Understanding and Improving The Food Stamp Program
Understanding and Improving The Food Stamp Program
Understanding and Improving The Food Stamp Program
Autumn Arnold
George Manalo-LeClair
Amy Marinacci
& Stacy Robinson
Understanding and Improving the
Food Stamp Program in California
November 2001
www.cfpa.net
California Food Policy Advocates
Dear Friends:
California Food Policy Advocates is pleased to share with you our “Understanding and
Improving the Food Stamp Program: A Primer and Policy Guide for Advocates.” This guide is
designed to provide up-to-date, non-technical information about how the Food Stamp Program
works—and doesn’t work—for the 1.7 million Californians who currently receive food stamp
benefits. It also provides detailed information about the many opportunities we have to make
the program a more viable tool in the fight against hunger.
The Food Stamp Program’s complexity has deterred too many Californians from getting food
stamps. We do not want this same complexity to limit the effectiveness of our advocacy. To
assist advocates in eliminating critical barriers to food stamp participation, this guide focuses
separately on federal-, state- and county-level opportunities for change. Though some issues
can be addressed at all three levels of government, this division reflects our current thinking
about the most effective and expeditious way to improve the program. We have also included a
brief history of food stamps, an overview of eligibility and benefits, recipient characteristics,
information about county activities, and contact information for elected officials.
This year in particular is a critical time for pursuing improvements in the Food Stamp Program.
Congress is looking to reauthorize the Food Stamp Program before the end of the year, and our
nation as a whole is adjusting to our new economic and political environment. We look
forward to your continuing partnership in advocating for changes that will improve the health
and well being of millions of Californians.
Sincerely,
Kenneth Hecht
Executive Director, CFPA
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Table of contents............................................................................................................................. 6
Introduction.................................................................................................................................... 7
A brief history................................................................................................................................. 8
Who receives benefits?.................................................................................................................. 10
Administration and funding ........................................................................................................ 13
Benefits and eligibility .................................................................................................................. 15
Use of benefits............................................................................................................................... 18
Fraud and trafficking.................................................................................................................... 19
Federal advocacy.......................................................................................................................... 20
Barriers to Participation
Monthly reporting.................................................................................................................. 33
Lengthy application................................................................................................................ 34
Unrealistic auto resource limit................................................................................................ 35
Finger imaging requirement................................................................................................... 36
APPENDIX.................................................................................................................................... 54
INTRODUCTION
For millions of Americans, the federally funded Food Stamp Program is a lifeline in a constant
struggle to put food on the table. As our nation’s largest and most comprehensive hunger relief
program, the Food Stamp Program has been the cornerstone of domestic food assistance since the
late 1970s. It currently provides an average monthly benefit of $73 per person1 to approximately
17 million people in the United States. 2
In theory, the Food Stamp Program uses a simple mechanism to improve nutrition among low-
income households. Qualifying families and individuals receive coupons each month that they
use to purchase food items at their local grocery store. According to the Food Stamp Act of
1977, the program is designed to help low-income households avert hunger by allowing them to
select and purchase appropriate food through “normal channels of trade.”3
These “normal channels of trade”—more commonly known as grocery stores and farmers
markets—ensure that the Food Stamp Program also supports local and national economies.
Grocery stores throughout the country redeem roughly $15 billion in food stamps every year,
and these benefits have a positive ripple effect throughout the community.
Though the basic food stamp mechanism is simple, the implementation of the Food Stamp
Program is notoriously complex. Current and potential participants—the majority of whom are
working families with children—are subject to restrictive eligibility requirements, burdensome
paperwork, and a confusing maze of bureaucracy. During the past 25 years, the program has
not changed significantly to reflect the changing needs of food stamp recipients or the changing
face of hunger in America.
Food stamp participation has plummeted by almost 40 percent since 1994—with an even
greater drop in California. Low participation has very real consequences: millions of eligible
people in California and throughout the United States are not getting the food assistance to
which the federal government has determined they are entitled. In addition, the Food Stamp
Program does not currently provide any assistance to a growing sector of hard-working people
who earn wages that are too high to qualify for food stamps but too low to buy adequate food
and keep up with the rising costs of housing, transportation and child care.
The Food Stamp Program has tremendous potential to ensure that vulnerable families and
individuals do not experience the devastating effects of hunger. During the past few years,
advocates in California have achieved significant progress in improving the Food Stamp
Program. Through persistent advocacy at the federal, state and local levels, advocates and
administrators can continue to transform the Food Stamp Program into a more viable strategy
for ending hunger in California.
1 U.S. Department of Agriculture, Food and Nutrition Service, Food Stamp Program: Average Monthly
Benefit Per Person, 26 October 2001.
2 U.S. Department of Agriculture, Food and Nutrition Service, Food Stamp Program: Average Monthly
During the 1950s, some members of Congress pushed to reinstate the Food Stamp Program, an
by 1960, food stamps were a part of the Democratic party’s campaign platform. As one of his
first acts in office, President John F. Kennedy established pilot food stamp programs in West
Virginia, Pennsylvania, eastern Kentucky, northern Minnesota, southern Illinois and Detroit.5
Under the 1964 version of the Food Stamp Program, states could determine whether to
participate, how to establish eligibility, and which counties would implement the program. By
1969, food stamps were available in approximately half of the counties in the United States.
The program continued to evolve in the 1970s. Amendments in 1970 set national standards for
eligibility, and food stamps were available in every county of every state by 1975.7 The Food
Stamp Act of 1977 abolished the purchase requirement and created the program’s current
structure.
Aside from changes made early in the Reagan administration that temporarily halted the
program’s growth, Congress eased eligibility restrictions during the 1980s and early 1990s.
Food stamp participation reached record levels; by 1994, slightly more than 10 percent of the
U.S. population received food stamps. 8
An intense backlash against low-income families and reliance on welfare culminated in 1996,
when Congress passed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act.
This welfare reform measure ended entitlement to cash assistance and made deep cuts in the
Food Stamp Program. Legal immigrants were hit hardest by these cuts: the initial law made
non-citizens ineligible for food stamps. In addition, able-bodied adults without children
became subject to strict work requirements in order to receive food stamp benefits.
4 Peter K. Eisinger, Toward an End to Hunger in America (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press,
1998), p. 38.
5 Eisinger, p. 38
6 Eisinger, p. 39.
7 Eisinger, 39.
8 Eisinger, 40.
In 1997 and 1998, the federal government made several important restorations of benefits to
young and elderly legal immigrants. Currently, all legal immigrants are eligible for federal
food stamps except for legal immigrants who entered the United States after August 22, 1996
AND adults between the ages of 18 and 64 who have fewer than 40 quarters of work.
California and twelve other states responded to these cuts by creating state-funded food stamp
programs for legal immigrants who are ineligible under federal law. California’s legal
immigrant program, called California Food Assistance Program (CFAP), operates seamlessly
with the federal Food Stamp Program. As a result, all legal immigrants in California are able to
get food stamps if they meet the program’s eligibility requirements.
Despite federal restorations, food stamp participation fell sharply among legal immigrants and
their citizen children after the welfare law was enacted. Nationally, participation in the Food
Stamp Program by legal immigrants dropped by 83 percent between 1994 and 1998, compared
with a 28-percent drop among the general food stamp population during the same period of
time.10
Significant drops in overall food stamp participation prompted several administrative changes
at the national level. In 2000, the Clinton administration created a number of state options to
help make the Food Stamp Program more accessible for working families. Because of these
changes, states now have the option to reduce reporting requirements, ease restrictions on car
ownership, and extend categorical eligibility to families receiving services funded by
Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF).
This fall, Congress has an opportunity to make sweeping improvements to the Food Stamp
Program when it reauthorizes the program this fall (for more information on reauthorization,
please see page 21). Advocates are hopeful that during reauthorization, Congress will reverse
many of the food stamp cuts enacted in 1996. Congress can also take steps to modernize and
simplify the program so that it better meets the needs of hungry people throughout the United
States.
9 Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, The Depth of the Food Stamp Cuts in the Final Welfare Bill, 14
August 1996. p. 1.
10 U.S. Department of Agriculture Food, Nutrition and Consumer Services, National Food Stamp
At the same time, food stamp recipients in California have very little income and few resources.
Only 10 percent have income above the poverty line. For a family of three, the poverty line is
$14,630. Thirty-seven percent have incomes at or below half the poverty line. 14
Nearly 75 percent of all food stamp households have no countable resources, which include
cash, checking accounts, savings accounts, stocks or bonds. Among households that do have
countable resources, the average value is $418. Only 8 percent of food stamp households have
more than $500 in countable resources. 15
Earned Income
United States California
Federal Households State Households
27%
No Earned Income No Earned Income
47%
Earned Income 53% Earned Income
73%
11 California Department of Social Services, Food Stamp Household Characteristics Survey FFY 1999.
12 US Department of Agriculture Food and Nutrition Service, Characteristics of Food Stamp Households
Federal Fiscal Year 1998, June 1999.
