KOREATOWN:

A CONTESTED
C O M M U N I T Y AT
A C R O S S R OA D S
Jared Sanchez
Mirabai Auer
Veronica Terriquez
Mi Young Kim

Prepared in collaboration with the Koreatown Immigrant

Workers Alliance (KIWA)

April 2012

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The authors would like to thank the many people and institutions that made this project possible. We would
like to start by recognizing Danny Park and Eileen Ma for their foresight in conceiving, initiating, and planning
this report. Anticipating the 20th anniversary of Sa-I-Gu and realizing how slow academics can work, they
approached the USC team about conducting this analysis with more than a years advance notice. Since then
and with Alexandra Suh stepping in as Executive Director, it has been a truly collaborative process: analyzing
the data, finding the story amidst all the tables and graphs, and grounding it in the everyday lives of
Koreatown residents and workers.
PERE would like to thank Meagan Chin and Jacqueline Agnello for their work on the report design and layout,
Patrick Miller for the photography of Koreatown for the cover, and Vanessa Carter and Jennifer Ito for
providing editing and writing support. Finally, PERE would like to recognize those foundations that have
provided invaluable financial support to make this project possible: the James Irvine Foundation, the Ford
Foundation, and Atlantic Philanthropies.
KIWA thanks its members and allies for the work they do each day to make our city more livable and
beautiful. KIWAs work is supported by Asian Americans/Pacific Islanders in Philanthropy-National Gender
and Equity Campaign, Asian Pacific Community Fund, Ben & Jerrys Foundation, the California Community
Foundation, the California Consumer Protection Foundation, Edison International, the Liberty Hill Foundation,
the Los Angeles Housing Department, the Lucy and Isadore B. Adelman Foundation, the Needmor Fund, the
Peace Development Fund, the Presbyterian Hunger Program-PCUSA, the Unitarian Universalist Veatch
Program at Shelter Rock, the Weingart Foundation, and hundreds of organizations and individuals.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
CONTENTS

Introduction

Whose Koreatown Is It?

Restructuring: Shifting Economic Conditions

10

Reinvestment: Conflicting Investment Priorities

15

Resurgence: Rising Social Movements

19

Conclusion: Looking Towards a Koreatown for All

22

References

INTRODUCTION
April 29, 2012 marks 20 years since the Los
Angeles civil unrest an event that fundamentally
changed how Koreatown was seen by itself, the
region, and the nation. That day a jury delivered a
not guilty verdict in the trial of the four police
officers caught on videotape delivering a violent
beating to unarmed African-American motorist
Rodney King. The verdict was the match that set
fire to neighborhoods in central Los Angeles that
had been systematically neglected for decades, and
so began a civil unrest that propelled Los Angeles
into the national spotlight. Over six days of violence
on the streets, 53 people died, 2,000 were injured,
1,100 buildings were destroyed, and businesses big
and small were looted (Baldassare, 1994). Ordinary
workers, business owners, and residents were left
devastated by the events that unfolded, not only
because what they had worked so hard to build for
so many years had been erased in a matter of
days but also because their future had become
so uncertain. South Los Angeles and Koreatown
were among the hardest-hit communities.
At the time, the mainstream media focused on
racial tensions, predominantly between African
Americans and Korean Americans. Images of
armed Korean shop owners guarding their stores
from the rooftops circulated and recirculated, as
did portrayals of anger in the African-American
community over the light sentencing of a KoreanAmerican shop owner who shot black teenager
Latasha Harlins. Meanwhile, the plight of the
Latino community was under-reported. Less
publicized was the frustration and despair felt
among all groups over ongoing poverty and lack
of opportunities resulting from the less camera
ready forces of economic restructuring,
government deregulation, and labor market
discrimination (Light and Bonacich, 1988).

A Contested Community at a Crossroads

But in the aftermath of the crisis, a number of

community-based organizations kept focused on
the root causes of the unrest and have spent the
last 20 years building one of the most vibrant and
dynamic multi-racial movements for social and
economic justice in the U.S. The organizations that
were either founded in response to or dramatically
influenced by the 1992 unrest include: Community
Coalition (CoCo), the Coalition for Humane
Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles (CHIRLA), Strategic
Concepts in Organizing and Policy Education
(SCOPE, originally founded as AGENDA), the Labor/
Community Strategy Center, the Los Angeles
Alliance for a New Economy (LAANE), and
Koreatown Immigrant Workers Alliance (KIWA).1
Through building strong grassroots leadership,
developing innovative policy solutions, and often
working in collaboration with each other, they have

KIWA and supporters revived the tradition of the May Day march in the
context of KIWAs campaign against labor abuses at Elephant Snack
restaurant, marching from Ardmore Park along Olympic and up Western
to 9th on May Day 2000. KIWA, together with CHIRLA and Pilipino Workers
Center,1formed
theonMultiethnic
Immigrant
Worker
Organizing
Network
For more
social movement
organizing
after the
1992 unrest,
see which
Pastor and
(2012)
Rising: The
1992was
Civil later
Unrest,
(MIWON),
thenPrichard
took May
DayL.A.
citywide.
MIWON
joined by
the Arc of
Social Center
Justice Organizing,
and the
Lessons
for become
Todays an
the Garment
Worker
and IDEPSCA.
May
Day has
Movement Building. Los Angeles, CA: USC Program for Environmental
enduring
Los Angeles tradition.
and Regional Equity (PERE).

won important battles to improve the quality of life

for everyday residents: establishing a city-wide
living-wage ordinance, holding new residential,
commercial and transit developments accountable
to their neighborhoods, and ensuring schools offer
equal education to residents across the region.
This report is itself the result of collaboration
between the USC Program for Environmental and
Regional Equity (PERE) and Koreatown Immigrant
Workers Alliance (KIWA), formerly Korean Immigrant
Workers Advocates.2 Founded just months before
Sa-I-Gu, the Korean term for the 1992 unrest
which translates as April 29, KIWA is celebrating a
20-year history of multiethnic organizing and
collaborative campaigns. KIWAs efforts have
sought to improve neighborhood conditions and
elevate the voice and influence of low-wage,
predominantly Korean and Latino immigrant
residents and workers. Its first victory was the
inclusion of displaced workers, both Korean and
Latino, in a community relief fund set up by
Koreatown business owners after the civil unrest.
Since its inception, it has focused on the impacts of
widening inequality and shifting demographics
making its work especially relevant for rapidly
changing neighborhoods across the country. How
do organizations advance social justice and equity
in the context of rapidly shifting conditions, such as
immigration and displacement, cycles of economic
growth and recession, income polarization, and
transformations of the landscape?
The report begins with a brief overview of
Koreatown that highlights its location at the nexus
of demographic, economic, and social changes in
the region. In the next section, titled
Restructuring, we point to economic restructuring
as a major contributor to the employment and

earnings inequalities experienced by many

Koreatown residents. In Reinvestment, we
discuss how both global and local investment has
increased the economic vitality of the
neighborhood, but has also left behind many
long-term, lower-income residents. And in
Resurgence, we focus on the efforts of everyday
residents and workers to address the often
unintended negative impacts (there are also
positive impacts) of restructuring and reinvestment
so as to improve conditions not only for themselves,
but for their broader community.
The story that emerges is one of challenge, change,
and possibility. In the face of challenge and change,
Koreatown has enduring poverty in the shadows of
wealth and the threat of widespread gentrification.
Long-time residents face everyday challenges
rooted in both broader global economic forces, as
well as local policies that fail to meet their needs.
Rising housing costs (from reinvestment and
redevelopment) along with the growth of low-wage,
service sector jobs (from the changing economy)
are straining long-time, often immigrant, Korean
and Latino residents.
But the neighborhood also has a roadmap for how
to forge a better future. Research suggests that
equitable and inclusive development is not only a
morally conscionable pathway, but also the
economically sustainable one (PolicyLink and PERE,
2011). KIWA has been leading in this direction for
the past 20 years. It and other regional grassroots
organizations have developed partnerships and
tools to enable equity-driven growth. As KIWA
continues to move forward, its job will be to adapt
to todays conditions as well as to be the voice that
calls others in Koreatown and Los Angeles in the
direction of equitable and sustainable growth.

