Basta!

Resistance Leaders in the Developing World During the Cold War Period
Ashley Green
Mastery Learning Unit, Spring 2015 Simmons College

Strand
World History
Target Grade/Level
9th Grade, all levels (inclusive classroom)
Rationale
Basta! Resistance Leaders in the Developing World During the Cold War Period is a Mastery
Learning Unit designed to take place after a Foundations of the Cold War or Cold War: Part I
Unit, where we address the concerns of the two superpowers. The intention is here is to shed light
on the social movements happening in the rest of the world, namely in order to differentiate
between the developing and developed world, or the third world as it was referred to then.
Here, we will question the nature of rebellion and the qualities of long-lasting political leaders. To
this end, I have posed the following Essential Questions.
Why did Fidel Castro rise to power in Cuba and remain as leader for nearly 5 decades?
Why was Patrice Lumumba assassinated?
How was the Vietnam War perceived through the eyes of its leaders, Ho Chi Minh in particular?
Who was Jawaharlal Nehru? Why is his relationship with Mahatma Gandhi historically significant?
These leaders Castro, Lumumba, Ho Chi Minh, Nehru, and Gandhi are crucial figures
in modern World History. The effects of their respective ascents to power have rippled to the extent
they can still be heard today. These reverberations are witnessed in the United States international
relations, which can particularly be seen in recent attempts to make amends with the Cuban
revolutionary government that has maintained power for over half a century. Through witnessing
the stories of these leaders, students will learn to question the decisions of elected leaders and the
importance of average citizens in shaping history.
Differentiation
I have differentiated instruction by assigning roles early in the unit, but allowing the final
assessments to be more open-ended. However, these assessments can be easily modified as
required by individual accommodations. For example, in Assessment #7 which requires students
to perform a speech, the point allocation for poise is purposefully smaller than the other
categories. Fairness is my intention here so as not to intimidate students afflicted with shyness,
social anxiety, or Autism Spectrum Disorder. Also, my IEP objectives are relevant to the nature of
an inclusive classroom with the easiest tasks allowing more advanced students to exhibit
comprehension of the material as well as knowledge. Assignment directions should also be read
aloud so students feel comfortable to ask questions. I have also catered to multiple intelligences
and learning styles by assigning assessments that involve creative skills and public speaking. For
example, in Assessment #2, I have used David Kolbs Experiential Learning Model to adapt to the
more analytic Assimilator learning style. Finally, rubrics and benchmarks have been
implemented for clarity, particularly for the projects that involve more formal levels of thinking
(with regards to Blooms Taxonomy).

Connections to Massachusetts Curriculum Frameworks for History/Social Studies

WHII.38.A,WH1138.B, WHII38.C, WHII38.E Describe the development and goals of nationalist
movements in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East, including the ideas and
importance of nationalist leaders. (H)
A. Fidel Castro (Cuba)
B. Patrice Lumumba (Congo)
C. Ho Chi Minh (Vietnam)
E. Jawaharlal Nehru (India)
Overarching Objective
Given 12 class periods (approximately 4 weeks), students will be able to analyze the nuances of
Cold War-era nationalism and determine the validity of political rhetoric. Through the examination
of the political leadership within 4 global movements that arose in the developing world, students
will be able to rationally critique the opinions of past and present political leaders as well as those
of their peers.
IEP Objectives
1.) Objective: Given a graphic organizer and the first 10 minutes of class, students will be able to
activate their background knowledge relevant to the upcoming unit by completing an
anticipation guide containing 6 open-ended, short-answer questions.
Date of Completion: March 9, 2015
Blooms Taxonomy: Level I Knowledge, Level II Comprehension
2.) Objective: Given 20 questions and the CIA World Factbook (online reference guide), students (in
teams of 2 or independently) will be able to complete a Scavenger Hunt worksheet
summarizing the backgrounds of India, Vietnam, Cuba, and the Democratic Republic of
Congo, discussing their findings as a group at the end of class.
Date of Completion: March 2, 2015
Blooms Taxonomy: Level I Knowledge, Level II Comprehension
3.) Objective: Given a note-taking template and 11 key-terms and figures mentioned in the
documentary Fidel: The Untold Story, students will be able to define and identify relevant
concepts as they watch the 30-minute film excerpt.
Date of Completion: March 16, 2015
Blooms Taxonomy: Level I Knowledge, Level II Comprehension
4.) Objective: Given a timeline of events leading up to the defeat of the French in Vietnam and a list
of key terms and definitions, students will be able to complete a graphic organizer in pairs
after reading two speeches by Ho Chi Minh. Students will be able to analyze the speeches
by breaking the texts into parts through the questions, Who?, What?, Where?,
Why?, and How?
Date of Completion: March 13, 2015
Blooms Taxonomy: Level II Comprehension
5.) Objective: Given a 1960 publication by Ho Chi Minh,The Path Which Led Me to Leninism,
and a guided discussion concluding the two-day lesson on this particular figure, students
will be able to complete an exit ticket illustrating Ho Chi Minhs core political beliefs.
Date of Completion: March 14, 2015

Blooms Taxonomy: Level III Application

6.) Objective: Given direct instruction beforehand, their own notes, and five questions to facilitate
understanding and provoke questions from the previous nights primary source readings,
students will be able to construct a concise 1-page biography of Fidel Castro while working
in pairs, summarizing the significant events in Castros life and identifying his political
views, explain his influence on the Cuban people and global politics during the Cold War,
and present a summary in class.
Date of Completion: March 17, 2015
Blooms Taxonomy: Level II Comprehension, Level III Application
7.) Objective: Given a cooperative group and primary source documents, students (in groups of no
more than four) will be able to analyze the causes of Patrice Lumumbas assassination in the
Congo by analyzing bias in a combination of primary source documents from the time
period and also from an investigation forty years later. A cooperative jigsaw activity will be
the mode by which this assessment is performed.
Date of Completion: March 18, 2015
Blooms Taxonomy: Analysis Level IV
8.) Objective: Given the film Gandhi and an excerpt from Jawaharlal Nehrus The Discovery of
India and an article summarizing Indias Independence Movement, students will be able
to write a eulogy for Mahatma Gandhi in the style of Nehru and deliver in class. This
assessment enables students to synthesize new information by drawing personal
connections to a historical time period.
Date of Completion: March 27, 2015
Blooms Taxonomy: Level V Synthesis
9.) Objective: Given a list of relevant topics from which to choose, a grading rubric, and four
weeks, students will be able to develop and write a summative essay with a clear thesis
statement, outline, and bibliography that will analyze one aspect of the lives or rhetoric of a
studied political leader in the context of the global or regional climate in which he rose to
power.
Date of Completion: April 10, 2015
Blooms Taxonomy: Level IV Analysis; Level V Synthesis
10.) Mastery Skill Objective: Given nine assessments on four Cold War-era social movements,
students will be able to work in cooperative teams (3-4 students) to create an activist
campaign taking cues from the lives and words of Castro, Lumumba, Ho Chi Minh,
Gandhi, or Nehru.
Date of Completion: April 2, 2015
Blooms Taxonomy: Level V Synthesis; Level VI Evaluation

Appendix
Assessment 1
Name:_______________________________ Date:____________ Class Period:_________
Anticipation Guide
Social Movements in the Developing World During the Cold War Period
Before we begin our second unit on the Cold War, please spend 10 minutes answering the
questions in the blue boxes on the graphic organizer (see separate handout). In four weeks, at
the end of the unit, you will fill out the yellow boxes. Here, you will have a chance to reflect
upon your initial opinions and determine whether they have changed in light of what you will
soon learn.
Responses should be 3-4 sentences, but feel free to write more if time permits, since these
questions do not necessarily require yes or no answers. It is not necessary to cite any
readings and/or the textbook in this activity. I am only seeking information based on your
current understanding of the topics that will be discussed later in this unit.
Dont worry if you feel as though you dont have enough information to answer the question.
Just answer as best as you can, and write down questions about any uncertainties you may
have.

