, by gaining self-
confidence in expressing their own ideas, and thirdly by becoming aware of
their own abilities to transform their ideas into united action.
Furthermore, Bahářì consultation is central to the task of reconceptualizing

systems of human relationships. The standard of truth seeking that is
required by Bahářì consultation is far beyond the patterns of negotiation and
compromise that tend to characterize present-day discussion of human
affairs127. This ultimate search for truth as a moral and ethical foundation
allows a group to arrive at a consensus about the truth and the most
appropriate line of action to be taken in any given situation in unity and
solidarity.
In any social and economic development project, individual Bahářìs are

called to strive to transcend their individualist perspectives, in order to
function as members of a body128. Even when a collective body arrives at a
decision about an aspect of a project, and some individuals may not fully
agree with the decision they are encouraged to support the decision to
preserve and facilitate the learning processes of the group. With regards to
development, I believe that this kind of approach to decision-making and
problem solving allows people the opportunity to learn from their own
mistakes. They come to understand that Bahářì consultation is a process of
discovery rather than a magical solution for their issues and problems.
Viewed in this light, consultation is the operating expression of justice in
any given development practice. In this context true justice is the ability to
consider and consult all possible options with unity of thought and an open
mind.
According to Bahářuřllah129 no Bahářì can achieve their true station as

spiritual beings Ŗexcept through justice. No power can exist except through
unity. No welfare and no wellbeing can be attained except through
126
Ibid, 51
127
Kolestoe, Developing Genius, 10
128
Ibid,10.
129
Bahářuřllah, Consultation, 1

consultationŗ. The Prosperity of Humankind, a statement by the Bahářì

International Community, points to the significance of justice: Ŗso vital is it
to the success of collective endeavour that it must constitute a basic feature
of a viable strategy of social and economic development. Indeed, the
participation of the people on whose commitment and efforts the success of
such a strategy depends becomes effective only as consultation is made the
organising principle of every projectŗ130.
According to Dahl131 the use of Bahářì consultation in development practice

is more than just a procedure for arriving at good decisions; more
importantly it is a method to teach groups to work together and establish
stronger human ties. By participating in the process of consultation people
are forced to acknowledge and hopefully appreciate their differences, while
respecting and being open to each individualřs unique contribution. Dahl
also emphasises that in a Bahářì consultative group everyone has an equal
voice regardless of their level of education or wealth, each individual
equally possesses a human wisdom. In some cases, in his experience, the
best ideas have come from the most humble participants. Overall Dahl
regards such consultative development groups as powerful forums for
practically and concretely exposing Bahářìs to the spirit of equality and
brotherhood, which is central to the Bahářì teachings.
Bahářì consultation according to Vick132, challenges injustice by eliminating

power relationships in decision-making. Shoghi Effendi133 stresses Ŗ…the
keynote of the cause of God (Bahářì Faith) is not dictatorial authority but
humble fellowship, not arbitrary power, but the spirit of frank and loving
consultationŗ. Bahářì consultation is an exercise of collaborative power,
based on personal and collective qualities such as love, humility and
patience, and the importance of considering all ideas regardless of peopleřs
status in the society. Again this shows that consultation is no easy skill to
learn, especially when it comes to people in positions of power coming to
view others as their equals.
Experience has shown, according to Vick134 and Dahl135 that in numerous

Bahářì development projects, consultation has enabled highly educated
development experts and communities of illiterate people to make unified
and effective decisions. Such consultation offers all parties a ladder to climb
beyond the limited experiences and attitudes they held about each other
before entering into the domain of consultation.
130
The Bahářì International Community, The Prosperity of Humankind. A Statement Prepared by the
Bahářì Office of Public Information: Haifa, Israel.1995, 1985:10.
131
GC Dahl, A Bahářì Perspective on Economic and Social Development. In Lee, A (ed.), Circle of
Unity: Bahářì Approach to Current Social Issues. Los Angeles: Kalimat Press. 1984, 158
132
Vick, Development
133
134
Vick, Development
135
Dahl, Perspective; GC Dahl, Values, Culture and Development: A Bahářì Approach. World Order,
Volume 1987,19(3-4), 11-20.

Consultation is no easy skill to learn, its application in development can at

times be slow and seemingly inefficient136. It takes patience, sensitivity and
profound love to draw out the noble qualities and sentiments in people who
have been denied a voice all their lives137. Bahářì consultation, as difficult
and challenging as it might seem, will remain at the heart of the Bahářì
faithřs contribution to the field development. I believe as the number of
successful Bahářì development projects grow, more and more communities
will be interested to collaborate with Bahářìs in a mutual process of learning
and consolidation. While in the short-term Bahářì consultation is used by
Bahářìs in development practice, the many positive decisions and solutions
achieved through it aim to benefit humanity as a whole.
With regards to Freire, his work and philosophy has already been recognised
in alternative development tools like Participatory Action Research (PAR),
and he is regarded as a legend in this field. In particular the Freirean concept
of conscientisation or the stimulation of self-reflected critical awareness has
been widely used in the PAR movement. For example, its usage is proven to
be effective in a number of Asian initiatives, where the rejection of Řaidř has
been recognised as a solution to the problem of peopleřs development
(Řliberationř)138.
Furthermore Freirean thinking is well articulated in relation to the role of

education in social development and has come to be viewed as an organic
component of the process of Řanimationř139 Similar to dialogue and Bahářì
consultation animation is about learning, knowing and understanding, as
well as coming to terms with their own intellectual powers and self
discovery as creators of knowledge. Inspired by Freire, the dialogical
process of Participatory Action Research has offered many developing
communities the chance to create a method of collective reflection and
communication. This dialogical process has also been referred to as
Řanimationř, which can be defined as a communication process of peopleřs
development of Řintellectual capabilities and collective self-knowledgeř, and
through this process they come to recognise themselves as Řthe principal
actors in their lives and not as subordinates to other social classes, to stand
up with self-esteem, to develop a critical understanding of the conditions of
their lives and to express and assert themselves through collective actionř140
Freireřs work in alternative development has increased peopleřs awareness

by helping them develop their Řcritical facultyř and has encouraged them to
break down decades of passive acceptance to become legitimate
development actors141. Rahman142 uses the example of an NGO in
136
Vick, Development; Universal House of Justice, Wellsprings
137
Vick, Development , 58
138
Rahman, Self Development, 81
139
Tilakaratna, Animator
140
Rahman, Self Development, 156.
141
Oakely, Empowerment, 14

Bangladesh implementing Freirean pedagogy to develop self-reflected

awareness (Řconscientisationř) of the landless. The efforts began with a three
months process of learning and dialogue on matters relating to land
ownership, and even discussing some vocabulary used for expressing land
ownership and landlessness in that community. Through this process
landless people developed organization consciousness at a local level,
starting a savings programme that eventually led to a collective ownership
of a number of agriculturally suitable lands.
As discussed above, according to Oakley143, Rahman144, Roberts145 and

other development thinkers, unequal power relations are a key issue in
peopleřs participation in their own development. As early as 1974 Roberts
declared that development should emphasize more equal distribution of
power among people. Paulo Freire146 convincingly argued that only access
to real power could break what he termed Řcultural of silenceř, which can be
characterised by the dependence and the marginality of the powerless.
According to Oakley147, power in a Freirean sense refers to power Řto doř,
Řto be ableř and the feeling of being more capable and in control of
situations. This implies that development must recognise peopleřs capacities
to take action and to play an active role in development initiatives, and that
dialogue is a significant aspect of it.
Freire believes that the development and the transformation of a society

must occur in its own existential time, never outside it. He then goes on to
state that:
ŖIt is obvious that only a society which is a Řbeing for itselfř can
develop. It is essential not to confuse modernisation with
development. In order to determine whether or not a society is
developing, one must go beyond criteria based on indices of per
capita income, the basic elementary criteria is whether or not the
society is a Řbeing for itselfřŗ148.
This notion of Řbeing for itselfř can only be fully realised by a developing
nation or a community through the political, economic and cultural
decision-making power of dialogue. Promoting a culture of self-reliance,
people are able to realise their own potential and feel a sense of (positive)
purpose in the exercise of ownership and decision-making149.
142
Rahman, Self Development, 62
143
Oakely, Empowerment
144
Rahman, Self Development
145
Roberts 1974
146
Paulo Freire, Education for Critical Consciousness. London: Sheed and Ward.1974
147
Oakely, Empowerment, 14
148
149

By using the principles of Freirean dialogue and Bahářì consultation,

development practice can further empower and enable people to articulate
and assert themselves verbally and intellectually. The power to voice oneřs
ideas and hopes can ultimately lead to peopleřs control over their own
development and self-reliance. This self-reliance and control over their
material resources is strengthened by peopleřs united vision, collective
identity and solidarity, driving their material strength and also their spiritual,
mental and emotional powers.
The power of Bahářì consultation and Freirean dialogue has already been
discovered and used by many grassroots projects to awaken a sense of hope
and increased capacity among many peoples. In both approaches peopleřs
humanity and self-worth lie at the centre of their methodological goals, they
both acknowledge and promote the need for development of certain
qualities. These qualities include love, respect, trust and patience, among
others, when engaging in developmental decision-making. In addition, they
both place a significant emphasis on the power of unity (in diversity,
through diversity), and collective nature of group decision-making. In
addition they both see the importance of complementing communication
with action and vice versa. Overall both approaches share the fundamental
principle that through collective and united dialogue and consultation people
gain a greater awareness an understanding about their own need for self-
development.
It is important to note that the Bahářì Faith recognises that a large number of
people in developing nations hold particular spiritual and religious belief,
that make Bahářì consultation highly relevant. This is where Bahářì
consultation is distinguished from Freirean dialogue and other methods such
as Ŗanimationŗ and Ŗconsciousness raisingŗ. Bahářì consultation calls for
spiritual qualities and positive responses to problems based on truth and
justice under a collective elected leadership150. On the other hand Rahman151
believes that Freirean pedagogy will continue to be influential in peopleřs
self-development in the field of PAR, especially in the area of education
development.
In this paper, I have tried to address issues to do with the decision-making

powers of consultation and dialogue. Further exploration and discussion of
the main themes of this study through comprehensive empirical research
would be beneficial. Overall, as growing disenchantment with the top down
approach in development increases and as some expert consultants fail to
provide suitable solutions to development problems, the decision-making
processes of Bahářì consultation and Freirean dialogue will continue to
provide alternative modes of achievement and models of what constitutes a
desirable world of development.
150
Vick, Development, 53.
151
Rahman, Self-Development


URL: http://www.ojbs.org ISSN1 177-8547
Mediation, Transformation and Consultation

A Comparative Analysis of Conflict Resolution Models
Guy Sinclair
Auckland, Independent Scholar
Transformative models of mediation begin from a belief that mediation

offers not merely an opportunity for conflicting parties to satisfactorily
resolve their problems, but a medium through which transformation of
individuals, and by extension society, can take place. While the precise
nature of that transformation may not be agreed upon by all writers on the
subject, nevertheless something more than mere Ŗconflict resolutionŗ is
envisaged. Moral development, the awakening of latent capacities of self-
awareness and compassion and the emergence of a society of peacemakers -
all are goals which are either explicit or implicit in the various models of
transformative mediation.
This paper begins by examining the best-known theory and model of

transformative mediation - that proposed by Folger and Bush in their book,
The Promise of Mediation1 and related articles2. Specifically, we will
analyse their philosophy of transformation, its implications for individuals
as well as society, and the particular mediator practices they propose.
Critics of Bush and Folgerřs work have, among other things, expressed
dissatisfaction with their sharply-drawn but simplistic taxonomy of
mediation models, pointed out shortcomings in the political theory which
underlies their mediation model, and suggested that they marginalize a
number of relevant cultural practices. In addressing these criticisms, we will
draw attention in particular to alternative models of transformative
mediation such as those proposed and practiced by Mark Umbreit and
various religious groups. We will suggest that any theory of transformative
mediation must of necessity take into consideration the moral beliefs, faith
and religious practices of diverse peoples, so that the reality of conflict in a
pluralist society can be adequately addressed.
In the remainder of this paper, we turn to a model of communication drawn

from the Bahaři Writings, and practiced in communities of that Faith all
over the world. These teachings identify specific goals for transformation,
including the spiritualization of individual lives and the appearance of unity
1
Bush RAB & Folger JP, The Promise of Mediation (1994) San Francisco, Jossey-Bass Publishers
2
Folger JP & Bush RAB, ŖIdeology, Orientations to Conflict and Mediation Discourseŗ in Folger JP &
Jones TS (eds) New Directions in Mediation (1994) London, Sage Publications Folger JP & Bush RAB,
ŖTransformative Mediation and Third-Party Intervention: Ten Hallmarks of a Transformative Approach to
Practice.ŗ Mediation Quarterly 13:4 (Summer 1996) pp. 263-78

© 2007 Guy Sinclair
446 Guy Sinclair Transformative Mediation Consultation
in human society. One of the practical methods which, if implemented, will

promote both individual and societal transformation is consultation. We
suggest that this practise, while having much in common with the models of
mediation proposed by Bush and Folger, Umbreit and others, offers
additional insights into human reality and relationships.
Bush and Folger‟s Model of Transformative Mediation
The name of transformative mediation is most commonly associated with

the publications of Joseph Folger and Robert Bush. This section examines
two broad aspects of their theory: the goals and the practices of
transformative mediation.
The Goal of Transformation
Underlying all models and practices of mediation, Bush and Folger argue,
are certain basic assumptions about human nature3 particular conceptions of
conflict4 and ideas of what constitutes a Řgoodř society5): ultimately, every
mediation rests on an ideological foundation. They note a move away from
the mediation movementřs origins as an idealistic, non-institutional and
informal dispute resolution process and towards a more institutional, formal
practice which clearly exhibits a Řproblem-solvingř orientation to conflict.
This orientation, argue Bush and Folger, reflects and is driven by an
ideology of Individualism, which they define as a view of Ŗthe human world
as made of radically individual beings, of equal worth but with different
desires. . . whose nature is to seek satisfaction of those. . . desiresŗ6
Individualism dominates Western thought and culture, underlies its notions
of democracy and motivates its political institutions. Unavoidably and
almost unnoticed, Individualism shapes the goals and practices of
mediation. As a result, mediators habitually employ Ŗoppressiveŗ7 strategies
- by making global assessments of partiesř circumstances in terms of
identifiable Řproblemsř, disregarding aspects of the conflict (such as
emotions and feelings) which cannot be treated as problems, and orienting
their efforts towards facilitating acceptable settlements8
In contrast, Bush and Folger advocate a Relational framework which

distinguishes itself from Individualism in that it Ŗsees the world as
containing *both* the plurality of individual selves and the (potential) unity
made up of the network of their relationshipsŗ9 Bush and Folger distinguish
two human capabilities in particular which contribute to this latter aspect of
the Relational ideology, and they call these Ŗempowermentŗ and
3
Bush & Folger, Promise, 242
4
Bush & Folger, Ideology, 8
5
6
Bush & Folger, Ideology, 12-13
7
8
Bush & Folger, Ideology, 10-11
9
Bush & Folger, Promise, 89-91.;Bush & Folger, Ideology, 20

Ŗrecognitionŗ. In brief, the empowerment entails greater awareness of oneřs

own goals, options, abilities, resources and ability to make conscious
decisions for oneřs self10 Recognition, conversely, involves the exercise of a
complementary appreciation of the otherřs situation: it is the realization of
the capacity and will to consider, reflect on and acknowledge, in words and
actions, that otherřs point of view
Bush and Folger argue that the development of these two capabilities of
empowerment and recognition is what constitutes true moral growth - it is in
fact the essence of individual transformation. Ideally, neither one of these
aspects should be developed in isolation from the other. Together and
integrated with each other, they constitute Ŗcompassionate strengthŗ, which
the authors identify with the highest mode of human behaviour11
Moreover, Bush and Folger relate individual transformation to a larger goal:

the transformation of society itself. Whereas other types of mediation seek
to change the situations people find themselves in, transformative
mediation12
involves changing. . . people themselves, and thus the society as a

whole. It aims at creating Řa better world,ř not just in the sense of a
more smoothly or fairly working version of what now exists but in
the sense of a different kind of world altogether.
The Practice of Mediation
To summarize Bush and Folgerřs thought, we may say that mediation

practice reflects and proceeds from an orientation to conflict, which
ultimately rests on an ideological foundation. The ideology which most
completely and truly reflects the human world is called the Relational
framework; the orientation which rests upon it believes that the purpose of
conflict is individual transformation. What remains to be seen is the
particular discursive practices which follow from such an orientation.
From a practice perspective, Bush and Folger assert that Ŗthird-party

influence [is] inevitableŗ13 the form which that influence takes is what
distinguishes a transformative mediation from any other. Starting from the
belief that peopleřs concerns and conflicts represent Ŗopportunities for
human growth and transformationŗ14, that is, for the exercise and
development of empowerment and recognition, Bush and Folger propose a
set of specific mediator moves which they argue will facilitate this process.
10
Bush & Folger, Promise, 85-87
11
Bush & Folger, Promise, 230-233.
12
13
Bush & Folger, Ideology, 6;
14

Bush and Folger advocate a number of third-party interventions - the

Ŗhallmarks of transformative practiceŗ15 - which can be grouped under three
headings. The first of these is the Ŗmicro assessment of parties movesŗ16.
They suggest, for example, that parties should be encouraged to explore
their feelings, as well as any confusion or uncertainty about what the
conflict is about or what they want17, since these are all opportunities for
empowerment and recognition. Mediators are encouraged to see that Ŗthe
action is in the roomŗ, that the here and now is what matters most and that a
conflict unfolds in mediation; and this furthermore encourages discussions
of the past as they affect the present18 Moreover, mediators must
consciously suspend judgment on the motives and intentions of the parties,
being aware of their own relative ignorance of the Řfull pictureř19 Bush and
Folger suggest that a close and clear focus on the specific statements of
parties will yield opportunities for transformation which a more future-
oriented, global vision of the conflict will not: this means that the mediator
will adopt a Ŗresponsive postureŗ20
The second Ŗkey elementŗ of transformative mediation practice is

Ŗencouraging partiesř deliberation and choice-makingŗ21 This is manifested
in a variety of ways - in the mediatorřs opening statement, which will
emphasis this as a goal of the mediation22, as well as in particular instances
when the mediator will call the partiesř attention to an opportunity for
empowerment or recognition and leave it to the parties to decide whether or
not they will take it up23 Finally, the third element of transformative
mediation sees mediators encouraging parties to consider each othersř
perspectives24 again this will appear as a goal in the opening statement, as
well as being a constant feature of third party interventions throughout the
mediation whenever emotions, confusion, disagreement occur.
Aside from these practical guidelines, Folger and Bush emphasize that
transformative mediation must be the genuine outcome of a Relational
ideology and approach to conflict. The mediator will therefore be
consistently optimistic about the partiesř motives, competence and ability to
Ŗdeal with their own situation on their own termsŗ25 Equally importantly,
success, however small, must be registered in both the mediatorřs and the
partiesř minds, since this will encourage commitment to the process of
transformation26
15
Folger & Bush, Transformative Mediation, 16
16
17
Folger & Bush, Transformative Mediation, 271-272
18
Ibid, 273-274.
19
Ibid 268-269
20
21
22
Folger & Bush, Transformative Mediation, 266
23
Ibid 267-268
24
25
Folger & Bush, Transformative Mediation, 269.
26
Folger & Bush, Transformative Mediation,275-276.

Transformative Mediation: A Critical View
Transformative mediation, as presented by Bush and Folger, has been

greeted with both excitement and dismay. This section summarizes and
evaluates the main objections to their work, and considers some alternative
visions of transformation in mediation by way of response.
Criticism of Bush and Folger
Criticisms of Bush and Folgerřs model of transformative mediation address

both the theory and practice of mediation. Dealing with the practical first,
several critics have disputed Bush and Folgerřs view that the goal of
transformation requires entirely eschewing the problem-solving aspect of
mediation. Carrie Menkel-Meadow objects to Ŗthe kinds of simplistic
taxonomies that academic critics ... love to create that simply do not ring
true for many practitionersŗ27. Michael Williams concludes from his own
experience that it is possible Ŗfor a skilled mediator to discuss the issues, try
to find solutions to specific problems, and at the same time try to help his
clients toward Transformationŗ28 Alison Taylor, writing on neutrality, also
suggests that while there are Ŗtwo distinct ends of the ethical practice of
mediation ... *strict neutrality* [and] *expanded neutrality*ŗ29,
Ŗ[p]ractitioners are seldom unidimensional, and we need not make forced
choices as if there were only two ways of mediatingŗ30 The extreme position
adopted by Bush and Folger against a solution-oriented approach thus
appears impractical and even dangerous from the perspective of practicing
mediators.
These critics have also expressed alarm at the kinds of third-party

interventions transformative mediation appears to require. Whereas Bush
and Folger assume the inevitability of mediator participation in the
unfolding conflict31, and attempt to limit the directiveness of the mediator
accordingly, some commentators find their suggested interventions just as
oppressive as those in Řproblem-solvingř mediation - or more so. Menkel-
Meadow finds Bush and Folger Ŗremarkably judgmental and conclusionary
about . . . other models of mediationŗ32, although they Ŗhave created a
model which simply relocates the directiveness of mediatorsŗ33. And
Williams suggest that contractual and ethical principles require that
27
Menkel-Meadow C, ŖThe Many Ways of Mediation: The Transformation of Traditions, Ideologies,
Paradigms, and Practices.ŗ 1995 Negotiation Journal 217-242 11(3), pp. 232-233
28
Williams M, ŖCanřt I Get No Satisfaction? Thoughts on The Promise of Mediation.ŗ 1997 15
Mediation Quarterly, 150.
29
Taylor A, ŖConcepts of Neutrality in Family Mediation: Contexts, Ethics, Influence, and
Transformative Process.ŗ 1997 14 Mediation Quarterly, 226
30
Ibid, p. 227.
31
Sara Cobb, among others, agrees, cf. Cobb S, ŖA Narrative Perspective on Mediationŗ in Folger JP &
Jones TS (eds) New Directions in Mediation (1994) London, Sage Publications, p.52
32
Op. Cit. p.237
33
Ibid: 238

mediators respect the partiesř choice: Ŗif clients seek a practical, down-to-
earth agreement on specific issues, we should help them to attain itŗ34.
Last among practical considerations is a question of proof: have Bush and

Folger adequately demonstrated that transformative mediation works, even
within its own terms of reference? Neal Milner answers in the negative, and
finds the examples of transformative mediation in The Promise of Mediation
unsatisfactory and disappointing35. Williams argues that a drive towards
transformative mediation by the mediator is self-defeating in that it
disempowers the parties36. Menkel-Meadow similarly asks how parties can
be empowered when no solution to their problems is found37, and finds it
Ŗastonishingŗ that Bush and Folger suggest that, in her own words, Ŗpeople
are easier to change than situationsŗ38
Fewer critics address the theory behind transformative mediation; this is

probably partly because the natural focus of practitioners is practice and
partly because the goals of empowerment and recognition feature in many
kinds of mediation, and the difference is to some extent one of degree.
Nevertheless, there are some telling points made even here. Finding fault
with the political analysis which underlies Bush and Folgerřs work, for
example, Milner refutes their assertion that a Relational ideology is
emergent; rather, he adduces evidence to demonstrate the continued vitality
of Individualism39.
More importantly, both Milner and Menkel-Meadow find Bush and Folgerřs
vision culturally limited. Menkel-Meadow expresses this aptly:
... mediation is deeply contextual and, when situated in different

environments and institutions, it will perform different social tasks.
Bush and Folger attempt a meta-level explanation for mediation that
simply will not work. Transformative mediation is a concept that is
both vague and, at the same time, presumptuous; it is insensitive to
social conditions and - dare I say? - too ethnocentric to reach all
mediations.40
Milner is more particular about his criticism on this point. He begins by

arguing that transformative mediation is as inextricably bound up in the
North American mediation culture as the problem-solving approach it
opposes41 He notes, for example, that the mediator is assumed to be a
34
Op. Cit. p. 153
35
Milner N, ŖMediation and Political Theory: A Critique of Bush and Folgerŗ Law & Social Inquiry,
Vol. 21, No. 3 (Summer, 1996), p. 750
36
Williams, op. cit., p.153; cf. Milner, op. cit., pp. 743-744
37
Op. cit., p.238
38
Ibid. p.235.
39
Op. cit., pp.752-759.
40
Op. cit., p.236
41
Op. cit., p.744.

stranger to the parties. This is much less likely in other cultures, he states,
where conflict resolution is also Ŗoften more fluid, less linear, less directly
concerned with staying on point, and more likely to be handled by someone
who is familiar to the conflicting partiesŗ42.
Moreover, Milner suggests that Bush and Folger have overlooked important
evidence which would support the transformative visionřs claims to
universal application, but which would also make explicit its spiritual
debt43. Intentional or not, it is true that the authors have neglected
consideration of Ŗsome religiously based arguments for peacemaking that
support the idea that joint work on a conflict heightens moral capacities and
fosters both a sense of self and a regard for othersŗ44. It is to these
alternative models of transformative mediation that we now turn.
Response: Alternative Visions of Transformative Mediation
Notwithstanding criticism of Bush and Folgerřs particular formulation of

transformative mediation, the idea that conflict represents an opportunity for
moral growth is popular and pervasive. It is not uncommon to find reference
in mediation literature to concepts of empowerment, respect and faith in
partiesř ability to resolve their disputes45. Mediators such as Albie Davis
refer to the ŖŘtransformativeř power of mediationŗ46. Kolb and Kressel name
a significant number of prominent mediators among those who Ŗdefine their
work in transformative termsŗ47, where this means Ŗempower[ing]
community members, further[ing] the goal of citizen participation, and
set[ting] standards for responding to the current world challenge of ethnic,
tribal, and cultural disputesŗ.48
Clearly, Bush and Folger do not have a monopoly on the definition of

transformative mediation. We now consider some alternative visions which
address some of the criticisms outlined above.
Mark Umbreit‟s „Humanistic‟ Mediation
Mark Umbreit begins his presentation of Řhumanisticř mediation from a

premise similar to Bush and Folgerřs - that mediation can offer something
more than mere settlement:
42
Ibid: 745
43
Ibid: 745, 748-749
44
Ibid: 748
45
Merry SE, ŖAlbie M. Davis: Community Mediation as Community Organizingŗ in Kolb DM and
Associates (eds) When Talk Works: Profiles of Mediators (1994) San Francisco, Jossey-Bass Publishers.pp. 246-
247; cf. Forester J, ŖLawrence Susskind: Activist Mediation and Public Disputesŗ, in ibid., pp.329-331
46
Cited in Merry, op cit., p.248
47
Kolb DM and Kressel K, ŖThe Realities of Making Talk Workŗ in Kolb DM and Associates (eds)
When Talk Works: Profiles of Mediators (1994) San Francisco, Jossey-Bass Publishers, p.466
48
Idem. It is worth noting here that Kolb and Kressel express skepticism about claims about the
transformative power of mediation

Mediation can move toward a higher level of practice which can

intentionally and more consistently tap into its transformative and
healing powers. These healing powers are intrinsic to the process of
mediating conflict between individuals but need to be consciously
drawn out and utilized.49
Umbreit sees potential in mediation for Ŗa genuine transformative journey

of peacemaking that is grounded in compassion, strength, and our common
humanityŗ50. Here then is a model whose aspirations to universal application
are explicit. Although Umbreit clearly excludes certain kinds of disputes
from its ambit, he nevertheless considers the majority of conflicts to be
susceptible to a process based on Ŗan opening of the heart through genuine
dialogue, empowerment, and a recognition of each partyřs humanity despite
the conflictŗ51 Umbreitřs approach is distinct in grounding itself in both the
insights of Western cultural models of mediation, as well as the Ŗskills and .
. . life perspectiveŗ52 of non-Western, indigenous cultures (It is of interest
here that Umbreit has been influenced by the New Zealand Family Group
Conference model of restorative justice, among other things). He thus
avoids the temptation to privilege any one form of mediation practice over
another.
Indeed, Umbreit acknowledges a debt to Bush and Folger53. While he avoids

specifically criticizing their contributions, however, he clearly moves
beyond their model to present a less rigid yet practical model of mediation.
Like them, he identifies power in the parties and sees value in feelings and
emotions54. Rather than providing a detailed political framework for his
model, he begins from a set of values which are fundamental to humanistic
mediation: in fact, these values suggest a rich metaphysical tradition and
belief system such as is found in many indigenous societies. They include,
for example, a Ŗbelief in the connectedness of all thingsŗ; in Ŗthe desire of
most people to live peacefully . . . to draw upon inner reservoirs of strength
to overcome adversity . . . [and] to grow through life experiencesŗ; and in
Ŗthe inherent dignity and self-determination that arise from embracing
conflict directlyŗ55. Addressing the issue of third-party intervention,
Umbreit acknowledges Ŗthe importance of the mediatorřs presence and
connectedness with the involved partiesŗ. Umbreit thus embraces a
Ŗparadigm of healingŗ that rests on Ŗa profound recognition of the precious
gift of human existence, relationships, community, and the deeper spiritual
49
ŖA Humanistic Mediation Model: Moving to a Higher Plane.ŗ Internet web page: VOMA Quarterly
Conference Review (Fall / Winter 1996)
50
Umbreit MS, ŖHumanistic Mediation: A Transformative Journey of Peacemaking.ŗ Mediation
Quarterly, [1997] 14 p. 202
51
Ibid: 202
52
Ibid: 202
53
Ibid: 203
54
Ibid: 208
55
Ibid: 204-205

connectedness among all of us in our collective journey through this life,

regardless of our many religious, cultural, political, and lifestyle
differencesŗ56
Flowing from this framework of Řhealingř, Umbreit suggests a number of

practice implications; for the purposes of this essay, it will be necessary to
mention only a few of these. Foremost among his suggestions are those
which focus on the role of the mediator, and here Umbreitřs model reveals
its underlying spiritual concerns. He writes, for example, that
..[p]rior to initiating contact between people in conflict, the

mediator(s) is encouraged to take a few moments of silence, through
reflection, meditation, or prayer, to reflect on the deeper meaning of
his or her peacemaking work and the needs of the people in
conflict.57
This process of Ŗcenteringŗ should continue throughout the mediation,

reminding the mediator of the spiritual connectedness of all people58. The
mediator concentrates her efforts on helping the parties to Ŗunderstand and
respect their differences and to arrive at a mutually acceptable way to deal
with those differencesŗ59 (Idem), and will deliberately remove herself at
times from the dialogue between the parties60 (Idem). She will moreover
take steps to Ŗconnectŗ with the parties. This in turn requires Ŗcongruenceŗ
on the part of the mediator, which is defined as Ŗa condition of being
emotionally honest with yourself in which there is consistency in your
words, feelings, body and facial expressions, and your actionsŗ61. Such an
approach engenders a feeling of trust in the parties, which careful coaching
on communication skills as well as a nondirective style of mediation
reinforce62. Once again, Umbreit suggests that mediation can become a
spiritual tool connecting people with themselves, with each other and with
their beliefs63
Summing Up: Religion and Transformation
In his critique of Bush and Folger, Neal Milner suggests that certain
affinities exist between their work and the mediation practice of a number of
religious groups. In particular, he mentions the Quakers and Mennonites as
examples of traditions Ŗso strong, so much on point, so thoroughly based on
practice, and already so much a part of the secular mediation community . . .
56
Umbreit MS and Burns H, ŖHumanistic Mediation: Peacemaking Grounded in Core Social Work
Valuesŗ, Centre for Restorative Justice and Peacemaking, University of Minnesota, 15 May 2002, p. 3
57
Umbreit, op. cit, 205-206
58
Ibid: 206
59
Idem
60
Idem
61
Ibid: 207
62
Ibid: 208-209
63
Idem.

that they [deserve] some attentionŗ64. The Mennonite Conciliation Service,

for example, describes its own activities as nurturing Ŗthe transformation of
conflicts and the people involved in them by developing and promoting
resources, providing referral and direct mediation and consultation services,
holding training and educational events, and developing networksŗ65 .
While noting that Bush and Folger have unhappily failed to note non-secular
transformative mediation practices, Neal Milner suggests that this approach
has certain advantages66 He refers for example to the contentiousness of the
religion and morality debate, and infers that they avoid such controversy in
order to widen their audience base67. Nevertheless, he judges their omission
of religiously-based arguments for transformative mediation a serious flaw,
and we would have to agree.
On a global scale, moreover, there are even more compelling reasons to take
into account religious models of mediation. If we are to take the
Řpeacemakingř claims of mediation seriously, it should be broadly
applicable. Menkel-Meadow is correct in saying that Ŗmediation is deeply
contextual and, when situated in different environments and institutions, it
will perform different social tasksŗ, and she is right to fault Bush and
Folgerřs model with being too restrictive and ethnocentric68 Moreover, the
religious controversy Milner cites is largely restricted to the American
context: other societies, where the state-religion separation is less central to
political concerns, would see this is a non-issue. On the contrary, the large
majority of the worldřs peoples continue to regard some form of religion or
spirituality as central to their existence. Surely a project such as Umbreitřs,
which seeks to wed secular concerns with religious beliefs in a common
project of Řpeacemakingř, is worthy of effort. We would only add here that
an even broader basis for mediation practices must be sought among all the
major religious communities if we are to expect significant transformative
effects to follow.
The Baha‟i Concept of Consultation
The Bahaři Faith is one such religious community in which conflict-

resolution takes place within a context of individual and social
transformation69. This practice, known as consultation, aims to address
64
Milner, op. cit., p. 749
65
Mennonite Central Committee, ŖMennonite Conciliation Serviceŗ, MCC Workbook 1996, Peace and
Justice.
66
Milner, op.cit., p.748.
67
Ibid: 749
68
Menkel-Meadow, op. cit., p. 236
69
ŖThe Bahá'ì community, comprising members of the Bahá'í Faith from all over the globe, now
numbers some five million souls. They represent 2,112 ethnic and tribal groups and live in over 116,000 localities
in 188 independent countries and 45 dependent territories or overseas departments. What was once regarded by
some as an obscure, tiny sect is now recognized by the Encyclopedia Britannica as the second-most widely spread
independent religion in the world, after Christianity.ŗ http://info.bahai.org/article-1-6-0-1.html [Last accessed
March 25 2007]

conflicting perspectives within a framework of spiritual transformation. The

fundamental principles of consultation were established by Bahařuřllah, the
Prophet-Founder of the Bahaři Faith (1917-1892), and have since been
elaborated, interpreted and elucidated by his eldest son Àbduřl-Baha (1844-
1921), his great-grandson Shoghi Effendi (1897-1957), and the Universal
House of Justice, the Supreme Bahaři Institution (first elected 1963). The
following description of consultation has been primarily drawn from these
authoritative sources, although numerous references to the subject can be
found in Bahaři literature of a secondary nature.70
A Programme for Transformation
According to Bahařuřllah, the fundamental purpose of every Revelation

from God has been Ŗto effect a transformation in the whole character of
mankind, a transformation that shall manifest itself both outwardly and
inwardly, that shall affect both its inner life and external conditionsŗ71
Fundamental to Bahařuřllahřs programme for the transformation of both
individuals and societies is the recognition of the oneness of humanity - an
acceptance of the principle of unity in diversity. While this principle
implies, among other things, the unity of all races and peoples, the equality
and complementarity of the sexes, and the abolition of all prejudices, Shoghi
Effendi explains its deeper implications: ŖIt implies an organic change in the
structure of present-day society, a change such as the world has not yet
experienced. . . It represents the consummation of human evolution. . .ŗ72
The evolutionary transformation of individuals is inseparably related to that

of society. The Bahaři teachings state that the human beings are
fundamentally spiritual, but that this spirituality emerges as a result of effort
and education. Bahařuřllah thus states: ŖRegard man as a mine rich in gems
of inestimable value. Education can, alone, cause it to reveal its treasuresŗ 73
If these Řtreasuresř are virtuous conduct and deeds, it is clear that such
70
See, for example, in the context of Bahaři family life (Jordan DC et al, Marriage: A Fortress for
Well-Being (1988) Wilmette, Bahaři Publishing Trust, pp. 67-70), peace (Huddleston JS, Achieving Peace by the
Year 2000: A Twelve Point Proposal (1988) London, Oneworld Publications, pp.75-76), world order (Bramson-
Lerche L, ŖAn Analysis of the Bahaři World Order Modelŗ in Lerche C (ed) Emergence: Dimensions of a New
World Order (1991) London, Bahaři Publishing Trust, pp. 41-43), social and economic development (Vick HH,
Social and Economic Development: A Bahaři Approach (1989) Oxford, George Ronald, pp. 49-60) or psychology
(Danesh H, Unity: The Creative Foundation of Peace (1986) Ottawa, Bahaři Studies Publications pp.116-118); or
in general introductions to the Bahaři teachings (Momen M, A Short Introduction to the Bahaři Faith (1997)
Oxford, Oneworld Publications, p.78; Esslemont JE, Bahařuřllah and the New Era (rev. 4th ed., 1974) London,
Bahaři Publishing Trust, p.171; Huddleston J, The Earth is But One Country (2nd ed., 1980) London, Bahaři
Publishing Trust, pp.. 99-102); or more generally, a compilation of extracts from the Bahaři writings on
consultation has been published (The Universal House of Justice, ŖConsultation: A Compilationŗ in The
Compilation of Compilations Vol.1 (1991) Bahaři Publications Australia); as well as at least one major study of the
subject (Kolstoe JE, Consultation A Universal Lamp of Guidance (1985) Oxford, George Ronald).
71
Bahá'u'lláh, The Book of Certitude, 3d. ed. (Wilmette: Bahá'í Publishing Trust, 1982), pp. 240-241
72
Shoghi Effendi, Bahaři Administration: Selected Messages 1922-1932 (7th ed, 1974) Wilmette,
Bahaři Publishing Trust, p..43.
73
Bahařuřllah, Tablets of Bahařuřlah Revealed After the Kitab-i-Aqdas (1978) Wilmette, Bahaři
Publishing Trust, p. 162)

education must take place in the real world of interaction in society.