This report builds on three of KIWAs previous studies of

Koreatown that have sought to bring to light the everyday struggles
of its least-visible residents and workers: Koreatown on the Edge:
Immigrant Dreams and Realities in One of Los Angeles Poorest
Communities (KIWA and Park, 2005); Towards a Community Agenda:
A Survey of Workers and Residents in Koreatown, Los Angeles (KIWA
and DataCenter, 2007); and Reclaiming Koreatown: A Prescription
for the Current and Future Needs of Koreatown Residents (KIWA and
DataCenter, 2009). Based on both public data from the U.S. Census
Bureau and data collected through surveys and interviews, each
study has echoed the same message: good jobs, quality health care,
and affordable housing are three pillars upon which to build an
equitable and sustainable Koreatown.
2

Koreatown:

WHOSE KOREATOWN IS IT?

Since the early 1970s, Koreatown has been defined
as the neighborhood just west of downtown Los
Angeles, although its boundaries have shifted over
time. Today, Koreatown is just west of the PicoUnion and Westlake neighborhoods. For the
purposes of our analysis, it is bounded by Wilton
Place to the west, Beverly Boulevard to the north,
Hoover Street to the east, and Pico Boulevard to the
south.3 With a population of 116,935, it is one of
the densest neighborhoods in Los Angeles at just
under 35,000 people per square mile.4
Koreatown is a multiracial, multiclass community in
transition. Once considered a new immigrant
gateway, Koreatown has become a neighborhood
where many families, including immigrants, have
lived for decades. Today, it is also a sought-after,
globally-connected neighborhood for upwardly
mobile professionals as well as Korean emptynesters many of whom are now on small fixed
incomes, but are returning to the community that
they left decades earlier in pursuit of better schools
and safer streets.
In this section, we focus on the demographics of
Koreatown residents. To provide an understanding
of Koreatown within a regional context, we compare
the neighborhood demographics to those of Los
Angeles County. To get at these neighborhood-level

The authors recognize that the boundaries of Koreatown have

been in flux since its origins and will continue to change. At present,
KIWA considers Koreatown, at a minimum, as defined above;
however, the western boundary extends as far as Crenshaw Blvd.
For the analysis that follows, we chose the census geographies
which best aligned with Koreatowns boundaries (for more
information on the data used see the footnote five).
4
PERE analysis of 2008-2010 IPUMS American Community
Survey (ACS) data.
3

A Contested Community at a Crossroads

demographics, we used a variety of government

and other publicly-available databases.5
To begin, Koreatown is very diverse. Koreans are
the single largest national origin group within
Koreatown, at 22 percent of the population.
However, while Koreatown has by far the largest
concentration of Koreans in the region, they are a
racial/ethnic minority; Latinos, with origins in
Mexico, El Salvador, Guatemala, other Latin
American nations constitute 58 percent of the
population. The remaining 20 percent is made up
of non-Hispanic whites, African Americans, nonKorean Asian and Pacific Islanders, and others.6 A
side-by-side comparison (see Figure 1) of the racial
and ethnic distribution of both Koreatown and the
County underscores Koreatowns relatively high
share of Koreans and Latinos. While the share of
Most of the data analysis draws from the Integrated Public Use
Microdata (IPUMS) 2000 Decennial Census and 2008-2010
American Community Survey (ACS) data. We use pooled samples
because the neighborhood is relatively small, and we need larger
sample sizes to have confidence in the results. There are two main
reasons why we use these IPUMS datasets. First, the IPUMS
microdata allows us to get a more nuanced look at the
neighborhood. Microdata are the individual or household responses
to the ACS surveys that allow users to create custom tables that are
not available through other pre-tabulated ACS products. For example,
it permits us to analyze the Korean population within the
neighborhood. Second, the 5-percent Public Use Microdata Areas
(PUMAs) are the smallest geography at which the microdata can be
analyzed. In our analysis, a single PUMA (PUMA 5414) is used to
represent the boundaries of Koreatown. This geographic definition
has been applied in other research; Kim (2011) was the first
researcher we are aware of who approximated Los Angeles
Koreatown with a PUMA-based approach. Public use microdata
sample data is most appropriate for studying neighborhoods in
dense areas where the PUMA is relatively small: for example, PUMS
data has been used to study Manhattans Chinatown in New York
City by Zhou and Logan (1991). The Koreatown boundary definition
given by PUMA 5414 is also generally consistent with those identified
by community groups. The major limitation to using these recent
datasets at PUMA level is that we were only able to go as far back as
2000 in our analysis because of changes in the definition of PUMA
geographies between 1990 and 2000. For this shortcoming, we turn
to a more general census tract analysis using different data sources.
These sources include the 1990 and 2000 Decennial Census
summary files and a pooled 5-year 2005-2009 ACS summary file.
6
Other refers to non-Latinos who identified as Native American,
multiracial, or of an other race.
5

Figure 1: Population by Race/Ethnicity

2008-2010
100%

2%
4%

2%
8%

6%

Percent of population

80%

9%
31%
22%

Other

60%

African-American or Black
13%

White

2%

Other Asian/Pacific Islander

40%

Korean
Latino

58%
45%

20%

0%

Koreatown

Los Angeles County

Source: PERE analysis of 2008-2010 IPUMS ACS data.

the Korean population in the County stayed

constant during the past decade at about two
percent, in Koreatown, the share increased from 19
percent to 22 percent.7
Koreatown is largely an immigrant community: two
out of every three residents (65 percent) were born
abroad (a slight decline from 1990 when 69
percent of residents were foreign-born). Latino
immigrants make up 38 percent of the overall
population, while Korean immigrants comprise 18
percent.8 Korean immigrants have played a role in
Los Angeles since at least the early 20th century,
but the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act and
the International Monetary Fund-mandated
liberalization of the South Korean economy during
the 1990s, catalyzed immigration as many came to
the U.S. looking for greater economic opportunities
(KIWA, 2005; Lee and Park, 2007). Today, Koreans
represent 28 percent of all immigrants in
Koreatown (see Figure 2). Central American
immigrants, mostly from El Salvador and
Guatemala make up nearly 30 percent of the
immigrant population. Immigrants from El Salvador
PERE analysis of 2000 IPUMS Decennial Census and 20082010 IPUMS ACS.
8
PERE analysis of 2008-2010 IPUMS ACS data.

and Guatemala began arriving in significant

numbers in the 1980s as they fled wars in their
home countries. More recent Central American
immigrants have arrived in search of economic
opportunity and to reunite with family members.9
Finally, Mexicans, who have a long history in Los
Angeles and make up a significant proportion of the
population, comprise 27 percent of the immigrant
population in Koreatown.
In short, this is a diverse neighborhood with global
ties. With the largest concentration of Koreans
outside Korea (Navarro, 2004), it is the cultural and
economic heart of the regions Korean community.
Park and Kim (2008) call it an ethnic nexus not
an ethnic enclave because Koreans comprise
less than a quarter of the population yet figure
centrally in the culture and economy. Indeed,
Koreatown draws Koreans from across the region to
connect socially and culturally as well as
economically. Businesses and social networks tie
the neighborhood to Korea, and international firms
connect to global suppliers and markets.