Appendix
Assessment 2
Vocabulary to Address in Preliminary Discussion before Assessment 2 (5 minutes)
The teacher should clarify the following terms found within the CIA World Factbook website
entries either as new information or as a refresher from a previous course or unit:
trading partners
export
import
natural resources/cash crop
GDP
obesity rate
infant mortality rate
life expectancy
legislature review: unicameral, bicameral

Appendix
Assessment 2
Name:_______________________________ Date:____________ Class Period:_________
Scavenger Hunt CIA World Factbook
In teams of two or working alone, choose one of the following countries: India, Cuba, Vietnam,
or the Democratic Republic of Congo. Using the appropriate country profile on the CIA World
Factbook website (https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/), answer
the following questions on a separate piece of paper. We will discuss your findings in the last
fifteen minutes of class.
1.) Choose a country: India, Cuba, Vietnam, Democratic Republic of Congo.
2.) In which continent is your country located? Which countries border it?
3.) What is the language most people speak in your country? What other languages are
spoken?
4.) What religions are practiced in your country? What is the most common religion?
5.) What percentages of ethnic groups make up your country?
6.) What do voting rights look like in your country?
7.) How are the governmental and political institutions of your country structured? Is there a
legislature? Unicameral? Bicameral? Is there a judicial system?
8.) Who is the current leader? To what party or political organization does he or she belong?
9.) How many internet users does your country have?
10.) What is the literacy rate of your country?
11.) What is the unemployment rate of your country?
12.) What is the life expectancy of the average citizen?
13.) What is the infant mortality rate?

14.) What is the obesity rate?

15.) What is your countrys Gross Domestic Product, or GDP?
16.) What percentage of the GDP goes to education?
17.) What are you countrys major economic industries? In other words, how does your
country make its money?
18.) What is your countrys major export? Natural resources?
19.) Who are your countrys major trading partners?
20.) Looking at the data youve found, would you classify your country as democratic? Why
or why not? (2-3 sentences)

Appendix
Assessment 4
Vietnam Timeline
Match the event to the correct date. Write the name of the event in the corresponding box.

1884

1917

1939

1945

1954

1940
1919

1.) Battle of Dien Bien Phu. (Vietnamese defeat of the French)

2.) Treaty of Hue. (Start of French colonial control of Vietnam)
3.) End of World War II
4.) Russian Revolution
5.) Japan Invades French Indochina
6.) France enters World War II
7.) Start of First Indochina War (Between French and Vietnamese)
8.) League of Nations Covenant

1946

Appendix
Assessment 4
Key Terms and Definitions
Ho Chi Minh
Revolutionary leader who fought for Vietnamese independence and founded the Vietnamese/
Indochinese Communist Party. President of Democratic Republic of Vietnam from 1945 until
his death in 1969.
Vietnamese Communist Party
Established in 1930 by Ho Chi Minh as an organization for Vietnam's national liberation as a
part of the worldwide communist movement. The party changed its name to the Indochinese
Communist Party and resurfaced in 1951 as the Vietnamese Worker's Party. In 1976 the party
was renamed the Communist Party of Vietnam and, today, serves as the only legal political
party in Vietnam.
Viet Minh
A "front" organization organized by Ho Chi Minh in 1941 as the League for Independence of
Vietnam (Viet Minh). Technically, the Viet Minh was a non-communist organization and
accepted any Vietnamese who was willing to fight against the French. The organization ceased
to exist by 1954.
Comintern
An international communist organization (also known as the Communist International or the
Third International) established in 1919 by the Soviet Union in an attempt to organize a
worldwide communist revolution. It was officially disbanded in 1943.
Imperialism
The policy of extending the power and authority of one nation into another region.

Appendix
Assessment 4
Ho Chi Minh Speech #1
Ho Chi Minh, Appeal Made on the Occasion of the Founding of the Indochinese Communist
Party
First Published: Delivered at Hong Kong, February 18, 1930,
Source: Selected Writings of Ho Chi Minh (1920-1969)
Publisher: Foreign Languages Publishing House
Transcription/Markup: Roland Ferguson and Christian Liebl
Online Version: Ho Chi Minh Internet Archive (marxists.org) 2003
Workers, peasants, soldiers, youth and school students!
Oppressed and exploited fellow-countrymen!
Sisters and brothers! Comrades!
Imperialist contradictions were the cause of the 1914-1918 World War. After this horrible
slaughter. The world was divided into two camps: one is the revolutionary camp which
includes the oppressed colonial peoples and the exploited working class throughout the world.
Its vanguard is the Soviet Union. The other is the counter-revolutionary camp of international
capitalism and imperialism, whose general staff is the League of Nations.
That war resulted in untold loss of life and property for the peoples. French imperialism was
the hardest hit. Therefore, in order to restore the forces of capitalism in France, the French
imperialists have resorted to every perfidious scheme to intensify capitalist exploitation in
Indochina. They have built new factories to exploit the workers by paying them starvation
wages. They have plundered the peasants' land to establish plantations and drive them to
destitution. They have levied new heavy taxes. They have forced our people to buy
government bonds. In short, they have driven our people to utter misery. They have increased
their military forces, firstly to strangle the Vietnamese revolution; secondly to prepare for a
new imperialist war in the Pacific aimed at conquering new colonies; thirdly to suppress the
Chinese revolution; and fourthly to attack the Soviet Union because she helps the oppressed
nations and the exploited working class to wage revolution.
World War Two will break out. When it does the French imperialists will certainly drive our
people to an even more horrible slaughter. If we let them prepare for this war, oppose the
Chinese revolution and attack the Soviet Union, if we allow them to stifle the Vietnamese
revolution. This is tantamount to letting them wipe our race off the surface of the earth and
drown our nation in the Pacific.