Therefore74,
Spirituality [is] a state, an inner condition, that should manifest itself

in action, in everyday choices, in profound understanding human
nature and in meaningful contributions to community life and
society. . . every act [is] a means for the clarification and application
of spiritual principles.
The Bahaři writings therefore supply principles which address both the
individual and social reality of humanity, each of which is inextricably tied
up in the development of the other. Moreover, a process of growth is
conceived in which the Bahaři writings illuminate and in turn are
illuminated by the experiences of the Bahaři commmunity: Ŗmany of the
theoretical and practical tasks are left to be accomplished by the growing
Bahaři community through a global and constant process of consultation
and scholarly inquiry into social realityŗ75
These two processes of transformation - at micro and macro levels - meet in

the practice of consultation.
Consultation in Theory:Application and Purpose
The Bahaři writings on consultation emphasize its universal application.

Whether in the work of Bahaři administration76, commerce77, family
affairs78, or purely personal matters79, consultation is regarded as a Ŗlamp of
guidance which leadeth the wayŗ80. Indeed, Shoghi Effendi called Ŗthe spirit
of frank and loving consultationŗ the Ŗkeynoteŗ of the Bahaři Faith81 and the
Ŗbedrock of this unique Orderŗ82. It is significant to note here that the
Bahaři Faith has no clergy, and that the administration of its affairs is
entirely conducted by elected councils at the local, national and international
level. In this system, authority is thus vested solely in consultative bodies
and individuals have no decision-making power.
The purpose of consultation is variously expressed as being the

investigation of truth83, to achieve Ŗinsight into thingsŗ84 and to produce
Ŗthe tranquillity and felicity of the peopleŗ85. Thus, although Ŗright
74
Arbab F, Lectures on Bahaři-Inspired Curricula (1994) Florida, Palabra Publications, pp. 49-50
75
Arbab F, ŖThe Process of Social Transformationŗ in Eyford G (ed) The Bahaři Faith and Marxism:
Proceedings of a Conference held in January 1986 (1987) Ottawa, Association for Bahaři Studies, p. 11
76
Shoghi Effendi in Universal House of Justice, op. cit., pp. 101-102
77
Àbduřl-Bahá, in ibid, pp.96-97
78
Ibid, p.98
79
Ibid, p.96
80
Bahařuřllah in ibid, p.93
81
Ibid, p. 101
82
Ibid, p.103
83
Àbduřl-Bahá, in ibid, p.99
84
Ibid., p.97
85
Ibid., p. 96

solution[s]ŗ are a clearly envisaged outcome of consultation86, agreement is

more important to the process than correctness87. Equal to, or perhaps more
important than, its problem-solving function, consultation is praised for
bestowing Ŗgreater awarenessŗ88, and producing Ŗgood and well-beingŗ89;
through consultation the Ŗmaturity of the gift of understanding is made
manifestŗ90.
Procedure of Consultation
As in both Umbreitřs and Bush and Folgerřs models of mediation, the

succesful practice of Bahaři consultation presupposes certain attitudes and
beliefs. In particular, the Bahaři writings emphasize that the parties to
consultation must make efforts to detach themselves from predetermined
outcomes. The act of consultation is itself sacred and sanctified; by
preparing for it through prayer and through concentrating their efforts to
manifest spiritual qualities, dialogue is facilitated and confirmations from
the spiritual realm are promised:
The prime requisites for them that take counsel together are purity of
motive, radiance of spirit, detachment from all else save God,
attraction to His Divine Fragrances, humility. . . amongst His loved
ones, patience and long-suffering. . . and servitude. . . Should they be
graciously aided to acquire these attributes, victory from the unseen
Kingdom of Baha [glory] shall be vouchsafed to them.91
An important aspect of consultation is the emphasis placed on the decision-

making power of the collective or group. The group should welcome the
views of all, including Ŗthe most lowly, untutored and inexperiencedŗ92.
Individuals are encouraged to express their opinions openly Ŗwithout being
afraid of displeasing or alienatingŗ93 anyone; differing viewpoints are
encouraged, since Ŗ[t]hrough the clash of personal opinions. . . the spark of
truth is often ignitedŗ94. But this frankness must be tempered with Ŗthe
utmost devotion, courtesy, dignity, care and moderationŗ95. Moreover, each
should offer her opinion to the group as a gift, and Ŗnot insist. . . for
stubbornness and persistence in oneřs views will lead ultimately to discord
and wrangling and the truth will remain hiddenŗ96. Thus the parties in
consultation are called upon to focus on the issues, and not on personalities.
86
Ibid., p. 98
87
Ibid., p. 96
88
Bahářuřlláh, in ibid, p.93
89
Idem
90
Idem
91
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, Selections from the Writings of ŘAbduřl-Bahá, (1978) Haifa, Bahaři World Centre,
p.87
92
Shoghi Effendi in Universal House of Justice, op. cit., p.102
93
Ibid., p.104
94
Idem
95
ŘAbduřl-Bahá, in ibid. p.95
96
Idem

In certain kinds of consultation, a decision may be reached by vote, and

unanimity is preferred, though not essential. The practice of Bahaři
consultation therefore nurtures a new social outlook which emphasizes unity
- albeit while preserving a diversity of viewpoints, opinions and approaches.
Consultation likewise affects individuals in a transformative manner. The

Bahaři writings acknowledge the numerous complications and difficulties in
frank consultation that arise out of the need to:
…ŗreconcile the principles of mercy and justice, of freedom and

submission, of the sanctity of the right of the individual and of self-
surrender, of vigilance, discretion and prudence on the one hand and
fellowship, candour and courage on the other.ŗ97
In a way, these are the real dilemmas facing every individual involved in
conflict. The process of consultation thus requires a constant examination of
oneřs motives and conscious adjustment of oneřs behaviour in conformity
with principle. Whereas most models of mediation envisage the intervention
of a third party, consultation assumes that each party is engaged in a
personal process of reflection and self-examination in light of the Bahaři
writings. Over time, this endeavour will gradually induce a spiritual
transformation of character.
Finally, the Bahaři concept of consultation recognizes that a perfect decision

may not be a practical possibility in every case98, and that the act of
consultation is not separable from the context of relationships and society as
a whole. Therefore, the form of each consultation, the parties concerned,
and the advice of experts are all matters in respect of which Ŗrigidity should
be avoidedŗ99.
Consultation in Practice
To understand how consultation might apply to real situations, we take as an

example from Columbia an initially small Bahaři community which
experienced rapid and sudden growth in numbers in the 1970s. The authors
of a study of this development write that reactions to the growth were
mixed. Whereas some Bahařis were exhilarated by the sudden growth and
wanted to Řpush onř, others felt that the expansion should be put on hold
indefinitely until the new believers had been consolidated. There thus
existed conflicting views of which the Bahaři principle of unity required a
resolution. Nevertheless, the authors of the study do not indicate a pre-
determined Řrightř or Řwrongř answer: rather, they indicate that the solution
was left to be Řdiscoveredř through consultation:
97
Shoghi Effendi in ibid, p.101
98
Àbduřl-Baha, in ibid., p.96
99
Universal House of Justice, in ibid., p. 109

Regular meetings of consultation were called to explore the diverse

elements of a more unified vision of teaching. Every effort was made
to prevent these consultations from being reduced to mere expression
of differing opinions and tiring analysis of abstractions. The
community was constantly reminded that it was viewing the very
complex process of the growth of the Faith in an entire country, and
that any one of them would only be able to see a few aspects of this
process the lens of their own understanding and experience. But
limited understanding could not persist in the form of personal
opinions once the process had been viewed through different lenses;
sooner or later, a new and more complete vision, to be shared by all,
had to be formulated and adopted.100
Interpreted, this passage suggests that the process of consultation enabled all
parties to transcend their individual perspectives; not one of the viewpoints
was complete and correct. There is evidence here of effort to move beyond
empty debate; of acknowledgment of the importance of bringing different
understandings and experiences to shed light on the matter; and of the
ultimate goal of achieving a new, more holistic vision. The authors suggest
that: ŖAs the believers in Columbia matured in their ability to consult, they
began to advance rapidly towards the unity of thought and vision they so
ardently desiredŗ101.
This narrative of events in Columbia further describes how this process of

consultation was continued Ŗin unshakable unity and with a spirit of utmost
humilityŗ102, always aiming at Ŗthe objective analysis of possible courses of
action and the evaluation of methods and results, all carried out in light of
the Writings of the Faithŗ (Idem). In this manner the community, although
consisting of diverse individuals with differing points of view, was able to
reach a workable degree of unity on such matters as the role of the Bahaři
Řteacherř in the expansion of the Faith103, the content of the first message
that was to be presented104, and the structure and substance of educational
programmes designed to deepen the knowledge of the new Bahařis105.
Clearly this case-study has not provided analysis the particular Řmovesř of
third-party interveners, nor suggested practical steps to take in every
situation. Indeed, the nature of consultation is such that it is adaptable to
diverse situations. The detailing of such specifics would tend to establish a
set of standard Řtechniquesř, which would undermine the inherent flexibility
of consultation - as well as, according to Umbreit, to Řhumanisticř
100
Ruhi Institute, Learning about Growth (1991) Colombia, Palabra Publications, p.4
101
Idem
102
Ibid: 10
103
ibid: 11-12
104
Ibid: 15-16
105
Ibid: 20-29

mediation106. Nor does the above narrative suggest that the same process
would or does take place in the same way in every community. Clearly,
cultural differences in and across individuals, institutions and communities
necessitate a Řunity in diversityř of approaches to the application of the
principles of consultation.
Conclusions: Mediating Approaches to Transformation
This essay has surveyed two representative types of transformative

mediation which have received some notice in the mediation community.
The first - and by far the best-known - of these is the model discussed and
advocated by Bush and Folger in their various publications. Central to their
work is the idea that transformation of individuals can take place by
developing their capacities for recognition and empowerment, and that
mediation provides an excellent opportunity for this. Their work has
received criticism, however, for its narrowness on two counts: on the one
hand, practitioners argue that their model has limited application and
disregards too many legitimate goals and practices in mediation; on the
other hand, their political theory has been criticized as unsupported at best
and culturally biased at worst. Despite this, we support their central intuition
that mediation offers more than mere problem-solving.
Mark Umbreitřs model of Řhumanistic mediationř is less well-known - or

less notorious. His important contribution is recognize that there are non-
secular forces at play in communication, and especially in the conflict
resolution practices of traditional and indigenous societies. His model
therefore acknowledges the fundamental connectedness of all people, and
assigns a more spiritual role to mediation practice.
Finally, the Bahaři practice of consultation goes one step further in affirming
the spiritual realities affecting conflict resolution. Certainly, consultation
may be criticized by some as too vague and insubstantial, unsupported by
political or social theory and unsuited to, for example, American society,
where faith is viewed with suspicion and ethnic and religious differences are
highly politicized.
Nevertheless, the Bahaři framework certainly defines a goal for

transformation that affirms the connectedness of all people without
disregarding the importance of the individual, and which is less vague than
others we have considered. Consultation provides a context and framework
for the practical application of spiritual principles, and thus encourages the
manifestation of virtuous behaviour by individuals and groups. Moreover, it
establishes a process based on principle, is therefore not rigid and is widely
applied in the Bahaři world. The fact that the same model *is* used in
Bahaři communities in over 200 countries indicates this flexibility and may
106
Umbreit op.cit., p.202

give pause to consider what insights may be gained from a deeper

investigation into its premises and application.
For mediation to remain a vital and expanding field , it will be necessary to

conduct much more inquiry into the various extant models of
communication that share with it either conceptual or practical affinities. In
particular, mediation has often been thought of as a secular practice, and
perhaps this is due to the origins of the modern mediation movement in
North America in the 1960s and 1970s. Studies into the conflict resolution
behaviour of Jewish, Buddhist, Hindu, Islamic and other religious groups
would surely shed light on mediation practices. Certainly, a dialogue
between all these groups and Řsecularř mediation would be mutually
illuminating. We hope that by comparing transformative mediation models
with Bahaři consultation we have suggested how such a dialogue might
begin.

In Memoriam: Hugh McKinley1
Ismael Velasco
Tenerife, Spain, Independent Scholar
Upon his thirteenth birthday, Hugh McKinleyřs mother devised a means to

test empirically her knowledge of astrology: she cast a detailed and
elaborate chart made up of arcane symbols, crescent moons and star-sign
emblems, derived from the single fact of her sonřs birth in Oxford, England,
at precisely 1:55 am Greenwich Meridian time, on the 18th of February,
1924. He weighed a full eight and a half pounds. A series of epigrammatic
prognostications followed, predicting year by year Hugh McKinleyřs future
till his 58th birthday, set down concisely in a small red notebook titled in
neat script:
Natal and Progressed Horoscopes.

Hugh McKinley
cast by his mother
DATE: 1935
Thereafter at yearřs end, till her own very last, she faithfully inscribed below
her divinations an equally brief survey of the most notable among his lifeřs
actual happenings. This allowed her - and us - to compare lifeřs vicissitudes
to the omens and augurations of the stars.
The portents intimated to Violet McKinley, mother, lifelong companion and

co-sharer in the spiritual knighthood of her only son, that there awaited him
an eventful and on the whole a trying life, with many episodes of illness,
with accidents and financial misfortunes or stress, and two or three
catastrophic years, punctuated by fewer years of spiritual abundance,
deepening friendships and domestic happiness. While year by year the
predictions varied in their accuracy from the startlingly correct to the
humorously off course, the anticipated pattern proved itself on the whole
accurate, and Hugh McKinleyřs life was indeed marked by an undertone of
hardship, by serious accidents and periodic bouts of ill-health, by troubled
relationships and consoling friendships, by financial stringencies and ever
burgeoning spirituality. His years of ease, over his seven decades and four,
were less than those of challenge, yet he was happy in the evening of his
life, with a strong and loving marriage, a home in nature, and a spirit
reconciled and peaceful, if ever active, ever struggling, ever visioning new
possibilities and new friendships.
1
See also Olive McKinley, The Life of Hugh McKinley, Knight of Bahářuřlláh, Solas, 2004, 4:59-71

© 2007 XXXX
463 Ismael Velasco In Memoriam: Hugh McKinley
Be that as it may, it was sometime after September 1923, when Violet was
some half way through her pregnancy and David McKinley still engaged in
his osteopathřs practice, that an occasional visitor to the Oxford
Theosophical Society placed in their hands a newly published copy of a
book that revolutionised the labours of the Bahářì community for decades to
come: John Esslemontřs Bahářuřlláh and the New Era. 2
ŖOne night at the Theosophical Society in Oxford, one of the 'friends', as
they were then referred to (and I've only ever met one believer in England
who knew him) was called Robert somebody. I don't know his name. But
Alice Phillips, who was an isolated believer in the late 1940s down in
Arundel, knew his name and had met him. He left mother and father a copy
of Dr. Esslemont's book Bahá'u'lláh and the New Era.ŗ 3
For the McKinleys, the book was a source of spiritual insomnia: Ŗthey sat
up in bed all night and read that book from cover to cover.ŗ When they
turned the last page, the night had gone Dawn breaking, they turned to each
other, and exclaimed: ŖThis is it!ŗ4
We have rather precise notions regarding the physiological development of

the embryo in its different phases, but know next to nothing about the nature
of its inner life while in the uterus. In this respect, if life after death is a
mysterious subject, life before birth is only marginally less so. What is no
longer in doubt after much investigation is that the embryo is highly
susceptible to the motherřs environmental influences, her state of mind, her
moods, in short, the motherřs consciousness and experiences. If this be so,
then it may not be unreasonable to suggest that the experience of that night,
profound, thrilling and fundamentally life-changing, full mid-way or more
through her pregnancy, may well have had some impact on the child within
her womb whose first, if vicarious encounter with the Ŗspirit of faithŗ may
perhaps be said to have taken place before his consciousness was able to
register it.
Nothing is known of the man that so fortuituously changed their lives

forever and sealed the future of their child, except his first name, but his
modest and potentially inconsequential act would in the fulness of time
prove to have been the means of raising two knights of Bahářuřlláh, Violet
and her son Hugh. As so often happens, apparently small acts may have
large impacts in seeming disproportion to their genesis. It is not clear what,
if any, other contribution ŖRobert somebodyŗ made to the growth of the
Bahářì community, but by one passing talk and the sharing of one book he
changed a nationřs destiny.
2
The book was published in Spetember of 1923, which allows us to trace this event to the autumn or
winter of that year.
3
Hugh McKinley, op.cit.
4
Ibid.

Hugh McKinleyřs path was neither smooth nor inevitable, and perhaps
herein lies its luminosity. Most likely the spiritual honorific, Knight of
Bahářuřlláh, an accolade conferred by Shoghi Effendi upon those Bahářìs
who like Hugh McKinley settled across the world as part of the first global
plan for the expansion of the Bahářì Cause,5 will grow legendary with the
rolling of the years. But, in Hugh McKinleyřs living witness, the glory
behind the title lies not in a frozen tableau of beatific vision, nor a tale of
morally unambiguous heroism (heroism seldom is), nor yet in an instructive
story of triumph over adversity and success over vicissitudes. To outward
seeming and to worldly eyes, indeed, the tale of Hugh McKinley was a tale
of thwarted dreams, of unrealized potential, and recurrent penury. His old
age was not that of a man reminiscing at his ease, but rather a constant, final
struggle against illness and poverty; not contemplative rest but one final lap
in a long distance race that demanded the impossible.
And yet, the morning of the 28th of May, 1992, found Hugh McKinley, a
mere seven years before his death, within the precincts of a garden of
unusual beauty, face to face with the harvest of his life. Seldom does a
person see, in his lifetime, even a glimmer of the true significance of the
actions and deeds performed in years and decades past, but to Hugh
McKinley, on this occasion, was granted the sight. For anyone receptive to
what Rudolf Otto called the ŖIdea of the Holyŗ6 the occasion would be
fraught with significance. For a Bahářì for whom a sense of spirituality was
the motivating force of life, the event, in a region four religions coincide in
designating as the Holy Land, was positively numinous.7
Hugh McKinley stood that day with one hundred and twelve companions
watching an illuminated scroll bearing his name and theirs being placed, for
centuries to come, in a chamber at the entrance door of the inner sanctuary
of the holiest Shrine of the Bahářì world, guarding the mortal remains of
Bahářuřlláh, Prophet-Founder of the Bahářì Faith - and the One for Whose
sake Hugh McKinley had given up his career, his reputation, his worldly
prosperity and, little by little, it may be considered, his life. The scroll was
a Roll of Honour, registering for posterity the names of all the Knights of
Bahářuřlláh. This spiritual knighthood was intended Ŗto signify their acts of
daring and devotion as teachers of the Faithŗ,8 and bear witness that by their
exploits they had Ŗrealized the actual establishment of the Cause of
Bahá'u'lláh as a world religion.ŗ9
5
A campaign known in Bahářì literature as the Ten Year Plan (1953-1963)
6
Rudolf Otto, The Idea of the Holy. Trans. John W. Harvey. London: Oxford University Press, 1948.
7
An idea of the intensity of this innate spirituality may be gathered from a telling event in his youth,
long, long before the day of his harvesting arrived. Having had a terrible motorcycle accident provoking a grave
head injury that threw him into a comma with little hope of recovery, he abruptly came back to consciousness
under his motherřs prayers after many days in a vegetative state, pronouncing a single sentence as if from another
realm drawn: Ŗalláhřuřabháŗ.
8
The Universal House of Justice, May 29, 1992, Centenary Tribute to Baha'u'llah, p. 3
9
Ibid.

The meaning of the scroll, the significance of the Bahářì knighthood

bestowed upon him, Hugh McKinley heard expounded in an ardent
supplication addressed on that day by the Universal House of Justice, the
body entrusted with the guidance and direction of the world Bahářì
community, to Bahářuřlláh:
ŖThis is both a symbol and a promise -- a symbol registering the reality of a

clear response, at a critical time, to the duty laid upon us by the Lord of
Hosts to diffuse His teachings among all peoples; a promise that the
commitment so dazzlingly displayed by these intrepid pioneers will be
reaffirmed by generations of their successors, ensuring that the light of
Bahá'u'lláh's Revelation, "shining in all its power and glory, will have
suffused and enveloped the entire planet."
ŖThis is also a mark of recognition of the power of the Hand of

Omnipotence to turn gnats into eagles. His bounties embolden us. Broken-
winged birds are we; yet, with His assurances resounding in our souls, we
soar to ever greater heights in His service. "I am the royal Falcon on the arm
of the Almighty!" He declares, benevolently adding: "I unfold the drooping
wings of every broken bird and start it on its flight."ŗ10
In these words - which Hugh McKinley heard read out before the assembled
knights of Bahářuřlláh on that solemn anniversary - is an intimation that, the
reality of their heroic response notwithstanding, the birds that journeyed into
victory had injured wings, and the eagle flights were flown by individuals
who nevertheless partook of the quality of the gnat.
It should come as no surprise then, that to discern the implausible flight path
implied in these assertions of irreconcilable qualities (gnathood/eaglehood)
calls for an unusual point of view. Thus the mighty title, Knight of
Bahářuřlláh - which, were all else forgotten, would remain - was won in
Cyprus by Hugh McKinley in the course of what was probably the hardest
and apparently least fruitful period of his life. In attracting souls to the
Cause of Bahářuřlláh Hugh McKinley had been more successful in Britain
than he would ever be in Cyprus. In building a vibrant Bahářì community
life the interpersonal barriers proved more intractable in Cyprus than was
the case before or subsequently. In artistic self-expression, no period was
less productive than this one. In his personal life, no time was more
challenging than the time of his investiture as Knight of Bahářuřlláh. At the
end of his pioneering services in Cyprus, Hugh McKinley and the handful of
fellow-Knights in that isle, had indeed sown the seed of a future national
community, but at the moment of departure, after years of effort, the seeds
left behind altogether uncertain, and not one soul had been moved to join
the Bahářì community.11 By the same token, it is safe to say that no other
10
Ibid. p. 240
11
The first Cypriot believers declared not long after in a letter to Hugh in Greece, through whose
efforts, together with his mother, they had been attracted to the Faith.

time demanded such heroism, evoked such self-sacrifice, required such

inner fortitude, or called for such self-abnegation in Hugh McKinley as his
time in Cyprus.
The words of the House of Justice, then, present us not with a sweet simile
but a challenging and even painful paradox, of broken-winged birds setting
out to imitate the falconřs aerial prowess, or mosquitoes embarking on
seemingly fatuous, even self-destructive odysseys to emulate the eagle. To
grasp the liberating, the fulfilling, the ever-cherished aspects of this journey,
one must be prepared to see that above and beyond material circumstances
or outward markers of success, at the heart of this paradox, was a spiritual
process; an expression of communion, a search for faithfulness to an
experience of truth that made the journey more than bearable - worth it.
One must know, else guess the experience captured in poetic language by
Bahářuřlláh as the unpredicted madness of a taste, which Hugh Mckinley Ŕ
those that knew him will agree Ŕ tasted early on:
ŖBy My life, O friend, wert thou to taste of these fruits… yearning would
seize the reins of patience and reserve from out thy hand, and make thy soul
to shake with the flashing lightŗ 12
Thus did yearning take over his life, that without reserve, he threw himself
into seemingly quixotic ventures, abandoning a promising career in opera,
to live an intranquil, trying life in frequently alien environments, struggling
with poverty, illness, separation, loss, and cultural isolation, for the sake of a
social vision, and spiritual calling, that energised and galvanised him and
brought him more than contentment: joy.
Indeed, if a keynote could be discerned in Hugh Mckinleyřs life, it is the

demonstration that there is more to happiness than happy circumstances (for
Hugh McKinley was an essentially happy person, albeit schooled in grief
and loss), that oneřs inner world can well exceed oneřs outward one, and
that to understand Hugh McKinley one must shake the inertia of superficial
judgements and criteria and touch the depths that motivated him and made
him be and become who he was and who he is.
And if, as Ernest Becker held, the greatest form of heroism is the ability to
contain the maximum paradox, then Hugh McKinley was heroic in the most
palpable manner. This was the man whose voice was deemed to call for
cultivation and consecration to the muse by the great Dino Borgioli and who
studied under him in 1952 while singers waited a decade before being
allowed to leave their countries and be trained by him Ŕ working as a farm
labourer until he began his musical apprenticeship.13
12
Cf. Bahářulláh, The Seven Valleys, p.4
13
Borgioli, (1891 Ŕ 1960) was launched in La Scala by Toscanini himself, becoming one of operařs
best-loved tenors in the 1930řs, and in the 1950řs one of the worldřs foremost opera teachers. The Australian
soprano June Bronhill, OBE, changed her surname from Gough to Bronhill after the residents of the eponymous

The beginnings of a professional and promising career in opera were not

won without sacrifice, and the same year, in a positive and confident tone,
Violet McKinley, Hughřs mother, wrote in her record of the year: Ŗour
money nearly gone, we must earn some somehowŗ.14 This was the man
who, a complete autodidact with an interrupted and abandoned schooling,
became nonetheless the cultured critic who corresponded with Erich Fromm
and led him to review his treatment of religion; interviewed Arnold
Toynbee, last great exponent of cyclical history; became a lasting friend of
his contemporary and fellow poet (a world authority on Blake) Kathleen
Raine, and likewise built most lasting ties with the famed poets Helen Shaw
of New Zealand and the American May Sarton, best known perhaps for her
novels. He would converse with varying ease in English, Greek, Persian,
and French, yet never reached secondary school.
This was the man in whom the lore of ancient Celts and ancient Greeks and
Romans combined with the exquisite appreciation of nature and its colours
and a repertoire of memorised French, Italian and German arias that played
in his mind and occasionally found outlet in his sonorous bass. This was
also the man who, in the end, physically frail and past his seventies, was left
to earn the necessities of life each day anew not by his pen or by his art or
by his calling, but selling cleaning materials door to door to make ends
meet, following a professional path that took him from farm labouring to
book-keeping, to gardening, to selling double-glazing and insurance and
eventually domestic products to neighbours and acquaintances on a
commission-only basis.
Such contrasting journeys were the product of circumstance, but primarily

of choice, of decisions made for love, sometimes swiftly, never lightly, and
always hard to understand from the perspective of the perennial human
search, and even need, for material stability and comfort.
ŖHow well is it said: Live free of love, for its very peace is anguish; its
beginning is pain, its end is death.ŗ15
We stand, then, not before a creature of air but before a man, of flesh and
bone and blood and longing who, when I knew him in the evening of his
life, just into his seventies, glinted and smiled at once mischievously and
miraculously amidst the difficulties that beset him and that he wore so
lightly, as he proclaimed to a touched twenty year old passer-by who had
approached the Bahářì stall that we were manning together in the paved
indifference of Felixtowe:
town raised a considerable sum of money to enable her to leave Australia to study under Borgioli. She was his
pupil in the same year as Hugh McKinley, and may give an indication of what could have been - Hughřs potential
professional trajectory.
14
Violette McKinley, ŖAstrological Diary of Hugh McKinley, with additional notes by Hugh and by
Deborah McKinleyŗ (henceforth referred to as Astrological Diary), entry for 28 years old.
15
Cf. Bahářulláh, The Seven Valleys, p.41

ŖI am a revolutionary!ŗ
And proffered to him, urgently yet gracefully, not the Socialist Worker, but
an invitation to spiritual transformation and an end to discordant conflict.
The little note which, in her 90th year, the great Kathleen Raine wrote upon
hearing of Hugh McKinleyřs passing captures, perhaps best of all, the
meaning of Hugh McKinleyřs life, and his relevance:
ŖI donřt know how many years ago I first knew (by letter) Hugh who at that
time was living on his Greek Island with his cats and writing for a little
paper… all these years he has been a friend I have valued as one of the
loveliest human beings I have known Ŕ Řone of the pure in heartř who Řsees
Godřŗ.16
One is reminded of the words by Blake which that same poet wished could
be said of her after her death:
ŖThat in time of trouble, I kept the divine vision".
These ten words are, to me, the most transparent evocation of Hugh
McKinleyřs life.
16
Kathleen Raine to Deborah McKinley, February 9 t, 1999, in Hugh McKinley archives.