See Hamilton & Chinchillla (2001).

Koreatown:

Figure 2: Immigrants by Country of Origin

Koreatown, 2008-2010
Other, 13%
Korea, 28%
Philippines, 6%

Guatemala, 12%

El Salvador, 13%
Mexico, 27%

Source: PERE analysis of 2008-2010 IPUMS ACS data.

Yet Koreatown residents are mostly Latino.

Although they are on average poorer than Koreans,
Latinos share much in common with the workingclass Korean residents.10 Both groups share
immigrant narratives and often are side-by-side in
the workplace. Residents lives intersect on many
levels in explicit and implicit ways.
Importantly, todays Koreatown immigrant
community is more established and rooted than it
was 20 years ago. In 1990, 74 percent of
immigrants in Koreatown had been in the country
for less than 10 years, but recently that figure has
dropped to 34 percent; two-thirds of Koreatown
immigrants have been in the country for 10 or more
years. Koreatown, like many neighborhoods across
the region that were once immigrant gateways, has
transitioned into becoming a stable community with
more long-term immigrant residents and a growing
second generation population. But, long-term does
not necessarily mean better-integrated. For
example, despite the decline in recent immigrants,
the percent of linguistically isolated households
households in which all members 14 years old
and over have at least some difficulty with English

has risen from 41 percent in 1990 to 49 percent

in 2005-2009.11
As we expand upon below, Koreatown has clear
opportunities around recent development, a stable
niche market around Korean commerce and
culture, and a central location but also real
challenges around economic well-being that are
markedly different by race and ethnicity. In a place
where the largest constituency is low-income
Latinos, but business is largely driven by Koreans
and others from across the region and across the
globe12 whose voice carries the greatest weight?
And is there a way to make sure that all are heard
and benefit? These questions are part of an
ongoing and very relevant debate around cities
responses to changing demographics and
economic restructuring. We now turn to examine
how shifting economic conditions are reshaping
Koreatown.

PERE analysis of 1990 Decennial Census and 2005-2009 ACS

data.
12
See Park & Kim (2008).
11

10

PERE analysis of 2008-2010 IPUMS ACS data.

A Contested Community at a Crossroads

RESTRUCTURING:

Eluvia with her son Michael at a local mobilization

advocating for equitable urban development
policies.

Since the 1970s, the economy has shifted away

from manufacturing towards knowledge and service
jobs global trends with significant impacts on Los
Angeles. Stable, unionized, durable manufacturing
(i.e. auto manufacturing) has been on the decline
and has been partially replaced by non-durable
manufacturing (i.e. food packaging, clothing
production, etc.) and low-paying service sector jobs
(i.e. janitorial services, domestic services, etc.).
Meanwhile, there has been growth on the high end
of the service sector spectrum too, in knowledgebased jobs in engineering, financial services, and
technology, creating a high-low split in the labor
market (Autor, 2010).13 In addition, and not
discussed here, Kim (2012) has noted the
importance of the informal labor market and its
complexity in Koreatown. With this, the middle class
has shrunk and social inequality has been on the
rise (Scott, 2008). If left unchecked, the new

Shifting Economic Conditions

Eluvia Vail is a domestic worker and resident of

Koreatown. Like many other neighborhood residents,
she has employment, but earns far below familysupporting wages. Recently shes been offered cleaning
jobs at low-pay below the minimum wage which she
cannot even consider accepting, given the additional
childcare and transportation costs she would incur.
When asked how the current economic recession is
affecting her, she says A lot, because employers dont
want to pay youtheyre offering 40 dollars for eight
hours of work, five days a week because of the economy.
Before, we got paid more. Now employers dont want
to pay. Theyre lowering the cost of labor.were
practically working for free. Vail is actively involved in
KIWAs campaigns for a Koreatown park and affordable
housing.

economy will thrive on and further reinforce this

polarization.
Economic restructuring has reshaped Koreatown.
Residents are disproportionately employed in
low-wage occupations and industries. Mirroring
citywide trends, fewer workers are employed in the
manufacturing industry 16 percent in 1990
versus 10 percent now. Taking the place of these
industries are other services which includes
personal, protective, and recreation service jobs
(i.e. beauty and nail salon technicians, domestic
workers, and gardeners). Figure 3 shows that a
larger share of Koreatowns residents were
employed in service sector jobs than the County, in
1990 27 percent versus 20 percent, respectively
and also that the service sector has risen more
rapidly since 1990.14
Workers in these service sector jobs typically
receive lower wages than those in manufacturing.

This new economy draws from digital technologies in production

and communication such as high-technology manufacturing,
business and financial services, health care, consumer services, and
fashion-oriented production, and other cultural industries (Storper
and Scott, 2009).
13

PERE analysis of 2008-2010 IPUMS ACS data. Unless otherwise

noted, the workforce includes all those in the civilian labor force,
ages 16 and older.
14

Koreatown:

Figure 3: Residents' Employment by Industry*

1990 and 2005-2009
100%

Percent of employed workers

80%
52%

57%

59%

61%
All Other Industries

60%

Services (Personal, Protective,

Recreation)
Manufacturing
40%
27%

39%

20%
27%

20%
20%

16%

12%

10%

0%
1990

2005-09
Koreatown

1990

2005-09

Los Angeles County

*Includes all employed civilian workers ages 16 and up.
Source: PERE analysis of 1990 Decennial Census and 2005-2009 IPUMS ACS data.

For example, among employed Koreatown workers,

the median wage and salary income of those in
personal care and maintenance occupations is
$7,928 annually, as compared to $14,000 in
manufacturing-related production occupations. In
contrast, the median incomes in management
($33,000) and professional services ($30,000)
occupations are considerably higher than both
lower-wage service and middle-wage manufacturing
occupations.15
Not surprisingly, there are also differences by race/
ethnicity. Latinos in Koreatown most often work in
food preparation and serving (17 percent), grounds
and building maintenance (15 percent),
construction (11 percent) and production (10
percent) occupations. In contrast, Koreans most
often work in sales (23 percent), professional (15
PERE analysis of 2008-2010 IPUMS ACS data. Wage and salary
income includes each individuals total pre-tax wages and salary
income (that is, money received as an employee) for the previous
year. Sources of income include wage and salary, commission, cash
bonus, tip, and other money income received from an employer, but
exclude other personal sources of income, such as those earned
from investments, personal business activities, and public benefits
or aid. Note: All income data has been adjusted for inflation.
15

A Contested Community at a Crossroads

percent) and management (13 percent)

occupations. However, like Latinos, many Koreans
work in the food service occupations (13 percent).16
Indeed, many low-wage Korean and Latino workers
in this community have campaigned together for
better wages and working conditions in the
restaurant industry (Narro, 2009).
One major outcome tied to these labor market
changes has been a change in the economic
make-up of the community. In Koreatown, poverty is
widespread and rates are higher than the region.
Nearly half the population (46 percent) lives below
150 percent of the Federal Poverty Line we
choose 150 percent of the poverty line because of
the relatively higher cost of living in Los Angeles,
and we find that it more accurately accounts for
those struggling economically. However, as Figure 4
shows, poverty is being felt less sharply now than in
2000, although Latinos did not experience this
relief as much as other racial/ethnic groups.
Another measure, median household income, also
reflects this pattern. Income amongst Koreatowns
16

PERE analysis of 2008-2010 IPUMS ACS data.