However, the French imperialists' barbarous oppression and ruthless exploitation have
awakened our compatriots, who have all realized that revolution is the only road to survival
and that without it they will die a slow death. This is why the revolutionary movement has
grown stronger with each passing day: the workers refuse to work, the peasants demand land,
the students go on strike, the traders stop doing business. Everywhere the masses have risen to
oppose the French imperialists.
The revolution has made the French imperialists tremble with fear. On the one hand, they use
the feudalists and comprador bourgeoisie to oppress and exploit our people. On the other, they
terrorize, arrest, jail, deport and kill a great number of Vietnamese revolutionaries. If the
French imperialists think that they can suppress the Vietnamese revolution by means of terror,
they are grossly mistaken. For one thing, the Vietnamese revolution is not isolated but enjoys
the assistance of the world proletariat in general and that of the French working class in
particular. Secondly, it is precisely at the very time when the French imperialists are frenziedly
carrying out terrorist acts that the Vietnamese Communists, formerly working separately, have
united into a single party, the Indochinese Communist Party, to lead the revolutionary struggle
of our entire people.
Workers, peasants, soldiers, youth, school students!
Oppressed and exploited fellow-countrymen!
The Indochinese Communist Party has been founded. It is the Party of the working class. It
will help the proletariat lead the revolution waged for the sake of all oppressed and exploited
people. From now on we must join the Party, help it and follow it in order to implement the
following slogans:
1. To overthrow French imperialism and Vietnamese feudalism and reactionary bourgeoisie;
2. To make Indochina completely independent;
3. To establish a worker-peasant-soldier government;
4. To confiscate the banks and other enterprises belonging to the imperialists and put them
under the control of the worker-peasant-soldier government;
5. To confiscate all the plantations and property belonging to the imperialists and the
Vietnamese reactionary bourgeoisie and distribute them to the poor peasants;
6. To implement the 8-hour working day;
7. To abolish the forced buying of government bonds, the poll-tax and all unjust taxes hitting
the poor;
8. To bring democratic freedoms to the masses;
9. To dispense education to all the people;
10. To realize equality between man and woman.

Appendix
Assessment 4
Ho Chi Minh Speech #2
Ho Chi Minh, Vietnamese Declaration of Independence, 1945
After the defeat of Japan in 1945, France, the old colonial power, tried to reclaim its colonies in
Indochina - i.e. Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos. But France faced opposition, which it had been
able to beat down before the war, from a nationalist political party. This party, the Vietnamese
Communist Party, had been founded in Paris in 1930 by Ho Chi Minh (1890 1969 - the name is
a nom-de-guerre), a man from a poor family who had nevertheless been able to acquire an
education in Paris. Ho expanded his political base in 1941 when he founded a broader
nationalist coalition, the Viet Minh (Vietnamese League for Independence) . The Viet Minh
fought a guerilla war against both the Japanese and the Vichy French forces - making the Viet
Minh an ally of the United States at that time.
Looking for recognition from the United States and other Western countries, Ho and his
colleagues proclaimed the Democratic Republic of Vietnam on September 2, 1945. Instead of
supporting the Republic, the West recognized French claims. The first Indo-China War was
fought with the French from 1946 to 1954 and resulted in the division of Vietnam in South and
North Vietnam. By the mid 1960s, France, weakened also by its colonial war in Algeria, was no
longer a force in the region and the United States, already a supporter of South Vietnam,
became the chief backer of the southern Republic of Vietnam. The situation was not stable, and
eventually resulted in the Second Indo-China War, known in the US as the "Vietnam War".
The following document is an object lesson in the use of Enlightenment ideals, and 19th
century nationalism, by colonized peoples.
"All men are created equal. They are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights;
among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.
This immortal statement was made in the Declaration of Independence of the United States of
America in 1776. In a broader sense, this means: All the peoples on the earth are equal from
birth, all the peoples have a right to live, to be happy and free.
The Declaration of the French Revolution made in 1791 on the Rights of Man and the Citizen
also states: "All men are born free and with equal rights, and must always remain free and
have equal rights.
Those are undeniable truths.
Nevertheless, for more than eighty years, the French imperialists, abusing the standard of
Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, have violated our Fatherland and oppressed our fellowcitizens. They have acted contrary to the ideals of humanity and justice.

In the field of politics, they have deprived our people of every democratic liberty.
They have enforced inhuman laws; they have set up three distinct political regimes in the
North, the Center, and the South of Vietnam in order to wreck our national unity and prevent
our people from being united.
They have built more prisons than schools. They have mercilessly slain our patriots; they have
drowned our uprisings in rivers of blood.
They have fettered public opinion; they have practised obscurantism against our people.
To weaken our race they have forced us to use opium and alcohol.
In the field of economics, they have fleeced us to the backbone, impoverished our people, and
devastated our land.
They have robbed us of our rice fields, our mines, our forests, and our raw materials. They
have monopolized the issuing of banknotes and the export trade.
They have invented numerous unjustifiable taxes and reduced our people, especially our
peasantry, to a state of extreme poverty.
They have hampered the prospering of our national bourgeoisie; they have mercilessly
exploited our workers.
In the autumn of 1940, when the Japanese Fascists violated Indochina's territory to establish
new bases in their fight against the Allies, the French imperialists went down on their bended
knees and handed over our country to them.
Thus, from that date, our people were subjected to the double yoke of the French and the
Japanese. Their sufferings and miseries increased. The result was that from the end of last year
to the beginning of this year, from Quang Tri province to the North of Vietnam, more than two
million of our fellow citizens died from starvation. On March 9, the French troops were
disarmed by the Japanese. The French colonialists either fled or surrendered showing that not
only were they incapable of "protecting" us, but that, in the span of five years, they had twice
sold our country to the Japanese.
On several occasions before March 9, the Vietminh League urged the French to ally themselves
with it against the Japanese. Instead of agreeing to this proposal, the French colonialists so
intensified their terrorist activities against the Vietminh members that before fleeing they
massacred a great number of our political prisoners detained at Yen Bay and Caobang.
Notwithstanding all this, our fellowcitizens have always manifested toward the French a
tolerant and humane attitude. Even after the Japanese putsch of March 1945, the Vietminh

League helped many Frenchmen to cross the frontier, rescued some of them from Japanese
jails, and protected French lives and property.
From the autumn of 1940, our country had in fact ceased to be a French colony and had
become a Japanese possession.
After the Japanese had surrendered to the Allies, our whole people rose to regain our national
sovereignty and to found the Democratic Republic of Vietnam.
The truth is that we have wrested our independence from the Japanese and not from the
French.
The French have fled, the Japanese have capitulated, Emperor Bao Dai has abdicated. Our
people have broken the chains which for nearly a century have fettered them and have won
independence for the Fatherland. Our people at the same time have overthrown the monarchic
regime that has reigned supreme for dozens of centuries. In its place has been established the
present Democratic Republic.
For these reasons, we, members of the Provisional Government, representing the whole
Vietnamese people, declare that from now on we break off all relations of a colonial character
with France; we repeal all the international obligation that France has so far subscribed to on
behalf of Vietnam and we abolish all the special rights the French have unlawfully acquired in
our Fatherland.
The whole Vietnamese people, animated by a common purpose, are determined to fight to the
bitter end against any attempt by the French colonialists to reconquer their country.
We are convinced that the Allied nations, which at Tehran and San Francisco have
acknowledged the principles of self-determination and equality of nations, will not refuse to
acknowledge the independence of Vietnam.
A people who have courageously opposed French domination for more than eight years, a
people who have fought side by side with the Allies against the Fascists during these last
years, such a people must be free and independent.
For these reasons, we, members of the Provisional Government of the Democratic Republic of
Vietnam, solemnly declare to the world that Vietnam has the right to be a free and
independent country-and in fact is so already. The entire Vietnamese people are determined to
mobilize all their physical and mental strength, to sacrifice their lives and property in order to
safeguard their independence and liberty.
Ho Chi Minh, "Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, " Selected
Writings (Hanoi: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1977), pp. 5356.

Appendix Assessment 4
Ho Chi Minh Speeches
Compare/Contrast
1.) When was the speech given?
What was happening at the time?

