089236579X PDF

PAINTING ON LIGHT
Drawings
and Stained Glass
in the Age of
Drer and Holbein
Barbara Butts and Lee Hendrix

with the assistance of Scott G. Wolf
With contributions by
Barbara Giesicke
Timothy B. Husband
Mylene Ruoss
Hartmut Scholz
Peter van Treeck
THE J. PAUL GETTY MUSEUM incollaboration with THE SAINT ART MUSEUM
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2ooo The J. Paul Getty Trust

1200 Getty Center Drive
Suite 400
Los Angeles, California 90049-1681
www.getty.edu/publications
This publication is issued in conjunction with the exhibition

Painting on Light: Drawings and Stained Glass in the Age of
Drer and Holbein, held at the J. Paul Getty Museum and
The Saint Louis Art Museum. The exhibition will be on view
in Los Angeles from July 11 to September 24, 2000, and in
St. Louis from November 4, 2000, to January 7, 2001.
At the J. Paul Getty Museum:
Christopher Hudson, Publisher
Mark Greenberg, Managing Editor
Project staff:
John Harris, Editor
Vickie Sawyer Karten, Designer
Suzanne Petralli Meilleur, Production Coordinator
Kathleen Preciado, Indexer
Charles Passela, Photographer
Typesetting by G & S Typesetters
Printed by Gardner Lithograph
Bound by Roswell Bookbinding
Front cover:
After Albrecht Drer, workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder.
The Annunciation, c. 1504-5. See cat. no. 21.
Back cover:
Hans Holbein the Younger. A Wild Man Brandishing an
Uprooted Tree Trunk, c. 1528. See cat. no. 151.
Frontispiece:
Niklaus Manuel Deutsch and Bernese glass painter (Hans
Funk?), after Niklaus Manuel Deutsch. Drawing and stainedglass panel of Christ and the Woman Taken in Adultery, 1527.
See cat. nos. 126-27.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Butts, Barbara.
Painting on light: drawings and stained glass in the age of
Drer and Holbein / Barabara Butts and Lee Hendrix with
the assistance of Scott C. Wolf ; with contributions by
Barbara Giesicke . . . [et al.].
p.
cm.
Published on the occasion of an exhibition organized by and
held at the J. Paul Getty Museum, July 11-Sept. 24, 2000
and the Saint Louis Art Museum, Nov. 4, 2000-Jan. 7, 2001.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN
0-89236-578-1 ISBN 0-89236-579-x (paper)
1. Artists' preparatory studiesGermany, SouthernExhi
bitions. 2. Artists' preparatory studiesSwitzerland
Exhibitions. 3. Drawing16th centuryGermany, South
ernExhibitions. 4. Drawing16th centurySwitzer
landExhibitions. 5. Glass painting and stainingGer
many, SouthernHistory16th CenturyExhibitions.
6. Glass Painting and stainingSwitzerlandHistory
16th centuryExhibitions. 1. Hendrix, Lee. 11. Wolf,
Scott C , 1956- III. J. Paul Getty Museum, IV. Saint Louis
Art Museum, V. Title.
N7433.5 .B88 2000
748.593'09'3107479494dc2i
99-059416
Entries in the catalogue section were written by the following
authors: Barbara Butts, cat. nos. 1-3, 6-27, 30-76; Lee Hen
drix, 5, 28-29, 77-152; Timothy B. Husband, 4.
Contents
ix
Foreword
xi
Lenders to the Exhibition
xii
Acknowledgments
Introduction
Drawn on PaperPainted on Glass
17
Monumental Stained Glass in

Southern Germany in the Age
of Drer
Hartmut Scholz
43
In Honor of Friendship:
Function, Meaning, and Iconography
in Civic Stained-Glass Donations in
Switzerland and Southern Germany
Barbara Giesicke and Mylne Ruoss
57
On the Artistic Technique of Glass

Painting in the Age of Drer and
Holbein and Its Conservation Problems
Peter van Treeck
67
PRECURSORS
83
Albrecht Drer
Hans Baidung Grien
Hans Leu the Younger
Hans von Kulmbach
Sebald Beham
Georg Pencz
189
AUGSBURG
Hans Holbein the Elder

Hans Schufelein
Hans Burgkmair
Jrg Breu the Elder
233
STRASBOURG AND
FREIBURG
Hans Baidung Grien

Hans Weiditz
249
REGENSBURG
Albrecht Altdorfer
253
BERN
Hans Funk
Niklaus Manuel Deutsch
275
The Master of the Housebook

Peter Hemmel von Andlau and the
Strasbourg Workshop-Cooperative
The Master of the Coburg Roundels
Michael Wolgemut
NUREMBERG
ZURICH

283
BASEL
Urs Graf
Antoni Glaser
Hans Holbein the Younger
313 List of References
326 Index
Foreword
lbrecht Drer and Hans Holbein the Younger:

The names evoke the magnificent achievements of
Renaissance painting and printmaking in Southern
Germany and Switzerland. They are not, however,
generally associated with stained glass. Nevertheless,
Drer, Holbein, and their Southern German and Swiss
contemporaries designed some of the most splendid
stained glass in the history of the medium. Their
designs and the stained glass executed after them are
celebrated in this exhibition.
The J. Paul Getty Museum, with its strength in
Old Master drawings, and The Saint Louis A r t
Museum, with its outstanding holdings of German art,
were ideal collaborators for Painting on Light. The
exhibition is notable for its combination of scholarship and extraordinary beauty. It is a rare opportunity
to view so large a large quantity of radiant paintings
on glass from the age of Drer and Holbein. The exhibition includes many medium-sized and small-scale
masterpieces, made for both religious and secular
buildings, and demonstrates the amazing flowering of
the stained glass in the late fifteenth century and first
quarter of the sixteenth century. It juxtaposes stainedglass panels with related drawings to elucidate the
working relationships between the great Renaissance
draftsmen and the talented glass painters who translated their designs into another medium. The vitality
of stained glass in Southern Germany and Switzerland
from the period is seen in the range of subject matter
treatedincluding knightly tournaments, the labors
of the seasons, narrative themes, romance, and military conquestand in the technical inventiveness of
the designers and glass painters.
Lee Hendrix, Curator of Drawings at the J. Paul
Getty Museum, and Barbara Butts, guest curator (formerly Curator of Prints, Drawings, and Photographs
at The Saint Louis A r t Museum) organized this exhibition with enthusiasm and insight. They brought
their expertise in the connoisseurship of drawings to