Bushido (Chivalry) and the Traditional Japanese Moral

Education
Nozomu Sonda
Yamaguchi, Independent Scholar
Abstract
"Bushido" was written in 1900, in response to questions often asked by his Western
wife and colleagues. In this work he eloquently explains the very heart of
traditional Japanese moral education inculcated to samurais and their families,
referring to some major "virtues" of Japanese. Incidentally, the late Hand of the
Cause of God Ruhiyiih Khanum lavished her praise on Japanese listing many
wonderful qualities and virtues she observed on her visit to the country back in the
1970's. This study will explore the Japanese virtues explained by Nitobe in contrast
and comparison with the Baha'i perspective on moral education.
Introduction
ŖChivalry is a flower no less indigenous to the soil of Japan than its

emblem, the cherry blossom.ŗ
In 2003 a Hollywood movie The Last Samurai was released and became a
big hit. It featured a superstar like Tom Cruise and also introduced a
Japanese star Ken Watanabe to the international film scene, attracting a
great deal of attention from media. However, the most salient feature of the
movie was actually the spirit and thought that underlay it, namely, Bushido.
The timing of the appearance of such a movie seemed to be no coincidence

to the present author. It was a time when Japanese people were enjoying the
sentiment of traditional thought and spirit, recollecting the heroic times of
the end of Edo Era when young samurais fought fearlessly for the sake of
the country, preservation of old values and acceptance of new values. The
time was apparently contrasted with the contemporary age when there are so
many political scandals, deception, corruption and cowardice. The author
recalls one commercial where a famous samurai (Sakamoto Ryoma) from
the same period Ŗappearsŗ and makes a bitter comment on the current
situation in Japanese society, implying that he would do things in a different
way (and thus appealing to the companyřs service being advertised)..
Around at the same time the author met a Japanese gentleman, who had just
retired and said that he just started reading ŖBushido,ŗ thinking about what
it meant and how he could make use of it. There was a need and craving for
the revival of such traditional values and thoughts; Bushido seemed to be an
epitome of this phenomenon.

© 2007 Nozomu Sonda
470 Nozomu Sonda Bushido Moral Education
In brief, as Captain Algren (Tom Cruise) learns in The Last Samurai,

Bushido is not just a code of ethics for samurai warriors but rather a moral
system and even a way of life for people in general, which influenced
Japanese for centuries. It inculcates the importance of cultivating and
practicing Ŗvirtues.ŗ
Speaking of Ŗvirtues,ŗ the author makes another recollection when the late
Hand of Cause of God Ruhiyyih Khanum made a visit to Japan in 1978 and
made a comment that of all the peoples she had encountered the Japanese
manifest the most of the virtues which Bahařuřllah exhorts us to acquire. As
a member of the same ethnic group, the author feels a great honor to receive
such a comment but at the same time regards it as a compliment for the
purpose of encouraging the Japanese people to arise and serve the Cause of
Bahařuřllah. Other peoples in the rest of the world must surely manifest as
many virtues as the Japanese do, if not less. Having said this, there must be
still something more or less special in the Japanese people that compelled
her to make such a comment.
It is this point that motivated the present author to explore Bushido as a

moral system and a source of Japanese virtues and to compare and contrast
it with teachings of our beloved Faith. In this study, the background of
Bushido will be first explained and then virtues which Bushido inculcates
will be examined. Then we education and training based on Bushido will be
described, including those of women. Finally, Bushido will be compared
and contrasted with ideals, goals and objectives of the Bahaři Faith and
implications to moral education in contemporary Japan will be discussed. .
What is Bushido?
Bushido was spontaneously developed over hundreds of years as a way of

life for samurais. Thus we cannot categorically determine its origin. But we
can roughly say that its origin somewhat coincides with the Kamakura Era
(12th century), which was the beginning of the feudal system which was
obviously the bedrock of Japanese swordsmanship. In order to further
explore the origin, sources and background of Bushido, we will mainly rely
on the masterpiece written by Inazo Nitobe, a Christian educationalist from
the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
Inazo Nitobe
Nitobe was born in Morioka, Iwate in 1862. In his youth, he studied at

Tokyo Foreign Language College and Sapporo Agricultural College and
later at Johns Hopkins University in the U.S. and the University of Bonn in
Germany. In 1891, he married Mary Elkinton, a fellow Quaker Church
member, when he was 29 years old. After returning to Japan, he took up
professorship at Sapporo Agricultural College. Then he published Bushido
in 1900, later teaching at various major universities in Japan and also

serving as Vice-Secretary General of the League of Nations and member of

the House of Lords. In 1933 when he was attending the 5th Pacific
Conference in Vancouver, Canada, he fell ill and passed away.
In his late teens, Nitobe was baptized as a Christian; then he determined to

become Ŗa bridge over the Pacific Oceanŗ which connects Japan and the
West. In his mid-20řs he attended Quaker church while studying at Johns
Hopkins University. There he met his future wife Mary.
Nitobe made great contributions in the educational field during the Meiji
and Taisho Eras. He was also a champion in the international field while
working for the League of Nations and an agency which was to later
become UNESCO. In contrast, Japan was heading towards a military
empire; the militia did not like such Ŗa global-mindedŗ person s Nitobe
those days. His achievements were only recently acknowledged, symbolized
by the fact that his iconography appeared in the new 5,000-yen bills.
The Book Bushido
His book Bushido was first published in English, whose first Japanese
edition was prepared by Sakurai. Later Tadao Yanaibara revised the
translation. Yanaibara was actually one of Nitobeřs students when the latter
was principal of Daiichi High School in Tokyo. He was also a disciple of
Kanzo Uchimurařs. Uchimura was in turn a classmate of Nitobe when both
were students at Sapporo Agricultural College. Both signed Ŗthe covenant of
those who believe in Jesusŗ introduced by W. Clark of the same college.
These three, Nitobe, Uchimura and Yanaibara, are leaders of thought in the
early 1900řs in Japan who had the Christian background.
The book was written essentially in response to countless questions about

Japanese culture and society posed by his Western wife and colleagues. One
time a Westerner commented, ŖDo you mean to say that you have no
religious instruction in your schools? No religion! How do you impart moral
education?ŗ1 At that time, Nitobe could give no answer, but later he gave
much thought and concluded that all basic moral notions he had received
came from Bushido. Thus he came to write this book.
Sources of Bushido
Buddhism
One of the main sources of bushido is Buddhism. Buddhism was introduced

to Japan from India and via China and Korea. It taught a sense of calm trust
in fate, a quiet submission to the inevitable, stoic composure in sight of
danger or calamity and disdain of life and friendliness with death. One of its
1
Nitobe, Inazo: Bushido, Tuttle Publishing, Tokyo, 2001.Preface, xi.

schools, Zen, had an especial impact on Bushido. According to Lafcadio

Hearn2, Zen can be defined as that Ŗwhich represents human effort to reach
through meditation zones of thought beyond the range of verbal
expressionŗ3
Shinto
Another source was Shinto, which is a Japanese indigenous religion. It

stressed patriotism, loyalty, and obedience, teaching loyalty to the
sovereign, reverence for ancestors and filial piety. Unlike the Christian
thought, there is a lack of the dogma of Ŗoriginal sin.ŗ In other words,
Shinto teaches that a human heart is originally pure and good like a god and
that it is a sanctified place where a godřs words are uttered. Thus the human
heart must be revered. A mirror which is placed in the shrineřs penetralia
symbolizes a human heart, which is believed to reflect the very image of
Deity when calm and serene.
Confucianism
Yet another source is Confucianism which is a prolific source of ethics. It

taught five moral relations between Ŗmaster and servant,ŗ Ŗfather and son,ŗ
Ŗhusband and wife,ŗ Ŗolder and younger brother,ŗ and Ŗfriend and friend.ŗ It
comprised politico-ethical precepts in an aristocratic and conservative tone.
The writings of Confucius and Mencius were the principal textbooks for
youths and the highest authority for the old. It also taught one to avoid being
a book-smelling sot, as shown in a saying ŖTo know and to act are one and
the sameŗ and words from the Bible ŖSeek ye first the kingdom of God and
his righteousness.ŗ
Virtues of Bushido
Confucius says, ŖLet but a prince cultivate virtue, people will flock to him;
with people will come to him lands; lands will bring forth for him wealth;
wealth will give him the benefit of right uses. Virtue is the root, and wealth
an outcomeŗ4 Thus, virtue is the foundation of all things. In this section, we
will analyze some virtues extolled and emphasized in bushido; namely,
rectitude/justice, courage, benevolence, politeness, veracity/sincerity, honor,
loyalty, and self-control.
Rectitude/justice
Rectitude is the most severe lesson and it Ŗis the power of deciding upon a
certain course of conduct in accordance with reason, without wavering;--to
2
Lafcadio Hearn is a Greek writer of English, who moved to Japan in 1889, married to a Japanese
woman and died in Japan in 1904.
3
Lafcadio Hearn. Exotics and Retrospectives. Tokyo: ICG Muse Publications, 2001 p. 84.
4
Nitobe, Bushido, 36-37.

die when it is right to die, to strike when to strike is rightŗ 5 Nitobe explains
the significance of rectitude or sense of justice while contrasting it with the
Christian concept of love: Ŗ…though love should be the only motive,
lacking that, there must be some other authority to enforce filial piety; and
they formulated this authority in Giriŗ6 He also warns, ŖStarting as Right
Reason, Giri has…often stooped to casuistry. It has even degenerated into
cowardly fear of censureŗ7. Thus for Nitobe, love is the highest form of
virtue, without which oneřs action can only be motivated by sense of justice,
which is understandable judging from his Christian background. He then
explains the role of courage which helps one to manifest rectitude in its
highest potential: ŖIt would have been easily turned into a nest of cowardice,
if Bushido had not a keen and correct sense of courage, the spirit of daring
and bearingŗ8
Courage: Spirit of Daring
Nitobe explains that ŖCourage was scarcely deemed worthy to be counted

among virtues, unless it was exercised in the cause of Righteousnessŗ9
pointing out the complementary functions of justice and courage. . He also
states that Ŗ…valour and honour alike required that we should own as
enemies in war only such as prove worthy of being friends in peaceŗ and
ŖWhen valour attains this height, it becomes akin to Benevolenceŗ10,
illustrating which point with the examples of Uesugi Kenshin and Takeda
Shingen or Brutus and Antonius/Octavius. As it is said, ŖWe Romans do not
fight with gold, but with iron,ŗ fight is not for greed for money but for a
great cause, justice. Thus enemies are not what are to be hated but to be
fought with respect. In this sense, they can become oneřs true friends, as
Nietzsche says, ŖYou are to be proud of your enemy; then the success of
your enemy is your success also.ŗ During the samurai days, ŖValour,
Fortitude, Bravery, Fearlessness, Courageŗ were among the most popular
qualities for the youths, giving great impact on character formation of the
young.
Benevolence: The Feeling of Distress
Benevolence was considered Ŗa princely virtueŗ as shown in the following

words: ŖLove, magnanimity, affection for others, sympathy and pity, were
ever recognized to be supreme virtues, the highest of all the attributes of the
human soulŗ11 This virtue posed a great contrast with justice and courage
because Ŗ…benevolence was a tender virtue and mother-like. If upright
Rectitude and stern Justice were peculiarly masculine, Mercy had the
5
Ibid 23.
6
Ibid 26
7
Ibid 27
8
Ibid 28
9
Ibid 29
10
Ibid 35
11
Ibid 36

gentleness and the persuasiveness of a feminine natureŗ12. The balance of

these two virtues was very important to make the character whole. Thus,
verse writing was encouraged to cultivate more subtle sentiments of soul.
Politeness
ŖModesty and complaisance, actuated by respect for othersř feelings, are at

the root of politenessŗ13. Politeness is yet another typical Japanese virtue;
however, Nitobe makes sure that it is not a superficial display of adulation
but a sincere expression of care and concern for others: ŖPoliteness is a poor
virtue, if it is actuated only by a fear of offending good taste, whereas it
should be the outward manifestation of a sympathetic regard for the feelings
of others. It also implies a due regard for the fitness of things, therefore due
respect to social positionsŗ14. He also gives an excellent explanation for the
seemingly different practice of gift-giving between the Japanese and
Western customs. That is, whereas Westerners present their gifts as
wonderful and excellent items, Japanese give theirs saying they are poor and
useless ones. Nitobe expounds that these two contrasting practices actually
convey the same feeling and thought; they are just two ways of saying the
same thing. In other words, Westerners focus on the great merit which their
guest deserves; thus, they would say, ŖThis is a nice gift: if it were not nice I
would not dare give it to you; for it will be an insult to give you anything
but what is nice.ŗ On the other hand, Japanese would focus on the
inadequacy of the gift they are presenting because the guest is just too great
and wonderful for any gift we might come up with: ŖYou are a nice person,
and no gift is nice enough for you. You will not accept anything I can lay at
your feet except as a token of my good will; so accept this, not for its
intrinsic value, but as a token…ŗ15. Both expressions stem from the feelings
of respect for the guest; they manifest the same spirit of politeness. Only the
cultural expressions differ.
Veracity and Sincerity
What makes the above virtue of politeness true and real, is sincerity. Nitobe
warns, ŖWithout veracity and sincerity, politeness is a farce and a showŗ16
This is reinforced by Date Masamune saying, ŖPropriety carried beyond
right bounds becomes a lieŗ and Confucius saying, ŖSincerity is the end and
the beginning of all things; without Sincerity there would be nothing.ŗ
Words and deeds clothed with sincerity capture and move human hearts.
This spirit is alive in modern Japanese society especially in the service
industry. Stores that provide sincere service attract customers and thus
prosper.
12
Nitobe, Bushido, p.41
13
Ibid,p.49
14
Ibid, p.50
15
Ibid, p.59
16
Ibid, p.61

Honor
The sense of honor implies Ŗa vivid consciousness of personal dignity and

worth…ŗand it is Ŗthe immortal part of oneřs self, what remains being
bestialŗ17 (p.72, Bushido). The sense of shame was one of the earliest to be
cherished in juvenile education. The following expressions were often used
(and in fact are still used today) to appeal to the minds and hearts of the
youths for their behavioral rectification: ŖYou will be laughed at,ŗ ŖIt will
disgrace you,ŗ and ŖAre you not ashamed?ŗ Samurais, in defense of this
honor (or avoiding shame), would even go so far as to take their own lives
(i.e., seppuku, disembowelment). Even in todayřs society, leaders often
resign from their posts if there are any disgraceful happenings in their
jurisdiction. Some even commit suicide. In todayřs world, such acts are not
necessarily constructive. They may save their honor for the time being but
not their companies and their employees. It may be even more honorable to
remain in their posts and carry out necessary duties.
Loyalty
Homage and fealty to a superior is the distinctive feature of feudal morality.

Personal fidelity is a moral cohesion existing among all sorts and conditions
of men. Ŗ…it is only in the code of chivalrous honour that loyalty assumes
paramount importanceŗ18 (p.82, Bushido) and ŖLife being regarded as the
means whereby to serve his master, and its ideal being set upon honour, the
whole education and training of a samurai were conducted accordinglyŗ19
(p.93, Bushido).
Self-Control
Showing Ŗno sign of joy or angerŗ was considered a sign of a great

character. Thus a samurai would show no emotion. This is also apparent in
average family life today. A father would not hug his son because he
considers it harmful to dignity and a husband would not kiss his wife in
public. On the other hand, there is this Ŗstrangeŗ phenomenon of Ŗa
Japanese smile.ŗ That is, when in most severe trials, there is a tendency for
Japanese to form a smile. The point in all these behaviors is not to show true
emotion. Thus, self-control tends to exceed moderation. Self-control is in
itself a wonderful quality. However, excess of this practice might result in
confusion and frustration; it is not conducive to more humane interaction
with others. Children also need to express themselves more freely in order
to grow and develop in healthy manners.
Education and Training of a Samurai

17
18
Ibid, p.82
19
Ibid, p.93

The foremost point in samurai educations was to build up character, leaving

other subtler faculties of prudence, intelligence and dialectics in minor
position. This point is fully expounded in the earlier sections of this paper.
Having said this, philosophy and literature constitute the mainstay of
intellectual training. Literature was pursued as a pastime and philosophy as
a practical aid in the formation of character, if not for the exposition of some
military or political problem. Other courses of training included fencing,
archery, jijutsu/yawara20, horsemanship, the use of spear, tactics, calligraphy,
ethics, literature, and history.
Moreover, ŖThe mental discipline which would nowadays be chiefly aided

by the study of mathematics, was supplied by literary exegesis and
deontological discussionsŗ21 Francis Bacon listed three services of studies:
delight, ornament, and ability. Bushido emphasized the ability purpose
where the use of studies was in judgment and the disposition of business
because ŖLearning without thought is labour lost; thought without learning
is perilous.ŗ
Since the most important goal of samurai education was character building,
his teacherřs duty was basically spiritual: ŖWhen character and not
intelligence, when the soul and not the head, is chosen by a teacher for the
material to work upon and to develop, his [teacherřs] vocation partakes of a
sacred characterŗ22. In this respect, Nitobe makes a quite bitter and yet exact
point, criticizing as follows:
The present system of paying for every sort of service was not in vogue
among the adherents of Bushido. It believed in a service which can be
rendered only without money and without price. Spiritual service, be it of
priest or teacher, was not to be repaid in gold or silver, not because it was
valueless but because it was invaluable.ŗ23
He believes that Ŗthe best service done in education,--namely, in soul

development (and this includes the services of a pastor), is not definite,
tangible, or measurableŗ and that ŖBeing immeasurable, money, the
ostensible measure of value, is of inadequate useŗ24 This is a profound
statement, giving much insight to todayřs educational world. In todayřs
society, the teaching profession is often taken up by those who Ŗhad no
where else to goŗ and teachers are often poorly paid. Thus, teachers are
often poorly trained and less motivated. School teachers have the most
difficult times these days as classrooms break down and children
20
Jūjutsu meaning "gentle/yielding/compliant art") is a Japanese martial art whose central ethos is to
yield to the force provided by an opponent's attack in order to apply counter techniques from the resultant ensuing
situation see Wikipedia, ŖJujitsuŗ,
21
22
Ibid, p.100
23
Ibid, p.101
24
Ibid

misbehave. Teachers are at loss and often do not know what to do with the
situation.
On the other hand, there is still that feeling of sacredness in the teaching
profession. There is sense of respect. Students do look up to teachers to a
certain degree. They do trust teachers. In turn there are teachers who are
devoted to their profession and sacrifice themselves for the sake of studentsř
growth and development. The difference between now and then is that there
is much lack of sacredness in the profession. Teaching is taken up for more
utilitarian purposes. Schools focus mostly on intellectual achievement.
Teachers are thus regarded and treated as mere workers in the factory
producing high-mark scores of students.
For Nitobe, teachers Ŗwere grave personifications of high spirits undaunted

by adversityŗ and Ŗan embodiment of what was considered as an end of all
learning, and were thus a living example of that discipline of disciplines,
self-control, which was universally required of samuraiŗ25. In other words,
teachers were supposed to be moral leaders for their students. Because they
were relatively free from monetary care, ŖBushido itself could long remain
free from a thousand and one evils of which money is the rootŗ26.
The Training and Position of Women
Since Bushido was basically intended for males, its training was masculine
and the virtues extolled therein were also more or less masculine. It is quite
interesting and helpful that Nitobe talks about education of women in
relation to Bushido. The Bushido ideal of womanhood was pre-eminently
domestic, though not confined to the so-called traditional Western view of
female domain of activity: kitchen, church and children. Women in the
samurai family were also taught to be Amazonian, that is, to make domestic
usage of Bushido for child education and to protect their family from
enemies. Women thus took up naginata (wooden swords) and learned to
fight. At the same time, in order to purify their minds and hearts, women
appreciated music and dance.
Women were also taught self-denial from childhood and learned to sacrifice
themselves for their fathers, husbands, and children. This became the
keynote of their domesticity. To them, service meant Ŗto serve something
higher than self.ŗ Just as their husbands served their lords, women served
the needs of their fathers, husbands and children.
To samurais and their wives, marriage meant unity of man and woman; thus
they would not insult or degrade each other. In this regard, Nitobe explain
why Japanese husbands introduce their wives as lowly beings and never
25
26
Ibid, p.99

praise them. He says that in Japan self-praise is considered poor taste and
thus they do not praise their wives in public because they consider them as
the same as themselves. Today, the concept of sexual equality is viewed
differently in Japan in contrast with that of the West. What Western women
might see as sexual inequality or even abuse is not necessarily felt as such
by Japanese women themselves. They might even feel perfectly equal. It
may be explained by the same one as posed by Nitobe.
Bushido and the Baha‟i Faith
In comparing and contrasting Bushido and the Bahaři Faith, there are great
similarities and distinct differences. In terms of the former, the strong
emphasis on spiritual virtues, even over intellectual capacities and skills, is a
common foundation. In terms of the latter, these virtues of Bushido are
clearly confined to the Japanese culture and especially in the context of
samurai swordsmanship whereas the Bahaři virtues are more universal and
global, encompassing both women and men, young and old and peoples of
all national and cultural backgrounds.
Acquiring virtues
One definite common factor to both Bushido and the Bahaři Faith is
acquisition of virtues. In fact, acquiring virtues has always been the most
important aspect of all religions. In the Koran, there are 99 names (or divine
virtues) of God mentioned. Likewise, in the Bahaři Writings, there are
numerous divine virtues and qualities mentioned throughout its Writings. A
Bahaři virtue educator Linda Popov easily mentions more than 50 virtues
for children and families to develop in her books whereas in fact she has
identified a few hundred virtues in the process. The following are among
such virtues mentioned in the Bahaři Faith:
Assertiveness, care, cleanliness, compassion, confidence, consideration,

consultation, courage, courtesy, creativity, detachment, eloquence,
enthusiasm, excellence, faithfulness, flexibility, forgiveness, friendliness,
generosity, gentleness, helpfulness, honesty, honor, humility, idealism,
joyfulness, justice, kindness, knowledge, loftiness, love, loyalty, mercy,
might, moderation, modesty, obedience, orderliness, patience, peacefulness,
prayerfulness, purposefulness, question, reliability, respect, responsibility,
reverence, search, self-discipline, service, steadfastness, tact, thankfulness,
tolerance, trust, trustworthiness, truthfulness, unity, utterance, will, wisdom,
Justice
Bahařuřllah says:
O SON OF SPIRIT! The best beloved of all things in My sight is

Justice….. By its aid thou shalt see with thine own eyes and not

through the eyes of others, and shalt know of thine own knowledge
and not through the knowledge of thy neighbor. ….. Verily justice is
My gift to thee and the sign of My loving-kindness.27
Justice is definitely one of the most important virtues in the Bahaři

teachings. With its aid one will see things as they are, not influenced by
othersř opinions. But the balance of weighing things comes from God
Himself, as Bahařuřllah explains, ŖThe essence of all that We have revealed
for thee is Justice, is for man to free himself from idle fancy and imitation,
discern with the eye of oneness His glorious handiwork, and look into all
things with a searching eye.ŗ28. In Bushido, the cause of justice is done in
relation to loyalty to the lord whereas in the Bahaři Faith it is in relation to
God Himself.
Courage
Just as explained under ŖJustice,ŗ the virtue of Ŗcourageŗ is also manifested

in relation to Godřs teachings. Bahařuřllah says, ŖThe source of courage and
power is the promotion of the Word of God, and steadfastness in His
Loveŗ29 In Bushido, justice and courage are in complementary relations,
which is also confirmed in the Bahaři Faith; however, the most distinctive
difference is that both virtues are directly founded upon Word of God and
His teachings.
Benevolence
Just as love and affection are highly valued in Bushido, so are they in the
Bahaři teachings. The Bahaři Faith emphasizes, once again the foundation
of love coming from God:
The essence of love is for man to turn his heart to the Beloved One,
and sever himself from all else but Him, and desire naught save that
which is the desire of his Lord.30
The essence of charity is for the servant to recount the blessings of

his Lord, and to render thanks unto Him at all times and under all
conditions.31
Similarly, the following virtues of Bushido are equally emphasized and

extolled in the Bahaři Writings:
27
Bahařuřllah: Hidden Words of Bahařuřllah. Trans. and arranged by Shoghi Effendi. Wilmette: Bahaři
Publishing Trust, 1982. Arabic Hidden Word, No. 3
28
Bahařuřllah, Tablets of Baha'uřllah Revealed after the Kitab-i-Aqdas. Comp. The Research
Department of the Universal House of Justice and trans. by Habib Taherzadeh with the assistance of a Committee
Haifa: Bahaři World Centre, 1978, Words of Wisdom, 157.
29
Ibid
30
Ibid p. 156
31
Ibid p.157

Politeness
O people of God! I admonish you to observe courtesy, for above all

else it is the prince of virtues. Well is it with him who is illumined
with the light of courtesy and is attired with the vesture of
uprightness. Whoso is endued with courtesy hath indeed attained a
sublime station. It is hoped that this Wronged One and everyone else
may be enabled to acquire it, hold fast unto it, observe it, and fix our
gaze upon it. 32
Sincerity
In these days truthfulness and sincerity are sorely afflicted in the

clutches of falsehood, and justice is tormented by the scourge of
injustice. The smoke of corruption hath enveloped the whole world
in such wise that naught can be seen in any direction save regiments
of soldiers and nothing is heard from any land but the clashing of
swords. We beseech God, the True One, to strengthen the wielders of
His power in that which will rehabilitate the world and bring
tranquility to the nations.33
Honor
The source of all glory is acceptance of whatsoever the Lord hath

bestowed, and contentment with that which God hath ordained34.
….. man's glory lieth in his knowledge, his upright conduct, his
praiseworthy character, his wisdom, and not in his nationality or
rank. O people of the earth! Appreciate the value of this heavenly
word. Indeed it may be likened unto a ship for the ocean of
knowledge and a shining luminary for the realm of perception.35
Feminine Virtues
Although Bushido influenced and trained all people including women and
civilians, it was essentially designed for male warriors who were ready to
fight in the battle field. In contrast, Abduřl-Baha states that humankind will
acquire more feminine qualities in this new age:
The world in the past has been ruled by force, and man has
dominated over woman by reason of his more forceful and
aggressive qualities both of body and mind. But the balance is
32
Bahařuřllah, Tablets, Tablet of the World, p.88
33
Bahařuřllah, Tablets, Tarazat, p.39
34
Bahařuřllah, Tablets, Words of Wisdom, p.155
35
Bahařuřllah, Tablets, Words of Paradise, p.68

already shifting; force is losing its dominance, and mental alertness,

intuition, and the spiritual qualities of love and service, in which
woman is strong, are gaining ascendancy. Hence the new age will be
an age less masculine and more permeated with the feminine ideals,
or, to speak more exactly, will be an age in which the masculine and
feminine elements of civilization will be more evenly balanced36.
What is more important here is that Abduřl-Baha talks about the balance of
masculine and feminine qualities to be manifested in the civilization. In the
Bahaři Faith, such qualities as utterance, eloquence, assertiveness and
consultative attitude are also emphasized; these are relatively lacking in
Bushido. Thus, humankind at large is expected to acquire more virtues in a
harmonious manner. In other words, we need to be more Ŗroundŗ in virtues.
Universality of Virtues
Another major difficulty of Bushido, especially in contemporary society, is

that its values are limited to the Japanese culture and in military context. If
we simply talk about cultural values and norms, conflicts are inevitable. One
culture says silence is gold and another says eloquence is gold. How do we
reconcile the difference? After all, what we need most in this global age is
the common foundation of values from which to work together in peace and
harmony. The Bahaři Faith presents the very foundation we need; it is the
new value system from God intended for this modern age. Although the
Bahaři Faith emphasizes preservation and respect for cultural and individual
diversity, it is so in the context of essential unity.
This Ŗunity in diversityŗ is the ultimate goal of the Bahaři Faith. Some
people worry that this idea of Ŗunificationŗ might lead to extinction of
freedom and self-expression. On the contrary, the Bahaři Faith affirms that
there will still be room for an infinite number of individual, local and
national differences even they are all based on the common foundation. No,
it is the very lack of common foundation that will eventually dissipate and
destroy the beauty and greatness of diversity as its sings are apparent in
todayřs chaotic society. The virtues extolled in the Bahaři faith are universal
and applicable to all peoples.
Sources of Virtues
According to the Bahaři teachings, what determines right and wrong is the
teachings of God. In contrast, according to Bushido, the balance of right and
wrong comes from the lord samurais serve though the very foundation of
values is based on the teachings of Buddhism, Shinto and Confucianism.
36
Abduřl-Baha, citedJohn Esselmont:, Bahařuřllah and New Era by, Wilmette: Bahaři Publishing
Trust, 1980. p.149 Originally in Star of the West, viii, No. 3,p. 4 [from report of remarks made aboard the S.S.
Cedric on arrival in New York].

Nevertheless, the values are not necessarily clear-cut in Bushido. As

depicted in The Last Samuari, the conflict was essentially in loyalty to the
emperor or the merits of the Western civilization, not necessarily in the
values and ideas themselves.
Thus, according to the Bahaři Faith, the source of all virtues is God. In fact,
Bahařuřllah states that when God created humanity He bestowed divine
virtues potentially into their souls:
O SON OF MAN! I loved thy creation, hence I created thee.