2.) Where was the speech given?

Who was the intended audience?

3.) What is the main idea of the

speech?

4.) What type of language does Ho

Chi Minh use?

5.) How does Ho Chi Minh view

such concepts as colonialism,
communism, capitalism, and
democracy?

Appeal Made on the Occasion of

the the Founding of the Vietnamese
Communist Party

Declaration of Independence of the

Democratic Republic of Vietnam

Appendix
Assessment 5
Ho Chi Minh
The Path Which Led Me To Leninism
After World War I, I made my living in Paris, now as a retoucher at a photographers, now as
painter of Chinese antiquities (made in France!). I would distribute leaflets denouncing the
crimes committed by the French colonialists in Viet Nam.
At that time, I supported the October Revolution only instinctively, not yet grasping all its
historic importance. I loved and admired Lenin because he was a great patriot who liberated
his compatriots; until then, I had read none of his books.
The reason for my joining the French Socialist Party was that these ladies and gentlemen - as
I called my comrades at that moment - has shown their sympathy towards me, towards the
struggle of the oppressed peoples. But I understood neither what was a party, a trade-union,
nor what was socialism nor communism.
Heated discussions were then taking place in the branches of the Socialist Party, about the
question whether the Socialist Party should remain in the Second International, should a
Second and a half International be founded or should the Socialist Party join Lenins Third
International? I attended the meetings regularly, twice or thrice a week and attentively listened
to the discussion. First, I could not understand thoroughly. Why were the discussions so
heated? Either with the Second, Second and a half or Third International, the revolution could
be waged. What was the use of arguing then? As for the First International, what had become
of it?
What I wanted most to know - and this precisely was not debated in the meetings - was: which
International sides with the peoples of colonial countries?
I raised this question - the most important in my opinion - in a meeting. Some comrades
answered: It is the Third, not the Second International. And a comrade gave me Lenins
Thesis on the national and colonial questions published by l'Humanite to read.
There were political terms difficult to understand in this thesis. But by dint of reading it again
and again, finally I could grasp the main part of it. What emotion, enthusiasm, clearsightedness and confidence it instilled into me! I was overjoyed to tears. Though sitting alone
in my room, I shouted out aloud as if addressing large crowds: Dear martyrs compatriots!
This is what we need, this is the path to our liberation!

After then, I had entire confidence in Lenin, in the Third International.

Formerly, during the meetings of the Party branch, I only listened to the discussion; I had a
vague belief that all were logical, and could not differentiate as to who were right and who
were wrong. But from then on, I also plunged into the debates and discussed with fervour.
Though I was still lacking French words to express all my thoughts, I smashed the allegations
attacking Lenin and the Third International with no less vigour. My only argument was: If
you do not condemn colonialism, if you do not side with the colonial people, what kind of
revolution are you waging?
Not only did I take part in the meetings of my own Party branch, but I also went to other Party
branches to lay down my position. Now I must tell again that Comrades Marcel Cachin,
Vaillant Couturier, Monmousseau and many others helped me to broaden my knowledge.
Finally, at the Tours Congress, I voted with them for our joining the Third International.
At first, patriotism, not yet communism, led me to have confidence in Lenin, in the Third
International. Step by step, along the struggle, by studying Marxism-Leninism parallel with
participation in practical activities, I gradually came upon the fact that only socialism and
communism can liberate the oppressed nations and the working people throughout the world
from slavery.
There is a legend, in our country as well as in China, on the miraculous Book of the Wise.
When facing great difficulties, one opens it and finds a way out. Leninism is not only a
miraculous book of the wise, a compass for us Vietnamese revolutionaries and people: it is
also the radiant sun illuminating our path to final victory, to socialism and communism.
https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/ho-chi-minh/works/1960/04/x01.htm

Appendix
Assessment 5
Exit Ticket
Name:______________________________ Date: _______________ Class Period:___________
What did Ho Chi Minh believe?
____________________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________________
Name three pieces of evidence from todays lesson supporting this claim.
____________________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________________

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - Name:______________________________ Date: _______________ Class Period:___________

What did Ho Chi Minh believe?
____________________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________________
Name three pieces of evidence from todays lesson supporting this claim.
____________________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________________

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - Name:______________________________ Date: _______________ Class Period:___________

What did Ho Chi Minh believe?
____________________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________________
Name three pieces of evidence from todays lesson supporting this claim.
____________________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________________

Appendix
Assessment 6
Fidel Castro Biographical Sketch Assignment
The class will be divided into pairs, as evenly as possible. Each group is to imagine that they
have been assigned to write a biography about Fidel Castro for Time Magazine as part of a
Cold War retrospective issue. You may use last nights primary source readings and your notes
from todays documentary and discussion. The assignment is due at the beginning of the next
class period.
With your partner, please write a brief (1-page (no more), typed, single-spaced) biographical
sketch that answers the following five Essential Questions, citing evidence from all required
sources. You must assign the following roles and responsibilities:
Scribe: Typing and formatting assignment correctly (including Chicago Style citations),
printing and bringing hard copy of assignment to class
Spokesperson: Creating a 1-minute statement summarizing your biography to share with the
class You may NOT read word-for-word from your sketch. Instead, focus on the parts of
Castros life - good or bad that you found most interesting or that you think your
classmates should be aware of for their summative essays at the end of the unit.
.
Essential Questions (You must include ALL five questions in your article.)
What were the main problems faced by the Cuban people under the Batista dictatorship?

Would you generally describe Fidel Castros socioeconomic background as: poor, middle
class, or rich? Why? Do you think his class standing affected his political beliefs and ideals?
Why or why not?

When did Castro become inspired to become involved with political protest? What were his
motivations?

What personal qualities did Fidel Castro possess that enabled him to become the leader of
the 26th of July Movement that eventually toppled the Batista government?

Referring to the Letter to Fidel Castro on pages 242-243 of the Guevara reading, how did
Castros fellow revolutionaries feel about him? Do you think that these sentiments
influenced the stability and longevity of his term in office? Why or why not?