some of the knottiest problems facing scholars of German and Swiss Renaissance art, sought out relevant
drawings and stained glass throughout Europe and
N o r t h America, and established fruitful collaborations with their colleagues in the field of stained glass.
We join Barbara Butts and Lee Hendrix in thanking
Barbara Giesicke, Timothy B. Husband, Mylne
Ruoss, Hartmut Scholz, and Peter van Treeck for their
contributions to the exhibition and publication. Mark
Greenberg and his staff in the Publications Department at the Getty brought together their texts in
the form of a beautiful and substantial catalogue.
The exhibition in St. Louis was made possible in
part by financial assistance from The May Department Stores Company and its Famous-Barr and Lord
& Taylor Divisions, and by the National Endowment
for the Arts, a federal agency. This exhibition would
not have been possible without the generous loans of
the many individuals and institutions named in the
pages immediately following.
John Walsh
Director, The J. Paul Getty Museum
Brent Benjamin
Director, The Saint Louis A r t Museum
ix
Lenders to the E x h i b i t i o n
ur thanks are extended to all those who have

kindly loaned their works to the exhibition. The list of
lenders below is alphabetized by city, followed by
institution.
Aarau, Denkmalpflege des Kantons Aargau
Augsburg, Stdtische Kunstsammlungen, Maximilianmuseum
Bad Schinznach, Bad Schinznach Thermalquelle
Baltimore, The Walters Art Gallery
Bamberg, Historisches Museum Bamberg
Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlung Basel
Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin-Preussischer
Kulturbesitz, Kunstgewerbemuseum
Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabinett
Bern, Bernisches Historisches Museum
Bern, Denkmalpflege des Kantons Bern
Boston, Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum
Boston, Museum of Fine Arts
Braunschweig, Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum
Bremen, Kunsthalle Bremen
Coburg, Kunstsammlungen der Veste Coburg
Cottbus, Stiftung Frst Pckler-Museum
Darmstadt, Hessisches Landesmuseum
Dresden, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden,
Kupferstich-Kabinett
Eisenach, Collection of Wartburg-Stiftung Eisenach
Erlangen, Graphische Sammlung der Universitt
Florence, Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi
Frankfurt am M a i n , Museum fr Kunsthandwerk
Frankfurt am Main, Graphische Sammlung i m
Stdelschen Kunstinstitut
Fssen, Staatsgalerie im Hohen Schloss Fssen
Glasgow, Glasgow Museums, The Burrell Collection
Glendale, California, Forest Lawn Memorial-Park
Association, Forest Lawn Museum
Gttingen, Kunstsammlung der Universitt Gttingen
Hannover, Niederschsisches Landesmuseum

Hannover
Innsbruck, Tiroler Landesmuseum Ferdinandeum
Kaiserslautern, Pfalzgalerie
Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum
Kirchberg, Kirchgemeinde
Leipzig, Museum der bildenden Knste
London, The British Museum
London, Victoria and Albert Museum
Los Angeles, The J. Paul Getty Museum
Munich, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum
Munich, Staatliche Graphische Sammlung
Mnchen
New York, The Metropolitan Museum of A r t
Nuremberg, Evangelisch-Lutherische Kirchengemeinde Nrnberg-St. Sebald
Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum
Nuremberg, Museen der Stadt Nrnberg, Museum
Tucherschloss
Oxford, The Visitors of the Ashmolean Museum
Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France
Paris, cole nationale suprieure des Beaux-Arts
Paris, Muse du Louvre, Departement des Arts
Graphiques
Providence, Brown University Library
Rotterdam, Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen
St. Louis, The Saint Louis Art Museum
St. Petersburg, The State Hermitage Museum
San Diego, San Diego Museum of Art
Schwerin, Staatliches Museum Schwerin, Kupferstichkabinett
Strasbourg, Cabinet des Estampes et des Dessins
Switzerland, private collection
Washington, D.C., The National Gallery of A r t
Weimar, Kunstsammlungen zu Weimar, Schlossmuseum
Zurich, Schweizerisches Landesmuseum
xi
Acknowledgments
this one in particular has depended upon the teamwork and generosity of colleagues with many areas of
expertise. We have been constantly overwhelmed at the
extent to which our colleagues have devoted their efforts to bringing this complex project to fruition and
would like to dedicate this catalogue to them as an
expression of our deepest gratitude.
Painting on Light would not have been possible
without the many publications of our colleagues both
in the international Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi (Catalogue of Medieval Stained Glass) and in the wider field
of stained glass. In particular, we want to thank four
of our German and Swiss colleagues who contributed
essays to this catalogue and whose generosity has been
boundless: Barbara Giesicke, Mylne Ruoss, Hartmut
Scholz, and Peter van Treeck. We offer our gratitude as
well to Timothy B. Husband, who wrote a key biography and catalogue entry.
The exhibition would not have taken place without the continued support of John Walsh and Deborah
Gribbon, Director and Deputy Director and Chief Curator at the Getty Museum, and James D. Burke and
Brent Benjamin, Director Emeritus and Director of The
Saint Louis A r t Museum. The enthusiasm of these individuals for the project, in spite of all of its logistical
complexities and the many years of research and travel
it required, is a testament to their commitment to
scholarship and to bringing great but lesser-known
material to the public eye.
The safe transport and installation of the
stained-glass panels were among our primary concerns, and we have been fortunate to work closely
with knowledgeable and dedicated conservators. Brian
Considine, aided by Abby Hykin, headed up this enormous effort at the Getty, coordinating with Peter van
Treeck in Germany and Stefan Trmpier in Switzerland, both of whom were invaluable in organizing and
supervising packing and transport. Suzanne Hargrove
xii
has expertly handled the conservation aspects of the