Wherefore, do thou love Me, that I may name thy name and fill thy
soul with the spirit of life.37
Thus, the Biblical expression that God has created man in His image means
that God has infused divine qualities into our souls potentially so that in
accordance with our own volition and effort we may develop and cultivate
these qualities. That is our duty. Abduřl-Baha also confirms that our purpose
of life is to acquire virtues38
In comparing and contrasting Bushido and the Bahaři Faith, there are great
similarities and distinct differences. In terms of the former, the strong
emphasis on spiritual virtues, even over intellectual capacities and skills, is a
common foundation. In terms of the latter, these virtues of Bushido are
clearly confined to the Japanese culture and especially in the context of
samurai swordsmanship whereas the Bahaři virtues are more universal and
global, encompassing both women and men, young and old and peoples of
all national and cultural backgrounds.
Influence of Bushido on Japanese Society
Bushido was the root and flower of people; gifts from heaven flowed
through samurais. They established the moral standard and guided people
through their examples. Thus themes of performing arts were often taken
from warriorsř stories.
Bushido was originally initiated as an elite course for those soldiers to be;
however, it also inspired the mass over time. Although the commons did not
reach the same high standard of the warriors, the concept of ŖJapanese soulŗ
permeated among the people, representing the entire ethnicity.
Bushido was often likened to cherry blossoms, the indigenous flower to

Japan. Cherry blossoms possess grace and beauty and yet they are simple.
Below the beauty, no blade or poison is hidden. Their color is no glamorous.
Their odor is sweet, which floats and ascends to heaven. When the morning
37
Bahařuřllah, Hidden Words, Arabic No. 4
38
Abduřl-Baha, Paris Talks,. Wilmette: Bahaři Publishing Trust, 1978, p.177

sun rises, their odor spreads and freshest our senses. Similarly, Bushido is
simple, beautiful and graceful and yet not glamorous but diffuses refreshing
atmosphere to those around.
Future of Bushido
Bushido, which blossomed and guided the people for so long, however, had
to eventually succumb to the trend of the times. When chivalry departed
from the European feudalism, church protected warriors and chivalry thus
prolonged its longevity. Japan, however, lacked in major religion to play the
same role; Shinto which had sustained Bushido simply aged and
Confucianism was replaced by Western philosophies. Plus, the modern war
utilized completely different methods and weapons from those of Bushido.
The life of Bushido was thus terminated rather quickly after the end of
feudalism in the late 1800řs.
Nevertheless, Nitobe claims that it was Bushido that acted as a moving force
in the transformation witnessed during the Meiji Restoration. He explains
that Japan did not simply look for materials development and wealth
accumulation, imitating the Western nations. It was the sense of pride which
Bushido had cultivated among the masses that drove them to work hard and
demonstrate what they could do once they out their mind to it. Industrial
developments were simply results of their hard work.
Abduřl-Baha also seems to acknowledge the Japanese virtue of hard

working ethics and expects the Japanese to do the same for spiritual
development as they did for material development:
Japan has made wonderful progress in material civilization, but she

will become perfect when she will also make spiritual developments
and the Power of the Kingdom become manifest in her.39
The form of Bushido, however, reached an end after the Meiji Era started as
shown in the recent movie Last Samurai. The underlying spirit nevertheless
remained, which drive Nitobe to quote a prophecy uttered by his
contemporary:
It has been predicted…that the moral system of Feudal Japan, like its
castles and its armouries, will crumble into dust, and new ethics rise
phoenix-like to lead New Japan in her path of progress.40
Nitobe thus expected coming of a new moral system which will take over
the outdated Bushido and guide Japan to a new path. But what might that
be?
39
Abduřl-Baha, A Tablet written to Saichiro Fujita on May 29, 1907, in Barbara Sims (ed.) Japan Will
Turn Ablaze! Tablets of Abduřl-Baha, Letters of Shoghi Effendi and Historical Notes about Japan. Tokyo: Baha'i
Publishing Trust, 1974., p.189
40

Christianity
As Bushido disappeared in its form, a possible ethical system that could

have replaced it was Christianity. In fact, Nitobe himself was a Christian and
so were his friend Uchimura Kanzo and his student Yauchibara Tadao, who
were all great educators and thinkers representing the Meiji, Taisho and
early Showa Eras. Nitobe said, ŖChristianity and materialism…will divide
the world between them. Lesser systems of morals will ally themselves to
either side for their preservation. On which side will Bushido enlist?ŗ41
Thus, Nitobe apparently hoped that Christianity would take the place of
Bushido. Yet, contrary to his wish, Christianity failed to spread among the
Japanese masses. He gives the following analyses of the causes of this
failure:
One cause of the failure of mission work is that most of the

missionaries are entirely ignorant of our history.42 ….if presented in
intelligible words…if expressed in the vocabulary familiar in the
moral development of a people…[Christianity] will find easy
lodgment in their hearts, irrespective of race or nationality.ŗ43
Should a propagator of the new faith uproot the entire stock, root,
and branches, and plant the seeds of the Gospel on the ravaged
soil?.....it is a process which Jesus Himself would never have adopted
in founding His kingdom on earth.ŗ44
In the Bahaři Faith, there are certain conditions that teachers of the Faith
must meet before undertaking pioneering work in foreign lands. One is to
learn about the history, culture, language and customs of the land. They
must also use terminology which the people are used to. They must also
think about the true happiness of the people they are coming into contact
with, not caring about themselves.
Coercive proselytizing is also prohibited in the Bahaři Faith. Rather, we are

told to search for truth together with those we intend to share the teachings
with:
In accordance with the divine teachings in this glorious Dispensation we

should not belittle anyone and call him ignorant, saying: 'You know not but I
know.' Rather we should look upon others with respect, and when
attempting to explain and demonstrate, we should speak as if we are
41
42
Ibid, p.179
43
Ibid, p.180
44
Ibid.

investigating the truth, saying: ŘHere these things are before us. Let us
investigate to determine where and in what form the truth can be found.ř
The teacher should not consider himself as learned and others

ignorant. Such a thought breeds pride and pride is unconducive to
influence. The teacher should not see in himself any superiority; he
should speak with the utmost kindliness, lowliness and humility, for
such speech exerts influence and educates the souls.45
Naturally, argumentative attitude is not conducive to influencing souls:
Do not argue with anyone, and be wary of･disputation. Speak out the
truth. If your hearer accepteth, the aim is achieved. If he is obdurate,
you should leave him to himself, and place your trust in God. Such is
the quality of those who are firm in the Covenant.46
Thus, we need to be understanding, loving and kind to those we teach the

Faith.
Militarism and Materialism
As Christian missionary work failed, Japan dashed towards militarism. She

withdrew from the League of Nations, which Nitobe served so faithfully,
isolated herself from the world, betrayed allied nations and eventually got
caught in the quagmire of the Pacific War until the tragic events in
Hiroshima and Nagasaki put an end to it. In this war, Shinto as state religion
was abused and misused, which caused the nation to shun religion away
after the war.
After the war ensued intensive economic activity propelled by strong

materialism. There was no more war using weaponry. Instead, the nation ran
itself into economic war using money and goods. It started during the
economic miracle of the 1960řs and reached the peak with the bubble
economy in the 19080řs. The Japanese products were rated only the third-
class during the 1970řs. But the Japanese people worked themselves so hard
that they were even called Ŗeconomic animalsŗ and now their goods are
regarded as among the worldřs best.
These activities and hard labor can be recognized as positive qualities in

themselves. However, as Nitobe had alarmed, Japan had neglected the
development of a large portion of spiritual civilization. As a counter-reaction
to this, there have been several religious booms during the last 50 years to
fill the gaps made in society through all this material development. Many
new religious organizations have appeared, some of which possess millions
45
Nozomu Sonda (comp.) Asu e no Tobira. Tokyo:Bahaři Publishing Trust Japan, 2002, p. 342, No. 78
46
'Abdu'l-Bahá, Ibid, p.344, No. 87)

of followers. However, some of them have caused scandals and even

committed crimes, bringing harm to society and its people. People became
even more skeptical of religion.
Revival of Bushido?
The economic miracle of Japan reached its prime stage in the 1990řs and
now Japan is going through some hard times. People are starting to
understand that material prosperity cannot satisfy their need completely,
seeking for spiritual sustenance. This trend is represented and symbolized
by nostalgia for Ŗthe good old days.ŗ Even among the youth generations can
this phenomenon be observed. Many enjoy appreciating the old art works,
literature, tea ceremony and flower arrangement. Some seek comfort and
healing by living in traditional wooden structure homes. As commented in
the introduction of this paper, the recently released Hollywood movie The
Last Samurai has also stimulated this trend. Many people are now showing
greater interest in the spirit of samurais and Bushido. Japanese baseball
players join the Major League Baseball and talk about playing baseball with
the samurai spirit.
Just as Nitobe mentioned, the contemporary Japanese society is now

searching for a new system of morals. Especially the educational world is at
loss currently, not knowing where to turn to for guidance. When we review
the historical trends and changes described in previous sections, namely, the
crumbling of feudalism and the subsequent decline of Bushido, the quoted
prophecy of the appearance of new moral ethics, Notibeřs hope for
Christianity to take over Bushidořs role, yet its failure to spread, will the
Faith of Bahařuřllah not clearly stand out as the new ethics prophesied and
the new moral system which Nitobe hoped would appear and guide Japan?
For the Bahaři Faith was revealed by Bahařuřllah for this new age where old
values would be tested for the contemporary need and diverse cultural
values would come into conflict with each other.
The teachings of Bahařuřllah renewed and revived virtues clothed in new

attire fit for the modern world. Bahařuřllah spoke the same truth which
Buddhism, Shintoism and Confucianism had taught centuries and thousands
of years before, yet in new language understandable to modern humanity.
Bahařuřllah talked about virtues that are universally applicable to all
humanity including women and men, young and old, and diverse ethnic
groups of the world. He also talks about the end of adolescent years of
humankind when wars and fighting were the Ŗnorms.ŗ Bahařuřllah now
talks about the coming of age of humanity where humankind is to approach
various issues and problems with mature attitude and consultative manner.
Swords must be returned to the sheath and words must be used instead.
According to Bahařuřllah, even religions of God must be renewed and

updated. Buddhism and Shintoism have served their times, exerting great

influences on formation and development of Bushido. But the time must

come to be replaced by a new religion of God. Even Christianity had to face
the same destiny. Thus, religions of God must be periodically renewed in
order to meet needs of each age and place. The same exact medicine cannot
cure various diseases that afflict humanity. Humanity and its society also
grow and develop. Thus teachings of God must also change. This concept of
change of religious teachings according to growth and development of
humanity is called Ŗprogressive revelation.ŗ The historical conditions of the
19th and 20th centuries clearly indicate that the time was very ripe for a new
revelation from God. According to Bahařuřllah, the Bahaři Faith was the
new revelation for this modern age.
Conclusion
ŖJapan will turn ablaze! Japan is endowed with a most remarkable

capacity for the spread of the Cause of God! Japan, with (another
country)…..will take the lead in the spiritual reawakening of the
peoples and nations that the world shall soon witness!" On another
occasion,--how vividly I recall it!--as He reclined on His chair, with
eyes closed with bodily fatigue, He waved His hand and uttered
vigorously and cheerfully these words in the presence of His
friends:--"Here we are seated calm, quiet and inactive, but the Hand
of the Unseen is ever active and triumphant in lands, even as distant
as Japan."47
The form of Bushido has disappeared. There are no more samurai swords or
feudal system. However, the spirit of Bushido still seems to remain in minds
and hearts of Japanese people. The basis of Abduřl-Bahařs prophecy that
Japan will turn ablaze may lie in this spirit of Bushido. Just as Nitobe said:
Bushido as an independent code of ethics may vanish, but its power

will not perish from the earth…Like its symbolic flower, after it is
blown to the four winds, it will still bless mankind with the perfume
with which it will enrich life.48
In conclusion, the present author would like to pose questions to the readers
by borrowing the words and style of Nitobeřs own question quoted earlier:
The Faith of God revealed for this age and materialism will continue to
divide the world between them. Lesser systems of morals will ally
themselves to either side for their preservation. On which side will Japan
enlist? And on which side will the spirit of Bushido find its revival?
47
Shoghi Effendi, Turn Ablaze, p.73 from a letter written to early believers in Japan, January 26, 1922,
Japan Will Turn Ablaze!)
48

Prayer for Shaykh Káẓim Samandar

Authorised Translation of Bahá'u'lláh‟s Múnáját-i-Jináb-i-Samandarí
The following prayer was recently translated by the Bahářì World Centre.
By way of introduction, we cite here excerpts from two explanatory letters
on behalf of the Universal House of Justice regarding, first, the provisional
translation of this prayer, and subsequently its authorized translation in its
present form.
From a letter to an individual from the Department of the Secretariat,

Universal House of Justice, dated 29 August 2001.1
ŖYour email of 16 August 2001, enquiring on behalf of a few

believers in your community about the authenticity of a prayer which
begins with the words ŖO my God! Thou seest me detached...ŗ, was
received at the Bahářì World Centre. The Research Department of the
Universal House of Justice has advised that the prayer in question
was revealed by Bahářuřlláh to Jináb-i-Samandar [Shaykh Kázim
Samandar], the father of the Hand of the Cause of God, Ṭarázuřlláh
Samandarí, to assist him in making a difficult decision. The prayer
was to be recited 19 times, followed by meditation on the problem,
the formulation of a solution, and the implementation of the
conceived solution. There is no authorized translation for this prayer.
However, as it was noted that the electronic copy of the prayer which
you appended to your message differs from the version held at the
World Centre, we provide the following provisional translation for
your information. You may be interested to know that the Research
Department has ascertained that the prayer was revealed in Arabic
and is published in Majmúřiy-i-Alváh-i-Mubarakiy-i-Hadrat-i-
Bahářuřlláh (Tihrán: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 132 B.E.), page 9,
transcribed by řAndalib.ŗ
From a letter to an individual from the Department of the Secretariat,

Universal house of Justice dated 1 Jan 2006
ŖYour email of 2 November 2005 has been received at the Bahářì

World Centre and forwarded to our Department for response. The
prayer that you quote is authentic. It was revealed by Bahářuřlláh in
Arabic for Jináb-i-Samandar (Shaykh Káẓim Samandar), the father
of the Hand of the Cause of God :Ṭarázuřlláh Samandarì, to assist
him in making a difficult decision. The Research Department has no
information about the date of its revelation. As you may be aware,
until now only provisional translations of this prayer were available.
1
See Prayer for Shaykh Kázim Samandar, Translated by Baha'i World Center.
Originally written as "Múnáját-i-Jináb-i-Samandarí
OJBS:Online Journal of Bahāřī Studies 488 1 (2007), 488-489

© 2007 Bahářì World Centre
489 Bahářì World Centre Prayer for Samandar
Recently, however, an authorized English translation of the prayer

and its context has become available at the World Centre, and it
follows …ŗ
Short Prayer for Decision
Sín Mím [Samandar], upon him rest My glory, hath ever been the recipient
of divine favours, and there hath befallen him in the path of God that which
His knowledge alone can encompass. In regard to his affairs, let him repeat
nineteen times: ŖThou seest me, O my God, detached from all save Thee
and cleaving unto Thee. Guide me, then, in all mine affairs unto that which
profiteth me for the glory of Thy Cause and the loftiness of the station of thy
loved ones.ŗ Let him then reflect upon the matter and undertake whatever
cometh to mind. This vehement opposition of the enemies will indeed give
way to supreme prosperity.

© 2007 Bahářì World Centre
The World Order of Bahá‟u‟lláh

Notes on recent secondary literature, and material from the Bahá‟í World
Centre.
Steve Cooney
Wellington, Independent Scholar
What follows is a very useful Memorandum from the Research Department

of the Universal House of Justice. It includes an earlier memorandum
ŖWorld Government and the Universal Houseŗ which was an important
source for Wendi Momenřs paper trying to answer the question ŖHow close
are we to the Lesser Peace?ŗ1 and was the principal reason for initiating the
request to the Research Department. Itřs almost a dozen years since that first
European Bahářì Conference on Law and International Order and another
five since this Research Department memo which is formally published
here.2 It seems then an opportune place to introduce this memorandum,
which itself so helpfully points to published material on the theme of world
order evolution, by making a few notes on other Bahářì material about
World Order available since the turn of the twentieth century.
World Order represents a very broad terrain. In the process of writing an

elaborate defence of their religion, Schaefer, Gollmer and Towfiqh 3 spent
considerable time discussing the nature of the Bahářì World Order. Gollmer
is a political scientist whose work has recently been reviewed4
Unfortunately his thesis on Bahářì political thought remains unpublished5.
Schaefer, a jurist, is an important intellectual in the present Bahářì
community of scholars, who has had an interest since his university days
concerning the features of the Bahářì World Order system. Recently his
landmark thesis was reprinted making it much more widely available6.
Subsequently he has looked at some of the theological and ethical
1
Wendi Momen, ŘHow Close Are We to the Lesser Peace?ř in Law and International Order:
Proceedings of the First European Bahářì Conference on Law and International Order (London:Bahářì
Publishing Trust, 1995), 103-150.
2
The memorandum includes a letter dated 27 April 1995 which has already been widely discussed and
circulated on the Internet. See also fn.44.
3
Udo Schaefer, Nicola Towfigh, and Ulrich Gollmer, Making the Crooked Straight: A Contribution to
Bahá'í Apologetics, (trans. Geraldine Schuckelt, Oxford, UK: George Ronald, 2000)
4
Arash Abizadeh, ŘPolitics beyond War: Ulrich Gollmerřs Contribution to Bahářì Political Thoughtř,
World Order, 2004, 35(3), 19-23
5
Ulrich Gollmer, Gottesreich und Weltgestaltung.Grundlegung einer politischen Theologie im Bahářì
tum. Unpublished thesis. See also the recent dissertation in ecclesiastical law by Emanuel Vahid Towfigh, Die
rechtliche Verfassung von Religionsgemeinschaften. Eine Unterschung am Beispiel der Bahai (Tübingen: Mohr
Siebeck, 2006, Series: Jus Ecclesiasticum 80) and book reviews of the same by Reinmar Wolff, JuristenZeitung,
February 2007, 62(4) 184-185, Jörn Thielmann, ŘDie rechtliche Verfassung von Religionsgemeinschaften. Eine
Untersuchung am Beispiel der Bahaiř, Archives de sciences sociales des religions, 2007, 138. An additional recent
study from Europe is Farshad Mohammad-Avvali, Globales Recht oder plurales Recht? Der rechtstheoretische
Diskurs zum Rechtspluralismus unter Berücksichtigung der Position der Bahářì Lehre im Kontext der
Globalisierung (München: GRIN Verlag, 2007, Series: Lektüreseminar: Grundlagen der aktuellen Rechtstheorie
und Rechtsphilosophie)
6
Udo Schaefer, Grundlagen der Gemeindeordnung der Bahářì (Hofheim:Bahai Verlag, 2003, Series:
Studien Zum Bahářìtum 3)

© 2007 Steve Cooney
491 Steve Cooney Materials World Order
underpinnings7 of this world order as well as interesting discussions of its

legal and constitutional basis8.
Making the Crooked Straight inspired a whole issue of World Order

magazine9 devoted to reviewing its implications especially notable the
article by Roshan Danesh10 which joins another well thought out paper on
the constitutional dimensions of a putative Bahářì world order11 essential
reading for any serious reader of Bahářì thought on the topic of world order
and how to approach its gradual unfoldment rather than to prematurely
crystallise it. World Order magazine has also produced interesting issues on
post nationalism12 and the international criminal court13 and germane
discussions on global electoral process14
A number of the leading publishers of Bahářì material have contributed new

collections of material in the area of world order studies. These include a
collection of articles from the Bahářì Politics and International Law Special
Interest Group of the Association of Bahářì Studies, English-Speaking
Europe15, and practitioners and academics in the fields of law, governance,
conflict resolution economics linguistics and international relations have
assembled a provocative collection of Bahářì perspectives on peace and
conflict resolution16. The North American Association for Bahářì Studies
7
. Udo Schaefer, Beyond the Clash of Religions: The emergence of a new paradigm,( trans. Geraldine
Schuckelt ,3rd ed. Hofheim: Bahářì Verlag, 2005.See also his Bahá'í Ethics in Light of Scripture Volume 1-
Doctrinal Fundamentals (Oxford:George Ronald, 2007 ) especially Chapter 9 ŘLiberty and its Limitsř 313-330.
8
Udo Schaefer, ŘAn Introduction to Bahāřī Law: Doctrinal Foundations, Principles and Structuresř,
Journal of Law and Religion, 2002-2003, 18(2), 307-372. See also the response by Roshan Danesh, ŘImagining
Baha'i Law: Commentary on Udo Schaefer, ŘAn Introduction to Baha'i Law'ř, Bahaři Studies Review, 2007, 14, in
press.
9
World Order, 2004, 35(3). Special issue: Roundtable discussions of ŘMaking the Crooked Straightř:
Scholarship and Building a World Community.
10
Roshan Danesh, ŘThe Politics of Delay Ŕ Social Meanings and the historical Treatment of Bahářì
Lawř, World Order, 2004, 35(3), 33-45
11
Roshan Danesh, ŘInternationalism and Divine Law: A Bahářì Perspectiveř, Journal of Law and
Religion, 2003-2004, 19(2), 209-242. See also fn. 31.
12
World Order, 2003, 34(4). Special issue: Postnationalism. Challenging and redefining our views of
national identity and citizenship.
13
World Order, 2002-2003, 34(2). Special issue: The International Criminal Court. Building block for
a global community.
14
Arash Abizadeh, ŘDemocratic Elections without Campaigns? Normative Foundations of National
Bahářì Electionsř, World Order, 2005, 37(1), 7-49 and also Arash Abizadeh, ŘInformational Constraint and Focal
Point Convergence: Theoretical Implications of Plurality-Rule Elections for the New Institutionalism.ř Rationality
and Society, 2001, 13(1), 99Ŕ136.
15
Babak Bahador & Nazila Ghanea (eds.), Processes of the Lesser Peace (Oxford: George Ronald,
2002, Series: George Ronald Bahářì Studies Series) particularly Jeffrey Huffines, ŘBahaři Proposals for the
Reformation of World Orderř, 1-45; Daniel Wheatley, ŘGlobal Governance: Has a Paradigm shift in World
Government Theory Brought the Lesser Peace Closer?ř, 227-249. See also the book review by William P Collins,
The Journal of Bahářì Studies, 2004, 14(1-2), 97-103.
16
Charles O. Lerche (ed.), Healing the Body Politic: Bahářì Perspectives on Peace and Conflict
Resolution (Oxford:George Ronald, 2004, Series: George Ronald Bahářì Studies Series). See especially Graham
Hassall, ŘContemporary Governance and Conflict Resolution: A Bahaři Readingř, 84-116; Olivia Lopez,
ŘReforming the United Nations: Issues and Opinionsř, 177-211; Ariane Sabet, ŘBahařuřllahřs Concept of
Collective Security in Historical and Theoretical Perspectiveř, 212-254.

has used its periodical to publish papers of continuing interest and relevance
to a growing understanding of Bahářì notions of world order17
Elsewhere in North America, Bahářì publishers have also contributed to this

body of work. Kalimat press assembled a diverse group of reflections and
scholarly papers on global issues18 while Brian Lepard, a specialist in
human rights published his vision for a global ethic19 which tries to establish
the core values which would underpin a globally federated world order
congruent with Bahářì principles and mankindřs faith traditions, written in a
style appealing to the general public.SimilarlyJohn Hatcher, in the has
updated his model of the ascending society in the bookstore friendly Bahaři
Publishing series which effectively recaps the main features of the Bahai
world order models20. Hong Kong based Juxta electronically published an
excellent collection of papers on human rights, a key component of a just
world order21 which has proved popular enough to recently issue in a print
version.
Outside of the Bahářì publishing system, a number of authors have been

able to publish perspectives on social evolution22, terrorism and secession23,
international law24, education25, interreligious dialogue26, world theology27
17
Brian Lepard, ŘProtecting the Human Family: Humanitarian Intervention, International Law, and
Bahářì Principlesř, The Journal of Bahářì Studies, 2003, 13(1-4), 33-53. Wendy Heller, ŘThe Religious
Foundations of Civil Society Part 1ř, The Journal of Bahářì Studies, 2000, 10(1-2), 27-69. Wendy Heller, ŘThe
Religious Foundations of Civil Society Part 2ř, The Journal of Bahářì Studies, 2000, 10(3-4), 25-56. Sohrab
Abizadeh, ŘWill Globalization Lead to A World Commonwealth?ř, The Journal of Bahářì Studies, 2005, 15(1-4),
41-71.
18
Michael Fitzgerald (ed.) Earth Circles: Bahářì Perspectives on Global Issues (Los Angeles, Kalimat
Press, 2003).
19
Brian D. Lepard. Hope for a Global Ethic: Shared Principles in Religious Scriptures (Wilmette,
Bahářì Publishing Trust, 2006). See also, more generally his Rethinking Humanitarian Intervention A Fresh Legal
Approach Based on Fundamental Ethical Principles in International Law and World Religions (University Park:
Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002) and the book review by Dwight N. Bashir in The Journal of Bahářì
Studies, 2004, 14(1-2), 91-96.
20
John S. Hatcher, The Ascent of Society: The Social Imperative in Personal Salvation, (Wilmette,
Illinois, Bahaři Publishing, 2007).
21
Tahirih Tahririha Danesh (ed). Bahá'í-Inspired Perspectives on Human Rights (Hong Kong:Juxta
Publications, 2001/2007). See also the dissertation by Hale Enayati, Die Garantie der individuellen
Religionsfreiheit im Völkerrecht unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Stellung der Bahá'í, (Berlin: Weißensee-
Verlag, 2002, Series: Berliner Beiträge zum Völkerrecht, Bd.1).
22
John Woodall, ŘHumanity's Coming of Age: The Bahá'ì Faith and World Orderř in Toward a Global
Civilization? The Contribution of Religions (Patricia Mische & Melissa Merkling (eds), New York/Wien:Peter
Lang, 2001).
23
Merchant AK, ŘRise of terrorism & secessionism in South Asia: Bahářì viewpointř, Journal of
Dharma, 25, no.3-4 (2000), 376-382 reprinted also Merchant, AK, ŘRise of Terrorism and Secessionism in South
Asia- A Bahai Viewpointř in Rise of Terrorism and Secessionism in Eurasia, (VD Chopra (ed), New Delhi:Gyan
Publishing House, 2003), 89-95.
24
Danesh Sarooshi, ŘInternational Law and Peace between the Nations: The Contribution of the Bahářì
Faithř , in Law and Religion Current Legal Issues (Richard OřDair & Andrew Lewis (eds)., vol 4, Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2001).
25
Marie Gervais, ŘThe Bahářì curriculum for peace educationř Journal of Peace Education, 2004 1(2),
205-224; Zena Sorabjee, ŘEducation for a global society: Bahářì viewř in Education for a Global Society : Inter-
faith Dimensions (Marmar Mukhopadhyay (ed),. Delhi:Shipra, 2003), 53-63 and Merchant, AK ŘInter-faith
education for an ever-advancing global societyř idem, 64-85.
26
Merchant AK, ŘSocial Harmony and World Peace: A Bahářì Perspectiveř in Interfaith Dialogues:
Different Perspectives (Dharam Singh (ed), Patiala: Publication Bureau Punjabi University, 2002), 137-151.

social identity28 and sociology of linguistics29. Globalization is a phenomena

which has not only been of interest to Bahářìs30, but was the theme of a
conference on Globalization and the Bahářì Faith held at the University of
Copenhagen and which has produced a diverse collection of views and
perspectives: Řthe first comprehensive treatment of the Bahářì religion
viewed in the light of globalizationř31.
Another source of valuable essays is those published in the annual survey of

activities and reportingřs in the series The Bahai World. These include the
evolution of consciousness32, world order and global governance33, human
obligations and responsibilities in constructing a world civilization,34 law
and religion35 and most recently an essay questioning Western liberal
democracy as an inevitable pattern for the future36. This issue of the Online
Journal of Bahářì studies has an important study by Nalinie Mooten of I-R
theory, cosmopolitanism and the Bahářì Faith37.
There has been several book length, highly original contributions that have
deepened and broadened the corpus of Bahářì material in this field. In
particular Michael Karlbergřs study of the opposing cultures of contest and
mutualism38, Mark Perryřs review of the history of racist culture and the
requirements of moving to a future of racial oneness 39, and Huschmand
27
Juan RI Cole, ŘWorld theology and the Bahářì Faithř in The Comity and Grace of Method: Essays in
Honor of Edmund R. Perry (Thomas Ryba, George Bond and Herman Tull, (eds), Evanston, Ill:Northwestern
University Press, 2004), 391-414.
28
Siew Sim Chin, ŘI Am a Human Being, and I Belong to the World: Narrating the Intersection of
Spirituality and Social Identityř Journal of Transformative Education, 2006, 4(1), 27-42.
29
Gregory Meyjes, ŘLanguage and world order in Bahářì perspectiveř in Explorations in the Sociology
of Language and Religion (Tope Omoniyi and Joshua A. Fishman (eds), Amsterdam: J.Benjamins, 2006, Series:
Discourse Approaches to Politics, Society and Culture 20), 26-41.
30
Suheil Bushrui. The Ethics of Globalization: A Bahářì Perspective (Paris:Libraire Bahářìe. 2004).
Greg Dahl, One world, one people: how globalization is shaping our future (Wilmette:Bahářì Publishing Trust,
2007).
31
Annika Hvithamar, Margit Warburg & Morten Warmind (eds.), Bahářì and Globalisation (Aaarhus:
Aaarhus University Press, 2005, Series: Renner Studies on New Religions 7). Of interest here Zaid Lundberg,
ŘGlobal Claims, Global Aims: An Analysis of Shoghi Effendiřs ŘThe World Order of Bahařuřllahřř, 119-140;
Wendi Momen, ŘGlobalisation and Decentralisation: The Concept of Subsidarity in the Bahaři Faithř, 175-193.
See a review: Jobeen Eslahpazir, ŘBahaři and Globalisationř, Archives de sciences sociales des religions, 138
(2007).
32
Robert Atkinson, ŘCulture and the Evolution of Consciousnessř in The Bahářì World 2000-2001
(Haifa: Bahářì World Centre, 2002), 145-173.
33
Paul Vreeland, ŘWorld Order and Global Governance: A Bahářì Perspectiveř in The Bahai World
2001-2002 (Haifa:Bahářì World Centre, 2003), 157-187.
34
Hoda Mahmoudi, ŘObligation and responsibility in Constructing a World Civilizationř in The Bahářì
World 2002-2003. (Haifa:Bahářì World Centre, 2004), 147-177.
35
Roshan Danesh, ŘBeyond Integration and Separation: The Dynamic Nature of Bahářì Lawř; in The
Bahářì World 1999-2000 (Haifa:Bahářì World Centre, 2001), 223-264.
36
Michael Karlberg, ŘWestern Liberal Democracy as New World Order?ř in The Bahářì World 2005-
2006 (Haifa, World Centre Publications, 2007), 133-156.
37
Nalinie Mooten, ŘThe Bahářì Contribution to Cosmopolitan International Relations Theoryř, OJBS:
Online Journal of Bahářì Studies, 2007, 1(1), 4-70.
38
Michael Karlberg,. Beyond the Culture of Contest: From Adversarialism to Mutualism in an Age of
Interdependence (Oxford: George Ronald, 2004). See also Michael Karlberg, ŘThe Paradox of Protest in a Culture
of Contestř, Peace & Change, 2003, 28(3), 329-351.
39
Mark Perry, The Last War Racism, Spirituality and the Future of Civilization (Oxford:George
Ronald, 2005)

Sabetřs analysis of the forces forming world identity40 are warmly

recommended. Equally useful are Guy Sinclairřs detailed study of the
constitution of the Universal House of Justice41 and Ali Nakhjavaniřs
focussed collection of notes42 on the World Order of Bahařuřllah both
projects relying heavily on the scope and range of the World Order of
Bahařuřllah as explicated by Shoghi Effendi. We can also add Foad Katiraiřs
excellent monograph on the Bahářì proposals for global governance
including a convocation of world leaders43. In press is Sovaida Ma'ani
Ewingřs ŘCollective Security Within Reachř which promises detailed
proposals for Security Council reform44
The Head of the Bahářì Community, the Universal House of Justice has also
remained active in promoting peace and world order with two influential
documents; an open letter to the Ŗworldřs religious leadersř45 asking them to
take steps to put out the fires of religious fanaticism and hatred, identifying
that as a real threat to the worldřs present order and a document aimed
primarily internally at their own community, and designed to remind them
that in the Bahářì view the emergence of a global socio-political order had
to be grounded in a fundamental moral and attitudinal re-orientation to
mankindřs religions which re-visioned them as one common faith46.
Externally, national Bahářì communities represent themselves to the body of

mankind, through their external affairs agency, the Bahářì International
Community. This agency has a long tradition promoting world order in
international fora most especially at the agencies of the UN system. In this
period the BIC issued several documents essential to understanding the
Bahářì vision of a global world order. These include freedom of religion47,
UN institutional reform48 and overcoming corruption in human institutions49
Until recently the Bahářì view of its world order has been remarkably
unified and self consistent, with the general scheme widely accepted for
40
Huschmand Sabet, From Global Crash to World Identity (New Delhi: Bahářì Publishing Trust,
2000).
41
Guy Sinclair, Study Guide to the Constitution of the Universal House of Justice (Oxford:George
Ronald, 2005).
42
Ali Nakhjavani, Towards World Order (Acuto:Casa Editrice Bahářì, 2005).
43
Foad Katirai, Global Governance and the Lesser Peace (Oxford:George Ronald, 2001).
44
Sovaida Ma'ani Ewing, Collective Security within Reach (Oxford:George Ronald, 2007).
45
The Universal House of Justice, Letter to the Worlds Religious Leaders. April 2002. See the version
ŘA Challenge to the Worlds Religious Leaders: a Statement by The Universal House of Justiceř, World Order,
2002, 33(4), 9-16.
46
The Universal House of Justice. One Common Faith (New Delhi: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 2005)
47
Bahářì International Community, Freedom to Believe: Upholding the Standard of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights Bahářì International Community's Statement on the Freedom of Religion or Belief
October 2005 BIC Document #05−1001.
48
Bahářì International Community, The Search for Values in an Age of Transition A Statement of the
Bahářì International Community on the Occasion of the 60th Anniversary of the United Nations New York, USA
October 2005. BIC Document #05−1002.
49
Bahářì International Community, Overcoming Corruption and Safeguarding Integrity in Public
Institutions: A Bahářì Perspective. Prepared by the Bahářì International Community and presented at the
intergovernmental Global Forum on Fighting Corruption II. The Hague, Netherlands 28-31 May 2001. BIC
Document #01-0528.

more than a century. Recent challenges narrowing the scope and functions
of the Bahářì world order and indeed its desirability or theological
feasibility have not been received enthusiastically50, largely because they are
marred by problems of selective assembly of materials, highly idiosyncratic
readings and a general failure to satisfactorily engage the existing consensus
of Bahářì scholars. In religious communities preferred world orders are
often juxtaposed against catastrophes and apocalypses. There have been a
few such recent studies in this area as well51
In concluding our brief survey, students of the Bahářì world order can enjoy
a reissue of an important compilation, available twenty years ago which
assembles in one volume key texts from the Bahářì central figures and
authorities52 on the theme of peace and a new volume from Craig Loehle on
the spiritual power inherent in the Revelation of Bahařuřllah and its ability
to recreate human society.53. Recently published also is a study of the
common ground offered by the worldřs scriptures as the foundation for a
new world order54. Electronic publishing and text digitization capabilities
have lead to rejuvenating long out of print titles using print on demand
technology. Examples of this include a compilation which was influential at
the time of the First World War, recently re-issued.55 and which still contains
very useful sources for research on the Bahářì approach to World Order, and
the recent reprint of an early but idiosyncratic attempt at re-organising
Bahářì thought into a humanistic utopia56 by a former secretary of the
Bahářì leader Abduřl-Baha.
50
Sen McGlinn, Church and State: A Postmodern Political Theology Book One (Leiden: Sen McGlinn,
2005, Series: Studies in the Babi and Bahářì Religions 19). ibid, ŘTheocratic assumptions in Bahá'ì literatureř in
Reason & Revelation: New Directions in Bahářì Thought (Seena Fazel & John Danesh (eds), Los Angeles:Kalimat
Press, 2002, 39-80, Series: Studies in the Babi and Bahářì Religions 13). ibid, ŘBahářì Meets Globalization: A new
Synergy?ř in Bahářì and Globalisation, 269-286. ibid, ŘA Difficult Case: Beyer's Categories and the Bahá'ì Faithř,
Social Compass, 2003, 50(2), 247-255; See also Adbullahi Ahmed An-Nařim, ŘReview of Sen McGlinn, Church
and State: A Postmodern Political Theology Book Oneř, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 2007,
39(1), 158-159, and the forthcoming thesis by Tajan Tober, Staat und religiöse Ordnung in der Bahářì Theologie.
Ein Beitrag zum politischen Denken der Bahářì which critically analyzes McGlinnřs presuppositions, conclusions
and methodology.
51
William Collins, ŘApocalypse and Millennium: Catastrophe, Progress, and the Lesser Peace, Journal
of Bahářì Studies, 2002, 12(1-4), 1-29; Stephen Lambden, ŘCatastrophe, armageddon and millenium: Some aspects
of the Babi-Bahářì exegesis of apocalyptic symbolismř, Bahářì Studies Review, 1999-2000, 9, 81-99. See also
Stephen Lambden, ŘThe Messianic Roots of Babi-Bahářì Globalismř in Bahářì and Globalisation, 17-34. David
Piff & Margit Warburg, ŘMillenial Catastrophism in Popular Bahářì Loreř in New Religions in a PostModern
World (Mikael Rothstein & Reender Kranenborg (eds), Aarhus, Aarhus University Press, 2003, Series:Renner
Studies on New Religions 6), 123-136.
52
Anne G. Atkinson, Betty J. Fisher, Richard A. Hill, Anne Marie Scheffer (eds), Peace--more than an
end to war: selections from the writings of Baha'u'llah, the Bab, ŘAbdu'l-Baha, Shoghi Effendi, and the Universal
House of Justice. (Wilmette:Bahářì Publishing Trust, 2007)
53
Craig Loehle, Blueprint for a New World: Using the Power of the Revelation of Bahářuřlláh
(Oxford:George Ronald 2007)
54
Allen McKiel, Beyond Tolerance: Religion and Global Community. (Heltonville, Indiana:Special
Ideas, 2007).
55
Anon. Compilation Of The Holy Utterances Of Baha ŘOř llah And Abdul Baha: Concerning The
Most Great Peace, War And Duty Of The Bahais Toward Their Government, [1918]. Reprinted.
(Montana:Kessinger Publishing, 2007).
56
Mirza Ahmad Sohrab, The New Humanity: A Compendium of the Ideals of Universal Civilization.
New York: JH Sears and Company/New History Foundation 2nd printing, 1929. Reprinted (Montana:Kessinger
Publishing n.d [2007])

OJBS: Online Journal of Bahářì Studies Volume 1 (2007)
MEMORANDUM
To: The Universal House of Justice Date: 5 May 2002
Request for Materials about the World Order of Baha'u'llah
In his email message of 19 December 2001, Mr. .… requests a copy of a Research

Department memorandum dated 10 September 1990, entitled "World Government and the Universal
House of Justice", which was cited in the Proceedings of the First European Bahářì Conference on
Law and International Order, De Poort, The Netherlands, 8-11 June 1995. In addition, he seeks
copies of "any subsequent memoranda or papers which bear upon any aspect of the World Order of
Baha'u'llah".
We attach for Mr. …. copies of the following materials:
The memorandum dated 1 0 September 1990 prepared by the Research Department entitled
"World Government and the Universal House of Justice", and a compilation entitled "Extracts from
Letters Written by and on Behalf of the Universal House of Justice on Evolution Towards World
Order", which was originally prepared in conjunction with the memorandum. The compilation was
revised in 1995.
 A letter dated 27 April 1995 written on behalf of the Universal House of Justice to an individual
believer in response to questions on such subjects as theocracy, church and state, and related
matters. An extract from a letter dated 14 January 1996 written on behalf of the Universal House
of Justice to an individual on global governance.
 A 1999 statement prepared at the instruction of the Universal House of Justice entitled
"Peace Among the Nations".
In addition, Mr. …. might find it helpful to refer to the following items: a letter dated 19
April 2001 written on behalf of the Universal House of Justice to an individual believer in
response to a question about the unity of nations and the Lesser Peace, and a memorandum of the
same date prepared by the Research Department with the heading "Attainment of the Unity of
Nations and the Lesser Peace". As these materials were subsequently shared with all National
Spiritual Assemblies, it is suggested that Mr. …. request copies of these documents from his
National Assembly.
With respect to Mr. ….'s request for papers that address "any aspect of the World Order of
Baha'u'llah", the Research Department regrets that, given the limitation of resources, it is not possible,
at this time, to undertake a comprehensive search of the literature of the Faith on this broad theme. We
note, however, that there are a number of recent statements by the Bahářì International Community
with such titles as Prosperity of Humankind, Turning Point for all Nations, and Who is Writing the
Future? Reflections on the Twentieth Century, which impinge on his area of interest. Likewise, the
volumes of The Bahářì World contain essays on

I
Request for materials on the World Order of 5 May 2002

Baha'u'llah Page 2
various aspects of world order, as do the issues of journals published by the Associations for Bahářì
Studies. Finally, Mr. …. might be interested in perusing Nader Saiedi's Logos and Civilization, Spirit,
History, and Order in the Writings of Baha'u'llah (Bethesda: University Press of Maryland, 2000).
Part III of this work analyses the relationship between the Kitab-i-Aqdas and the establishment of the
World Order.
Attachments 5
1.See, for example, Wendy M. Heller, "Covenant and the Foundations of Civil Society" in The
Bahářì World 1995-96 (Haifa: Bahářì world Centre, 1997), pp. 185-222; Martha Schweitz and Bill
Barnes, "Dimensions of Unity in an Emerging Global Order" in The Bahářì World 1998-99 (Haifa:
Bahářì World Centre, 2000), pp. 193-228.