13 US Department of Agriculture Food and Nutrition Service, Advanced Report: Characteristics of Food
While children continue to make up a significant percentage of recipients, California has seen
significant drops in the number of children participating. Unfortunately, food stamp participation
is dropping faster than child poverty. During federal fiscal year 1997, child poverty dropped only
3 percent, while children’s participation in the Food Stamp Program dropped by 10 percent.17
Age
United States California
34%
Children Children
49% 51% Adults Adults
66%
Change: The percentage of participants who are Change: The number of children participating
children has remained relatively stable over time. dropped from 1998 to 1999, and the percentage of
At the same time, the percentage of households with recipients who are children dropped from 68
children has declined steadily since 1992, with percent in 1998.
dramatic drops occurring between 1998 and 2000.18
Citizenship Status
The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act of 1996 greatly limited eligibility for
food stamps for hundreds of thousands to immigrants. Subsequent action restored some
federal benefits to immigrants and California has restored benefits to legal immigrants ineligible
under federal law (see page 22 for more information about legal immigrants). Because of our
state-funded immigrant program, California has a greater percentage of non-citizens receiving
food stamps than the country as a whole.19
16 US Department of Agriculture Food and Nutrition Service, Advanced Report: Characteristics of Food
Stamp Households Federal Fiscal Year 2000, June 2001.
17 . United States General Accounting Office, Food Stamp Program: Various Factors Have Led to Declining
4% 12%
Citizen Citizen
Non-citizen Non-citizen
96% 88%
Change: There was an 83 percent drop in food Change: There was a slight increase in the
stamp participation by legal immigrants from 1994 number of non-citizens receiving food stamps in
to 1998, due primarily to eligibility restrictions California from 1998 to 1999 due to creation and
established in 1996.20 expansion of the California Food Assistance
Program for immigrants.
Ethnicity
A greater percentage of food stamp recipients in California are Hispanic compared to the rest of
the country and to other racial/ethnic groups in California.21
Ethnicity
United States California
Other Native
1% Other Asian
American
2% or PI
Asian 9%
4% White
Vietnamese 25%
Hispanic 4%
19% White
39%
African-
Hispanic
American
African- 44%
18%
American
35%
States and counties share the remaining 50 percent of administrative costs, with the state
providing 70 percent and counties providing 30 percent of the state/county share. States must
also pay for any food stamp benefits extended to people ineligible under federal rules. For
example, California has extended food stamp benefits to recent legal immigrants who are
federally ineligible. California pays the federal government for these food stamp benefits and
does not receive any administrative funding for this portion of its caseload.
Because the Food Stamp Program is a federal entitlement program, basic eligibility criteria and
benefits levels are the same in every state. States do have the authority to make limited changes
in some eligibility criteria, including some work requirements, auto resource limits and the use
of categorical eligibility.
In addition, many administrative decisions within the Food Stamp Program are controlled by
states and counties. For example, each state develops its own application, while counties
determine their food stamp office hours.
The chart on the following page describes the division of responsibility among federal, state and
county food stamp administration. It also outlines the opportunities for change at each level of
the Food Stamp Program.
Opportunities for federal change Opportunities for state change Opportunities for county change
§
§ Restoring federal food stamp § Ending monthly reporting § Extending office hours to make
eligibility to all excluded § Changing the auto resource food stamps more accessible
groups, including legal limit using federal rules § Using individual exemptions
immigrants § Establishing categorical for ABAWDs
§ Eliminating time limits for eligibility using federal rules § Outstationing caseworkers at
able-bodied adults without § Requesting “Labor Surplus non-food stamp office sites
dependents (ABAWDs) Area” waivers for ABAWDs § Using and promoting
§ Increasing food stamp § Increasing food stamp alternative methods of
benefits participation through application (e.g., phone, mail or
§ Raising income limits outreach funding fax)
§ Improving the quality control § Establishing transitional § Increasing food stamp
system benefits for welfare leavers participation through outreach
§ Improving program access § Restoring eligibility to people activities
through overall simplification convicted of a drug felony § Streamlining food stamp
§ Creating new policies to § Streamlining food stamp enrollment with other health,
increase participation and enrollment with other health, nutrition and work support
serve more hungry people. nutrition, and work support programs
programs
§ Evaluating California’s finger
imaging system
§ Creating new policies to
increase participation and
serve more hungry people
BENEFITS AND ELIGIBILITY
Benefits
As a federal entitlement program, the Food Stamp Program is designed to provide benefits to
anyone who meets the program’s eligibility, application, and reporting requirements. Food
stamp benefits are awarded on a sliding scale based on the size of the household and the
household’s income. The benefits formula also takes into consideration some key household
expenses, including rent, utilities, health care, and child care. For more detailed information about
how to calculate food stamp benefits, please refer to Appendix F for CFPA’s benefits estimation worksheet.
Benefit levels range from $10 to $135 per person per month, with an average monthly benefit of
$73.22 At roughly $0.80 per meal, these modest benefits are intended to supplement a household’s
existing food budget. Most recipient households report that their food stamps do not last through
the month, leaving them with few resources for purchasing food. Once their food stamps are gone,
many people end up in line at soup kitchens, food pantries, and other charitable food programs.
Food stamp benefits can be used only for the purchase of food, as well as for seeds and plants
that produce food. Food stamps cannot be used to buy vitamins or medicines, alcohol, pet food,
or most hot food that has already been prepared. In most counties of California, benefits are
issued in the form of paper coupons that can be redeemed at authorized retailers such as
grocery stores and farmers markets. These retailers then receive face-value reimbursement for
food stamp coupons through USDA.
Eligibility23
Eligibility for the Food Stamp Program is based on a household’s financial resources and other,
non-financial characteristics. A household is defined as any group of people that lives together
and purchases and prepares food together. Food stamp eligibility criteria are generally the
same in every county of every state, though states now have the flexibility to change rules
pertaining to car ownership, able-bodied adults without dependents, and people who have
been convicted of a drug felony. Applicants must also meet the application, verification, and
interview requirements established by their county. To qualify for food stamps, each household
must meet the following financial criteria:
• Gross income limits. Most households must have a pre-tax income below 130 percent
of the federal poverty line for their family size. The following chart shows the
maximum pre-tax income that a family can have and still be eligible for food stamps.
These amounts are updated each year to adjust for inflation. Updated information can
be found at http://www.fns.usda.gov/fsp/menu/apps/eligibility/income/incomechart.htm.
Last year, California Food Policy Advocates pursued a change in the utility expense
deduction to help ease the financial burden that California’s energy crisis caused for
low-income families. Thanks to active support from advocates and the Governor’s
office, California was granted a 20-percent increase in the Standard Utility Allowance
(SUA). The SUA is a fixed amount in each state that many households use as a utility
deduction instead of their actual utility expenses. As of April 1, 2001, this resulted in a
benefit increase of about $11 a month for roughly half of the 660,000 households in
California who receive food stamps.
• Net income limits. The household’s net income, which is calculated by subtracting
deductions from the gross income, must be below 100 percent of the federal poverty line
in order for the household to qualify for benefits.
• Resource tests. Most households may have up to $2,000 in liquid assets, including cash,
checking accounts, savings accounts, stocks or bonds. Households with at least one
household member age 60 or older may have up to $3,000 in liquid assets. Homes and
lots do not count as part of the resource test, nor do the resources of people receiving
cash assistance through Supplemental Security Income (SSI) or CalWORKs.
• Auto Resource limits. Under current law in California, a household can own a car with
a fair market value of up to $4,650 and still receive food stamps. The value of a car
above $4,650 is counted against the $2,000 resource limit described above. If the value of
the car exceeds these limits, the household is ineligible for food stamps.
Applicants must also meet the following non-financial criteria in order to qualify for food
stamps:
• SSI status. Based on an administrative agreement between California and the federal
government, recipients of Supplemental Security Income (SSI) in California are ineligible
for food stamps.
• Drug felon status. Any person convicted of a drug-related felony after August 22, 1996
is ineligible for food stamps.
• Striker status. Strikers and their households can only get the amount of food stamps
they were eligible to receive before the strike began. Otherwise, they are ineligible for
food stamp assistance while striking. There are some exceptions to this rule; please see
CFPA’s Comprehensive Guide to the Food Stamp Program in California. for more detailed
information about strikers.
• Student status. People between the ages of 18 and 50 who are not disabled and are
enrolled at least half time at a college or university can get food stamps if they meet
certain criteria relating to employment, work study, and receipt of CalWORKs benefits.
• Work requirements. All adults receiving food stamps must register for work or job
training through the Food Stamp Employment and Training Program operated by each
county. Adults do not have to meet this requirement if they are elderly, disabled, caring
for a child under 6, or otherwise exempted from work. Able-boded adults (ages 18 to
49) without dependents must complete at least 20 hours each week of work, an
approved work activity, or workfare. If they do not meet this requirement, they are
limited to receiving food stamps for three months out of a three-year period.
• Monthly reporting. In California, food stamp recipients must complete and submit a
monthly report on changes in their income or household composition. If recipient
households do not complete the report, their food stamp benefits will be discontinued.
Once a household turns in an application, the local food stamp office has 30 days to determine
food stamp eligibility and provide benefits. Households with very low incomes and few
resources may qualify for expedited services, which are designed to provide applicants with
food stamp benefits within three days of submitting an application.