Appendix
Assessment 7
Who Was Patrice Lumumba?: Depends on Who You Ask!
Jigsaw Activity Instructions for Teacher
Duration: 1-2 class periods
In preparation, make a sufficient number of copies in order for each student to receive only one the
following primary source documents A through E. Assign each physical document with a number (1, 2, 3, 4, 5)
and make sure the numbers are evenly dispersed and that none of the same documents have the same number;
write the assigned number on the front of each document.
In class, following a PowerPoint presentation on the history of Belgian colonialism within the Congo, give
one document to each student. The document should be handed to the student face-down so that the number
cannot be seen by the student or the teacher. This will ensure an anonymous assignment of both groups and
readings. However, readings may be assigned if the teacher wishes to differentiate instruction, since there is one
reading that is somewhat longer than the others. Once readings are handed out, have students turn over their
document to display which number group they are in: Group #1, Group #2, Group #3, Group #4, or Group #5.
Assign each group to a different corner of the room. When the students are situated in their groups,
explain that each person will read their assigned document and prepare a mini-lesson by themselves for the next
15-20 minutes. Emphasize the main questions for which they are seeking answers: how is Patrice Lumumba
characterized in each reading? Is he a hero? Is he a threat?How does he compare to the other types of social movement leaders
we have seen thus far in the unit? If there is access to technology and an overhead projector, set a Google timer or go
to online-stopwatch.com. Circulate throughout the room in order to observe student participation and offer
feedback. For the purpose of assessment, write observations on the Student Participation Chart provided in this
Appendix. After the allotted time, explain that each person will teach their respective documents to their group.
Also, require the students to take notes on their classmates individual lessons by passing around a T-chart
graphic organizer to each student (provided in this packet) evaluating similarities and differences between the
five accounts. Again, circulate throughout the room for the purposes of observation and feedback. After 10
minutes, call everyone together for a group discussion where each jigsaw group reports their conclusions.
Document A
Source: World History: Continuity and Change. Austin, Texas: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1999, pp. 776-777.
Document B
Lumumbas Independence Day Speech, June 30, 1960. Retrieved from https://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/
lumumba/1960/06/independence.htm.
Document C
CIA Daily Brief. June 27, 1960. Retrieved from http://www.foia.cia.gov/sites/default/files/
document_conversions/5829/CIA- RDP79T00975A005100490001-1.pdf
Document B
Thomas F. Brady. Congolese Premier Threatens to Revise Position Unless U.N. Sends Troops Now. The New
York Times, August 6, 1960
Document E
The Conclusions of the Enquiry Committee, 2001. Retrieved from http://www.lachambre.be/kvvcr/
pdf_sections/comm/lmb/conclusions.pdf1

Documents courtesy of the Stanford History Education Project or http://sheg.stanford.edu/upload/

V3LessonPlans/Assassination%20of%20Lumumba%20Teacher%20Materials_0.pdf

Appendix
Assessment 7
Document A: World History Textbook
Like the Portuguese, the Belgians had never really considered preparing Africans in the huge
Congo for self-government, much less for independence. The Congo had a vast number of
ethnic groups, speaking many different languages and living in an enormously diverse
country. Although the Belgians had encouraged education at the elementary-school level and
the Congo had a relatively high literacy rate at the time of independence, there were almost no
Congolese with any higher education.
As a Congolese nationalist movement emerged after World War II, however, the Belgian
government agreed that it should prepare the colony for self-government. Believing that the
Congolese had not developed the institutions or acquired the experience needed to manage a
modern state, Belgians supported a 30-year timetable to prepare them for independence.
Distrusting the Belgians, African nationalists demanded immediate self-government.
Consequently, in 1960 Belgium suddenly announced that it would withdraw completely
within a year.
With little preparation, many political parties representing different ethnic groups,
geographical regions and political beliefs participated in the first elections ever held in the new
Democratic Republic of the Congo. Former postal clerk Patrice Lumumba became prime
minister, while his rival and political enemy Joseph Kasavubu became president. Lumumba
remained opposed to European influence. Angered by his stance, Belgian technicians and
experts left the Congo in droves. This proved to be a major blow to the new countrys
economy.
Soon, the army mutinied and the copper-rich province of Katanga seceded. The country was
plunged into a crisis. An assassin killed Lumumba in 1961, and Kasavubu assumed full power.
The chaos and violence continued.

Source: World History: Continuity and Change. Austin, Texas: Holt, Rinehart and Winston,
1999, pp. 776-777.

Appendix
Assessment 7
Document B: Patrice Lumumba
Speech At the Ceremony of the Proclamation of the Congos Independence A
June 30, 1960
Source: Patrice Lumumba, The Truth about a Monstrous Crime of the Colonialists, Moscow,
Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1961, pp. 44-47. Written: by Patrice Lumumba;
Transcribed: by Thomas Schmidt.
Men and women of the Congo,
Victorious independence fighters,
I salute you in the name of the Congolese Government.
I ask all of you, my friends, who tirelessly fought in our ranks, to mark this June 30, 1960, as an
illustrious date that will be ever engraved in your hearts, a date whose meaning you will
proudly explain to your children, so that they in turn might relate to their grandchildren and
great-grandchildren the glorious history of our struggle for freedom.
Although this independence of the Congo is being proclaimed today by agreement with
Belgium, an amicable country, with which we are on equal terms, no Congolese will ever
forget that independence was won in struggle, a persevering and inspired struggle carried on
from day to day, a struggle, in which we were undaunted by privation or suffering and stinted
neither strength nor blood.
It was filled with tears, fire and blood. We are deeply proud of our struggle, because it was just
and noble and indispensable in putting an end to the humiliating bondage forced upon us.
That was our lot for the eighty years of colonial rule and our wounds are too fresh and much
too painful to be forgotten.
We have experienced forced labour in exchange for pay that did not allow us to satisfy our
hunger, to clothe ourselves, to have decent lodgings or to bring up our children as dearly loved
ones.
Morning, noon and night we were subjected to jeers, insults and blows because we were
"Negroes". Who will ever forget that the black was addressed as "tu", not because he was a
friend, but because the polite "vous" was reserved for the white man?
We have seen our lands seized in the name of ostensibly just laws, which gave recognition only
to the right of might.

We have not forgotten that the law was never the same for the white and the black, that it was
lenient to the ones, and cruel and inhuman to the others.
We have experienced the atrocious sufferings, being persecuted for political convictions and
religious beliefs, and exiled from our native land: our lot was worse than death itself.
We have not forgotten that in the cities the mansions were for the whites and the tumbledown
huts for the blacks; that a black was not admitted to the cinemas, restaurants and shops set
aside for "Europeans"; that a black travelled in the holds, under the feet of the whites in their
luxury cabins.
Who will ever forget the shootings which killed so many of our brothers, or the cells into
which were mercilessly thrown those who no longer wished to submit to the regime of
injustice, oppression and exploitation used by the colonialists as a tool of their domination?
All that, my brothers, brought us untold suffering.
But we, who were elected by the votes of your representatives, representatives of the people, to
guide our native land, we, who have suffered in body and soul from the colonial oppression,
we tell you that henceforth all that is finished with.
The Republic of the Congo has been proclaimed and our beloved country's future is now in the
hands of its own people.
Brothers, let us commence together a new struggle, a sublime struggle that will lead our
country to peace, prosperity and greatness.
Together we shall establish social justice and ensure for every man a fair remuneration for his
labour.
We shall show the world what the black man can do when working in liberty, and we shall
make the Congo the pride of Africa.
We shall see to it that the lands of our native country truly benefit its children.
We shall revise all the old laws and make them into new ones that will be just and noble.
We shall stop the persecution of free thought. We shall see to it that all citizens enjoy to the
fullest extent the basic freedoms provided for by the Declaration of Human Rights.
We shall eradicate all discrimination, whatever its origin, and we shall ensure for everyone a
station in life befitting his human dignity and worthy of his labour and his loyalty to the
country.