MEMORANDUM
To The Universal House of Justice Date: 10 September 1990

:
WORLD GOVERNMENT AND THE UNIVERSAL HOUSE OF JUSTICE
The Research Department has studied the questions raised by Mr ............. and Mr ......in their
letter postmarked 10 July 1990 to the Universal House of Justice. Messrs ............... and ..... are law
students who are preparing a research paper relating the concept of sovereignty in international law to
the Bahářì World Order. As a background to their questions, they refer to the following statements:
The remark attributed to 'Abdu'l-Baha in "The Promulgation of Universal Peace:

Talks Delivered by 'Abdu'l-Baha during His Visit to the United States and Canada in
1912", 2nd. ed. (Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1982), p. 455, in which the Master
indicates that the Universal House of Justice "is endowed with a political as well as a
religious function, the consummate union and blending of church and state" .
Shoghi Effendi's comments about the non-political character of the Faith and his
assertion that, no matter how "advanced their institutions," the Bahářìs will not
"violate, under any circumstances, the provisions of their country's constitution" nor
"allow the machinery of their administration to supersede the government of their
respective countries." See "The World Order of Baha'u'llah: Selected Letters"
(Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1982), pp. 65-66.
The reference in "The Promise of World Peace" (Haifa: Bahářì World Centre, 1985), p.
15, to the means by which a World Parliament will be constituted, namely, its members
will be elected by the people of each country and confirmed by their respective
governments.
Mr .... and Mr .... note that a future world government will consist of an international
executive, legislature, and a supreme tribunal, and they pose a number of questions that pertain to the
relationship between the institutions of the world government and the future role of the Universal
House of Justice. We provide the following comment.
Before addressing the specific questions raised by Mr .... and Mr .... , it is useful to consider, in
broad terms, the nature of the evolution of systems of world government, the unfoldment of the
Bahářì Administrative Order into the World Order of Baha'u'llah, and the ultimate convergence of
these two evolutionary trends into the Bahářì World Commonwealth in the Golden Age of the Faith.

World Government and the Universal House of Justice 2
Stages in the development of world government
The letters of Shoghi Effendi outline two stages in the development of world government.
The first stage in this evolution is the emergence of "a world superstate" which will be associated with
the establishment of the Lesser Peace. See "The Goal of a New World Order" in "The World Order of
Baha'u'llah: Selected Letters". The "World Parliament" referred to in "The Promise of World Peace" is
an institution associated with this "superstate". In relation to the Lesser Peace, it is interesting to note
that Shoghi Effendi, in a letter dated 14 March 1939 written on his behalf, indicated that it "will come
about through the political efforts of the states and nations of the world, and independently of any
direct Bahářì plan or effort".
A second, more distant, stage in the evolution of a system of world government, i.e. the "world
commonwealth", is described in "The Unfoldment of World Civilization", in the book "The World
Order of Baha'u'llah", The "world legislature" mentioned on p. 203 of this book is a term applied to
the institution which performs the legislative function in the Bahářì World Commonwealth. This same
term can also be applied to the "World Parliament" associated with the Lesser Peace that was
mentioned in the paragraph above. The following extract from "The Promised Day Is Come"
(Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1980), p. 123, explicitly links not only the two stages in the
evolving world government but also allies them with the "New World Order" of Baha'u'llah.
To the general character, the implications and features of this world commonwealth,
destined to emerge, sooner or later, out of the carnage, agony, and havoc of this great world
convulsion, I have already referred in my previous communications. Suffice it to say that this
consummation will, by its very nature, be a gradual process, and must, as Baha'u'llah has
Himself anticipated, lead at first to the establishment of that Lesser Peace which the nations of
the earth, as yet unconscious of His Revelation and yet unwittingly enforcing the general
principles which He has enunciated, will themselves establish. This momentous and historic
step, involving the reconstruction of mankind, as the result of the universal recognition of its
oneness and wholeness, will bring in its wake the spiritualization of the masses, consequent to
the recognition of the character, and the acknowledgment of the claims, of the Faith of
Baha'u'llah - the essential condition to that ultimate fusion of all races, creeds, classes, and
nations which must signalize the emergence of His New World Order.
Development of the World Order of Baha'u'llah
The development of Baha'u'llah's New World Order, as outlined in the writings' of Shoghi
Effendi, is an evolutionary process. In "The Unfoldment of World Civilization", the World Order
of Baha'u'llah is described as "evolving within the framework of the Administrative Order of His
Faith". The Administrative Order precedes the emergence of the New World Order. For example, it
is referred to as, among other things, "the precursor, the nucleus and pattern" of "that Order" and as
the "sole framework" of the "Bahářì Commonwealth of the future".
Shoghi Effendi also identifies a number of stages in the evolution of the Faith. For instance,
in "The Advent of Divine Justice" (Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1984), p. 15, he refers to

3
World Government and the Universal House of Justice
... the successive stages of unmitigated obscurity, of active repression, and of complete
emancipation, leading in turn to its being acknowledged as an independent Faith, enjoying the
status of full equality with its sister religions, to be followed by its establishment and
recognition as a State religion, which in turn must give way to its assumption of the rights and
prerogatives associated with the Bahářì state, functioning in the plenitude of its powers, a
stage which must ultimately culminate in the emergence of the worldwide Bahářì
Commonwealth, animated wholly by the spirit, and operating solely in direct conformity with
the laws and principles of Baha'u'llah.
Further, in "Messages to the Bahářì World, 1950-1957" (Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1971), p.
155, Shoghi Effendi refers to the anticipated impetus to the development of the Faith provided by the
World Crusade and he designates the point in time when the Faith will begin to assume responsibility
for "religious and civil matters". The Guardian states:
This present Crusade, on the threshold of which we now stand, will, moreover, by virtue of the
dynamic forces it will release and its wide repercussions over the entire surface of the globe,
contribute effectually to the acceleration of yet another process of tremendous significance
which will carry the steadily evolving Faith of Baha'u'llah through its present stages of
obscurity, of repression, of emancipation and of recognition - stages one or another of which
Bahářì national communities in various parts of the world now find themselves in - to the stage
of establishment, the stage at which the Faith of Baha'u'llah will be recognized by the civil
authorities as the state religion, similar to that which Christianity entered in the years following
the death of the Emperor Constantine, a stage which must later be followed by the emergence
of the Bahářì state itself, functioning, in all religious and civil matters, in strict accordance with
the laws and ordinances of the Kitab-i-Aqdas, the Most Holy, the Mother-Book of the Bahářì
Revelation, a stage which, in the fullness of time, will culminate in the establishment of the
World Bahářì Commonwealth, functioning in the plenitude of its powers, and which will
signalize the long-awaited advent of the Christ-promised Kingdom of God on earth - the
Kingdom of Baha'u'llah - mirroring however faintly upon this humble handful of dust the
glories of the Abha Kingdom.
Finally, in relation to the future of the Faith, Shoghi Effendi indicates that it is
... destined to attain, in the fullness of time, the status of a world-embracing

Commonwealth, which would be at once the instrument and the guardian of the Most
Great Peace announced by its Author.
("The World Order of Baha'u'llah: Selected Letters", p. 196)
And, the Universal House of Justice in a letter dated 23 December 1985 written on its behalf to an
individual believer states that
... the interests of the entire world ... and those of the Faith are destined to merge in the
Most Great Peace.

Compilation
The Research Department has been able to find few references that pertain specifically to the
questions raised by Mr .... and Mr ..... To assist them in their study we attach a compilation of extracts
from letters written by and on behalf of the Universal House of Justice. These letters amplify aspects
of the evolution toward World Order and comment on the relationship between the Bahářì institutions
and the new institutions referred to in the Guardian's letters. A number of important general points
emerge from consideration of these extracts, for example:
I. As mentioned earlier, the letters of Shoghi Effendi describe successive stages in the
evolution of the institutions of the Faith and their relationship to the world at large. At the
time of the establishment of the Bahářì Commonwealth, of which the Universal House of
Justice is the "supreme organ", the House of Justice indicates that "the religious and
secular aspects are clearly merged into one set of institutions, i.e., the institutions of the
World Order of Bahau'Ilah". See extract I.
2. The future "governmental functions" of the Houses of Justice have not been clearly
defined. See extract 2.
3. The nature of the relationship between the evolving World Order of Baha'u'llah and the
institutions of a "slowly awakening world" will require further elucidation by the
Universal House of Justice. Extracts 3 and 4 contain statements written on behalf of
Shoghi Effendi concerning the International Executive, the Universal Court of Arbitration
and the International Tribunal.
4. The process of evolution toward the Bahářì World Commonwealth is a long and
gradual one. See extracts 5 and 6.
5. While the Writings of the Faith contain many passages with "guidance for the changing
conditions under which the followers of Baha'u'llah will be labouring during the passing
centuries, ... it is not possible to see in advance the details of how they will be applied".
See extract 7.
Question 1: Relationship between the international legislature and the Universal

House of Justice
In a letter dated 27 May 1966, published in "Wellspring of Guidance: Messages 19631968"

(Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1976), p. 90, the House of Justice is described as both the
"highest legislative body of the Faith" and as the "supreme organ" of the Bahářì Commonwealth.
The Universal House of Justice has indicated that this system of government coincides with the
"Bahářì system". See extract 4 of attachment. Further the House of Justice confirms that at the time
of the establishment of the Bahářì Commonwealth the "religious and secular aspects are clearly
merged into one set of institutions, i.e., the institutions of the World Order of Baha'u'llah." See
extract 1.
OBS:Online Journal of Bahářì Studies 501 1 (2007)

Question 2: Enforcement of the laws of the Universal House of Justice on the peoples of
the world
With regard to the question about the manner in which the laws of the Universal House of
Justice will be enforced on the peoples of the world, this needs to be understood within the context of
the gradual evolution of the Faith and the emergence of the world commonwealth. From the extract
from "Messages to the Bahářì World, 1950-1957", p. 155, already cited, it is clear that the "Bahářì
state" will function, "in all religious and civil matters, in strict accordance with the laws and
ordinances in the Kitab-i-Aqdas".
With respect to how the laws of the Universal House of Justice will be enforced, information
on this subject is fragmentary. It is interesting to note that 'Abdu'l-Baha, in His Will and Testament
(see "Will and Testament of 'Abdu'l-Baha" (Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1971), pp. 14-15),
refers to the fact that the Universal House of Justice enacts the laws and the government enforces
them. He states:
This House of Justice enacteth the laws and the government enforceth them. The legislative
body must reinforce the executive, the executive must aid and assist the legislative body so
that through the close union and harmony of these two forces, the foundation of fairness and
justice may become firm and strong, that all the regions of the world may become even as
Paradise itself.
Further, Shoghi Effendi, in a letter dated 18 April 1941 written on his behalf in response to a
question about the "government" referred to in the above excerpt, provided the following
clarification:
By "Government" ... is meant the executive body which will enforce the laws when the
Bahářì Faith has reached the point when it is recognized and accepted entirely by any
particular nation.
And, the Universal House of Justice in a letter dated 9 March 1977 written on its behalf to an
individual believer in response to a question about the rights of the minority of non-Bahářì citizens
in a Bahářì state indicated:
As to your question concerning the rights of the minority of non-Bahářì citizens in a

Bahářì state, it is clear from the writings of our Faith that under a Bahářì system the rights of
the minorities of any type must always be respected and upheld. Just as Bahářìs today show
obedience and loyalty to the government but refuse to bow to the majority if they are asked to
deny their Faith, so in the future, when the majority is represented by the Faith the Bahářìs will
not force the minority to become followers of Baha'u'llah but they will expect the minority to
be similarly obedient and loyal.
The ultimate safeguard in the Faith of Baha'u'llah to ensure that this principle and all its
other fundamental tenets are not violated is the Universal House of Justice, which, as its
Constitution clearly stipulates, is charged with the responsibility of maintaining the integrity of
the teachings and of safeguarding their inviolability.

Question 3: Sacred order and secular order
Mr .... and Mr .... make reference to the historical Western model of the division between
church and state. They enquire whether or not it is valid, in the Bahářì model, to draw a distinction
between a sacred order (the Bahářì Commonwealth) and a secular order (the political institutions of
the world). From the foregoing discussions, it is apparent that the sacred and secular begin to merge
with the emergence of the Bahářì state and that, by the time of the establishment of the world
commonwealth, the "religious and secular aspects are clearly merged into one set of institutions".
The historical division between church and state which characterizes the Western model of
government provides a means for preserving a clear distinction between the religious and political
powers in society and for curbing any unwarranted interference of the church in the affairs of the state.
Such provisions were particularly relevant to the relations between church and state during the late
Middle Ages and the Reformation. It is suggested that, as part of their research, Mr .... and Mr ....
might give some attention to a consideration of the uniqueness of the Bahářì system and the provisions
it contains for avoiding the problems and difficulties associated with other religious and governmental
systems. In this regard they may well be familiar with the material contained in "The World Order of
Baha'u'llah: Selected Letters", pp. 18-22 and pp. 152-54.
Attachment

27 April 1995
Dear Bahářì Friend,
Your email of 19 February 1995 addressed to the Research Department was referred to the
Universal House of Justice. In it you quote two phrases which appear in a book you have recently
read, and which seem from the context to be citations from Shoghi Effendi. These phrases are
"Bahářì theocracy" and "humanity will emerge from that immature civilization in which church and
state are separate". You ask whether these references can be authenticated and dated. We have been
instructed to send you the following reply.
A reference to "Bahářì theocracy" is to be found in a letter written on behalf of the

Guardian to an individual Bahářì on 30 September 1949. This reads as follows:
He thinks your question is well put: what the Guardian was referring to was the
theocratic systems, such as the Catholic Church and the Caliphate, which are not divinely
given as systems, but man-made, and yet, being partly derived from the teachings of
Christ and Muhammad are in a sense theocracies. The Bahářì theocracy, on the contrary,
is both divinely ordained as a system and, of course, based on the teachings of the
Prophet Himself.
The other passage does not comprise words of Shoghi Effendi, although its purport was
approved by him. As you yourself have since discovered, it can be found in The Bahářì World,
volume VI, on page 199, in a statement entitled "Concerning Membership in Non-Bahářì Religious
Organizations", about which the Guardian's secretary had written on his behalf on
11 December 1935: "The Guardian has carefully read the copy of the statement you had recently
prepared concerning non-membership in non-Bahářì religious organizations, and is pleased to
realize that your comments and explanations are in full conformity with his views on the subject."
The complete paragraph in which the words appear is as follows:
In the light of these words, 1 it seems fully evident that the way to approach this
instruction is in realizing the Faith of Baha'u'llah as an ever-growing organism destined
to become something new and greater than any of the revealed religions
1
. Reference to a letter of 15 June 1935 from Shoghi Effendi, published in the United States Bahářì
News, no. 95, October 1935, p. 2, and in Messages to America: Selected Letters and Cablegrams
Addressed to the Bahářìs of North America, 1932-1946 (Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Committee,
1947), pp. 4-5.
OBS:Online of Bahářì Studies 504 1 (2007)

27 April 1995
Page 2
of the past. Whereas former Faiths inspired hearts and illumined souls, they eventuated in
formal religions with an ecclesiastical organization, creeds, rituals and churches, while
the Faith of Baha'u'llah, likewise renewing man's spiritual life, will gradually produce the
institutions of an ordered society, fulfilling not merely the function of the churches of the
past but also the function of the civil state. By this manifestation of the Divine Will in a
higher degree than in former ages, humanity will emerge from that immature civilization
in which church and state are separate and competitive institutions, and partake of a true
civilization in which spiritual and social principles are at last reconciled as two aspects of
one and the same Truth.
You also ask how these statements could be reconciled with Shoghi Effendi's comment on page
149 of Bahářì Administration, which appears to anticipate "a future that is sure to witness the formal
and complete separation of Church and State", and with the following words in his letter of 21 March
1932 addressed to the Bahářìs of the United States and Canada:
Theirs is not the purpose, while endeavoring to conduct and perfect the
administrative affairs of their Faith, to violate, under any circumstances, the
provisions of their country's constitution, much less to allow the machinery of their
administration to supersede the government of their respective countries.
A careful reading of the letter dated 6 December 1928 in which the Guardian's comment about
the separation of Church and State occurs would suggest that, rather than enunciating a general
principle, Shoghi Effendi is simply reviewing "the quickening forces of internal reform" that had
"recently transpired throughout the Near and Middle East", and enumerating a number of factors that
impinge on the development of the Faith in those parts of the world.'
As for the statement made by Shoghi Effendi in his letter of 21 March 1932, the well-
established principles of the Faith concerning the relationship of the Bahářì institutions to those of the
country in which the Bahářìs reside make it unthinkable that they would ever purpose to violate a
country's constitution or so to meddle in its political machinery as to attempt to take over the powers
of government. This is an integral element of the Bahářì principle of abstention from involvement in
politics. However, this does not by any means imply that the country itself may not, by constitutional
means, decide to adopt Bahářì laws and practices and modify its constitution or method of
government accordingly. The relationship between the principle of abstention from involvement in
politics and the emergence of the Bahářì State is commented on later in this letter. In the meantime we
can quote the following extracts from letters written on behalf of the Guardian in response to queries
from individual believers, which indicate that the relationship is an evolving one:
Regarding the question raised in your letter, Shoghi Effendi believes that for the
present the Movement, whether in the East or the West, should be dissociated entirely
from politics. This was the explicit injunction of 'Abdu'l-Baha .... Eventually, however,
as you have rightly conceived it, the Movement will, as soon
2
The World Order of Baha'u'llah: Selected Letters (Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1991),
p. 66.
3
Bahářì Administration: Selected Messages 1922-1932 (Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1974),
p. 147.

27 April 1995
Page 3
as it is fully developed and recognized, embrace both religious and political issues. In
fact Baha'u'llah clearly states that affairs of state as well as religious questions are to be
referred to the Houses of Justice into which the Assemblies of the Bahářís will
eventually evolve.
(30 November 1930)
The Bahářìs will be called upon to assume the reins of government when they
will come to constitute the majority of the population in a given country, and even then
their participation in political affairs is bound to be limited in scope unless they obtain
a similar majority in some other countries as well.
(19 November 1939)
The Bahářìs must remain non-partisan in all political affairs. In the distant
future, however, when the majority of a country have become Bahářìs then it will lead
to the establishment of a Bahářì State.
(19 April 1941)
A proper understanding of all the above passages, and of their implications, requires an
acceptance of two fundamental principles for the exegesis of Bahářì Texts.
The first, which derives from the Covenant, is the principle that the writings of 'Abdul-Baha
and the Guardian are thoroughly imbued with the spirit of the Revelation of Baha'u'llah and intimately
linked with the Teachings of Baha'u'llah Himself. This principle is clearly expounded in two
paragraphs from a letter written on behalf of the Guardian to an individual believer on 19 March
1946:
Whatever the Master has said is based on the teachings of Baha'u'llah. He was
the perfect Interpreter, had lived with Him all His life; therefore what He says has the
same standing, even if a text of Baha'u'llah is not available ....
We must take the teachings as a great, balanced whole, not seek out and
oppose to each other two strong statements that have different meanings; somewhere
in between, there are links uniting the two. That is what makes our Faith so flexible
and well balanced. For instance there are calamities for testing and for punishment -
there are also accidents, plain cause and effect!
Baha'u'llah has given us a Revelation designed to raise mankind to heights never before attained.
It is little wonder that the minds of individual believers, no matter how perceptive, have difficulty in
comprehending its range. It is the words of 'Abdu'l-Baha and the Guardian which elucidate this vast
Revelation and make clear the manner in which different statements relate to one another and what is
implied by the Revealed Word. Without the bright light of the • Covenant, this Faith, like all those
before it, would be torn to pieces by the conflicting opinions of scholars applying limited human
reasoning to divinely revealed truths.
The second fundamental principle which enables us to understand the pattern towards which
Baha'u'llah wishes human society to evolve is the principle of organic growth which requires that
detailed developments, and the understanding of detailed developments, become available only with
the passage of time and with the help of the guidance given by that Central Authority in the Cause to
whom all must turn. In this regard one can use the simile of a tree. If

27 April 1995
Page 4
a farmer plants a tree, he cannot state at that moment what its exact height will be, the number of its
branches or the exact time of its blossoming. He can, however, give a general impression of its size
and pattern of growth and can state with confidence which fruit it will bear. The same is true of the
evolution of the World Order of Baha'u'llah. For example, we find the following illuminating
explanation in a letter written by Shoghi Effendi to the Bahářìs in America on 23 February 1924:4
And as we make an effort to demonstrate that love to the world may we also clear
our minds of any lingering trace of unhappy misunderstandings that might obscure our
clear conception of the exact purpose and methods of this new world order, so
challenging and complex, yet so consummate and wise. We are called upon by our
beloved Master in His Will and Testament not only to adopt it unreservedly, but to unveil
its merit to all the world. To attempt to estimate its full value, and grasp its exact
significance after so short a time since its inception would be premature and
presumptuous on our part. We must trust to time, and the guidance of God's Universal
House of Justice, to obtain a clearer and fuller understanding of its provisions and
implications. But one word of warning must be uttered in this connection. Let us be on
our guard lest we measure too strictly the Divine Plan with the standard of men. I am not
prepared to state that it agrees in principle or in method with the prevailing notions now
uppermost in men's minds, nor that it should conform with those imperfect, precarious,
and expedient measures feverishly resorted to by agitated humanity. Are we to doubt that
the ways of God are not necessarily the ways of man? Is not faith but another word for
implicit obedience, whole-hearted allegiance, uncompromising adherence to that which
we believe is the revealed and express will of God, however perplexing it might first
appear, however at variance with the shadowy views, the impotent doctrines, the crude
theories, the idle imaginings, the fashionable conceptions of a transient and troublous
age? If we are to falter or hesitate, if our love for Him should fail to direct us and keep us
within His path, if we desert Divine and emphatic principles, what hope can we any more
cherish for healing the ills and sicknesses of this world?
Pending the establishment of the Universal House of Justice, whose function it

is to lay more definitely the broad lines that must guide the future activities and
administration of the Movement, it is clearly our duty to strive to obtain as clear a view
as possible of the manner in which to conduct the affairs of the Cause, and then arise
with single-mindedness and determination to adopt and maintain it in all our activities
and labours.
At this time we have the benefit of many subsequent interpretations by Shoghi Effendi and also
the initial guidance of the Universal House of Justice, which will continue to elucidate aspects of this
mighty system as it unfolds. In striving to attain a "clearer and fuller understanding" of the World
Order of Baha'u'llah, we need to contemplate the operation of the Bahářì principles of governance and
social responsibility as they persist through changing sets of conditions, from the present time when
the Bahářì community constitutes a small number of people living in a variety of overwhelmingly
non-Bahářì societies, to the far different situation
4 Bahářì Administration, p. 62.

27 April 1995
Page 5
in future centuries when the Bahářìs are becoming, and eventually have become, the vast
majority of the people.
The Administrative Order is certainly the nucleus and pattern of the World Order of Baha'u'llah,
but it is in embryonic form, and must undergo major evolutionary developments in the course of time.
Certain passages in the writings on this subject establish matters of principle, certain ones describe the
ultimate goal of the Most Great Peace, and certain of them relate to stages of development on the way
to the attainment of that goal. For example, in this familiar passage in His Will and Testament,
'Abdu'l-Baha states:5
This House of Justice enacteth the laws and the government enforceth them. The
legislative body must reinforce the executive, the executive must aid and assist the
legislative body so that through the close union and harmony of these two forces, the
foundation of fairness and justice may become firm and strong, that all the regions of
the world may become even as Paradise itself.
In response to a question about the "government" in the above passage, Shoghi Effendi's
secretary wrote on his behalf, on 18 April 1941, the following clarification:
By "Government" ... is meant the executive body which will enforce the laws when the
Bahářì Faith has reached the point when it is recognized and accepted entirely by any
particular nation.
The same relationship between legislature and executive is expressed in the well-known
passage in "The Unfoldment of World Civilization"6, showing how one principle is applied over
successive periods.
A world executive, backed by an international Force, will carry out the decisions arrived
at, and apply the laws enacted by, this world legislature, and will safeguard the organic
unity of the whole commonwealth.
In relation to other international institutions, the Guardian has given the following
guidance:
Touching the point raised in the Secretary's letter regarding the nature and scope
of the Universal Court of Arbitration, this and other similar matters will have to be
explained and elucidated by the Universal House of Justice, to which, according to the
Master's explicit Instructions, all important fundamental questions must be referred.7
In his letter to the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahářìs of the United States and
Canada written on 27 February 1929,8 Shoghi Effendi stated:
5 Will and Testament of 'Abdu 'l-Baha (Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1971), pp. 14-15.
6 The World Order of Baha'u'llah, p. 203.
7 Bahářì Administration, p. 47.
8 cf. The World Order of Baha'u'llah, pp. 6-7.

27 April 1995
Page 6
Not only will the present-day Spiritual Assemblies be styled differently in future,
but they will be enabled also to add to their present functions those powers, duties, and
prerogatives necessitated by the recognition of the Faith of Baha'u'llah, not merely as one
of the recognized religious systems of the world, but as the State Religion of an
independent and Sovereign Power. And as the Bahářì Faith permeates the masses of the
peoples of East and West, and its truth is embraced by the majority of the peoples of a
number of the Sovereign States of the world, will the Universal House of Justice attain
the plenitude of its power, and exercise as the supreme organ of the Bahářì
Commonwealth all the rights, the duties and responsibilities incumbent upon the world's
future superstate.
Complementing these words are the Guardian's repeated and forceful requirement that
Bahářìs strictly abstain from involvement in politics. This requirement has far-reaching implications
for the method by which Bahařu'llah's Administrative Order will evolve into His World Order. We
can consider, for example, the well-known passage in his letter of 21 March 1932 to the Bahářìs in
the United States and Canada9
Let them refrain from associating themselves, whether by word or by deed, with
the political pursuits of their respective nations, with the policies of their governments
and the schemes and programmes of parties and factions .... Let them affirm their
unyielding determination to stand, firmly and unreservedly, for the way of Baha'u'llah, to
avoid the entanglements and bickerings inseparable from the pursuits of the politician,
and to become worthy agencies of that Divine Polity which incarnates God's immutable
Purpose for all men ....
... Let them beware lest, in their eagerness to further the aims of their beloved
Cause, they should be led unwittingly to bargain with their Faith, to compromise with
their essential principles, or to sacrifice, in return for any material advantage which their
institutions may derive, the integrity of their spiritual ideals.
As one studies these words, one begins to understand the processes at work in the gradual
unfoldment and establishment of the Bahářì System.
Clearly the establishment of the Kingdom of God on earth is a "political" enterprise, and the
Teachings of the Faith are filled with "political" principles - using the word in the sense of the science
of government and of the organization of human society. At the same time the Bahářì world
community repeatedly and emphatically denies being a "political" organization, and Bahářìs are
required, on pain of deprivation of their administrative rights, to refrain from becoming involved in
"political" matters and from taking sides in "political" disputes. In other words, the Bahářìs are
following a completely different path from that usually followed by those who wish to reform
society. They eschew political methods towards the achievement of their aims, and concentrate on
revitalizing the hearts, minds and behaviour of people and on presenting a working model as evidence
of the reality and practicality of the way of life they propound.
The Bahářì Administrative Order is the "nucleus and pattern" of the divinely intended future
political system of the world, and undoubtedly non-Bahářì governments will benefit from
9 The World Order of Baha'u'llah, pp. 64-65.

