Discourse Communities.

Local and Global

Author(s): M. Jimmie Killingsworth
Source: Rhetoric Review, Vol. 11, No. 1 (Autumn, 1992), pp. 110-122
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M. JIMMIE KILLINGSWORTH
Texas A&M University
Discourse Communities-Local and Global
In theories of social discourse, ideas about the relationship of author to
audience as one mind seeking another become integrated into a concept of the
author and audience as participants in a communication system of interconnected
and interrelated individuals. Each participant is both a sender and a receiver of
information, and each is already implicated at the time of communication in a
complex of social formations. In the field of composition and rhetoric, such
systems have been described as "discourse communities."
The term is useful in the theory and analysis of writing because it embraces
the rhetorical concern with social interchange (discourse) and with situation or
context (community). But the term can lead the analyst astray by prompting an
uncritical acceptance of "community" as a "natural" element or transcendental
category. Because community, like discourse itself, is "socially constructed"-by
the analyst as well as by the people who claim membership-the act of identifying
communities is never innocent, never free of ideological influences. As both Lester
Faigley and Joseph Harris have noted, the word community is almost always used
positively, and herein lies its danger to rhetorical analysis. If the community is
always good, who but the perverse could question or rebel against practices that
sustain the community? However, to accept this irresistible goodness as somehow
prior to discourse ("above question") would amount to abandoning a key premise
of rhetorical criticism-the idea of the rhetorical situation (Bitzer), which de-
mands that the analyst acknowledge the possibility of transformation among the
elements and aims of discourse, including location. In addition to changing
language and changing minds, the enterprise of rhetoric suggests that speakers and
writers have the power to transform the site of discourse, the community itself.
In this essay I argue that as a defense against an uncritical adoption of the
community concept rhetorical theory needs to keep alive competing concepts of
discourse communities, so that alternatives exist in the description and analysis of
discourse practices. Recent definitions of discourse communities have established
a rather too-narrow foundation upon a communitarian ethic. At the present time,
when liberalism's stock is down, communitarianism appears to be a strong alter-
native for understanding the relation of people to government and culture (Lasch).
In liberalism, social organization depends upon two strong formations-the indi-
vidual, who may enjoy a wide range of rights and freedoms at the possible cost of
110 Rhetoric Review, Vol. 11, No. 1, Fall 1992
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Discourse Communities-Local and Global 11]
alienation and fragmentation, and the nation-state, which ensures the rights of
individuals but, in its administration, trends toward faceless abstraction and bu-
reaucracy. By contrast, communitarianism models social life on the organization
of the village or small town; inhabitants share a face-to-face familiarity and a
commitment to open conversation among equals (based on
dialogue, discourse,
and communal trust).
While acknowledging the attractive features of the communitarian
ethos,
however, we should also recognize its potential for defensive traditionalism, which
tends to favor cliche, stereotype, and a rigid class structure. The reactionary
elements of communitarianism could well threaten the integrity of rhetorical
analysis, which requires a robust respect for process, change, and conflict, and
which is willing to question traditions and formulas for advancing an unspoken
agenda advertised as "the community interest." To allow for change, the rhetorical
theorist must make room for conflict and dissent within discourse communities,
balancing the provincialism of the village model with a liberal interest in taking
the "larger view" (which may eventually swerve to the right or the left, in the
direction of either the capitalist's "world market" or the marxist's "world social-
ism").
To maintain this dialectical potential, I propose that by distinguishing between
two kinds of discourse communities-the local and the global-rhetorical analysis
can begin to achieve the necessary critical edge by demarcating both a communi-
tarian (local) and a liberal (global) concept of discourse communities. To date,
scholars in the field have been content to favor either the local or the global in their
definitions and have thereby advanced one political agenda over and against
another. Influenced no doubt by my own wavering between the communitarian and
the liberal ethos and my personal journey from the small town life of the southern
United States to the modern state university with its bureaucracy, mass education,
and international connections, I think that the field of rhetoric needs both a local
and a global model of community to show how different types of social pressures
impinge upon the practices of individual writers.
