Braudel's Historiography Reconsidered

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Braudels Historiography
Reconsidered
Cheng-chung Lai
Department of Economics
National Tsing Hua University, Taiwan
2004
University Press of America
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To my son, Lai Wen, affectionately
For my wife: reliable and tolerant
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Contents
Preface ix
1 Concepts and Methodology 1
1 Introduction 1
2 Longue dur ee, conjoncture, event-history 4
3

Economie-monde (Economic-world) 11
4 Total history 18
5 Methodology 23
6 Evaluation 28
2 The Mediterranean (1949) 31
1 Framework 32
2 Style 33
3 Criticisms 37
4 Economics 38
5 Conclusion 41
3 Civilization and Capitalism (1979) 45
1 Introduction 45
2 Structure and contents 46
3 Comments 49
4 Evaluation 54
5 Conclusions 58
Appendix 3.1: Compare with other eight reviews 59
Appendix 3.2: Uninteresting parts of the book 63
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vi Contents
4 Identity of France (1986) 65
1 Setting 65
2 Framework 66
3 Perplexities 69
4 Contributions 72
5 History of Civilizations (1963) 75
1 Contents 75
2 Is there exists a grammar in the history of civilizations? 76
3 History of civilizations and current affairs 77
4 A high school textbook? 79
5 On Chinese civilization 80
6 Conclusion 81
6 On History (1969) 83
1 Introduction 83
2 Comments 84
3 Evaluation 90
7

Ecrits sur lhistoire II (1990) 93
1 Contents 93
2 Historical apprenticeship and personal testimony 94
3 Price history in Europe, 1450-1750 95
4 Two biographies 97
5 Preface to de Tocquevilles Souvenirs 98
6 Conclusion 98
Appendix 1 The Italian Model (1974) 99
Appendix 2 Memories of The Mediterranean (1996, 1998) 103
Appendix 3 Two Biographies (1995) 109
Further Readings 115
References 117
Index 123
About the Author 127
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Tables and Figure
Figure 1 Braudels notion of total history 3
Table 1 Evaluation by chapter sections 55
Table 2 Evaluation of each chapter 91
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Preface
The essays collected in this volume represent my views on Braudels
concepts, methodology and principal books. Chapter 1 appraises his
ve central notions and serves as an overall background to assess
Braudels contributions to historiography. Chapters 2-4 evaluate his
three main research books, while Chapter 5 examines a rather too dif-
cult book that Braudel wrote for high school students, and Chap-
ters 6-7 review two collections of his major articles. The three ap-
pendices look at Braudels two minor writings and two biographies
written about him. This book focuses on the inner logic and insights
of Braudels writings per se and not upon his interactions with the his-
tory community. Analyses related to these broader perspectives can be
found in his two biographies.
Braudels other writings are not analyzed here. (1) The multiple
collective volumes Histoire economique et sociale de la France (Paris:
PUF, 1970-82, collection Quadrige, four volumes in nine books),
edited by Braudel and Ernest Labrousse. (2) La M editerran ee, in 12
television lms, then transformed into two picture books (1977) with
texts from six other authors, Paris: Arts et M etiers Graphiques. (3)
LEurope, Paris: Arts et M etiers Graphiques, 1982 (transformed from
eight television lms). (4) Venise, Paris: Arthaud (with photographs
of Folco Quilici, 1984). (5) Le monde de Jacques Cartier (a history
of the French navigator Cartier, 1491-1557), Paris: Berger-Levrault,
1984 (picture book).
In his last letter (1823) to Thomas Malthus, David Ricardo wrote:
And now, my dear Malthus, I have done. Like other disputants, after
much discussion, we each retain our own opinions. These discussions,
however, never inuence our friendship; I should not like you more
than I do if you agree in opinion with me. The Ricardian spirit applies
here. The story is told that after the village tailor had the greatest
moment of his life in a private meeting with the Pope, his reactions
were 38 short, take in the right shoulder. I only wish that this is not
the case after my encounter with Braudel.
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x Preface
Permissions to reuse the following published texts in this vol-
ume have been granted by their respective publishers. Chapter 1
Braudels concepts and methodology reconsidered, The European
Legacy, 2000, 5(1):65-86 (Taylor & Francis). Chapter 2 Braudels
The Mediterranean after 50 years, Journal of Mediterranean Stud-
ies, 1996, 6(2):323-31 (Mediterranean Institute, University of Malta).
Chapter 3 Second thoughts on Braudels Civilization and Capital-
ism: 15th-18th Century, Journal of European Economic History,
1995, 24(1):177-93 (Banca di Roma). Chapter 4 Braudels Identity of
France, Journal of European Economic History, 2002, 31(1):185-94
(Banca di Roma). Chapter 5 Braudels grammar of civilizations, The
European Legacy, 1998, 3(3):80-4 (MIT Press). Chapter 6 Braudels
On History in retrospect, Journal of European Economic History,
1993, 22(1):113-20 (Banca di Roma). Chapter 7 Braudels Ecrits sur
lhistoire II, The European Legacy, 1998, 3(3):84-8 (MIT Press). Ap-
pendix 1 The Italian model, Journal of European Economic History,
1997, 25(3):748-51 (Banca di Roma). Appendix 2 Braudels mem-
ory of The Mediterranean, The European Legacy, 2002, 7(2):225-8
(Taylor & Francis). Appendix 3 Two biographies on Braudel, The
European Legacy, 1998, 3(3):89-92 (MIT Press).
Financial support from my university for the publication of this
book is gratefully acknowledged.
lai@mx.nthu.edu.tw
www.nthu.edu.tw
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The critic creates nothing, he only points out. But his pointing may
show you powers that were indeed always there, and that were even
effective, but that, once afresh seen, suggest to active passion a
thousand devices whereby the world is revolutionalized.
Josiah Royce
The Spirit of Modern Philosophy
To criticise is to neither praise or denounce, but to get nearer your
subject.
J.B. Yeats
Letters to His Son, W.B. Yeats & Others
La critique, c etait une d ecouverte, une certaine mani` ere de voire le
monde; une mani` ere de d ecouvrir comment le type dont on lisait
loeuvre et quon critiquait, voyait le monde. . . . Tout ca on le voyait
dans le livre, mais pas tout de suit. On le voyait ` a travers des tas de
notations quil fallait etudier.
Jean-Paul Sartre
La c er emonie des adieux
I hate being asked to criticize what I cannot praise.
Gerard Manley Hopkins
A Hopkins Reader
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1
Concepts and Methodology
1 Introduction
This chapter analyzes ve frequently used concepts in Braudels writ-
ings viz. longue dur ee, conjoncture, event-history, economie-monde
(economic-world) and total history. Examples are cited primarily from
his three major books (The Mediterranean 1966, Civilization & Capi-
talism 1979 and Identity of France 1986) to illustrate his use of these
concepts, and to clarify the historical insights which are developed.
Braudel never rigorously denes these concepts, nor did he try to test
them consistently by using historical evidence. In Figure 1, I illus-
trate the relative meanings of these ve concepts from two viewpoints:
space and time. The organic structure and the interactions among
these ve concepts are also illustrated. Finally, I evaluate how Braudel
applied these concepts in his works, and conclude that The Mediter-
ranean illustrated his key concepts almost ideally, Capitalism was less
successful and France was disappointing.
A main feature of Braudels historiography is the integration of
time and space in historical analysis. In addition to this methodolog-
ical consciousness, he also contributed signicant new concepts to
an understanding of time and space individually. Conventional his-
torical analysis either portrays events in a linear time frame (such as
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2 Braudels Historiography Reconsidered
biography), or emphasizes historical changes in different geographic
areas (such as changes of international trade centers). Some histori-
ans combine these two aspects (time and space), but few can be com-
pared with Braudel, who applied a set of historical concepts (longue
dur ee, conjoncture, event-history, economie-monde and total history)
to panoramic subjects (such as the Mediterranean world), and gener-
ated signicant historical insights.
In the development of concepts of historical time, Braudels long-
term (longue dur ee), mid-term (conjoncture) and short-term (event-
history) views are innovative in the sense that they remind us that it is
possible to have several concepts of historical time co-existing within
a single subject of analysis. Utilizing this mode of thinking has also
proved fruitful, especially when studying a complex topic. As to the
concept of space, the economie-monde that he proposed is meaningful
in the sense that Braudel pointed out a new unit of historical analy-
sis: economic-world, a macro unit dened by the exchange of goods
and services, not by politics or cultures. What is even more signicant
is Braudels notion of total history (histoire totale or histoire glob-
ale) which governs the above four concepts together. When these four
concepts are combined (i.e. both temporal and spatial elements are
considered), the resulting analysis can be viewed as a total history. In
short, when these ve concepts are taken together as organic explana-
tory variables, one is able to conduct a three-dimensional analysis of a
historical subject, by its time, its space and its totality.
Figure 1 is a simplied description of Braudels ve key con-
cepts. In this two-dimensional presentation it seems that the short-term
(event-history) is the lowest category, although this is actually not the
case. In fact, each concept in Figure 1 has its own life and function;
there is no question of superiority or order of value. Figure 1 also
cannot illustrate the concept of total history since I can only express
this in an abstract manner, explaining it as an overall notion governs
the other four concepts on the space/time axes. Since total history is
a notion that central to Braudels historiography but often misunder-
stood, it is hoped that my explanations in Section 4 may clarify this
concept. Finally, the distance between each curve on Figure 1 is
only schematic.
The most well-known Braudelian concept is his three types of his-
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Figure 1 Braudels notion of total history
Total history is a 5th notion that Braudel designed to grasp and to
explain in a holistic manner the above four kinds of historic units:
event, conjoncture, longue dur ee and economie-monde.
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torical time. This is, however, a simplied view. As Braudel was well
aware, historical time cannot be neatly divided into three types. As he
wrote: But the worst of it is that there are not merely two or three
measures of time, there are dozens, each of them attached to a partic-
ular history. (The Mediterranean, p. 1238) I also wish to stress that
actually there are additional concepts, beyond the spatial and temporal,
used or discussed in Braudels writings. For instance his views on the
notion of structure are very different from the views of structural-
ism prevailing during the 1950s-60s in France (see the nal page of
The Mediterranean); while another example is his frequent reference
to von Th unens location theory. These two concepts, as well as oth-
ers, are not discussed in this study because they are neither his major
concerns, nor were they initiated by him.
Section 2 reviews Braudels concept of historical time, Section 3
examines his concept of historical space ( economie-monde), Section 4
discusses his concept of total history, Section 5 on his method of his-
torical writings, some evaluations of Braudels concepts and method-
ology are made in the concluding Section 6. Given space constraint,
only one or two examples are selected from his three major books to
illustrate the concepts in question and more references are available to
show other related examples not cited here. It is hoped that by these
examples we may better understand the methodological arguments that
are implicit in Braudels texts.
2 Longue dur ee, conjoncture, event-history
Readers of The Mediterranean know quite well that,
[t]he rst part is devoted to a history whose passage is almost im-
perceptible, that of man in his relationship to the environment, a
history in which all change is slow, a history of constant repetition,
ever-recurring cycles. ... in the second part of the book, studying
in turn economic systems, states, societies, civilizations and ... in
the complex arena of warfare. ... the third part gives a hearing to
traditional history, ... that is, the history of events. (pp. 20-1)
The three types of historical time are apportioned as: longue dur ee
(taking a century or longer as a unit of analysis) to Part I, conjonc-
ture (10-50 years) to Part II, while short calendar time (from weeks
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to seasons to years) to Part III. Calendar time is quite familiar to tra-
ditional history, to which Braudel added nothing new; conjoncture is
borrowed from economics, although Braudel extended its applications
to other non-economic aspects of history (social and cultural changes
etc.); longue dur ee was Braudels own creation, and he tirelessly advo-
cated it from the end of the 1940s until his death in 1985. He claimed
that longue dur ee is the most suitable notion for investigating the slow-
changing and structurally stable aspects of history.
2.1 Longue dur ee
On February 20, 1944 Braudel wrote to his mentor Febvre: You know
my plan of tripartite: immobile history (the framework of geography),
profound history, that of overall movements, event-history... (Gemelli
1995:78 note 1 and p. 94) This indicates that longue dur ee had been
conceived around 1940-4 during the War. In 1977 at the age of 75,
Braudel reviewed his idea of longue dur ee as:
It was when I was constructing my book on the Mediterranean, I
was led to divide the times of history according to their different
speeds, according to different temporalities. I think there are actu-
ally rapid times, longer times, and almost immobile times. But it
was in the end of this course, not by a preliminary operation, that I
arrived at this conception of time of history. Similarly, the longue
dur ee of which I am the advocator, it was an artice by which I was
escaped from certain tangible difculties. I did not think to longue
dur ee before writing my book on the Mediterranean. (Braudel
1978:244-5)
Why was he so passionate about longue dur ee?
I myself, during a rather gloomy captivity, struggled a good deal
to get away from a chronicle of those difcult years (1940-5). Re-
jecting events and the time in which events take place was a way
of placing oneself to one side, sheltered, so as to get some sort of
perspective, to be able to evaluate them better, and not wholly to
believe in them. To go from the short time span, to one less short,
and then to the long view (which, if it exists, must surely be the
wise mans time span); and having got there, to think about every-
thing afresh and to reconstruct everything around me: a historian
could hardly not be tempted by such a prospect. (Braudel 1969:47-
8, and p. 77 for a similar statement)
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In the indices of The Mediterranean and Capitalism, one cannot
nd the term Longue dur ee, whereas in France it appears in the
index only four times in Volume I. It might seem that Braudel applied
longue dur ee in his writings to a much lesser extent than one might
have expected. However, I soon realize that longue dur ee is not a
technical tool; it is a notion that serves as Braudels cornerstone and is
embodied in his overall framework, though not necessarily in the text
itself. Two examples to illustrate this are presented below.
In the Supplementary Note (The Mediterranean, pp. 272-5)
Braudel stressed the importance of climatic changes, stating that from
the end of the 16th century onwards, the Mediterranean area became
colder, wetter and rainier. He believed in the Jet Stream theory:
According to this hypothesis, there is a continuous air current over
the northern hemisphere, a ring of air moving at variable speeds,
... the Jet Stream would have increased speed at the end of the
sixteenth century, and moving nearer to the Equator and therefore
to the Mediterranean, would have brought rain and cold weather
south with it. ... Important questions still remain to be answered.
Was the change we have suggested part of a long-termphase? If so,
the sixteenth century would have marked the beginning of a long
period of inowing cold and rain.
Similar to geographic changes, climatic changes are also slow, and this
theory ts very well in the longue dur ee framework. In this example,
Braudel proposed a hypothesis without further supporting evidence.
Although this is an interesting hypothesis which may have been else-
where discussed by historians of climate, Braudel only indicated that
history of climate is a good subject to bring longue dur ee into perspec-
tive, though climatology was not his area of expertise.
In Capitalism, longue dur ee has been used in an unusual manner,
not in the context of slow variations such as those in geography and
climate. The topic covered in I:90-2 is 1400-1800: a long-lasting bio-
logical Ancien R egime (1400-1800: un Ancien R egime biologique de
longue dur ee). The implication is that during these four centuries life
expectancy was short, infant mortality rate was high, diet and hygiene
conditions were unhealthy, etc. Another example is III:620-3 Capi-
talism and the long-term (La longue dur ee). But ever since the 16th
century European capitalism has never had a stable structure; it has
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faced numerous crises in the past, and in the present century we have
witnessed the 1929 Great Depression and the 1972-4 Oil Shock. The
uctuating history of capitalismis more related to social and economic
changes and seems unsuitable to be examined within the longue dur ee
context.
This is an example to show why I often feel puzzled about the
exact meaning of longue dur ee and the topics to which one can ap-
propriately apply this concept. As was his style, Braudel never clearly
dened it, and his applications are sometimes confusing.
2.2 Conjoncture
The meaning of conjoncture in French needs to be claried, in order
to understand how it was used by economists and economic histori-
ans, and why Braudel was attracted by this notion. Braudels usage
of conjoncture maybe unclear to economic historians since he never
attempted to explain the inner mechanism of changes in conjoncture.
There is no corresponding word for conjoncture in English. The
Petit Robert dictionary explains that conjoncture is Situation result-
ing from an encounter of circumstances and which is considered as the
point of departure of an evolution, an action. And the Study of con-
joncture is to study an occasional situation (opposed to structure) in
view of a prevision. This explanation ts Braudels usage of this term
since his main concern is changes and mutations in economic factors
such as price change, population growth and production output; it is
also used to describe social trends such as conjoncture paysanne, con-
joncture seigneuriale. (see Gemelli 1995:107 and Braudel 1991:48)
This economic notion led Braudel to believe that ... the term con-
joncture, ... suggest[s] possible new directions for research and some
tentative explanatory hypotheses. ... Conjunctural analysis, ... is how-
ever one of the necessary means of historical explanation and as such,
a useful formulation of the problem. (The Mediterranean, pp. 892,
899) The concept developed because in his view,
Traditional history, with its concern for the short time span, for the
individual and the event, has long accustomed us to the headlong,
dramatic, breathless rush of it narrative. The new economic and so-
cial history puts cyclical movement in the forefront of its research
and is committed to that time span ... side by side with traditional
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narrative history, there is an account of conjunctures which lays
open large sections of the past, ten, twenty, fty years at a stretch
ready for examination. (Braudel 1969, p. 27, see p. 29 for a similar
statement)
Among Braudels writings, Part II of The Mediterranean uses con-
joncture most frequently: on economies (chapters 6-8), on empires (9),
on societies (10), on civilizations (11), on the forms of war (12) and
the concluding chapter (13) which restates his view on conjoncture in
a more systematic and theoretical manner, providing more evidence to
support his arguments. For instance, he offers a picture about changes
in conjoncture in the Mediterranean from the 15th to 17th centuries:
An economic upswing, beginning in about 1470, reached a peak,
or slowed down for a while, during the years of record high price
1590-1600, then continued after a fashion until 1650. These dates:
1470 (or 1450), 1590, 1595 or 1600, 1650 are only very approx-
imate landmarks. The long upward movement is conrmed es-
sentially by variations in grain price which give us a clear and
unequivocal series of gures. If the wage curve, say, or the pro-
duction curve had been used as a basis for calculation one would
no doubt nd somewhat different chronologies, but they would ul-
timately have to be checked against the all-powerful grain curve.
(The Mediterranean, p. 893)
Although one understands that these dates are only very approx-
imate, but Braudel does not mention if this was the situation prevail-
ing in the entire Mediterranean area or was limited to certain areas
therein. How could it possible for Levant and North Africa to have
a similar trend of conjoncture? This leads to an important objection
to Braudels usage of conjoncture: he never explains how he judges
the turning points and duration of conjonctures, nor does he explain
the background forces that mark the shape of the trend. These factors
are what the reader wishes to understand but Braudel only sketched
the broad outline and as more specic studies become available, the
picture Braudel presented may be altered. The same problem again
occurs in France (II:120): I see it as affected by a long-term move-
ment, an upward and benecial one from the late seventh century until
roughly 840-50 when it turned into downward trend, as usual faster
than the upward one, from 850 to roughly 950. If Braudel uses con-
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joncture in such a sweeping way, one can only consider his statements
as hypotheses.
What is the usefulness of conjoncture? Braudels afterthoughts, as
expressed in Capitalism (III:618), are honest:
I believe in them [conjonctures] so rmly that since the beginning
of our present difculties, in 1972-4 [oil shock by OPEC coun-
tries, and stagation in the early 1970s], I have often asked myself:
is this the downward slope of a Kondratieff cycle? Or are we in-
deed embarking upon a much longer slide, a reversal of the secular
trend? If so, are not the day-to-day remedies proposed to meet the
crisis completely illusory? ... we can only identify without be-
ing able to explain them [conjonctures], is of course a very risky
business.
Yes, conjoncture as Braudel applied it in history can only identity
without being able to explain them. He never tried to explain why
and how the ups and downs occurred, their causes and consequences,
or their intensities. The criticisms expressed by other scholars about
conjoncture can be found in, for instance, Kinser (1981b:676 note 11)
and Kinser (1981a:92-4); Hexter (1972:498-504).
2.3 Event-history
Braudel rejected the method of using exact dates, places, names and
cause-consequences in a logically structured way of writing history.
Instead, he wanted to analyze the overall environment, structure, and
movement, emphasizing the impersonal, collective aspects of histor-
ical changes. This attitude was clear as early as the 1920s-30s, and
through the time when he was writing the rst edition of The Mediter-
ranean during the 1940s. However, this attitude was modied in the
mid-1960s when he prepared the second edition of that book, and in
France (1986) he later developed an even greater interest in specic
events.
A passage from Braudels notes may reveal his conception about
events, quoting from his personal notebook (f* 23), undated, entitled
LHistoire, mesure du temps (History, measure of time). The note-
book belongs to the Archives Braudel which is not yet public. Braudel
mentions the State of Bahia (Brazil) in this passage and we know he
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was teaching at S ao Paulo University during 1936-7. Thus the follow-
ing idea was documented before he wrote The Mediterranean:
One evening, in the State of Bahia, I suddenly found myself be-
ing surrounded by a tremendous number of reies. They were
lighting here and there, more or less in high place, countless, ...
just like many too brief sparkles, but shed sufcient light to see the
landscape. This is so with events. (Gemelli 1995:84; see Braudel
1969:10 for a similar statement)
This is an excellent metaphor to describe that events are like the light
from reies: brief and weak.
Braudel used event-history in Part III of The Mediterranean, with
its main emphasis on war, politics, and diplomacy. He used archival
materials extensively, he was exact in details and offered telling sto-
ries. Experts on specic issues might have various criticisms (e.g.
Harsgor 1986), but for general readers Braudel was truly a master of
event-history. It was by no means easy to handle the vast number of
details and present them in an engaging manner. The archival materi-
als he used and the secondary literature cited in both the footnotes and
the Appendix are impressive.
But his attitude has changed in the 1960s:
Every event, however brief, has to be sure a contribution to make,
to light up some dark corner or even some wide vista of history.
... I am by no means the sworn enemy of the event. ... In the
rst place, this kind of history tends to recognize only important
events, building its hypotheses only on foundations which are solid
or assumed to be so. ... Another is the event with far-reaching con-
sequences and repercussions as Henri Pirenne was fond of remark-
ing. (The Mediterranean, pp. 901-2)
Braudel was 64 in 1966 when the second edition was published and
in it he seems less hostile towards event-history than most readers and
commentators believed (e.g. Hexter 1972:507-8ff.; Kinser 1981a:94-
8), as can be seen in his restatement of this position on the nal two
pages of The Mediterranean (pp. 1243-4).
This changing attitude was even clearer after the mid-1960s with
his two biographies of Spanish kings: Charles V (1500-58) and his
son Philippe II (1527-98). Both were published in Italian translations
in 1966 and 1969 although the French versions were not published
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until their inclusion in his Ecrits sur lhistoire II (Braudel 1994) after
his death in 1985. Why was he interested in writing these two biogra-
phies? He had accumulated sufcient materials about these two central
gures of The Mediterranean (recall that the full title is The Mediter-
ranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II) and his
attitude about event-history had changed. So in the process of revising
the second edition, he must have been unable to resist the temptation
to produce these two biographies. However, it might have been em-
barrassing to publish their French versions during his lifetime, partly
because people would have questioned whether Braudel was returning
to the traditional history, writing the type of biography that Febvre and
Bloch rejected. Braudels taste for events became more evident in his
later life, as one can see from the many detailed descriptions of events,
dates, names scattered throughout France; while a particularly telling
comment is in Chapter 10 on Metz and Toulon: This time I have not
avoided exciting events, ... (I:351)
3