27 April 1995
Page 7
learning how this system works and from adopting its procedures and principles in overcoming the
problems they face. Nevertheless, this Administration is primarily the framework and structure
designed to be a channel for the flow of the spirit of the Cause and for the application of its
Teachings. As the Guardian wrote: 10
It is surely for those to whose hands so priceless a heritage has been committed
to prayerfully watch lest the tool should supersede the Faith itself, lest undue concern for
the minute details arising from the administration of the Cause obscure the vision of its
promoters, lest partiality, ambition, and worldliness tend in the course of time to becloud
the radiance, stain the purity, and impair the effectiveness of the Faith of Baha'u'llah,
The gradual process of the evolution of the Bahářì Administrative Order into the World Order
of Baha'u'llah has been described by Shoghi Effendi in many of his writings, as in the following
excerpt from his letter of 30 April 1953 to the All-America Intercontinental Teaching Conference: 11
This present Crusade, on the threshold of which we now stand, will, moreover,
by virtue of the dynamic forces it will release and its wide repercussions over the entire
surface of the globe, contribute effectually to the acceleration of yet another process of
tremendous significance which will carry the steadily evolving Faith of Baha'u'llah
through its present stages of obscurity, of repression, of emancipation and of recognition
- stages one or another of which Bahářì national communities in various parts of the
world now find themselves - to the stage of establishment, the stage at which the Faith of
Baha'u'llah will be recognized by the civil authorities as the State Religion, similar to that
which Christianity entered in the years following the death of the Emperor Constantine, a
stage which must later be followed by the emergence of the Bahářì state itself,
functioning, in all religious and civil matters, in strict accordance with the Laws and
Ordinances of the Kitab-i-Aqdas, the Most Holy, the Mother-Book of the Bahářì
Revelation, a stage which, in the fullness of time, will culminate in the establishment of
the World Bahářì Commonwealth, functioning in the plenitude of its powers, and which
will signalize the long-awaited advent of the Christ-promised Kingdom of God on earth -
the Kingdom of Baha'u'llah - mirroring however faintly upon this humble handful of dust
the glories of the Abha Kingdom.
In answer to those who raise objections to this vision of a worldwide commonwealth inspired
by a Divine Revelation, fearing for the freedom of minority groups or of the individual under such a
system, we can explain the Bahářì principle of upholding the rights of minorities and fostering their
interests. We can also point to the fact that no person is ever compelled to accept the Faith of
Baha'u'llah and moreover, unlike the situation in certain other religions, each person has complete
freedom to withdraw from the Faith if he decides that he no longer believes in its Founder or accepts
His Teachings. In light of these facts alone it is evident that the growth of the Bahářì communities to
the size where a non-Bahářì state would adopt the Faith as the State Religion, let alone to the point at
which the State would accept the Law of
10
The World Order of Baha'u'llah, p. 10.
11
Messages to the Bahářì World, 1950-1957 (Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1971), p.
155.

27 April 1995
Page 8
God as its own law and the National House of Justice as its legislature, must be a supremely
voluntary and democratic process.
As the Universal House of Justice wrote in its letter of 21 July 1968 to the National
Spiritual Assembly of the Bahářìs of the United States:
It is not our purpose to impose Bahářì teachings upon others by persuading the
powers that be to enact laws enforcing Bahářì principles, nor to join movements which
have such legislation as their aim. The guidance that Bahářì institutions offer to mankind
does not comprise a series of specific answers to current problems, but rather the
illumination of an entirely new way of life. Without this way of life the problems are
insoluble; with it they will either not arise or, if they arise, can be resolved.
Two quotations from the writings of the Guardian bear particularly on these principles of the
rights and prerogatives of minorities and of individuals. In The Advent of Divine Justice is a passage
which is of fundamental significance for Bahářì constitutional law 12:
Unlike the nations and peoples of the earth, be they of the East or of the West,
democratic or authoritarian, communist or capitalist, whether belonging to the Old
World or the New, who either ignore, trample upon, or extirpate, the racial, religious, or
political minorities within the sphere of their jurisdiction, every organized community
enlisted under the banner of Baha'u'llah should feel it to be its first and inescapable
obligation to nurture, encourage, and safeguard every minority belonging to any faith,
race, class, or nation within it.
As for the protection of the rights of individuals, there is the following translation of a forceful
passage which appears in a letter from Shoghi Effendi to the Bahářìs of Iran, written in July 1925, in
relation to a situation involving a Covenant-breaker:
... the mere fact of disaffection, estrangement, or recantation of belief, can in no

wise detract from, or otherwise impinge upon, the legitimate civil rights of individuals in
a free society, be it to the most insignificant degree. Were the friends to follow other than
this course, it would be tantamount to a reversion on their part, in this century of radiance
and light, to the ways and standards of a former age: they would reignite in men's breasts
the fire of bigotry and blind fanaticism, cut themselves off from the glorious bestowals of
this promised Day of God, and impede the full flow of divine assistance in this wondrous
age.
All Bahářìs, and especially those who make a profound study of the Cause, need to grasp the
differences between the Bahářì concepts of governance and those of the past, and to abstain • from
measuring Bahářì institutions and methods against the faulty man-made institutions and methods
hitherto current in the world. The Guardian graphically stressed these differences in his letter of 8
February 1934, known as "The Dispensation of Baha'u'llah": 13
12 The Advent fj Divine Justice (Wilmette: Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1990), p. 35.
13 The World Order of Baha'u'llah, p. 152.

27 April 1995
Page 9
The Bahářì Commonwealth of the future, of which this vast Administrative Order
is the sole framework, is, both in theory and practice, not only unique in the entire history
of political institutions, but can find no parallel in the annals of any of the world's
recognized religious systems. No form of democratic government; no system of autocracy
or of dictatorship, whether monarchical or republican; no intermediary scheme of a purely
aristocratic order; nor even any of the recognized types of theocracy, whether it be the
Hebrew Commonwealth, or the various Christian ecclesiastical organizations, or the
Imamate or the Caliphate in Islam none of these can be identified or be said to conform
with the Administrative Order which the master-hand of its perfect Architect has
fashioned.
Among the many complementary Teachings in the Faith which resolve the dilemmas of past
societies are those of the unity of mankind on the one hand, and loyalty to the Covenant on the other.
As already mentioned, no one in this Dispensation is compelled to be a Bahářì, and the division of
humankind into the "clean" and the "unclean", the "faithful" and the "infidels", is abolished. At the
same time, anyone who does choose to be a Bahářì accepts the Covenant of Baha'u'llah and, while free
expression of opinion within the Bahářì community is encouraged, this cannot ever be permitted to
degenerate to the level of undermining the Covenant, for this would vitiate the very purpose of the
Revelation itself.
One of the major concerns of the Universal House of Justice, as the Bahářì Administrative
Order unfolds, will be to ensure that it evolves in consonance with the spirit of the Bahářì
Revelation. While many beneficial aspects of human society at large can be safely incorporated into
Bahářì Administration, the House of Justice will guard against the corrupting influence of those non-
Bahářì political and social concepts and practices which are not in harmony with the divine standard.
The House of Justice appreciates your concern about such a fundamental issue, and asks us to
assure you of its prayers in the Holy Shrines for the confirmation of your services to the Cause of
God.
With loving Bahářì greetings,
For Department of the Secretariat
cc: International Teaching Centre

Board of Counsellors in Europe
National Assembly of the Netherlands

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS WRITTEN BY AND ON BEHALF OF

THE UNIVERSAL HOUSE OF JUSTICE ON EVOLUTION TOWARDS
WORLD ORDER
You have also asked whether the institutions of the Faith will in the future only concern
themselves with the spiritual affairs of the community or whether they will also be engaged in matters
of state and be identical with the civil government. We have been asked to state that a careful reading
of the words of the beloved Guardian will reveal that what you describe are two future stages in the
development of the Faith. Thus, he wrote: "Not only will the present-day Spiritual Assemblies be
styled differently in future, but they will be enabled also to add to their present functions those
powers, duties, and prerogatives necessitated by the recognition of the Faith of Baha'u'llah, not merely
as one of the recognized religious systems of the world, but as the State Religion of an independent
and Sovereign Power." ("The World Order of Baha'u'llah", pp. 6-7)
The statement quoted above envisages the development of the institutions of the Faith purely as
agencies conducting the affairs of the community of the followers of Baha'u'llah. In "The Advent of
Divine Justice" (p. 12), however, Shoghi Effendi goes beyond the stage when the Faith becomes the
"State Religion". This stage, he explains, " ... must give way to its assumption of the rights and
prerogatives associated with the Bahářì state, functioning in the plenitude of its powers, a stage which
must ultimately culminate in the emergence of the worldwide Bahářì Commonwealth, animated
wholly by the spirit, and operating solely in direct conformity with the laws and principles of
Baha'u'llah", This last stage is described in slightly different terms in the following words of Shoghi
Effendi: "And as the Bahářì Faith permeates the masses of the peoples of East and West, and its truth
is embraced by the majority of the peoples of a number of the Sovereign States of the world, will the
Universal House of Justice attain the plenitude of its power, and exercise, as the supreme organ of the
Bahářì Commonwealth, all the rights, the duties, and responsibilities incumbent upon the world's
future superstate." (Cf. "The World Order of Baha'u'llah", p. 7) It is obvious that in these last stages
the religious and secular aspects are clearly merged into one set of institutions, i.e., the institutions of
the World Order of Baha'u'llah. This concept is further confirmed by Shoghi Effendi when he clearly
states that the "Administrative Order" will in the future "assert its claim and demonstrate its capacity
to be regarded not only as the nucleus but the very pattern of the New World Order destined to
embrace in the fullness of time the whole of mankind". ("The World Order of Baha'u'llah", p. 144) (9
March 1977 written on behalf of the Universal House of Justice to an individual believer) [1]
In answer to your question on future governmental functions of Houses of Justice, ... we have
been directed to quote the following from two letters written on behalf of the Guardian to ' individual
believers:
I This extract appears on p. 15 of the 1984 edition of "The Advent of Divine Justice".

The Bahářìs will be called upon to assume the reins of government when they will
come to constitute the majority of the population in a given country, and even then their
participation in political affairs is bound to be limited in scope unless they obtain a similar
majority in some other countries as well.
You asked regarding the status of the different governments when the House of
Justice will be established: this is not fully explained in the teachings, and what is not
definitely provided for, it is for the House of Justice to legislate upon once that body is
formed.
The Universal House of Justice points out that as the World Order of Baha'u'llah unfolds, these
points will become clearer to the believers, and at this time it does not wish to go beyond what Shoghi
Effendi has already expounded in his letters.
(8 January 1979 written on behalf of the Universal House of Justice to an individual
believer) [2]
Your last question concerns the relationship of the evolving World Order of Baha'u'llah to the
institutions of a slowly awakening world. The following three extracts from letters written on behalf
of the Guardian to individual believers should prove helpful to your study of this subject.
As regards the International Executive referred to by the Guardian in his "Goal of a New
World Order", it should be noted that this statement refers by no means to the Bahářì
Commonwealth of the future, but simply to that world government which will herald the advent
and lead to the final establishment of the World Order of Bahařuřllah. The formation of this
International Executive, which corresponds to the executive head or board in present-day
national governments, is but a step leading to the Bahářì world government of the future, and
hence should not be identified with either the institution of the Guardianship or that of the
International House of Justice. (March 17, 1934)
The Universal Court of Arbitration and the International Tribunal are the same.
When the Bahářì State will be established they will be merged in the Universal House of
Justice. (17 June 1933)
You asked regarding the status of the different governments when the House of
Justice will be established: this is not fully explained in the teachings, and what is not
definitely provided for, it is for the House of Justice to legislate upon once that body is
formed. (12 January 1933)
(5 July 1982 written on behalf of the Universal House of Justice to an individual

believer) [3]
... the five questions which arose concerning the world legislature, the world executive, and the
world tribunal during your study of the letters of the beloved Guardian collected and published under
the title of "The World Order of Baha'u'llah" have been conveyed to us.
-2-

Regarding the five questions you have asked, it is clear from the text on pages 203-204 of "The
World Order of Baha'u'llah" that the system the Guardian is describing is the Bahářì system under
which "the causes of religious strife will be permanently removed", and "whose life is sustained by its
universal recognition of one God and by its allegiance to one common Revelation." In support of his
theme, Shoghi Effendi quotes 'Abdul-Baha's statement "that all nations and kindreds will be gathered
together under the Shadow of this Divine Banner ... ".
As to the relationships of these three bodies, on page 7 of "The World Order of Baha'u'llah" the
Guardian has referred to the Universal House of Justice as "the supreme organ of the Bahářì
Commonwealth".
We have so far also noted in Shoghi Effendi's writings two other elucidations which we share
with you.
Touching the point raised in the Secretary's letter regarding the nature and scope of the
Universal Court of Arbitration, this and other similar matters will have to be explained and
elucidated by the Universal House of Justice, to which, according to the Master's explicit
Instructions, all important and fundamental questions must be referred. ("Bahářì
Administration", p. 47).
The Universal Court of Arbitration and the International Tribunal are the same.
When the Bahářì State will be established they will be merged in the Universal House of
Justice. (Letter to an individual believer, dated June 17, 1933, written on the Guardian's behalf
by his secretary).
The Universal House of Justice at this time does not wish to go beyond the general guidelines
found in the Writings. When the time is ripe, however, it will have to provide further necessary
elucidations.
(23 June 1971 from the Universal House of Justice to a Local Spiritual Assembly) [4]
As you are no doubt aware, the Guardian indicated that the development of mankind from its
present chaotic condition to the stage of the Bahářì World Commonwealth would be a long and
gradual one. The coming into existence of a World Authority and the initiation of the Lesser Peace
constitute one major transformation in this process, and will be followed by other stages of the
development of the Faith as outlined by Shoghi Effendi in his writings. Undoubtedly, as these
developments are taking place, the counsel the institutions of the Faith can give to governments, the
pattern of world administration offered by the Bahářì community and the great humanitarian projects
which will be launched under the aegis of the Universal House of Justice will exercise a great
influence on the course of progress.
(19 January 1983 written on behalf of the Universal House of Justice to an
individual believer) [5]
The Universal House of Justice has received your letter of 13 December 1984 inquiring about
the Lesser Peace and the Supreme Tribunal referred to in the writings of the Faith. We are asked to
convey the following comments.
-3-

Baha'uřllah's principal mission in appearing at this time in human history is the realization of the
oneness of mankind and the establishment of peace among the nations; therefore, all the forces
which are focused on accomplishing these ends are influenced by His Revelation. We know,
however, that peace will come in stages. First, there will come the Lesser Peace, when the unity
of nations will be achieved, then gradually the Most Great Peace the spiritual as well as social
and political unity of mankind, when the Bahářì World Commonwealth, operating in strict
accordance with the laws and ordinances of the Most Holy Book of the Bahářì Revelation, will
have been established through the efforts of the Bahářìs.
As to the Lesser Peace, Shoghi Effendi has explained that this will initially be a political unity
arrived at by decision of the governments of various nations; it will not be established by direct action
of the Bahářì community. This does not mean, however, that the Bahářìs are standing aside and
waiting for the Lesser Peace to come before they do something about the peace of mankind. Indeed,
by promoting the principles of the Faith, which are indispensable to the maintenance of peace, and by
fashioning the instruments of the Bahářì Administrative Order, which we are told by the beloved
Guardian is the pattern for future society, the Bahářìs are constantly engaged in laying the
groundwork for a permanent peace, the Most Great Peace being their ultimate goal.
The Lesser Peace itself will pass through stages; at the initial stage the governments will act
entirely on their own without the conscious involvement of the Faith; later on, in God's good time,
the Faith will have a direct influence on it in ways indicated by Shoghi Effendi in
his "The Goal of a New World Order". In connection with the steps that will lead to this latter stage,
the Universal House of Justice will certainly determine what has to be done, in accordance with the
guidance in the Writings, such as the passage you quoted from "Tablets of Baha'u'llah", page 89. In the
meantime, the Bahářìs will undoubtedly continue to do all in their power to promote the establishment
of peace.
(31 January 1985 written on behalf of the Universal House of Justice to an
The process leading to the ultimate achievement in all its aspects of "the world-wide sovereignty of
Baha'u'llah", the establishment in its fullness of His New World Order, will necessarily be a long
one, and the world during that time will pass through many stages. The details of that process cannot
now be discerned. Only through the passage of time and the enactments of the Universal House of
Justice can such details be gradually unfolded before the eyes of the friends and of the world.
There are in the Sacred Texts and in the writings of Shoghi Effendi passages replete with
guidance for the changing conditions under which the followers of Baha'u'llah will be labouring
during the passing centuries, but it is not possible to see in advance the details of how they will be
applied. The eternal verities, the laws and guiding principles of the Faith are, however, clearly
revealed for all to see, and it will be in accordance with these, and through the power of the Covenant,
which 'Abdul-Baha called "the axis of the oneness of the world of humanity", that the Cause will
advance.
(26 November 1979 written on behalf of the Universal House of Justice to an
-4-

Extract from a letter regarding global governance
Any activity on the part of Bahářìs to influence the processes toward the Lesser Peace, such as
the convocation of world leaders, should be undertaken with the understanding that the achievement
of the Lesser Peace is dependent on the initiatives of non-Bahářì leaders and not on the basis of any
Bahářì scheme. In this regard, the following reply was written on behalf of the beloved Guardian in a
letter dated 14 March 1939 to an individual believer:
Your view that the Lesser Peace will come about through the political efforts of the states and
nations of the world, and independently of any direct Bahářì plan or effort, and the Most Great
Peace be established through the instrumentality of the believers, and by the direct operation of
the laws and principles revealed by Baha'u'llah and the functioning of the Universal House of
Justice as the supreme organ of the Bahářì superstate-your view on this subject is quite correct
and in full accord with the pronouncements of the Guardian as embodied in "The Unfoldment
of World Civilization". (See The World Order of Baha'u'llah: Selected Letters (Wilmette:
Bahářì Publishing Trust, 1991), pp.161-206)
It is clear, then, that the friends must respect the prerogatives of political leaders in this matter
and allow them the latitude to exercise the initiative that only they can effectively take towards the
establishment of the Lesser Peace. It should be borne in mind in this regard that because of the
political gravity of the decisions involved in the establishment of the Lesser Peace, and the differing
political attitudes which it evokes, certain actions on the part of the Bahářì community would embroil
the friends in partisan politics. There is quite a difference between identifying the need for a
convocation of world leaders, as does the Peace Statement, and initiating the political processes
towards its realization. Even though the establishment of the Lesser Peace, of which the conference of
leaders will be a related event, will come about independently of any Bahářì plan or action, Bahářìs
should not be inert. Indeed, they may promote the concept of world peace with all that it implies
without allowing their activities to assume a character that could be identified with the political
processes which its realization will require.
It is not the wish of the House of Justice to dampen anyone's enthusiasm for assisting in
developments towards peace, but it is critical that the friends understand the proprieties to be
observed by the Bahářì community in a matter of such vital importance. If, for example, the Bahářìs
attempt to take a leading role in organizing events associated with the anticipated convocation of
world leaders, their motives could be misunderstood. The risk is that Bahářìs might act in a manner
which would put non-Bahářìs in the awkward position of appearing to endorse a specifically Bahářì
vision or make them feel that they are seeking to impose the requirements of our religion upon
others. One needs to be aware that we Bahářìs can, in our zeal, easily overwhelm others and even,
owing to the wariness that we might inadvertently engender, cause them to lose sight of the practical
importance of establishing world peace.
(From a letter dated 14 January 1996 written to an individual on behalf of the Universal House
of Justice)

PEACE AMONG THE NATIONS
World Peace, a hallmark of the emerging global civilization, will be realized as a tangible
expression of the principle of the oneness of humankind. This assurance is given in the teachings of
Baha'u'llah,
Such a peace will result from the culmination of two distinct but simultaneous and mutually
reinforcing processes: one leading to the spiritual unity of the human race, referred to as the "Most
Great Peace"; the other to the political unity of nations and known as the "Lesser Peace". The former
is a distant goal, requiring a monumental change in human conduct that only religious faith can
ensure; the other is more immediate and can already be detected on the political horizon. The one is
directly related to the efforts of the Bahářì community in promoting the pivotal principle of their
Faith; the other is dependent on the actions of world political leaders and not on any Bahářì plan or
action.
The political unity of nations implies the achievement of a relationship among them that will
enable them to resolve questions of international import through consultation rather than war and that
will lead to the establishment of a world government. The attainment of peace in the political realm
is discernible through the workings of a process that can be seen as having been definitely
established in the twentieth century amid the terror and turmoil that have characterized so much of
this period. It is noteworthy that the majority of the nations have come into being during this century
and that they have opted for peaceful relations with one another by joining in the membership of the
United Nations and through participation in regional organizations that facilitate their working
together. Moreover, the process of political unification is gaining acceleration through the awakening
of a consciousness of peace among the world's peoples that validates the work of the United Nations,
and through advances in science and technology, which have already contracted and transformed the
world into a single complex organism.
The horrific experiences of two world wars which gave birth at first to the League of Nations
and then to the United Nations; the frequency with which world leaders, particularly in the decade of
the nineties, have met and agreed on the resolution of global issues; the call for a global order that
issued from the participation of these leaders in the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the
United Nations; the multiplication of organizations of civil society that focus attention on a variety of
international concerns through the operation of an ever-expanding network of activities; the
widespread debates on the need for global governance and numerous organized efforts towards world
peace; the emergence of international tribunals; the rapid developments in communications
technology that have made the planet borderless-these are among the voluminous evidences of a
momentum toward peaceful international relations that has clearly become irreversible.
The Bahářì writings indicate that peace among the nations will be established in the twentieth
century; they do say, however, that a universal fermentation and horrendous social upheavals would
mark the transition from a warlike world to a peaceful one, but they do not point to the occurrence of
any specific cataclysmic event at the end of the century. Inevitably, the movement leading to world
unity must encounter opposing tendencies rooted in stubborn habits of chauvinism and partisanship
that refuse to yield to the expectations of a new age. The torturous suffering imposed by such
conditions as poverty, war, violence, fanaticism, disease,

Peace Among the Nations Page 2
and degradation of the environment, to which masses of people are subjected, is a consequence of this
opposition. Hence, before the peace of nations matures into a comprehensive reality, it must pass
through difficult stages, not unlike those experienced by individual nations until their internal
consolidation was achieved. But that the process toward peace is far advanced can hardly be denied.
###

Preliminary Bibliography of works in French making mention of the

Babí or Bahá‟í religions (1945–2000)
Thomas Linard
Paris, Independent Scholar
Writings of Bahá‟u‟lláh
Béni est le lieu. Publications Bahářìes du Canada.

Extraits des Écrits de Bahářuřlláh. Traduit par Shoghi Effendi [traduit de
lřanglais par G. des Hons]. Paris : Assemblée spirituelle des Bahářis (sic)
de Paris, 1949.
Extraits des Écrits de Bahářuřlláh. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes,
1979.
Extraits des Écrits de Bahářuřlláh. Texte français tiré de la traduction de
Shoghi Effendi. Traduction de Pierre Spierckel. Bruxelles : Maison
dřÉdition Bahářìes, 1990 (3e éd.).
Ketabe Aghdas. Livre saint du [sic] Bahařuřllah (enseignements et lois).
Traduit de lřarabe par Monir Derakhchan, avec la collaboration française
de E. Ouvry. Berne : Bureau Bahaři pour lřEurope, s.d. [1964].
Le livre de la certitude (Kitáb-i-Íqán). Traduction française par Hippolyte
Dreyfus. Paris : Presses Universitaires de France, 1965 (3e éd.), 1973 (4e
éd.).
Le livre de la certitude (Kitáb-i-Íqán). Traduction française par Hippolyte
Dreyfus [révisée par Pierre Spierckel sur la base du texte anglais de
Shoghi Effendi]. Paris : Presses Universitaires de France, 1987 (5e éd.).
Les Paroles Cachées en arabe. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉditions bahářì (sic),
1973.
Les Paroles Cachées. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉditions bahářì (sic), 1977.
La Proclamation de Bahářuřlláh aux rois et dirigeants du monde.
Traduction française du texte original préparée par la Maison Universelle
de Justice, révisée et corrigée par Fd. Bronchain. Haïfa : Maison
Universelle de Justice, 1967, 1972.
La Proclamation de Bahářuřlláh aux rois et dirigeants du monde.
Traduction française du texte original préparée par la Maison Universelle
de Justice, révisée et corrigée par Fd. Bronchain. Bruxelles : Maison
dřÉdition Bahářìes, 1983.
Les Sept Vallées. Traduction de Fd. Bronchain. Bruxelles : Maison

© 2007 Thomas Linard
521 Thomas Linard Bahářì Bibliography in French
Les Sept Vallées et les Quatre Vallées. Traduction de Fd. Bronchain.

Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes, 1982.
Tablette du Feu, Grande Prière de Guérison. Traduction française de
Anne-Marie Dupeyron. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes, 1982.
Les Tablettes de Bahářuřlláh révélées après le Kitáb-i-Aqdas. Traduction
de Tablets of Bahářuřlláh revealed after the Kitáb-i-Aqdas. Bruxelles :
Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes, 1994.
La Très Sainte Tablette. Épître aux chrétiens. Traduction française de
Pierre Spierckel. Castelnaud (Dordogne, France) : Éditions de
lřEsperluette, 150 È.B. (1993).
Writings of the Bab
Sélections des Écrits du Báb. Compilé par le Département de Recherches

de la Maison Universelle de Justice. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition
Bahářìes.1984.
Épître du Báb aux dix-huit Lettres du Vivant. Bruxelles : Maison
dřÉditions Bahařies1972 (2e éd.).
Écrits d‟„Abdu‟l-Baha
Bases de lřunité du monde. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes, 1981.

Causeries : recueil des causeries données à Paris en 1911. Traduction de
lřanglais par Madame E. Hesse, 3e édition révisée par Lucienne Migette.
Paris : Assemblée spirituelle nationale des Bahařis de France, 1961.
Compte-rendu H. G. Les Livres, juin 1963
Causeries dřŘAbduřl-Bahá données à Paris en 1911. Traduction de
lřanglais par Madame E. Hesse, 3e édition révisée par Lucienne Migette.
Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes, 1971, 1987 (3e éd.).
Les leçons de Saint-Jean-dřAcre, recueillies par Laura Clifford Barney et
traduites du persan par Hippolyte Dreyfus. Paris : Presses Universitaires
de France, 1954 (3e éd.), 1970 (4e éd.).
Les leçons de Saint-Jean-dřAcre, recueillies par Laura Clifford Barney et
traduites du persan par Hippolyte Dreyfus. Paris : Presses Universitaires
de France, 1982 (5e éd.), édition corrigée.
Lettre dřŘAbduřl-Bahá au Professeur Auguste Forel. Bruxelles : Maison
dřÉdition Bahářìes, 1968 (2e éd.), 1974 (3e éd.).
Le secret de la civilisation divine. Traduction de lřanglais par Marthe
Grondin. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes, 1973.
Sélections des Écrits dřŘAbduřl-Bahá. Traduction française réalisée par
Pierre Coulon. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes, 1983.
++++++Tablette dřŘAbduřl-Bahá à Mme Édith de Bons.

Les tablettes du plan divin, révélées par ŘAbduřl-Bahá aux bahářìs de

lřAmérique du Nord. Traduction par Marthe Grondin et Ludmilla Bovet.
Thornhill (Ont.) : Publications Bahářì Canada, 1981.
Le Testament dřŘAbduřl-Bahá. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes,
1970 (3e éd.).
Compilations from the writings of Baha‟u‟llah, the Bab and „Abdu‟l-Baha
Lřadministration correcte des fonds de la foi. Textes compilés par le

département de la recherche de la Maison Universelle de Justice.
LřAlliance. Compilation réalisée par le département de la recherche de la
Maison Universelle de Justice. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes,
1988.
LřArt Divin de la Vie. Textes rassemblés par Mabel Hyde Paine.
Lřart divin de vivre. Textes rassemblés par Mabel Hyde Paine. Bruxelles :
LřAssemblée Spirituelle Locale (une compilation). Bruxelles : Maison
dřÉdition Bahářìes, 1978 (2e éd.), 1983 (3e éd.).
Assemblée Spirituelle Nationale. Compilation par la Maison Universelle
de Justice dřextraits de lettres écrites par Shoghi Effendi. Bruxelles :
Caractère sacré et nature des élections bahářìes. Compilation préparée
par le département de la recherche de la Maison Universelle de Justice.
Civilisation mondiale. Paris : Assemblée spirituelle nationale des Bahařis
de France, 1965, 1971.
Civilisation mondiale. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes, 1980.
Compilation sur lřÉducation Bahářìe. Compilé (sic) par le département de
recherches de la Maison Universelle de Justice. Bruxelles : Maison
La conservation des ressources terrestres. Compilation préparée par le
La Consultation Bahářìe. Textes compilés par le département de
recherches de la Maison Universelle de Justice. Bruxelles : Maison
dřÉdition Bahářìes, 1978, 1983 (2e éd.).
Crise et victoire. Compilation réalisée par le département de la recherche
Bahářìes, 1988.
Évolution de lřâme humaine. Choix de textes de Bahářuřlláh et dřŘAbduřl-

Bahá. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes 197 ? (2e éd.).

Excellence en toutes choses. Compilation réalisée par le département de
la recherche de la Maison Universelle de Justice. Bruxelles : Maison
Extraits des écrits bahařis sur la musique. s.l. s.d.
La Femme. Textes compilés par le département de la recherche de la
Maison Universelle de Justice. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes,
1986.
La Fête des dix-neuf jours. Compilation préparée par le département de
Foi Mondiale Bahářì. Le cycle prophétique est clos, lřéternelle vérité est
maintenant apparue. Avant-propos de Shoghi Effendi La religion
universelle [traduction de Bahářì World Faith]. Paris : Assemblée
Spirituelle des Bahářìs de Paris, 1950.
Le Fonds bahářì et les contributions au fonds. Textes compilés par le
Traduction de Bahářìs funds and contributions. Bruxelles : Maison
Lřhonnêteté, une vertu bahářìe cardinale. Textes compilés par le
Huqúquřlláh. Historique et codification. Textes compilés par le
Huqúquřlláh ou le droit de Dieu. Textes compilés par le département de
Lřimmortelle réalité de lřâme. Textes recueillis par Lucrère Reynaud.
Paris : Assemblée Spirituelle Nationale des Bahářìs de France.
Lřimportance de la prière, de la méditation et de lřattitude pieuse.
Compilation réalisée par le département de la recherche de la Maison
Universelle de Justice. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes, 1989.
Le jeûne bahářì. Paris : Librairie Bahářì, 1996
Livre de Prières. Prières bahářìes. Sélection de prières révélées par le
Báb, Bahářuřlláh, ŘAbduřl-Bahá. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes,
1958, 1964 (2e éd.), 1969 (3e éd.), 1973 (4e éd.).
Lřopposition, prémices du printemps divin. Compilation réalisée par le
La Paix. Compilation de la Maison Universelle de Justice. Liège : Press
Productions, s.d.

Les personnalités. Compilation préparée par le département de la

recherche de la Maison Universelle de Justice. Bruxelles : Maison
La préservation des mariages bahářìs. Compilation et mémorandum
préparés par le département de la recherche de la Maison Universelle de
Justice. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes, 1991.
Proclamer la Foi par les médias. Compilation préparée par la Maison
Questions liées au fonctionnement des communautés bahářìes. Un
mémorandum préparé par le département de la recherche de la Maison
Souvenance de Dieu. Petit recueil de prières bahářìes. Bruxelles : Maison
Susciter les adhésions par groupes. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition
Bahářìes, 1994.
Synopsis et Codification du Kitáb-i-Aqdas, le livre très saint de
Bahářuřlláh. Traduction de Synopsis et Codification of the laws and
ordinances of the Kitáb-i-Aqdas. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition Bahářìes,
1981.
Transforme mon âme, National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahářìs of
United States of America.
Une vie chaste et sainte. Compilation préparée par le département de la
recherche de la Maison Universelle de Justice. Bruxelles : Maison
La vie familiale. Compilation réalisée par le département de la recherche
Bahářìes, 1989.
Writings of Shoghi Effendi
Appel aux Nations. Haïfa : Centre Mondial Bahářì, 1979.

Lřavènement de la justice divine. Traduction de The Advent of Divine
Justice par Bijan et Agnès Ghaznavi. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉdition
Bahářìes, 1973.
Le But dřun nouvel ordre mondial : lettre aux bien-aimés de Dieu et les
serviteurs du Miséricordieux dans tout lřOuest. Traduit par Léon
Karakehia. Paris : Assemblée spirituelle nationale des Bahařis de France,
1968 (2e éd.).
Challenge : Messages to Bahářì Youth ŕ Défi : Messages aux Jeunes
Bahářìs. Thornhill (Ont.) : National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahářìs of
Canada, 1975.
Carte du Monde Bahářì.