According to studies by USDA, food stamp participants purchase more nutrients per dollar
than similar households that are not receiving food stamps. 24 USDA studies have also found
that low-income consumers obtain more nutrients per dollar spent on food than any other
segment of the population. At only $.80 per meal, food stamp benefits do not allow for
abundant spending on non-essential food items. 25
In addition, USDA has found that a given increase in food stamp benefits will raise the level of
household food spending by two to nine times more than the same increase in cash benefits. By
providing benefits that are redeemable only for food, the Food Stamp Program ensures that
households’ food resources are protected from spending on other basic needs like rent,
transportation, or utilities. 26
Duration of benefits
USDA’s research has shown that while most food stamp households use the program for a very
short period of time, economic conditions play a significant role in determining the average
length of program participation. One USDA study, which studied duration of benefits during
the economic expansion of the mid-1980s, found that more than half of all households left the
program within six months, and more than two-thirds stopped receiving benefits within a year.
The most recent study, which looked at duration of benefits during the recession of the early
1990s, found a longer average period of benefits use: 42 percent of households left the program
within six months and 57 percent left within the year.27
In general, food stamp participation mirrors the persistent nature of poverty and many families’
ongoing struggle to make ends meet. Though most participation spells are short, roughly half
of all households return to the program within two years. Approximately one-quarter receive
benefits for a single short period of time, while the remaining 25 percent receive benefits for a
period of several years. 28 These average periods of duration include elderly and disabled
households, who are unable to work and may receive food stamp benefits for a very long
period of time.
Of the benefits that are not issued correctly, most are small overpayments to eligible households
that still leave these families with incomes well below the poverty line.30 In addition, only 2
percent of households that receive benefits are completely ineligible for food stamps—and some
of these families receive food stamps as a result of mistakes in determining eligibility, not fraud.31
States and counties create policies that have a profound effect on food stamp participation and
program outcomes, but the structure of the Food Stamp Program cannot change significantly
without action at the federal level. This year, federal reauthorization of the Food Stamp
Program has presented an opportunity for making major improvements in this important
program.
Beyond reauthorization, lawmakers have many opportunities to make major and minor
changes to the Food Stamp Program through legislation, administrative changes, and funding
decisions. As lawmakers and administrators develop ways to counteract the current economic
slowdown, food stamps can help provide a safety net for newly unemployed or underemployed
workers—while making immediate investments into the local and national economy.
Expanding access to food stamps will provide a significant economic boost for low-income
families and communities throughout California and the United States.
• Immigrant restorations
• ABAWD restorations
• Adequacy of benefits
• Quality control improvements
• Program simplification
• Unrealistic income limits
Congress may also use reauthorization to enact new laws requiring states to make use of
existing food stamp options, such as changes to reporting systems and use of ABAWD
exemptions and waivers. In the current political climate that values state control and local
decision-making, however, this is not a likely outcome of federal reauthorization.
In general, advocates are in favor of keeping Food Stamp Reauthorization within the Farm Bill,
which also includes crop subsidies and conservation funding. Many advocates believe that the
Food Stamp Program will suffer fewer cuts and restrictions if it can be reauthorized through the
Agriculture Committee. If the program is reauthorized in conjunction with Temporary
Assistance for Needy Families, many advocates fear that Congress may increase work
requirements and time limits for food stamp recipients.
Reauthorization timing
Congress does not have to reauthorize the Food Stamp Program until October 2002, but
members of the House and Senate Agriculture Committees are looking to pass a Farm Bill
before the end of this year—in part because the same surplus-based federal funding levels will
not be available in the next legislative session.
In order to reauthorize the Food Stamp Program on this accelerated timeline, both the House
and Senate must pass the versions developed by their respective Agriculture Committees. A
conference committee composed of members of both houses will work out the final differences
between the House and Senate bills for the final version, which is likely to be passed before
Congress adjourns this December. The Farm Bill will then go to the President for his signature.
For up-to-date information on reauthorization, please visit CFPA’s web site at www.cfpa.net.
Any legal immigrant who entered the country after August 22, 1996 is ineligible for federal food
stamps—including taxpayers working in low-income jobs, parents sharing resources with
citizen children, and senior citizens and children. Legal immigrants who were lawfully in the
U.S. on August 22, 1996 must meet one of the following criteria in order to be eligible for federal
food stamp benefits:
The study also found that immigrant households experiencing food stamp cuts were almost
twice as likely to experience food insecurity with severe hunger than those who were not; and
over half as likely to experience food insecurity with moderate hunger. 35
Among citizen children of immigrant parents, food stamp participation dropped by 75 percent
after welfare reform—even though the children’s eligibility remained unchanged. Participation
in the Food Stamp Program by legal immigrants dropped by 83 percent between 1994 and 1998,
compared with a 28-percent drop among the general food stamp population during the same
period of time.36
35 California
Food Security Monitoring Project and California Food Policy Advocates, Impact of Legal
Immigrant Food Stamp Cuts in Los Angeles and San Francisco, May 1998.
36 USDA, National Conversation on Food Stamps, p. 9
Ø Restoring federal eligibility for all legal immigrants will protect immigrants from state budget
cuts and boost participation among immigrants and their children.
According to the same study by the Urban Institute, low-income adults without
children are at serious risk of going hungry, which diminishes their chances of success
in the workplace. Almost 40 percent of ABAWDs worried about or had problems
affording food.38
37 Stephen H. Bell and L. Jerome Gallagher, Prime-Age Adults without Children or Disabilities: The “Least
Deserving of the Poor—or Are They?, New Federalism National Survey of American’s Family Series B, No.
B-26 (Washington, DC: The Urban Institute, 2001), p. 2.
38 Bell, p. 3.
39 United States General Accounting Office, Food Stamp Program: Implementation of Food Stamp Employment
and Training Programs for Able-Bodied Adults Without Dependents,.27 February 2001.
1,000,000
600,000
400,000 362,000
200,000
0
FFY 1996 FFY 1999
Individual exemptions
States are granted exemptions for 15 percent of their ABAWD caseload. These exemptions
allow caseworkers in county food stamp offices to extend benefits on a month-by-month basis
for ABAWDs who do not meet the work requirement—up to 15 percent of their ABAWD
caseload. These 15-percent exemptions are underutilized, particularly in California, where
counties have only used 3 percent of these individual waivers. (See page 54 for more
information about the 15-percent ABAWD exemption.)
Ø Eliminating time limits for ABAWDs would protect vulnerable adults and support their efforts
to participate in the work force.
Ø California and its counties can help low-income adults by using Labor Surplus Area waivers and
individual ABAWD exemptions, which were designed by Congress to mitigate the harm caused
by ABAWD time limits.
Inadequate benefits are harmful for many reasons. Families receiving food stamps may
continue to experience hunger, particularly near the end of the month. Other families may
purchase cheaper, less healthy food in order to maximize their food budget. Still others choose
not to enroll in the program because the low benefits are not worth the time, hassle, and lost
wages associated with applying for the program.
Inadequate benefits
The maximum food stamp benefit matches the current purchase price of the Thrifty Food Plan
(TFP), the most frugal of four hypothetical food plans used by USDA to measure the cost of
food purchase. Because families are assumed to spend 30 percent of their income on food, food
stamp benefits are intended to make up the difference between that amount and the full cost of
the TFP.42
In reality, however, families have much less than 30 percent of their income to spend on food, in
part because housing now demands a much greater portion of most household budgets.
Almost 70 percent of low-income households use more than half of their income to pay for
housing. 43 Once a family pays for housing and other fixed expenses like transportation, child
care, and utilities, they typically have very little money for food.
In addition, the Thrifty Food Plan was designed as a temporary diet for emergency use. It
assumes that families have the time and expertise to prepare foods from scratch, as well as the
resources necessary to purchase foods from a large, low-cost grocery store. As a result, food
stamp benefit levels fall short of households’ actual food expenses. 44
Ø Raising food stamp benefits to better reflect the cost of purchasing healthy food will improve
health among recipients and increase participation in the program.
March 2001, p. 3.
44 Poppendieck, p. 73.
Ø Increasing the minimum benefit will help seniors buy enough food to maintain their health. It
will also boost participation among households for whom the $10 benefit is not worth the time and
hassle of enrolling in food stamps.
Ø Expanding an increased minimum benefit to all households will help to ensure that families who
meet the eligibility and enrollment requirements receive a worthwhile benefit amount while
enrolled in the program.
Ø By raising the shelter cap or using actual housing costs to determine benefits, the Food Stamp
Program will better meet the needs of Californians who face some of the highest costs of living in
the country.
Ø Increasing the standard deduction and indexing it to family size will provide more adequate
benefits to families who need nutritional assistance.
Other groups, such as senior citizens, benefit from regulations that recognize their special needs
and adjust certain rules to accommodate those circumstances. The medical expenses deduction,
for example, ensures that senior citizens receive a benefit that reflects their health care
expenditures.
Categorical exclusions
In addition to considering income, household composition and deductible expenses, local food
stamp offices must determine whether or not someone has been categorically excluded from the
Food Stamp Program under federal law. These exclusions, which currently include certain legal
immigrants, drug felons, students, strikers, and able-bodied adults without dependents
(ABAWDs) who have reached a three month time limit, add significant complexity to the
program.