Economie-monde (Economic-world)
In Wallersteins well-known The Modern World-System (1974, 1980,
1989), a common keyword of the subtitles is world-economy, in-
dicating the inuence of Braudels notion of economie-monde. So,
why did Braudels version of this concept receive much less atten-
tion? Braudel mentioned economie-monde initially in the rst edition
of The Mediterranean (1949), but he did not add new substantial con-
tents regarding economie-monde in the second edition, where one can
nd only a brief presentation of this term on pp. 387 and 418-9 (see
below for detail). Most readers did not even notice its existence and
moreover, the term is not even listed in the index.
3.1 Origin
Braudel initially developed this concept in the 1930s, inspired by the
work of Friz R orig Mittelalterliche Weltwirtschaft: Bl ute und Ende
einer Weltwirtschaftsperiode (1933, see Gemelli 1995:125, Capitalism
III:634 note 4). But Braudels early conception was vague, as one can
see from his notebook entries during the 1930s-40s:
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Many German writers even present that the economic life itself is
organized in more or less vast spaces, in economie-monde [...] - so
in ancient time, the antique world which is the Mediterranean... -,
and that the current world economy is the sum more or less [...] of
these economie-monde [...]. In the course of this evolution, there
have been economic equilibria between economic space and soci-
ety. (Gemelli 1995:95)
This passage is not easy to follow owing to its personal style, and
the nal sentence is especially opaque. But this brief illustration tells
us: (1) Braudels notion of economie-monde was inspired by German
geographers, whose corresponding word in German for economie-
monde is Weltwirtschaft; (2) Since Braudel was then conceiving The
Mediterranean, he was thinking that the Mediterranean world is a
kind of economie-monde, as he latter expressed in pp. 418-9; (3) he
clearly distinguished economie-monde (economic-world, a huge net-
work of economic exchanges) from economie mondiale (world econ-
omy, which refers to such as the global impacts of the Oil Shock of the
1970s).
3.2 Examples
In a section entitled Is it possible to construct a model of the Mediter-
ranean economy? Braudel states that
Have we here enough material to measure the Mediterranean, to
construct a comprehensive, quantitative model of its economy?
As a unit it could then be compared to other world-economies
[economic-worlds would be a better translation] either bordering
on or connected to the Mediterranean. (The Mediterranean, pp.
418-9)
This opening statement shows that Braudel wished to present an
economic-world model based on the Mediterranean economy, and af-
ter such construction, he believed models for other economie-mondes
could be similarly constructed and then compared.
This is certainly an attractive proposition, and Braudel treated it
in length (44 pages, pp. 418-61), the longest chapter-section in this
book. The section contains 17 sub-sections, covering the following
topics: (1) estimation of agricultural production; (2) value of indus-
trial output; (3) the putting-out (Verlag) system and the rise of urban
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industry; (4) itinerant labor force, (5) volume of commercial transac-
tions: local and long-distance trade; (6) total tonnage of Mediterranean
shipping; (7) the state as the principal entrepreneur; (8) precious met-
als and their impacts; (9) one fth of the population in great poverty;
(10) food problems and (11) the reliability of statistics. This is a rich
catalogue, but Braudel did not discuss the basic characteristics of an
economie-monde, how it functions, or how this example could be
compared to other economic-worlds either bordering on or connected
to the Mediterranean.
In an economie-monde one might expect to see a center just as one
would expect a capital in a country, one also might expect to see the
(vital) role played by this center. In an earlier passage in chapter 6.1
(p. 387), Braudel presented the idea:
This world [the Mediterranean], sixty days long, was, indeed,
broadly speaking a Weltwirtschaft, a world-economy [ economie-
monde], a self-contained universe. ... All world-economies
[ economie-monde] for instance recognize a center, some focal
point that acts as a stimulus to other regions and is essential to
the existence of the economic unit as a whole. Quite clearly in the
Mediterranean in the fteenth and sixteenth centuries that center
was a narrow urban quadrilateral: Venice, Milan, Genoa, Florence,
with conicts and inter-town rivalries as the relative weight of each
city changed. The center of gravity can gradually be seen to shift
from Venice, where it still lay at the beginning of the century, to
Genoa, where it was so brilliantly established between 1550 and
1575.
In this impressive passage Braudel denes what a center means to an
economie-monde, and in the case of Mediterranean, we are told that
the center was not a single city, but comprised of four cities, and that
with the center of gravity changing between them.
Braudel clearly illustrated economie-monde in Capitalism (III:21-
4) and in his Afterthoughts (Braudel 1977:80-2). He tried to propose
some ground rules (r` egles tendancielles) as a theoretical framework
for the economie-monde model, backed with historical evidence (Cap-
italism III:25-45). This is an interesting framework which is summa-
rized below with short comments (given in square brackets).
Rule 1: The boundaries [of economie-monde] change only
slowly. [The geo-historical time has a slow pace].
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Rule 2.1: A dominant capitalist city always lies at the center.
[Such as Venice, Amsterdam, London, New York. This is an
observable fact].
Rule 2.2: Cities take it in turns to lead. [The leading role of
Venice was replaced by Amsterdam, then by London, by New
York, and perhaps by Tokyo in the next century].
Rule 2.3: The power and inuence of cities may vary. [Venice
had been a strong and independent state; Antwerp by contrast
had virtually no political power; London commanded Eng-
lands national market and later that of the Commonwealth].
Rule 3.1: There is always a hierarchy of zones within a world-
economy. [An economie-monde contains different zones as
satellites of the central city. These zones have different func-
tions and different importance, the polarized core city inte-
grates these zones into an economie-monde].
Rule 3.2: von Th unens zones. [Braudel admired von Th unens
theoretical construction of location theory in Der isoliert
Staadt (1826), but he criticized that this theory contains no
other town besides the great city, and that what I would
criticize is the absence from this schema of the very important
concept of inequality [among different zones]. (III:38-39)
He also presented ve comments on the inadequacy of von
Th unens model].
Rule 3.3: The spatial arrangement of the world-economy. [Ev-
ery world-economy is like a jigsaw puzzle, a juxtaposition
of zones inter-connected at different levels: a narrow core, a
fairly developed middle zone and a vast periphery. (III:39)
This is Braudels hierarchy of zones within an economie-
monde].
Rule 3.4: Do neutral zones exist? [His main argument is that
even within the most advanced economie-monde, there exist
some backward corners. This is a minor point; in addition,
neutral zones is an unclear term].
Rule 3.5: Envelope and infrastructure. [An economie-monde is
like an enormous envelope, containing a core area and hinter-
lands to assure the functioning of the economie-monde].
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Although the above rules are useful guidelines for an understand-
ing of economie-monde, some rules such as 3.2, 3.4 and 3.5 seem
unconvincing: they are not rules, at most they are some properties.
3.3 Braudel vs. Wallerstein
Beginning in the early 1970s, Braudel and Wallerstein expressed their
different views on economie-monde. To contrast their major differ-
ences, the focus here is on their nal exchange in October 1985,
one month before Braudels death. The historical evidence to back
up Wallersteins view on economie-monde has been presented in his
three volumes on the modern World-System, and he also presented
a more general theoretical summary and restatement in his 1980 ar-
ticle. Braudels criticism towards Wallerstein was amicable and re-
served, as can be seen from his unpublished draft, entitled Restric-
tions dImmanuel Wallerstein. (Gemelli 1995:231 note 2, which in-
dicates their different views on economie-monde in more detail from
their private correspondence). The three paragraphs in Capitalism
III:69-70 are more like friendly remarks than a true critique. Braudel
(1978:251-2) also mentioned Wallersteins World-System, but in a
quite sympathetic manner. The following quotation may reveal their
main differences.
The grand difference between Immanuel and myself certainly will
interest you. He follows Marxs lessons and he pretends that the
beginning of the biography of capital was the 16th century, that is
the dependence of a peripheral region (with slaves, mines, plan-
tations...) in the benece of Europe, which is enriching herself at
the expense of the others. He pretends that there was an European
economie-monde from the 16th century, and that this economie-
monde was not possible without capitalism. Is that your idea?
Wallerstein replies:
No, because you said that this economie-monde was not possible
without capitalism, but I say economie-monde in itself should
have an economic structure called capitalism. Ten years ago I
did not accept the existence of multiple economie-mondes and you
have nally convinced me. Today, I accept the existence, before the
16th century, of these economie-mondes, but I believe that each of
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them, by reason of the internal contradictions of its structure, were
either disintegrated or transformed into an empire-world. For one
curious reason and that should be explained, this is not the destiny
of the economie-monde constructed in the 16th century; in conse-
quence, it was from then on the real capitalism expanded. (Une
lecon, pp. 145-6; see EspaceTemps 1986, 34/35:44 for a similar
statement)
Braudel did not pursue further the main focus of the debate, but
this exchange urges us to consider questions on two fronts. (1) Histor-
ically, how did economie-mondes originate? How long have they been
in existence? More importantly, as Wallerstein said, what were the in-
ternal contradictions within their structures that led them to collapse?
(2) What are the basic elements that constitute an economie-monde?
How can its internal exchange mechanism be explained? The rst set
of questions can be answered only as case studies become available;
here I try to answer the second set of questions as follows.
3.4 Basic features of economie-monde
A world-economy ([ economie-monde] an expression which I have
used in the past as a particular meaning of the German term
Weltwirtschaft) only concerns a fragment of the world, an econom-
ically autonomous section of the planet able to provide for most of
its own needs, a section to which its internal links and exchanges
give a certain organic unity. (Capitalism III:22)
This is Braudels denition, whereas Wallersteins (1980:13) ver-
sion is:
By contrast, the concept world-economy [ economie-monde] as-
sumes that there exists an economy wherever (and if but only if)
there is an ongoing extensive and relatively complete social divi-
sion of labor with an integrated set of production processes which
relate to each other through a market which has been instituted
or created in some complex way.
Although both versions are well-dened, the overall concept remains
abstract. Based on these two denitions and the other statements pre-
sented above, ve major characteristics of both Braudels and Waller-
steins economie-monde can be summarized as follows.
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(1) In the past, present and future, in industrialized or developing ar-
eas, there co-exist(ed) multiple economie-mondes.
(2) An economie-monde is composed of a small core center, a rather
developed middle zone and a wide peripheral zone. The rela-
tionship between these three zones involves unequal exchange of
goods and services, such that much of the surplus-value extracted
in the peripheral zones of the world-economy [ economie-monde]
is transferred to the core zones. (Wallerstein 1980:15)
(3) Several economie-mondes co-exist and each has its own center;
there may be one or two major centers in a larger geographical
area of an economie-monde, called the center of economic gravity.
Over time and with changes in economic conditions, the center of
economic gravity also changes, as Rule 2.2 indicates. In France
II:630-1 as well as Capitalism III:32, 71, 138, 266, 484, 523, 530-
1, 575 Braudel illustrated this points several times.
(4) The role of the State is important in maintaining and expanding
an economie-monde. This is what Wallerstein has stressed but
Braudel neglected. Another related aspect is that the boundary of
an economie-monde does not necessarily match political bound-
aries, and usually an economie-monde boundary extends beyond
the political and cultural ones.
(5) Rule 1 says that the boundaries of an economie-monde change
only slowly. As Braudel has stressed, economie-monde should
be judged within the longue dur ee framework. (Une lecon, pp.
131-2) To this, one may add an amendment: for the economie-
monde before the 15th century, the change was slow from a ge-
ographical point of view; but the change speeded up from 16th
century onwards, as one can see from Figure 2-3 in Capitalism
III:28-9, which shows radical changes in the European economie-
monde between 1500 and 1775. Currently, the speed of change
in economie-monde is even faster: consider that the center of eco-
nomic gravity in this century has changed from London to New
York, and is gradually moving to Tokyo.
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4 Total history
Strictly speaking, total history is not a historical concept, rather it is
a methodological claim of historical writing. I shall present Braudels
own idea, provide some comments from other scholars, and show how
he applied this notion to his various books. Although Braudel used
histoire globale and histoire totale interchangeably, for consistancy I
adopt the second term.
4.1 Basic idea
Similarly, the globalit e, histoire globale that I defend, imposed on
me little by little. That is something extremely simple, so sim-
ple that most of my colleagues in history do not understand me.
On the contrary, this does not hinder them to attack me ercely.
. . . The globalit e, is not an intention to write a total history of the
world. It is not this kind of puerile, sympathetic and crazy preten-
sion. It is simply the desire, when one approaches a problem, to go
beyond the limits systematically. There is no historical problem, in
my view, that is separated by walls, that is independent. (Braudel
1978:245)
He was aged 75 when he made this statement, and had defended this
idea many times previously.
This idea can further be seen in his comments on Le Roy Laduries
Les paysans de Languedoc:
In our discussions what I disagreed with him was exactly on the
question that I preferred globalit e. For me, the peasants of Langue-
doc is not an autonomous subject, not a subject in itself. With-
out the land, without the rivers, without the soil, without the veg-
etation, without the cultures, without the mountains, without the
stone, without the paths (tracks), . . . there are no peasants without
all these. I was ghting against Le Roy Ladurie in demanding him
to have a kind of preliminary geographic study. For me, this is es-
sential. He nally accepted but with regret. He did not want to go
out of his subject. (Braudel 1978:245)
Three features of Braudels total history may be summarized. (1)
He advocated interdisciplinary studies, going beyond the limits of
well-dened topical studies. (2) History should be observed and stud-
ied from diverse angles, with it being benecial to expand the duration
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of observation (longue dur ee) and to extend the geographic areas, such
that extensive comparison will lead to signicant results. (3) It is es-
sential to combine the time dimension (three kinds of historical time)
and the space dimension (geo-history, economie-monde) in order to
investigate the complexity of the subject in question.
4.2 Criticism and defense
One major obstacle to histoire globale arises from the fact that his-
toire globale has been much more the product of individual genius than
of systematic theory. (Stoianovich 1978:20) Although Stoianovich
(1976:102-4, 133, 168, 207-8) offered more comments on total history,
his basic attitude is clear from Chapter 4 of his book which is titled
An impossible histoire globale. Some other commentators also crit-
icized Braudels idea, from which three examples are selected. Pierre
Chaunu was an early student of Braudel, who latter became Membre
de lInstitut. He frankly stated that: There cannot be a total history.
All knowledge is necessarily selective, a rational choice. ... total his-
tory, in its basic meaning, is evidently a non-sense. It is a wish, it
marks an direction, ... (Coutau-B egarie 1983:96, 99) Furet, who is a
well-known member of the Annales school, has written:
Yet the idea of total history is elusive. ... Total history merely
expresses the ambition of providing a fuller perspective, a more ex-
haustive description, a more comprehensive explanation of a given
object or problem than provided by the social sciences whose con-
ceptual and methodological innovations it has borrowed. (Furet
1983:394)
Hexter (1972:512) offered an unsympathetic way to describe this no-
tion:
One can almost see an adult and a small boy. The adult asks, What
do you want? Properly and promptly the small boy replies, I
would like a marshmallow cookie heavily coated with dark choco-
late. A little doubtful, the adult asks again, What do you really
want? This time the boy pauses. Then his eyes light up. I really
want everything in the world!
Karl Poppers criticism of holism may be borrowed to defend the
idea that Braudels notion of total history is not meaningless.
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There is a fundamental ambiguity in the use of the word whole
in recent holistic literature. It is used to denote (a) the totality of
all the properties or aspects of a thing, and especially of all the
relations holding between its constituent parts, and (b) certain spe-
cial properties or aspects of the thing in question, namely those
which make it appear an organized structure rather than a mere
heap. . . . The fact that wholes in sense (b) can be studied scien-
tically must therefore not be appealed to in order to justify the
entirely different claim that wholes in sense (a) can be so studied.
The latter claim must be rejected. If we wish to study a thing, we
are bound to select certain aspects of it. It is not possible for us
to observe or to describe a whole piece of the world, or a whole
piece of nature; in fact, not even the smallest whole piece may be
so described, since all description is necessarily selective. (Popper
1961:76-7)
Those who rejected Braudels total history, as cited above were
based their views on Poppers point (a). However, Poppers clari-
cation helps us to have a more balanced view on Braudels idea: total
history is not intend to describe everything, every aspect of the subject;
rather, it is intended to make it appear an organized structure rather
than a mere heap.
4.3 Applications and results
From technical point of view, then, is that feasible to apply Braudels
notion of total history to ones own historical analysis? Actually it is
quite difcult. First, few writers posses the requisite analytical tools
from various disciplines (geography, economics, demography, cultural
studies, etc. as Braudel claimed to have in the Preface to France). The
combination of multiple disciplines is not an easy thing, especially if
one really wants to achieve deep and signicant results. Supercial
marriages hardly generate true deep insights.
... one of the things we have learned, I believe, over the last twenty
years is the danger of premature interdisciplinary work. You can-
not, for instance, teach students to be interdisciplinary. ... But I
dont think it works, and I dont think it could work, because it
seems to me that to be good in interdisciplinary work, you already
have to have very solid foundations in one discipline. That is, you
learn how to be responsible; ... People who try to start out by
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learning something about everything will not get anywhere. So I
certainly think that an academic community of specialists is much
more desirable than one that is made up of all-around amateurs.
(Elster 1990:240)
Second, total history is certainly a good idea, constituting an ideal
plot, but to nd a meaningful subject which simultaneously includes
the three sorts of historical time and an economie-monde is surely not
an easy thing. Even were it possible, to such a huge subject it would be
hard to nd a unifying framework because there are too many aspects,
too many issues, too many materials to be managed to reach an elegant
nal product that could satisfy Braudels ideal. I am inclined to agree
that Braudels total history is a product of individual genius, and in
the 50 years since Braudel proposed the concept, I have not seen a his-
torical work by another historian that has met Braudels requirements
of total history.
The next question is: How successful was Braudels application
of this notion in his three major books? As to historical time, the ta-
ble of contents of The Mediterranean is quite clear that there are three
parts in this book and each part corresponds to one sort of historical
time. It is possible to validate these concepts from the rich collection
of documents on politics, society, religion, and economic exchange ac-
cumulated in the lengthy list of archives in the Appendix of his book,
and using these materials Braudel illustrated these concepts success-
fully. In terms of space (geography), the Mediterranean is a pivotal
area, connecting several continents. The impressive volume of eco-
nomic exchange over this sea made it a true economie-monde, upon
which Braudel proposed this concept. In short, the four elements in
Figure 1 are fully illustrated in The Mediterranean. It is from this
sparkling work that Braudel see the magic power of total history, he
persisted in this goal but was less fortunate when he applied it to his
other two books. Let me explain.
Braudels notion of economie-monde was fully developed in Vol-
ume III of Capitalism, impressing many readers with his capacity to
spell out this concept with so rich historical evidence. Readers were
also gratied that Braudel nally presented his own version of the con-
cept in Capitalism (1979) after Wallersteins rst volume of World-
System in 1974. One may say that the aspect of historical space is well
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illustrated in Capitalism. But in terms of historical time, the elements
covered in Capitalism are so heterogeneous and the topics included
are so diverse that it seems Braudel was not able to demonstrate the
aspects of longue dur ee, conjoncture, and event-history of this huge
topic in an explicit and convincing manner, either in terms of frame-
work or evidence. For instance, capitalism is a topic closely related to
economic uctuations and nancial events, so is it appropriate to put
capitalism in the longue dur ee perspective? Or, is the aspect of longue
dur ee important to the history of capitalism? Both are doubtful. If the
longue dur ee perspective is ineffective for this topic, then the time axis
in Figure 1 is unsound. In short, total history seems less successfully
presented in Capitalism.
Total history is also not well illustrated in France, but for an op-
posite reason. Braudel certainly knew France very well, and the rich
documents in the French archives are more than sufcient for him to
illustrate his three kinds of historical time. But I often nd him over-
involved in details: in The Mediterranean we see he apportioned the
three kinds of historical time to more or less equal sections, but in
France we see too few pages devoted to the longue dur ee aspect and
too many pages to particular events, this is very different from The
Mediterranean. The signicant problem lies in his treatment of his-
torical space: Did France ever constitute an economie-monde, from
ancient time to today? The answer seems to be No, and the rea-
son is evident if one reviews French economic history according to
the ve basic features of economie-monde presented in Section 3.4.
One might argue that there existed some mini- economie-mondes (i.e.
regional economie-mondes) in France, but even if this argument is
valid, how could their scale and importance be comparable with the
economie-mondes presented in the previous two books? More impor-
tantly, Braudel did not illustrate a single French economie-monde and
demonstrate its operational mechanism convincingly in France. If this
economie-monde aspect does not stand, then a major part of Figure 1
is missing such that the notion of total history is incomplete.
Based on my reading experience as well as the impression ob-
tained from the many book reviews of Capitalism and France, it is
not unfair to say that France is far less insightful than Capitalism. So
this is a question of value judgment: I think total history (including the
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four concepts that it governs) was applied most ideally in The Mediter-
ranean, less successfully in Capitalism, and unsatisfactorily in France.
5 Methodology
5.1 Perspective
During his undergraduate education at Sorbonne in the 1920s and his
rst teaching experience in Algeria in the early 1930s, Braudel studied,
read and wrote so called traditional history, centered on great gures
and diplomatic, military and political events. He had contacts with
pioneers of New History like Berr, Febvre and Bloch, but Braudels
writings (mainly as journal articles and reviews) until the late 1930s
were essentially conventional in topics and in writing style, as can be
seen from his early writings collected in Les ecrits de Fernand Braudel
(Braudel 1996-2001).
His rst major book The Mediterranean (1949) made a new land-
mark: he placed the history of events low in his value hierarchy, as Part
III of the book. This Part III, as well as his earlier writings, together
with his two biographies on Charles V and Philippe II (in Braudel
1994 Ecrits sur lhistoire II), all testify to his excellence in traditional
history, deep knowledge of details, and excellent writing skill. But he
was brave enough to reject these already reputation-earning assets and
shifted to the longue dur ee and conjoncture perspectives. The trans-
formation to one which de-emphasized the chronological narration of
events and historical gures, and attempted to plot images of grand
history, was a breakthrough in historiography. This attitude is evident
in the introduction to Part III of The Mediterranean (1966).
A feature of this kind of historical writing which plots grand image
is that Braudel did not aim to resolve puzzles or issues, nor to propose
new hypotheses or proposition to be veried by historical evidence.
Rather, he wished to expose structural images of important themes. In
Capitalism, for example, Braudel treated this topic uniquely. In three
volumes he showed that the activities of capitalism can be classied
into three levels: daily life market activities; production and exchange
within the national market; international capital ow and trade at the
world economy level. He defended no thesis, showed little interest
in the doctrines of capitalism that were often heatedly debated; what
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he was interested in was to plot its complex images within his cho-
sen framework, by abundant details from both archives and secondary
literature. One needs to understand this writing style before reading
his work, otherwise his framework and chapter design will be a bur-
den for readers accustomed to text with rigorous inner structure and
logical reasoning.
A structural characteristic of (or defect in) Braudels framework is
that his subject is usually huge, spanning several centuries, touching
numerous facets, and his ambition is evident from the tables of con-
tents of his books. In his mind there is always a longue dur ee per-
spective and total history design. His books generally ran to 1,500-
2,000 pages but covered hundreds of topics such that each individual
issue occupied only on average 2 to 3 pages, while some were even
conned to one page, for instance the serious state nance crisis in
the Turkish empire was treated only sweepingly in pp. 1195-6 (The
Mediterranean). Such examples are not rare as one can see from ta-
bles of contents of these three books.
The question follows immediately: since only limited space could
be assigned to each issue, and there are hundreds of issues in a book;
although this might have satised Braudels total history ambition, but
how could this kind of scattered structure t into Braudels longue
dur ee framework? In other words, to expose the longue dur ee aspect of
his subject, the author must assign sufcient space consistent with the
gravity of the topic. Only when treated in full length can the authors
subtle ideas and arguments bring the reader to a full understanding
of the topics. Braudels longue dur ee, I argue, is embodied in the
framework, not in the text itself: it is not evident that one always nd
the avor of longue dur ee in Braudels explanations, but this longue
dur ee design can be observed easily in his table of contents. This is a
peculiar feature of his design and an essential point to understand the
inimitability of Braudels writing style.
Given a structure such as his, it is difcult to nd space to present
a theory, a hypothesis, full-length evidence or arguments to resolve a
historical puzzle. An efcient way, therefore, to read Braudels books
is to avoid dwelling on main body of the text, but rst to read the in-
troductions to the book, to the chapters, to the sections, and the rst
two paragraphs of small sections; normally this will sufce to transmit
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Braudels orientations and basic points of view. The text is some-
times interesting but not always worth the time to read. The nal para-
graphs, contrary to most history books, are often unimportant, because
Braudel reserves making conclusions on his subjects.
5.2 Unconventional methodology
Nor was Braudel a man to make denitions. In Capitalism I never see
him dene this key term clearly. He did offer an interesting history
of the term, but never gave its meaning in his own perception, nor an
idea as to how he will use this key word. This puzzled conventional
readers. His famous notions such as longue dur ee and conjoncture are
similarly compounded: what are their denitions, how can one apply
them to other materials? Braudel deliberately attempted to retain this
vagueness to avoid being limited to narrow denitions, and so that
he could expand the notion to other possibilities when feasible. He
believed that in so doing he would produce a much richer nal product.
Take conjoncture as an example. He used this term frequently in the
three major books, but even a systematic reader will still be uncertain
about its exact meaning, or how to correctly apply it to ones own
topics.
Braudel vindicated this attitude clearly in the last two months of
his life:
I should never try to dene, at least in the optic of my reasoning.
All preliminary denition is a kind of personal sacrice. I have
discussed long time with a very great economist Francois Perroux,
he is used to dene the meaning of the words, the meaning of the
problems, absolutely just like a theologian. I told him, but in vain,
that to dene in this precise manner is to stop the discussion. Once
the denition is made, one cannot discuss any longer. ... The rst
volume of my book was entitled Identity of France. I was able to
dene the identity of France only after I reached the nal page of
my book. (Une lecon, 1986:160-1)
This is certainly an unusual way of thinking. It must be hard to accept
for logically-minded historians since this unconventional philosophy
might better suit artists.
This leads one to examine yet another of his unconventional
methodology: the usage and the function of archives. In her younger
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days Madame Braudel accompanied him in his visits to many archives
in various countries. In 1992 she published a witness article, explain-
ing vividly what archives meant to Braudel:
But his passion, the pleasure that he cultivated until the end of his
long life, was to documents directly. For him, this was a grand
open door to imagination. And Braudel had a lot of imagination.
... In archives, his imagination never left him alone. (Paule Braudel
1992:240)
Other telling stories about Braudel and archives can also be found in
the same page of that article.
The thing that is puzzling is: since most archival materials are con-
crete facts and belong to event history, why would a man like Braudel,
who rejects event history and promotes longue dur ee history, maintain
a life-long interest in archives? How could archives be compatible
with his longue dur ee perspective? Archives serve dual purpose in
Braudels works. One is to supply archival materials as evidence to
his text. This is evident from the countless footnotes in The Mediter-
ranean. Second, as Madame Braudel wrote, the unexpected materials
found in archives strongly inspired his historical imagination. I have
no direct evidence to show this point but am inclined to agree that
for Braudel, archives were a constant sources of imagination for him.
Again, unconventionally, he did not always use archival materials to
verify a proposition or to strengthen his arguments, rather, he used
archives as stimulants to depict his historical images.
In The Mediterranean, he used archival materials most extensively.
The archives he consulted to prepare this book makes a long, im-
pressive list in the Appendix. However, readers may be uncertain (1)
whether he had all the necessary materials in his hand to present the
main themes (i.e. if archival materials were fully used to prove his
points); or (2) whether he simply used the materials in his hand to
write the book (the books directions and extent depend on the archival
materials that have inspired him). In other words, was Braudel used
the archives or was the archives guided Braudel? I believe Braudel
resorted to the second type: he had no specic historical question to
resolve, the materials in his hands were stimulants to plot his book.
. . . one understands perhaps, why in 1942 Braudel wrote that if he
were not in the war prisoners camp when he was drafting this book,
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he surely will produce a different book. (Paule Braudel 1992:244)
We thus may understand better why he assigned great importance to
archival facts, while simultaneously preserving the longue dur ee per-
spective; we also therefore understand better why he emphasized the
importance of details: Les d etails, bien s ur, ont leur poids. (The
Mediterranean p. 516)
One nal thing pertaining his writing style is his artistic method
of composition, as can be seen from Madame Braudels telling wit-
ness:
... an approach which is not that of a logician nor of a philoso-
pher. Perhaps that of an artist? For this point I would easily be in
agreement with Francois Fourquet. In any case, it was about 20
or 25 years ago that I began to consider Braudels writing mecha-
nism. When I was reading a passage in a book which had nothing
to do with history, if I remember well, entitled La perception vi-
suelle. The example given is a painter in front of the landscape
from which he wants to paint a picture. He sees everything, look-
ing at everything, injecting plenty of detailed materials into it. But
what seduces him is the signicance that was still not totally clear,
insufciently conscious even after he had perceived every detail in
behind. For him, to paint is an attempt to translate this interior per-
ception into his picture, to decipher a confusing mass into signi-
cant lines. When I read these sentences, they made me immediately
think what I have observed unconsciously about Braudels interior
approach. ... To conclude, let me add that, during these ve years
[of war prison experience], he had all the time (and that is his only
distraction) to recommence the same painting, incessantly. And
I think it was then that he contracted the malady that was never
cured, the malady of successive versions, writing most of the time
from memory, not taking the previous text for correction, but writ-
ing a totally new version. One day I criticized this kind of wasting
time and energy, when he replied in smiling that he could not do
otherwise. He said: But it was you who told me that Matisse
redrafted everyday the same portrait of the same model, and you
were not critical of that at all. You told me that everyday he threw
away regularly his drawings, until the moment he nally found the
line he likes. And what I am doing is something like that. (Paule
Braudel 1992:244)
Braudel provided a similar explanation in the nal paragraph of the
Foreword to the second volume of Capitalism.
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Another aspect of his writing style is his rhetoric: Braudels sen-
tences are often laden with poetic avor. Since this point has been
well analyzed in Carrard (1992:54-62), Chaunu (1992:71), Gemelli
(1995:47-8, 78), Labrousse (1972:17) and Kellner (1979:204-5); I
shall not repeat their arguments here.
6 Evaluation
6.1 Criticism
The main criticisms of Braudels historiography can be grouped into
two categories. First, he lacks theories sufciently clear or strong to
interpret his materials and subjects; second, he seldom attempted rst-
hand deep investigation on a specic topic.
In 1977 a conference on The Impacts of Annales School on the
Social Sciences was held at the University of Binghamton (SUNY),
and the proceedings were published in Review, 1978 (3/4). In the
discussion panel Melvin Leiman of SUNY-Binghamton questioned
Braudel:
It has been stated that the strength and defects of the Annales move-
ment are intertwined; that the strength is the great respect for un-
earthing facts in minute detail in order to reconstruct history; but
on the other hand, that there isnt an ordering of importance; and
that is, that there isnt a theory by which some facts are considered
of primary importance and other facts of secondary importance. In
other words, it has been claimed that there isnt a theory of social
change, a theory that tries to explain the discontinuities in addition
to the continuities of history. I would like to hear your position on
that. (Review, 1978:255)
Unfortunately Braudels response was too vague to clearly answer this
appropriate question.
Braudel invented some now famous notions (longue dur ee, con-
joncture, economie-monde etc.), but he never offered a causal inter-
pretation of history; he even avoided any possibility to be involved
with historical theory. He made this position clear in the Introduction
to Capitalism: ... I had deliberately set out to write outside the world
of theory, of all theories, and had intended to be guided by concrete
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observation and comparative history alone. (p. 25) This is consistent
with his attitude towards the role of denition, as quoted earlier.
Two possible reasons explain Braudels attitude. First, during the
1950s-60s when Braudel was in a leading position, both academically
and administratively, a great conict of theories prevailed in France
(existentialism, structuralism, Marxism etc.). To avoid unnecessary
complication (Braudel himself was controversial enough on his own
account), he carefully avoided any connection with theoretical debate,
especially in his own writings. Asecond reason is perhaps closer to the
nature of his thinking, that he seriously doubted that history could be or
needed to be theorized. As explained above, his writing style derived
its inspiration from archives and the secondary literature; theory of any
kind could be nothing but a fetter to him.
I support the second criticism of Braudels historiography, that he
seldom attempted rst-hand deep investigation of a specic topic, to
resolve a certain question or to verify a proposition. Braudels ori-
entation was to plot a historical image according to his perception
visuelle (as Madame Braudel wrote), Braudel was well talented to
paint tableaux crossing centuries (longue dur ee) and spanning large
geographical areas. This method is inimitable by historians who are
more specialized in certain periods, on certain topics, in certain elds.
But when Braudel handled a more restricted, a better-dened topic,
such as the history of France and the history of Italian renaissance pe-
riod (see Appendix 1 for a review of his Le Mod` ele italien), the disad-
vantage of his methodology became transparent. There are numerous
experts on the subject, and the knowledge accumulated in the eld is
strong enough to resist Braudels new plot and interpretations. His
France and Out of Italy (1991) therefore incurred severe criticisms.
Braudels method is more suitable for subjects that are international
and cross centuries; his talent is certainly unsuitable to deal with spe-
cic topics within a country, such as population history or price history
in certain areas during certain periods.
6.2 Afterthoughts
Braudels ve key concepts made signicant contributions to the his-
torical analysis of time and space. With historical time, he expanded
the conventional single-speed, linear-movement of historical time into
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a set of historical times that can be broadly divided into short- medium-
and long-term: they co-exist, and each has its own speed, life and func-
tion; they are inter-related and inter-acting. His main contribution to
historical space was economie-monde, a concept not well presented in
The Mediterranean but nally claried three decades later in Capital-
ism.
I also have an impression that Braudel never dened clearly the
exact meaning of any of his concepts, the necessary and sufcient ele-
ments to satisfy their basic requirements, or tested them with historical
evidence. On the contrary, he would begin with a fuzzy idea and when
he applied such an idea to historical materials, he was often enlight-
ened by coming upon unexpected archival information, which in turn
enriched his initial notion or modied it. In this sense, his concepts
are not rigid, always subject to new possibilities; and since they are
uid, one should not be surprised to see their variations in Braudels
different books. Conceptual denition in exact sciences are exclusive
(all that do not t are excluded), but Braudels concepts are inclusive
(all that are loosely related can be included).
In other words, Braudels concepts are not analytically or logically
rigorous, but are adjustable according to circumstances. Even if one
grasps his ideas, it is still not easy to apply them to ones own research.
A major advantage of this method is its exibility, whereas its draw-
back is the misunderstandings that often result. Braudel believed that
the use of this kind of loosely dened concept would generate more
historical insights than rigorous ones.
In retrospect, the ve concepts discussed in this chapter were fully
recognizable in the rst edition of The Mediterranean (1949) and
Braudel faithfully used them throughout the rest of his life (Capital-
ism1979 and France 1986), without adding newconcepts during those
four decades. When I evaluate the notion of total history in his three
major books, I nd its application is progressively less successful.
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2
The Mediterranean (1949)
Braudel, F. (1990): La m editerran ee et le monde m editerran een ` a
l epoque de Philippe II, Paris: A. Colin (2 volumes), 9e edition. Trans-
lated from the French by S. Reynolds in 1972, Fontana (1995, 16th
impression): The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the
Age of Philip II, 2 volumes.
This famous work was initially published in 1949, and its second edi-
tion was to a great extent revised in 1966. At present, in 2004, nearly
60 years after the rst edition, the book is in the 9th edition. However,
only minor alternations were done after the fourth edition in 1979.
The English translation of this book is based on the second edition of
1966, up to the 16th reprinting in 1995. Other translations are: Ital-
ian (1976), Spanish (1982), Polish (1977), Portuguese (1984), German
(1985), Greek (1987), Romanian (1986), Japanese (1991-5), Chinese
(1996), Korean (in preparation), and some others beyond my knowl-
edge. In short, this masterpiece still has its new translations even after
50 years, and some other translations are still in (re)print. This is rather
a rare phenomenon for such a difcult history book. Why is this book
so magically attractive? What are its permanent contributions? Read-
ing this book with the hindsight of 50 years, what can we contribute
toward a better understanding of this work?
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I discuss in Section 1 the books novel design and Braudels an-
gles of analysis. I then discuss how Braudel does history, what
kind of problems he had resolved, why his analysis are sometimes
puzzling, etc. These are all concrete issues mainly centered on his
style: its advantages and disadvantages. As few economic historians
have engaged in debates on this book, Section 3 summarizes the ma-
jor criticisms previously published in professional journals, in order to
realize how people from different disciplines and countries reacted to
this book. Section 4 focuses on Braudels economic interpretations,
revealing that his economic logic is often unsound and his evidence
is also not always convincing. The concluding section 5 evaluates the
inspirations and the contributions of this famous work.