Figure 4: Percent of Population Below 150 Percent Federal Poverty Line (FPL)*
Koreatown, 2000 and 2008-2010
80%
2000

2008-2010

64%
58%

Percent of population

60%

41%

39%

40%
29%

28%

20%

0%
All Others

Koreans

Latinos

*Includes all persons whose family income is below 150 percent of the FPL.
Source: PERE analysis of 2000 IPUMS Decennial Census and 2008-2010 IPUMS ACS data.

Figure 5: Working Poverty Rate

2000 and 2008-2010
20%

Percent of working age population

17%
15%

11%
10%

6%

6%
5%

0%
2000

2008-2010
Koreatown

2000

2008-2010
Los Angeles County

Source: PERE analysis of 2000 IPUMS Decennial Census and 2008-2010 IPUMS ACS data.

Koreatown:

Latino households remained low and stagnant

during the past decade, rising from $26,177 to only
$28,459 between 2000 and 2008-2010. Koreans
and other non-Latinos saw greater income gains
during the past decade, yet their median household
income hovers just above $36,000, and suggests
that many of these families are above, yet very close
to, the federal poverty line (depending on household
size).17 The decrease in poverty can be attributed to
multiple factors, including 1) an influx of wealthier
residents and out migration of the very poor (as we
will describe below), 2) a growing number of wellsettled and perhaps more economically stable
immigrants, and 3) an increase in jobs stemming
from growth of the service sector.
Although poverty may be on the decline, many are
still struggling to get by. As Figure 5 shows, the
percent of working poor is on the rise.18 Between
2000 and 2008-2010, the percent of working poor
increased from 11 to 17 percent in Koreatown the
latter rate is nearly triple that of Los Angeles County.
Koreatown is one of the sites where some of the
central fractures in our regional economy are felt
most deeply. Over a quarter of working-age Latinos
are experiencing working poverty, as compared to
only 5 percent of Koreans.19 The high rates of
working poverty are likely tied to the concentration of
low-wage jobs in Koreatown. Given this, the
neighborhoods economy is heavily reliant on the
working poor. Another indicator of the lack of good
jobs is the lack of access to adequate health care.
Nearly 40 percent of employed workers between the
ages of 25 and 64 in Koreatown are without health
insurance, as compared to 25 percent in the County,
leaving many low-income residents with limited
access to health services.20
PERE analysis of 2008-2010 IPUMS ACS data.
The working poor are defined as those who are of working age
(25-64 years), worked full-time, and whose family income was less
than 150 percent of the federal poverty level. Note: A change in the
weeks worked question in the 2008 ACS as compared to prior years
of the ACS and the long form of the Decennial Census caused a
dramatic rise in the share of respondents indicating they worked at
least 50 weeks during the year prior to the survey. To avoid overstating
the increase in the share of full-time workers over time, we define
full-time work differently in 2008 and later than in earlier years. In
2008 and later, full-time workers include those who report working 35
hours per week and at least 50 weeks during the year prior to the
survey, while in 2007 and earlier they include those who report
working 35 hours per week and at least 45 weeks. For more
information, see http://www.census.gov/acs/www/Downloads/
methodology/content_test/P6b_Weeks_Worked_Final_Report.pdf.
19
PERE analysis of 2008-2010 IPUMS ACS data.
20
PERE analysis of 2008-2010 IPUMS ACS data.
17

18

A Contested Community at a Crossroads

As the economy has restructured and workers find

themselves patching together income from multiple
low-wage jobs,21 they are also facing a neighborhood
that is increasingly expensive. This trend is not unique
to Koreatown. The loss of stable manufacturing
employment and growth in low-wage service
employment has disproportionately affected
communities of color in Los Angeles, further
exacerbating inequality. In the years leading up to the
1992 civil unrest, systematic disinvestment on the
part of the federal government in the nations urban
cores, the global restructuring of manufacturing and
the attendant loss of unionized jobs led to decreasing
opportunities for many central Los Angeles residents
who, for the vast majority, are people of color.22 Since
the early 1990s, economic restructuring has picked up
speed and continues to reshape the local economy of
global cities, increasing economic and social inequality
(Scott, 2008). In this context, reinvestment in
Koreatown has boosted the local economy, sometimes
at the expense of local residents and low-wage
workers. This reinvestment has increased imbalances
in Koreatown prompting us to ask: What is the purpose
and who are the intended beneficiaries of the
reinvestment?
During the past 40 years, global capital flows and
investment have shaped real estate and service
economy development in Koreatown. Korean American
immigrants began to step in as major property owners
in Koreatown during the 1970s and did so largely
without financing from American banks or non-Korean
entrepreneurs (Park and Kim, 2008). The Koreatown
Developers Association bought inexpensive real estate
around the Mid-Wilshire district and began a public
relations campaign, promoting Koreatown abroad in
Seoul. As large American corporations, like Union
Bank, Texaco, IBM and Getty Oil vacated the area,
Korean American businesses further established their
presence along Wilshire Boulevard and Sixth Street
(Park and Kim, 2008). This process was accompanied
by investment from South Korea, a related but distinct
economic force in the neighborhood.

KIWA, 2005.
For more on this, see Reading Rodney King: Reading Urban Uprising
(Gooding-Williams, 1993).
21

22

REINVESTMENT:

Conflicting Investment Priorities

Affordable housing has been lost through condominium

conversions, the rehabilitation of slum housing to luxury
apartments, and the demolition of low-income homes
for non-residential uses. In 2008, several Koreatown
tenants living in apartments owned by Oriental Mission
Church approached KIWA for tenants rights assistance.
The residents were frustrated by the churchs plans to
demolish their apartments, not wishing to leave their
homes and knowing that relocation monies would not last
long. The church had purchased four buildings, totaling
over forty units of rent-controlled apartments, which
they planned to demolish to pave the way for parking
lots. Most residents did not wish to move; some had
lived in their homes for more than 30 years. Long-term
tenants had been paying rents significantly below market
A worker removes the belongings of an elderly tenant
rate, and had been able to remain in the neighborhood
being evicted from a rent-controlled apartment building
as a wave of gentrification rolled in; moving to another
slated to be demolished.
location within Koreatown could mean a doubling of their
rent. In the end, despite local opposition, nearly all of the
tenants relocated, many to outside the neighborhood,
and the demolition proceeded. Later, for unrelated reasons, an internal split in the church led large numbers of the
congregation to move to another church many blocks south. No longer in need of additional parking, the lots now
stand empty. But the loss of these affordable units resulting from the teardown is permanent. In Los Angeles, rent
control only applies to apartments built before 1978. The demolition of older buildings, like the ones in this case,
does not require the development of an equal number of affordable units, and represents a permanent net loss of
rent-controlled homes in the neighborhood and Los Angeles.