Ø Efforts to simplify the Food Stamp Program should focus on reforming the quality control
system, which discourages states and counties to ease the administrative burden on applicants
and food stamp recipients.
Ø Removing categorical exclusions of certain immigrants, drug felons, strikers, students and
ABAWDs would also significantly reduce complexity within the Food Stamp Program.
Because the household income of low-wage workers tends to change from month to month,
counties are more likely to make errors in issuing benefits for these cases. As counties and states
feel increasing pressure to reduce their error rates, the Food Stamp Program’s quality control
system creates a clear disincentive to assist families with earned income.
California is one of many states facing millions of dollars in penalties this year because of errors
in payment. This is primarily because food stamp benefit calculations for immigrants and
working families are complicated and therefore prone to payment errors; California serves
many more of these cases than any other state. USDA does make some penalty adjustments for
states that are prone to errors, but these adjustments are neither codified nor guaranteed.
Ø Add well-being indicators like participation rates and food security measures to each state’s
evaluation process
Ø Revise the penalty scheme so that states are only penalized if their error rate exceeds an acceptable
standard. Currently, half of the states are penalized each year because the penalty structure is
based on a median score.
Ø Include performance measures like timeliness of benefits issuance and the rate of people who are
unjustly denied benefits.
This disparity—in which families in need of food assistance are ineligible for food stamps—can
be explained in part by the use of the federal poverty line in making benefits calculations. The
poverty line was developed using the Thrifty Food Plan, the most frugal of four food plans used
by USDA to measure the cost of food purchase.
Using the assumption that a family spends one third of their income on food, the Thrifty Food
Plan is multiplied by three to determine the federal poverty line. In reality, however, food
accounts for much less than one-third of a typical family’s income, particularly in areas where
low-income families pay more than half of their income for housing.
As a result, official poverty does not include many families who are unable to make ends
meet—or who may experience hunger when they experience a sudden crisis. Given the current
structure of the Food Stamp Program, which is tied directly to official measures of poverty,
these families fall through the cracks. 45
Ø Expanding the Food Stamp Program’s gross and net income limits would support working
families and protect them from experiencing the devastating effects of hunger.
45 Poppendieck, p. 72.
Hunger in California
Despite our state’s recent prosperity and agricultural abundance, 4.4 million people experience
hunger or live at serious risk of going hungry. USDA ranks California as the 11th worst state in
terms of hunger and food insecurity. 46
Many families in California experience hunger because of high shelter costs, which put
tremendous pressure on a family’s budget and limit the resources they have to purchase
adequate food. In many communities of California, low-income families face housing costs
unheard of in other parts of the country—and almost 70 percent of low-income Californians
spend over half of their income on housing. 47
The Food Stamp Program will become even more critical in California as low-income families
and individuals continue to experience the effects of the economic slowdown. In addition,
California now faces a $9.5 billion budget shortfall, which will make it significantly more
difficult for state and county governments to fund basic services for people in need of
assistance.48
In this section on state-level policies, we identify a number of ways that California can improve
and streamline its administration of the Food Stamp Program. They include:
46 M. Nord et al., Prevalence of Food Insecurity and Hunger by State, 1996-98 (Washington, DC: Economic
Research Service, USDA, 1999) and its August 2000 addendum, How Many Households? How Many People?
47 California Budget Project, Still Locked Out, p. 3.
48 Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, Snapshot of Fiscal Conditions Around the Country, 19 October 2001.
Monthly reporting also puts a heavy burden on county food stamp workers, who must process
monthly reports (called CA-7 forms) and verification for the entire caseload every month.
Throughout California, counties are processing over 650,000 pieces of paper each month, even if
food stamp households have no reported changes in income.
Removing the burden of monthly paperwork and income verification is a key step in increasing
California’s dismal food stamp participation rate, which hovers around 50 percent each month.
Ø California can achieve significant administrative saving—roughly $22.5 million each year—by
ending monthly reporting for food stamp and CalWORKs recipients. Ending monthly reporting
will also ease the paperwork burden that keeps so many hungry families from getting and
maintaining food stamp benefits.
The current application for food stamps in California is nine pages long, with questions that
rival the Internal Revenue Service for complexity and use of technical jargon. The application is
especially challenging for working families with little time to complete paperwork, people with
limited education, and people who have difficulty reading or writing.
After the passage of SB 2013, California’s Department of Social Services formed a working
group made up of state administrators, county food stamp officers, and representatives from
California Food Policy Advocates. This group developed and tested application alternatives
with focus groups, caseworkers and applicants.
DSS recently selected an alternative called the County-Assisted Form as California’s new food
stamp application. This form is a simple 3-page application that asks applicants to provide
basic household information. More complicated and sensitive information is gathered during
an interview with a county worker, who will fill out a statement of facts form based on
information from the applicant.
The County-Assisted Form was selected largely because the short, simple form makes it easier
for community-based organizations to conduct outreach and assist clients with applications.
Representatives of DSS’s fraud and quality control units also favored the County-Assisted Form
because more difficult (and therefore error-prone) questions are held until the interview with
the county worker.
Ø Once the new application is released to counties, community-based organizations can use the
County-Assisted Form to promote food stamps and help their clients successfully initiate the
application process.
Only 27 percent of food stamp recipients own a vehicle.50 But there are many hungry families
in California—particularly in rural areas—who own a reliable car and can’t get food stamps as a
result. Recent research has shown that having a car is an important factor in whether a family
can make a successful transition from welfare to work. 51 In addition, the majority of food stamp
households now have at least one person who is working. 52
Despite the critical link between reliable transportation and success at work, the auto resource
limit for the food stamp program is unrealistically low. It has increased by only 3 percent since
1977, while the Consumer Price Index for cars has tripled. To correct for the real value of an
automobile based on the limit set in 1977, the current limit would need to be $12,867.
AB 144
USDA has given states have many options to raise the auto-resource limit for food stamps. The
vast majority of states have either exempted one car or removed the auto-resource limit entirely.
In 2001, the California Legislature took an important step in support of working families by
passing AB 144, a bill that would require California to raise the auto resource limit used in Food
Stamps and CalWORKs. In October 2001, the Governor unexpectedly vetoed AB 144.
Ø California should support work and prevent hunger among low-income families by removing the
auto-resource limit. In addition to getting more food to more families, this change would lower
the state’s costly food stamp error rate and reduce the administrative costs associated with
requiring caseworkers to verify the value of a car.
While multiple-aid fraud prevention is a valid goal, finger imaging is a costly and unproven
method for achieving it. In addition to the $90 million California will spend on implementing
the program over four years, finger imaging has a cost in terms of program participation.
Having to provide a finger image adds stigma to an already-stigmatized progress—and it adds
complexity to an overly lengthy and complex program. It also limits the degree to which
counties can outstation caseworkers at community-based organizations and other sites.
In August 2000, California’s Department of Social Services identified only 85 food stamp cases
to investigate for multiple aid fraud. DSS does not release statistics on how many of these
investigations led to convictions. Nationally, less than 1 percent of all food stamp fraud
investigations are related to multiple aid fraud.53 Given that finger imaging will cost California
$90 million over four years, many advocates believe another method of fraud prevention would
better match the size and scope of California’s fraud problem—without deterring hungry
people from getting food stamps.
Finger-imaging audit
Thanks to the efforts of advocates throughout California, the Legislature’s Joint Audit
Committee commissioned an audit of the finger-imaging requirement. This audit is scheduled
to be completed in January 2003.
Ø Depending on the results of the audit, California should consider replacing finger imaging with a
more cost effective, less invasive method of preventing and detecting multiple aid fraud.
In 1998, the California Legislature created the California Food Assistance program (CFAP) to
provide food stamps to some legal immigrants who were ineligible under the welfare reform
law. In 1999 and 2000, the Governor and Legislature expanded CFAP to include all legal
immigrants who are ineligible for federal benefits because of their immigration status. During
these years, CFAP was extended in one-year increments, causing great uncertainty among
immigrants, advocates and counties about how long recent legal immigrants would be eligible
for benefits. In 2001, California affirmed its commitment to legal immigrants by extending
CFAP indefinitely.
Although CFAP is funded with state dollars, the program operates seamlessly with the federal
Food Stamp Program. The application process, reporting requirements and benefits are the
same for both programs. In addition, California does not communicate to food stamp recipients
any distinction between CFAP and the federal program.
In addition, many immigrants have serious concerns about whether receipt of food stamp
benefits will affect their immigration status. According to recent guidance from the
Immigration and Naturalization Service, food stamp participation does not count as public charge,
and will not count against immigrants if they choose to pursue citizenship.
Ø Advocates can help to protect legal immigrant from hunger by providing accurate information
about the availability of benefits in California. In the process, they should let immigrants know
that food stamps do not count as public charge.
Unless they are working at least 20 hours a week or participating in workfare, ABAWDs can
only receive food stamps for three months out of a 36-month period. To mitigate the harm
caused by these time limits, Congress has also established protections for adults who are willing
to work but live in places where jobs are hard to find.