The long history in the making of this book, its reception both
at home and abroad, main differences between the 1949 and 1966
editions, etc. have been discussed in Gemellis (1995) biography on
Braudel (chapters 1-3) in great detail. The page numbers referred to in
this chapter are based on the English version of 1972.
1 Framework
This huge book is 1,375 pages long, divided into three parts: viz. geo-
environment (longue dur ee perspective), collective destinies and gen-
eral trends (conjoncture perspective) and events, politics and people
(short-lived stories). The rst part of the book is Braudels favorite
one and contains his most innovative contribution towards historical
time perception. The second part is on economies, empires, civiliza-
tions, etc. which are familiar topics for socio-economic historians.
Braudel was, however, not original in this part but contributes rich and
interesting archival information. As for the third part, Braudel him-
self confessed that It was only after much hesitation that I decided
to publish this third section, describing events; it has strong afnities
with frankly traditional historiography. (p. 901)
The framework of this book is impressively huge (20 lengthy chap-
ters, each containing complicated facets), wherein each chapter is pri-
marily divided into several main sections, and then further divided into
several subsections (each of them can be, and rather should be, fur-
ther developed into a full-length article or even a small monograph
by other specialists). Braudel used a three-level (geography, socio-
economic, and events) framework to organize his divergent data, and
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in each level a particular conception of historical time (longue dur ee,
conjoncture, and ev enementiel) has been assigned. This design is typ-
ically that of Braudels, forming the most original and most inimitable
part of Braudels historiography.
To condense the material which he had collected from many
archives over-several years in the form of a book necessarily resulted
in most issues being compressed within two or three pages, hence the
readers often feel that Braudel just touched the beginning or surface of
a topic and hurried on to touch another issue, thereby one can seldom
see that a topic is analyzed in depth with comprehensive documents.
Braudels style is rather unconventional, in a sense that it does not
present an issue rst, then set hypotheses, and go on prove or disap-
prove the propositions with evidence. He is not a thesis tester, but is
a plotter, describing new historical images based on his archives and
perceptions. In other words, a great plotter with a tremendous amount
of detailed knowledge. What we need to appreciate from his work is
his power of designing and the new roads that he illuminated, rather
than pondering on his concrete points on some particular issues.
As Gemelli (1995:46-7) rightly observed:
Braudel sees the Mediterranean with its thousand visages which
did not impose on him any pregured or xed image of the sea.
The young historian met the Mediterranean space not as a systemto
be broken down or to be recomposed through analytical reasoning,
but conceived it as sequential images, a changing spectacle that he
could enrich voluntarily, without being too preoccupied with what
historical forms this space would lead to.
That makes this book unusual and sometimes it is also difcult to grasp
its subtle messages.
2 Style
In this section I present some stylistic problems which I observed, il-
lustrated with an example. Braudel worked in many archives while
preparing and revising The Mediterranean, had accumulated consider-
able material to be included into his book. Most historians use archive
material as bricks to ll up and support their frameworks, or sometimes
even modify their designs based on the unexpected material. Braudel,
however, does not belong to this category.
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As has been laiquoted in the nal paragraph of section 1, Braudel
initially did not have a pregured framework for this work, he allowed
the archives to stimulate him, lead him to a complicated and unex-
pected world, gradually he put all the elements together, forming a
denite shape. His considerations of three types of historical time, the
division of chapters into three parts, etc., came into his mind only in
the latter stage of his preparation (during his war prisoner camp pe-
riod). A major advantage of this particular process is that the images
of the Interior sea are not bounded by any sorts of previous perception.
Nevertheless, the main disadvantage is that it was not easy to mould
all the huge and divergent material into a well shaped nal product. In
The Mediterranean the author was led by the material, rather than the
material obeying the authors will. It was written from bottom to top,
from patches to unied framework, very unconventionally.
This descriptive/narrative style puts more emphasis on historical
facts rather than on the elaboration of some particular points. A side
effect of this is that sometimes Braudel has a good insight on certain
points but he simply touches it lightly and shifts away. We do not
see many pages where he provides full-length arguments or counter-
arguments. A notable exception is, however, in the very last three
pages of volume I (pp. 578-90) Lintrusion nordique et le d eclin de
la M editerran ee. This was added to the fourth edition in 1979, based
on the literature published in the 1970s, hence it has not appeared in
the English version. The core argument is based on that of Richard
Rapp (1975): The unmaking of the Mediterranean trade hegemony:
international trade rivalry and the commercial revolution, Journal of
Economic History, 35(3):499-525.
A previous conception about the decline of trade in the Mediter-
ranean was that the commercial activities shifted from South to North
since the Nordic countries offered higher protability. Rapp provides
a convincing counter-argument that,
all the competitive characteristics of the industrial exports brought
to the Levantine market by the North Atlantic producers (led by
England) in the rst half of the seventeenth century were designed,
in keeping with the best mercantilist practice, to supplant the pre-
existing southern merchandise. To overcome the Italian industrial
hegemony a consistent policy of cutthroat pricing was employed.
This was made possible by the lower cost of labor in the develop-
ing North, by an absence of ingrained, restrictive practices, and by
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state support (rather than heavy taxation) of exports. ... the expla-
nation of north European economic growth is more clearly related
to competitive success in established markets, not merely to chang-
ing trade routes. (p. 521)
This kind of argument is useful in the sense that it contradicted pre-
vious explanations. However, this kind of effect is rarely observed in
The Mediterranean, and a few more striking effects of this kind will
signicantly increase the persuasive power of the book.
In some topics, Braudel was basically summarizing the work done
by other scholars. Three examples in this regard can be found in the
nal part of chapter 7.2: In the following pages I have drawn on two
works by Felip Ruiz Martin... (p. 500, note 263); The following
details are based on the description in Jose Gentil da Silvas forthcom-
ing publication. (p. 507, note 292); ... I have closely followed his
excellent analysis which is both soundly based and original. (p. 512,
note 304)
Some sections of a few chapters are over-divided, for instance the
last section of the nal chapter in the rst volume contains about 16
subsections, each comprising of less than two or three pages. They
can be safely merged into less than ve main sections (topics) to avoid
over-segmentation and many secondary details, this will also sharpen
the authors main focuses effectively. This is, however, an often ob-
served design inefciency.
Another more serious problem is the bias in information selection.
Unquestionably, Braudel was very familiar with Italian, Spanish and
French archives as well as their general backgrounds, but we often
observe in some general topics (such as Urban functions in chapter
5.3) that he only refers to Italian and French cases, and readers are not
sure if just the Italian and French cases are representative enough for
a book dealing with the Mediterranean. This representation problem
(with a highly biased selection of evidence) is not negligible.
In some cases one also comes across conicting statements. For
example, on p. 423 it has been stated that 2. Agriculture not only as-
sured the Mediterranean of its everyday livelihood, but also provided
a range of costly food for export, sometimes to a large volume... But
on p. 570 on the Mediterranean grain trade, he states: The Mediter-
ranean has never had a superabundance of grain: the scarcity of home-
grown cereals and the constant search for substitutes has bred a kind
of ingenuity. The study of the grain problem takes us to one of the
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most vulnerable areas of Mediterranean life... Which of the above
statements is closer to the general situation? The overall impression
gained from chapter 8.2 suggests that food scarcity in general is much
more serious than one might have imagined.
Braudel seldom treated an issue by obtaining evidence from sev-
eral countries and putting them in a comparative perspective. A rare
exception is the state budget problem considered in chapter 9.2. We
sometimes nd that some topics are only perfunctorily analyzed, such
as the section on Mobility and Stability of Civilizations. (chapter
11.1, pp. 757-76) The heading suggests that he will rst illustrate
how civilizations are mobile and then demonstrate the stability of in-
teractions. However, this chapter was a disappointing one, because the
stories and mechanisms in these pages are rather easy to follow, not
much above common sense.
In general, non-specialized readers are more interested in the par-
ticular mechanisms that govern this complicated world, and that is also
what we expected from such a great historian because common peo-
ple generally do not have such in-depth knowledge and penetrating
insights to grasp its underlying mechanism. In this regard, however,
Braudel was a disappointment because he was much more interested
in describing details rather than revealing the inner logic of his sub-
jects. His main insights are embodied in the entire framework of this
book, in the design of chapters and sections, and a few are in the main
text. The huge structure of this book contains excessive scattered de-
tails, but with insufcient hypotheses, propositions and arguments to
support (or to govern) these divergent facts. This makes the readers
feel that the intellectual stimulus is not strong enough when one reads
page by page.
Some experts do not hide their disagreements, e.g. Harsgor (1986)
in his notes 50, 77, 90, 94 offers some strong convincing counter-
arguments. Putting all these details aside and taking each chapter as
a unit of analysis, I think that the concluding chapter of Part II (chap-
ter 13) disappointed me the most. Basically this chapter simply sum-
marizes chapters 6-12 without adding much new insight. Braudels
main purpose here was to theorize his notion of conjoncture, but as an
economic historian who is familiar with what the French word con-
joncture means in economics, I do not feel that his extended usage
of this word in explaining socio-economic history is successful, nor
does it provide signicant historical insights. I would not have minded
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if Braudel had deleted this chapter. If he wants to keep this chapter
in order to show his originality in historical time perception, I would
say that I am more interested in seeing an independent chapter on the
longue dur ee as the concluding chapter of Part I. Why did Braudel not
think of such a chapter on this notion that he was most proud of?
3 Criticisms
In June 1965, while writing the conclusion of this book, Braudel states
that: This book has been in circulation for almost twenty years: it has
been laiquoted, challenged, criticized (too seldom) and praised (too
often). (p. 1238) Thirty years later (1996), when I read the major
criticisms on this book (as listed in the References), I agree that there
are many praises, but criticisms were not as scarce as Braudel believed
even in the 1960s.
It would be cumbersome to summarize these pros and cons here.
It is also not necessary to laiquote these published opinions. Instead I
will state the basic nature of these opinions. The points in this chapter,
especially those in sections 4 and 5 below, are carefully chosen so as
to avoid repeating what has been said before by other reviewers.
In general, previous comments on this book are of the half-praise
half-criticism type. Basically, three types of comments are observed.
First, the French history community enthusiastically received this
work from the very beginning. In the March 1947 Sorbonne thesis
defense, members of the Jury debated heatedly but also honored the
author very highly (Labrousse 1972:8-10, Gemelli 1995:144-5). Af-
terwards, the receptions at home were basically highly positive ones
(see the interviews of Pierre Chaunu and Le Roy Ladurie in LHistoire,
July-August 1992, No. 157, pp. 71-2). Gemelli (1995, chapter 4) has
recorded the receptions of this book in some of the European coun-
tries, mainly the positive sides. There is a sociology of knowledge
aspect that needs to be considered here. During the 1950s-70s the
overwhelming reputation of Braudel and the Annales school might
have hindered the publication of objections. Hence Braudels claim
to having received scant criticism. Perhaps some ten years later, new
opinions will emerge, when the Annales would become less powerful.
Second, English-speaking historians are less critical about its
framework, but greatly disagree on concrete issues such as the in-
terpretation of archival information. For instance, Harsgor (1986) is
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harsh about Braudels interpretation of the Spanish decadence in the
16th century. A more balanced account is the lengthy article by Kinser
(1981a) in which he emphasized two angles: geo-history and structural
perspective.
1
Third, economic historians, especially American cliometricians,
expressed quite negative opinions about Braudels economic contribu-
tions. A representative piece is Bailyn (1951). Douglass North, the
Nobel winner in economics (economic history) had once said:
Fernand Braudels masterpiece, Le Monde M editerran een, is not a
model on which one can build a school. It is a work of art which,
when subject to the critical scrutiny of the cliometrician, becomes
a lot of brushstrokes on a canvas. ... But if one accepts my stan-
dards, they [the Annales historians] provide no leadership to aid us
in acquiring a more systematic and scientic understanding of the
economic past. (North 1978:80)
4 Economics
Few critics have attacked Braudels economic interpretations. Eco-
nomic issues are mainly grouped in chapters 6-8, but some economic
matters can be found in other chapters as well, although he has treated
them only in passing. For example: nancial difculties in Spain are
scattered in chapters 7 (pp. 510-7), 9 (pp. 681-701), 13 (pp. 897-
9), and 14 (pp. 942-3, Figure 66 and pp. 960-4). A similar problem
regarding the nancial crisis in the Turkish empire is also very inter-
esting. However, this is only sweepingly treated in less than two pages
1
See Molho (2001) for a comprehensive account of the reception of The
Mediterranean in the U.S., in which many penetrating comments can be
found. A central question he addressed is: How to explain the reluctance
of American historians, most especially students of early modern European
history, to recognize the books importance and grant it the same reception
that, at more or less that time, was accorded to other books written by Eu-
ropean historians, even to books written by Braudels disciples? (p. 148)
He concluded that: Like a ship that crossed the archipelago of the American
historical professions, Braudels Mediterranean has largely been lost from
sight. It certainly did not transform the landscape of historical writing in the
United States. Nor does it appear to have changed many traditional, not to
say stereotypical, images of the Mediterranean which prevail in the general
American culture. It did not result in the creation of an American variant of a
Braudelian school of historical writing. (p. 161)
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(pp. 1195-6).
In my opinion the most valuable insight offered in Part II is the
one given in chapter 7, wherein he discussed the economic impact of
precious metals imported from North Africa and America. For non-
specialized readers Braudel offers some enlightening observations and
arguments, which are presented in the Introduction (pp. 462-3) for
section 3 The rise in prices (pp. 517-24). Previous historians gave
too much importance to precious metals in the 16th century. Braudel
by contrast argued that
Money was not the universal driving force it was readily assumed
to be. The role played by precious metals was determined not only
by the stocks inherited from previous centuries, and therefore by
accidents in the past, but equally by the velocity of circulation, by
international relations, economic competition, the deliberate poli-
cies of state and mercantile communities, even by vulgar opinion.
(p. 462)
This suggests that Braudel disagreed with the simple-minded
quantity theory of money in which the general price level is directly
and proportionally related to the amount of money stock. The four
points offered on pp. 522-4 effectively demonstrated Braudels in-
sight: large quantity of precious metal imports were necessary to meet
the operational demands of the monetarizing European economies.
These metals certainly hastened ination, but the maturing European
economies also contributed far from negligible to ination. Employing
modern economic terminology, it was a demand-pull type of ination
plus a monetary-supply type ination, and the demand side may had
more than 50% responsibility.
There are many debatable economic contents in The Mediter-
ranean. Given limited space I shall focus on one aspect with which
I disagree. By using examples from Figures 56-8 I intend to showhow
Braudels economic logic is unsound.
Figure 56 State budgets and the general price situation (Les bud-
gets suivant la conjoncture, p. 680) gives an idea of the universal
decrease in the nancial resources of the European states [England,
Brittany, France, Burgundy, Venice, Florence, etc.] between 1410 and
1423. He concludes that
In general, the state seems always to have lagged a little behind
changes in the economic situation, both during upward and down-
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ward trends, that is to say its resources declined less quickly than
others [such as the private sector] during a depression - and this
was an advantage - and rose less quickly during periods of growth.
Unfortunately such a theory [hypothesis in the French version]
cannot be veried either from the document in question here, or
from others cited below [i.e. Figures 57-58]. One thing is certain:
the resources of the state uctuated according to the prevailing eco-
nomic conditions.
The last sentence is a kind of truism that requires no qualication.
What can be debated is the hypothesis: State controls lesser resources
than other sectors during economic recession, and vice versa. The
available imperfect statistical data of the 15th-16th centuries does not
allow the verication of the hypothesis, but even with todays well-
developed statistics I am afraid that it is not easy to reach such a net
conclusion since the economic systems varied in their nature (centrally
planned, socialist or market economies), the degree of economic de-
velopment also varied (industrialized or developing), and the tax struc-
ture is also different (high progressive tax or lowwelfare tax structure).
This hypothesis may be more suitable for an individual country case
study rather than for cross-country comparison. What is more impor-
tant is: even if this hypothesis were veriable, how can it impart a
better understanding of the historical phenomenon or of the economic
mechanism? My knowledge of economics cannot offer a good answer
on its usefulness.
The historical evidence related to this hypothesis can be found in
the following Figure 57 State budgets and the general price situa-
tion (Les budgets suivant la conjoncture) which include the cases of
Venice (1423-1541) and France (1498-1610, pp. 684-5) while Fig-
ure 58 with the same title illustrates the case of Spain (1550-1600,
p. 686). In Venices case Braudel uses three indicators viz. ducati
correnti, zecchini and silver, to reveal the long-term trend of Venetian
revenues. Although different in measurement units, all three curves re-
veal a similar trend. The problem is that they are expressed in nominal
prices (not deated). This was a period of price revolution so that if
one accounts for the ination rate, then the shape of these three curves
would be very different. In other words, we cannot see long-term real
state revenues from this gure. Moreover, one also does not knowhow
to judge conjoncture from this gure: one needs other indicators such
as an industrial production index or the unemployment rate, etc., to
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estimate the degree of change in conjoncture between certain years. In
other words, this gure cannot demonstrate what its title (Les budgets
suivant la conjoncture) claims.
The gure representing the case of France is also confusing. Here
Braudel uses two indicators (viz. livre tournois and gold) to reveal the
trend of state revenues. He set index 1498 = 100. Although expressed
in different way, the problemis same as that in the case of Venice: (i) it
shows the nominal price, which is not deated, and therefore does not
allow one to estimate the real income of the state; (ii) the up(s) and
down(s) of economic uctuation (conjoncture) are not indicated, thus
preventing us from estimating the magnitude of decrease or increase
in state revenue during recession or expansion. The nal statement in
this gure that these curves show that uctuations in state revenues
corresponded to uctuations in the price sector is also unsupported.
Figure 58 which represents the case of Spain (1550-1600) is much
better in the economic sense. The left axis is the Budget in million
of ducatos while the right axis is the price/silver index (between 70
and 130). Both axes suggest that the Spanish budget income remained
more or less on the same level (or mildly increased) after deation
during this period. This time Braudel is correct: ... the trend in scal
revenues is much clearer than in the preceding examples. Although
this gure is economically correct, it still cannot to be used to verify
his hypothesis (that the state controls lesser resources than other sec-
tors during an economic recession, and vice versa), since evidence for
other sectors is still unavailable.
From the above examples of Figures 56-8, I come to a conclusion
that Braudels economic logic is not sound: since, one, the gures are
visually impressive but severely lack economic persuasion; and, two,
the hypothesis in Figure 56 is not supported by the relevant data. A
more serious problem is that this is a kind of false hypothesis in
a sense that, even if veried, it does not offer a better understanding
about the economic past.
5 Conclusion
At the risk of making my own hazardous predictions, I believe that this
book will still be read even in 2049, i.e. a century after its rst edition,
because the Mediterranean is a complicated object of study, which has
been a subject of international and interdisciplinary studies. Whenever
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the researchers would need to consult some major studies in this eld
in the 20th century, Braudels The Mediterranean would certainly be
one of them, for nearly 50 years after its rst edition no comparable
work (in broadness and in conception) has been carried out.
Its long-term importance in the eld of economic history does not
lie in the fact that Braudel had resolved certain puzzles or because
he had proposed new facets or theses to be further analyzed, since
all these concrete things could have been resolved by younger re-
searchers. The uniqueness of this book lies in its heuristic value, in
the perception of this tremendous, complicated, historically important
Interior sea, wherein Braudel showed us how to perceive its changing
faces and most importantly, how to formulate new historical concep-
tions (in his case, three conceptions of historical time). This kind of
image perceptions, leading to the formation of new historical plots,
ensures the long lasting importance of this inspiring work.
The rst edition inspired some experts to conduct further investiga-
tions. A well-known example is Barkan (1954). Braudel did not have
access to the Turkish archives, which made the passages on Turkey
in the rst edition (mainly in chapter 9 on Empires) unsatisfactory.
Barkan (1954) was thus encouraged to work on Turkish archives with
his collaborators and achieved some signicant results on the issues
pertaining to population, gold, silver, trade channels etc. Braudel
gladly incorporated most of their ndings in the second edition.
Another kind of inspiration to experts was that Braudel found some
previously unused archives. Although he used some of them in his
book, and noted that there were many interesting topics which can be
further investigated he was not able to include them in his own work.
In other words, for a curious researcher, this book is virtually a topics
bank wherein one can nd several subjects to work on. For example,
in chapter 12.2 on Piracy (pp. 873-7) Braudel briey explained the
Christian pirate activities in Levant, and has confessed that this topic
was not fully understood, and also indicated some archives sources
that could be consulted (e.g. p. 875 note 275).
In this 1,375 pages book, not every page is highly readable. His de-
scriptive style might discourage impatient readers who often nd only
one key point after several pages (or even none). For the non-specialist
readers, there is an efcient way to read this book: From the Preface
to the rst edition, the introductions (or the rst three paragraphs) to
each part, each chapter, each section and each small section. This will
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quickly familiarize reader with Braudels major angles of analysis and
his main points, whereas most of the details in small sections can be
read when one needs to resolve doubts. We know that Braudel seldom
gives conclusion, rather he puts more emphasize on image descrip-
tion and only in rare cases has presented a concrete proposition.
The second edition of The Mediterranean contains Braudels all
major historical concepts, for Braudel was aged 64 when it appeared.
Although Capitalism (1979) and France (1986) were later works, the
main concepts in both these books viz. longue-dur ee, conjoncture,
event, economic-world, changing gravity of economic center etc. can
be found in The Mediterranean. Although we do not have the rst edi-
tion of this book to compare, Gemelli (1995) in her rst three chapters
has suggested that all these notions had been formulated in the early
1940s, although in less matured forms.
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3
Civilization and Capitalism (1979)
Braudel, F. (1979): Civilisation mat erielle, economie et capitalisme,
15e-18e si` ecle, Paris: Armand Colin. Translated from the French by
S. Reynolds: Civilization & Capitalism: 15th-18th Century. Volume
I: The Structure of Everyday Life: the Limits of the Possible (pp. 623);
volume II: The Wheel of Commerce (pp. 670); volume III: The Per-
spective of the World (pp. 699). New York: Harper & Row Publishers
(1981, 1982, 1984).
1 Introduction
The book of Fernand Braudel on the history of capitalism is so famous
that one might expect numerous reviews in different languages. In-
deed, one can nd many two- or three-page reviews in the Book Review
Index, but they are mostly for the general public, or more commercial
than academic. Thirteen such reviews are abstracted on the back cov-
ers of the English version of Braudels book. For professional review,
from Historical Abstracts CD-ROM (1992) I found only eight relevant
references in professional journals.
1
Such an important book deserves
1
They are summarized and compared in Appendix 3.1. Several recent
articles are related to Braudels book; two examples are Dockes (1990) who
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more than twenty reviews (given so many historical journals), and each
review emphasizes different aspects so that this important and huge
book can be better evaluated.
In Section 2 of this chapter I present the structure and contents
of the entire book so that readers can grasp a simplied picture be-
fore entering my arguments. In Section 3, I comment on (1) Braudels
oversimplied theoretical framework, (2) his open notion of capital-
ism, (3) his excessive length and discursive style. In Section 4, I offer
a detailed evaluation of each section of each chapter of each volume,
as summarized in Table 1. I conclude this review in Section 5 by ar-
guing that Braudels history of capitalism is more heat than light:
he promised much more than he actually offered. In Appendix 3.1, I
briey summarized the key points of eight other reviews; in Appendix
3.2, I list ten examples to show why I think 1,000 pages could be
largely sufcient to reach Braudels goal.
2 Structure and contents
2.1 Structure
This work of 1,992 pages can be seen as a 100m x 50m fresco. One
who reads this book cannot help but be impressed by its tremendous
scale. Recollecting on its scope, readers can immediately feel the dif-
culties that the author must have encountered. Few scholars would
dare to undertake this enterprise.
The rst volume of this trilogy was proposed by Braudels men-
tor Lucien Febvre (1878-1956) in 1952 for the collection Destins du
Monde (World Destinies) that Febvre then just founded. After 25 years
of reading, writing and revisions, Braudel nally published this tril-
ogy in 1979. He offered an hierarchical view of economic activities
as three levels; each volume occupies one level. The rst level con-
tains the elementary basic activities such as transaction of the shops,
food markets and artisan production etc. that can be termed daily life
or the material life level. These common economic activities are less
formally organized and functioned in an area of only small radius:
countryside or town areas. Braudel used historical evidence of some
traces Braudels trading space concept in a history of economic thought per-
spective and Jorland (1987) who focuses on Braudels discussion of the in-
dustrial revolution.
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civilizations (Europe, Asia, Russia, America etc.) to show the forms
and the realities of this infra-economic structure across continents dur-
ing the era before industrialization.
The level treated in the second volume is the market economy.
This term when translated into English occasionally confused people;
here, it refers to the real-life transactions, and should not be under-
stood as the market economy system (vs. central planning system).
The economic activities at this level are dominated by the organized
agents that channel goods and service among provinces and regions or
neighboring countries.
The third level is the international and intercontinental level, or
the world-economy level. This level contains central cities such as
Amsterdam in the 18th century or Genoa in the 16th century which
fostered world trade and production. The formation and progress of
networks among these cities provided a fertile framework for modern
capitalism.
Economic activities at these three levels do not compete but co-
exist. The rst level has existed for thousands of years. Formation of
the market economy of the second level began rst in Europe about the
15th century. The world-economy was embryonic only as late as the
16th-18th centuries. As the stages of economic development varied,
the relative importance of these three levels also varied in different
countries at different periods. In fact, Braudel tried to accumulate as
much as possible the documents from different continents to provide a
historical picture to showhowthe economic activities currently named
capitalism were slowly changing in a non-linear form between 15th
and 18th centuries.
2.2 Contents
In terms of complexity, the subjects contained in volume I are the most
diversied, including food, housing, clothes, transportation, technol-
ogy, money, town etc. Braudels treatment of these diverse topics
depends largely on second-hand studies, statistics and ndings, com-
pared to his rst-hand mining in many archives of various countries
when he was preparing his master work The Mediterranean during
the 1930s. What is difcult is to knit these unrelated sources into
a logical structure: how can one present the structure of everyday
life? Braudel was aware of this difculty and complained that histo-
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rians avoided this problem. He insisted that if one seeks to understand
well the economic activities of the era before industrial revolution,
and really to feel its depth and thickness, this component of endeavor
(painstaking) is unavoidable.
A key concern in volume I is as follows. In every epoch, eco-
nomic activity has its own bottom and ceiling, as the subtitle of
the French version indicates, the possible and the impossible. The
idea is to investigate the limits of the possible and the impossible of
each century. Human achievements can be regarded as pushing out-
ward the frontiers of possibility. This point of view is meaningful. His
research shows that during the 15th-18th centuries, the highest possi-
ble frontier was not reached although it could have been possible. He
gave some examples of this failure, such as that the popularization of
railway was realized only as late as the mid-19th century, long after
the rst utilization of railway: if railway had become popular much
earlier, the socio-economic progress of Europe could have been more
impressive. In volume I Braudel attempted to delineate the changes
of these frontier lines (curves) to see how they were moved, in what
directions and in what speed. What he really contributed is to remind
us the importance of the often neglected level of daily life, which is
essential for the reconstruction of new perspectives in socio-economic
history.
The aim of volume II is to analyze different forms of transaction:
street markets, stalls, shops, fairs, market zones, etc., i.e. from basic
exchanges to much more sophisticated capitalistic international trad-
ing. In 230 pages of the rst two chapters he described detailed activ-
ities of exchange instruments and different forms of market. The next
two chapters enter the core of the book: the meaning of capitalism
(this topic is further discussed in Section 3.2 below), and its mani-
festations in the process of production and circulation at national and
international levels. The nal chapter presents Braudels description of
the interaction between social hierarchies and economic activities, the
role of the State, and the impact on other cultures during the process
of economic exchanges. An instructive nding is the degree of com-
petition during the period of 15th-18th centuries: at the level of basic
exchange in daily life (such as street and town markets), the compe-
tition was keen; at the second level (wholesale, long-distance trade,
money trading), market domination, speculation and price control pre-
vailed; at the third level (international and intercontinental trade, or
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world-economy), franchise, or state monopoly were dominant (such
as East Indian companies of the UK and Holland).
The French title of the nal trilogy is Le Temps du monde which
is not easy to translate into English (The Time of the World). The title
of the English version The Perspective of the World is a good trans-
lation of the contents. Braudel was proud of this French title as he
claimed in the rst paragraph of his preface: this is certainly a beau-
tiful title, but it promises more than I can offer. (the English version
omitted this sentence) The unit of analysis in volume III is world-
economy, and he wanted to match it with a world time. He used
India to illustrate this idea in the preface (III:18): some parts of In-
dia were lived at the same pace as the outside [capitalistic] world,
keeping up with the traders and rhythms of the global, but some parts
of India still remained in economic activities of ancient type. Thus
India can be divided into several economic time zones; the most ad-
vanced parts belong to the world time, and the retarded parts belong
to the traditional time zones. With this idea in mind, one can redraw
a world map according to world trade time. This proposition is cer-
tainly attractive. After proposing this concept in three paragraphs in
the preface, he failed to substantiate this concept with historical evi-
dence in this volume; we can nd neither world time nor temps du
monde in the indexes of the English and French versions. I conjec-
ture that Braudel sought to use the concept of time as the eyes of the
dragon, as the Chinese artists often said, but the eyes are pale.
3 Comments
The comments below are centered on three themes. The rst is the
theoretical structure of the whole book; the second is Braudels notion
of capitalism; the third is Braudels discursive writing style and his
loss of control of historical data.
3.1 The framework
As summarized in Section 2, Braudels main framework is his divi-
sion of economic activities into three levels. To this instructive frame-
work nobody will object. My view is that - taking a warehouse as
a metaphor - Braudel constructed a new warehouse with three oors;
that is a signicant advance compared to other previously constructed
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designs having one oor. What is more signicant is that Braudel was
able to ll these immense oors with diversied commodities from
different civilizations. This enterprise is spectacular, but one nds that
the over-burdened oors are supported by insufcient pillars, and that
the connections within the oors are not clearly indicated. It would be
much more convincing if he had divided each oor into several sec-
tions, in each of which he had a small or middle-sized theory to grasp
his materials; then readers would feel that the whole oor is much
more solid. In other words, Braudel did not sufciently theorize his
data; even if he did in some cases, the effort was still far from suf-
cient.
For example, in volume I on the structure of daily life, he provided
many historical facts, but he provided so little theory or perspective
in proportion to the materials that he presented. One must ask why
Braudel, who possessed tremendous historical knowledge, asked dis-
proportionately so few questions: the rich material can be formulated
into many attractive hypotheses and propositions. I am willing to be-
lieve that Braudel was able to do so, but unfortunately for all social
scientists he did not! He defended himself in the introduction of vol-
ume I (p. 25): ... I had deliberately set out to write outside the world
of theory, of all theories, and had intended to be guided by concrete
observation and comparative history alone. I regret that he chose this
strategy. I am inclined to think that all facts are laden with theory, facts
that do not necessarily conict with theory.
However, I suggest that social scientists and historians can be in-
spired from Braudels rich materials, to formulate new propositions
and hypotheses for different disciplines. Thus, hopefully, each eld
can benet from Braudels study, and in return this process could en-
lighten our further understanding of the history of capitalism.
3.2 The notion of capitalism
Capitalismcould be a word most capable of stimulating blood pressure
in intellectual debates since about 1850. In his history of capitalism,
Braudel was careful not to dene capitalism at all. He mentioned this
key word not even once in volume I (see index). He used capitalism
and capitalist on such minor occasions (see indexes of volumes II &
III) that one might doubt this chef-doeuvre is misnamed. One cannot
even nd capitalism in the index of the French version.
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In the rst section of volume II Capital, Capitalist, Capitalism
(II:232-49) Braudel discussed these key words, but he used less than
two pages (II:234-7) on Capitalist and capitalists, and the same
length (II:237-9) on Capitalism: a very recent word; most pages
of this section are on capital. For the key word capitalism, he
laiquoted the denitions offered by the Encyclop edie in 1753, by J-
B Richard in 1842, by Louis Blanc in 1850, by Werner Sombart in
1902, and by many others. Most readers expect Braudel to have given
a clear denition of capitalism, but there exists no such denition. In-
stead, what he offered is a notion, a kind of open denition, that read-
ers have to read the entire text to nd their own answers; after that one
remains unsure what Braudel prepared to mean by capitalism. Put dif-
ferently, Braudel offered his concept of capitalism much more by fact
and by contents, rather than by properties. An open denition of this
kind enables greater freedom of interpretation, but the disadvantage is
that readers cannot distinguish between what they received and what
Braudel really meant.
Why was he timid, avoiding, ambiguous in his presentation of the
notion of capitalism? [I]t has enabled me, by taking a new, and a
somewhat more peaceful route, to avoid and by-pass the passionate
dispute which the explosive word capitalism always arouses. (I:25) I
am afraid the result of this approach is not a more peaceful route.
This ambiguous attitude toward a clear denition of capitalism
contrasts sharply to his previous attitude. When he discussed another
interesting topic civilization, he said: The second task is then to
seek a denition of civilization, the least unsatisfactory, meaning the
most convenient one, the easiest to manage for the pursuit of our task.
(On History, p. 200); and Once the ground has been cleared, we can
proceed to ask the question: what is a civilization? I know of only
one good denition, good in the sense of being easily used for pur-
poses of observation and sufciently removed from any kind of value
judgement. It can be found, ... in some article by Marcel Mauss, from
whom I borrowed it without ever having to regret it. (On History,
p. 202) Regrettably, he did not have the same action in his history of
capitalism.
Wallerstein skillfully summarized three features of capitalism pre-
sented in Braudels work. (1) most liberals and most Marxists have
argued that capitalism involved above all the establishment of a free,
competitive market. Braudel saw capitalism instead as the system
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of the anti-market. (2) Liberals and most Marxists have argued
that capitalists were the great practitioners of economic specialization.
Braudel believed instead that the essential feature of successful cap-
italists was their refusal to specialize. (3) Braudel viewed capital-
ism in a way that ... could only be termed seeing it upside down .
(Wallerstein 1991:354)
By upside down I understand that previous histories of capital-
ism offered by Marx, Sombart, Schumpeter etc. emphasized capitalis-
tic activities; Braudel put much more emphasize on the level of daily
life and the market economy because Braudel thought that without
these two levels, capitalism is unthinkable: this is where it takes up
residence and prospers. (I:24) Wallersteins summary and interpreta-
tion helps many readers of Braudel to dispel the clouds and to see the
sun.
3.3 Essentia non sunt multiplicanda praeter necessitatem
This principle known as Occams razor says: essences should not
be multiplied beyond what we need for what we study. I argue that
Braudels writing was contrary to this principle. One can easily de-
duce how much endeavor Braudel had invested during his 25 years
of reading and writing: there are 40, 47 and 46 pages of notes and
references in volume I, II and III respectively. In terms of erudition,
no single work on the history of capitalism is comparable to that of
Braudel, although perhaps Wallerstein will break this record when his
four-volume work on the World System is completed.
In terms of efciency, I feel that Braudel was not an economic
writer; many examples and references can be deleted without losing
his essential points. Consider his interesting section on wheat as an
example (I:2:1): he did not pose such questions as how food produc-
tion and the price of food were related to population changes at dif-
ferent economic stages. Instead, this section contains some irrelevant
topics such as To buy bread, or bake it at home? (I:139) Another
instance of his loose style, volume II:49-54 was intended to discuss
the labor market. He touched nothing about the central topic between
pages 49-51; instead he wrote about the land market. He entered the
main topic on page 51 but to follow his logic and the relationships
among the evidence is difcult. I feel that he noted what he had at
hand, rather than offering a mechanism, or a systematic explanation.
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Moreover, he touched so many topics, summarizing from so heteroge-
nous sources, that one feels that he could expanded this volume ad
innitum or stopped it wherever he liked.
This book contains so many topics that no single scholar can know
each in depth. In many cases Braudel had to rely on the research of
others. For instance, in III:2:101-106 on the rise of Hansa, he relied
heavily on Philippe Dollinger (1964): La Hanse (XIIe-XVIIe si ` ecles).
There are 30 notes in that subsection (see III:638-639, notes 37-66),
in which Braudel mentioned Dollinger at least 18 times. Similarly, in
II:143-157 on Antwerp, he relied heavily on Van der Wee (1963): The