During the 1990s, investment continued as the

Korean economy changed. The 1992 civil unrest
created an opportunity for investors as many small
businesses in Koreatown had been looted and
burned and property prices dropped. More wealthy
Korean and Korean American developers bought up
many of the properties (Park, 2008). Following the
International Monetary Fund-mandated
liberalization of the South Korean economy in the
late 1990s, an increasing number of newly-wealthy
South Koreans, concerned about economic
instability and populism in their native country,
invested in California businesses and real estate
(Park and Kim, 2008).
The resulting picture is one of multiple land-uses.
Figures 6 and 7 show a vivid image of this diversity.

10

From single to multifamily residential, low to highrise office, and both older and newer retail uses,
Koreatowns mix of homes, shops, and commercial
spaces changes block-by-block. However, notably
absent are parks and green space. With a goal of
further encouraging mixed-use development, the
Community Redevelopment Agency of Los Angeles
(CRA/LA) and the Los Angeles County Metropolitan
Transit Agency (Metro) invested in two notable
transit-oriented development (TOD) projects on
Wilshire at Western and at Vermont (CRA/LA,
2012). TOD are the intentional planning of
residential units next to public transportation routes
so that residents are less reliant on automobile
use. Given that major public transportation routes
run through Koreatown, the allure of local TODs has
risen among city officials and potential residents.

Koreatown:

Industrial/warehousing/utilities
Mixed commercial and industrial
Office - low/mid-rise
Office - high-rise

0.5 Miles

The proportion of new immigrant households

moving to Koreatown has declined recently,
indicating that the community is becoming less of
an immigrant gateway than it has been in the past.
Figure 9 shows the percent of immigrant and
non-immigrant households who recently moved into
Koreatown.24 In 2008-2010, 42 percent of non The year moved in variable measures all relocation activity,
both inter- and intra-neighborhood, accounting for households who
moved into Koreatown from another neighborhood, as well as those
who moved within Koreatown.
24
Household nativity status is determined by the nativity of the
head of house.
23

A Contested Community at a Crossroads

S Virgil Ave

Shatto Pl

Residential - single/low-rise
Residential - mid-rise/condos

Residential - high-rise
Parks/open space/recreation

Residential - multifamily/mixed

Other use

SD
SV
illo
en
nS
do
me
t
St
St

NH
oo
Ro
ve
bin
rS
t
so
nS
t

S Westmoreland Ave

SC

S Hoover St
St

SL
ak

eS

Arapahoe St

Elden Ave

Menlo Ave

en
o
SR
am
SC
pa
aro
oro
rt B
nd
na
lvd
ele
do
tS
St
t

Wilshire Pl

S New Hampshire Ave

Dewey Ave

W 12th St

va
rad
o

W 12th Pl

Magnolia Ave

rmandie Ave

Mid City

Fedora St

W Olympic Blvd

W Pico Blvd

S Vermont Ave

S Alexandria Ave

S Catalina St

Sunset Pl

Irolo St

S Kingsley Dr

S Harvard Blvd

W 11th St

West la ke

Leeward Ave
Francis Ave

San Marino St

SR

N Virgil Ave
S Commonwealth Ave

N Westmoreland Ave

S Madison Ave

N Vermont Ave

Bimini Pl

N Catalina St

S Kenmore Ave

S Berendo St

N Kenmore Ave

N Mariposa Ave

N Edgemont St

N Alexandria Ave

N Normandie Ave

N Kingsley Dr

S Ardmore Ave

N Ardmore Ave

N Hobart Blvd

N Oxford Ave

N Harvard Blvd

S Hobart Blvd

S Serrano Ave

S Manhattan Pl

S Gramercy Pl

S St Andrews Pl

Gramercy Dr

S Western Ave
Ave
Arlin
gton

W 7th St

W 9th St

Harrington Ave

Source: 2005 Land use, SCAG

New housing developments appear to have led to

an increase in affluent households, and a decline in
low-income households. While the TOD at Vermont
and Wilshire led to some new affordable housing
units, redevelopment has largely attracted more
affluent new residents (SCAG, 2008). As Figure 8
shows, the proportion of high income households
earning over $90,000 has increased in the last
couple of years, while the proportion of new lowincome residents has decreased.23 These figures
suggest that some low-income residents are being
pushed out of the neighborhood.

S Mariposa Ave

S Wilton Pl

S Hoover St
t
eS
SL
ak

Arapahoe St

St
0.25

Connecticut St
Club Dr
Country

lva
rad
o
0.125

N Western Ave

N St Andrews Pl

N Manhattan Pl

N Gramercy Pl

N Ridgewood Pl

N Van Ness Ave

3rd Ave

Westchester Pl

SR
am
SC
pa
aro
oro
rt B
nd
na
lvd
ele
do
tS
St
t
SC

S Westmoreland Ave

Elden Ave

Menlo Ave
0

S Oxford Ave

Wilshire Pl

N Wilton Pl

N Norton Ave
S Norton Ave

S Van Ness Ave

Westminster Ave

NH
oo
Ro
ve
bin
rS
t
so
nS
t
SD
SV
illo
en
nS
do
me
t
St
St

en
o
SR

N Virgil Ave

N Westmoreland Ave

S Virgil Ave

Shatto Pl
S Vermont Ave

S New Hampshire Ave

S Catalina St
Dewey Ave

Fedora St

Retail - older strip

Retail - modern strip
Other

W 12th St

W 6th St

W 8th St

0th
S

Geneva St
Diana St

W 5th St

Wilshire Blvd

Monette Pl

SA

W 15th St W 14th St

W1

Magnolia Ave

W 12th
Pl Blvd
W Pico

Mid City

S Commonwealth Ave

S Berendo St

S Kenmore Ave

S Alexandria Ave

S Mariposa Ave

Irolo St

W 11th St
Harrington Ave

S Madison Ave

N Vermont Ave

Bimini Pl

N Catalina St

N Kenmore Ave

N Mariposa Ave

N Edgemont St

N Normandie Ave

N Alexandria Ave

N Kingsley Dr

N Ardmore Ave
S Ardmore Ave

S Kingsley Dr

S Harvard Blvd

San Marino St

W Olympic Blvd

Mid Wilshire
Ingraham St

Sunset Pl

Leeward Ave

W 1st St

Council St

Si lver Lake
Silver Lake Blvd

W 3rd St

West lake

Francis Ave

S Normandie Ave

Ave

Wilshire Blvd

W 7th St

W 9th St

Monette Pl

Club Dr
Country

W 6th St

W 8th St

Connecticut St

Arlin
gton

N Harvard Blvd

N Oxford Ave

N Hobart Blvd
S Hobart Blvd

S Serrano Ave

S Oxford Ave

S Western Ave
S St Andrews Pl

S Manhattan Pl

S Gramercy Pl

Gramercy Dr

Westchester Pl

3rd Ave

N Serrano Ave

N Western Ave

N St Andrews Pl

N Manhattan Pl

N Wilton Pl

N Gramercy Pl

N Van Ness Ave

N Ridgewood Pl

N Norton Ave
S Norton Ave

S Van Ness Ave

Westminster Ave

S Wilton Pl
0th
S

Geneva St
Diana St

W 2nd St

W 4th St

Beverly Blvd

N Madison Ave

Ingraham St

W 3rd St

W 5th St

Oakwood Ave

N Juanita Ave

Mi d Wilshire

Silver Lake Blvd

Dr
Wilton

Dr
Wilton
W 4th St

W1

Council St

Si lv er Lake
N Madison Ave

Beverly Blvd

W 1st St
W 2nd St

N Juanita Ave

Oakwood Ave

N Serrano Ave

Figure 7: Land Use in Koreatown

Residential and Green Space

Figure 6: Land Use in Koreatown

Industrial, Commercial and Retail

0.125

0.25

0.5 Miles

Source: 2005 Land Use, SCAG

immigrant households had moved in during the

past two years, as compared to only 27 percent of
all immigrant households. Similarly, the overall
number of non-immigrant households who recently
moved in grew substantially during the past
decade, from 2,473 to 4,011, and constitute a
growing share (30 percent) of all who moved in
recently.25
Due in part to the migration and investments of
newly-immigrated Koreans since the late 1990s
(Lee and Park, 2007), many apartments have been
demolished or converted to condominiums. As
Figure 10 shows, between 1997 and 2007 there
have been a total of 268 apartment demolitions in
Central Los Angeles, an area that includes
Koreatown. Meanwhile, as shown in Figure 11,
there has also been an increase in the number of
permits issued to convert apartments into
condominiums. Yet, these demolitions and condo
conversions have increased displacement or pricedout many existing Koreatown residents (KIWA,
2005).
25

PERE analysis of 2008-2010 IPUMS ACS data.