ABAWDs in California
Thirty-six states, including Texas and New York, use LSA waivers to protect low-income adults
from unrealistic and punitive time limits.
Despite the availability of these important protections for ABAWDs, California has not
requested and implemented Labor Surplus Area waivers. As the economy continues to slow
down and job markets become tighter throughout the state, counties in California with high
unemployment areas need waivers to prevent hunger among low-income adults.
Ø California should request and implement ABAWD waivers for all counties in California that
have been designated by the federal government as Labor Surplus Areas.
At the same time, food stamp participation among eligible senior citizens is extremely low.
Only about 30 percent of eligible senior citizens receive food stamps, for many of the same
reasons that non-elderly people don’t participate in the program.54
Mixed-status households—meaning those that include SSI recipients AND low-income, non-SSI
recipients—benefit from the current cash-out policy because the income of the SSI recipient is
not counted when benefits are calculated for the rest of the family. A family of four with a
disabled child, for example, would get a food stamp benefit amount for the other three
household members without having to consider their disabled child’s SSI payment. Counting
SSI income could put the mixed-status household above the income limit for food stamps and
disqualify the entire family from receiving benefits.
Pure SSI households—meaning those composed only of SSI recipients—are hurt by the cash-out
policy. As of January 2002, single SSI recipients will receive a monthly grant of $750. This
monthly income is roughly $200 below the Food Stamp Program’s gross monthly income limit
for one-person households. If the cash-out policy were eliminated (or if these households lived
Couples on SSI receive a monthly SSI grant that is very close to the two-person household
income limit for Food Stamps. If cash out ended, many couples would qualify only for the
current minimum benefit of $10 or a slightly higher food stamp benefit.
Ø Because ending cash out entirely would bring significant hardship to many households that
currently receive food stamps, California should pursue a targeted end to cash out for pure SSI
households only.
Ø To compensate for extremely low food stamp participation among senior citizens—as well as for
the difficulty that many SSI recipients may have in getting to county food stamp offices—
California should institute a centralized processing system to allocate benefits automatically to
eligible SSI recipients.
55This represents the median housing cost for seniors with incomes at or below the SSI grant level,
according to unpublished tabulations of 2000 American Housing Survey Data by the California Budget
Project.
The effects of this ban on food stamp benefits go far beyond the people it was intended to
target. Quite frequently, convicted drug felons are parents with children. If parents are unable
to get food stamp benefits once reunited with their family, it may compromise the entire
household’s ability to get enough food.
Ø Restoring food stamp benefits to people in recovery is a critical step toward supporting sobriety
and good health among people who have paid their debt to society—as well as for families who
rely on them for support.
Lack of knowledge
Lack of knowledge about food stamps is a major barrier to participation among hungry
Californians. A recent USDA survey found that over 72 percent of people eligible but not receiving
food stamps did not know they were eligible for benefits. 57 In many cases, families do not know
they can work and still be eligible for assistance.
Stigma
Even if families do know about food stamps, they may choose not to participate because they
perceive the Food Stamp Program to be a welfare program for people who don’t work. This
stereotype persists even now that the majority of food stamp households in California have at
least one person who is working. 58 In addition to pervasive stereotypes about food stamps,
practices like finger imaging and monthly reporting serve to further stigmatize the program
and its recipients. Having to use food stamp coupons—which are both time consuming and
visible to other shoppers in grocery store lines—also makes people less likely to use the
program.
California has not yet utilized these federal resources. In 2000, the California Legislature
responded to advocates’ request for California to draw down matching funds by designating $3
million in TANF funding for outreach. Because this money came from federal TANF funding, it
did not meet the criteria for a federal outreach match. In addition, the California Department of
Social Services (CDSS) did not require that counties spend this money on food stamp outreach.
During the 2001 legislative session, Governor Davis removed from the budget $2 million in food
stamp outreach funding that would qualify for a federal match.
Ø California should invest in food stamp outreach by drawing down available federal funds to
promote food stamp participation among hungry Californians.
The vast majority of families who leave CalWORKs report that they have a hard time paying for
basic needs such as food and housing. Many parents leave welfare to take low-paying jobs that
don’t provide enough income to cover food and rent. In addition, roughly 40 percent of families
leaving welfare are discontinued for failing to turn in a monthly report—which means that they
may or may not have source of income once their CalWORKs case is terminated.59
Given these circumstances, half of all families leaving welfare have earnings low enough to
qualify for food stamp benefits, yet only 20 percent of such families continue to receive them.
Ø Providing automatic, transitional food stamp benefits to families leaving welfare is a cost-effective
way to support work; these benefits will help to prevent hunger as families make the transition
from welfare to work.
Ø Counties can also be proactive about tracking and contacting families as they leave welfare to
encourage them to continue receiving food stamp benefits.
Advocates and recipients of aid have long pointed to this fragmentation of services as waste of
time for recipients and a waste of money within federal, state and local governments. In
addition, multiple application processes with redundant questions and confusing eligibility
differences are a strong deterrent to participation. Many advocates believe that creating
streamlined eligibility within similar programs will promote participation, create greater
efficiency and provide significantly better service to people in need of assistance.
Under the Clinton Food Stamp Initiative, states were given the option to extend categorical
eligibility for food stamps to households receiving services funded by Temporary Assistance to
Needy Families (TANF)—even if those services do not include cash aid. States must confer
categorical food stamp eligibility on the recipient of any service funded with 50 percent or more
TANF dollars. This explains the categorical food stamp eligibility currently available to people
enrolled in CalWORKs. In addition, states may confer categorical eligibility on recipients of any
service funded with less than 50 percent TANF dollars.
Categorical eligibility does not create automatic food stamp benefits for recipients of TANF-
funded services. Categorically eligible people must still go through the process of applying for
food stamps and having their benefits determined. In order to get any benefits, their net income
must fall below the Food Stamp Program’s net income limit.
Categorical eligibility does eliminate some of the eligibility requirements that prevent low-
income people from getting food stamps. For example, the asset test—in which most
households can have no more than $2,000 in liquid resources—does not exist in other assistance
programs. If someone is categorically eligible for food stamps, they are no longer subject to that
asset test. A categorically eligible household is also exempt from the auto resource test, in
which a household can’t own a vehicle with a “Blue Book” value of $4,650 or more and still get
food stamps.
Categorical food stamp eligibility also benefits families with incomes just above Food Stamp
Program gross income limit (i.e., 130 percent of poverty). Even though most families with
incomes just above the food stamp limit are likely to experience hunger or food insecurity, they
In Michigan, for example, any family with a child or pregnant woman on Medicaid is eligible
for Employment Support Services, which are funded partly by TANF. As a result, families with
Medicaid cases are categorically eligible for food stamps. Maine has extended categorical
eligibility to Medicaid recipients by giving them a one-page referral flyer funded with TANF
funding.
Ø California has not pursued categorical food stamp eligibility beyond households receiving cash
assistance. By expanding categorical eligibility to include recipients of other TANF-funded
services, California can increase food stamp participation—particularly among people using other
health and nutrition programs
Under the EBT system, food stamp recipients will receive a plastic debit-like card that allows
them to purchase food items. This card will be credited with the household’s food stamp
benefit amount at the beginning of each month. Grocery stores and other vendors will use
existing debit-card technology to accept EBT cards for payment.
California’s EBT system will be administered by Citicorp, a private corporation that has
contracted with the majority of the 40 states that have already implemented EBT. As
California’s EBT contractor, Citicorp will play a key role in ensuring that low-income families
do not face barriers in accessing their benefits.
Benefits of EBT
Because EBT cards are used in the same way as bank-issued debit cards, EBT has the potential
to reduce the stigma and delay associated using paper food coupons in grocery check-out lines.
It also has the potential to help recipients become familiar with banking technology, reduce
fraud and trafficking, and prevent loss and theft of food stamp benefits.
Under the state’s EBT laws, each county has the option to include cash benefits on the same EBT
card used for food stamps. If included on the card, cash benefits could be withdrawn from
ATMs or used to make purchases where debit cards are accepted. Many advocates and
recipients are concerned about whether recipients will have low-cost, convenient access to cash
benefits in counties where these benefits are included on the EBT card.
California’s timeline
California is one of the last states to implement EBT, and it will not meet the federal
requirement that all states change to EBT by October 2002. Two counties—San Diego and San
Bernadino—are in the process of conducting EBT pilots with a non-Citicorp vendor. An EBT
pilot in Alameda County developed under the contract with Citicorp is expected to be fully
operational by October 2002.
Ø As counties implement EBT, advocates will have an opportunity to promote food stamps among
people who have been reluctant to enroll because of the stigma associated with using paper
coupons at the grocery store.
Ø Community-based organizations will also need to monitor county-level EBT implementation to
ensure that recipients are able to access their benefits after the transition takes place.
60Brian Lawlor, Legal Services of California, Status Report on the California EBT Project, 15 March 2001. For
additional information about EBT, please refer to Legal Services of Northern California’s web site at
www.lsnc.net, or Consumers Union’s web site at www.consumer.org, under “financial services.”
Many counties in California have developed more progressive policies to counteract significant
drops in food stamp participation, particularly among working families, immigrants, and the
elderly. Other county offices still struggle to provide recipients the level of convenience,
dignity and customer service that will keep them enrolled in the program.