exhibition at The Saint Louis Art Museum. We also
thank Bruce Metro, Head of Preparations at the Getty,
for his expertise in packing, shipping, and installation. Further, for their advice and assistance we thank
conservators Fritz Dold, Dieter Goldkuhle, and Urs
Wohlgemuth.
Large loan exhibitions involve the support of
staff members from every department of the borrowing institutions, and the staffs of the Getty and The
Saint Louis A r t Museum have given unstintingly towards the realization of Painting on Light. In particular we want to thank Quincy Houghton, Head of
Exhibitions at the Getty, ably assisted by Amber Keller,
and Jeanette Fausz, Registrar and Director of Exhibitions at The Saint Louis A r t Museum. Scott Wolf and
Suzy Royal at the Getty have been pillars of the project, with regard both to research and the management
of countless organizational aspects. We also thank
Kathleen Kibler at the Getty, who among other projects
ordered and tracked photographs. For their invaluable
research, we thank Bradley P. Fratello in St. Louis and
Anne Lauder, Maite Alvarez, and M a r k McDonald
at the Getty. The Registrars at both institutionsSally
Hibbard assisted by Cory Gooch at the Getty, and
Jeanette Fausz assisted by Diane Vandergrift Mallow
in St. Louishave put untold hours of work and care
into arranging the loans and shipping. We owe
the beautiful installation designs to Ann Marshall,
Merritt Price, and Christopher Muniz at the Getty and
Jeff Wamhoff in St. Louis. As always, we are tremendously grateful to the teams of preparators at the Getty
and in St. Louis, who carry out installations with exemplary dedication and care. Deep thanks for their
help with the drawings go to Nancy Yocco and Marc
Harnly in the Department of Paper Conservation at
the Getty and to conservators Paul Haner and Sheba
Haner at The Saint Louis A r t Museum. Further,
we would like to acknowledge the assistance of
Francesca Consagra, Jon Cournoyer, Dan Esarey,