The Recent Preference for Local Communities
I define local communities simply as the place where writers ordinarily
work-the classroom, the company, the department, or the office with which the
writer is associated, the site of the occupational practice by which he or she is
identified in demographic descriptions. Global communities also help to determine
the writer's identity, but they are not restricted by physical site. Rather, they are
defined by likemindedness, political and intellectual affiliation, and other such
"special interests" and are maintained by widely dispersed discourse practices
made possible by modem publishing and other communication technologies. The
local discourse community is geographical; the global discourse community,
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112 Rhetoric Review
mental. The local community holds its members close to itself and is defined
largely by metonymy (the trope of contiguity and close association); the global
community inspires a loose confederation of like-minded individuals and is de-
fined mainly by metaphor (the trope of identity-in-difference).
Recent research and theory in composition have tended to favor local com-
munities and to reduce global communities to contrary norms, values, and prac-
tices within the local community. This turn of interest is partly methodological and
partly ideological. Ethnography and case study methodology support nicely the
mapping of local communities (Broadhead and Freed; Matalene), but may not
account so effectively for global communities, since their definition depends upon
a metaphorical mapping of sites rather than a metonymically allocated site (which
can be treated as the culture-in-place required by ethnography). The study of global
"sites" requires large-scale rhetorical inquiry, an analogical or dialectical method-
ology (Lauer and Asher 4-5).
The ideological difference is not quite as clear as the methodological. It is
obscured, for example, even in Joseph Harris's tough-minded critical survey, "The
Idea of Community in the Study of Writing." Harris takes up the work of several
recent composition theorists who share an interest in the sociology of writing-
David Bartholomae, Patricia Bizzell, and Kenneth Bruffee. He commends these
writers and other "social constructionists," "sociologists of knowledge," and "eth-
nographical researchers" for providing an alternative to psychological models of
composition by "de-mystifying the concept of intention"; "rather than viewing the
intentions of a writer as private and ineffable, wholly individual," they help us to
see "that it is only through being part of some ongoing discourse that we can, as
individual writers, have ... points to make and purposes to achieve" (12). Building
upon Bartholomae's assertion that "the discourse with its projects and agendas ...
determines what writers can and will do" (139), Harris argues that "We write not
as isolated individuals but as members of communities whose beliefs, concerns,
and practices both instigate and constrain, at least in part, the sorts of things we
can say" (12).
The trouble with the concept of discourse communities, in Harris's way of
thinking, is that "recent theories have tended to invoke the idea of community in
ways at once sweeping and vague: positing discursive utopias that direct and
determine the writings of their members, yet failing to state the operating rules or
boundaries of these communities" (12). The discourse communities of the "uto-
pian" theorists lack material substance; they are utopias in the literal sense of being
"nowhere": "In the place of physical nearness we are given like-mindedness" (15).
Harris's solution to this problem of reference is to "reserve our uses of community
to describe the workings of . . . specific and local groups" (20). In a crucial
terminological argument, he claims that there are "other words-discourse, lan-
guage, voice, ideology, hegemony-to chart the perhaps less immediate (though
still powerful) effects of broader social forces on our talk and writing" (20).
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Discourse Communities-Local and Global 113
Harris thus gives us the rudiments of a realist theory of discourse communities
as a foil to the utopian theory of Bartholomae, Bizzell, and the other scholars he
surveys. In the terms suggested so far in this essay, Harris insists on the reality only
of local (metonymically construed) discourse communities and tends to discount
the presence of global (metaphorically construed) communities. What would an
analysis look like if it applied this vocalist theory to the study of communities? A
number of studies have appeared that seem to respect the limits set by Harris. In
"Discourse Communities, Sacred Texts, and Institutional Norms," for example, the
researchers Richard Freed and Glenn Broadhead present a classic ethnographic
description of the writing practices and informing values of two consulting firms,
"Alpha" and "Omega," which the authors designate as "corporate cultures," each
manifesting its own "discourse community." Writers within these groups are
subject to "cultural," "institutional," "generic," and "situational" norms that gov-
ern the production of discourse. In the view of the researchers, however, the norms
do not constitute the community. Instead, the community appears to be a real group
of people in an actual location, the place where norms determined by "larger
groups to which the community belongs" converge in special and unique ways
(163): "Alpha and Omega are such communities; so is Freshman Composition 101;
so is Jane Brown's Freshman Composition 101 class" (162). Here, then, are some
examples of the "specific and local groups" that Harris thinks should count as
discourse communities.