County efforts to make the program more accessible are particularly important at a time when
state and federal governments have shifted a great deal of decision-making power to the local
level. Even very small steps—such as providing clerical assistance in filling out the application,
or extending office hours one night each week—can make it easier for clients to get food
stamps.
The benefit of county-level advocacy is that counties have the freedom to develop food stamp
policies that meet the specific needs of their local communities. The challenge is that county-
level decisions are often less formal than legislative changes made at the state or federal level,
and change must happen on a county-by-county level.
In this section, we discuss some of the local implementation issues that can make a significant
difference for people in need of food assistance. They include:
Working families usually don’t have large amounts of time to invest in a food stamp application
process, especially if their local food stamp office is only open during regular business hours.
Most people with low-paying jobs will lose wages if they take time off to apply for food stamps,
and few people are willing to tell their boss, “I need to take five hours off today because I need
food stamps.”
A handful of counties in California have recognized the need to extend their office hours to
meet the needs of people who work during the day and can’t make it to the office in time. For
example:
• Sacramento County’s Department of Human Assistance has developed some of the most
progressive office hours in the state at one of their office locations, with caseworkers
available for food stamps and other assistance programs every weekday from 7 a.m. to 9
p.m. Caseworkers share office space based on a two-shift system, with a slight pay
increase for the second shift.63
• San Joaquin County has extended its food stamp office hours to 7 p.m. on Monday
evenings; Tulare County’s food stamp offices are now open until 6 p.m.
• A number of counties, including Contra Costa, Sierra and Sutter counties, offer
appointments outside of regular business hours by special arrangement.
Office location
Especially in more rural counties, inconvenient office locations also present a major barrier to
food stamp participation. In many cases, hungry families must rely on public transportation—
especially when owning a reliable car will compromise the family’s food stamp eligibility. In
places where public transportation is limited or non-existent, families who need food stamps may
simply go without.
During the past year, a number of counties—including Yuba and Mono counties—have added
additional locations to improve accessibility to the Food Stamp Program. Other counties have
outstationed workers at schools, clinics or community agencies.
Ø Counties should extend their food stamp office hours beyond regular working hours so that
families who work during the day can get food stamps.
Ø Counties should also make an effort to provide additional office locations so that food stamp
applicants with limited time and transportation can get assistance.
Ø Counties should implement policies in which face-to-face interviews are waived as standard
practice for people who face difficulties in getting to the food stamp office.
In response to significant drops in food stamp participation, many counties have developed
innovative outreach methods to raise awareness about food stamps. Because California has not
made a significant investment in food stamp outreach funding, most of these outreach programs
are conducted using county funding for caseworker time and materials.
Despite this limitations, many counties have made an effort to find and enroll eligible people. For
example:
• In some cases, local food banks and community agencies have taken on a significant role in
conducting outreach. Los Angeles Regional Food Bank, for example, recently launched a
USDA demonstration project on food stamp outreach . Through this project, trained
outreach workers set up information centers at food pantries and other food distribution
sites. Using laptop computers and other technology, these workers initiate applications and
collaborate with county caseworkers to help enroll clients in the Food Stamp Program.
• Some counties have developed shorter application forms for food stamps that can be used
by volunteers, staff or caseworkers at community-based organizations. Napa County has
collaborated with the local food bank to initiate the application process for food bank
clients, while Humboldt County created a short form for use by food bank volunteers
during the client intake process at their local food bank.
After enacting these time limits, Congress put measures into effect to protect individual adults
who may face significant challenges in finding employment. The Food Stamp Program allows
each state to exempt up to 15 percent of its ABAWD cases each year. Any exemptions that are
unused at the end of the year roll over to the next year’s allocation.
California distributes these ABAWD exemptions to counties based on their ABAWD caseload.
The exemptions provide an opportunity for counties to reduce hunger among low-income
adults at very little cost to the county or state.
Unused exemptions
Despite this important opportunity to exempt adults from food stamp time limits, counties in
California have used very few of the exemptions available to them. Between October 1999 and
September 2000, counties in California used a total of only 3,900 out of 116,892 possible
exemptions. As a result of this low rate of use, California has almost 300,000 unused months of
ABAWD exemptions.
In the absence of any substantial guidance from the state on how these exemptions should be
used, counties have a responsibility to develop policies that reflect the needs of their local
communities. For example, Santa Cruz County’s policy considers seasonal unemployment,
natural disasters, lay-offs due to business closure or relocation, and the presence of severe
barriers to employment, such as homelessness, lack of education or transportation, and
substance abuse. San Francisco County has a written policy encouraging caseworkers to use
screen their ABAWD cases carefully and to proactively apply exemptions for ABAWDs facing
homelessness, unemployment and food insecurity.
Individual ABAWD exemptions are most effective when they are combined with another
federal protection for adults—specifically, Labor Surplus Area waivers for high unemployment
areas (see page 38 for more information on LSA waivers). In other states, these two strategies
are used in combination to improve food stamp participation among ABAWDs.
In Oregon, for example, all but six counties are eligible for Labor Surplus Area waivers. In labor
surplus counties, Oregon uses waivers to exempt all ABAWDs from time limits. The state then
designates its individual exemptions for use in non-labor surplus area counties. As a result, the
state does not revoke food stamps from non-working ABAWDs at the end of three months.
Ø Counties should develop and implement policies to utilize all available 15-percent
ABAWD exemptions.
C. County maps
D. State maps
PERSONS IN THOUSANDS
30,000
Denotes periods
of economic recession
25,000 Purchase
Requirement Onmibus Budget
Eliminated Reconcilation Act
of 1981
20,000 Personal
Responsibility
and Work
Opportunity
Reconciliation
Act of 1996
10,000
5,000
0
1981
1961
1971
1991
1982
1983
1965
1962
1963
1972
1973
1992
1993
1985
1995
1967
1969
1979
1975
1978
1987
1988
1998
1970
1999
1964
1968
1977
1997
1980
1989
1966
1974
1984
1994
1976
1986
1990
1996
Sources: 1961–1985 U.S. Senate Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Foresty;
1985–1998 U.S. Department of Agriculture.
The Food Stamp Participation Drop in California
By county 1995-2001
County Nov-95 Nov-96 Nov-99 Nov-00 Jun-01 Drop (people) Drop (%)
Alameda 122,156 105,967 69,516 57,320 56,206 -65,950 54%
Alpine 196 157 74 70 61 -135 69%
Amador 1,392 1,387 977 787 807 -585 42%
Butte 27,073 26,957 18,284 16,368 16,372 -10,701 40%
Calaveras 3,205 3,084 2,066 1,576 1,451 -1,754 55%
Colusa 1,836 1,619 886 892 1,035 -801 44%
Contra Costa 53,578 50,032 29,795 23,570 21,259 -32,319 60%
Del Norte 4,364 4,311 3,343 3,098 3,083 -1,281 29%
El Dorado 7,379 7,004 3,631 3,325 3,205 -4,174 57%
Fresno 135,455 128,521 82,085 78,754 82,097 -53,358 39%
Glenn 3,179 2,948 2,269 2,111 2,103 -1,076 34%
Humboldt 14,516 14,067 10,362 8,989 9,101 -5,415 37%
Imperial 29,477 26,112 16,927 16,816 16,227 -13,250 45%
Inyo 1,881 1,774 1,020 930 747 -1,134 60%
Kern 84,348 86,156 57,486 52,626 56,208 -28,140 33%
Kings 15,800 15,139 10,364 9,679 10,744 -5,056 32%
Lake 8,824 8,416 6,324 6,579 5,913 -2,911 33%
Lassen 2,949 2,850 1,956 1,665 1,783 -1,166 40%
Los Angeles 1,054,240 1,001,164 726,838 670,813 659,668 -394,572 37%
Madera 15,454 15,812 11,930 11,225 12,218 -3,236 21%
Marin 6,064 5,167 3,153 2,652 2,248 -3,816 63%
Mariposa 1,494 1,526 920 737 724 -770 52%
Mendocino 10,954 9,969 6,607 5,791 5,776 -5,178 47%
Merced 42,852 41,429 24,359 23,922 26,163 -16,689 39%
Modoc 1,359 1,370 995 775 839 -520 38%
Mono 389 416 243 195 219 -170 44%
Monterey 29,241 24,361 15,695 14,033 14,284 -14,957 51%
Napa 5,664 4,440 1,995 1,740 1,492 -4,172 74%
Nevada 4,410 3,950 2,036 1,554 1,512 -2,898 66%
Orange 147,838 133,098 75,098 65,904 65,457 -82,381 56%
Placer 9,797 9,406 4,727 3,628 3,704 -6,093 62%
Plumas 1,396 1,354 702 590 599 -797 57%
Riverside 120,813 121,071 70,296 60,499 55,301 -65,512 54%
Sacramento 165,564 162,053 118,910 110,217 109,334 -56,230 34%
San Benito 3,090 2,916 1,877 1,501 1,671 -1,419 46%
San Bernardino 216,857 210,979 140,762 129,926 127,447 -89,410 41%
San Diego 204,201 190,331 103,692 87,370 82,738 -121,463 59%
San Francisco 84,922 49,141 27,228 22,487 22,571 -62,351 73%
San Joaquin 79,040 69,048 50,495 45,105 44,793 -34,247 43%
San Luis Obispo 12,077 11,579 6,867 6,073 6,051 -6,026 50%
San Mateo 18,579 15,445 5,810 4,526 4,456 -14,123 76%
Santa Barbara 25,054 24,134 15,029 13,405 13,698 -11,356 45%
Santa Clara 100,511 86,191 44,013 33,650 33,111 -67,400 67%
Santa Cruz 15,104 13,819 6,909 5,870 6,285 -8,819 58%
Shasta 22,017 22,831 15,134 13,207 11,395 -10,622 48%
Sierra 203 187 131 94 102 -101 50%
Siskiyou 5,584 5,441 3,670 3,134 3,005 -2,579 46%
Solano 28,641 28,853 17,613 12,109 12,011 -16,630 58%
County Nov-95 Nov-96 Nov-99 Nov-00 Jun-01 Drop (people) Drop (%)
Sonoma 21,589 19,974 9,066 7,624 7,226 -14,363 67%
Stanislaus 53,589 51,458 38,161 33,189 33,146 -20,443 38%
Sutter 7,294 6,824 4,735 4,104 4,298 -2,996 41%
Tehama 7,223 6,938 5,016 4,394 4,669 -2,554 35%
Trinity 1,495 1,469 952 822 775 -720 48%
Tulare 65,928 65,896 46,822 43,009 48,076 -17,852 27%
Tuolumne 4,365 4,113 2,829 2,277 2,185 -2,180 50%
Ventura 43,098 37,256 24,804 21,909 20,243 -22,855 53%
Yolo 22,799 14,677 8,857 7,773 7,829 -14,970 66%
Yuba 13,236 12,571 8,587 7,549 7,484 -5,752 43%
Source: California Department of Social Services Data from DFA 256 - Food Stamp Program Participation and Coupon Issuance
Report, compiled by California Food Policy Advocates
# of Participants
Drops in Food Stamp
Participation since
1995
Annual Percent of
ABAWD Allocation
Used
(out of 100% not
15%)
Not using any:
Less than 5%:
More than 5%
Counties that Outstation Food Stamp Caseworkers
At Locations Outside of the Food Stamp Office
WIC/FS Collaboration:
No WIC/FS Collaboration:
States Restoring Food Stamp Benefits to Legal Immigrants
The Food Stamp Program is administered by the Food and Nutrition Service, a division of the
United States Department of Agriculture.