Olivia Lahs Gonzales, Cathryn Goodwin, Davina
Harrison, and Mary Ann Steiner in St. Louis and of
the librarians at the Getty Research Institute. We
thank M a r k Greenberg, John Harris, Vickie Sawyer
Karten, Suzanne Petralli Meilleur, and their colleagues
in the Publications Department at the Getty for their
prodigious work in preparing the catalogue.
We came to the idea for Painting on Light
through a shared interest in German and Swiss drawings for stained glass. The concept for the exhibition
first began to take shape in 1987, when Barbara Butts,
then an assistant curator at the Museum of Fine Arts,
Boston, received a grant from the Travel to Collections
Program of the National Endowment for the Humanities to develop an exhibition devoted to drawings and
related stained-glass panels by Albrecht Drer and his
circle. In 1990, given the growth of the Getty's collection of German and Swiss drawings for stained glass,
we conceived of a broader exhibition that would include drawings and related panels from southern Germany and Switzerland. In 1995 we proposed Painting
on Light: Drawings and Stained Glass in the Age of
Drer and Holbein to our directors at the J. Paul Getty
Museum and The Saint Louis Art Museum and were
thrilled by their support for the project. For more than
a decade we have received generous assistance from
colleagues throughout Europe and the United States.
For their contributions to this project we wish to
thank: Clifford S. Ackley, Neil Adkin, Gert Ammann,
Drew Anderson, Robert G. W. Anderson, Christiane
Andersson, Jean-Pierre Angremy, Michael Archer, the
late Franz Bchtiger, Giulia Bartrum, Hela Baudis,
Margrit Bauer, Reinhold Baumstark, Herbert Beck,
Rdiger Becksmann, Katrin Bellinger, Kornelia von
Berswordt-Wallrabe, Eberhard Bibelriether, Monika
Bierschenk, Jaap Bolten, Alan Borg, James M . Bradburne, Anne Breckenridge-Bornscheuer, Johan C.
Bosch van Rosenthal, Jrg A. Bossardt, Philippe Braunstein, Christine E. Brennan, Christopher Brown, Emmanuelle Brugerolles, Rita Bucher-Jolidon, Britta E.
Buhlmann, Margaret Burton, Ina Busch, Katie Cavanagh, Madeline H . Caviness, Virginia Tuttle Clayton,
Patricia Collins, Gnther Dankl, Ulrich Deisenhofer,
Chris Dercon, Jutta Desel, Emese Doehler, Thomas
Dring, Wolf-Dieter Dube, Edith DuBose, Alexander
Dckers,
Hans
Drig,
Michael Eissenhauer,
Christoph Emmendrffer, Berthold Ettrich, Tilman
Falk, Hlne Faur, Paul Fehr, Suzanne Fischer, Eva
Fitz, the late Gottfried Frenzel, Alexandra Fritsch,
Andres Furger, Cecily Gardner, Ulrich Gassmann,
Dieter Gleisberg, Hilliard T. Goldfarb, Louis M .
Goldich, George R. Goldner, Heide Grape-Albers,
Martin Grssle, Philipp Gremper, Antony Griffiths,
G. Ulrich Grossmann, Herwig Guratzsch, Joseph Guttmann, Bertold Freiherr Haller von Hallerstein, Rolf
Hasler, Anny-Claire Haus, Anne Hawley, Lothar Hennig, Brigitte Herrbach-Schmidt, Sarah Herring, Wulf
Herzogenrath, Daniel Hess, Robert Heuss, Christina
Hofmann-Randall, Wolfgang Holler, Siegmar H o l sten, Timothy B. Husband, Karen Jacobson, Annie
Jacques, Gregory D. Jecmen, Peter Jezler, David Judson, Walter Judson, Theo Jlich, Rainer Kahsnitz,
Frank Matthias Kammel, Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann, Steven Kern, Hans-Otto Keunecke, Christian
Klemm, Dietrich Ktzsche, Sigfried Kohlschmidt,
Bjrn Kommar, Kristina Kohlhaas, Eva Korazija,
Gode Krmer, Renate Kroll, Judith Krouch, Beat
Kmin, Gisle Lambert, Brigitta Laube, Daniela
Laube, Heinz-Werner Lewerken, Reino Liefkes, John
F. Llewellyn, Kurt Lcher, Jochen Luckhardt, HansPeter Luder, Peter Mrker, Judith Mann, Alan Mark,
Hannelore Marschner, Irene Martin, Rolf Martin,
Katherine Matthews, Vladimir Matveev, Bridget
McConnell, Patrick T. McMahon, Jessie McNab,
Karl-Heinz Mehnert, A. W. F. M . Meij, Matthias
Mende, the late Hans Mielke, Hermann Mildenberger, Philippe de Montebello, Andre F. Moosbrugger, Beth Morrison, Christian Mller, Barbara Mndt,
Jane M u n r o , Susanne Netzer, Martina Norelli, Konrad
Oberhuber, Jennifer Opie, Nadine Orenstein, Thera
Folmer-von Oven, Christian B. Peper, Miranda Percival, Susanne Petri, Annamaria Petrioli Tofani, Michael
Petzet, Karl-Georg Pfandtner, Lisa Pilosi, Mikhail
Piotrovsky, Frederick Ponzlov, Andre Pouderoux,
Earl A. Powell, III, Kathleen Preciado, Maxime
Praud, Virginia Chieffo Raguin, Jean Rainwater, Janice Reading, Sue Welsh Reed, Thomas Riedmiller,
Andrew Robison, Burkard von Roda, Anne RverKann, Malcolm Rogers, Pierre Rosenberg, John
Rowlands, Sabine Runde, Charles Ryskamp, Bernd
Schlicke, Veronica Schaller, Katharina Schmidt,
Claudia Schnitzer, Rainer Schoch, Gerhard Schorr,
Markus Schranz, Anne-Cathrin Schreck, Benno Schubiger, Gnter Schuchardt, Holger Schuckelt, Jrg
Schweizer, Bruno Schwitter, Alan Shestack, Harald
Siebenmorgen, Larry Silver, Caron Smith, Franz Sonnenberger, Joaneath Spicer, Peter Steinbacher, Alison
Stewart, Georg Stolz, Samuel Streit, Peter Strieder,
Sebastian Strobl, Margret Stuffmann, Valentine Talland, Ester Theiler, Elizabeth Teviotdale, Elgin van
Treeck, Meinolf Trudzinski, Jutta Tschoeke, Gerd
Unverfehrt, Franoise Viatte, Gary Vikan, Peter Volk,
Herrmann Voltz, Scott Wagner, Timothy Wardell,
Franois Wehrlin, Christiane Wiebel, and Detlef Zinke.
Finally, we thank the lenders for generously
sharing their drawings and stained-glass panels for
the advancement of scholarship and for the enjoyment
and edification of audiences in Los Angeles and St. Louis.
Barbara Butts
Lee Hendrix
xiii
Introduction
Drawn on Paper
Painted on Glass
s an artistic medium, stained glass is most read

ily associated with the Gothic cathedrals of France.
For many, the words "stained glass" call to mind the
monumental figured windows of Chartres cathedral,
glowing within the towering masonry and shifting in
color and tone with changes of weather, time of day,
and season. Figured stained glass is thought to date
back to the Carolingian period, and by the time the
majority of the windows of Chartres were made in
the early thirteenth century, stained glass was one of the
foremost techniques of painting practiced in Europe.
The association of the achievements of Renaissance
painting, on the other hand, with fresco and pictures
on wood or canvas has obscured the fact that stained
glass continued to thrive and to evolve as a major art
form. It was particularly important in southern Ger
many and Switzerland during the lifetimes of N u
remberg's most celebrated artist, Albrecht Drer
(1471-1528), and Basel's renowned painter Hans
Holbein the Younger (1497/9 8-1543). Indeed, figured
stained glass was ubiquitous, adorning not only mon
umental windows in churches (fig. 16, p. 32) but also
cloisters (fig. 1), municipal chambers (fig. 12, p. 53),
private chapels (cat. nos. 21-22, fig. 19), scholars'
studies, castle towers, guild halls, inns, universities,
hospitals, and, if a drawing by the Master of the
Housebook is true to life, even bathhouses (cat. no. 46,
fig. 37). And while the production of monumental
church windows was greatly curtailed by the late
15 20s with the spread of the Reformation, the pro
duction of smaller panels destined for secular settings
continued to flourish.
As the Renaissance artist's role became defined
as that of a creative intelligence as well as a crafts
man, it increasingly included designing a wide variety
of artworks to be executed by others. It is common
knowledge that Drer, Holbein, and most of their
contemporaries in southern Germany and Switzerland
designed woodcuts, drawing on blocks that were then