But this way of thinking is vulnerable to the same logic Harris has used to
object to the utopian view of discourse communities. There are plenty of good
words to describe specific and local groups-if culture seems a little too high-
minded, why not company, corporation, composition class, neighborhood? Why
distinguish any such social group by inventing new jargon?
Both the realists with their preference for local communities and the utopians
with their preference for global communities have taken the first steps of rhetorical
inquiry. They have developed tropes to account for the phenomena they observe;
the localists favor metonymy and synecdoche as their master tropes, while the
globalists are inclined toward analogy and metaphor. The vocalists dissect their
companies, classrooms, and neighborhoods; while the globalists model their "dis-
course utopias," "abstract societies" (Popper 1.174-75), and "invisible colleges"
(Geertz 157; Price), which, rendered in the language of popular discourse, might
include the "scientific community," the "educated public," and the "urban under-
classes"-all groups that, without the conveniences of daily contact, appear to
behave and communicate according to the demands of communal interests and
norms.
Both vocalists and globalists have thus given examples of discourse commu-
nities and have even carried out detailed studies of these examples. But both
groups, falling prey to the ideological attractions of their own models, have failed
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114 Rhetoric Review
to realize the extent to which their own favored version of the discourse commu-
nity depends dialectically upon the existence of the other.
The Individual Writer and the Dilemma of Discourse Communities
Even definitions that appear to be broad enough to include both local and
global interests may fail to show how ideological conflicts both define and threaten
the boundaries of the different communities. James Porter, for example, defines a
discourse community as "a group of individuals bound by a common interest who
communicate through approved channels and whose discourse is regulated" (38).
He gives good examples of "professional, public, or personal discourse communi-
ties": "the community of engineers whose research area is fluid mechanics; alumni
of the University of Michigan; Magnavox employees; the members of the Porter
family; and members of the Indiana Teachers of Writing" (39). He explains that
each community uses certain "forums" as approved channels of discourse; exam-
ples include "professional publications like Rhetoric Review, English Journal, and
Creative Computing; public media like Newsweek and Runner's World; profes-
sional conferences (the annual meeting of fluid power engineers, the 4Cs); com-
pany board meetings; family dinner tables; and the monthly meeting of the Indiana
chapter of the Izaak Walton League" (39). He tells us that each forum is constrained
by a set of "rules governing appropriateness to which members are obliged to
adhere"; these rules may be "more or less apparent, more or less institutionalized,
more or less specific to each community" (39).
What Porter does not do, however, is to account for conflict among and within
discourse communities. In fact, his appropriation of the concept of "intertextual-
ity" suggests a fairly smooth flow of influence and interchange among the different
communities, a flow that empties gently into the discourse user, a self compounded
of the different elements contributed by each community. Such an analysis fails to
theorize adequately the lines of tension that coexist and interfere with the lines of
influence among discourse communities.
The local/global distinction is helpful in showing how conflicts erupt not so
much between discourse communities as within the individual user of discourse.
The local discourse community-the "culture" into which the individual discourse
user is, to some degree, "socialized" (Lutz)-always dominates the site of com-
munication at the time the discourse is initiated; while the global community,
which the individual user perceives as distant-or even abstract and metaphori-
cal-exerts pressure for change over and against the demands of local practice. A
user of discourse will be involved simultaneously in both local and global dis-
course communities and will feel challenged to favor one over the other.
Technical writers who produce computer manuals at IBM, for example, may
be members of the local discourse community at the San Jose office, with its
special procedures for researching, writing, editing, and reviewing the documents
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Discourse Communities-Local and Global 115
they produce. The needs of this office may occasionally conflict with the needs of
the corporation as a whole with its global, multinational interests.