President George W. Bush appointed Secretary of Agriculture Ann Veneman. Eric M. Bost was
subsequently appointed as Undersecretary of Food, Nutrition, and Consumer Services.
Undersecretary Bost is responsible for overseeing the Food and Nutrition Service, as well as the
Center for Nutrition Policy and Promotion.
In addition to Undersecretary Bost and his staff at Food and Nutrition Service in Washington,
D.C., advocates in California may receive guidance from the Food and Nutrition Service’s
Western Region office in San Francisco.
At the state level, the Food Stamp Program is administered by the California
Department of Social Services, a division of the larger Health and Human Services
Agency. Decision makers at the state level include:
The following pages include lists of legislators at the state and federal levels. To find
out who represents you in Congress and in the state Legislature, visit www.vote -
smart.org, or the specific web site for each legislative body:
Printed directories of these state and federal representatives can also be purchased from
Capitol Enquiry at www.capenq.com.
UNITED STATES SENATE
107TH CONGRESS
As of October 4, 2001
Vice Pres. Cheney, Dick (WY) 42424 Cantwell, Maria (WA) 43441 SH-717
Akaka, Daniel K. (HI) 46361 SH-141 Carnahan, Jean (MO) 46154 SH-517
Allard, Wayne (CO) 45941 SD-525 Carper, Thomas R. (DE) 42441 SH-513
Allen, George (VA) 44024 SR-204 Chafee, Lincoln D. (RI) 42921 SR-141A
Baucus, Max (MT) 42651 SH-511 Cleland, Max (GA) 43521 SD-461
Bayh, Evan (IN) 45623 SR-463 Clinton, Hillary Rodham (NY)44451 SR-476
Bennett, Robert F. (UT) 45444 SD-431 Cochran, Thad (MS) 45054 SR-326
Biden, Joseph R., Jr. (DE) 45042 SR-221 Collins, Susan M. (ME) 42523 SR-172
Bingaman, Jeff (NM) 45521 SH-703 Conrad, Kent (ND) 42043 SH-530
Bond, Christopher S. (MO) 45721 SR-274 Corzine, Jon S. (NJ) 44744 SH-502
Boxer, Barbara (CA) 43553 SH-112 Craig, Larry E. (ID) 42752 SH-520
Breaux, John B. (LA) 44623 SH-503 Crapo, Mike (ID) 46142 SR-111
Brownback, Sam (KS) 46521 SH-303 Daschle, Tom (SD) 42321 SH-509
Bunning, Jim (KY) 44343 SH-316 Dayton, Mark (MN) 43244 SR-346
Burns, Conrad (MT) 42644 SD-187 DeWine, Mike (OH) 42315 SR-140
Byrd, Robert C. (WV) 43954 SH-311 Dodd, Christopher J. (CT) 42823 SR-448
Campbell, Ben Nighthorse 45852 SR-380 Domenici, Pete V. (NM) 46621 SH-328
(CO)
Dorgan, Byron L. (ND) 42551 SH-713 Lugar, Richard G. (IN) 44814 SH-306
Durbin, Richard J. (IL) 42152 SD-332 McCain, John (AZ) 42235 SR-241
Edwards, John (NC) 43154 SD-225 McConnell, Mitch (KY) 42541 SR-361A
Ensign, John (NV) 46244 SR-364 Mikulski, Barbara A. (MD) 44654 SH-709
Enzi, Mike (WY) 43424 SR-290 Miller, Zell (GA) 43643 SD-257
Feingold, Russell D. (WI) 45323 SH-506 Murkowski, Frank H. (AK) 46665 SH-322
Feinstein, Dianne G. (CA) 43841 SH-331 Murray, Patty (WA) 42621 SR-173
Fitzgerald, Peter G. (IL) 42854 SD-555 Nelson, Bill (FL) 45274 SH-716
Frist, Bill (TN) 43344 SR-416 Nelson, E. Benjamin (NE) 46551 SH-720
Graham, Bob (FL) 43041 SH-524 Nickles, Don (OK) 45754 SH-321
Gramm, Phil (TX) 42934 SR-370 Reed, Jack (RI) 44642 SH-208
Grassley, Charles E. (IA) 43744 SH-135 Reid, Harry (NV) 43542 SH-528
Gregg, Judd (NH) 43324 SR-393 Roberts, Pat (KS) 44774 SH-302
Hagel, Chuck (NE) 44224 SR-248 Rockefeller, John D., IV (WV) 46472 SH-531
Harkin, Tom (IA) 43254 SH-731 Santorum, Rick (PA) 46324 SR-120
Hatch, Orrin G. (UT) 45251 SR-104 Sarbanes, Paul S. (MD) 44524 SH-309
Helms, Jesse (NC) 46342 SD-403 Schumer, Charles E. (NY) 46542 SH-313
Hollings, Ernest F. (SC) 46121 SR-125 Sessions, Jeff (AL) 44124 SR-493
Hutchinson, Tim (AR) 42353 SD-239 Shelby, Richard C. (AL) 45744 SH-110
Hutchison, Kay Bailey (TX) 45922 SR-284 Smith, Bob (NH) 42841 SD-307
Inhofe, James M. (OK) 44721 SR-453 Smith, Gordon (OR) 43753 SR-404
Inouye, Daniel K. (HI) 43934 SH-722 Snowe, Olympia J. (ME) 45344 SR-154
JEFFORDS, JAMES M. (VT) 45141 SH-728 Specter, Arlen (PA) 44254 SH-711
Johnson, Tim (SD) 45842 SH-324 Stabenow, Debbie (MI) 44822 SH-702
Kennedy, Edward M. (MA) 44543 SR-315 Stevens, Ted (AK) 43004 SH-522
Kerry, John F. (MA) 42742 SR-304 Thomas, Craig (WY) 46441 SH-109
Kohl, Herb (WI) 45653 SH-330 Thompson, Fred (TN) 44944 SD-511
Kyl, Jon (AZ) 44521 SH-730 Thurmond, Strom (SC) 45972 SR-217
Landrieu, Mary L. (LA) 45824 SH-724 Torricelli, Robert G. (NJ) 43224 SD-113
Leahy, Patrick J. (VT) 44242 SR-433 Voinovich, George V. (OH) 43353 SH-317
Levin, Carl (MI) 46221 SR-269 Warner, John W. (VA) 42023 SR-225
Lieberman, Joseph I. (CT) 44041 SH-706 Wellstone, Paul (MN) 45641 SH-136
Lincoln, Blanche L. (AR) 44843 SD-355 Wyden, Ron (OR) 45244 SH-516
Lott, Trent (MS) 46253 SR-487
107th CONGRESS
Room numbers with 3 digits are in the Cannon House Office Building, 4 digits beginning
with 1 are in the Longworth House Office Building, 4 digits beginning with 2 are in the
Rayburn House Office Building. All zip codes are 20515.