Growth of the Antwerp Market and the European Economy (14th-16th
Centuries). In the notes of pp. 642-3, he cited Van der Wee in more
than half the notes. A summary of this kind is made more clear in
chapter 5 of volume III on the rest of the world because he explicitly
stated in the rst note (p. 661) that: Throughout this chapter I have
been guided by two books, ..., and in the conclusion of this chapter
he confessed that: Long though this chapter has been, the picture it
gives of non-Europe is clearly far from complete. (III:533)
It would be easy to determine by whomBraudel was most inspired,
or from whose works Braudel benetted most, if the name index were
good enough. However, both the French and English versions cannot
meet this demand. For instance, we cannot nd the name Dollinger in
the index, and the name Van der Wee appears only twice. The indexes
of both versions are not well prepared.
On occasion Braudel initiated a topic without terminating it prop-
erly. For instance, in III:266-273 on the decline of Amsterdam, he told
us in great detail the nancial crises that Amsterdam had encountered,
but he omitted why and how the crises were caused; he reiterated that
the nancial crises occurred and how people had tried to save them-
selves. He failed to describe how Amsterdam declined and how it was
overtaken by London - this important dynamic process is omitted, un-
fortunately.
By contrast, what amazed me most was his understanding of var-
ious theories of the business cycle. He was familiar with the ma-
jor works on this subject, such as the writings of Joan Robinson,
Heckscher, Kindleberger, Kuznets etc. From III:71-88 on business cy-
cle, I think that he really grasped the main debates and major literature
on this topic published before 1970.
On many occasions his data seemed beyond his control. He wrote
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too many topics in too few pages, especially in the rst volume. I nd
that he sometimes just stopped the subject; I can feel his helplessness,
as he confessed elsewhere (Braudel 1977:3): And so the years have
passed. I have despaired of ever reaching the harbor. Also, ...trying
to look at things in as much detail as possible. I may have taken too
many pleasure in these details, and some readers may nd me a bit
long-winded. (1977:20) One has to read the three volumes to under-
stand what he really meant by this statement. He defended himself
by writing: But is it not a good thing for history to be rst of all a
description, a plain observation, a scrutiny, a classication without too
many previously held ideas: To see and to show is half the historians
task. (1977:20-1)
We understand that he was defending his too descriptive style, but
I totally disagree with his defense that it is a good thing for history
to be rst of all a description, a plain observation ... Historians must
pass more than 70% of their time on data, but the purpose of historiog-
raphy is above all to offer new perspectives and valuable propositions.
Like money, historical materials are good servants, but bad masters.
To conclude these diverse comments, I offer in Appendix 2 ten short
instances to demonstrate why I think that 1,000 pages would be suf-
cient for Braudels objectives.
4 Evaluation
4.1 Criteria
To evaluate Braudels work in the following manner is bold, but the
purpose here is, I think, much more suggestive than denite. As a sub-
jective reader, I assign asterisks (*) of various number to each section.
Evaluation is better at the level of section than of chapter because each
volume (nearly 700 pages) is divided into ve to eight chapters; each
chapter contains three to six sections, whereas each section contains
from seven to twenty subsections. Within this structure, I consider
sections to be more representative. I summarize the distribution of
these asterisks in Table 1 to show my preference. My evaluation is
based on the following criteria:
(1) I give fewer asterisks to purely descriptive sections because I
believe that historical materials do not mean historiography. Historical
evidence is of course a part of the historians craft, but materials with-
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Table 1 Evaluation by chapter sections
Degree of
commendation
Volume I Volume II Volume III
Total
*
2:3; 2:5; 3:2;
4:2; 6:3; 7:1;
7:2.
(7 sections)
2:5; 3:5; 4:4;
5:4.
(4 sections)
11
**
1:2; 1:3; 1:4;
2:1; 2:2; 2:4;
4:1; 4:3; 5:2;
6:1; 6:2; 7:4;
8:1; 8:3.
(14 sections)
1:3; 2:4; 3:4;
4:2; 4:3; 5:1;
5:2.
(7 sections)
21
***
1:1; 3:1; 5:4;
7:3; 8:2.
(5 sections)
1:4; 2:3; 3:1;
4:1.
(4 sections)
1:2; 2:4; 3:2;
4:2; 5:1; 5:2;
5:3; 5:4; 5:5;
5:6; 6:3.
(11 sections)
20
****
1:2; 2:1; 3:2;
3:3.
(4 sections)
2:1; 3:3; 3:4;
3:5; 4:4; 6:2.
(6 sections)
10
*****
1:1; 2:2; 5:3.
(3 sections)
1:1; 1:3; 2:2;
2:3; 3:1; 4:1;
4:3; 6:1.
(8 sections)
11
Total 26 22 25
73
Remarks:
1. For example, 2:3 means chapter 2 section 3.
2. More asterisks (*) mean greater commendation.
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out a central framework or proposition are only dead data. Exceptions
are, for instance, III:2:2 (signifying volume III, chapter 2, section 2) on
the belated rise of Venice contains no beautiful theory or hypothesis,
but Braudels elegant presentation and detailed relevant information
can conquer every reader.
(2) I give greater weight to sections with new hypotheses, new ex-
planations or new arguments, such as I:1:1 on the impact of climate on
human economic activities. With this understanding, one can clearly
see from Table 1 that I value most volume III because, except for chap-
ter 5, it is better structured with more of his own arguments. Volume
I is less appreciated because it is replete with detailed evidence but
hardly structured, although Braudel claimed in the preface that this
part of the entire undertaking is the most difcult.
(3) There is a preference for discipline. As an economist I ap-
preciate his historical evidence for Says Law (II:172-183), and his
critiques on von Th unens (location) zone theory (III:38-39), his cri-
tiques of various theories of the business cycle (III:1:3). I think that
these parts are instructive to economists.
4.2 An example
Space here allows only one instance. Among several instructive ar-
guments in the three volumes, what strikes me most is his challenge
to the Weberian proposition that I ranked with ve asterisks (II:5:3).
Since Max Webers The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
was published in 1904, there have been strong debates on the rela-
tionship between cultural factors (such as religion, confucianism) and
economic development in various disciplines (sociology, history, eco-
nomics) in different countries. The literature on this topic is so abun-
dant that one reads many distorted forms of the Weberian proposition.
This condition generated a Weber phenomenon, and the Weberian
proposition became a controversial issue in social sciences of this cen-
tury. A standard assertion has the form: the rise of Protestantism
after the Reformation is correlated with the rise of capitalism. Most
debates centered on the post-Weberian proposition to prove or fal-
sify this relationship. Few discussions were on the pre-Weberian
propositions: (1) based on what historical evidence did Weber pro-
pose this thesis? (2) was his understanding of that history reliable?
Braudels objection to the Weberian proposition is on this ground, as
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he discussed in II:159-160, 231-2, 566-78.
Hereunder I summarize Braudels main arguments to show his in-
sight. The basic fact was
it is true that after the sixteenth century there is a clear correlation
between the countries which welcomed the Reformation and the
areas in which merchant and, later, industrial capitalism pursued
its successful career, from the glories of Amsterdam to the later
glories of London. This condition must be more than mere coin-
cidence. Was Weber right? His argument is rather disconcerting.
... Weber seeks to discover a Protestant minority inspired by a very
particular ethic, the ideal-type capitalist mentality. (II:567)
Braudel then traced to the origin of Webers inspiration:
A statistical survey carried out in Barden in 1895 has just estab-
lished that Protestant are more likely than Catholics to be wealthy
and engaged in economic activity. ... Popular wisdom sums this up
as ... the Protestant prefers to eat well, while the Catholic prefers
to sleep peacefully. (II:567)
Braudel escaped from the culture-capitalism framework, offer-
ing arguments forcefully from the viewpoint of the changes of geo-
economic advantages. He argued
that Reformation Europe as a whole overtook the Mediterranean
economy, brilliant as this was and already long-experienced in
the ways of capitalism. (I am thinking Italy in particular). But
such transfer are the common coin of history; Byzantium declined
as Islam rose; Islam made way for Christian Europe; Mediter-
ranean Christendom won the rst race to conquer the Seven Seas,
but about 1590, the center of gravity of Europe swung over to
the protestant North which became the most prosperous region.
(II:569)
The key concept here is the shifts of the centers of economic gravity.
Why and how did the center of gravity move to the North?
When the balance nally swung in favour of the North, with its
lower wages, its increasing unbeatable industry, its cheap transport,
its eet of coasters and little sailing ships which would make voy-
ages at low cost, this was a matter of pounds, shillings and pence,
of competitive costs. Everything could be produced more cheaply
in the North: grain, canvas, woolens, ships, timber, etc. The victory
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of the North was undoubtedly in a way the victory of the proletar-
ian, the underdog, who had eaten less well, if not less copiously
than the South. To this must be added the economic downturn in
about 1590, the crisis which, in the past as in the present, strikes
rst the most advanced countries with their more complex machin-
ery. To the North, this brought a series of good opportunities, per-
ceived and recognized as such, and seized by businessmen who
ocked into Holland from Germany, France and indeed Antwerp.
The consequence was the powerful rise of Amsterdam, bringing
with it general good fortune for the Protestant countries. ... Protes-
tant communities richer, more adventurous and sharper than the
local merchants - just as the Italians had once seemed to the coun-
tries of the North, ... the unrivalled experts on trade and banking. I
nd this a persuasive explanation. (II:570)
Indeed, it is. But I have reason to doubt that the basic idea of
this stimulating passage is inspired or based on Richard Rapps 1975
paper The unmaking of the Mediterranean trade hegemony: interna-
tional trade rivalry and the commercial revolution, Journal of Eco-
nomic History, 35(3):499-525.
5 Conclusions
To write a history of capitalism during the 15th-18th centuries is not
an easy task for most brilliant historians in any century. To write such
a history in a style of histoire totale is an even more difcult under-
taking, the reason is that in addition to economic aspects one has to
take into account social, political and all other aspects named civi-
lizations. Braudel was admirably brave enough to complete his task
during a quarter of century of endeavor.
My overall impression is illustrated by another metaphor. Think-
ing of the electricity lamp bulbs that we use at home: when the lighting
effect is inefcient, electricity is transferred into heat rather than into
useful light. What we expect from a great historian is the light (in-
sight) rather than the heat. I am inclined to consider Braudels history
of capitalism more heat than light.
The history of capitalism will undoubtedly be rewritten again and
again. Braudels volumes will be repeatedly consulted for several rea-
sons. (1) Among historians of capitalism in the 20th century, he is a
signicant gure who offered a unique perspective on the process of
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the development of capitalism. (2) He also summarized major sources
related to this enormous topic; later researchers will certainly bene-
t from his bibliographies contained in the endnotes. (3) The many
maps, gures, statistics, tables, photos, paintings constitute a useful
visual counterpart of the text; they are carefully presented, and they
are sometimes more attractive than the text itself, encouraging read-
ers to turn pages. I conjecture that, if Braudels history of capitalism
will be read in the next centuries, it will be more because of the en-
cyclopedic content than its framework, concepts, theories and detailed
arguments.
Appendix 3.1: Compare with other eight reviews
To contrast my own opinions, I briey summarize the main points of
eight other reviews, by the alphabetical order of authors. Dat (1980)
started his review by making clear that Braudels methodology is res-
olutely atheoretical, ... the proper tools of the economic historian as
opposed to the social theorist or the theoretical economist are nond-
eductive models where the object is not the formulation of rules or
laws but the organization of the raw materials of history into intel-
ligible patterns bearing on specic problems. (p. 508) He presented
Braudels well known model of historical time: time of event, time
of conjoncture and time of longue dur ee. In his discussion of
The Uses of Theory he mentioned so many names (Karl Polanyi,
J.S. Mill, David Ricardo, Thomas Mun, AdamSmith and so on) and so
many concepts (uneven development, invisible hand, monopoly, phys-
iocratic idea, classic trade theory, historical materialism, etc.) in so
few pages (pp. 510-3) that readers become lost. In his Capitalism
Redened (pp. 514-5) I expected his interpretation of Braudels cap-
italism, but what I read is one and a half pages of summary. The other
two sections on Cycles and Trades (pp. 515-7) and History and the
Social Sciences (pp. 517-8) contain Dats scattered remarks. In short,
this essay is not a recommendable review.
Fritz (1986) is basically a summary of Braudels work. In the rst
section (less than two pages), he explains what the Annales school is,
and in the next section, also two pages long, he talks about Braudels
method of analysis, especially about the three sorts of historical time
that most Braudel readers already know. Section 3 summarizes the
contents of his work in four pages, the nal section contains two para-
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graphs of criticism. As a whole, I do not consider Fritzs piece as a
good review: he has no argument at all.
By contrast, Howards review is full of arguments. He takes the
point of view of a Marxian economist. His review concerning only
upon Braudels treatment of capitalism from a particular perspective,
that of economic theory. (Howard 1985:469) What he means by eco-
nomic theory is the Marxian theory of capitalism. In his review he
hardly touches on any historical facts; instead, he focuses wholly on
the abstract discussions of the theory of the development of capitalism.
He starts with Braudels denition of capitalism, criticizes the defects
of such a denition: So summarized, Braudels thesis on capitalism
appears to be denite and distinct, but in actual fact these properties
are absent to a distressing degree. Instead, there is an all-pervading
vagueness of terminology so that there are few rm propositions, and
exposition is frequently indecisive. Misinterpretation of alternative
theories is also common, while inconsistency is rampant. Substantive
criticism is thereby hampered, and the ground is fertile for provoking
sterile controversies whose only force is confusion coupled with ill-
feeling. Thus, many of Braudels central concepts are left undened.
... Braudels undisciplined habits even ow into critical discussion of
his competitors. (Howard 1985:471)
These are harsh accusations, but I am not surprised to see this kind
of criticism from Marxian economists. Braudel clearly defended him-
self from the very beginning of the book: ... I had deliberately set out
to write outside the world of theory, of all theories, and had intended
to be guided by concrete observations and comparative history alone.
(see the introduction of volume I, p. 25). What Braudel did not ex-
plicitly state is that he had no intention to argue with Marxists about
the theory of development of capitalism. Despite this claim, Howard
still uses Marxian language to attack. It is legitimate for him to do
so if and only if he can support his criticism with concrete historical
examples. But I nd very little evidence of this kind in his review. In
short, this pure theoretical review does not hurt Braudel and his fol-
lowers. Moreover, Howards arguments are not always easy to follow
by non-Marxist.
Kinser (1981b) gives more profound analysis of the framework
and arguments of the book. This essay is highly recommended. I
was also very impressed by his long and penetrating review (Kinser
1981a) on Braudels masterpiece The Mediterranean. In contrast, in
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his second review of Civilization & Capitalism published in the same
year (Kinser 1981b), we nd his many complaints that [t]here is lit-
tle rst-hand research in these volumes (p. 675); [t]his work is a
diligent and impressive compilation of the research of others. ... By
choosing to compile everything rather than to investigate selectively,
Braudel is condemned continually to resort to illustration more than to
analysis, to exhibit more than to critical interpretation,... (p. 676) He
concluded his review by writing: And after the travel, as one relaxes
and recounts its difculties and its pleasure, as one hefts the volumes
and scans their endless pages a last time, one rubs ones reddened eyes
with admiration at the stupendous reach of this historians search for
totality. (p. 682) I think that Kinser was honest and polite.
The subtitle of Lovetts review is quite in despise: total history
for beginners. In his seven pages review, Lovett is in fact summariz-
ing the contents of Braudels book, as well as unsystematically com-
menting on randomly chosen points. His main criticism is focused on
England (pp. 751-2), with the intent of showing that Braudel had no
convincing arguments on the history of England; Lovett adds one page
of references to supplement Braudels book. I think this is not a good
way to write a review article, especially to publish it in the prestigious
Historical Journal. Counter-arguments are more useful than simple
bad-intentioned criticism.
A long review critique appeared in Braudels home country. To
publish such a review in France requires courage in relation to the
Parisian atmosphere of intellectual tension and Braudels hegemony
in France. Morineau (1988) rst explained his personal relationship
with Braudel and Braudels reaction to his critiques; then he selected
a few instances and offered detailed counter-arguments. A distinctive
feature of Morineaus review is that he provided his arguments with
different historical evidence and statistics, for instance, on the move-
ment of the price of between 1756 and 1790 at the national, provence
and average levels. In brief, this review combines personal recollec-
tion and detailed technical evidence on selected topics.
To my best knowledge, Perrots review (1981) may be the only
review article published in the ofcial journal of the Annales school
Annales ESC. The main text of this review is about ten pages long.
Perrot uses four pages (pp. 3-6) to summarize the book with short
comments, but he does so in an unsystematically manner. As I see it,
the only place where he offers a counter-argument is on the concept of
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historical time (from page 7 on), and he sticks to this point throughout
the rest of his review.
The concept of historical time is the core of Braudelian history,
it encompasses: time of event, time of conjoncture (business cycle
time), and the trade mark of Braudel: la longue dur ee. Perrot was right
to point out that Braudel used this framework throughout all his works,
applying the same framework to different topics, in different forms
with different materials. In the second half of his review (pp. 7-12),
Perrot compares the economists time concept with Braudels concept
of historical time. I feel uncomfortable about this approach. The rst
time concept used by economists, as Perrot illustrates, is one of a year
by year base: t, t+1, t+n. Can one contrast this with Braudels time
of event? Certainly not. The t, t+1, t+n approach is used by neo-
classical economists, learned from Alfred Marshall on the economic
effect of the short-run changes. Yet Braudel time of event refers to
historical events such as war, ood, etc. The two are simply incompat-
ible.
Perrot does not touch the long dur ee because he could not nd
an equivalent time unit (taking a century as the unit of analysis) used
by economists. He concentrates on the concept of conjoncture on
which he could nd abundant literature on business cycle economics.
If the concept of conjoncture equals business cycle, then Braudel
cannot compete with economists both at the level of analytical tools,
and on that of historical facts. In fact, Braudel relies heavily on the
concept, terminology and empirical ndings of economists, as one can
see from the references that he cited so extensively in the related chap-
ters.
Perrot cites a great amount of economics literature in his footnote
33, and this make it clear that he is using the economists business
cycle theories (the more mathematically inclined models), and com-
pares them with Braudels historical results. He cites even articles
published in Econometrica (notes 40, 43), I think this is mis-directed
because Braudels concern is on the historical movement, while pa-
pers published in Econometrica are heavily mathematically and statis-
tically oriented; Braudel uses a century as his unit of analysis, while
Econometrica authors perhaps never heard of Braudel, and have little
concern in the longue dur ee.
Wallerstein (1991) offered a selective review by concentrating on
Braudels concept of capitalism. While I (and most readers as well,
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I believe) am disconcerted by Braudels notion of capitalism, Waller-
steins interpretation shed some light on this complex key concept.
This issue has been discussed in Section 3.2.
Appendix 3.2: Uninteresting parts of the book (10 instances)
Remark: Instances are concentrated on volumes II & III, one can
nd many more instances in the rst volume.
1. II:194204, on precious metals. This chapter is on Markets and
the Economy; precious metals have nothing to do with the chap-
ter. His discussion on sugar (II:190-4) is also strange because he
stopped suddenly the subject on page 194, and jumped to precious
metals.
2. II:2169, on Overall balances: trade balance among the nations.
This interesting topic was treated in a unsystematic way, he touched
a theme quickly and soon skip to another one.
3. II:4557, Back to a Threefold division. Here he repeated what
was already clearly stated above the economic activities of capital-
ism on three levels: material life, economic life, world economy
(see the preface of volume I). The repetition here contains no new
idea, and was loosely written.
4. III:5761, on War and the zones of the world-economy. He tried
to explain the relationship between wars and the world-economy,
but the contents are more on the art of war (see especially page
58) than the claimed subject. An irrelevant digression.
5. III:2879, on The nation-state, yes-but the national market? I
confess that I am completely lost in his diversied paragraphs. He
ended this sub-section by asking two questions: But what were
these thresholds? And above all, which were the crucial turning
points? He offered no answer, nor single hint, and I understand
neither the meaning nor the importance of the questions.
6. III:3145, on Visible continuities. He wrote about the GNP level
and the rise of the state in one page; I fail to see its relevance to the
chapter National Markets.
7. III:34751, on The French interior. A digression on the French
interior problems, no central theme, no interesting idea, not orga-
nized.
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8. III:4137, on Spanish America reconsidered. The contents are
mainly on the smuggling of Spanish America. Completely irrele-
vant.
9. III:5959, on The industrialists and British economy and soci-
ety by sector. Two huge subjects in less than four pages!
10. III:605, 6118. He inserted much irrelevant historical information
when he discussed industrial revolution; it is difcult to discover
his main points.
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4
Identity of France (1986)
Fernand Braudel: Identit e de la France. Vol. 1: Espace et histoire,
vol. 2: Les hommes et les choses, Paris: Editions Arthaud, 1986.
Pocket edition: Editions Flammarion; collection Champs: Nos. 220-
222 (1990). Translated by Si an Reynolds: The Identity of France. Vol.
1: History and Environment (432 pages, 1988); vol. 2: People and
Production (781 pages, 1990), New York: Harper & Row.
There is, as we shall see, much in this book which is redundant,
irrelevant, cryptic, strongly biased, paradoxical, or otherwise un-
helpful or even harmful to understanding. When all this is set
aside, there still remains enough to constitute, by a wide margin,
the most constructive, the most original, the most learned, and the
most brilliant contribution to the history of the analytical phases of
our discipline which has ever been made. Jacob Viner (1954,
American Economic Review, 44:894-5)
1 Setting
The opening excerpt is from the rst page of Viners review of Joseph
Schumpeters History of Economic Analysis (1954, Oxford UP). That
Schumpeter is well-known in social sciences needs no introduction.
Although Viners work is less famous, the economics community is
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indebted to him for his Envelope theorem, his research in microeco-
nomic theory and international trade, and his writings on the history of
economic thought. In short, Viner combined a brilliant mind such that
while most readers were perplexed by Schumpeters massive volume,
Viner was able to reveal Schumpeters ingenuity.
In this chapter Viners two main ideas as presented above are used
to express my opinions about Braudels Identity of France. It is pro-
posed that the rst idea of Viners judgment (much in this book which
is redundant, irrelevant, cryptic, strongly biased, paradoxical, or other-
wise unhelpful or even harmful to understanding.) ts more or less to
Braudels France, and that the second idea (there still remains enough
to constitute, by a wide margin, the most constructive, the most origi-
nal, the most learned, and the most brilliant contribution to the history
of the analytical phases of our discipline which has ever been made.)
is unsuitable.
Section 2 analyzes the framework of the two volumes, not on the
individual chapters but on each part (containing several chapters) en
bloc: exploring its key concepts, design, the aspects treated and the
basic characteristics of the work. Section 3 investigates some less ob-
vious facets of the book. Section 4 accounts some positive aspects
and my overall evaluation of the work. For page notations, I:123 in-
dicates page 123 of volume one, and II:321 for pages 321 of volume
two (English version).
2 Framework
2.1 Novelty
Braudel mentions many classic and modern works on the history of
France, explaining why he is unsatised with their approaches. His
major criticism is that most authors write only of modern or contem-
porary history of France, and thus arbitrarily split Frances history.
Braudel proposed to address history of France by using his notion of
longue dur ee to write a new history thus opening up longer perspec-
tives and freeing us from the endless recital of events (I:17), because
for those of us beyond childhood, another kind of history, one
that is attentive to longer time-scales, enables us to distinguish the
extraordinary accumulations and amalgams, the surprising repeti-
tions of the human past, to perceive the huge responsibilities of
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a multisecular history, that prodigious mass that bears within it a
living but often unconscious heritage, discoverable only by that
deeper-probing history, much as psychoanalysis in the early twen-
tieth century revealed the depths of the subconscious. ... But to
attempt such things, one needs the raw materials: a plentiful record
of lived time. We have no choice but to work with la longue dur ee.
(I:18-9)
This is a repeated Braudelian manifesto since the 1950s.
However, despite the tremendous appeal of Braudels longue dur ee
idea, a careful investigation of these two volumes reveals major aws
in his attempt to demonstrate its validity. Braudel develops a long per-
spective investigation in the rst three chapters of volume II: the rst
two chapters on the demography of France from prehistory to the 10th
century (using 126 pages), and on the population of the 10-15th cen-
turies in chapter 3 (36 pages). However, in all the rest of the chapters
in both volumes, more than 90% of pages are on the post-16th century
period. The reason is quite simple: documents and research from the
16th century are relatively abundant, and his specialty is between 15-
18th centuries (as we can see his The Mediterranean was around the
16th century and Capitalism spanning the 15-18th centuries). This is
supported by the tables and gures: over 85% are covering post-16th
century period. My reading nds no real longue dur ee product from
which to assess the validity of Braudels promising project.
Quite on the contrary, the reader is left with a vivid impression af-
ter reading this work that it is largely a portrayal of the people, things,
and events, i.e. essentially another kind of event history, full of details
and trivial. Braudel was not only fond of events but also expressed
a keen interest in the details of daily life (examples are the details on
Metz and Toulon: in chapter 10 of volume I). It is difcult to see a con-
nection of long passages of this kind with the longue dur ee perspective.
Their topical structure is too unpredictable to give us a longue dur ee
perspective.
Braudel criticizes other works on the history of France for their
one-dimensional perspective, either from military or diplomatic or dy-
nastic change point of view. He advocated to use tools offered
by the various social sciences geography, political economy,
demography, politics, anthropology, ethnology, social psychology,
cultural studies, sociology. History has allowed light to be shed
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on to it from all sides, and has accepted a multitude of newly-
formulated questions. ... we are all under an obligation to speak
in terms of the global, of historical totalization, to reafrm that
total history [is] the only true history, ... (I:17)
This total history ambition remains unproved. The open ended ad-
vocacy of the use of tools from different disciplines leaves the task
undened. It should be stressed that the way Braudel uses these three
disciplines (geography, demography and political economy) in the rst
two volumes is supercial, consisting essentially of references to ter-
minology rather than applications of chosen key concepts from various
disciplines. Braudel offers no new concepts and suffers from a misuse
of old ideas (longue dur ee and total history) that Braudel readers are
familiar with since decades.
2.2 Structure
Turning to the problem of overall design. Part I of volume one (chap-
ters 1-3) is a historical account of Frances diversity in geography, lan-
guage, customs etc.; Part II (chapters 4-6) discusses the three patterns
of settlement: villages, bourgs and villes (towns and cities); Part III
(chapters 7-10) discusses Frances transportation, frontiers, i.e. the
role of geography in the shaping of France. Overall, this volume is a
geo-history of France.
The second volume contains four parts treating three major top-
ics. Part I (chapters 1-2) on Frances population from prehistory to the
10th century; Part II (chapters 3-5) on population and demographic
problems of the 10th century up to 1980s; Part III (chapters 6-10) on
the infrastructure of Frances economy: the peasant economy, until
the 20th century; Part IV (chapters 11-15) on the superstructure of the
economy: circulation, industry, commerce, money, banking, and state
nance. Finally, conclusions to these two volumes are drawn (II:669-
79).
The pages devoted to villes (town and cities) are unreasonably
high. This is the topic of chapter 6 in volume I (I:179-262), and again
the title of chapter 11 in volume II (II:415-59); these two chapters
contain 128 pages, or 8.23% of both volumes. It doesnt seem appro-
priate that this topic deserves such a high proportion of the history of
France, a possible reason for this result is that the abundance of doc-
uments than other topics. It is difcult to see the rationale for placing
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this topic as the rst chapter in Part IV of volume II whose subject is
superstructure of French economy. Chapter 11 (of volume II) is also
rather loosely structured with no main focus or deep analysis. For in-
stance, II:415-9 discusses the rate of urbanization, II:419-21 the grow-
ing role of towns, II:421-3 the relationship between town and crown,
II:423-5 on the choice of site. Thus, within 17 pages ve large top-
ics are presented without signicant structural depth or analysis which
would seen a necessary component of any longue dur ee perspective
or total history analysis. Examples of this kind are abundant and aw
Braudels claims.
A second indication of inadequate structural denition is that un-
der each chapter there are only sections, i.e. no sub-sections are found;
the consequence is that the connections between sections are not al-
ways evident. For instance, the same chapter 11 of volume II on
Towns (II:415) discusses the rate of urbanization, but after turning to
other topics we are returned to The rate of urbanization once more
(II:444-5).
A third example is in chapter 15 of volume II: At the pinnacle of
the hierarchy: capitalism. The main materials covered in this chap-
ter are Frances monetary, banking, state nance and taxation. Money
and banking are related to capitalists, but not necessary with capital-
ism because under capitalismthe relations are much more complicated
including the process of production, nancing (at the rm level), mar-
keting, etc. Another inappropriateness in this chapter is that Braudel
presents The role of the bill of exchange and Did the bill of ex-
change create intra-European links? in II:620-33, but fails to dis-
cuss any role of France. Unlike her European neighbors Italy, Spain,
Holland and the UK, France before the 19th century was not deeply
involved in capitalism activities; France was, as he said in volume I,
an inland-looking country, retarded in sea power. So Frances capital-
ism is only a recent sparkle if we see the course of her history.
3 Perplexities
If we follow the principle of Occams razor (essentia non sunt mul-
tiplicanda praeter necessitatem), more than one-third of the writing
could be deleted without damage to Braudels central messages: there
are too many scattered facts supporting too few arguments, hypothe-
ses and causalities. The following two examples will be sufcient to
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illustrate this point. Chapter 6 of volume I contains 85 pages on Towns
(I:179-264), of which Roanne occupies 25 pages (I:204-229). If this
middle-size town requires such lengthy discussion we might specu-
late that it has outstanding signicance (in the same chapter only eight
pages (I:251-9) are allocated to Paris). However, the pages on Roanne
are largely factual without longue dur ee or total history analysis. Two-
thirds of these pages could be eliminated without changing readers
understanding. A similar pattern occurs in chapter 10 of volume I on
Toulon, the only French naval base in the Mediterranean. (I:351)
The chapter is a historical catalogue on names, dates, events, war, as
Braudel confessed: This time I have not avoided exciting events, ...
(I:351) This chapter of events is incompatible with the longue dur ee
perspective.
A striking feature of this book is that the author is not at all
problem-solving oriented. Given his general style is summarizing doc-
uments in offering his opinions, we rarely (if at all) see that he has
investigated a topic in depth. The structurally predictable result is
that unanswered questions are raised again and again in the end of
sections or chapters. For example, Revolts before 1680 (II:387-9)
is the issue of revolts when popular uprisings were wide-spread in
response to the excess of the tax-collectors; and between 450 and
500 sparks of revolt in Aquitaine alone, between 1590 and 1715.
(II:387-8) This is a highly relevant topic because these revolts occurred
repeatedly, forming a noteworthy social structure problem. In the -
nal paragraph Braudel writes: Such geographical concentration [in
Aquitaine] requires an explanation: but are we in a position to pro-
vide one? (II:389) Braudel then offers four obvious hints for further
research and ended the topic. The subject of revolts is not easy to
handle within a limited context, but many of other easier questions
that Braudel asks in the closing paragraphs might easily have been re-
solved within the format he chose, but these were left to the reader as
he continued with his easy summaries.
As detached an observer as possible, the historian must take
what might be termed a personal vowof silence. This is what Braudel
declares in the rst page of the Introduction (I:15). But we see on
many occasions in which he offers his personal testimony that he con-
tradicts this rule. Examples can be found in the following pages, I:64,
120, 123, 126, 143, 260, 282; II:361, 366, 496, 529, 644, 675-7. For
instance, in II:496 Braudel says: But it is not very long ago that I
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was myself marveling to nd that S ao Paulo in Brazil was linked to
Paris by direct dialing: I hastened to call up an old friend whom I had
rst met in 1936, when Brazil was still over two weeks from Europe
by boat! Among the formal books on the history of France, this one
could be the most causal in style.
Braudels discussion of Hoffmann theory (II:535-7) is unclear and
the evidence used is inappropriate.
Hoffmanns theory, formulated with reference to Britain after the
industrial revolution, but which could safely be applied to France
in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Formulated as a general
proposition, it can easily be extended beyond its already generous
chronological limits. Rather than a theory, it is a rule, indeed for
once I will hazard to say a law. For Walter Hoffmann, any industry,
whatever its location and purpose (and I would add whatever its pe-
riod) follows a parabolic curve from its inception, with a compara-
tively rapid rise, a ceiling reached over time, and a downward phase
that may be vertical. We need not dwell on the examples he cites,
which prove the point. In another book, I tried out Hoffmanns
law on a few quantiable examples, alas only too rare, from the
sixteenth century. But one thing stands out: the days of any indus-
try are numbered, even if its beginnings are spectacular, even if at
the height of its powers it seems to be in perfect health. All indus-
trial activity will sooner or later obey this predestined curve, what
ever the ups and downs of fortune on the way. (II:535)
As presented, Braudel argues that Hoffmanns main point is that
any industry, regardless of time, location and their nature, obeys a
parabolic curve that Hoffmann described, the only differences are that
each curve may have different slope and length. But for economic
historians this general statement can hardly be called a theory. In Civ-
ilization & Capitalism II:346 we nd a better explanation as follows:
any given industry (and the exceptions merely prove the rule) will
pass through three stages: expansion, plateau, decline, or to be
more precise: (i) the stage of industrial expansion which is char-
acterized by a rising rate of growth of output; (ii) the stage of in-
dustrial development, when the rate of growth is declining; and (iii)
the stage ... when there is an absolute decline of output.
This renders Hoffmann thesis clear. Let us examine how Braudel
tested this theory with evidence from France. In Figure 70 (II:537) is
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a reproduction of Markovitchs LIndustrie francaise de 1789 ` a 1964
with three curves: dynamic new industries, progressive older in-
dustries and declining old industries, where the vertical axis rep-
resents Millions of francs 1905-13. However, the Hoffmann thesis
is based on individual industry statistics and Markovitchs evidence
represents an aggregation (e.g. grouping all dynamic new industries
together). In so doing we lose the ability to know which individual
industrys parabolic line is different from other industries. Figure 70
is simply inappropriate as a test of Hoffmanns theory.
4 Contributions
Two related examples may reveal the qualities of Braudels work: the
rst example is instructive because of its rich information, the second
example has no evidence to support but it is instructive because of its
thought-provoking hints.
II:288-94 presents summary of a 1817 cadastre (register, origi-
nally for tax purposes, of land division and ownership). It provides,
for each of the 86 d epartements France then contained, the income per
hectare for the various sectors of production (arable land, vineyard,
grassland and woodland). A fth gure gives the income in francs of
the average hectare in the d epartement. This is a nation-wide census
which allows inter-regional comparison. For instance, in the poorest
d epartement (the Basses-Alpes), the average income per hectare for
ploughland was 13 francs, vineyard (30), grassland (57), woodland
(2) and the overall average income per hectare (6.38). For the richest
d epartement (the Seine), the rst four gures were: 100, 112, 84, 108,
while the fth overall average was unavailable.
Braudel dug this document out from Archive Nationale (A.N.,
F
20
560), explained its background and signicance, then transformed
its major results into Figure 35 (II:291-3). The drawer of this gure is
skillful and presents this complicated information in clear and elegant
maps.
This informative document and the inspiring nature of Figure 35
remind us that if the available land does not signicantly change, and
there is no major breakthrough in agricultural production, two fac-
tors might affect the above ve statistics. Firstly, the rise or fall of
population will change population density (i.e. man/land ratio), that
will lead to different food pressures. For example, when population
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density increases and food supply is in shortage, then grassland, vine-
yard, and even woodland will be transformed into ploughland. On the
other hand, when there is no food pressure, ploughland will be shifted
to more protable activities such as vineyard or grassland to produce
higher value wine and meat. Secondly, other things being equal, when
the business cycle is in the rising segment, general prices also rise, the
demand for good wine and meat will be increased; and vice-versa.
In other words, population density and business cycle will affect
the allocation of land for different purposes. Braudel did not offer this
mechanism, but it reveals the real idea behind what Braudel is dis-
cussing in II:247-8, 257-8, namely the competition for land between
man and animal:
sometimes it was a choice between people and animals, between
wheat and pasture. Often what man needed for food animals
needed too some foodstuff were interchangeable. ... Sir Thomas
More (1478-1535) noted in his Utopia that domestic sheep, since
pastures were being extended at the expense of wheat elds, eat
up and swallow downe the very men them selves, depriving them
of food and even work ... In France, Cantillon (1680-1734) tack-
led the same question: The more horses a state maintains, the less
subsistence there will be for the inhabitants; it is either horses or
men. ... in the whole of Basse-Normandie much later, by about
1780-1820, as more elds were set to grass, the cow too became
an innocent enemy of man. (II:248-9)
Braudel offered no evidence to test the validity of this man/animal
competition for land hypothesis, nor did he offer evidence to demon-
strate the presence of this competition for land among grain, wine,
meat, wood (mainly for construction and fuel) in France. Instead, in
Figure 31 (II:259) he offered four curves showing statistics of (1) ru-
ral population, (2) cattle (including oxen), (3) pigs, and (4) horses for
nearly two hundred years (1790-1980). This is an informative gure
in itself but unfortunately it does not provide useful information to test
the above hypotheses (the man/land competition for land thesis, and
the land allocation for competitive sectors of agricultural production
thesis). We may conjecture that these kind of statistics could be in
existence for the period of 18-20th centuries and leave this interesting
topic to French economic historians.
We are obliged to Braudel for offering such rich and detailed bib-
liographical references in the massive notes in the end of the two vol-
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umes. These references demonstrate that Braudel prepared for a total
history writing with a wide information on geography, political econ-
omy, demography, linguistics, folklore, military, politics, etc., much of
it acquired from the Archive nationale. Braudels passion for archives,
not only for their useful information, but also as the sources of inspi-
ration and imagination is clearly evident in his work. In II:724 note
209 he mentions the Moscow State Archives, showing that his pas-
sion for archives extended beyond the borders of France. Readers may
nd some elegant passages and scattered insights, some related page
numbers are offered: I:31, 52, 119, 125, 183; II:237, 317.
Some typescripts of Volume III of Identity of France (