Despite its
international reach, however, IBM in its entirety is in effect a local discourse
community, not only because it can be defined specifically by distinctive demo-
graphic features-number of employees, number of shareholders, places of busi-
ness, names of customers, annual profits, taxes paid, and so on-but also because
the corporation has the power to regulate within each specific site its special
requirements for producing texts, products, and actions. The local writers perceive
IBM not as a distant, but as a present influence on their work. The corporation's
authorized practices, rituals, and requirements for discourse represent a definite
corporate culture that constantly and continuously impinges upon work at any of
the local offices. Though other offices are distant from the site of discourse at San
Jose, all IBM offices have a metonymic or synecdochal relation to one other. They
are portrayed (metonymically) as contiguous within a corporate network, hierar-
chy, or association; or they are portrayed (synecdochally) as a part of a whole, a
piece of the IBM monolith.
The technical writers' membership in a global discourse community would be
harder to grasp, but just as important, for it could have an equal or greater impact
on the process of writing and the quality of the documents they produce. If they
have been trained in rhetoric or technical communication programs, they will
apply (analogically or metaphorically) ways of thinking about ideal users and
readers that may well be in conflict with the more particularized views of audience
that have developed in usability tests and other actual (metonymic) contacts with
users within the company itself. Eventually, they may give up their academic
viewpoint and say, 'Well this is the real world; these folks know the audience
through experience rather than through theory." On the other hand, they may
realize that, by an uncritical acceptance of the practices of the local community,
not only will they be abandoning their personal ideals (or those of their professors),
but also they may be limiting the appeal of the documents they write to the existing
audience, thereby closing off opportunities for expanding the audience, which
corresponds to their product's market. Their failure to retain the alternative view-
point, in other words, may well be judged as a failure to the company. After all,
these young writers could have been hired to bring in a fresh perspective.
The issue is far from simple. But it is clear enough that every writer must
negotiate between the demands of the local discourse community and the demands
that the writer brings to that community. It is also clear that these demands overlap
and interpenetrate in complex ways. The writer's dilemma is not, as it is often
imagined, merely a conflict between workplace and academic values, nor is it, in
any simple sense, a struggle between the individual and society. It involves an
attempt to choose between two possible subject positions or to create an alternative
position. Whichever choice the writer makes, there will be concrete effects within
the local discourse community. Established practice will become yet more strongly
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116 Rhetoric Review
established by defending itself against internal attack, or it will be revised accord-
ing to the outsider's knowledge.
Discourse without Communities?
Acknowledging the presence of diverse and conflicting forces within such
sites of discourse practice as the IBM office and wishing to avoid an uncritical
acceptance of the term community, the rhetorical analyst may well decide, taking
the hint from Harris, simply to leave off community altogether and restrict theo-
retical or terminological discussions to discourse. The problem is that, without the
ballast of community, which designates a (real or imagined) site for production,
the concept of discourse drifts toward abstraction. Either it implies some linguistic
formation prior to contexts of use (which, just like the transcendental version of
community, contradicts the premises of rhetorical analysis), or, like some uses of
the concept of ideology, discourse in this broad sense implies a closed system. It
suggests that, once inside a discourse (or an ideology), a participant cannot get out,
but is transformed and absorbed, as dependent upon the discourse as upon air, the
very medium of existence. This concept of discourse is, like intertextuality, too
smooth and homogeneous to reflect the texture of conflict, at times conscious, at
other times unconscious, that characterizes the social medium of rhetorical ex-
change-a social medium which, in Kenneth Burke's memorable image, recalls
the barnyard, with all its squawking noise and pecking violence.