Dieu passe près de nous. Traduction de God Passes By par Lucienne

Migette. Paris : Assemblée spirituelle nationale des Bahařis de France,
1970.
Dieu chemine avec les Hommes.
Dieu passe près de nous. Traduction de God Passes By par Lucienne
Migette. Bruxelles : Maison dřÉditions Bahářì (sic), 1976.
Dispensation de Bahářuřlláh. Traduit par Léon Karakehia, Toulouse,
Imprimeries F. Boisseau, 1947.
Dispensation de Bahářuřlláh. Traduit par Léon Karakehia. Bruxelles :
La Foi de Bahářuřlláh.
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Les sectes. p. 11Ŕ12
Encyclopédie de lřhistoire juive. Le peuple juif à travers les âges. Liana
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Azalī I, 832a ; Bāb (A. Bausani) I, 856Ŕ8 ; Bābīs (A. Bausani) I, 870 &
VI, XIV ; Bahāř Allāh (A. Bausani) I, 938bŔ9 ; Bahāřīs (A. Bausani) I,
943bŔ6 ; Kāshānī [T.W. Haig] IV, 724 ; Kurrat al-ŘAyn (L.P. Elwell-
Sutton & D.M. MacEoin) V, 505Ŕ6a ; Mashrik al-Adhkār (D. MacEoin)
VI, 709 ; Mazhar (D. MacEoin) VI, 944bŔ5 ; Muhammad ŘAlī Barfurūshī
(D. MacEoin) VII, 424a ; Muhammad ŘAlī Zandjānī (D. MacEoin) VII,
424 ; Muhammad Husayn Bushrūřī (D. MacEoin) VII, 441bŔ2a ; Nakd al-
Mishāk (D. MacEoin) VII, 921bŔ2a ; Nuktat al-Kāf (D. MacEoin) VIII,
116bŔ117a ; Sābikūn (D. MacEoin) VIII, 698bŔ699a. Articles non
spécialisés Ahl-i Hakk (V. Minorsky) I, 268Ŕ72 [271bŔ2a] ; al-Ahsāřī (A.
Bausani) I, 314 [314a] ; Barādust (B. Nikitine) I, 1062 [1062a] ;
Bātiniyya (M.G.S. Hogson) I, 1131Ŕ3a [1132bŔ3a] ; Djamāl al-Dīn al-
Afghānī (I. Goldziher Ŕ [J. Jomier]) II, 427bŔ30a [430a] ; Fārs (L.
Lockhart) II, 830bŔ2a [831b] ; Hayfā III, 334aŔ6 [335b] ; Īrān. V.
Histoire. B. Des Turkomans à nos jours (R.M. Savory) IV, 36Ŕ45 [41b] ;
Īrān. VI. Religions (J.T.P. de Bruijn) IV, 45bŔ55 [54] ; Īrān. VII.
Littérature (J.T.P. de Bruijn) IV, 55bŔ79a [74b] ; Kāzim Rashtī (H. Algar)
IV, 887b ; Kirmān (A.K.S. Lambton) V, 149bŔ163 [156b] ; Lawh (A.J.
Wensinck Ŕ [C.E. Bosworth]) V, 703 [703b] ; Madjūs (M. Morony) V,
1105bŔ14 [1113a] ; Maghosha (R.C. Jennings) V, 1160aŔ3 [1162b] ;
Mākū (V. Minorsky*) VI, 184bŔ7 [187a] ; Malkom Khān (H. Algar) VI,
276Ŕ8a [277a] ; al-Marřa. III Ŕ En Perse. 1 Ŕ Avant 1900 (A.K.S.
Lambton) VI, 467Ŕ71 [471a] ; MardjaŘ-i Taklīd (J. Calmard) VI, 533Ŕ41a
[536bŔ7a, 539a, 540b] ; Māzandarān 6 Ŕ Histoire (V. Minorsky Ŕ [C.E.
Bosworth]) VI, 930Ŕ3a [931b] ; Mudjtahid (J. Calmard) VII, 298Ŕ306a
[305a] ; Muhammad Shāh (A.K.S. Lambton) VII, 454Ŕ7a [455a] ;
Muslimun. I. Les Musulmans dřEurope (A. Popovic) VII, 695bŔ7 [696a] ;
Nāsir al-Dīn Shāh (A. Amanat) VII, 1004bŔ7 [1005a, 1007a] ;
Nuktawiyya (H. Algar) VIII, 117Ŕ9 [119a] ; Rashtī, Sayyid Kāzim (D.
MacEoin) VIII, 465bŔ6a ; Salmās (C. E. Bosworth) VIII, 1033Ŕ4a
[1033bŔ4a] ; Ākā Khān Kirmānī (Abdul-Hadi Hairi) S, 53bŔ4 [54a] ; Ākā
Nadjafī (Abdul-Hadi Hairi) S, 54bŔ5 [55a] ; Amīr Nizām (Abdul-Hadi
Hairi) S, 71bŔ2 [72a] ; Ansārī (Abdul-Hadi Hairi) S, 75bŔ7 [76bŔ7a].
Voir aussi à lřIndex des noms propres des Tomes IŔVIII et du Supplément,
Livraisons 1Ŕ6, composé et édité par E. van Donzel, Leiden, E. J. Brill,
1996 : ŘAbd al-Bahāř (ŘAbbas Efendī) (1920) ; Makam-i AŘlā ;
Muhammad ŘAlī BahāŘī ; Rūhiyyè Khānum (Mary Maxwell, XX) ; Shoghi
Efendi (Shawkī Efendī) Rabbanī (Bahāřī) (1957) ; Yahyā-i Dārābī

(Wahīd) ; Yahyā Nūrī, Mīrzā (Subh-i Azal) (babi).

Index thématique des tomes IŔVII et du supplément, livraison 1Ŕ6,
composé par P. J. Bearman, Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1994 : Bahařīs, Sectes.
Babisme.
Encyclopédie générale de lřIslam. P. M. Holt, Ann K. S. Lambton,
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Forum. p. 1190, nº 1297 ; 13 octobre 1993 : Association des étudiants
Bahařis dřAix-Marseille. p. 3352, nº 160 ; 24 novembre 1993 : Assemblée
Spirituelle Nationale des Bahařis de France. p. 3973, nº 1274 ; 9 mars
1994 : Association Bahařie de Femmes Ŕ Antenne Languedoc-Roussillon
pour le développement, la paix et lřunité. p. 1018, nº 186 ; 30 mars 1994 :
Association Bahařie pour les œuvres éducatives et sociales. p. 1414, nº
1424 ; 29 juin 1994 : Assemblée Spirituelle Locale des Bahařis de Lille
(A.S.L. des Bahařis de Lille). p. 2711, nº 1001 ; 1er mars 1995 :
Association Bahařie de Femmes pour le développement, la paix et lřunité [
Ŕ Antenne Champagne]. p. 854, nº 216 ; 30 octobre 1996 : Association
Bahařie de Femmes pour le Développement, la Paix et lřUnité [ Ŕ Antenne
Normandie] ; 31 mai 1997 : Association Bahařie de création radiophonique
Fréquence 19 ; 12 juillet 1997 (24 juin 1997) : Association Bahařie de
Femmes pour le développement, la paix et lřunité [ Ŕ Antenne
Drôme/Valence ?]. Modifications : 8 décembre 1993 : Ancien titre :
Assemblée Spirituelle Nationale des Bahařis de France. Nouveau titre :
Association Cultuelle Bahřaie [sic] de France. p. 4195, nº 1809
(remplaçant la déclaration du 3 novembre 1993 : Ancien titre : Assemblée
Spirituelle Nationale des Bahařis de France. Nouveau titre : Association
Culturelle Bahařie de France. p. 3696, nº 1839). 11 octobre 1997 : Les
Bahařis de Dordogne (remplaçant la déclaration du 28 juin 1997 : Les
Bahařis de Dordogne [Périgueux]
Départements du Rhin et de la Moselle (associations de droit local) : LřAmi
du Peuple, Strasbourg : Créations : 28 octobre 1990 : Association Bahařie
des [sic] Femmes pour le développement, la paix et lřunité [ Ŕ Antenne
Alsace]. Dernières Nouvelles dřAlsace, Strasbourg : Créations : 12 avril

1991 : Assemblée Spirituelle Locale des Bahařis de Strasbourg. p. 31. Nota
bene : les dates données sont celles de parution du numéro du Journal
officiel concerné
Articles in non-Bahá‟í newspapers
À Carry, la foi bahařie tient son école dřété nationale, Le Provençal, 4

septembre 1972.
À entendre, Le Dauphiné, 7 août 1975.
À la Maison de la Culture : la quatrième Journée de la Religion du monde,
Journal dřExtrême-Orient, 26 janvier 1965, p. 1, 3.
À lřécole dřété de [sic] Bahařie franco-belge : Plus de 100 participants
venus du monde entier seront présents du 22 au 29 août, La Nouvelle
République, 19 août 1971 [avec photographie de la tombe dřElla Nora
Guthrie, née Bray].
À lřoccasion de Naw-Ruz (Nouvel An Bahaři, 21 mars), Le Vietnam
nouveau, Saigon, 19 mars 1966.
À propos des Bahařis, La Croix, 29 décembre 1963.
À propos des Bahařis de France, Le Sénonais Libéré, Sens, 24 juillet
1976.
À travers la cité, Le Dauphiné Libéré, 12 juillet 1975.
Actrice à Hollywood, Linda Marshall a parlé de la foi bahařie, Le
Républicain Lorrain, 5 juin 1971.
Afrique du Sud : Le général Viljoen a quitté le Front du peuple afrikaner,
Le Monde, Paris, 15 mars 1994, p. 5.
Aix : Cent participants et dix pays à LřÉcole dřété des Bahařis de France,
Le Progrès Savoyard, 25 août 1965.
Lřanniversaire de la naissance du fondateur des Bahařis, Le Républicain
Lorrain, 17 novembre 1971.
Assemblée Locale des bahařis, La Montagne, Clermont-Ferrand, 24
octobre 1975.
Assemblée spirituelle Bahařie, La République du Centre, Orléans, 22
janvier 1966.
Assemblée spirituelle des Bahařïs, La Dépêche du Midi, 29 mai 1973.
Assemblée spirituelle des Bahařis, La Montagne, Clermont-Ferrand, 3
octobre 1975.
Assemblée spirituelle des Bahařis dřOrléans, La République du Centre,
Orléans, 3 septembre 1971.
Assemblée spirituelle des Bahařis de Toulouse, La Dépêche du Midi, 4
novembre 1972.
Assemblée spirituelle des Bahařis de Tours, La Nouvelle République, 23

octobre 1973.
Assemblée Spirituelle Locale des Bahařis de Tours, La Nouvelle
République, 11Ŕ12 mai 1974.
Assemblée Spirituelle Nationale des Bahařis de France, Écho de la Côte
dřAzur et de la Principauté, 12 mars 1966.
Lřassemblée spirituelle nationale des Bahařis sřest tenue en Martinique,
France-Antilles, 5 août 1975.
Au Palais des Congrès : les Bahařis du Sud-Est ont commémoré
lřanniversaire de la révélation de leur foi, Le Provincial, 25 mai 1970.
Au centre les Cigales : école dřété de la Foi Bahařle [sic], Le ProvençalŔ
Côte Bleue, 4 septembre 1972.
Aubin, Dominique. Rouen : veillée inter-religieuse. La Croix, 26 janvier
1991.
Aujourdřhui, grand meeting Bahaři, Provençal-Corse Dimanche, 27
février 1972.
B., J., La foi bahařie veut réconcilier lřhomme et le progrès scientifique,
Le Provençal, 29 mars 1971.
B., M., Mme Rabbani : les races noires dev[r]aient se méfier des cultures
importées, Jua, Hebdomadaire du Kivu 6, (Zaïre), 23Ŕ29 décembre 1972.
B., M., Lettre au Chefs dřÉtat, Massalia, Marseille, 9 novembre 1967.
B., M., La naissance dřune ère nouvelle, Massalia, Marseille, 29 avril
1965.
B., M., Un nouvel ordre mondial, Massalia, Marseille, 28 janvier 1965, p.
4.
Le Bahaři [sic] aura son temple, Le Parisien, Paris, 12 avril 1962.
Un Bahaři assassiné, Le Matin de Paris, Paris, 14 janvier 1981, p. 8.
Bahaři : une foi, une religion, une secte ?, Le Progrès de Lyon, Lyon, 26
novembre 1977.
Les Bahařie [sic] à Lupino, Nice MatinŔCorse, 22 juillet 1972.
Les Bahařies et lřannée de la femme : Droit à lřégalité, droit à la
différence, Le Républicain Lorrain, 2 novembre 1975.
Les Bahařis à Lille, Nord-Éclair, Lille, 24 juillet 1976.
Les Bahařis à Nantes, Presse Océan, Nantes, 27Ŕ28 juillet 1974.
Les Bahařis à Paris, La Nouvelle République, 5 août 1976.
Les Bahařis célèbrent la journée des Droits de lřHomme, Le Dauphiné
Libéré, 8 décembre 1975.
Bahařis de France, Le Dauphiné Libéré, 24 novembre 1975.

Bahařis de France, Le 38, 20 novembre 1975.

Les Bahařis de Marseille ont inauguré leur Centre, Le MéridionalŔLa
France, 17 février 1973.
Bahařis de Toulouse, La Dépêche du Midi, 23 mai 1973.
Les Bahařis de Toulouse sřassocient à la journée des Nations Unies, La
Dépêche du Midi, 24 octobre 1973.
Des Bahařis parmi nous, Le Provençal Corse, 10 juillet 1974.
Les bahařis préparent la conférence internationale de Paris, LřÉclair, 13
novembre 1975.
Les bahařis préparent la conférence internationale de Paris, Presse Océan,
13 novembre 1975.
Les Bahařis reçus par le maire, Nice-Matin, 27 juillet 1974.
Les Bahařis vous attendent, Le Provençal, 24 juillet 1974.
Les Bahaïs voudraient réaliser lřunification du monde en regroupant les
grandes religions, Dimanche Matin, Alger, 19 avril 1953.
Bibliographie : Les bahais, nouveaux fils dřAbraham [Compte-rendu de
Les jardiniers de Dieu de Gouvion et Jouvion et de Les Bahářìs de
Christian Cannuyer], Le Monde, Paris, 4 novembre 1989, p. 7.
Bourdarias, Jean, Ce soir aux Dossiers de lřécran (A2) : La prolifération
des sectes religieuses ŕ Posera-t-on les vraies questions ?, Le Figaro,
Paris, 2 mars 1976.
Bucciani, Alexandre, Un procès au Caire. Les Bahais ont-ils le droit
dřexercer librement leur culte ?, Le Monde, Paris, 26 décembre 1987, p. 2.
Bureau dřinformation bahaři de France, Var-MatinŔLe Provencal, 12
décembre 1975.
C., M. H., Lyon : 150 délégués au congrès national de la religion Bahařie,
Le Progrès, 3 février 1974.
Campagne dřinformation ouverte pour les militants Bahařie [sic] qui
portent la bonne parole en faveur de la paix universelle, Provençal
DimancheŔCorse, 9 juillet 1972.
Carry-le-Rouet : Conférence sur la foi Bahařie au Centre communautaire
des Cigales, Le Provençal, 1e septembre 1973.
Castelnau, Marie-Pierre, La Foi Bahařie, Gazette de Lausanne, Lausanne
(Suisse), 21Ŕ22 décembre 1963.
Causeries dřAbduřl-Baha, La Liberté du Morbihan, 17 janvier 1963.
Causerie-débat par la communauté des Bahařie [sic], Nice-Matin, 28
juillet 1978.
Ce nřest quřun commencement, Le Dauphiné Libéré, 13 août 1975.
160e anniversaire de la naissance de Bahařuřllah, Presse Océan, 14

novembre 1977.
Le 121e anniversaire de la proclamation de [sic] Bab, Le Vietnam
nouveau, Saigon, 25 mai 1964, p. 4.
Centenaire de la Communauté Mondiale Bahařie, Bonjour Strasbourg,
Strasbourg, 15 décembre 1962.
Centenaire du manifeste de la Foi Bahařie, La Voix des Hauts-de-Seine,
1er novembre 1967.
Chazournes, Yves de, La guerre sainte contre les bahařïs, Le Matin de
Paris, Paris, 16 janvier 1986, p. 7.
Comité Bahaři, Le Provençal, 11 novembre 1975.
Communauté Bahařie, Nice-Matin, Nice, 7 juillet 1978.
La communauté bahařie de Grenoble et la journée mondiale dřinformation
sur le développement, Le Dauphiné Libéré, 22 octobre 1973.
La communauté bahařie de Grenoble et la journée mondiale dřinformation
sur le développement, Le Progrès Dauphinois, 22 octobre 1973.
Communauté bahařie de Tours : anniversaire de la déclaration universelle
des Droits de lřHomme, La Nouvelle République, 8Ŕ9 décembre 1973.
La communauté des bahařis participe au sommet de Copenhague, Le
Dauphiné Libéré, Grenoble, 12 mars 1995.
Communauté internationale. Les Bahařis à Copenhague, LřIndépendant,
Perpignan, 6 mars 1995.
Communauté Internationale Bahařie, Le Figaro Littéraire, Paris, 2
décembre 1961.
La Communauté Mondiale Bahařie, Écho de la Côte dřAzur, Nice, 20
décembre 1962.
Communiqué, Midi-Libre, 13 janvier 1972.
Communiqués : communauté bahařie, La Montagne, Clermont-Ferrand, 8
mars 1995.
Condamnant le régime de Téhéran, une commission de lřONU dénonce
les assassinats dřopposants iraniens à lřétranger, Le Monde, Paris, 25 août
1993, p. 4 [Bahaïs].
La condamnation des hérétiques de Nador ŕ M. Guedira : nous répétons
que la sentence nous paraît redoutable, Le Monde, Paris, 6 janvier 1963.
Conférence Bahařie et récital de clavecin, Le Républicain Lorrain, 10
septembre 1971.
Conférence donnée à Nice par M. Ch. Ghadimy, Écho de la Côte dřAzur,
13 mars 1965.
Conférence et récital de folk songs par la chanteuse américaine Joanny
Lincoln, Toulouse-Ville, 5 mai 1971.

Une conférence publique du groupe des Bahařis de Lille, La Voix du

Nord, Lille, 23 juillet 1976.
Conférences : À lřoccasion de la session régionale Bahařie : Un homme
meilleur pour un monde uni, Le Républicain Lorrain, 15 novembre 1975.
Conférences internationales bahařies, La Montagne, 28 novembre 1975.
Conférences : La foi bahařie et lřannée de la femme, Le Républicain
Lorrain, 19 octobre 1975.
Conférences : Le Dr Hakim : pour une conception de lřhomme citoyen de
la planète…, Le Républicain Lorrain, 19 novembre 1975.
Un congrès de Bahařis vient de se tenir en Principauté, LřEspoir, 15
novembre 1967.
Congrès des bahařis au Centre UNESCO, Le Méridional, Marseille, 14
novembre 1975.
Congrès des Bahařis au château de Sonnaz, Le Progrès-Dimanche, 29
juillet 1962, p. 7.
Congrès régional Bahaři, Ouest-France, 14 mai 1977.
Congrès régional des Bahařis, Le MéridionalŔLa France, 22 novembre
1975.
Convention nationale des Bahařis de France, La Dépêche du Midi, 19 mai
1973.
Convention Nationale des Bahařis de France, La Montagne, Clermont-
Ferrand, 25 avril 1975.
Une cordiale réception a été donnée par les Bahařis, Nice-Matin, Nice, 12
novembre 1967.
Coucou, les revoilà, Le Provençal, 25 août 1972.
La cour suprême marocaine casse le jugement du tribunal de Nador dans
lřaffaire des Bahaïstes, Le Figaro, Paris, 17 décembre 1963.
D., A. P., La paix sur terre nřest pas une utopie : Les Bahařis de Nantes
fêtent la naissance du Bab, Presse Océan, 19 octobre 1977.
Dřun stand à lřautre, Nice-Matin, Nice, 6 mars 1972.
Dans la série Regard sur… : Les droits de lřhomme, un tournant dans
lřhistoire, Dernières Nouvelles dřAlsace, Strasbourg, 5 décembre 1975.
Decaris, F., Des apôtres de la citoyenneté mondiale : Les Bahařis, La
République du Centre, 24 octobre 1973.
Deherque, Jean, La grande misère actuelle de lřhumanité et la foi
mondiale Bahaři [sic] : une conférence inhabituelle, LřEst Éclair, 26 juin
1979.
Denfer, Pierre, Jeudi 20 décembre, Réforme, Paris, 29 décembre 1962.
Deschamps, Colette, Les Bahařis vous souhaitent une bonne année, Le

Courrier, (Val-de-Marne), 24Ŕ30 mars 1976.

Desjardin, Thierry. Iran : Les Bahařïs exterminés au nom dřAllah. Le
Figaro (Paris), 19 août 1981.
Deux manifestations des Bahaři [sic] dřAngers, Ouest-France, 10 août
1978.
Deux soirées dřinformation de la communauté bahalie [sic], Le Dauphiné
Libéré, 22 septembre 1972.
La deuxième ville arabe en Israël : Akko, lřancienne Saint-Jean-dřAcre,
Le Monde, Paris, 28 décembre 1995, p. 15.
Les dirigeants marocains assurent que le bahařisme veut détruire les lieux
saints, Le Monde, Paris, 20 décembre 1962.
Doit-on désespérer du sort de lřhumanité ?, Le Matin (Belgique), ?
janvier 1966.
Du concile de Trente à lřère du Verseau par Mme Louis Junod, Le Maine
Libre, 22 octobre 1969.
Du 22 au 29 août : semaine Bahařie dřOrléans, La République du Centre,
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Exposition organisée par les Bahařis de France, Le 38, 22 octobre 1975.
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La Foi Bahařie par le professeur Tirandaz, La Montagne, 18 juillet 1975.
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Joan Lincoln, chanteuse américaine au Relais de la M.J.C. de Metz-
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Journée dřinformation sur la foi Bahařie, Le Méridional, 26Ŕ28 mars
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Journée dřinformation sur la foi Bahařie, Le Provençal, 27 mars 1971.
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M., A., Les conférences des Bahařis de Saint-Louis : Sřil nřy avait pas les
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M., A., Les droits de lřhomme et lřéclairage des Bahařis, LřAlsace,
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M., A., Mercredi à Saint-Louis : André Brugiroux : un voyageur au pays
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Maroc, Midi-Libre, Montpellier, 21 décembre 1962.
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Le Naw Ruz (Nouvel An) Bahaři à Saigon, Le Vietnam nouveau, Saigon,

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Nécrologie : Mme Little animatrice du Mouvement Bahařie [sic] en
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Negro spirituals : Un récital de Ranzie Casu, Nice-Matin, Nice, 20 juillet
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Nejjari, Fathi, lřIslam et le béhaïsme, La Nation Africaine, 24 août 1962,
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De nombreuses associations ont participé aux journées mondialistes
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Le nouveau centre Bahaři vient dřêtre inauguré à Luxembourg, La Meuse,
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Un nouveau foyer culturel à Luxembourg, Tageblatt, Luxembourg, 31
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Les nouveaux prophètes contestés, Le Figaro, Paris, 16 août 1978.
Le Nouvel An Bahaři, Le Vietnam nouveau, Saigon, 18 mars 1966.
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Un nouvel ordre mondial, Le Dauphiné Libéré, 18 juillet 1975.
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Le rassemblement à Nice de la Communauté Bahařie, Nice-Matin, Nice,
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Rassemblement mondial Bahaři, LřÉclairŔPresse Océan, 22 avril 1977.
Réflexions sur la Foi Bahařie, Le Méridional, 23 mai 1975.
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Réunion Bahařia [sic] aujourdřhui, Nice MatinŔCorse, 27 octobre 1973.
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Vichniac, Isabelle, Iran : Incertitude sur le sort de familles Bahaři, Le
Monde, Paris, 3 novembre 1987, p. 3.
Vichniac, Isabelle, Iran : Les Bahaïs dénoncent lřexécution dřun des leurs,
Le Monde, Paris, 11 avril 1992, p. 6.
Vichniac, Isabelle, ONU : surprise à Genève. Un Iranien a été nommé
vice-président de la Commission des droits de lřhomme, Le Monde, Paris,
29 janvier 1992, p. 5.
Vichniac, Isabelle, Un rapport de lřONU dénonce les violations
systématiques des droits de lřhomme en Iran, Le Monde, Paris, 22 février
1995.
Vichniac, Isabelle, Selon Amnesty International, des centaines de
personnes intoxiquées par des gaz auraient été exécutées en Irak, Le
Monde, Paris, 25 août 1988, p. 3.
Vichniac, Isabelle, Les travaux de la Commission des droits de lřhomme
de lřONU. M. Malhuret dénonce lřindignation sélective en matière de
libertés, Le Monde, Paris, 25 février 1987, p. 4.
Vincent, Renaud, Ses fidèles se réunissent en congrès à Paris : La religion
bahařie nřa ni prêtres ni églises, France-Soir, Paris, 5 août 1976.
Le 24 octobre, journée des Nations-Unies, Nice-Matin, Nice, 23 octobre
1975.
Woodrow, Alain, Une utopie séduisante, Le Monde, Paris, 7 mai 1976.
Bahá‟í Journals
Bahářì Audio-Visual Bulletin ŕ Le Bulletin Audio-Visuel Bahářì ( ? ) Ŕ ?,

n.p. [Victor (n.y.)], International Bahářì Audio-Visual Centre.
Bahaři France 1 (1985) Ŕ ?, Paris, [Assemblée Spirituelle des Bahářìs de
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Bahaři Strasbourg 1 (Sept. 1982 Ŕ ŘIzzat 139) Ŕ 28 (Juin 1986 Ŕ Kalimát
143), Strasbourg, Assemblée Spirituelle Locale des Bahařis de
Strasbourg.
Bulletin Bahářì ? Ŕ ?, Noumea, National Spiritual Assembly of the
Bahářìs of the South West Pacific. Bilingue anglais et français.
Bulletin Bahaři News, Éd. bilingue ŕ Bilingual ed. ? Ŕ ?, Yaounde,
Assemblée Spirituelle Nationale des Bahařis du Cameroun ŕ National
Spiritual Assembly of the Bahářìs of Cameroon. Le titre varie : Bahaři
News of Cameroon 1:1 ( ? ) Ŕ ? ; Bahaři News Cameroon 8:2 (June/July
1975) Ŕ 9:1 (Mar./Apr. 1976) ; Bahaři News of Cameroon ŕ Nouvelles
Bahařis du Cameroun 9:2 (May/July 1976) Ŕ ? ; Bulletin Bahaři du
Cameroun ŕ Bahaři News of Cameroon ? Ŕ ? ; Bulletin Bahaři News
12:3 (Sept./Oct. 1980) Ŕ ? Continue en éditions anglaise et française

séparées.
Bulletin Express, ? Ŕ ?, Luxembourg, Assemblée Spirituelle National des
Bahařis du Luxembourg.
Étoile brillante 1 (juillet 1994) Ŕ , Paris, Librairie Bahářìe.
Feuillets de lřEst. Alsace-Lorraine-Champagne/Ardenne, s. l.
(Mundolsheim, Bas-Rhin), Comité Régional du Plan et dřEnseignement
(CRPE) de la région 1.
Gambia Bahářì News, Banjul, National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahářìs
of the Gambia. Le titre varie : Bahářì News ŕ Nouvelles Bahářìes 3:1
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Objectif 1 (1994) Ŕ , Paris, Assemblée Spirituelle Nationale des Bahářìs
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de France].
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Le Rossignol : Journal des Jeunes Bahřais [sic] du Cameroun, éd.
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Timoun : Développement de lřÉducation Bahářìe en Haïti ŕ

Development of Bahářì Education in Haiti 1 (Printemps 1984) Ŕ , Lilavois

(Haiti), International Board of Directors of the Anis Zunuzi Bahářì
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Youth ŕ Jeunes, (15 déc. 1984) Ŕ , Thornhill (Ont.), National Youth
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Shafiei-Nasab, Seyed Djafar. Les mouvements révolutionnaires et la

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Université de Lyon, 1974.
Tourne, Sylvie. Mémoire de maîtrise, sous la direction dřÉric Navet,
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Strasbourg (Strasbourg 2), ca 1992.
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Pédagogie Appliqué, Université Nationale du Zaïre, Institut Supérieur
Pédagogique, 1978.
Vader, John Paul. For the Good of Mankind : August Forel and the
Bahářì Faith. Doctorat en médecine, Université de Lausanne, 1982.
Weisbein, Nicolas. Lřévolution religieuse de Léon Tolstoï. Thèse ès-
lettres, Université de Paris ( ?), 1957.
Yazdani, Farhan. Les Deux ailes dřun oiseau, ou une introduction à la
conception bahářìe de la Santé. Thèse de doctorat en médecine,
Université Claude-Bernard (Lyon 1), 1976.
Zaerpour, Zohreh. Temple Bahaři de Suisse. Diplôme D.A., École
Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne, 1981.
Arabic and Persian publications in France
ŘAbd al-Hamīd, Muhsin. Haqīqat al-Bābiyya wa al-Bahāřiyya. Baghdād :

Manshūrāt al-maktab al-islāmī, 1389/1969. Bibliothèque Nationale de
France (BNF) (fonds arabe), 8º O² g. 2437.
ŘAbd al-Rahmān, ŘĀřisha (Bint al-Shātiř). Qarāřa fī wathāřiq al-
Bahāřiyya. al-Qāhira : Markaz al-Ahrām li al-tarjama wa al-nashr,
1406/1986. Bibliothèque de lřInstitut du Monde Arabe, 248.92.BIN ;
Bibliothèque Interuniversitaire de lřUniversité de Toulouse le Mirail
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[Avāra], ŘAbd al-Husayn Āyatī [Taftī]. Kitāb-i kashf al-hiyal. 3 volumes.
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1980 ; 24 octobre 1980 ; 11 décembre 1980 ; 8 janvier 1981 ; 20 mars
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1983 ; 18 mai 1983 ; 28 juillet 1983 ; 17 janvier 1984 ; 9 février 1984 ; 4
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Accessing literature on the Bahá'í Faith: emerging search

technologies and recent results
Graham Hasall
Suva, University of the South Pacific
Abstract
This article surveys some current search technologies that can be used to find
documentation on the Bahá'í religion, and provides a summary of results of such
searches for the period 2003-2006. It suggests that increase in the capacity to
search in the past three decades has increased at a phenomenal pace. Search
technologies have multiplied and become more effective and more accessible.
More data has become accessible. Emphasis has shifted from seeking information
toward making best use of the information found. Deeper access to information has
expanded the range of research questions that we may dare to ask.
Access to literature relating to the Bahá'í religion and its emerging global
community has expanded phenomenally with the advent of new
communications technologies. Scholarly literature is appearing in academic
presses, in Bahářì-sponsored or affiliated presses, in the media, and on the
Internet.1 Systematic posting of essays on the World Wide Web is now
widely regarded as "publication". Consider, for instance, Moojan Momenřs
commentary ŖA Change of Cultureŗ, published on H-Bahai on 15th February
2003.2 Significant references to the Faith appear in the literature of religious
studies and the social sciences generally, as well as in current affairs
literature. However, there is also is an increasing volume of scholarship
published on the web only.3
The rapid emergence of electronic information services is revolutionising

access to information on the Bahá'í Faith. Electronic sources range from
websites that are freely accessible, to journal databases and full-text books
available only by subscription, to discussion groups that allow researchers to
communicate back and forth. By combining these sources the researcher
may learn not only of such traditional sources of scholarly information as
books and academic papers, but of such other sources as news services and
newspaper articles. Judicial and other official records such as those of the
United Nations Organisation are also becoming available, as are book lists
supplied by booksellers. A search at the on-line bookstore "Amazon.com" in
March 1999, for example, found 264 references to "Bahá'í", 304 references
the following October, and 1,681 in April 2007. A CD ROM from
Newsbank called REDEX has an "Index to UN Documents" which when
1
A project to survey current Bahářì literature, the "Report on Scholarship" (three editions, 1997, 1998
and 1999) are online at http://www.bahai.org.au/abs/reptof98.htm and on the Bahářì-library.org website.
2
And numerous others, such as ŖA Fragmentary Contribution to the Biography of Taj al-Saltanaŗ
posted to H-Bahai by R. Jackson Armstrong-Ingram on 12th December 2002.
3
See, for instance, an article by Saïd Amir Arjomandin Islam, Politics, and Iran in Particular in Silk

© 2007 XXXX
588 Graham Hassall Accessing Literature
searched in March 1999 yielded 209 references to "Bahá'í". A search in the

EBSCO database, in the "World Magazine Bank" file, yielded 107
references.
I find it extraordinary that I now have the opportunity to search a database

such as FirstSearch and learn that author D.C. Lewis referred to the Bahářìs
of Tartarstan in an article that appeared in the journal Central Asian Survey
in 1997,4 or to find in America: History and Life a reference to an article in
the Armenian Review quoting Ŗnewly discovered English-Language
materialsŗ of Dr Reuben Darbinian of Boston, which:
Presents the concluding extract from the daily journals of Dr. Reuben
Darbinian, the editor-in-chief of the Harenik publications of Boston;
the entries from November 1931 through April 1932 cover daily life
and thoughts on Bahářì and foreign relations.5
This search capacity is quite extraordinary, even if now taken for granted. In
an earlier period, Ŗpublicationŗ referred to the physical printing of Ŗhard-
copyŗ books, newspapers, pamphlets, magazines, theses, official reports,
and academic journals. This printed literature was accessed by browsing
through collections in libraries and bookstores, card catalogues, printed
indexes, and archives. Information deemed useful by a researcher was then
either copied out by hand or Ŗphotocopiedŗ page by page. In some cases,
access to such institutions was limited by membership, such as being a
student or faculty member of a university, or by being recognised as a
legitimate researcher by an institutional archive. The most open form of
search and retrieval in this phase was through purchase of materials into
oneřs personal collection, or through visiting a public library. 6 Of course, in
the context of such limited access, researchers had minimal access to
Ŗofficialŗ records of governments or other agencies. Search projects from
this period include E.G. Browneřs Materials for the study of the Babi
Religion7 and Momenřs survey of ŖContemporary Western Accountsŗ of the
4
Lewis, D.C., ŖEthnicity and religion in Tatarstan and the Volga-Ural regionŗ, Central Asian Survey
16, no.2 (1997) p. 215-236. Abstract: This paper explores the link between religion and ethnic identity among the
Tatars people of Tatarstan and the Volga-Ural region. It traces the history of Islam, Russian Orthodoxy, paganism,
and the Bahářì faith in this area, highlighting periods of conflict including current tensions between Tatar Muslim
nationalists and some Protestant groups. The paper provides detailed statistics of the geographical distribution of
ethnic groups within Tatarstan focusing mainly on the indigenous peoples of the Volga-Ural region, and concludes
that one widespread legacy of Communism is that many people find it easier to call themselves atheists than
anything else..
5
Darbinian, Reuben. ŖThe newly-discovered English-language journals or work books of Reuben
Darbinian (part iii)ŗ. Armenian Review 1981 34(4): 389-402. America: History and Life database accessed June
27, 2001.
6
This is still one of the most enjoyable and rewarding experiences in searching. When writing the
present article during a visit to Auckland, New Zealand, in April 2007, my browsing second-handbook bookshops
was rewarded by finding three unique books with Bahá'í references: Boulton, M. (1960). Zamenhof Creator of
Esperanto. London, Routledge and Kegan Paul., Bell, F. (1947). The Letters of Gertrude Bell. London, Ernest
Benn. Fraser, D. (1910). Persia and Turkey in Revolt. Edinburgh and London, William Blackwood and Sons.
7
Browne, E. G. (1918). Materials for the Study of the Babí Religion, Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press.