Etat, Cul-
ture, Soci et e) remain unpublished in the 1980s, they are now collected
in pp. 417-506 of Les ambitions de lhistoire (1997) which is volume
II of Les ecrits de Fernand Braudel (3 volumes), Paris: Editions de
Fallois (1996-2001). Although a brief table of contents is listed in
p. 419, but this volume III remained largely incomplete that makes
evaluation premature.
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5
History of Civilizations (1963)
Fernand Braudel (1995): A History of Civilizations, Penguin Books,
xl + 573 + index.
1 Contents
This book was originally written as a high school (nal year) textbook
of history of civilizations, collected in the series Le Monde actuel, his-
toire et civilisations, edited by S. Baille, F. Braudel and R. Philippe,
published by Librairie Eug` ene Belin in 1963. The teachers council
agreed in 1964 that Braudels book was too hard for students; in
1965 the Ministry of Education truncated the civilization syllabus;
in 1970 Braudels book was withdrawn from sale (p. xxvii). It was
republished in 1987 after the authors death in 1985 with a new name
Grammaire de civilisations, by Editions Arthaud in Paris. The transla-
tor of this English version is Richard Mayne, who prepared a 20-page
introduction to present the author, his historical works and major con-
cepts, the Annales school, and Braudels unsuccessful reformation in
historical education. This English version appeared in 1993 by Viking
Penguin, and by Penguin Books in 1995 upon which this review is
based. It had been translated into Spanish in the 1960s (for university
students), and into Italian in pocket book form, regularly reprinted,
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as Mayne told us (p. xxviii). Mayne should refer to Maurice Ay-
mards preface to the French edition from which a lot of information
was drawn in his translators introduction.
The rst chapter explains the notion of civilization, on its various
meanings used by different authors in the past centuries; then Braudel
told us in chapter 2 how and why it is necessary to apply different
social sciences (geography, sociology, economics, psychology [men-
tality]) to study history of civilizations. In chapter 3 he advocates the
structure analysis as an important way to examine each civilization;
and not surprisingly, he suggests that the longue dur ee (taking century
or longer as unit of observation) is a superior method to study this sub-
ject. In short, the rst three chapters are the authors views on the sub-
ject and his methodology of analysis. In the last paragraph of chapter 3
he announces that [a]ll the rules and denitions that we have outlined
so far will be claried and simplied by the examples that follow
in chapters 4-25. This part is further divided into two groups: civ-
ilizations outside Europe (chapters 4-15) and European civilizations
(chapters 16-25).
2 Is there exists a grammar in the history of civilizations?
The French title is very attractive: this famous historian will tell us
an internal grammar derived from the evolution of civilizations! I was
attracted to see how he applied the longue dur ee approach to different
civilizations and reached new instructive results. I must confess that
from chapter 4 to 25 I did not see this effect. In other words, the
methodology he claimed in chapters 2-3 are not really applied to his
materials: he did not show us the advantages of longue dur ee analysis
with concrete examples: there exists an obvious gap between what he
announced and what he really offered. This is my rst disappointment.
Braudel explained that civilizations continually borrowfromtheir
neighbors, even if they reinterpret and assimilate what they have
adopted. ... every civilization looks rather like a railway goods yard,
constantly receiving and dispatching miscellaneous deliveries. (p.
29) He continued to elaborate the importance of contacts, refusals,
assimilation, transformations among and within civilizations in pages
30-1. I was attracted to see how he applied this dynamic interaction
framework to history of civilizations to derive a grammar of civiliza-
tion evolution. What he actually did in chapters 4-25 was basically
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discuss each civilization separately, he did discuss the changes within
in most cases but I do not see how he inter-connected these civiliza-
tions to offer a picture of dynamic exchange mechanism or the process
of contact, fusion, rejection, transformation among civilizations. This
is my second disappointment.
A third disappointment is that he did not apply the four claimed
elds (geography, society, economy, mentality) effectively to his mate-
rials in a balanced manner. It sufces to see from the table of contents
that geography is the most applied angle of analysis. The other three
are used rather unsystematically and quite unbalanced. For instance,
he applied the four aspects quite well in the case of Islam (chapters
4-7) but sweepingly for the case of India (chapter 13). This depended
certainly upon the knowledge he possessed about that civilization, and
we cannot demand anyone to have full knowledge of all these civiliza-
tions. But the point is that if he applied his framework (longue dur ee
plus four social sciences) to each case consistently, readers would nd
it easier to grasp his main messages more concretely. His presentation
was unbalanced not only in page distribution, but more seriously, in
some cases he was sweeping or even perfunctory.
An interesting way to study history of civilization, as I conceive it,
is to observe the interactions among civilizations, and upon which we
might learn the nature and characteristics of their rises and falls. I do
not understand and do not know how to apply Braudels longue dur ee
method exactly in this eld, but I doubt what we can really learn
if we only extend the unit of observation to centuries. I was curious
but Braudel did not show us how to apply his magic notion. So, is
there exists a grammar in the history of civilizations? Braudel did not
show us, and I guess there exists no such thing. Even if one derives
some rules or regularities, I think this kind of grammar could be full
of exceptions (that do not conrm the rules), and with a lot of irregular
verbs. A systematic grammar with internal structure for the history of
civilization is improbable. I think the English title of this book is more
appropriate than the French one.
3 History of civilizations and current affairs
The most famous message in Braudels historiography is the empha-
sis of longue dur ee and the rejection of traditional history on events,
military, politics, biographies etc. To our surprise, he devoted sev-
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eral chapters on current socio-politico-military affairs and events of
the early 1960s, placed after the discussions of each civilization. This
is incompatible with his (and the Annales) research agenda as well
as the framework he announced in the rst three chapters. Pages on
these current affairs occupy about one-fth of the book, as one can see
easily from the table of contents: Islam (chapter 7), Black Africa (9),
China (12), India (13), Japan (15), Europe (19), Russia (25). Perhaps
someone will defend this by saying that the comparison of past history
with current affairs is suitable to reect the insights of longue dur ee. I
confess that I do not see this connection and feel, again, he discussed
them rather separately.
Reading these current affairs of the early 1960s thirty years later in
1995, I soon realized that Braudels insistence is right: events are just
like bubbles on a speedy river, they are fragile and without structural
depth. The feeling of reading these chapters now is not much different
from reading Time or Newsweek of that period. Why did this longue
dur ee great historian bother with these supercial events and put them
in a history of civilization book? A sympathetic explanation is that this
book was part of the series Le Monde actuel, histoire et civilisations,
so it was not totally incompatible to incorporate actualities in it. More-
over, it does no harm to let high school students read past and current
things together, and that in so doing he might help them to understand
the power of history better. A unsympathetic comment will say: good
high school students can read this kind of information from an interna-
tional perspective newspaper like Le Monde easily; active students can
read Le Monde diplomatique every week, why bother to put them in
the textbook? Despite these different views, we may ask: did Braudel
write well about this stuff? I do not feel so, he was mostly expressing
his opinions than writing insightful analysis.
The translator says in the last paragraph of his introduction: I
happened to be completing the chapter on the Soviet Union and its
centrifugal tendencies just when the plot against Mikhail Gorbachev
was hatching. It was as if Braudel were looking on. ... in those dan-
gerous moments, how la longue dur ee, in the hands of a master, can
help explain the most dramatic convulsions in the past, the present,
and the future. Happy reader! But I do not see that he predicted
the collapse of the socialist block in the early 1990s nor the unica-
tion of Germany. Good historians do not predict, because this is not
their profession, and they are not qualied to do it because they are
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not prophets, they are only historians, no matter how great they might
be. There is no economist who won the Nobel prize because of his
forecasting ability. A good historian needs not to be a fortune teller of
our common destinies; what we expect from a good historian is that
his insights may help us to understand the underlying mechanism and
driving forces of the past, that we common people have not perceived
or understood. This expectation is not fullled in this book.
4 A high school textbook?
Was this a suitable textbook for high school students in the early
1960s? Three passages from pp. 15-6 will sufce to show the dif-
culty: Hence the rst inevitable question: was it necessary to invent
the word civilization and encourage its academic use, if it remains
merely a synonymfor society? Arnold Toynbee continually used the
word society in place of civilization. And Marcel Mauss believed
that the idea of civilization is certainly less clear than that of soci-
ety, which it presupposes. Every civilization, Goldmann explains,
draws its essential insights from the view of the world it adopts. And
in every case this view of world is coloured, if not determined, by so-
cial tension. The tragedy of their fate, their awareness of it, and their
intellectual ascendancy all combined to imbue the period with their
own dominant mood. I must have a hard time to explain if I was one
of the teachers. Moreover, this textbook contains 573 pages!
A textbook is better to be balanced both in materials and points of
view. It would be more helpful if the writer is able to simplify some
key concepts, and apply them on selected topics to show students the
importance and powerfulness of concepts: an effective concept or no-
tion allow us to understand unexpected meanings from ordinary mate-
rials. That would be an instructive way to transmit the central message,
but I do not see this effect in this textbook. What I see is that the
rst three chapters are typically Braudelian style, with tremendous but
somewhat scattered knowledge of each civilization in chapters 4-25;
and the connection between the two parts is not evident.
Why did Braudel want to write a textbook of this kind? From
his personal testimony (Ecrits sur lhistoire II, p. 14) we know that
during 1935-7 he taught at S ao Paulo University (Brazil): I was in
charge of a course on the general history of civilizations, I had some
charming students, some of them are argumentative, alive around me,
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forced me to engage on all topics. I guess he had accumulated certain
materials and outlines that permitted him to write out such a thick
textbook quickly in the early 1960s when he was in full charge of
administration, research, and the journal Annales ESC. I also guess
that he wrote it quickly.
5 On Chinese civilization
Among the civilizations he discussed I know best the case of China.
Reading this chapter cost me 30 disappointing minutes. I have in mind
that this chapter was written for high school students, but he was just so
sweeping, unsystematic and had no framework; his longue dur ee and
the four social sciences applications are not seen here. This chapter
is a quick summary from the works of Marcel Granet, Henri Masp ero
and Demi eville, as he mentioned their names in the text (no references
are listed in the original French version). I do not know what students
will retain after reading this chapter, perhaps some causal facts, some
funny and strange names. I do not know how the experts of Islam,
India and Japan would react if they read their respective chapters (at
high school level).
On the contrary, I like his An introduction to the Far East (chap-
ter 10) much better, especially the rst section What geography
shows (pp. 155-64). It contains some sharp observations on such
as why in Asia meat was scarce: China a nation of too many people,
forbidden to raise beef cattle which is gross waste of calories tries
to use everything that we let slip away. (p. 158) Because in these
circumstances, to feed on meat would be a fantastic waste. The ani-
mals would have to be fed on grain, which human beings themselves
prefer to eat. (p. 159) He did not elaborate further but the underlying
meaning is this: when the population pressure is high, people try to
produce as many calories as possible per acre of land.
An acre of land cultivating rice produces many more calories than
the calories produced by an acre of land in raising hog or beef cattle.
It is not that Asian people do not like to eat meat, it was because the
total calories that whole population required made rice drive out meat
production, given the limited cultivable land and over-population. So
if they ate snakes, frogs, rats, dogs, bats and so on (p. 18), that is
because those meats do not compete with rice for land to produce
calories. Meat (such as beef) that compete with rice for land is neces-
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sarily expensive and prohibitive. This is not a full explanation and not
an appropriate place to continue on these questions, but his observa-
tions (and quotations) in this section are inspiring, a rare case for me
in this book.
6 Conclusion
I certainly will vote against this book to be used as a high school his-
tory of civilizations textbook, but I will encourage university students
to list this book among the readings of this subject. For professional
historians and students whose major is history, I will not recommend
this book as an instructive work. I do not believe there exists such a
thing as grammar of civilizations, I also do not think Braudels magic
longue dur ee is a useful notion or powerful method to advance our un-
derstanding of history of civilizations (readers interested in Braudels
other views on history of civilizations are referred to the nal chapter
of his On History, University of Chicago Press, as reviewed in the next
chapter).
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6
On History (1969)
Fernand Braudel (1969):