11

Figure 8: Year Moved In by Median Household Income*

Koreatown, 2000 and 2008-2010
100%

80%

Percent of households

55%
64%

68%

72%

60%

69%

70%

71%

73%

72%

74%

2 or more
years ago
This year or
last year

40%

20%

45%
36%
28%

32%

30%

31%

29%

27%

28%

26%

2000

2008-2010

2000

2008-2010

2000

2008-2010

2000

0%
2000

2008-2010

< $25,000

$25,000 - $39,999

$40,000 - $59,999

$60,000 - $89,999

2008-2010

>$90,000

*The 'year moved in' refers to the year the household moved into the unit in which they currently
reside. The measure captures all movement activity, both within and between neighborhoods.
Source: PERE analysis of 2000 IPUMS Decennial Census and 2008-2010 IPUMS ACS data.

Figure 9: Year Moved In by Foreign-Born Status*

2008-2010
100%

80%

Percent of households

58%
73%

60%

2 or more
years ago

79%

81%

This year or
last year

40%

20%

42%
27%

21%

19%

Non-Immigrant

Immigrant

0%
Non-Immigrant

Immigrant
Koreatown

Los Angeles County

*The 'year moved in' refers to the year the household moved into the unit in which they currently reside.
The measure captures all movement activity, both within and between neighborhoods.
Source: PERE analysis of 2000 IPUMS Decennial Census and 2008-2010 IPUMS ACS data.

12

Koreatown:

Figure 10: Permits Issued to Demolish Existing Apartment Buildings

by Area Planning Commission (APC) Region
Permit Issue
Year
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
All Years
%

North
Valley

South
Valley

West LA

Central LA*

East LA

South LA

Harbor

City of LA

3
0
3
18
11
9
19
35
20
65
56

6
16
15
42
28
24
44
47
50
75
76

16
8
15
13
15
16
13
22
51
52
47

26
23
34
1
2
12
1
3
3
15
8

15
2
10
14
9
6
4
6
1
9
5

1
1
0
2
0
1
69
0
0
20
1

69
51
79
90
65
68
150
113
128
238
193

10
1%

239
19%

423
34%

268
22%

128
10%

81
7%

95
8%

1,244
100%

2
1
2
0
0
0
0
0
3
2
0

*Includes Koreatown, as defined for this study.

LA Department of Building and Safety. 1997-2007. Building Permit Data from the Plan Check and Inspection System (PCIS). Based upon 1,244 permits to demolish
properties previously used as apartment buildings.
Source: Flaming, Burns, et al, 2009.

Figure 11: Permits Issued to Convert Existing Apartment Buildings to Condominium

by Area Planning Commission (APC) Region
Permit Issue
Year
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
All Years

North
Valley

South
Valley

West LA

Central LA*

East LA

South LA

Harbor

City of LA

0
2
2
7
1
14
5
15
30
37
63

5
9
13
7
15
22
8
16
25
33
68

1
0
2
0
0
4
4
17
15
31
48

0
0
0
1
0
0
1
0
1
3
4

0
2
0
0
0
5
1
0
0
3
7

0
4
0
0
0
0
0
0
39
5
3

6
24
17
15
16
45
21
51
114
129
206

46
7%

176
27%

221
34%

122
19%

10
2%

18
3%

51
8%

644
100%

0
7
0
0
0
0
2
3
4
17
13

*Includes Koreatown, as defined for this study.

LA Department of Building and Safety. 1997-2007. Building Permit Data from the Plan Check and Inspection System (PCIS).
Source: Flaming, Burns, et al., 2009.

The current housing stock is now generally

segmented into (1) the Latino-occupied,
inexpensive, old apartment buildings, (2) the
Korean-occupied refurbished apartment buildings,
(3) gentrified middle-class houses (Lee and Park,
2007). Also, increasingly found are larger, high-end
housing developments.
New housing development investment has been
accompanied by a surge in investment in related
amenities, from bars and restaurants to day spas
and shopping. Combined, these investments
further attract a new professional class seeking
high-density, high-amenity development. As Figure
A Contested Community at a Crossroads

12 depicts, Koreatown is an epicenter for leisure

and nightlife. Like other destination neighborhoods,
such as Hollywood, West Hollywood, and even the
Crenshaw district, it is densely filled with
restaurants and bars. Yet, the area is not immune
to the economic downturn; many luxury
condominium developments, like Solair at the
Wilshire/Vermont TOD, sit unlit and half-empty,
providing an image of the instability of deregulated
markets and the speculative development that
accompanies them (Ryan, 2011).
Employment data reflects this shift, as well. In
2009, about 12 percent of all employment in
13

Figure 12: Koreatown and Surrounding Neighborhoods, Amenities

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immigrants, but also

suburbanites (Lee and Park,
2008). This culture shift is also
easily viewed in the evening,
when streets are filled with the
foot traffic of upper middle
class club-goers (Zhou and
Cho, 2010).

Cypress Park

Hollywo od

Mi d City We st

Mi d Wils hire

Pico-R obertson

Mid City

I-10

We st Adams

Crenshaw

Jefferson Park

Leiment Park

I-1
10

Palms

South Los An geles

Hyde Park

Like long-term residents, new

residents and visitors are
attracted to Koreatowns
Echo Park
varied streetscape, central
location, and rich cultural
offerings. However, the influx of
these new groups has
Chinatown
reshaped Koreatowns local
We stlake
economy, in part, around a
New Downtown
new set of consumption
Downtown
activities, which are tied to
South Park
gentrification. As growth
ensues, city leaders may
Fashion District
pursue these amenities-driven
development strategies as an
unquestionable public policy,
Central City
and prioritize the voices of
new, more affluent residents.
However, many in the
neighborhood have realized
Southeast Los Angeles
that a consumption-driven
path is neither equitable nor
sustainable. As we have seen,
0 0.375 0.75
1.5 Miles
working poverty is on the rise,
suggesting that a
Source: 2010 ESRI/Info USA
consumption-based economy
is not adequately sustaining all
those caught working in it. As a result, some of the
working poor have organized to develop a strong
progressive voice to address the systemic problems
around them.
Silver Lake