We shall institute in the country a peace resting not on guns and bayonets but on concord and
goodwill.
And in all this, my dear compatriots, we can rely not only on our own enormous forces and
immense wealth, but also on the assistance of the numerous foreign states, whose co-operation
we shall accept when it is not aimed at imposing upon us an alien policy, but is given in a
spirit of friendship.
Even Belgium, which has finally learned the lesson of history and need no longer try to oppose
our independence, is prepared to give us its aid and friendship; for that end an agreement has
just been signed between our two equal and independent countries. I am sure that this cooperation will benefit both countries. For our part, we shall, while remaining vigilant, try to
observe the engagements we have freely made.
Thus, both in the internal and the external spheres, the new Congo being created by my
government will be rich, free and prosperous. But to attain our goal without delay, I ask all of
you, legislators and citizens of the Congo, to give us all the help you can.
I ask you all to sink your tribal quarrels: they weaken us and may cause us to be despised
abroad.
I ask you all not to shrink from any sacrifice for the sake of ensuring the success of our grand
undertaking.
Finally, I ask you unconditionally to respect the life and property of fellow-citizens and
foreigners who have settled in our country; if the conduct of these foreigners leaves much to be
desired, our Justice will promptly expel them from the territory of the republic; if, on the
contrary, their conduct is good, they must be left in peace, for they, too, are working for our
country's prosperity.
The Congo's independence is a decisive step towards the liberation of the whole African
continent.
Our government, a government of national and popular unity, will serve its country.
I call on all Congolese citizens, men, women and children, to set themselves resolutely to the
task of creating a national economy and ensuring our economic independence.
Eternal glory to the fighters for national liberation!
Long live independence and African unity! Long live the independent and sovereign Congo!

Appendix
Assessment 7
Document C: CIA Daily Brief
Lumumba Moves to Consolidate Power in the Congo: The government formed by Congo
Premier-designate Patrice Lumumba is weak and has a strong leftist tinge according to the
consulate general in Leopoldville. Members of opposition parties named to the cabinet are
described as little known and likely to be dominated by Lumumba. The premier-designate
allocated to himself the key post of defense minister, which carries with it control over the
Congos 24,000-man security force, whose Belgian officers are expected to remain after the
Congos independence on 30 June.
Among ten secretaries of state named by Lumumba, fiveincluding secretary for economic
coordination and planningare Communist inclined. Anti-Lumumba leaders continue to
emphasize Lumumbas Communist contacts, and in conversation with US officials have
deplored the failure of the United States to check Communist forces in the Congo. Available
evidence suggests that Lumumba is a leftist-oriented neutralist who has accepted financial
aid from Communist sources.
Leaders for the majority Conakat party in Katanga Province continue to threaten secession and
have expressed dissatisfaction at the inability of the United States to offer armed support, if
needed, to an independent Katanga state. A Conakat spokesman has indicated to American
officials that Katanga is prepared to secede from the Congo on 30 June unless Conakat is
granted three cabinet seats instead of the one offered by Lumumba and unless they are
convinced that the Congo Government will not evolve into a Lumumba dictatorship.

Source: CIA Daily Brief. June 27, 1960.

Appendix
Assessment 7
Document D: New York Times (Excerpted from Original)
Premier Patrice Lumumba of the Congo telegraphed Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold
today that if United Nations troops did not enter Katanga tomorrow, I will be forced to revise
my position.
Mr. Lumumba told Mr. Hammarskjold that he rejoiced over the previous decision to send
United nations troops to Katanga tomorrow and warned that any delay in applying this
decision would not only damage the prestige of the United Nations but also compromise peace
in Africa.
Mr. Lumumba accused the Belgian government of provoking the secession of Katanga and
maintaining troops there to consolidate this action. He said the moves of the dissident
premier of Katanga, Moise Tshombe, were dictated by his Belgian military advisers.
Expressing surprise that Dr. Ralph J. Bunche, United Nations Under Secretary, had gone to
Katanga to negotiate with Mr. Tshombe on the sending of United Nations troops, Mr.
Lumumba told the Secretary General that these negotiations were contrary to decisions of
the Security Council, which called for consultations with the Government of the Congolese
Republic.
After disclosing the text of the telegram to Mr. Hammarskjold, Mr. Lumumba added that he
firmly approved of his Governments decision to force the Belgian Ambassador, Baron Jean
van den Basche, to leave the Congo by Monday. He said his Government had taken the
decision to break off all relations with Belgium on July 14. He said the decision to close the
Belgian Embassy was taken after Belgiums flagrant violation of the friendship treaty by
instigation of the secession of Katanga.
Mr. Lumumba spoke at an impromptu news conference at the airport before he and his staff
took off for Conakry, Guinea.
Source: Thomas F. Brady. Congolese Premier Threatens to Revise Position Unless U.N. Sends Troops
Now. The New York Times, August 6, 1960.

Appendix
Assessment 7
Document E: Belgian Commission Report (Excerpted from Original)
Lumumba was and remains a striking yet controversial personality. He was called a Satan by
some, and honoured as a true peoples hero by others. The latter mythologized Lumumba after
his death. Indeed, it is a fact that he was the first democratically elected Prime Minister of the
Congo.
The different speeches of 30 June 1960 confirmed the mutual distrust between Lumumba and
the Belgian government, which undoubtedly influenced their reactions to the subsequent
events. From the beginning of the crisis, which came as a surprise to the Belgian government,
it was clear that it led to a fundamental split between Lumumba and the government and that
gradually, not only the Belgian government, but also many other governments and many
layers of Belgian and Congolese society were campaigning, some in more co-ordinated fashion
than others, to bring about Lumumbas downfall politically. Public reaction to the events of
July 1960 supported the Belgian government in its actions, especially where military
intervention was concerned. From a humanitarian point of view, it was certainly a necessity
and subsequently the UN did not consider it aggression. However, the UN did ask for the
troops to be withdrawn.
As indicated, the Belgian government found itself pressurised by public opinion which was
very harshly opposed to the events in the Congo after independence, even though the
government did not always completely and correctly keep them informed; it was hard for the
government to justify a laissez-faire attitude regarding the tens of thousands of Europeans in
the Congo and it was also worried about the financial and economic losses the Congo crisis
could cause. The stakes were high for the Belgian financial groups in the Congo. Repeatedly,
this was brought to the attention of the executive branch of the government.

Source: The Conclusions of the Enquiry Committee, 2001.

Appendix
Assessment 7
T-Chart

Similarities In Characterization of Lumumba

Differences In Characterization of Lumumba

Appendix
Assessment 7
Student Participation Chart
Student Name

Document
Assigned (A-E)

Analysis of Question: Why Was Patrice

Lumumba Killed?

Appendix
Assessment 8
A Eulogy for Gandhi
Speech Presentation
After examining Indian resistance from British colonization through the writings of Jawaharlal
Nehru and the article The End of the Raj, you will be spending the week watching the film
Gandhi and working on your project commemorating the life of Mahatma Gandhi. You will
need to take notes on the film as you watch in order to ensure that your project is accurate and
true to the events of the Indian independence movement. Your assignment is as follows:
You are Jawaharlal Nehru, Prime Minister of India. It is January 30, 1948. You have just been
alerted that your longtime comrade and mentor Mahatma Gandhi has been shot dead. Despite
your shock and sadness, you need to address the nation in a 5-minute speech on the national
radio.
Using the readings and events of the film, you must address these Essential Questions in the
role of Prime Minister Nehru:
What qualities did Gandhi possess that made him a great leader and social justice
organizer?
How would you characterize your relationship with Gandhi? Did you get along? Was there
controversy?
Which events shaped his political philosophy?
What were Gandhis greatest accomplishments?
How will his legacy continue? Who will carry on his work? Will you?
You will be graded on the content of your eulogy as well as your presentation. Speeches must
be no longer than 5 minutes; be sure to practice out loud with a timer, for the purposes of
pacing and clarity. You do not need to memorize your speech, but you should not read directly
from your paper, either. (I will explain what I mean by this when we look at examples of
public speaking in class). You must also provide me with a hard copy (typed, double-spaced,
one-inch margins) of your speech on the due date.