Even Michel Foucault-who, in documenting how systems of exclusion and
knowledge-brokering eliminate commentary and criticism, has perpetrated the
concept of discourse as a closed system-admits ambivalence, anxiety, and differ-
ence into his discussion of discourse formation. In his monstrously extended trope
of the panopticon in Discipline and Punish, Foucault seems to have conceived of
discourse practice as an all-pervasive medium of power and manipulation that
somehow remains subjectless; users of discourse are represented as victims of the
communication media. But his later work, especially his multivolume history of
sexuality, restores at least the concept of culture and clears the way for a discussion
of psychological and social conflict. Indeed, as early as "The Discourse on
Language," he showed concern for conflicts within the speaking subject, the
individual who may in fact wish to be absorbed into discourse. The voice of
inclination within this subject of resignation may well say, "I don't want to have
to enter this risky world of discourse; ... I would like to feel it all around me, calm
and transparent, profound, infinitely open, with others responding to my expecta-
tions.... All I want is to allow myself to be borne along, within it, and by it, a
happy wreck." However, against inclination speaks anxiety; all along, the speaker
will remain suspicious of "the conflicts, triumphs, injuries, dominations and
enslavements that lie behind these words [of the chosen discourse], even when
long use has chipped away their rough edges" (Archaeology 215-16).
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Discourse Communities-Local and Global 117
Foucault thus embraces the concept of community. Inclination and Anxiety-
these personified figures-inhabit the individual as a community, a site for the
enactment of discourse practices and conflicts. New discourses will enter the site
as interlopers, "novelizing" or "carnivalizing" accepted practices, producing the
"heteroglossia" that Bakhtin recognizes as the condition by which literature is
renewed. In any forum of discourse-whether within an individual or a geographi-
cally defined region-whether the space is "imaginary" or "actual" a single
discourse cannot be utterly pure or utterly powerful, just as, in the words of
Gregory Jay, "no particular ideology has the power to control every instance of
expression in a given culture" (239). Civilization will have its discontents.
In sum, discourse (without community) lacks the heuristic power of discourse
community. If the analyst discovers within a college, department, company, cor-
poration-or an individual person-two or more general schemes for discoursing,
it is very likely that one discourse will tend to be dominant and will, in a manner
of speaking, fill the space of the local discourse community. Users who prefer the
other form of discourse will vie for a share of the territory and, in order to nurture
their favored discourse practices, will create an imaginary space, a utopia that, in
principle, would represent the ideal location for their form of discourse.
To take another example, say that a group of scientists has a strong commit-
ment to basic research (what used to be called "pure science"), an investigation
into some theoretical topic deemed interesting only by other scientists in their own
subspeciality. They are, we can imagine, interested in some esoteric aspect of
quantum physics. This commitment may be at odds with the norms of the scien-
tists' home department and university, the administrators of which urge them to
pursue applied research-something with definite ties to nuclear power, for exam-
ple-because more grant money is available for applied research. In pursuing the
discourse of basic research, a set of values and a set of characteristic actions,
arguments, and genres of speaking and writing, they tend to identify with other
scientists who have similar interests to form quasi-political groups that protect and
promote their way of life. Though not defined by the boundaries of space or by
specific affiliations, such groups certainly demonstrate the qualities of commu-
nity-hence the common phrase, the "scientific community." To protect their
favored discourse paths, basic researchers may cleave to colleagues in their
subspecialty (whether quark physics, herpetological ecology, or urban agricultural
engineering), or they may band together with other scientists interested in the
social autonomy of basic researchers. The latter course is perhaps the best example
of how a global discourse community might act. Though the group is represented
by no job title, no professional organization, no central office, it works as if it were
a location that draws adherents together-often against the pulls and tugs of local
communities and their demands.
In such ways, the user of discourse is led to contextualize communication as
between two people at a certain location. The persistence of conflict and contra-
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118 Rhetoric Review
diction within the discourse-despite hegemonic efforts to gloss over or clean up
the rough spots (or to exclude troublesome individuals)-suggests the persistence
of "subject positions," places of speech and action, topoi of contrary motivations
within a discourse (see Laclau and Mouffe). Within the discourse appear points of
conflict, whose perpetrators seem to be coming from some other place. Devoted
users of the established discourse may well say to these interlopers, following the
current slang, "I don't know where you're coming from."
Metaphors and Models from the Social Sciences
In the attempt to map (metaphorically or metonymically) such relationships
and conflicts, composition theorists and rhetorical analysts are hardly alone. The
social sciences have also experienced a renewed interest in the concept of commu-
nity and a corresponding struggle over how the term should be used. In the social
sciences, the debate is framed by the ongoing attempt to distinguish between
communities and societies.