cut by block cutters {Formschneider).
Drer also
designed panel paintings, wall paintings, manuscript
illuminations, and sculpture in relief and in the round
to be executed by other artists. Drer, Holbein, and
Holbein's fellow Basel artist Urs Graf designed a
variety of objects to be executed in metal, including
armor, weapons, relief boxes, table fountains, goblets,
portrait medallions, coins, jewelry, and corner decora
tions for book covers. Drer's hundreds of extant
drawings include designs for ceremonial robes, chande
liers, a cardinal's throne, and even a pattern for a shoe;
his diary of his trip to the Netherlands in 1520-21
indicates that he designed a mask and a house.
1
W i t h the notable exception of Matthias Grne

wald, the artists whom we think of today as the major
painters and printmakers of the South German and
Swiss Renaissance apparently devoted a significant
portion of their time and talent to the design of stained
glass, as reflected in their large numbers of drawings
for the medium. Designs for stained glass by South
German and Swiss Renaissance artists have often
been marginalized within their oeuvres, undervalued
because of a prejudice against working drawings or
wrongly attributed because they are apt to lack the
spatial, linear, or tonal complexities of studies for
paintings on panel or canvas by the same artists.
Designs for stained glass, however, tend to be excep
tional in their range of subject matter, calligraphic
beauty, and inventive articulation of ornamental and
figural imagery on two-dimensional surfaces, whether
rectangular, circular, or foliated. Given the paucity of
archival records related to stained glass in the age of
Drer and Holbein, drawings have the added import
of providing what is often the most valuable means of
identifying the artist responsible for designing a panel
or window. Furthermore, drawings are sometimes the
chief or only evidence of the vast amount of stained
Figure i . Wettingen cloister, north side, facing east.

Photo: Aargauische Denkmalpflege (1979, Knecht).
glass lost because of wars, iconoclasm, exposure to

the elements, and changes of taste. For instance, of the
large series of stained-glass roundels based on drawings
by the Augsburg artist Jrg Breu the Elder and depict
ing the battles and hunts of Holy Roman Emperor
Maximilian I , just two are extant (cat. nos. 83-90).
And only one drawing survives as evidence of what
must have been a series of circular stained-glass panels
depicting Christ's Passion after drawings by Albrecht
Altdorfer of Regensburg (cat. no. 117). Indeed, this
one drawing is the only proof that Altdorfer designed
stained glass. Virtually no stained glass survives that is
directly based on any of Hans Baldung Grien's numer
ous extant drawings for the medium.
2
The prestige of stained glass in southern Ger

many and Switzerland during the Renaissance is
reflected in the number and celebrity of its patrons.
Stained glass was a favored medium of Maximilian 1
(1459-1519; elected king i 4 8 6 and emperor 1508),
one of the greatest art patrons of his age. The emperor
is best remembered for using the new medium of print
ing to celebrate his person and dynasty in enormous
woodcuts, The Triumphal Arch and The Triumphal
Procession, as well as for huge, unfinished projects
notably his sculptural tomb monument in bronze in
the Hofkirche in Innsbruckand illustrated books
B U T T S
A N D
H E N D R I X
such as the Weisskunig (white king, a play on weiser

Knig [wise king]). At the same time, some of his
most ambitious projects were brought to fruition in
the form of monumental stained-glass windows and
cycles of small-scale panels (see Hartmut Scholz's essay
in this volume, pp. 22-23, 2.6-27, 31; cat. nos. 49,
83-90). Patronage of stained glass also extended to
Maximilian's courtiers, including the imperial secre
taries Melchior Pfinzing of Nuremberg (see Hartmut
Scholz's essay in this volume, p. 32, and cat. nos. 27,
51-54) and Nikolaus Ziegler of Freiburg (cat. no.
112). Noblemen, bishops, and wealthy burghers vied
with the emperor in making expensive gifts of church
windows and decorating their residences with stained
glass. In the fifteenth century, stained glass also
emerged as a key medium in the embellishment of city
halls and other civic buildings, particularly in Switzer
land, where the cantons made reciprocal gifts of
stained-glass panels to betoken friendship and politi
cal alliance (see Barbara Giesicke and Mylene Ruoss's
essay in this volume, pp. 4 3 - 4 6 ) .
3
Within this burgeoning of stained glass in

southern Germany and Switzerland during the Renais
sance, small-scale panels played a major role. As bull'seye or diamond-shaped glass increasingly replaced
linen, leather, parchment, or oiled paper as a form of
window covering in the fifteenth century, cabinet pan

els (small figural panels for secular buildings) were
often incorporated in the upper part of the windows
(fig. 2). Stained-glass panels were an important means
of articulating and differentiating architectural spaces
in southern Germany and Switzerland during the
Renaissance. They treated a wide range of themes
appropriate to their settings, including Old and New
Testament stories, the lives of the saints, heraldry, alle
gories of justice, hunting and fishing scenes, tourna
ments, wrestling matches, battles, bathhouses, gardens
of love, the labors of the months, and the influence of
the planets. Thus, some scholars' studies were appar
ently decorated with quatrefoils depicting the Fathers
of the Church, exhorting the occupants to work dili
gently (cat. nos. 3 0 - 3 1 , 3 6 - 4 3 , 4 7 - 4 8 ) , while the
Judgment of Solomon (cat. no. 45) and other exam
ples of good government were presumably favorite
subjects for stained-glass panels in judicial chambers
of city halls. Painted glass panels, like panel paintings,
served as private devotional images (cat. nos. 21-22;
fig. 20) and recorded the features of patrons for pos
terity (cat. no. 20). Cabinet panels commemorated
marriages by depicting a couple's coats of arms (Al
lianzscheiben or "alliance panels"). In these and other
heraldic panels, a coat of arms (or a pair of arms) was
usually supported by a figure such as a maiden, soldier,
or wild man standing within an arch (cat. nos. 1 1 1 12, 115). The lively vignettes often included in the
spandrels of these heraldic panels form some of the
most beguiling imagery in the stained glass of the pe
riod. In addition to recording a patron's genealogy
through coats of arms, cabinet panels asserted social
status in other ways, indicating, for instance, member
ship in chivalric orders (cat. no. 14) or proclaiming
privileges, such as the right to participate in tour
naments (cat. no. 3). Cabinet panels reflected chival
ric ideals of love (cat. no. 2) and showed sports such
as hunting (cat. nos. 55-58, 87-90), wrestling (cat.
no. 112), and jousting (cat. nos. 3, 7 8 - 7 9 ) , which
were encouraged by Maximilian 1 as a means for his
knights to build body and spirit. Cabinet panels com
memorated the wars of the period (cat. nos. 8 3 - 8 6 ) ,
demonstrated a patron's humanist learningfor in
stance, knowledge of classical literature (cat. no. 74)
and may even have commemorated a dignitary's visit
to a patron's residence (cat. nos. 71-74).
Monasteries too reflected the popularity of
stained glass. The confluence of affluence and piety
resulted in the glazing or reglazing of cloisters,
sometimes incorporating cycles of small-scale panels.
Among the most extensive of such commissions to
have survived in situ is that at the Cistercian mon
astery at Wettingen in Canton Aargau, initiated by
Abbots Johannes Mller (1486-1521) and Andreas
Figure 2. After Hans Leu the Younger; Hans Funk(?).