Appendix
Assessment 8
A Eulogy for Gandhi
Rubric 45 points

Categories

1
Not yet

2
Passing

3
Satisfactory

4
Outstanding

Content 20 points Vague, no reference

or incomplete
reference to
Essential Questions,
speech could be
about anybody

Answers Essential
Questions
insufficiently without
examples from film
and readings

Answers all
questions with
evidence but reads
more like a textbook
or summary

Pacing 10 points

Spoke too quickly or

too slowly, did not
meet time interval,
inappropriate
pausing

Delivery is uneven,
did not meet time
requirements

Occasionally uneven Met time interval,

or did not meet time good use of drama
requirements
and inflection

Voice 10 points

No inflection, too
soft, or too loud, too
quick, too slow

There is inflection,
but it is rare, rushed
through many parts

Occasionally hard to
distinguish what is
being said, but
mostly audible

Vocal inflections
maintain audience
interest, has a
warm, inviting
presence, highenergy

Poise 5 points

Has trouble
recovering from
mistakes, tension in
voice, reads from
paper word-for-word

Mild tension in
voice, limited eye
contact, mostly
reads from paper

Quick recovery from

mistakes, little or no
tension

Appears relaxed an
self-confident, no
mistakes in speech,
eye contact, does
not read from paper
continuously

Answers all
questions and
adopts the somber
tone of a a funeral
speech

Appendix
Assessment 8
Source: The passage above is an excerpt from a book by Jawaharlal Nehru, Indias first Prime Minister.
He wrote the book, The Discovery of India, from 1942-1945, when he was in prison for participating in
the Indian Independence Movement.
Nehru, J. (1946). The Discovery of India. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
. . . Unity is always better than disunity, but an enforced unity is a sham and dangerous affair, full of
explosive possibilities. Unity must be if the mind and heart, a sense of belonging together and of facing
together those who attack it. I am convinced that there is that basic unity in India, but it has been
overlaid and hidden to some extent by other forces. These latter may be temporary and artificial and may
pass off, but they count to-day and no man can ignore them.
It is our fault, of course, and we must suffer for our failings. But I cannot excuse or forgive the British
authorities for the deliberate part they have played in creating disruption in India. All other injuries will
pass, but this will continue to plague us for a much longer period. . . .
To accept the principle of a division in India, or rather the principle that there should be no enforced
unity, may lead to a calm and dispassionate consideration of its consequences and thus to a realization
that unity is in the interest of all. Yet, obviously there is the danger that once this wrong step is taken,
other like ones may follow in its train. The attempt to solve one problem in the wrong may well create
new problems. If India is to be divided into two or more parts, then the amalgamation of the major
Indian states into India becomes more difficult, for those states will find an additional reason, which
they might not otherwise have, for keeping aloof and holding on to their authoritarian regims.
Any division of India on a religious basis as between Hindus and Moslems, as envisaged by the Moslem
League to-day, cannot separate the followers of these two principal religions of India, for they are spread
out all over the country. Even if the areas in which each group is in a majority are separated, huge
minorities belonging to the other group remain in each area. Thus instead of solving the minority
problem, we create several in place of one. Other religious groups, like the Sikhs, are split up unfairly
against their will and placed in two different states. In giving freedom to separate to one group, other
groups, through in a minority, are denied that freedom and compelled to isolate themselves from the rest
of India against their emphatic and deeply felt wishes. If it is said that the majority (religious) must
prevail in each area, so far as the question of separation is concerned, there is no particular reason why
the majority view should not decide the question for the whole of India. Or that each tiny area should not
decide its independent status for itself and thus create a vast number of small statesan incredible and
fantastic development. Even so it cannot be done with any logic, for religious groups are intermingled
and overlap in the population all over the country.
It is difficult enough to solve such problems by separation where nationalities are concerned. But where
the test becomes a religious one it becomes impossible of solution on any logical basis. It is a reversion
to some medieval conception which cannot be fitted into the modern world.

If the economic aspects of separation are considered it is clear that India as a whole is a strong and
more-or-less self-sufficient economic unit. Any division will naturally weaken her and one part will have
to depend on the other. If the division is made so as to separate the predominately Hindu and Moslem
areas, the former will compromise far the greater part of the mineral resources and industrial areas. The
Hindu areas will not be so hard hit from this point of view. The Moslem areas, on the other hand, will be
the economically backward, and often deficit, areas which cannot exist without a great deal of outside
assistance. Thus, the odd fact emerges that those who to-day demand separation will be the greatest
suffers from it. Because of a partial realization of this fact, it is not stated on their behalf that separation
should take place in such a way as to give them an economically balanced region. Whether this is
possible under any circumstance I do not know, but I rather doubt it. In any event any such attempt
means forcibly attaching other large areas with predominately Hindu and Sikh population to the
separated areas. That would be a curious way of giving effect to the principle of self-determination . . .
Another very curios contradiction emerges. While the principle of self-determination is invoked, the idea
of a plebiscite to decide this is not accepted, or at most, it is said that the plebiscite should be limited to
Moslems only in the area. Thus, in Bengal and the Punjab the Moslem population is about 54 per cent or
less. It is suggested that if there is to be voting only this 54 per cent should vote and decide the fate of
the remaining 46 per cent or more, who will have no say in the matter. This might result in 28 per cent
deciding the fate of the remaining 72 per cent.
. . . I imagine that a large number of [Moslems], possible even a majority, would vote against [partition].
Many Moslem organizations are opposed to it. Every non-Moslem, whether he is a Hindu, or Sikh, or a
Christian, or Parsee, is opposed to it. Essentially this sentiment in favour of partition has grown in the
areas where Moslems are in a small minorityareas which, in any event, would remain undetached
from the rest of India. Moslems in provinces where they are in a majority have been less influenced by
it; naturally, for they can stand on their own feet and have no reason to fear other groups. It is least in
evidence in the North-West Frontier Province (95 per cent Moslems), where the Pathans are brave and
self-reliant and have no fear complex. Thus, oddly enough, the Moslem Leagues proposal to partition
India finds far less response in the Moslem areas sought to be partitioned than in the Moslem minority
areas which are unaffected by it. Yet the fact remains that considerable numbers of Moslems have
become sentimentally attached to this idea of separation without giving though to its consequences . . .
I think this sentiment has been artificially created and has no roots in the Moslem mind . . . It is clear
that any real settlement must be based on the goodwill of the constituent elements and on the desire of
all parties to it to co-operate together for a common objective. In order to gain that any sacrifice in
reason is worth while. Every group must not only be theoretically and actually free and have equal
opportunities of growth, but should have the sensation of freedom and equality. It is not difficult, if
passions and unreasoning emotions are set aside, to devise such freedom with the largest autonomy for
provinces and states and yet a strong central bond. There could even be autonomous units within the
larger provinces or states, as in Soviet Russia. In addition to this, ever conceivable protection and
safeguard for minority rights could be inserted into the constitution . . .
That unity is geographical, historical, and cultural, and all that; but the most powerful factor in its favour
is the trend of world events. Many of us are if opinion that India is essentially a nation; Mr. Jinnah has
advanced a two-nation theory and has lately added to it and to political phraseology by describing some