Christopher Lasch has traced this line of thinking to the German philosopher
Ferdinand Tonnies, who deeply influenced Weber, and, through Weber, passed his
concept of community to sympathetic social critics like Lewis Mumford and to
unsympathetic critics like Adorno and Marcuse. In an 1887 book, Tonnies distin-
guished between community (Gemeinschaft) and society (Gesellschaft). Commu-
nity, he said, is the older social structure. It implies the spontaneous organization
of people, usually small, village-sized groups, into informal, face-to-face systems
of interchange and cooperation. As populations grow and centralize into nation-
states dominated by urban centers, the organic solidarity and interdependence of
the community gives way to society, the haunt of the autonomous individual of
classical liberalism. Whereas custom, habit, and faith rule the community, society
is governed by the letter of the law, by rationalism, by commercial exchange.
Though Tonnies was ambivalent about the value of each mode of social organiza-
tion, like Raymond Williams (whom Harris cites), he seems never to have given
up hope that "socialism would somehow reestablish gemeinschaft on a new basis"
(Lasch 144).
As Lasch shows, the recent revival of interest in communities and the related
"lament for the decline of 'community"' (16) depend upon a critique of the liberal
idea of progress that coincides with a reemerging "sensibility of the petty bour-
geoisie," which Lasch identifies with the communitarian ethos. In both the liberal
tradition (the politics of the upper middle classes) and the marxian tradition (the
politics of the proletariat), the petty-bourgeois sensibility has been known primar-
ily by its "characteristic vices of envy, resentment, and servility." But recent social
thought has revived its more admirable qualities-moral conservatism, egalitari-
anism, loyalty, the struggle against the temptation of resentment, and above all, "a
sense of limits" that recoils from liberal competitiveness and greed (Lasch 17). In
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Discourse Communities-Local and Global 119
environmentalist discourse, for example, the twin communitarian commitments to
moral conservativism and political liberalism lie behind the politics of the "human
scale" (Schumacher), the "steady-state economy" (Daly), "sustainability"
(Brown), and other such checks on unbridled economic development, the high-
growth concept of progress on which both liberals and socialists stake their social
programs (Killingsworth and Palmer).
Lasch's analysis, in one of its remarkable sweeps, rescues the communitarian
values from the liberal tendency to dismiss the provincialism, narrowness, and
bigotry of the lower middle classes. His genealogy of the communitarian ideal
includes social critics as impressive and influential as Emerson, Reinhold Niebuhr,
and Martin Luther King, Jr. But Lasch the chastened liberal withholds his full
approval, stopping short of a communitarian polemic and strongly suggesting the
key problem of this revived outlook-its tendency toward nostalgia and an ideali-
zation of a village mentality no longer meaningful in mass culture.
Other champions of the concept of community have evinced doubts as well.
In Habits of the Heart, for example, the best-selling sociological study of American
indecision over "individualism" and "commitment," Robert Bellah, Richard Mad-
sen, William Sullivan, Ann Swidler, and Steven Tipton explain the modem longing
for commitment in terms of the decline of community in liberal culture. The
longing for lost community is said to account for the rise of the therapeutic
subculture and the formation of "lifestyle enclaves"-the ubiquitous "support
groups" and special interest organizations that appear to accompany the rise of
professional people into high status positions in the liberal culture (the individual's
transition-in the terms developed by Lasch-out of the extended family of the
petty bourgeois community and into the urban society of the higher middle
classes). But when reviewers attached the label of "communitarian" to Habits of
the Heart, the authors demurred. Their latest book begins by conceding a limited
sympathy with communitarianism: "If philosophical liberals are those who believe
that all our problems can be solved by autonomous individuals, a market economy,
and a procedural state, whereas communitarians believe that more substantive
ethical identities and a more active participation in a democratic polity are neces-
sary for the functioning of any decent society, then we are indeed communitarians"
(Bellah et al., Good Society 6). But they worry about being confined within a
definition too narrowly conceived: "the word 'communitarian' runs the risk of
being misunderstood if one imagines that only face-to-face groups-families,
congregations, neighborhoods-are communities and that communitarians are
opposed to state, the economy, and all the larger structures that so largely dominate
our life today" (Good Society 6). Now, Bellah and his coauthors defend the life of
institutions as well as communities and insist that "only greater citizen participa-
tion in the larger structures of the economy and the state will enable us to surmount
the deepening problems of contemporary social life" (Good Society 6). In the
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120 Rhetoric Review
debate over communitarianism, they thus take a position between the politics of
the petty bourgeoisie and the politics of classical liberalism.