Ecrits sur lhistoire, Paris: Flammarion
(Champs No. 23). Translated by Sarah Matthews: On History, Uni-
versity of Chicago Press, 1980, pp. ix + 226.
1 Introduction
This book collects Braudels non-empirical writings. As he wrote on
page 133: It is never too late to speak of important works, On His-
tory serves as an important reference to evaluate Braudels method-
ological contributions.
A rst reviewof this collected essays appeared in History and The-
ory (1971, vol. 10, pp. 346-55). J.H.M Salmon wrote his review soon
after the publication of the French version. His method of review was
to restate the themes that recur in Ecrits sur lhistoire with all the ob-
jectivity at my command. (p. 354) He offered his criticisms in the
last two paragraphs: Yet I feel obliged in conclusion to remark that
Braudels hesitation about the wisdom of publishing these pieces was
well founded. (p. 354)
Twenty years later, after reading the entire book with attention, I
have different feelings. My strategy here is not to restate the themes
with complete objectivity, but to state my observations on the structure
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and arguments of each chapter. As a general rule, it is preferable for
readers of a review to take into account the following differences: the
generation gap, the gap of the states of art in social sciences, the per-
spectives of historical analysis, and the cultural differences between
the author and the critic. This rule is applicable here.
This book contain 12 chapters, including an abstract from the pref-
ace of The Mediterranean (chapter 1), his inaugural lecture given to
the Coll` ege de France in 1950 (chapter 2), his most famous article
on the longue dur ee (chapter 3), three articles on the relationship be-
tween history and other social sciences (chapters 4-6), ve book re-
views (chapters 7-11), and a long critical survey on the history of civi-
lization (chapter 12); these writings were published between 1944 and
1963.
2 Comments
The short chapter 1 (two pages) is taken from the second part of the
preface to his masterwork The Mediterranean (rst edition, 1949).
The points to explain are that the book contains three main parts, and
more importantly, introduces his distinction of historical time of three
kinds: event time (short dur ee), social time (conjoncture) and geo-
time (longue dur ee). Retrospectively, these two pages already laid the
corner stones of his lifelong methodology of historical analysis. The
prefaces of the three consequent editions (1966, 1976, 1979) contain
editorial remarks of minor analytical interest.
Chapter 2 The Situation of History in 1950 is his declaration
of dissatisfaction with the current historiography in France, especially
the analytical methodology. He attacked this deciency implicitly (he
was polite and careful on this occasion) in the rst two sections, as
he declared: It is precisely our task to get beyond this rst stage of
history... [Previous historical analysis] necessarily entails enormous
errors of perspective and of reasoning (pp. 11-2). Then in section
III he began to argue why total history and longue dur ee are necessary
and useful tools: [i]n order to have a new history ...[and] to be able to
answer the new questions (pp. 12-3). The nal section IV is essen-
tially in praise of his mentor Lucien Febvre from whom Braudel had
just succeeded the Chair. All in all, the contents of this chapter (espe-
cially section III) serve to clarify and to intensify the same arguments
as in chapter 1. Braudel had similar methodological claims in these
two chapters because they were published about the same date: 1949
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and 1950.
The above concepts are fully developed in chapter 3: History and
the Social Sciences: the longue dur ee. This article is the most orig-
inal in this book and may be Braudels most important paper. At age
55, he nally presented a full version of the concept longue dur ee that
he initially formulated in The Mediterranean during the 1940s. He
reformulated this concept more elegantly, adding further arguments in
a more philosophical style. To be received as a sophisticated histori-
cal concept in France, and to be accepted by other social sciences, it
should be so expressed. Braudel nally completed this requirement in
1958, after a long process of deliberation.
He had two targets in mind, one that the prevailing analytical tools
in history were obviously insufcient to interpret the rapidly chang-
ing world especially since the Second World War, and the other that
history became a debtor of analytical concepts vis-` a-vis the rapid
growth of other social sciences, such as sociology, anthropology, eco-
nomics. Under such a double threat, Braudel proposed that there is
one aspect overlooked in all social sciences: time. Sociology lacks a
dimension of social time; geography needs to explore geo-time; de-
mography, psychology, linguistics etc. have to investigate their own
time.
If this assumption were acceptable, he proposed that among time
duration (dur ee) of various kinds the most penetrating is the longue
dur ee. The event short-time is too obvious, the middle-range time (10-
25 years) is not too difcult, but the long-run underlying movement
(a century or longer as the unit of analysis) is an important aspect
commonly neglected or underestimated; only after full analysis of this
aspect can one understand the deeper structure of history.
It must be admitted that this 30-page article makes heavy reading.
Braudel was a distinguished salesman, demonstrating his erudition and
self-condence, repeating similar arguments in different forms, on oc-
casion convincing but on other occasions confusing as well. It would
be of interest for somebody to undertake research to investigate the
origins of this concept, to evaluate the impact of this article on histori-
ography both at home and abroad, and to predict the probability of its
survival in the longue dur ee.
In contrast, chapter 4 Unity and Diversity in the Human Sciences
is a simplied version of the previous article. In eight pages it offers
no new arguments; moreover, the style is plain. This paper was rst
published in the Revue de lenseignement sup erieur (No. 1) in 1960.
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Experience indicates that papers by famous scholars appeared in the
rst issue of new journals generally lack originality; this is a tting
instant. He had just published in 1958 his previous serious article;
how can one expect so soon to read important new things? I wonder
why this article is collected in this book.
The next chapter on History and Sociology proposed a closer
relationship between history and sociology based on their common in-
terest: the need to explore the aspect of time. This was written at
the invitation of Georges Gurvitch (Professor of Sociology, University
of Paris) for his Trait e de sociologie (1958-60). Braudel and Gurvitch
had two properties in common: they were close friends since their
years as prisoners of war, and both were fascinated by the application
of the analysis of time to their own disciplines. Gurvitch distin-
guishes a whole series of time: the time of the longue dur ee and slow
motion, time the deceiver and time the surpriser, time with an irregular
beat, cyclic time running in place, time running slow, time alternating
between running slow and fast, time running fast, explosive time. (p.
79) He was a sociologist obsessed by time. This piece is friendly by
comparison with the ghting ambiance sensed in chapter 2.
I have two brief comments. The arguments and main points in
this chapter were essentially the same as those expressed in previous
chapters. On the other hand, until the late 1980s, the main streams
of history and main currents of sociology did not cross; the Journal
of Historical Sociology started from 1988 may serve well as a bridge
between the two disciplines.
Toward a Historical Economics in chapter 5 disappointed me
most. As an economic historian I expected an instructive analysis be-
cause he had abundant experience in socio-economic history. This
paper was originally published in the rst issue of Revue economique
in 1950. When I looked at this issue, I saw that Braudel was a mem-
ber of the editorial committee. My previous rule (i.e. that articles by
important scholars in the rst issue of a new journal are in general un-
original) applies again! For such an interesting and important topic,
he used less than eight pages and two notes to complete this article
having three sections. Frankly, I fail to follow his arguments, and I
cannot imagine how economic historians can benet from this paper.
How could he have been so perfunctory as a professor at the Coll` ege
de France?
Chapters 7 to 11 are book reviews. I think chapter 7 Toward a
Serial History: Seville and the Atlantic, 1504-1650 is the best, in the
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sense that Braudel knew the subject almost as well as the authors, his
arguments were powerful, and his criticisms contained much insight.
Pierre Chaunu is a prolic historian in the community of French his-
tory; his 12 volumes (with co-author Huguette Chaunu) of S eville et
lAtlantique (1955-60, 7,343 pages) is a notable example of long-series
quantitative history (histoire s erielle). He reconstructed the dynamic
movements of the economy and society based on series of long-term
statistics. Hence Braudel praised him highly at the beginning and in
section III (pp. 97-100).
In Section I Structure and Conjuncture Braudel made the criti-
cismthat Chaunus study is an arbitrary expanse (p. 92). I amunable
to judge this criticism, nor do I know any response from Chaunu, but
sections I and II (pp. 92-7) seem replete with strong arguments on this
point. Braudels main criticism was in section IV (pp. 100-2): The
Stake: The History of Production. He argued that Chaunu beautifully
depicted the curves of various prices but neglected the movement of
production; arguing that in fact production is more essential than price
when one is detecting long-run economic changes.
I consider that this is an expert-to-expert review. Braudel appro-
priately pointed out the weakness of Chaunus framework, his use
and abuse of historical data, the formulation of the problems, etc. In
short, he demonstrated with insight some other possible dimensions
of the topic. To be perfect, an expert-to-expert review should offer
his counter-framework and counter-logic, but Braudel simply argued
in one page that longue dur ee and global history are better tools to
improve Chaunus works (p. 96).
Sorres book Les bases biologiques de la g eographie humane, re-
viewed in 1944 is collected here as chapter 8. Braudel was then in a
German camp for prisoners of war. I guess that he wrote this review
and mailed it to his mentor Febvre who was the editor of M elanges
dhistoire sociale. This surmise is conrmed by Febvres note 5 (page
117). This journal was Annales by another name during the war pe-
riod.
Why did Braudel review a book about biological bases of human
geography? I conjecture that the theme human geography attracted
him rst. Febvre and Braudel were geo-historians at earlier stages
of their careers, this book that interprets human geography from the
point of view of biology certainly caught their attention. As Braudel
wrote in the rst paragraph: It is a work of cardinal importance, of
commanding interest, and one which poses a good many problems, ...
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It is an exploration, ... a series of trial contacts. (p. 105)
Overall, I can feel his excitement in summarizing interesting parts
of this book, side by side with his comments. He passionately in-
troduced this biological book to his fellow geo-historians, hoping
thereby shed new light on historiography. Braudel was however a lay-
man in this eld, the contents of his review are interesting even for
current historians. But in terms of style it contrasts sharply with the
previous review of Chaunus work, in which he offered strong argu-
ments and expert insights. Why is it collected here? Perhaps as a
souvenir of his prisoner days.
Otto Brunners Neue Wege der Sozialgeschichte (1956) is reviewed
in chapter 9. On the rst three sections in which Braudel summarized
the book together with his unstructured comments, I have no com-
ments. The title of the nal section 4 is: What is Social History?
(pp. 128-31) This is of course an attractive proposition; Braudels an-
swer to this self-posed question must be signicant. I am disappointed
to nd that Braudel was, in less than two and one half pages, advertiz-
ing again the superiority of longue dur ee and total history.
Three books on historical demography are reviewed in chapter
10. It seems that Braudel was angry at Ernst Wagemanns research:
Works which are, true to tell, hasty, written narrow, unnished,
fevered, amused, amusing, if not always entirely reasonable. (p. 134)
I nd my background in this eld made me difcult to follow his ar-
guments in eight and one half pages (pp. 133-41).
By contrast, I think I can follow his points in his review of Alfred
Sauvys work. As a demographer with international reputation, the
logic and rationale of Sauvy (1898-1990) the economist was easier for
me to understand. A main difculty when one reads these pages is
that Braudel the historian started to speak the neo-classical economics
language - total, average, marginal productivities - and to use these
terms to comment on Sauvys ndings. I confess that I am totally
lost in this controversy (pp. 142-4), and I doubt that most historians
can understand Braudels points without the help of a conventional
geometric diagram that appeared in basic economics. Did Braudel
forget his longue dur ee and total history? Certainly not (see pp. 148-
9). It will be interesting to see Sauvys response; I have no hint in this
regard.
The third book under review was Louis Chevaliers Classes la-
borieuses et classes dangeureuses ` a Paris dans la premi` ere moiti e du
XIXe si` ecle (1958). Braudel conrmed that assuredly a ne subject
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and equally assuredly a ne book. I have read it and reread it. (p. 149)
I agree totally with him. Dangerous classes is an interesting and im-
portant topic touched upon by little serious research. Among other
matters, Chevalier analyzed the problem from the points of view of
suicide, infanticide, prostitution, insanity, concubinage, death among
the workers and the criminal army (p. 157). I feel that Braudel
had strong afnity with the issues treated in this work. He also had
something relevant to write; in fact he also offered some delightful
arguments. In terms of size and weight, I believe that this section is
qualied to be an independent review. In my opinion, this is the best
review second only to that of Chaunus work in chapter 7.
The nal review was on Marvin Harris (1956): Town and Country
in Brazil. The book is exclusively concerned with a journey and then
a stay made in a small Brazilian town. (p. 165) The subtitle of this
chapter is: the present explains the past, a famous slogan of Marc
Bloch.
1
My rst reaction is that this book must have been written with
historical perspectives. In Braudels summary (the rst three sections,
pp. 165-71), I nd the contents to be much more ethnological than his-
torical. My second doubt is why a strong advocate of the longue dur ee
and total history like Braudel was fascinated by a book exclusively
concerned with a journey and then a stay made in a small town? He
contributed 12 pages on this review originally published in Annales
ESC (1959) and collected it in this book. I am perplexed.
In page 173 he told us that in 1974, in quite another region of
the vast country of Brazil, I made a less poetic trip than Marvin Har-
riss, but one that was in its own way no less revelatory. In this entire
page I read his Brazilian recollections rather than historical analysis,
if any. From the point of view of Brazilian revelation, Claude L evi-
Strausss Tristes tropiques (1955) was much more abundant in many
respects. Then, why was the book of Marvin Harris signicant? Did
this book recall to Braudel his Brazilian days (1935-7, 1947)? More-
over, is this book a good example of the present explains the past? I
doubt it.
The rst half of the nal chapter 12 is basically a critical survey of
the historical analysis of civilization(s), its meanings, denitions, and
interpretations by major scholars. The second half contains Braudels
opinions on how to achieve a better understanding of this subject, in
which he did not neglect to remind us of the necessity of dialogue
1
See his The Historians Craft, chapter 1, sections 6 & 7. It is rumored
that this is Lucien Febvres formulation, not Blochs.
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between history and the social sciences, and of course, that civiliza-
tions are realities of the extreme longue dur ee. (p. 209) The subtitle
of this chapter is the past explains the present, appropriate for this
topic. His erudition in this subject was impressive in the long rst sec-
tion (pp. 179-200). His comments on Spengler (pp. 186-9) and on
Toynbee (pp. 189-97) were remarkable. This is the major part of this
chapter. Although sections 2 and 3 contain 19 pages (pp. 200-18) this
part is, I feel, much more opinion than instructive argument.
3 Evaluation
I list the topic of each chapter in Table 2, and assign them different
asterisks (*). More asterisks reveal my stronger preference, as a sum-
mary of the above comments, but I intend not to convince anybody in
this regard.
As quantied in the last column of Table 2, I think that three chap-
ters (3, 7, 12) can survive in the longue dur ee. Three are so perfunctory
(4, 6, 11) that they cannot survive even in the short dur ee. The other
six chapters are indifferent. Is this a normal distribution: three good,
three bad, six between? Unquestionably, this symmetry is ex post, not
planned ex ante.
Braudel generally judged the work of other scholars from his
longue dur ee standard, and criticized their erroneous analysis of events
and in the short dur ee context. Among the ve book review chapters,
I think that, except for chapter 7 on Chaunus Atlantic, the other four
reviews were easy for him because he was stating that this part and that
part were not good enough, and what should be added and deleted. A
better way to convince authors and readers is to demonstrate that, when
this concept and those materials are added, there will result some pre-
dictable signicant changes in the whole work. We expect this from a
great historian. He failed to offer much instructions of this kind.
The present review enters no technical argument, i.e. I have of-
fered no counter-arguments to Braudels concept nor judged any con-
troversial issue. Rather, I have emphasized the aspects of structure and
framework of each chapter. The disadvantage of this strategy is that,
even if I point out some weakness, I do not convince readers with my
own arguments. I have chosen this method because I am not equipped
with comparable knowledge to quarrel with Braudel; moreover, if I
treated any technical problem, them this review would have been too
long.
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Table 2 Evaluation of each chapter
Chapter &
pages
Themes
Evaluation
1
(3-5)
Abstract from the Preface of his The Meditteranean
(1949), on the contents and methodology of this mas-
terwork.
**
2
(6-22)
Inaugural lecture given to the Coll` ege de France, on
The Situation of History in 1950.
***
3
(25-54)
His most important essay The longue dur ee (1958).
*****
4
(55-63)
Unity and Diversity in the Human Science (1960),
repeating similar points of chapter 3 in different
forms.
*
5
(64-82)
History and Sociology (1958). Proposing more di-
alogue between the two disciplines.
***
6
(83-90)
Toward a Historical Economics (1950).
*
7
(91-104)
Review of Chaunus Seville and the Atlantic, 1504-
1650 (1963).
*****
8
(105-119)
Review of Sorres biological geography (1944).
**
9
(120-131)
On a Concept of Social History, book review
(1959).
**
10
(132-161)
Review of three historical demography books (1960).
***
11
(165-176)
Review of Marvin Harriss travelling record of a
small Brazilian town (1959).
*
12
(177-218)
A survey of the studies of civilization(s), plus his
opinions on this topic (1959).
*****
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Taken as a whole, the papers collected in this book revealed
Braudels methodology of historical analysis between 1944 and 1963.
As we have seen repeatedly, his three magic weapons are: the longue
dur ee, total history (histoire totale or globale) and dialogue with other
social sciences. The longue dur ee was his favorite tool that cast its
shadow everywhere except in chapters 8 and 11. He already had all
these three tools in the late 1940s, and he used them repeatedly in Civ-
ilization (1979) and in France (1986). For such creative scholar as
Braudel, why did he wear the same clothes always and everywhere?
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7
Ecrits sur lhistoire II (1990)