Accommodation and Food Service Establishments

Koreatown was in the food and accommodations

sector, and employment growth in this sector
accounted for 20 percent of all growth between
2002 and 2009.26 Although the majority of
establishments are small, several large-scale
developments have also altered the character of
the neighborhood. The construction of large-scale
commercial and entertainment complexes such as
the Aroma Wilshire, an urban oasis of shopping,
dining, and fitness draws not only wealthy
Conversely, the IT sector, while small (6 percent of employment
in Koreatown) accounted for 22 percent of all growth, reflecting
higher-end service sector growth. PERE analysis of 2000 and 2009
Local Employment Dynamics data.
26

14

Koreatown:

RESURGENCE:

Rising Social Movements

C. Kim has worked in restaurants since 1992, beginning in Korean restaurants in New York City. She currently
works in a Koreatown restaurant. Though 20 years have gone by and she has moved across the country, some
things have not changed: in both cities, employers failed to pay her overtime and stole her tips. In addition
to wage theft, she also feels the sting of sexism and ageism at work. As a woman no longer in her youth, it is
extremely hard to find work, she says; For someone over 35, theyll tell you straight out, youre too old, I cant
use you, or youre ugly things that can really wound a person. Sadly, C. Kim has an all too common story.
However, KIWA assisted her with filing a Department of Labor Standards Enforcement Claim, and she recovered
thousands of dollars in unpaid wages. Today C. Kim is a member of KIWA, where she helps to guide and sharpen
KIWAs work around gender and labor rights violations. When people like C. Kim are transformed through
seeking help for their individual problems, their newfound community leadership supports the growth of social
movements.

Koreatown is at a crossroads. The multiethnic

immigrant community that has grown longer and
stronger roots in the neighborhood is at risk of
being uprooted by a wealthier set of residents who
also want their own slice of the new American
dream: homeownership in a diverse and reinvested
urban environment. Fortunately, there is a
roadmap to a better future that has been forged by
organizations that now have a 20-year track record
of building alliances among diverse groups.
The 1992 civil unrest exposed the need for new
and sustained approaches to urban problems that
could reach both the depth and scale needed to
address the root causes of poverty, low-wage work,
and crowded housing conditions. Organizations
representing immigrant and working-class
communities of color in Los Angeles responded
through grassroots organizing, alliance building,
and bottom-up advocacy.
One such organization is KIWA. Recognizing that its
accomplishments would not have been possible
without the collaboration and collective gamechanging efforts of many social change
organizations, this report focuses on KIWA for two
reasons. First, another PERE report focuses on the
movement building story, L.A. Rising (2012).
Second, we want to mark KIWAs 20th anniversary
with a celebration of its achievements since it was

A Contested Community at a Crossroads

founded as a worker center just months before the

unrest.
While it has always remained steadfastly committed
to organizing low-wage immigrant workers, both
Korean and Latino, KIWAs campaigns and issues
have changed over time and, not coincidentally,
mirror the changes and challenges described in the
previous sections of this report. Its campaign work
can be categorized into three main issue areas:
workplace justice and workers rights; affordable
housing and tenants rights; and parks and open
space.

Workplace Justice and Workers Rights

Post-Civil Unrest Worker Compensation

One of KIWAs early successes is directly tied to the

unrest. KIWA advocated on behalf of workers who
lost their jobs when buildings burned, winning
$109,000 in compensation funds that went to 45
Latino and Korean workers. At a time when media
chose to frame the unrest in terms of racial conflict,
KIWA was one of the organizations whose actions
were based on multiracial unity.
Worker Empowerment Clinic

Since then, workers seeking to recover stolen

wages have been coming to KIWAs Worker
Empowerment Clinic. With services in Korean,

15

Spanish, and English, the clinic provides

consultations to thousands of immigrant workers
each year. Hundreds of workers end up filing claims
totaling millions of dollars annually to recover
wages from unscrupulous employers. Since the
2008 economic crisis, the levels of wage theft are
increasing: the lowest-wage workers are the most
vulnerable and face even greater economic
exploitation in times of crisis. For two decades, the
Clinic has been a consistent, reliable, and enduring
resource that provides information and assistance
for low-wage immigrant workers.

laws. KIWA initiated a campaign to stop these illegal

practices using legal and political pressure in
coordination with an organized Korean and Latino
restaurant workers base to demand industry-wide
reform. The campaign brought compliance in the
industry to increase by at least 50 percent. Millions
of dollars that had been illegally withheld each year
began to be paid to workers. This campaign
demonstrates both great success in instituting
sweeping change and also points to work still to be
done. KIWA also conducts ongoing outreach and
education work in occupational safety and health to
low-wage workers.

Restaurant Workers Justice Campaign

KIWAs Restaurant Workers Justice Campaign has

been a multiracial effort to bring thousands of
service workers into common cause against
exploitative practices. KIWA initiated the Campaign
in 1996. Immigrant restaurant workers in
Koreatown labored up to 72 hours per week for as
little as $2.20 per hour and faced unfair firings as
well as verbal and physical abuse. A random sweep
by the Department of Labor found that a staggering
97 percent of Koreatown restaurants violated labor

Market Workers Living Wage Campaign

Expanding upon its campaign at the Assi Market,

which began in 2002, KIWA launched a campaign
for living wages in Koreatown supermarkets,
resulting in over 600 workers in five different
markets benefiting from living wage agreements. In
one of Koreatowns most lucrative industries,
supermarket workers now earn an additional $2.5
million every year.

Assi Market picket line organized in support of workers rights.

16

Koreatown:

In 2007, KIWA reached an

historic living wage
agreement with California
Market, extending living
wages to 150 workers.
Through a creative
agreement tying wages to
land use on the
redevelopment of
California Market at
Western and 5th Streets,
workers will earn one
dollar above minimum
wage.
During the same year,
KIWA also successfully
settled a multi-million
dollar lawsuit against Assi
Market for illegal
employment practices,
Rent-controlled apartments just before demolition.
which included failure to
pay wages and racial
element of growth and development in the
discrimination. The
neighborhood. In 2011, KIWA successfully
settlement awarded Assi workers $1.475 million.
advocated for a Community Benefits Agreement
The settlement also required Assi to create a
between the CRA and the J.H. Snyder Corp., that
complaint system for workers and conduct trainings
included 96 units of affordable housing
for its managers on Californias wage and hour laws
development in the area surrounding a new mixedand how to stop employment discrimination. All
use, market rate, transit-oriented development on
this was hard won: among other things, the
the south side of Wilshire and Vermont. It joined
campaign began back in 2002, and at the end
with others to advocate for local hiring, living and
involved workers picketing for every day for over one
prevailing wages. It also sought input on the open
year.
space design and support for a community center.
KIWAs current work includes a campaign to hold
Affordable Housing and Tenants
the developer accountable to these commitments.
Rights
Community-led Development

As economic restructuring has resulted in housing

development increasingly geared toward the
wealthy, KIWA has been a strong advocate for
developing affordable housing in Koreatown for an
immigrant working class that is facing mounting
financial stresses. As developers have sought to
increase the number of high-priced units in the
neighborhood, KIWA has advocated that affordable
housing be built in conjunction with the luxury
high-rises that now dot the landscape, on the
principle that equity should be an integrated

A Contested Community at a Crossroads

Increasing Affordable Housing

KIWA not only advocates and organizes for more

affordable housing, it is now also partnering with
Little Tokyo Service Center to develop 52 units of
affordable housing for low-income individuals and
families, including some specifically for those facing
homelessness. The project is scheduled to break
ground in the coming year. Proposing a Leadership
in Energy and Environmental Design
(LEED)certified green building with community
input in the design, KIWA seeks to demonstrate
through this development that housing in
17

Koreatown can be communityoriented, affordable, and

beautiful. KIWA plans to move
into the ground floor of the
building and offer all its existing
programs to residents.
Tenant Organizing

KIWA organizes low-income

tenants to fight slum conditions
and the destruction of their
homes. When real estate
developers receive favorable
deals, KIWA has organized and
advocated to ensure that there
are community benefits
agreements so that existing
KIWA banners in front of a blighted central Koreatown lot where KIWA is advocating
for a public park.
residents can remain in decent
conditions with affordable rents.
When an expensive
diverse group of stakeholders. Since the state-wide
development project from a powerful local
dissolution of the CRA in 2012, KIWA has continued
institution sought to evict community members,
to explore alternatives for the park with the City,
some of who had been living in the same
while continuing its broader campaign to promote
apartment for decades, KIWA threw itself onto the
the expansion of green space.
front lines of stopping the evictions.