However, because of the large gap between family-sized groups on the one
hand and institutions on the other, social critics, including theorists in composition
studies, would do well to consider intermediate social formations. The concept of
"discourse communities" is just such an intermediary. It tropes on the petty-bour-
geois concept of community, extending it into the space between small, face-to-
face communities, which correspond more or less to the linguist's "speech
communities" (Gumperz) and the wider field of practice known as "society," the
realm of institutional discourse.
The discourse community may exist as an emerging cooperative arrangement
that may or may not ever achieve institutional status. In this sense it is most like
the "lifestyle enclave" described pejoratively in Habits of the Heart. Bellah's
assertion that enclaves of like-minded people are weak substitutes for traditional
communities has the effect of limiting the development of "support groups" for
people weakly represented by communities and institutions-people like gays,
victims of domestic violence, and the elderly (in their new role as the social
majority). To restrict the term discourse community to local or established com-
munities may have the same dampening effects on groups that first define them-
selves in opposition to the established community by their styles of communicating
with one another (as well as by their "lifestyles").
The problems of location, origin, difference, and community are deeply rooted
in American popular culture. They form, for example, a regular topic in Hollywood
movies about the old West, like Shane. In the typical situation, the open range has
been ruled by the cattle bosses, who have no use for fences and settlements. They
take as much of the prairie as they can control by raw power. They feed their herds
and build their fortunes on the unbridled will to power. Then the homesteaders
come, small ranchers and dirt farmers, staking out bits of the range and cutting off
the old natural boundaries and passageways-the rivers and streams and cuts and
gaps. These newcomers have, to say the least, a different set of goals and values
and a different way of doing business. Gradually the competing interests strive to
control the direction of the community, and the battle-legal and physical,
squawking and pecking-is on.
Discourse community, as the concept has developed, tends to imply the
settlement of a discourse in a certain place. To use the term discourse (without
community) is to imply instead a homeless type of language practice that can erupt
(like dirt farmers on the open prairie or homeless people in midsized cities) in any
established discourse community. The metaphor of the global discourse commu-
nity, by contrast, suggests that these invading discourses and their users come from
some other place-like the dirt farmers from back East (or like "the homeless,"
who must once have had a home and are thus neither a virus nor an abstract
"problem," but a group of people that, for very real reasons, have lost their places
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Discourse Communities-Local and Global 121
to live). These interlopers within an established discourse community want to
recreate the community by importing values and practices from previous experi-
ences, from different places. Now, in dialectical combat, they will eventually either
conform to the established requirements of the new community or change the
community to accommodate their own perspectives.
But, just as values and practices, when separated from their place of origin,
tend to become idealized and utopian, the interlopers in the established community
identify their own subject position not directly with the old place that they actually
experienced, but with something like Habermas's ideal communication commu-
nity. After all, the dirt farmers left the East for a reason-usually an economic
reason-despite their clinging to some version of the old place's values.
Thus, instead of restricting the meaning of discourse communities to local
sites defined according to the communitarian ethos, and instead of distinguishing
between established communities and free-floating (infectious) discourses, and
instead of blaming conflict within discourse communities on a simple desire to
make one place into another, I would say, in sum, that most people stand between
two kinds of discourse communities: local discourse communities, groups of
readers and writers who habitually work together in companies, colleges, depart-
ments, neighborhoods, government agencies, or other groups defined by specific
demographic features; and global discourse communities, groups of writers and
readers defined exclusively by a commitment to particular kinds of discourse
practices and preferences, regardless of where and with whom they work.
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