religious groups as sub-nations, whatever these might be. His though identifies a nation with religions.
That is not the usual approach to-day. But whether India is properly to be described as one nation or two
or more really does not matter, for the modern idea of nationality has been almost divorced from
statehood. The national state is too small a unit to-day and small states can have no independent
existence. It is doubtful if even many of the larger national states can have any real independence. The
national state is thus giving place to the multi-national state or to large federations. The Soviet Union is
typical of this development. The United States of America, though bound together by strong national
ties, constitute essentially a multi-national state . . .
In India, as elsewhere, we are too much under the bondage of slogans and set phrases derived from past
events, and ideologies which have little relevance to-day, and their chief function is to prevent reasoned
thought and a dispassionate consideration of the situation as it exists . . . In recent years a great deal has
been written and said on the future of India, and especially on the partition or unity of India; and yet the
astonishing fact remains that those who propose Pakistan or partition have consistently refused to
define what they mean or to consider the implications of such a division. They move on the emotional
plane only, as also many of those who oppose them, a plane of imagination and vague desire, behind
which lie imagined interests. Inevitably, between these two emotional and imaginative approaches there
is no meeting ground. And so Pakistan and Akhand Hinduism (undivided India) are bandied about
and hurled at each other . . . And decisions taken primarily on the basis of emotions, or when emotions
are the dominating consideration, are likely to be wrong and to lead to dangerous development . . .
Thus we arrive at the inevitable and ineluctable conclusion that, whether Pakistan comes or not, a
number of important and basic functions of the state must be exercised on an all-India basis if India is to
survive as a free state and progress. The alternative is stagnation, decay, and disintegration, leading to
loss of political and economic freedom, both for India as a whole and its various separated parts . . .
The right of any well-constituted area to secede from the Indian federation or union has often been put
forward, and the argument of the U.S.S.R. advanced in support of it. The argument has little application,
for conditions there are wholly different and the right has little practical value. In the emotional
atmosphere in India to-day it may be desirable to agree to this for the future in order to give that sense of
freedom from compulsion which is so necessary. The Congress has in effect agreed to it. But even the
exercise of that right involves a pre-consideration of all those common problems to which reference has
been made. Also there is grave danger in a possibility of partition and division to begin with, for such an
attempt might well scotch the very beginnings of freedom and the formation of a free national state.
Insuperable problems will rise and confuse all the real issues. Disintegration will be in the air and all
manner of group, who are otherwise agreeable to a joint and unified existence, will claim separate states
for themselves, or special privileges which are encroachments on others. The problems of the India
states will become far more difficult of solution, and the state system, as it is to-day, will get a new lease
of life. The social and economic problems will be far harder to tackle. Indeed, it is difficult to conceive
of any free state emerging from such a turmoil, and if something does emerge, it will be a pitiful
caricature full of contradictions and insoluble problems.

Appendix
Assessment 9
Analytic Essay Resistance Leaders in the Developing World During the Cold War Era

Choose one of the following topics to examine in a Five Paragraph Essay:

1.) There is a well-known saying coined during the French Revolution that revolutions devour their
own children. What does this mean? Based on the leadership profiles that we studied in this unit, do
you think this is true?
2.) As in the case of the assassination of Patrice Lumumba and others, do you think the United States is
right to intervene militarily in the political affairs of other countries? Why or why not?
3.) Choose two of the resistance leaders we studied in this unit. Compare and contrast their childhood
backgrounds, education, and political motivations. Do certain personalities seemed destined to enter
politics or is one more often motivated by external factors?
4.) Of the resistance leaders that we studied, whose political beliefs most resonate with you? Are they
relevant today?
Bonus challenge (+5 points): Develop your own topic from the class materials that your thesis statement
will attempt to answer. All topics must be approved by the teacher.

Requirements for Five Paragraph Essay (hint: use this as a checklist):

First paragraph that includes introduction and thesis statement
3 body paragraphs
Concluding paragraph
Minimum of 5 sentences per paragraph
Parenthetical citations in Chicago Style
You will complete the following steps. Each step will be considered a classroom/homework
assignment. You must complete all steps in order to receive full credit for the entire essay assignment.

Steps (100 points total)

Step 1: Thesis Statement, due _______ (10 points)
Answers the question: What is my paper about? (2-4 sentences)
Step 2: Outline, due ________ (10 points)
Needs to fit on one page
Step 3: Bibliography

(10 points)

You must use at least three sources. You may use your textbook, class discussion, and
any of the assigned documents we read in class or for homework.
You must find one source to support your thesis through a scholarly or academic
publication (not a newspaper, magazine, internet blog, or Wikipedia entry).
Step 4: Essay, due _________ (70 points) (see rubric)

Appendix
Assessment 9
Rubric for Analytic Essay

Not yet (0-20)

Passing (20-40)

Satisfactory (40-60)

Outstanding (60-70)

No formatting or
citations
Body paragraphs
dont address thesis
No coherent
message

Attempts formatting
Cited incorrectly
Minimal coherence

Solid thesis
Good formatting
Cited correctly
Coherent writing, but
body paragraphs
could flow better

Formatted correctly
Coherent
Flows logically
throughout essay

Evidence (20 points) Irrelevant, vague

evidence

Makes assertions
with minimal
evidence

Uses relevant
Addresses thesis
evidence most of the with relevant and
time
substantive
evidence

Connects Evidence
to Thesis (20 points)

Mostly opinion

Mostly opinion,
occasional
relevance

Often relevant and

substantive, but
sometimes off-topic

Supports
conclusions with
evidence from text

Spelling/Grammar
(10 points)

Clearly wasnt
proofread

More issues with

grammar than
spelling

Occasional issues
with syntax

Almost no
punctuation and
spelling errors

Organization (20
points)

Appendix
Assessment 10
You Say You Want a Revolution?
In your groups, decide on an issue in contemporary politics where you would like to see
change. Think of what inspired the leaders we studied in this unit (imperialism, poverty,
dictatorship, etc.).
Many of these issues still resonate today. Recall Occupy Wall Street, the nonviolent social
movement that occupied Zuccotti Park in NYC for several months in 2011. While some argue
that they were inconsequential, others say that their presence was responsible for initiating a
new conversation about class and income inequality.
Heres a few suggestions for issues for which you can advocate, or you may develop your
own:

Income Inequality
LGBT Rights
Decreasing Military Spending
Cutting Taxes
Gender Equality
The above suggestions paint pretty broad brushstrokes. For example, within LGBT Rights, a
group may opt to focus on workplace discrimination or transgender acceptance. Your
group may discuss this with me further and well narrow it down.
Now, what it is I want you to do, exactly? (checklist!)
*Create a 3-5 minute campaign commercial to highlight your issue.
*Make sure we know what your issue is! It should be stated clearly.
*What do you want to happen? You must include what you would like to
see happen and state a plan for what you would do to fix the problem if you were in power
*You will have two class periods to work on this project. It is due at the
beginning of the third class period.
*Remember to be creative! I will be checking in with you periodically, so
please dont hesitate to ask questions.