Saint Beatus, c. 1510. Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass,
yellow stain and black vitreous paint, 32.5 X 20.5 cm; in
a bull's-eye glass window measuring 113 X 54 cm. Bern,
Historisches Museum (inv. no. 6828).
Photo: Bern, Historisches M u s e u m .
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Wengi (1521-1528) as part of the restoration of the

cloister after the fire of 1507 (fig. 1; and cat. nos. 131,
141, 143). The cloister of Nuremberg's monastery of
Saint Aegidius was probably decorated with a series of
panels depicting the Life of Saint Benedict after draw
ings by Albrecht Drer (cat. nos. 11-17) and with ide
alized portraits in stained glass of the monastery's
Benedictine abbots after drawings by Drer's disciple
Hans Sss von Kulmbach (cat. nos. 32-35).
Small-scale panels could be rectangular in for
mat but also took the form of roundels, trefoils,
and quatrefoils reminiscent of medallions in church
windows. N o t surprisingly, the technique of smallscale panels derived from monumental church win
dows. So-called leaded or pot-metal panels were made
using a combination of clear glass, pot glass (antique
glass that is one deep color throughout its thickness),
and flashed glass (consisting of a thin "flash" of deep
color overlaying clear glass). The flash could be
abraded (removed by scraping or grinding) or acidetched to reveal the clear glass beneath. This was espe
cially helpful in depicting coats of arms or patterns in
clothing, where the small scale of forms would have
made it impossible to add leading in order to insert
different colors of glass. The glass pieces were painted
on the recto (the side meant to face the interior of a
building), with vitreous paint in black and a range of
browns and grays. The paint was applied as matts
(washes smoothed to a muted, even finish with a
badger, a wide, soft brush with hairs that are three to
four inches long) and as trace lines (contours) and
could be worked in various ways. The stabbing
motion of a badger on drying wash produced stip
pling, the effect of minute points of light. From the
late fifteenth century, a small wire brush was often
used to scratch points of light out of the matts, reveal
ing the glass beneath. (For scratch stippling [Kratzstupfen] and technique in general, see Peter van
Treeck's essay in this volume, p. 58). Highlights could
be picked out using a needle, stick, or the end of a
brush. The glass painter also articulated the verso with
an enamel called silver stain or yellow stain (the source
of the term "stained glass"). When fused to clear glass
through firing, this silver compound produced a range
of translucent yellows, from lemon yellow to golden,
and was often employed for halos, hair, and clothing.
Because yellow stain produced green in combination
with blue glass, it was often used for landscapes.
Sometimes a reddish brown called sanguine, first in
troduced in southwestern Germany at the end of the
fifteenth century, was also applied to the verso (see van
Treeck, pp. 59-60). It was particularly useful for indi
cating flesh tones. After firing, the glass pieces were
held together by lead strips called cames.
In addition to leaded panels made with colored
BUTTS
AND
HENDRIX
glass, small-scale panels were executed in grisaille

(from the French grisailler, to paint gray) on a mono
lithic piece of clear glass. Like their colored counter
parts, these so-called grisaille or silver-stained panels
were painted and worked in black, gray, and brown
vitreous paint on the recto and in yellow stain, and
often sanguine, on the verso. The use of a single piece
of clear glass lent itself to spatially unified, complex,
and detailed compositions, like the many surviving
silver-stained roundels after the drawings of Jrg
Breu the Elder (cat. nos. 78-109). Small-scale panels,
whether leaded or monolithic, were executed with lov
ing attention to detail and notable displays of techni
cal finesse that could be appreciated at eye level. Indeed,
they combined the spatial illusionism and figural cor
poreality of panel painting with a superior luminosity
achieved by the transmission and action of light.
In the more traditional glass painters' work
shops of the later fifteenth century, such as those of
Peter Hemmel von Andlau in Strasbourg and Michael
Wolgemut in Nuremberg, the design and execution of
stained glass apparently took place in a single studio.
Beginning in the last quarter of the century, however,
glass painters such as Veit Hirsvogel the Elder, the
official glazier of Nuremberg, began to rely increas
ingly on designs provided by artists working outside
their workshops. The emergence of powerful person
alities among artists trained as painters and graphic
artists, chief among them Drer, was a crucial factor
in the new division of labor. Certainly Drer's renown
as the "German Apelles" led the Bishop of Bamberg,
Emperor Maximilian, the Margrave of Brandenburg,
and the imperial secretary Melchior Pfinzing to em
ploy him and Hans von Kulmbach to oversee the de
sign of the monumental windows they commissioned
in the Church of Saint Sebald in Nuremberg (see Scholz,
pp. 31-33, and cat. nos. 18, 27, 4 9 - 5 0 ) . Having
transformed the woodcut, engraving, and painting in
Germany through the enormous impact of his graphic
language and his knowledge of human proportion and
one-point perspective, Drer played a commensurate
role in shaping a new aesthetic for stained glass.
4
Beginning in the 1490s, the painterly style of