Fernand Braudel (1990):

Ecrits sur lhistoire II, Paris: Flammarion
(Champs No. 304), 314 pages.
1 Contents
Braudels

Ecrits I was published in 1969, appeared in English by
University of Chicago Press (On History, 1980) and received wide
attention; several reviews were available in professional journals.
This

Ecrits II was rst published in 1990 by Editions Arthaud after
Braudels death in 1985. In 1994 it was reprinted as a pocket book with
some adjustments in contents and a new one-page preface by Madame
Braudel, upon which the present review is based.
It contains ve texts, three of them were previously published in
English and two in Italian, so for most Braudel readers this book is not
really new. The rst paper was appeared in Journal of Modern History
in 1972, volume 44(4):448-67 as Personal Testimony. The second
paper was printed in The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, vol-
ume 4, pp. 374-86 in 1967; the title in English was Prices in Europe
from 1450 to 1750, co-authored with Franck Spooner (who worked
out the calculations and Jacques Bertin did the 35 impressive gures;
Braudel was responsible for the text). It was abridged by the editor be-
cause the original text was too long: the full French text here contains
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135 pages. The next are two biographies on Spanish kings Charles V
and Philippe II, which appeared in Italian in 1966 and 1969 respec-
tively. The French text on Philippe II was lost and it was Madame
Braudel who translated it back from Italian. The nal text is a preface
that Braudel wrote in 1978 for the reissue of Alexis de Tocquevilles
Souvenires in Gallimards pocket book collection Folio, the English
version of Souvenirs including Braudels Preface was published by
Transactions Publisher (New Jersey) in 1987 for the rst and in 1990
for the second edition.
As Madame Braudel informs us, this 1994 edition deleted a series
of short notes that Fernand Braudel wrote for Corriere della sera for
pleasure in 1983, but they are dated now; the preface to Souvenirs is
added instead. She also told us that the French text of an English paper
European Expansion and Capitalism, 1450-1650, which appeared
in a collective volume Chapters in Western Civilization by Columbia
University Press (1961) is also lost, the style of this English translation
was quite different from the French one and it is hard to translate it
back, hence not included. In terms of novelty, this book is nothing
new, simply a publishing of the original French texts; it is not expected
to create signicant echoes from professional historians, but it offers
an opportunity to evaluate another part of Braudels historiography.
2 Historical apprenticeship and personal testimony
This is a well-known paper to Braudel readers and historians in gen-
eral, in which Braudel told us about his family background, his school
education; how he entered Sorbonne to study history, his ten years
of teaching traditional history in Constantine (Algeria); how he con-
ceived his thesis project and collected archive documents with a pre-
modern micro-lm technique; how and why he shifted the focus of
his thesis from Philippe II to the Mediterranean; how he taught at S ao
Paulo University in Brazil for three years, and met Lucien Febvre (his
mentor) on the way back to France; how Febvre encouraged him to
work on Mediterranean, and how he did that thesis in the war prisoner
camp in L ubeck (Germany); and most importantly, how he perceived
his famous concept of three kinds of historical time. I read the English
version some ten years ago but still feel refreshed in re-reading this
most interesting Section 1 in French, and I enjoyed Braudels vivid
writing style.
But this biographical section was too self-controlled. At age 70,
he only told us what happened before 1950 (his formative stage),
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7

usually with less than three sentences for each point. Interesting in-
deed, but he told us nothing about his golden age (after the publication
of The Mediterranean in 1949, his professorship at Coll` ege de France,
his other historical writings, his interactions with the French history
profession, and the important journal Annales ESC, etc.), that is a ma-
jor aspect of postwar French historiography in which he was a major
player. We do need further details on these aspects. Madame Braudel
wrote an interesting paper on how The Mediterranean was prepared
(see Annales ESC 1992, pp. 237-44 Les origines intellectuelles de
Fernand Braudel: un t emoingnage), but this satised us in only a
small part of the Braudel legend.
As Braudel stated in the beginning of this paper that it was the
editor of Journal of Modern History who forced him to write this
personal testimony, but he was reluctant to do it. Why was he so cau-
tious about his personal history? Perhaps because he was too much
involved in the history profession, in academic administration, in dis-
putes with other persons and groups which alerted him to avoid unnec-
essary complications after he retired in 1968. As he laiquoted Alexis
de Tocquevilles words in the nal page of this book: It is difcult
to talk about oneself well, and one is too close to see himself well.
(p. 270) This reveals that he was conscious about his role in postwar
French historiography.
The next two sections of this 1972 paper are his personal testi-
mony on the fountain sources of the Annales school: the inuence of
Henri Berr on Febvre and Bloch; on how Febvre was separated from
the Berr group in person and in research agenda; how the Annales en-
countered hostilities when it was appeared in 1929, etc. But all these
are already available from other historians memoirs or studies, except
for perhaps some personal information such as that the heir of Berr
destroyed all the letters from Febvre such that we are deprived from
studying Febvres vision of history in his young days. In the conclud-
ing page wrote he was sorry that he did evidently did not tell all, did
not explain all about the persons and works that create the Annales and
make it alive. We are even much more sorry that such an important
gure was so self-controlled.
3 Price history in Europe, 1450-1750
This nearly a small monograph long article describes and analyzes
three centuries price history before the industrial revolution, includ-
ing uctuations in the value of major currencies (in silver gram), price
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trends of wheat, textile, wine, meat and the trend of wages, rents, in-
dustrial production index etc. in Europe in general and in some coun-
tries/cities in particular. The most impressive part for me is the 35
gures grouped together at the end of the long explanatory text, they
are striking because the authors of these gures did fascinating data
mining work and elegant gure presentations before computer tech-
nique was available to cartographers.
This study ts Braudels taste of history very well: three centuries
of observation, a remarkable case for his longue dur ee preference. It
also not limited to certain commodities or certain countries, but Eu-
rope as a whole with all kinds of price statistics available. Such a
grand scale longue dur ee study of European price history is not an
easy task because secondary studies are largely insufcient, there are
too many lacuna in this eld, and the reliability of statistics is also
doubtful, hence the room for interpretation must be large. It is nec-
essarily a controversial subject. Braudel was very conscious about all
these barriers, as he admitted in the concluding remarks (p. 131) that
there are many problems remain unresolved, but excused himself that
history never only writes once for all. He was proud of giving a gen-
eral picture about this important topic and set out the orientations for
future studies. Yes, this is an ambitious project and Braudel counted it
seriously among his writings.
If someone offers me these 35 fascinating gures and invites me
to write an interpretive text, I will of course be attracted but will de-
cline this opportunity because I simply do not know how to design a
well-structured framework to grasp these statistics together to offer a
meaningful story. For economists, these gures suggest something like
an N-country by M-commodity vector, which is too big to be analyzed
with current economic knowledge. Braudel was not unconscious about
this difculty, but he put major emphasis on the trends of price. Eco-
nomic historians are certainly interested in the trends and changes, but
they are even more interested in the underlying causality, the mecha-
nismthat may explain these changes. Trends are only supercial styl-
ized facts, no deep knowledge will be generated if one remains at that
level. His analyses in the rst two sections are mainly explaining the
historical background and describing individual gures, without offer-
ing a historical or economic mechanism that economic historians do
not yet understand.
In the third section of this long article he tried to identify if these
trends are Kondratieff type (about a 50 years cycle), or Juglar type
(10-year cycle), or other types of cycles. In other words, he was doing
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7

a work of classication: types of price movement cycle. This is not a
difcult job: observing the changes of wheat, salary, meat price, and
classify them into different patterns of cycle. The question is simple:
what was he wanted to prove? I confess that I do not see his answer
to this point. What we want to see, again, are the underlying forces or
mechanism or historical events, or climate changes that made prices
uctuate, and explain why in some regions or for some commodities
prices uctuated stronger than others.
4 Two biographies
Braudel was famous for using longue dur ee as unit of historical anal-
ysis, and was strongly against the studies of events and political, mil-
itary, diplomatic histories. He nevertheless published two biographies
on two Spanish kings [one on Charles V (1500-58), the other on his
son Philippe II (1527-98)] in 1966 and 1969. They are standard biogra-
phies: from their family backgrounds to the political situations of their
times, their education, their difculties, careers, their later years and
end in their deaths. In short, they are a kind of conventional emperor
biography that the Annalists rejected since Febvre and Bloch. He was
aware that if both biographies were published in France it might cause
him a lot of explanations. But why did he do it?
From his personal testimony (p. 13) we know that the rst thesis
project he conceived was Philippe II, Spain and the Mediterranean
in about 1926, and Sorbonne accepted his proposal. It was in 1927
when Febvre suggested to him that instead of Philippe II, it would
be more passionate to understand the Mediterranean. The inuence
of Henri Pirenne in 1931 made him decide to adjust the focus of the
project. But before that time he had already accumulated considerable
documents, I conjecture, including a lot of material on the two kings.
As he also told us that during his ten years teaching in Algeria, I was
a historian of event, of politics, of illustrative biographies. (p. 11) His
Sorbonne education plus ten years of teaching in this line must have
equipped him with a solid foundation in traditional history, which the
Annalists and he himself later denied. His talent and learning in this
aspect was unfortunately wasted.
Did he write well? No doubt, of rst quality in that line: full
of exact dates, names, events, inter-connections, well described, de-
tailed and telling; with his vivid command of the French language he
made both texts highly readable. Perhaps he already wrote them in
drafts long before but was embarrassed to publish when he was still
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on duty as a leader of the Annales. In short, he was well qualied to
reject the traditional history: he could do even better at it than conven-
tional historians!
5 Preface to de Tocquevilles Souvenirs
Madame Braudel told us in the last paragraph of her preface that
Braudel was a grand admirer of Souvenirs, and wrote this Preface
with a very particular pleasure. In reading this preface, I had no
particular feeling of being instructed. Braudel explained his admira-
tion at the outset, then laiquoted some passages from here and there,
adding his comments and told us how Tocquevilles observations are
full of insights and still t well to most situations in France in 1978
when he wrote this preface. For readers who are not familiar with
French political and social history, this preface is not inspiring, but
why did Braudel write it with a particular pleasure?
I think the pleasure came from the fact that Tocqueville spoke out
about many things that Braudel always wanted to say about politics
and politicians in France but had no occasion to express. A typi-
cal comment is like this: Rereading these lines: did France really
change? (p. 259) Braudel wrote nothing about politics in his profes-
sional works, but during his career he was deeply involved in academic
administration, in the reformation of historical teaching, in establish-
ing the famous Ecoles des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Maison
des Sciences de lHomme, etc.; he certainly had sharp observations
about French politics and politicians, but was unable to put them into
words. Tocquevilles Souvenires, in a sense, released his long-time op-
pressed sentiments, it gave him a lot of pleasure to write that preface.
6 Conclusion
This second volume of his collected papers is less stimulating than the
rst one, in which his major papers on the longue dur ee, his Coll` ege de
France inaugural lecture and his main historical concepts are included.
This second volume does not advance our understanding of his histori-
ography, although it does supply some supplementary materials to see
Braudels other facets.
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Appendix 1
The Italian Model (1974)
Fernand Braudel (1991): Out of Italy, Paris: Flammarion, 236 pages.
This book was rst published in Italian translation by Einaudi in 1974
as the conclusion to the second volume of the Storia dItalia; then as a
separate volume in 1986, under the title Il secondo Rinascimento. Due
secoli e tre Italie. The original French version rst appeared in 1989
(after Braudels death in 1985) as Le Mod` ele italien (Paris: Arthaud),
then collected in pocket series, Champs No. 612 (1994), 220 pages.
The English version is translated from the 1989 French version by
translator of Braudels other books, Si an Reynolds.
If you wish to buy a handsome history book with colorful illus-
trations as a Christmas present for someone interested in European
history (Italian history in particular), then I will recommend this En-
glish version positively for the following reasons. (1) It is elegantly
produced, half the pages are carefully selected art works and photos
by the editors to strengthen the visual effect of the text. For instance,
The Trial of Galileo, by a 17th century anonymous Italian artist, pre-
sented on pp. 186-7, vividly shows the tension between new scientic
concept and conservative religious power. If one reads the text only
French version, the degree of tension would be largely weakened. Ap-
propriate pictures are essential to historical works, and this book fully
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develops this point. (2) Beautiful picture books are often shallow in
contents but this is not the case here. The numerous pictures in this
volume comfort readers signicantly when reading Braudels serious
sentences, and the readers relax when absorbing Braudels sometimes
heavy messages. (3) The two centuries covered in this book (1450-
1650) are a sparkling epoque in Italian history: the splendid Renais-
sance era and the age of glorious capitalistic activities. Braudel cov-
ered not only politics, economy, society, but also opera, ballet, poetry,
science and technology, among other topics. In other words, one reads
in a few pages a brief history of an interesting topic, with Braudels ex-
planations, judgments and insights. In short, it will make a beneciary
reading in Christmas/New Year Holidays.
Was Braudel a writer for Christmas present picture books? Yes,
after his retirement in early 1970s, he produced some audio-visual
works: La M editerran ee, in 12 television lms (1977), then trans-
formed into two picture books with texts from six other authors;
LEurope, 1982 (transformed from eight television lms); Venise, with
photographs of Folco Quilici, 1984; Le monde de Jacques Cartier (a
history on the French navigator Cartier, 1491-1557), 1984. I am in-
clined to put Out of Italy in this category because it was initially writ-
ten for general readers. He did not plan to publish it in a separate
volume, and would be surprised to see it being transformed into the
current picture book form.
Another point is that Out of Italy largely overlaps with his The
Mediterranean (1966) and Capitalism (1979). Pages covering litera-
ture, arts, architecture, opera, Baroque etc. astound Braudel readers,
and I am impressed by his tremendous knowledge in these elds. But
pages covering politics, economy and society can also nd their twin-
sisters in The Mediterranean. This is understandable because Braudel
revised this Lebenswerk in 1966 in which Italy dominated the scene.
In preparing this Italy in early 1970s for general readers, he borrowed
from The Mediterranean freely. He was aware of this, and was there-
fore reluctant to publish it in a separate volume during his lifetime.
Similarly, the important economic role played by Venice, Genoa and
Florence in both The Mediterranean and Italy are further developed
systematically later in Capitalism. A Braudel reader who is famil-
iar with The Mediterranean and Capitalism will nd this 1991 Italy
strange: given that the central messages had been well conveyed in
other works, why bother to print this 1974 text in a volume? I can de-
fend this for Braudel: he might not allow this re-publication if were he
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Appendix 1 The Italian Model (1974) 101
alive, but transforming it into attractive picture book to create another
reader group is a smart strategy of the publisher.
In addition to introduction (pp. 9-18), the book contains three
chapters. (1) A series of overall perspective (pp. 19-192), which
contain two sections What the world looked like to an Italian in 1450
(pp. 20-51) and 1450-1650: two centuries, three Italies (pp. 52-
192). (2) Looking back from 1633 or 1650 (pp. 193-212), and (3)
Is Italian decadence a discernible process? (pp. 213-26)
Braudel broadly explains in the introduction why the two centuries
covered in this book is a sparkling but also an unstable period, the in-
ner difculties that Italy envisaged and the hidden factors that made
her decadence after 1650. He made himself clear. The long rst chap-
ter (174 pages) covers so divergent topics that I think his desire for
histoire totale must have been satised. Personally I am insuf-
ciently educated in European performing art history, his explanation
about the usage and functions of masks in Commedi dellarte in pp.
136-49 impressed me. Although he was knowledgeable, I think the
experts in each specialized topic may have critical comments to make
on his explanations.
Chapters two and three are his evaluations of these two centuries,
and this should be a major part of the book; but we nd that only 34
pages are allocated to them, a strange proportion in design. Chapter 2
contains two main themes, one is to explain the rise of the Northern
countries (pp. 194-202): I dare say that he did not explain well here,
but fortunately we can nd elegant and powerful arguments for this
issue in Capitalism (volume II, pp. 566-70, which I consider as one of
Braudels most brilliant passages). Another theme is on the decadence
of Italy after mid-17th century, here Braudel repeated his commentary
in the second part of The Mediterranean, hence is uninteresting.
Chapter 3 is most disappointing. I raised my eyebrow when
Braudel announced in the rst sentence that The section that follows
is probably the most contentious in the book. It seeks to propose a
framework for tackling the major questions already considered in such
a way as to integrate them into a valid model of Italian grandeur and
decadence between the fteenth and the seventeenth centuries. (p.
213) I expected to read some controversial propositions, hypotheses
and arguments, but was discouraged after reading his descriptions of
the historical backgrounds of Italys rise and fall, the struggles for sea
power in the Mediterranean and Atlantic by Spain, England, United
Provinces etc.; then on Capitalism and sectors of the economy, on
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Greatness and culture. Almost all these messages have been ap-
peared in the introduction and chapter 1, his style is so descriptive that
it can hardly evoke debates, and it certainly did not integrate them
into a valid model of Italian grandeur and decadence.
Although the contents are disappointing, the title of chapter 3 sug-
gests an interesting issue: Is the decadence of a (great) nation dis-
cernible? Braudel seems afrmative about this point in chapter 3, but
one derives a very different message in chapter 1 (p. 181): Just as sur-
prised as I would have been in 1935, when I was teaching at the Uni-
versity of S ao Paulo, alongside my colleagues ..., and the anthropol-
ogist Claude L evi-Strauss: if someone had asked us a question about
the decline of Europe or of France, we should no doubt have smiled
disbelievingly. He was too close to see things clearly.
Out of Italy is certainly not an original deep investigation, Braudel
proposed no new concept, new notion or new hypothesis, nor did he
dig out new evidence from archives (among 196 notes he mentioned
nine archival sources, but I have reasons to suspect that they were al-
ready used in The Mediterranean). Braudel showed his great talent of
synthesis from his old notes and from other scholars publications, he
is knowledgeable, elegant, reader-friendly and an excellent story teller.
But when we think one step deeper about Braudels contribution to the
whole issue, we are surprised to nd that he is quite conscious of this
question: The outcome of this decline and fall has often been studied.
We could do with more detail, but the result is already apparent. (p.
223) I fancy that to experts in Italian history the central message of
this volume did not create a striking effect.
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Appendix 2
Memories of The Mediterranean
(1996, 1998)
Fernand Braudel: Les ecrits de Fernand Braudel. Volume I Autour
de la M editerran ee (1996), volume II Les ambitions de lhistoire
(1997), volume III Lhistoire au quotidien (2001), Paris:

Edition de
Fallois.
Fernand Braudel: Les m emoires de la M editerran ee: pr ehistoire et
antiquit e (1998), Paris: Editions de Fallois (English translation by
S. Reynolds: Memory and the Mediterranean, New York: Knopf,
2001).
Braudels miscellaneous writings were published by

Editions de Fal-
lois in four volumes between 1996 and 2001. The rst three volumes
have their respective subtitles under a common title Les ecrits de Fer-
nand Braudel, the fourth volume is an independent monograph on the
ancient history of the Mediterranean (1998). Volumes II and III of Les
ecrits contain Braudels various essays that are, in my opinion, of sec-
ondary importance, on which I have no particular points to offer. On
the other hand, there is a common subject between the rst and the
fourth volume that may be of interest to Braudel readers and scholars
of the Mediterranean studies.
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Braudels La M editerran ee et le monde m editerran een ` a l epoque
de Philippe II (rst edition 1949) is a masterpiece that is still in
print. There is another less well-known book on the Mediterranean
that he edited La M editerran ee, lespace et lhistoire (volume 1);
La M editerran ee, les hommes et lh eritage (volume 2), Paris: Arts
et M etiers Graphiques (1977); reprinted by the

Edition Flammarion,
1985-6 in the Collection Champs Nos. 156, 167. There are 12 articles
in this handsomely illustrated two-volume set (often used as Christ-
mas gift), in which Braudel contributed ve: La terre, La mer,
Laube, Lhistoire and Venise.
Yet, Braudel had some other writings (about 850 pages) on the
Mediterranean, a major part of which is unfamiliar to many specialists
of the Mediterranean studies and unknown to most Braudel readers.
They were published more than ten years after his death in December
1985. We shall begin with Autour de la M editerran ee of 1996.
Autour was edited by Roselyne Ayala and Madame Braudel, with
a Preface by Maurice Aymard, and a detailed index (pp. 511-32). This
volume collected writings of Braudel on the Mediterranean, including
his early project proposal, unpublished manuscripts, published texts
and many reviews. It contains three parts: North Africa (4 chapters),
the Spanish Empire (4 chapters), Italy and the Mediterranean (6 chap-
ters).
Among the abundant text, Charles Quint (pp. 171-212), that
had already appeared in his

Ecrits sur lhistoire II (1990), should not
be reprinted here. Another article, Philippe II (pp. 213-57), also
appeared in