© 2007 Graham Hassall
Bábí and Bahá'í Religions8; the premier bibliography of the period is

Collinsř Bibliography of English Language works on the Babi and Bahá'í
Faiths9 .
In a second phase of access, catalogues were computerised and made

available at site-specific locations, particularly institutional and academic
libraries. Access to full-text documents shifted from such technologies as
micro-fiche to Ŗdigitizedŗ images. The rapid emergence of general access to
the internet then made possible not only the Ŗonlineŗ interrogation of
computerised catalogues, but the retrieval of full text articles whether in
Ŗread-onlyŗ or ŖOptical Character Recognitionŗ (OCR) format. The
significance of OCR technology is that a researcher can now by-pass
manually constructed catalogues and indexes, and seek any Ŗstringŗ (ie,
sequence of letters and symbols) imaginable, across a range of Ŗplatformsŗ
(ie, software programs that provide an interface between digital text and the
reader Ŕ such as html, Adobeřs PDF, or Microsoft Word).
The practical effect of this technological advance is that the researcher may
now find obscure (or not so obscure) references of interest that have evaded
previous detection (At this stage we are setting aside the issue of Ŗqualityŗ
in search results; a discussion of quality versus quantity of search results
will follow). A large number of ŖBahářìŗ references are in one sense Ŗsmallŗ
and inconsequential.10 Yet even the smallest inclusion of a reference can
represent a significant shift on the part of an author. A second issue concerns
the Řboundariesř of Bahářì literature, which potentially includes literature by
Bahářìs, or concerning Bahářì themes, which does not make explicit Bahářì
references. Note, for instance, Frank Lewisř study of Rumi;11 Andy Knightřs
studies on the United Nations system and international order12; Danesh
Sarooshiřs works on international law13; Bill Huittřs encyclopaedia entry on
Ŗmoral educationŗ, etc14 The question can similarly be asked about scientists
whose work is ŖBahářì-inspiredŗ.
Search
8
Momen, M., Ed. (1981). The Babi and Baha'i Religions, 1844-1944. Some Contemporary Western
Accounts. Oxford, George Ronald
9
Collins, W. P. (1990). Bibliography of English-Language Works on the Babi and Baha'i Faiths 1844-
1985. Oxford, George Ronald.
10
Morton, R. (2000). The Experience of Religion in Britain. London, Thames & Hudson; Gittler, J. B.
(2000). Ideas of concord and discord in selected world religions. Stamford, Conn., JAI Press; Runzo, J. and N. M.
Martin (2000). The Meaning of Life in the World's Religion. Oxford, Oneworld. p.3.
11
Lewis, F. D. (2000). Rumi Past and Present, East and West. The Life, Teachings and Poetry of Jalal
al-Din Rumi. Oxford, Oneworld.
12
Knight, W. A. (2000). A changing United Nations : multilateral evolution and the quest for global
governance. Houndmills England ; New York, Palgrave.
13
Sarooshi, D. (2001). " International Law and Peace between the Nations: The Contribution of the
Baha'i Faith." Current Legal Issues 4: 497-508.
14
The examples would extend to every field of science: in Management one can think of the work of
Kambiz Maaniřs learning organization and Mehrdad Baghaiřs publications on organizational growth.

It is now possible to keep track of references in print media through e-

tracker, Lexis-Nexis, Westlaw, etc., and in discussion groups (eg through
Dejanews); Full text retrieval of articles is available through such
subscription services as ŖExpanded Academicŗ and such electronic libraries
as Ebrary and Questia. It is possible monitor closely the activities of the
Bahá'í International Community in the various agencies of the United
Nations Organization; and it is possible to track the work of Bahá'í
institutions, whether schools and institutes, individual scholars, scholarship
portals (eg: Bahářì Faith Index, Bahá'ì Library), and associations for Bahá'í
Studies. In sum, the search capacities currently unfolding present exciting
opportunities for bringing together extremely diverse and seemingly esoteric
but potentially crucial and invaluable information in the service of
scholarship. Electronic sources are being supplemented both forwards and
backwards in time. This means that older publications are gradually
becoming indexed. Commonly used web browsers remain Internet Explorer
and Firefox Ŕ however, regardless of choice of browser, the researcher
should customise with add-ons, commencing with the ŖGoogle toolbarř, and
if using Firefox, selected journal search add-ons are available
Library catalogues
Traditionally, library catalogues comprised cards that could be searched by

author, title, and subject. Some large libraries printed their catalogues in
book form so as to enable searches from beyond their physical location,
wherever such printed catalogues were placed. I first encountered the
Ŗfacsimileŗ of the British Museumřs card catalogue in the Michael Somare
Library of the University of Papua New Guinea. The catalogues of most
libraries are now searchable on-line and while the most common way to do
this is to first visit the libraryřs website, bibliographic software such as
Endnote facilitate this without the need to visit the website directly.
Libraries that deploy what is known as the ŖZ39ŗ protocol have Ŗopened
upŗ their catalogues to such searching. The Zetoc database, for instance
provides Z39.50-compliant access to the British Library's Electronic Table
of Contents (ETOC), allowing search through the contents of approximately
20,000 current journals and 16,000 conference proceedings published per
year:
ŖWith around 20 million journal and conference records, the database

covers every imaginable subject in science, technology, medicine,
engineering, business, law, finance and the humanities. Around
100,000 of the journals included are available for electronic data
delivery (EDD) download. The database covers the years from 1993
to date and is updated daily. A list of journal titles covered by the
database is available. Copies of all the articles and conference papers
listed on the database can be ordered online from the British
Library's Document Supply Centre in Yorkshire.ŗ

The accompanying graphic shows a search being conducted using Endnote.

While online, I have connected to the library catalogue at Temple University
and conducted a search for materials catalogued with the term ŖBahařiŗ in
any field. This search yielded 95 entries for materials dating between 1911
and 2006.
Publication catalogues
Serial and subject indexes

Serial indexes may index an individual serial or multiple serials. America:

History and Life, African Studies, and Canadian Periodical Index typify
titles devoted to the indexing of serials from geographic regions, while Arts
and Humanities Citation Index, Combined Retrospective Index to Journals
in Sociology 1895-1974, vol.3: Subjects, and Religious & Theological
Abstracts exemplify serial indexes devoted to specific fields and disciplines.
I have inspected at least 136 such serial indexes which, over a period of
time, have become subsumed in the larger electronic libraries and for the
most part discontinued as distinct hard-copy publications.
The advent of digital libraries, which enable full text searching within
serials, has rendered serial and subject indexes obsolete Ŕ apart, of course,
from indexes to materials not yet online. Services of interest include in
ATLA Religion Database + ATLAS, which holds records from 1949 to the
present.15 A search in this database on February 18, 2002 for the term
ŘBahářìř yielded 439 records; a search through Hein Online - the modern
link to legal history on 4th August 2003 found Bahářì references in 27
volumes; while a search in the Periodicals Contents Index Web,16 15
February 2002, yielded 25 references in English, German and Italian.17
Dissertation Indexes
Various degree qualifications at tertiary institutions require their students to

submit a dissertation (also known as a thesis). Dissertation indexes seek to
compile lists of completed theses. Within academic environments, there are
also departmental publications which have a low volume of circulation and
minimal accessibility. Whereas theses are becoming more accessible
through indexes, it is still possible to find unique citations in specific
university catalogues. In March 2003, for instance, I found while searching
the library catalogue at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois, the
hard-copy Masterřs thesis ŖBahářì - a Study in Planned Syncretismŗ by
Benson18
15
A July 2001 search was conducted using ŖSilver Platterŗ ERL Webspirs. The Ŗdatabase guideŗ at
gives the following information About ATLA Religion Database + ATLAS: ŖATLA Religion Database + ATLAS
is produced by the American Theological Library Association's Center for Electronic Resources in Theology and
Religion. The ATLAS (American Theological Library Association Serials) project was created for religion
scholars by religion scholars. It provides online versions of the entire runs of a core collection of more than fifty
significant scholarly periodicals in the field of religion, most of which go back to 1949. ATLAS journals represent
a wide selection of Christian traditions (including Catholic, Orthodox, Protestant, Evangelical, and Pentecostal),
Islam, Judaism, Buddhism, Hinduism, Shinto, Taoism, Confucianism, and other religious traditions.ŗ
16
Described as Ŗthe most comprehensive index to journals in the Humanities and Social Sciences, a
Chadwyck-Healey publication from ProQuest Information and Learning Company: http://pcift.chadwyck.co.uk
17
These are set out here for interest: Rosenkranz, Die Baha'i (Book Review) Journal Section(s):
Besprechungen Citation: Theologische Literaturzeitung 77 (1952) 79 Moojan Momen, The Bâbî and Bahâ'î
Religions 1844-1944 (Book Review) Author: Schumann, Olaf Journal Section(s): Literatur Citation: Welt des
Islams n.s.:25 (1985) 237 H. M. Balyuzi: Edward Granville Browne and the B ahá'í Faith (Book Review) Author:
Ess, J. van Journal Section(s): Literatur/Literature Citation: Welt des Islams n.s.:14 (1973) 230
18
Benson, B. T. (1956). Bahai - a Study in Planned Syncretism. Evanston, Ill., Northwestern
University: 206

While dissertation indexes were formerly in hard-copy only, a number

online dissertation indexing projects now exist. Hard copy dissertation
indexes include the Comprehensive Dissertation Index, Dissertation
Abstracts International: A The Humanities and Social Sciences; Doctoral
Dissertations; and American Doctoral Dissertations; Index to Theses
accepted for higher degrees by the Universities of Great Britain and Ireland
; and Union List of Higher Degree Theses in Australian Libraries. One
innovative project to expand digital access to theses is the ŖNetworked
Digital Library of theses and dissertationsŗ. A search at this site in April
2007 yields 45 theses having a Bahářì reference.
Bibliographies
Typically, Babi and Bahá'í references are found bibliographies of religion

and of countries. To date, I have inspected 92. This is in addition to the
bibliographies devoted to Bahá'í literature, the main ones being those by
Bjorling19, Collins20 (Collins 1990), and Stockman and Winters21 (Stockman
and Winters 1997), with an earlier contribution by Braun22. The Resource
Guide for the Scholarly Study of the Bahá'í Faith is online, while additional
bibliographies of Bahářì materials have been gathered by Jonah Winters at
http://bahai-library.com/resources/
Archives
Archives collect documents and other artefacts that may not exist in
published form. Traditionally, the contents of such collections were
accessible only those able to visit the archiveřs physical location. The advent
of online catalogues allows for off-site searching of contents, if not of the
documents and artefacts themselves. In January 2003 a ŖWorld Association
for Bahářì libraries and archivesŗ was established at a conference at
Landegg, Switzerland. Although this initiative has not been followed up
sufficiently, it provides the groundwork for later development of policies
and procedures for the organization of materials held by Bahářì
communities and institutions. While the major portion of significant archival
materials are stored in the archives of National Assemblies and at the Bahářì
World Centre, other archives do hold materials of interest.23
19
Bjorling, J. (1985). The Baha'i faith : a historical bibliography. New York, Garland Pub.
20
Collins, Bibliography
21
Stockman, R. and J. Winters (1997). A Resource Guide for the Scholarly Study of the Baha'i Faith.
Wilmette, Research Office of the Baha'i National Center.
22
Braun, E. (1959). Know Your Baha'i Literature. Wilmette, Baha'i Publishing Trust.
23
A search by web at the National Union Catalogue of Manuscript Collections (NUCMC) points to
archival materials having Bahářì Content in fourteen repositories: The Archives of American Art, Smithsonian
Institution, the Johns Hopkins University Special Collections, in Baltimore, Dept. of Special Collections, Stanford
Univ. Libraries, Stanford, CA, Presbyterian Historical Society., Philadelphia; Manuscripts & Archives Section,
The New York Public Library; Princeton University Library; the National Bahá'í Archives (Wilmette, Ill.);
University of Utah Marriott Library; University of Washington Libraries (Seattle); Union Theological Seminary.
Burke Library, New York; DeWitt Historical Society of Tompkins County, Clinton House, 116 North Cayuga
Street, Ithaca, New York; and the Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library.

Search engines
General
Simple searching is achieved through Řopen sourceř searching of the World

Wide Web. Most internet users are familiar with Google, Yahoo, and many
other such search engines. Each has its strengths and weaknesses as a search
tool. General search engines can be helpful if one is seeking broad
information about Bahá'í communities and their activities; more specialised
engines are required if one is looking for information from scholarly, or
more authoritative, sources. Current information about what search engines
and technologies are available is easily found, ironically, but writing a direct
query into oneřs current browser search facility.24
24
There are even specialised websites at www.searchengines.com and
http://www.searchenginewatch.com

Specialized
There are specialised search engines and also meta-search engines. A
specialised search engine will focus, for example, on providing results for a
particular country, or for a specific subject area, or from within a specific
news-source such as newspapers, or official documents. ŖGoogle Scholarŗ,
for instance, provides for searches from within scholarly materials, rather
than from the WWW generally.
There are also Ŗmeta-searchŗ engines such as Copernic

(www.copernic.com), which combine the results from multiple searches into
one consolidated results list. The professional edition of this software
(Copernic Agent Professional) allows the researcher to nominate the target
for searches as well as the frequency. It is possible to search, for instance, on
a daily, weekly or monthly basis, for Bahá'í references within news sources
for Australia, or Brazil, or the UK, to name a few. Searching databases on
the WWW are another branch of specialised search. Such resources are
sometimes called the Ŗhidden webŗ since an ordinary search may find the
homepage of a database, but does not have the capacity to enter into the
database to find specific resources. See, for example, the information
Alerts and intelligent agents
Alert services allow the researcher to nominate topics about which he or she
seeks notification. When the nominated topic appears within a product of
the information provider, the researcher can receive special notification Ŕ
usually by email. Such alert services are provided by digital libraries such as

Proquest, periodical publishers such as Blackwell,, book sellers (new and

used) such as Amazon.com, and news aggregators such as ŖGoogle Newsŗ.
The accompanying graphic shows the latest alert from Proquest, showing
three articles containing a Bahaři reference.
The British Library‟s “zetoc Alertŗ is an example of a current awareness

service that can be requested to email alerts on specific keywords. It emails
tables of contents of targeted journals or details of articles which match
some pre-defined search criteria such as an author's name or keywords from
the title. These email Alerts are sent on the day the new data is loaded into
the database.25
ŖIntelligent Agentsŗ undertake customised internet searches and

automatically return the results to the searcher. Some agents are available
for free subscription, while those having more sophisticated capacities are
available for purchase or subscription. The powerful software Copernic
Agent is a meta-search tool that can retrieve searches in specialised areas of
the internet according to a pre-set schedule.
Homepages
In the past decade a significant quantity of information on Bahářì

communities has been posted on the world wide web. Significant portals
include bahai-library.org,26 H-Bahai, Bahaindex,com and the official site
www.bahai.org. The religious press now has dedicated websites and search
engines, and such sources can track Bahářì references at such events as, for
instance, the Parliament of the Worldřs Religions. For instance, Kung and
Kuschelřs report of Bahářì participation in the signing of a ŖGlobal Ethicŗ at
the World Parliament of Religions which met in Chicago in 1993 27 was
reported in an article on ŖWomen's multifaith perspectives on global child
advocacyŗ in 200028 . The third international meeting of the Parliament of
the World's Religions, held in Cape Town in December 1999, was subject to
articles exploring ecumenism: Ruether reported that that there were
probably more members of the Bahářì and the Mormons than Methodistsŗ
present29 Calame notes the participation of the Bahářì community in an
initiative to draft a charter for a Ŗresponsible, plural and united worldŗ30.
25
See http://zetoc.mimas.ac.uk/about.html, accessed 8/8/2002 10:42 AM.
26
Baha'i academic resource library is described in the “Humbul Humanities Hubŗ as Ŗ…one of
the best all-round introductory sites to the Bahářì faith available anywhere on the Web.ŗ Catalogued by Jeff
Dubberley on 2001-09-29(accessed 21 March 2002).
27
Kung, H. and K.-J. Kuschel (1993). World Parliament of the World's Religions: A global ethic.
London, SCM Press.
28
Flake, C. L. (2000). "Women's multifaith perspectives on global child advocacy." Journal of Women
and Religion 18: 43-60.
29
Ruether, R. R. (2000). A mature religion fosters self-critique. National Catholic Reporter. 36.
Gilmour, P. (2000). "Educating for particularity and pluralism." Religious Education 95(3): 231-.
30
Calame, P. (2000). "The charter for a responsible, plural and united world: Its origin, purpose and
process." The Ecumenical Review 52(4): 513-525.

Associations for Bahá'í Studies
There are now at least twenty Associations for Bahá'í Studies worldwide31,
some of which maintain homepages.32 A few, but not all, of their homepages
provide bibliographic information about their respective publications.
Bahá‟í communities
The websites of Bahaři communities are listed at numerous sites on the web.
Two comprehensive sites are www.bcca.org and www.bahaidirectory.org,
while of course Casper Voogtřs site, www.bahaindex.com, is an invaluable
source for all manner of information on Bahářì communities and activities.
Entire websites can be copied using such feely available software tools as
winHTTrack. Individual pages can be selectively copied with such
commercially available software as Web Research Professional.
Official Documents
Official documents include statutes, court judgements, and very many other
types of bureaucracy-generated documentation. A search on the Lexis
database on January 24, 2003 (Commonwealth and Irish Cases, Combined -
Grouped by Country Ŕ Bahářì) yielded 85 references; numerous judgements
from US courts have Bahářì references; the findings of all Australian
judicial environments are searchable over the internet (austlii.com.au),
including refugee and immigration tribunals, which are a particularly
fruitful source of information. A significant number of references in official
documents at all levels of the US government can be found by searching
firstgov.gov. United Nations Documents are a fertile source of Bahářì
references. The holdings of the United Nations Dag Hammarskjöld Library
are available through UNBISnet - Bibliographic Search. A significant
number of documents are available through careful searching at the UN site:
www.un.org
Digital libraries
Most internet-based databases are only available through subscription. They

may be better described as Řportalsř through which a far greater number of
individual databases are made available. Some of these individual titles are
accessible through a number of databases or portals, and quite a few
commenced long before the Internet age. The database FirstSearch, for
instance, includes a large subset of discipline-specific databases. A search on
31
The internet addresses for these associations are listed at such sites as http://www.bahai-studies.org/
and http://www.bahai-studies.ca/affiliates.php
32
An incomplete list of Associations for Bahá'í Studies includes Africa; Australia; Chile; United
Kingdom; French Speaking Europe; German Speaking Europe; India; Japan; Malaysia; New Zealand; North
America; Northern Mariana Islands; Persian Language; Philippines; Russia; Singapore; and Venezuela

21st March 2000 in the World Catalogue yielded 1939 records, including 37
for 1999. The database ŖPaper1stŗ yielded 13 papers; CWI - Contemporary
Women's Issues on health and human rights Ŕ yielded 9 references; and
Librarylit - Materials on libraries and librarianship Ŕ found 3 references.
The accompanying graphic shows a search for ŖBahářìŗ in the commercially

available library, Questia (www.questia.com). This search on 5th April 2007
yielded 439 references within the full-text of books.

Off-line searching
Computer-based searching need not take place on-line, as there are an

increasing number of software applications that provide searchable
interfaces. These include Mars, Immerse, Bahářì Library, and Ocean. Books,
and even the historic periodical Star of the West, are now available on cd-
rom: (2001).

Implications for search
All of the sources for searching for Bahaři materials and references noted
above suggest that the field of possibilities is expanding exponentially. The
serious researcher must keep track of search activities completed to ensure
minimal duplication of effort at a later date. To store references and
materials, bibliographic software is essential. I use Endnote, although other
packages are also available. In addition to capturing references with this
bibliographic software, I record searches in an Excel file.
Tabs are used in Excel for different categories of search (such as alert
services, bibliographies, bookshops, dissertation indexes, search engines,
etc) and on each tabbed page a list is kept of the site searched, the date of
search, and the number of references found.
Although source materials for Bahářì scholarship are becoming more

accessible a range of resources that are essential to Bahářì scholarship
including Bahářì journals, out of print books, and much primary data,
remain hard to access. Despite the recent expansion of access there remains
no central indexing system, no central clearing house, and there is need for a
systematic project to compile a Bahářì bibliography on global scale.
Partial Bibliography of Literature on the Baha‟i Faith 2003-2006
(2003). "For the Celebration of My Praise: Commemorating the 50th

Anniversary of the Dedication of the First Mashriqu'l-Adhkar of the
Western World to Public Worship, Wilmette, Illinois, May 1953-May
2003."
(2003). Heroes and Heroines of the Ten Year Crusade in Southern Africa,
Bahai Publishing Trust.
(2003). It's time to stop bickering. Northern Echo. Darlington (UK): 10.
(2003). Late drinking plan goes flat. Northern Echo. Darlington (UK):: 3.
'Abdu'l-Bahá and E. G. Browne (2004). A traveller's narrative written to
illustrate the episode of the Bab. Los Angeles, Kalimâat Press.
Abizadeh, A. (2004). "Evolution and Baha'i Belief: Abdu'l-Baha's
response to nineteenth century Darwinism." International Journal of
Middle East Studies 36(1): 148-149.
Abrams, A. (2003). "Everyday inspirations." Southwest Art 32(12): 108-.
Adamczyk, A. (2005). "Book reviews." Current Sociology 5363(5): 855-.
Adamson, H. C. (2006). Historical dictionary of the Baha'i Faith.

Lanham, Md., Scarecrow Press.

Afroukhteh, Y. (2004). Memories of Nine Years in ŘAkka. Oxford, George
Ronald.
Akkaya, Y., A. Eckerson, et al. (2003). "Analysis of Architectural
Concrete of Baha'i Temple." ACI Materials Journal 100(3): 222-227.
Alexander, A. (2003). Inter-Faith Group Volunteers Time to Build Houses
in Charlotte, N.C., Area. Knight Ridder Tribune Business News: 1.
Alkan, N. (2003). An Epistle of Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad 'the Bab' to
Sultan Abdulmecid. Lights of 'Irfan: Papers Presented at the 'Irfan
Colloquia and Seminars, Book Four. I. Ayman. Illinois, Haj Mehdi
Arjmand Memorial Fund.
Alkan, N. (2005). "'The eternal enemy of Islam': Abdullah Cevdet the
Baha'i religion." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies-
University of London 68: 1-.
Allen, D. and L. Taherzadeh (2005). Baha'i Pilgrimage. Oxford, George
Ronald.
Allen, S. J. (2004). Gems from the Crown of Glory: Glimpses from the
Life of Baha'u'llah. New Delhi, Baha'i Publishing Trust.
Anon (2003). "Go-ahead for Baha'i $1m hall." Australasian Business
Intelligence.
Anon (2003). "Matrix Myths." U.S. Catholic(October): 5.
Anon (2003). "PM." Public Management 85(4): 3-4.
Anon (2003). "Radar Headlines - international." Architecture Australia
92(4): 14.
Anon (2003). "The Book of Certitude (Book). Publishers Weekly ,
2/24/2003, Vol. 250 Issue 8, p29,."
Anon (2004). "Bahá'í Temple for South America." Canadian Architect
49(12): 42-3.
Anon (2004). "Dr. H. Elsie Austin, 98, diplomat, pioneer Civil Rights
worker, dies." Jet 106(21): 54.
Anon (2004). Bahai Celebrate 50 Years in Botswana. Africa News
Service.
Anon (2003). "50th anniversary of the Baha'i House of Worship."
Concrete Construction 48(7): 18.
Anon (2003). "Bahais choose Toronto architect for Temple in Chile."

Building. (Toronto) 53(4): 5.

Anon (2003). "Religious emblems: Baha'i." Boys' Life 93(4): 51.
Anon (2003). "Shining light." Interior Design 74(9): 52.
Archives office (2003). Bahai Archives. The Memory of a Worldwide
Community. Haifa, Bahai World Centre.
Atkins, E. T. (2006). "Sacred swing: The sacralization of jazz in the
American Baha'i community." American Music 24(4): 383-420.
Atkinson, A. G. and Green Acre Bahá'í School Council. (2005). Green
Acre on the Piscataqua : Second edition issued in celebration of the 100th
Anniversary of the Portsmouth Peace Treaty. Eliot, Maine, Green Acre
Bahá'í School Council.
Ayman, I., Ed. (2003). Lights of 'Irfan: Papers Presented at the 'Irfan
Colloquia and Seminars, Book Four. Illinois, Haj Mehdi Arjmand
Memorial Fund.
Bacigalupo, A. M. (2003). "Rethinking identity and feminism:
Contributions of Mapuche women and Machi from Southern Chile."
Hypatia 18(2): 32-.
Bahá'u'lláh (2006). The summons of the Lord of Hosts : Tablets of
Bahá'u'lláh. Wilmette, Ill., Bahai Pub.
Bahá'u'lláh and Shoghi (2005). Gleanings from the writings of
Bahá'u'lláh. Wilmette, Ill., Bahá'í Pub.
Baha'i International Community (2003). "India: a program for rural
women using solar cookers." Women's International Network News 29(3):
9.
Baha'i International Community (2004). Freedom To Believe: Baha'i
International Community's Response to the United Nations Development
Programme 2004 Human Development Report. New York, Baha'i
International Community.
Baha'i World Centre. Research Department (2003). Inmates of the
Celestial Pavilion. Lights of 'Irfan: Papers Presented at the 'Irfan
Colloquia and Seminars, Book Four. I. Ayman. Illinois, Haj Mehdi
Baha'i World Centre. Research Department (2003). Letters of the Quranic
Dispensation. Lights of 'Irfan: Papers Presented at the 'Irfan Colloquia
and Seminars, Book Four. I. Ayman. Illinois, Haj Mehdi Arjmand
Memorial Fund.

Bahrampour, T. (2003). Persia on the pacific letter from Los Angeles. The
New Yorker. 79: 52.
Bailey, C. (2006). "Distant Relations: Iran and Lebanon in the Last 500
Years (review)." The Middle East Journal 60(3): 617.
Bainbridge, W. S. (2004). "Religion and science." Futures 36(9): 1009-24.
Bannan, H. M. (2003). "Selling the Indian: Commercializing &
Appropriating American Indian Cultures." The Journal of American
History 90(1): 240-.
Barnes, K. (2004). Stories of Baha'u'llah and some Notable Believers.
New Delhi, Baha'i Publishing Trust.
Barnett, V. (2003). "Rescue Mission." The Christian Century 120(18): 26-
.
Barney, D. D., C. C. Rosenthal, et al. (2004). "Components of successful
hiv/aids case management in alaska native villages." AIDS Education and
Prevention 16(3): 202-217.
Baumann, T. L. (2006). The akashic light : religion's common thread.
Virginia Beach, Va., A.R.E. Press.
Bell, D. (2005). New to New Zealand: A Guide to Ethnic Groups in New
Zealand. Auckland, Reed Publishing.
Berry, A. (2004). "The Baha'i faith and its relationship to Islam,
Christianity, and Judaism: a brief history." International Social Science
Review 79(3-4): 137-51.
Bhattarai, H. P. (2004). "Cultural diversity and pluralism in Nepal:
emerging issues and the search for a new paradigm." Contributions to
Nepalese Studies 31(2): 293-.
Bishop, D. (2004). "Spirituality in the Land of the Noble: How Iran
Shaped the World's Religions." The Muslim World 94(3): 413-5.
Blackwell, J. K. (2003). "Religious liberty." Vital Speeches of the Day
70(1): 5-10.
Boerema, A. J. (2005). Examining differences among private schools in
british columbia. Graduate School of Vanderbilt University. Nashville,
Tennessee, Vanderbilt University.
Bolvig, I. (2005). "Firm-provided social concerns - just another
compensating wage differentials story?" International Journal of
Manpower 26(7/8): 673-706.
Bowden-Kerby, A. (2005). Balancing Science with Inspiration: A Bahá'í

Scientist's Struggle to Discover the Hidden Secrets of Restoring Corals

and Fish to Degraded Coral Reefs. The Spirit of Agriculture. P. Hanley.
Oxford, George Ronald.
Bowrin, A. R. (2004). "Internal control in Trinidad and Tobago religious
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Volume 1, 2007

Frontcover: SACRED EPIC OF THE PEACEMAKER Artist:

ARTISTS DESCRIPTION: In the upper left-hand corner is the

Copyright © 2008 Compilation Association for Baha‟i

Ismael Velasco Editorsř Introduction 1-3

Nalinie Mooten The Bahářì Contribution to Cosmopolitan 4-70

Moojan Momen Messianic Concealment and Theophanic 71-88

Khazeh Bahářuřlláh as fulfilment of the theophanic 89-113

Vahid Behmardi A Stylistic Analysis of the Bábřs Writings: 114-136

Necati Alkan Dreams and their Interpretation in the Bahářì 171-179

Donald Addison Messengers of God in North America Revisited: 180-270

Gloria Shahzadeh Bahářuřlláhřs Four Tablets to Maryam: Lawh-i- 271-297

Ahang Rabbani Memories of My Life: Translation of Mírzá 298-400

Jean Marc Lepain An Introduction to the Lawh-i Haqquřn-Nas 401-404

Mehran Bahářuřlláhřs Lawh-i Haqquřn-Nas Tablet of the 405-409

Ismael Velasco ŘAbduřl-Bahá and Mírzá Ghaffár Zanúzí 410-413

Adel Salmanzadeh Bahá'í Consultation and Freireian Dialogue in 414-444

Guy Sinclair Mediation, Transformation and Consultation 445-461

Ismael Velasco In Memoriam: Hugh McKinley 462-468

Nozomu Sonda Bushido (Chivalry) and the Traditional Japanese 469-487

Research Notes and Bibliographia

Bahářì World Prayer for Shaykh Káẓim Samandar 488-489

Steve Cooney The World Order of Bahářuřlláh. Notes on recent 490-519

Thomas Linard Preliminary Bibliography of works in French 520-586

Graham Hassall Accessing literature on the Bahá'í Faith: 587-619

OJBS: The Online Journal of Baha‟i Studies

Christopher Buck, Ph.D., J.D.

The Online Journal of Bahá‟í Studies

Welcome to the inaugural issue of the Online Journal of Bahářì Studies, a

The Journal aims to broaden the culture and community of discourse of

OJBS:Online Journal of Bahářì Studies 1 1 (2007) , 1-3

Effendi described the Bahářì Faith as Ŗscientific in its methodŗ naturally

The Online Journal of Bahářì Studies is also multi-vocal, combining the

Research Articles: The Journal invites well-researched academic

Essays and Opinions: Preliminary, exploratory papers that open up a

OJBS:Online Journal of Bahářì Studies 2 1 (2007)

Research Notes and Bibliographia: Reports of research-in-progress

Art and Literary Pieces: Engaging or otherwise well-crafted essays

Academics, independent scholars, literati, and translators are directed to

Dr. Christopher Buck (Ph.D., Study of Religion, University of Toronto,

OJBS:Online Journal of Bahářì Studies 3 1 (2007)

The Bahá‟í Contribution to Cosmopolitan International

Dr. Nalinie Mooten

Introduction to IR and to the Theme of Cosmopolitanism1

OJBS:Online Journal of Bahářì Studies 4 1 (2007) , 4-70

transnationalisation of world affairs, which brings with it challenges for

OJBS:Online Journal of Bahářì Studies 5 1 (2007)

This paper, which is based on various extracts of my doctoral work, will

The Nation-State as the Denial of the Oneness of Humankind

ŖConceived of as an end in itself, the national state has come to be a denial

OJBS:Online Journal of Bahářì Studies 6 1 (2007)

As humankind is a natural unit, cosmopolitanism questions the nation-state,

OJBS:Online Journal of Bahářì Studies 7 1 (2007)

Here it is important to mention that feminist or postcolonial theories that

Additionally, the nation-state represents a Řproblemř in present day politics,

The Etymology and Evolution of Cosmopolitanism

The etymological root of Ŗcosmopolitanismŗ finds its origin in the word

OJBS:Online Journal of Bahářì Studies 8 1 (2007)

Cosmopolitanism highlights the limitedness of political communities (the

Cosmopolitanism has three main principles: individuals (not states)