glass painters like Hemmel gave way to a style depen
dent on the linear brilliance of Drer's graphic manner,
which he had developed in the service of printmaking. Also under Drer's influence, during the first
decades of the sixteenth century the Hirsvogel work
shop introduced monumental figures set in extensive
landscapes and in unified architectural settings. The
incalculable impact of Drer's prints, with their linear
manner, monumental figures, lively facial expressions,
figural movement, and spacious compositions, led to
changes in stained glass far beyond Drer's immediate
field of influence.
Figure 3. Albrecht Drer. The Martyrdom of Saint Law

rence, c. 1509-13. Pen and blue ink with watercolor on
cream laid paper, 12.2 x 16.9 cm. Berlin, Staatliche Museen
zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabinett
(inv. no. icdz 1537).
Photo: Jrg P. Anders.
Around 1515, a new impetus for stained glass

emerged in the person of Hans Holbein the Younger,
who moved to Switzerland around this time, bringing
with him his own version of the Renaissance aesthetic
(cat. no. 138). Although the younger Holbein appar
ently designed stained glass only on a small scale, he
infused the medium with a profound monumentality
that melded his early experience in Augsburg of archi
tecture built in a classicizing Italianate style with his
talent developed in Switzerland for designing illusionistic facade paintings. Holbein's consummate manip
ulation of broad washes, moreover, introduced to
stained glass painterly effects of the utmost subtlety
and plasticity.
The glass painters, many of whom are known
by name and recognizable by their styles, responded
readily to the new Renaissance aesthetic introduced by
Drer, Holbein, and their contemporaries. Their task
was not merely to transcribe pen-and-ink, wash, or
chalk drawings onto a flat glass surface using vitreous
paint on the recto and yellow stain and sanguine on
the verso. Using their own judgment, formal intuition,
and specialized skills, they interpreted drawings in
terms of the glass medium, using means both additive
(the painting of matts and trace lines) and subtractive
(the picking out of details and highlights and the use of
brushes to create stippling for greater translucency).
They executed small-scale and even medium-sized
panels with great attention to detail and expression
and, frequently, with displays of technical prowess,
creating some of the masterpieces of Renaissance art.
Perceived by means of transmitted rather than
Figure 4. After designs by Albrecht Drer and possibly

after cartoons by Hans von Kulmbach; workshop of Veit
Hirsvogel the Elder. The Marty dorn of Saint Lawrence,
c. 1509-13. Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass, yellow
stain and vitreous paint. Nuremberg, Church of Saint
Lawrence.
Photo: Corpus V i t r c a r u m M e d i i Aevi Deutschland, Freiburg i . Br.
reflected light, stained-glass panels have a presence

as three-dimensional objects and a luminosity that
are unrivaled by paintings on panel or canvas. N o
reproduction can adequately convey how light passes
through glass articulated on both sides (with paint on
the recto and stain on the verso) or through flashed
glass that has been partially abraded or etched on the
verso to reveal the clear glass beneath. Also absent
from reproductions, and most museum installations, is
the dynamic element of natural light, which separates
stained glass from paintings on opaque supports.
Images painted on glass are activated by daylight,
which creates subtle or dramatic variations of color
and tone. As the authors of a volume on stained glass
noted, this is "the most ancient and cunning form of
kinetic art."
5
Artists trained as painters (Maler) and others

trained as glaziers (Glaser) or glass painters (Glas
maler) collaborated in a variety of ways in the prepa
ration of drawings for stained glass. As noted above,
sometimes glass painters made all of their own draw6
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Figure 5. Jost Amman. The Glazier. Woodcut from

Panoplia Omnium Artium (Book of trades or Stndebuch),
Frankfurt, 1568. 18.25 X 15 cm. Providence, R.I., Brown
University Library, Lownes Collection of Significant Books
in the History of Science (inv. no. P T 1762.E8).
Figure 6. Jost Amman. The Glass Painter. Woodcut from

Panoplia Omnium Artium (Book of trades or Stndebuch),
Frankfurt, 1568. 18.5 X 15 cm. Providence, R.I., Brown
University Library, Lownes Collection of Significant Books
in the History of Science (inv. no. P T 1762.E8).
Photo: Courtesy of B r o w n University Library.
Photo: Courtesy of B r o w n University Library.
ings; but by the last quarter of the fifteenth century

they turned increasingly to artists outside their studios
for a large percentage of their designs (about 50 per
cent in the case of the Hirsvogel workshop in Nurem
berg). The designer would initially make a sketch of
the overall composition of a panel or window. Drer's
Martyrdom of Saint Lawrence (fig. 3), for two panes
of the Schmidtmayer Window in the church of Saint
Lawrence in Nuremberg, c. 1509-13 (fig. 4), may be
such an initial sketch. Or it may represent the next
stage in the design, the preparation of pictorial notes
or preliminary drawings, not yet in proportional rela
tionship to the final pane or window, in order to work
out details of the composition or single figures. The
subsequent stage in the production was a "working
design" in proportional relationship to the final work
of art. This took the form of a "cleaned-up," usually
traced, second copy {Reinzeichnung) and was some
times executed by a member of the designer's work
shop. Kulmbach's design for the Margrave's Window
in Nuremberg's Church of Saint Sebald (cat. no. 50;
fig. 15, p. 31) is an example of this design stage. In the
case of small-scale panels, this stage in the design pro