Ecrits II, but it was retranslated from the Italian version,
the original French text is included here for the rst time. For Braudel
readers, neither of these add any new information, except for being the
original version.
The rst two chapters of this volume attract me particularly. The
very rst one entitled The early researches (pp. 15-28) has an old
story. In 1927, Braudel (aged 25) proposed a subject of doctoral dis-
sertation to the Sorbonne, entitled Philippe II, Spain and the Mediter-
ranean. At the same time he used this proposal to apply for a re-
search scholarship from the Bourse Jules Ferry, which he obtained in
1928. On March 29, 1929, he reported to the Bourse explaining his
work in progress and what he was going to do that summer. This re-
port could be found in the Archives municipales de Saint-Di e and had
never been published before. It reveals signicant information about
the young Braudel: his eagerness, his ambitions, his methodology, his
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initial ideas about the Mediterranean, and we can see how the initial
project was so diverged from the nished book that was published in
1949.
A few things stand out. There is no room for diplomatic history,
showing that Braudel was already taking a different path. Surprisingly,
he was very interested in the religious life in Spain (p. 16). The great
varieties of documentation that he consulted also manifest his unique
ways of selecting information from the sea of archives in various Span-
ish cities (as listed on p. 16). He complained about the chaotic arrange-
ment of les in the archives, he would have been greatly relieved had
there been a photocopier, but he was wise enough to use a movie cam-
era to lm the les and project them on the wall to retrieve the infor-
mation he needed. The zeal for the project that Braudel showed in this
report is evident, for instance, from the Naples papers alone, he took
800 pages of notes. In the concluding paragraph, Braudel stated that in
early 1928 he had explained to his thesis supervisor Prof. Pag` es about
the progress of his project, some of his preliminary ndings, and the
questions to be studied; he would be glad to mail the same document
to the Bourse. If I were to review the project, I would have endorsed it
enthusiastically.
The second essay entitled The Spanish and the North Africa,
1492-1577, was published in the Revue africaine in 1928 (Nos. 2-
3, pp. 184-233 and 351-428). Henri Hauser (then professor of eco-
nomic history at the Sorbonne) wrote a comment on this long essay
in Revue historique (1930): for the historians of the sixteenth cen-
tury, this excellent study, with solid documentation, has a rare value
of critique and is remarkably suggestive. This long essay served as
the secondary thesis (a kind of supplementary work to show that the
doctorate candidates view is not too narrow) when Braudel presented
his thesis in 1947. To his honor, it was Maurice Bataillon, then pro-
fesseur au Coll` ege de France who examined this secondary thesis (see
editors note on p. 31).
What strikes me in this 1928 essay (Braudel was aged 26) is that,
although the topic is quite general in nature and very broad in scope,
it is easy to see that Braudel was quite mature in writing this kind
of traditional history. He was able to present an overall structure of
the topic and showed the masteries of the rich documents that he con-
sulted. What is even more attractive is his talent to depict the historical
scene with big and powerful brushes, the key issues were organized
systematically and the overall ow of the essay was conquering. In
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short, in this essay Braudel clearly manifested a kind of sophistica-
tion in the writing of traditional history, he would have been bored
had he remained any longer in this old camp. It is therefore unsur-
prising that he soon switched to the new history camp, known as the
Annales school, advocated by Lucien Febvre and Marc Bloch in the
early 1930s.
These two 1928 writings are particularly interesting because they
allowus to see howthe young Braudel was shining. But they also serve
as bad mirrors reecting that, except for the ingenious The Mediter-
ranean (1949), Braudels work on the Mediterranean in his more ma-
ture stage was not any more brilliant than those written when he was a
high school teacher in Algeria before 1932.
* * *
Les m emoires de la M editerran ee: pr ehistoire et antiquit e (1998)
was edited by Roselyne Ayala and Madame Braudel, with a Preface by
Jean Guilaine (a professeur au Coll` ege de France) and Pierre Rouillard
(a directeur de recherche au CNRS). The book contains eight chapters,
divided into two parts, with 42 color plates and 15 maps (pp. 352-70);
the index of names and places is well prepared (pp. 371-93). As the
book is printed directly from Braudels manuscripts, the editors should
be acknowledged for the many editorial footnotes which provide up-
dated information and corrections on Braudels inexact knowledge of
archeological matters.
Why did Braudel write this volume and why was it published
posthumously? The publishers Foreword tells us that in early 1968 the
famous publisher Albert Skira in Geneva planned a series of illustrated
books on the Mediterranean, from its antiquity to the seventeenth cen-
tury. Skira asked Braudel to do the rst volume for the series, Braudel
complied and wrote it with great pleasure. He soon completed the task
(no more than 18 months), as we can see from his Acknowledgements
(in four brief paragraphs) dated July 28, 1969. But Skiras health was
declining in 1970 and he passed away three years later. Some hesita-
tions arose about the whole project when considering the high printing
costs, the publisher nally aborted the plan. Braudel was then quite
involved in the writing of the second volume of Capitalism, it would
have cost him a lot of energy to do supplementary work in preparing
maps and illustrative materials on that Mediterranean book. He put the
typescript aside and forgot all about it.
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But Madame Braudel and some other people did remember this
almost completed book. It would have been difcult to publish the
manuscript as such because many archeological discoveries and new
techniques had rewritten the prehistory of the sea since the 1970s. The
solution is simple but arduous: publish the manuscript as such, but
seek clarication from specialists for ambiguities, update the related
literature, and offering supplementary evidence in the form of foot-
notes. Readers are therefore reading Braudels original writings along
with new evidence provided by modern specialists.
How could Braudel complete 350 pages of writing so quickly? As
we do not see a long list of archives or references that he consulted, one
wonders if this is an original profound research or if this is a work of
synthesis based on unidentied secondary literature. In his Acknowl-
edgments, Braudel stated that my own real researches covered only
the 1450-1650 period. . . . The present volume, designated for the gen-
eral public, allows me to undertake a fantastic voyage to travel into the
very longue dur ee. I seized the occasion.
So, should we read it as a masterpiece or as a synthesis of the
state-of-the-eld (1960s) by a great Mediterranean historian named
Braudel? One realizes that what is interesting in this volume would be
Braudels views of the topic, his ways of selecting the materials, but
not his opinions as an expert so far as the archeological aspect is con-
cerned. His ambition was to describe a pre-fteenth century history of
the Mediterranean such that it can be connected to his already famous
book covering the 1450-1650 period.
The table of contents reveals another message. In the eight chap-
ters that were divided into two parts we see again Braudels famous tri-
partition of historical time (the longue dur ee, conjoncture and event).
One may think that in this book that covers so many centuries, perhaps
only the longue dur ee is the appropriate notion. This is the case for
the rst ve chapters (Part I), in which the sea, the island, the catastro-
phes, in short the geography has the central role. Most Braudel readers
are familiar with this in all his books, so we shall not be surprised to
see that the second notion conjoncture plays a central role in Part
II. For instance, the section in entitled Face aux conjonctures (pp.
223-5) begins with the statement: Living in the Mediterranean, the
Carthaginians were necessarily sensible to the overall movement of
the sea, to its conjoncture. History of the city follows step by step the
rhythms of the Mediterranean life. By conjoncture, Braudel meant
the political, religious and economic crises of the era.
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Is there room for the history of events, Braudels third notion of
historical time? Yes, Section II of Chapter 7 entitled Error of Alexan-
der the Great (pp. 277-83) is an example. But Braudel was alert
enough not to have a Part III for the history of events alone, he com-
bined the history of conjoncture and events in Part II. How about
Braudels another important notion, the economic-world ( economie-
monde)? He had not forgotten it, as can be seen from Map 15
LEmpire Romain sous Septime S ev` ere (193-211) and the related
pages (mainly in Chapter 8). If I am shown this table of contents with-
out knowing who is the author, I would guess that it is by Braudel or
by his imitators. The same framework of The Mediterranean (1949)
was simply applied to an earlier period.
As a general reader, I nd the book intriguing, the scale and scope
are broad, and the story is attractively told; it expands my knowledge
about the Mediterranean. Although I have, as most general readers,
no sufcient background knowledge to judge the contents, I do have
some feelings about the book. The writing style is basically synthetic,
there is no central argument to be defended and no new concept is
offered. Under the same Braudelian brushes, I nd the ancient history
of the Mediterranean much less interesting than that of the Philippe II
period.
Experts may have other complaints: the nature of the topic is not
Braudels specialty, little archeological insight is added, and no new
historical proposition is offered. Perhaps it is in this sense that Braudel
was not totally wrong to abandon the typescript. For him and the gen-
eral readers, this is merely a popular book, it should not be a rep-
resentative volume among his lifework; for specialists, it was wise
for Braudel not to publish what he did not really know about the pre-
fteenth century Mediterranean.
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Appendix 3
Two Biographies (1995)
Giuliana Gemelli (1995): Fernand Braudel, Paris: Odile Jacob, 376
pages.
Pierre Daix (1995): Braudel, Paris: Flammarion, 565 pages.
The central axis and the most valuable part of this biography is that
Gemelli uses two sets of archives to portray Braudels legendary life
(1902-85). The rst source is the Archives Fernand Braudel, still un-
opened to the public. It contains Braudels correspondence, his un-
published manuscripts and notes that he took when he was in the war
prisoner camp in L ubeck in the early 1940s. Gemelli has the privilege
to use it, with permission from Braudel himself, since the mid-1970s
and the people around Braudel were helpful in providing printed ma-
terial or oral information to support her project.
She was fortunate because in early 1970s Braudel retired as the
chair of Coll` ege de France and was discharged from the duty as editor
of the journal Annales ESC, that he assumed some 20 years before, and
he was kind enough to answer Gemellis questions frequently which
led to Gemellis dissertation on Braudel. A revised form of that work
appeared in Italian as Fernand Braudel e lEuropa univerale in 1990,
the present French version is further developed from the 1990 Italian
version, translated by G erard Jorland.
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Using Braudels archives Gemelli derived two main conclusions.
One, through Braudels correspondence, she reconstructed his rela-
tionships with other scholars at home and abroad; through his ad-
ministrative documents she is able to explain his administrative career
and the heated debates between Braudel and his rivals. It is the sec-
ond result that I consider most signicant: with the help of Braudels
notes taken in L ubeck Gemelli successfully tells us how The Mediter-
ranean was made, and explains how Braudel conceived and adjusted
his framework. The most surprising thing is that Braudels key
concepts, the tripartite of longue dur ee, conjoncture and ev enement,
were inspired from German Raum (milieu, environment), Wirtschaft
(economy) and Gesellschaft (society). His economie-monde which
inuenced Wallersteins World-System also has a German source
(Weltwirtschaft, pp. 92-5).
In retrospect, the intellectual heritage of Braudel was due much
more to German geography masters than to French geographers like
Vidal de la Blache or Albert Demangeon. On the other hand, his ma-
jor concepts were only slightly inuenced by his mentor Lucien Feb-
vre or Marc Bloch, another founder of the Annales school. This im-
portant message is not in apparent from Braudels published works, I
am grateful to Gemelli to reveal this point from Braudels unpublished
notes.
Madame Braudel (1992:237-44) told us about the life and research
of Braudel before 1945, i.e. a period of Braudel before Braudel.
Readers are grateful to this telling witness, which is much richer than
Braudels Personal Testimony published in the Journal of Modern
History, 1972, 44(4):448-67, where Braudel has talked about him-
self but in a very guarded manner. Readers are not told by Madame
Braudels story about how The Mediterranean was really written in
the camp. Gemelli did not cite this article in her book, but in the rst
two chapters she was able to trace Braudels genealogy, his activities
in primary school, lyc ee, the Sorbonne, Algeria, Brazil, and most im-
portantly, to tell us Braudels research and academic activities in the
camp, how his notes differed from the published 1949 version, how
he conceptualized the framework, and how his mentor Febvre encour-
aged him unfailingly. The rst two chapters alone make this biography
valuable.
The second set of archives Gemelli used are from Rockefeller and
Ford Foundations. She visited the Unite States to nd how both Foun-
dations were (among their many projects on European reconstruction
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after W.W.II) trying to help France develop social science studies, es-
pecially economics. Braudel was then (in the early 1950s) professor
at Coll` ege de France and president of the VI section of EPHE (Ecole
Pratique des Hautes Etudes). He planned to establish a new Faculty of
social sciences for inter-disciplinary research, but his imperialism
was boycotted by his rivals, mainly from the Sorbonne. The American
foundations, especially the Rockefeller, were hesitant under this con-
icting situation. In the third part of this biography Gemelli devotes
three chapters on this slow and painful battle. In about 120 pages she
tells us how Braudel disagreed with others, how he negotiated with
people from various disciplines, and how he visited America to ex-
plain the feasibility of his project, among other interesting episodes.
Most Braudel readers are impressed by his research productivity;
the three chapters of Part III remind us that if Braudel was not involved
in this long and bitter battle, he certainly would have had much more
intellectual products to offer. On October 20, 1955 Raymond Aron
was interviewed by the vice-president of Rockefeller Foundation K.W.
Thompson, in which Aron expressed his admiration of Braudels The
Mediterranean, but blamed him for remaining idle after that book,
and was doubtful of Braudels imperialist tendency (p. 306 note
1). Readers interested in the history of postwar French social sciences
will nd Part III useful, but I should point out that there are many pages
are not directly related to Braudel; especially the rst chapter which
is on the background relationship between American foundations and
French social sciences, can be omitted safely.
The second part of this biography also contains three chapters: (1)
on the history and the functioning of the journal Annales ESC; (2) on
the receptions of The Mediterranean in Europe (mainly focused on
Italy and three pages [pp. 175-7] on Poland; nothing is said about
Germany); and (3) on Braudels academic relationship with Ameri-
can scholars and universities. Gemellis method of analysis runs like
this: she extracted elements from published materials (journals, books,
conference proceedings etc.), organized them into topics, then added
her explanations and opinions. Taken together, without the support
of secret documents from archives, these three chapters are much
less attractive, mainly because Braudel readers already known many
things she is saying, and easily fall into disagreement with her opin-
ions. Again, the rst chapter of this Part II is on the history of the
Annales school, dating from 1929 to early 1970s, but the passages di-
rectly related to Braudel cover less than three pages.
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A serious structural problem of this biography is that the link be-
tween Part II and Part III is missing. This biography describes Braudel
life in a satisfactory manner, but for Braudels intellectual products,
only The Mediterranean is analyzed, and in great detail: on the his-
tory of its making, its revisions and its receptions. Gemelli touched
upon Braudels Capitalism only in a few passages (e.g., p. 121), and
totally neglected France, let alone his two collected papers

Ecrits sur
lhistoire I & II, and his other minor writings (such as Out of Italy). I
am sure that this important aspect deserves three chapters. In other
words, this biography stops at mid-1970s, Braudels activities and
writings thereafter are absent; this is a strange lacunae.
Basically this biography is written by an defensive admirer. The
author uses most testimony from pro-Braudels people, and only some
selected information from his rivals (from archive documents rather
than from personal testimony). This is hardly a balanced way to
present a highly controversial gure like Braudel. The good point is
Gemelli provides a lot of useful information from various archives,
helps us to understand Braudel much better. I think an efcient writer
would be able to present the same quantity and quality of informa-
tion within 200 pages. When Gemelli explains how Braudel tried
to borrow concepts from economics (mainly from Francois Perroux),
economists will nd some of her understandings discussible, but this
should be forgiven for a philosophy-trained author. Her one folly is
inexcusable: she uses longue dur ee several times (e.g. p. 137), which
is a Braudelian notion to indicate structurally immobile history during
centuries. How could this term be used in a biography, especially in
a historians biography who considers kings, wars, revolutions etc. as
mere bubbles in history?
* * *
Pierre Daix is a prolic writer (in novels and essays) and a histo-
rian of modern art, familiar with Braudels work since his student days,
and kept in good terms with Braudel since decades, followed his activi-
ties closely until Braudels death in November 1985. Madame Braudel
actively supported Daixs project, provided private les, family history
and photos to make this biography seem authorized. Daix invested
tremendous energy to interview Braudels family members and col-
leagues, collected published information from newspapers and public
magazines, spent two full years (July 1993 to June 1995) to work out
this book.
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Daixs book is a reader-friendly conventional biography, even for
college students the contents are easy to follow; for professional his-
torians, the rich information and some telling anecdotes the author
provided help understand better Braudels intellectual activities, and
the driving motives that are not easy to detect in Braudels published
writings. It is conventional because the materials are organized in
chronicle manner: from Braudels ancestors down to his death. An
overall impression is that Daix provided very detailed evidence on
Braudels life and administrative activities, his strong, uncompromis-
ing and sometimes unreasonable character.
This aspect of life is very successful; the weaker side is on
Braudels thoughts and historiography. Unlike Gemelli, Daix devotes
chapters or sections to discuss Braudels work, but in a quite uniform
manner: he exposed Braudels motives, angles of analysis, then se-
lected some passages that Daix nds interesting, ends with his com-
ments (almost complimentary). This xed style and summaries may
be regarded a comfortable service to some readers unfamiliar with
Braudels work, but readers familiar with Braudels writings may feel
uneasy with such supercial exposure: they expect deeper counter-
arguments and insights. I feel Daix does not change or increase my
understanding of Braudels historiography.
This is a copious biography, I think some chapter sections can be
omitted safely. For instance, chapter 6.3 on Febvres attitude under
Occupation and the continuity of the Annales is not directly related
to Braudel (he was then in the war prisoner camp); chapter 7.1 on
Liberation and the return to Paris is a relevant topic, but the contents
are not closely related to Braudel; chapter 8.3 on Braudels Inaugural
lesson at Coll` ege de France is rather pale. There are some others
(such as chapter 10.1), I think all these can be deleted or merged into
other chapters without hurting the essential message.
Both life biographies are highly successful and complement to
each other. To this remarkable historian, thanks to Gemelli and Daix,
we know enough about Braudels life; what we now need is his intel-
lectual biography.
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Further Readings
The Historical Abstracts CD-ROM and some other databases contain
updated publications on Braudel in various languages. Some websites
are also useful (for example: alapage.com or chapitre.com or ama-
zon.com) to nd other French/English works by/on Braudel.
Conferences on Braudel. He actively attended the rst two (1979
and 1985, see 1 and 2 below) and provided debating comments; con-
ferences hold after his death are named as Journ ee Braudeliennes
(see 3 and 4 below).
1. On May 13-15, 1977, the Fernand Braudel Center for the Study
of Economies, Historical Systems, and Civilizations (Binghamton
University, SUNY) held its Inaugural Conference on the theme
The Impact of the Annales School on the Social Sciences. The
proceedings were published in the 1978 Winter/Spring issue of Re-
view (a publication of the Fernand Braudel Center) as volume 1
Number 3/4. Braudels concluding comments En guise de conclu-
sion (pp. 243-53) is highly readable.
2. Une lecon dhistoire de Fernand Braudel (Ch ateauvallon,
Journ ee Fernand Braudel, 18-20 octobre 1985), Paris: Arthaud-
Flammarion, 1986. Proceedings of a conference devoted to
Braudels three main areas of study: The Mediterranean, Capi-
talism, and History of France. Braudel actively debated with the
participants, he died one month after that conference.
3. The rst Journ ee Braudeliennes was published as Primera jor-
danas braudelianas, Paris: Maison des sciences de lhomme, 1995.
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116 Further Readings
4. The fth Journ ee Braudeliennes was hold in Binghamton Uni-
versity (SUNY, October 1-2, 1999), on the theme Braudel and the
U.S.: Interlocuteurs valables? Ten papers from this conference
were appeared in Review (2001, volume 24, number 1).
Several publications listed below deserve attention.
1. Eight papers on Braudels works, Lire Braudel, ouvrage collectif,
Paris: La D ecouverte, 1988.
2. Another collected papers on Braudel: Fernand Braudel et
lhistoire, Paris: Hachette, 1999 (Collection: Pluriel, pr esent e par
Jacques Revel). It contains 12 papers, grouped into ve sections,
all previously published. Several texts fromEnglish were translated
into French. Most texts are in abridged form.
3. Braudel dans tous etats, EspacesTemps, Nos. 34-35, Winter
1986. It contains about 100 pages, collects some 20 short pieces
on Braudels works and some recollections on the man; they are
grouped into three sections: ev enement, conjoncture, structure.
4. Two biographies on Braudel are very informative about Braudels
life and activities, Giuliana Gemelli (1995): Fernand Braudel,
Paris: Editions Odile Jacob; and Pierre Daix (1995): Braudel,
Paris: Falmmarion. See my review in Appendix 3.
5. In addition to the works commented in this volume, Braudels other
writings (selected papers and earlier articles) are collected in Les
ecrits de Fernand Braudel, Paris: Editions de Fallois (1996-2001),
3 volumes (see my review in Appendix 2). Braudels complete
bibliography (1922-2001) can be found in Volume 3 (pp. 555-82).
6. A 4-volume set of critical assessments on The Annales School,
edited with an introduction by Stuart Clark (London: Routledge,
1999), is a good source for an overview of this important milieu in
which Braudel was one of the central gures.
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Index
alapage.com, 115
Alexander the Great, 108
Algeria, 23, 94, 97, 106, 110
amazon.com, 115
American, 38, 111, 119
Amsterdam, 14, 47, 53, 57, 58
Ancien R egime, 6
Annales ESC, 61, 80, 89, 95, 111,
117, 118, 120
Annales school, 19, 28, 37, 38, 59,
75, 78, 87, 95, 98, 106, 109
111, 113, 115, 116, 119121
Annalists, 97, 119
Antwerp, 14, 53, 58
Aquitaine, 70
Archive Nationale, 72, 74
Archives Fernand Braudel, 9, 109
Archives municipales de Saint-
Di e, 104
Aron, R., 111
Asia, 47, 80
Atlantic, 86, 90, 91, 101
Ayala, R., 104, 106
Aymard, M., 76, 104
Bahia (Brazil), 9, 10
Baille, S., 75
Bailyn, B., 38, 117
Barkan,

O.L., 42, 117
Baroque, 100
Basse-Normandie, 73
Basses-Alpes, 72
Bataillon, M., 105
Berr, H., 23, 95
Black Africa, 78
Blanc, L., 51
Bloch, M., 11, 23, 89, 95, 97, 106,
110
Braudel, Paule, 26, 27
Brazil, 71, 79, 89, 91, 94, 110
Brittany, 39
Brunner, O., 88
Burgundy, 39
cadastre, 72
Cantillon, R., 73
capitalism, 1, 6, 7, 9, 11, 13, 15
17, 2123, 25, 27, 28, 30,
43, 4552, 5663, 67, 69, 71,
94, 100, 101, 106, 112, 115,
117121
Capitalist, 51, 121
Carrard, Ph., 28, 118
Carthaginians, 107
Cartier, J., ix, 100
chapitre.com, 115
Ch ateauvallon, Journ ee Fernand
Braudel, 115, 121
Charles Quint, 104
Charles V, 10, 23, 94, 97
Chaunu, P., 19, 28, 37, 8791, 118
Chevalier, L., 88, 89
China, 78, 80
Chinese, 31, 49, 80
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124 Index
Christian pirate, 42
Clark, S., 116
Coll` ege de France, 84, 86, 91, 95,
98, 105, 106, 109, 111, 113
Commedi dellarte, 101
Commonwealth, 14
conjoncture, 15, 79, 22, 23, 25,
28, 32, 33, 36, 3941, 43, 59,
62, 84, 107, 108, 110, 116,
119
Constantine, 94
Corriere della sera, 94
Coutau-B egarie, H., 19, 118
Daix, P., 109, 112, 113, 116
Dat, J., 59, 118
de la Blache, V., 110
de Tocqueville, A., 94, 98
Demangeon, A., 110
Demi eville, P., 80
Dollinger, Ph., 53
EPHE (Ecole Pratique des Hautes
Etudes), 111
East Indian companies, 49
Ecoles des Hautes Etudes en Sci-
ences Sociales, 98
Econometrica, 62
economic-world, 1, 2, 1113, 43,
108
economie-monde, 14, 1117, 19,
21, 22, 28, 30, 108, 110
Elster, J., 21, 119
England, 14, 34, 39, 61, 101
EspaceTemps, 16, 116
Europe, 15, 47, 48, 57, 71, 76, 78,
93, 95, 96, 100, 102, 111
event-history, 1, 2, 4, 5, 911, 22,
26, 67
ev enement, 110, 116, 120
Febvre, L., 5, 11, 23, 46, 84, 87,
89n, 94, 95, 97, 106, 110,
113, 119
Fernand Braudel Center, 115
Ferry, B. J., 104
Florence, 13, 39, 100
Fourquet, F., 27
France, 4, 22, 25, 29, 3941, 58,
61, 6569, 7174, 84, 85, 94,
97, 98, 102, 111, 115
Fritz, R., 59, 60, 119
Furet, F., 19, 119
Gallimard, 94
Gemelli, G., 5, 7, 1012, 15, 28,
32, 33, 37, 43, 109113, 116,
119
Genoa, 13, 47, 100
German, 12, 16, 31, 87, 110
Germany, 58, 78, 94, 111
Gorbachev, M., 78
Granet, M., 80
Great Depression, 7
Guilaine, J., 106
Gurvitch, G., 86
Harris, M., 89, 91
Harsgor, M., 10, 36, 37, 119
Hauser, H., 105
Hexter, J.H., 9, 10, 19, 119
histoire globale, 2, 18, 19
histoire totale, 2, 18, 58, 92
Historical Abstracts CD-ROM,
45, 115
Historical Journal, 61
Hoffmann, W., 71, 72
Holland, 49, 58, 69
India, 49, 77, 78, 80
Interior sea, 34, 42
Islam, 57, 77, 78, 80
Italian, 10, 31, 34, 35, 58, 75, 93,
94, 99102, 104, 109
Japan, 78, 80
Jet Stream, 6
Jorland, G., 109, 119
Journal of Economic History, 34,
58, 117, 119, 120
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Index 125
Journal of Modern History, 93,
95, 110, 119, 121
Journ ee Braudeliennes, 115, 116
Juglar type, 96
Kellner, H., 28, 119
Kindleberger, Ch., 53
Kinser, S., 9, 10, 38, 60, 61, 119
Kondratieff cycle, 9
Kondratieff, N., 96
Korean, 31
Kuznets, S., 53
LHistoire, 37
L ubeck, 94, 109, 110
L evi-Strauss, Cl., 89, 102
Labrousse, E., ix, 28, 37, 120
Languedoc, 18
Le Mod` ele italien, 29, 99, 118
Le Monde, 78
Le Monde diplomatique, 78
Le Roy Ladurie, E., 18, 37, 120
Leiman, M., 28
Levant, 8, 42
London, 14, 17, 53, 57, 116
longue dur ee, 17, 19, 2229, 32,
33, 37, 59, 62, 6670, 7678,
80, 81, 8492, 9698, 107,
110, 112, 120
Lovett, A.W., 61, 120
Madame Braudel, 26, 27, 94, 95,
98, 104, 106, 107, 110, 112
Maison des Sciences de
lHomme, 98
Malthus, T., ix
Markovitch, T., 72
Marx, K., 15, 52
Marxian, 60
Marxism, 29
Marxists, 51, 52, 60
Masp ero, H., 80
Matisse, H., 27
Mauss, M., 51, 79
Mayne, R., 75, 76
Mediterranean, the, 1, 2, 413,
2124, 26, 27, 30, 31, 3336,
39, 4143, 47, 57, 58, 60, 67,
70, 84, 85, 94, 95, 97, 100
108, 110112, 115, 117121
M elanges dhistoire sociale, 87
Metz, 11, 67
Milan, 13
Molho, A., 38n, 120
More, T., 73
Morineau, M., 61, 120
Moscow State Archives, 74
Mun, T., 59
neutral zones, 14
New History, 23, 84, 106, 118
New York, 14, 17, 45, 65, 103
North Africa, 8, 39, 104, 105
North Atlantic, 34
North, D., 38, 120
Occams razor, 52, 69
oil shock, 7, 9, 12
OPEC countries, 9
Pag` es, T., 105
Paris, 61, 70, 71, 75, 86, 88, 113
Perrot, J.-C., 61, 62, 120
Perroux, F., 25, 112
Petit Robert dictionary, 7
Philip II, 11, 31, 117
Philippe II, 10, 23, 31, 94, 97,
104, 108, 117, 119
Philippe, R., 75
Pirenne, H., 10, 97
Polanyi, K., 59
Polish, 31
Popper, K., 19, 20, 120
Portuguese, 31
putting-out (Verlag), 12
R orig, F., 11
Rapp, R., 34, 58, 120
Reformation, 56, 57, 75, 98
Renaissance, 100
Revel, J., 116, 120, 121
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126 Index
Review, 115, 116
Revue historique, 105, 119
Revue economique, 86
Reynolds, S., 31, 45, 65, 99, 103,
117, 118
Ricardo, D., ix
Richard, J-B, 51
Roanne, 70
Robinson, J., 53
Rockefeller and Ford Founda-
tions, 110, 111
Romanian, 31
Rouillard, P., 106
Russia, 47, 78
S ao Paulo, 10, 71, 79, 94, 102
Salmon, J., 83
Sauvy, A., 88
Says Law, 56
Schumpeter, J., 52, 65, 66
Seville, 86
Skira, A., 106
Smith, A., 59
Sombart, W., 51, 52
Sorbonne, 23, 37, 94, 97, 104,
105, 110, 111
Sorre, M., 87, 91
Soviet Union , 78
Spain, 38, 40, 41, 69, 97, 101,
104, 105
Spanish, 10, 31, 35, 38, 41, 64, 75,
94, 97, 105
Spanish Empire, 104
Spengler, M., 90
Spooner, F., 93
Stoianovich, T., 19, 121
structuralism, 4, 29, 119
Thompson, K.W., 111
time and space, 1, 2, 29
Tokyo, 14, 17
total history, 14, 1822, 24, 61,
6870, 84, 88, 89, 92, 120
Toulon, 11, 67, 70
Toynbee, A., 79, 90
Turkey, 42
Turkish empire, 24, 38
UK, 49, 69
University of Binghamton, 28,
115, 116
Van der Wee, H., 53
Venice, 13, 14, 3941, 56, 100
Viner, J., 65, 66
von Th unen, 4, 14, 56
Wagemann, E., 88
Wallerstein, I., 11, 1517, 21, 51,
52, 62, 63, 110, 121
Weber, M, 56, 57
World-System, 11, 15, 21, 110,
121
world time, 49
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About the Author
A professor of economic history and history of economic thought at
National Tsing Hua University, Taiwan. He received a MA (Eco-
nomics) from Universit e Catholique de Louvain (Belgium), and a doc-
torate in Economic history from Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences
Sociales, Paris. Previous publications include Adam Smith Across Na-
tions: Translations and Receptions of The Wealth of Nations, Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2000 (edited with 2 overviews and 29 texts).
The present study on Braudel is his fourth book.
lai@mx.nthu.edu.tw
www.nthu.edu.tw

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Ecrits sur lhistoire II (1990)

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