Member Name Party District Capitol Phone Capitol Fax Room No.
Aanestad, Samuel M. Rep 3rd (916) 319-2003 (916) 319-2103 Room 4144
Alquist, Elaine Dem 22nd (916) 319-2022 (916) 319-2122 Room 3120
Aroner, Dion Dem 14th (916) 319-2014 (916) 319-2114 Room 2163
Ashburn, Roy Rep 32nd (916) 319-2032 (916) 319-2132 Room 4167
Bates, Patricia C. Rep 73rd (916) 319-2073 (916) 319-2173 Room 6031
Bogh, Russ Rep 65th (916) 319-2065 (916) 319-2165 Room 2002
Briggs, Mike Rep 29th (916) 319-2029 (916) 319-2129 Room 2130
Calderon, Thomas M. Dem 58th (916) 319-2058 (916) 319-2158 Room 2013
Campbell, John Rep 70th (916) 319-2070 (916) 319-2170 Room 2174
Campbell, Bill Rep 71st (916) 319-2071 (916) 319-2171 Room 2158
Canciamilla, Joseph Dem 11th (916) 319-2011 (916) 319-2111 Room 6011
Cardenas, Tony Dem 39th (916) 319-2039 (916) 319-2139 Room 6026
Cardoza, Dennis Dem 26th (916) 319-2026 (916) 319-2126 Room 3160
Cedillo, Gil Dem 46th (916) 319-2046 (916) 319-2146 Room 5016
Chan, Wilma Dem 16th (916) 319-2016 (916) 319-2116 Room 4098
Chavez, Edward Dem 57th (916) 319-2057 (916) 319-2157 Room 4130
Chu, Judy Dem 49th (916) 319-2049 (916) 319-2149 Room 5126
Cogdill, Dave Rep 25th (916) 319-2025 (916) 319-2125 Room 4208
Cohn, Rebecca Dem 24th (916) 319-2024 (916) 319-2124 Room 2137
Corbett, Ellen M. Dem 18th (916) 319-2018 (916) 319-2118 Room 4126
Correa, Lou Dem 69th (916) 319-2069 (916) 319-2169 Room 6025
Cox, Dave Rep 5th (916) 319-2005 (916) 319-2105 Room 3104
Daucher, Lynn Rep 72nd (916) 319-2072 (916) 319-2172 Room 2111
Diaz, Manny Dem 23rd (916) 319-2023 (916) 319-2123 Room 2170
Dickerson, Richard L. Rep 2nd (916) 319-2002 (916) 319-2102 Room 5160
Dutra, John A. Dem 20th (916) 319-2020 (916) 319-2120 Room 3091
Firebaugh, Marco Antonio Dem 50th (916) 319-2050 (916) 319-2150 Room 2003
Florez, Dean Dem 30th (916) 319-2030 (916) 319-2130 Room 2141
Frommer, Dario Dem 43rd (916) 319-2043 (916) 319-2143 Room 2160
Goldberg, Jackie Dem 45th (916) 319-2045 (916) 319-2145 Room 5155
Harman, Tom Rep 67th (916) 319-2067 (916) 319-2167 Room 5158
Havice, Sally Dem 56th (916) 319-2056 (916) 319-2156 Room 5150
Hertzberg, Robert M. Dem 40th (916) 319-2040 (916) 319-2140 Room 219
Hollingsworth, Dennis Rep 66th (916) 319-2066 (916) 319-2166 Room 3098
Horton, Jerome Dem 51st (916) 319-2051 (916) 319-2151 Room 2179
Member Name Party District Capitol Phone Capitol Fax Room No.
Jackson, Hannah-Beth Dem 35th (916) 319-2035 (916) 319-2135 Room 4140
Keeley, Fred Dem 27th (916) 319-2027 (916) 319-2127 Room 3152
Kehoe, Christine Dem 76th (916) 319-2076 (916) 319-2176 Room 4112
Kelley, Dave Rep 80th (916) 319-2080 (916) 319-2180 Room 4162
Koretz, Paul Dem 42nd (916) 319-2042 (916) 319-2142 Room 2176
La Suer, Jay Rep 77th (916) 319-2077 (916) 319-2177 Room 2016
Leach, Lynne C. Rep 15th (916) 319-2015 (916) 319-2115 Room 3132
Leonard, Bill Rep 63rd (916) 319-2063 (916) 319-2163 Room 4117
Leslie, Tim Rep 4th (916) 319-2004 (916) 319-2104 Room 4164
Liu, Carol Dem 44th (916) 319-2044 (916) 319-2144 Room 4139
Longville, John Dem 62nd (916) 319-2062 (916) 319-2162 Room 3123
Lowenthal, Alan Dem 54th (916) 319-2054 (916) 319-2154 Room 4146
Maddox, Ken Rep 68th (916) 319-2068 (916) 319-2168 Room 4153
Maldonado, Abel Rep 33rd (916) 319-2033 (916) 319-2133 Room 4015
Matthews, Barbara S. Dem 17th (916) 319-2017 (916) 319-2117 Room 5135
Migden, Carole Dem 13th (916) 319-2013 (916) 319-2113 Room 2114
Mountjoy, Dennis Rep 59th (916) 319-2059 (916) 319-2159 Room 3141
Nakano, George Dem 53rd (916) 319-2053 (916) 319-2153 Room 2148
Nation, Joseph Dem 6th (916) 319-2006 (916) 319-2106 Room 3126
Negrete McLeod, Gloria Dem 61st (916) 319-2061 (916) 319-2161 Room 5175
Oropeza, Jenny Dem 55th (916) 319-2055 (916) 319-2155 Room 2196
Pacheco, Rod Rep 64th (916) 319-2064 (916) 319-2164 Room 4116
Pacheco, Robert Rep 60th (916) 319-2060 (916) 319-2160 Room 4177
Papan, Louis J. Dem 19th (916) 319-2019 (916) 319-2119 Room 3173
Pavley, Fran Dem 41st (916) 319-2041 (916) 319-2141 Room 5144
Pescetti, Anthony Rep 10th (916) 319-2010 (916) 319-2110 Room 4158
Reyes, Sarah L. Dem 31st (916) 319-2031 (916) 319-2131 Room 2117
Richman, Keith Rep 38th (916) 319-2038 (916) 319-2138 Room 5128
Runner, George Rep 36th (916) 319-2036 (916) 319-2136 Room 6027
Salinas, Simon Dem 28th (916) 319-2028 (916) 319-2128 Room 2175
Shelley, Kevin Dem 12th (916) 319-2012 (916) 319-2112 Room 319
Simitian, S. Joseph Dem 21st (916) 319-2021 (916) 319-2121 Room 5119
Steinberg, Darrell Dem 9th (916) 319-2009 (916) 319-2109 Room 5136
Strickland, Tony Rep 37th (916) 319-2037 (916) 319-2137 Room 4009
Strom-Martin, Virginia Dem 1st (916) 319-2001 (916) 319-2101 Room 3146
Thomson, Helen Dem 8th (916) 319-2008 (916) 319-2108 Room 6005
Vargas, Juan Dem 79th (916) 319-2079 (916) 319-2179 Room 2188
Washington, Carl Dem 52nd (916) 319-2052 (916) 319-2152 Room 2136
Wayne, Howard Dem 78th (916) 319-2078 (916) 319-2178 Room 4005
Wesson, Herb Dem 47th (916) 319-2047 (916) 319-2147 Room 3013
Wiggins, Patricia Dem 7th (916) 319-2007 (916) 319-2107 Room 4016
Wright, Roderick Dem 48th (916) 319-2048 (916) 319-2148 Room 6012
Wyland, Mark Rep 74th (916) 319-2074 (916) 319-2174 Room 3147
Part I. Find Gross Income Eligibility
HH SIZE 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 +1
MAX
GROSS 931 1,258 1,585 1,913 2,240 2,567 2,894 3,221 +328
INCOME
= $____________(G)
Make sure that income guidelines and deduction amounts are valid. Maximum benefit
levels and income guidelines are updated each October and some deductions are updated
as well. Check FNS’ website to ensure current information:
http://www.fns.usda.gov/fsp/RecipElig.HTM
O. Total Shelter Costs (add lines M and N) = $____________(O)
U. Compare Monthly Net Income to Chart (If Monthly Net Income is higher than figure
on the Chart, household is ineligible)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 +1
HH SIZE
MAX NET 716 968 1,220 1,471 1,723 1,975 2,226 2,478 +252
INCOME ($)
X. Subtract Adjusted Food Stamp Income (W) from the figures in the chart below:
HH SIZE 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 +1
MAX FOOD 135 248 356 452 537 644 712 814 +102
STAMP
ALLOTMENT
Make sure that income guidelines and deduction amounts are valid. Maximum benefit
levels and income guidelines are updated each October and some deductions are updated
as well. Check FNS’ website to ensure current information:
http://www.fns.usda.gov/fsp/RecipElig.HTM