Parks and Urban Green Space

Leadership Development

Campaign for Parks and Urban Green Space

KIWAs campaigns have meant opportunities for

hundreds of member leaders to be at the forefront
of creating change in their community. KIWAs
approach to social change places stakeholders
those most affected by the conditions at the
center of defining and bringing about change.
Specifically, KIWAs work includes and promotes the
leadership of Koreatowns low-wage immigrant
workers and tenants.

Lacking in green space, Koreatown has been called

a park starved neighborhood (Raya and Rubin,
2006). The elderly have almost no open or green
space to sit and rest during the day, and some
children have gone their entire lives without
neighborhood spaces in which to run and play. This
is why KIWA has recently turned to transforming the
actual landscape of the neighborhood. KIWAs most
recent campaign is for a major park to be built at
the corner of 7th Street and Hobart Boulevard, just
off Wilshire Boulevard. Purchased by a
transnational developer during the real estate
boom of the mid-2000s, with the intention of
building two market-rate condominium towers, the
lot now lays empty and is contributing towards
blight. KIWA supported the Community
Redevelopment Agency (CRA) plan to purchase the
southern portion of the lot for a
communitydesigned Koreatown central park and
helped coordinate outreach efforts to achieve a
18

The actions above serve as examples of a

community united and represent years of hard work
filled with many challenges. The victories amount to
a growing and much-organized interest in
social justice in the neighborhood and the broader
Los Angeles area. Koreatown residents, like any
residents of a community, are intimately tied to
their neighborhood. This report is an effort to
advance the resurgent voice and interests of the
communitys diverse and working residents.

Koreatown:

CONCLUSION:

Working Towards a Koreatown for All

Global trends, overlapping and uneven in their

effects, have converged in Koreatown. Once a
business center for the West Coast offices of U.S.
industrial giants, Koreatown has been remade by
Korean American and other businesspeople. All the
while, low-income immigrants from dozens of
nations seek a foothold in the quickly shifting
economy that has transformed the neighborhood.
Today, these low-income residents who are
struggling to make ends meet have been joined by
a class of white-collar professionals, drawn by

Koreatowns unique character, amenities, and

central location.
Demographic change and economic restructuring
has put this neighborhood at a crossroads: Will
Koreatown continue to gentrify and exacerbate the
gaps in income and quality of life, with
professionals enjoying the many amenities of
Koreatown, while many next-door neighbors
struggle for a living wage? Or will Koreatown grow
with equity so that all its residents live well?
Koreatowns losses and triumphs alike point to

Masako Mochizuki, who lived in the same Koreatown apartment for 36 years, speaks at a KIWA press
conference after the demolition of rent-controlled apartments.

A Contested Community at a Crossroads

19

possible solutions for communities facing similar

issues.
Old issues of poverty, inequality, and alienation still
exist. But 20 years after the 1992 civil unrest, they
sometimes present themselves with new quirks
(such as the change in working poverty) and often
are more ingrained. Creative new strategies are
required that reflect the multiple scales and scope
of forces that connect single neighborhoods to the
region and globe. We offer three broad directions
for how local organizations can hitch equity to
growth in Koreatown:
1. Organizations should continue working
to improve conditions with and for
workers, as they have been for years.
The broader mission of lifting workers out of
working poverty conditions to living wages is
still key. An increased amount of attention
should be placed on the growing servicesector economy and the workers within it.
Ongoing attention to workers in the food and
recreation industry will be important in the
effort to stem poverty. KIWAs efforts, and
those of others accross the country, hold
promise in linking the struggles of low-wage
workers to multi-class alliances based on

shared interests. What will enhance their

effectiveness is a consistent framing that
supports the equity and growth connection.
2. An affordable housing solution has
always been a pressing need in many
communities going through transition.
Gentrification and displacement are deep
concerns among these communities and
housing is the primary means to a stable
neighborhood. Thus, affordable housing
should be the foundation for keeping poor
residents within the neighborhood as it
continues to undergo improvement. Making
it possible for residents to continue to live in
their neighborhoods as they improve is the
key to equitable reinvestment.
3. Organizations should continue pressing
creative alliance-building strategies
as in the KIWA parks and urban green
space campaign. This includes not only
traditional partners like allies in the labor
movement or ideologically-aligned affordable
housing developers, but also those who may
seem like uncommon allies but that have
shared interests. This includes business
allies, particularly in the restaurant industry,
and broadening their base to include new
residents like those in the professional or
creative class. Neighbors sharing the same

KIWA marches in support of Occupy LA, 2011.

20

Koreatown:

PERE, 2011). Viewing social inequality through the

lens of global neighborhoods like Koreatown, and
other neighborhoods like it, provides a strong
argument for the necessity of equity-driven growth.
This is the only way to remake neighborhoods like
Koreatown as places, not of growing inequality, but
home to a resurgent and diverse middle class.

Member Bae Dong Hee drumming at a rally for parks

and urban green space.

Koreatown has the opportunity to be a place of

innovation. In many ways it already is the
experiment of globalization is felt locally here. In
addition, as research shows that equity is actually
good for economic growth, KIWA is likely to forge
new best practices in how to meet the needs of
diverse residents in a neighborhood with strong ties
to the global market. How can organizations build
the capabilities of those who are the furthest
behind? How can typically excluded residents
participate in the neighborhood and region? What
does this new demography mean for economic
development in the next 20 years? Questions like
these will guide KIWAs work over the next 20 years.
It is not alone throughout the region, grassroots
organizations are working alongside it to build a
region and a nation that more exactly represents
our hopes for a just, inclusive, and livable future.

streets, cityscape, future parks, and shops

can be brought together for change, and
from different vantage points.
While all of KIWAs past campaigns emerged from
global and regional as well as local conditions, their
interconnections may be emphasized to more
clearly tie local struggles to regional efforts and
beyond. In all three directions, we strongly believe
that efforts must link local struggles to a vision of
regional transformation. In Los Angeles, global
forces do not work in isolation on neighborhoods
but are instead mediated through regional
structures and processes.
Past research has taught us that urban
neighborhoods are both at the forefront of
economic change, and often foreshadow the
changing demography of other smaller cities and
eventually the entire country. By 2042, people of
color will make up a majority in the US, even as
trends of inequality are deepening (PolicyLink and
A Contested Community at a Crossroads

21

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Photo Credits:

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PG. 20 photo by P.J. Espinosa.

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22

Cover photo by Patrick Miller.

All other photos provided by the Koreatown

Immigrant Workers Alliance (KIWA).

Koreatown:

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