duced a drawing that matched the size of the finished
work and could thus serve as the final pattern, guiding
the glass painter in applying the matts and trace lines
in vitreous paint, either by being placed underneath
the glass or in front of him (fig. 6). In the case of mon
umental windows, working designs were the basis for
cartoons (from the Italian cartone, big paper), which
provided this type of guidance to the glass painter.
Pieced together, cartoons matched the full dimension
of the finished window. Cartoons could be executed
by the designer, a member of his studio, or the glass
painter. The extent of the designer's participation
might have depended on the wishes of the patron.
BUTTS
A N D
HENDRIX
Given the paucity of documents and extant car

toons, judgments about the extent of the designer's
participation in a monumental stained-glass window
must often be based on the visual evidence of the
extant drawings and glass. The survival of several
cartoons by or attributed to Drer (cat. nos. 10, 18,
23, 27) suggests that he participated well into the
final stages of production by the Hirsvogel workshop.
N o cartoons by Drer's most gifted follower, Hans

Baldung, have survived. But the careful emulation of
Baldung's graphic manner in some of the panels from
the stained-glass cycle made by the Hirsvogel work
shop for the Nuremberg Carmelite cloister (fig. 7;
fig. 30, cat. no. 29) and in Mater Dolorosa and Man
of Sorrows, executed by the Freiburg glass painter
Hans von Ropstein for Freiburg's Carthusian monas
tery (cat. nos. 113-14), suggests that Baldung pro
vided the cartoons for these windows. Indeed, some
windows approximate the styles and depth of expres
sion of Drer, Baldung, and other contemporary
artists so closely that they raise the question of
whether the designing artists also painted the glass.
This is highly unlikely, however, because of various
factors, including the presence of an official city glazier
(Stadtglaser) in Nuremberg or the 1522 regulation in
Augsburg forbidding the members of the artists
guildwhich included painters, glaziers, sculptors,
and goldsmithsfrom producing works in media
outside that in which they had been trained.
10
11
As in the case of drawings for monumental

stained-glass windows, drawings for small-scale pan
els served different purposes and reflect different
types of collaboration between the designers and glass
painters as well as varying relationships between art
ists and patrons. For instance, patrons were shown
drawings in different degrees of finish. Jrg Breu
appears to have produced overall compositional
drawings for patrons that included far more linear
detail than could be accommodated in the final glass
painting, as seen in his designs for roundels depicting
Maximilian I'S battles (cat. nos. 83, 85). Drer, by
contrast, seems to have shown patrons sketches giving
an overall impression of his concept, as in his Saint
Benedict Gives a Peasant the Blade of His Scythe (cat.
no. 11) for The Life of Saint Benedict. Both Breu's
detailed drawings and Drer's loosely executed ones
were then translated into to-scale or working designs
that would give unambiguous guidance to the glass
painters. Drer's Saint Benedict Teaching (cat. no. 12)
for The Life of Saint Benedict is a clean copy, in pro
portional relation to the finished panel, whichwhile
it might have been presented to the patronseems
more likely to have been intended to serve the glass
painter. In comparison with Saint Benedict Gives a
Peasant the Blade of His Scythe, cross-hatching is all
but eliminated and contours and hatching lines are
simplified, the latter organized parallel to the picture
plane, allowing them to be more easily followed by the
glass painter. In Breu's case, a drawing by his own
hand or that of an assistant translated a portion of the
complex linear hatching of his highly finished drawings
of the type encountered in the wars of Maximilian 1
Figure 7. After Hans Baldung Grien; workshop of Veit

Hirsvogel the Elder. Christ and the Woman Taken in
Adultery, c. 1505. Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass,
yellow stain, and vitreous paint, 71 X 59.5 cm. NuremburgGrossgrndlach, Church of Saint Lawrence.
Photo: Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg.
into washes, equivalent to matts the glass painter

employed for shading (cat. nos. 83, 93).
South German and Swiss Renaissance drawings
for stained glass include a plethora of tracings and
copies of working designs. These were presumably
made by the designer or a member of his atelier as
records of compositions before they left the design
er's workshop, or by the glass painter as workbench
drawings, in order to preserve the expensive originals
(cat. no. 65, fig. 50). Saint Gregory (cat. no. 48), a
rare monogrammed drawing by the glass painter Veit
Hirsvogel the Younger, is a workbench drawing. It
was presumably based on a lost design by Hans von
Kulmbach for a small-scale panel and shows how
Hirsvogel translated Kulmbach's subtly modulated
shading in pen and ink and wash into simpler shading
in wash alone. In the case of Breu, for whom multiple
versions of panels exist (cat. no. 107; figs. 7 8 - 7 9 ) , the
many copies after his drawings reflect the popularity
of his glass designs for decades after they were made.
Indeed, a huge proportion of designs for stained glass
were copied, sometimes decades later, by glass painters
and painters in order to perpetuate them (cat. no. 152)
12
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Figure 8. Central Europe around 1547.

Courtesy University Press of America, 1980.
or even update them (cat. no. 7). The large numbers of

copies after the stained-glass designs by artists like
Breu the Elder and Holbein the Younger form an espe
cially thorny area when determining authorship.
Baldung's drawings for heraldic panels produced
during his mature career in Freiburg and Strasbourg
(for example, cat. nos. 111-12) introduce yet another
possibility for collaboration: a designer and glass
painter making a single drawing. Unidentified glass
painters of Strasbourg or Freiburg apparently received
the commissions and began designing them, demar
cating architectural elements and often executing the
coats of arms, leaving the figural elements of the shield
holder and spandrel vignettes to be filled in by Baldung.
The glass painter's inscription on a design for the
Prechter family of Strasbourg (cat. no. i n ) stipulates
Baldung's task in detail, dictating the type of shield
holder that was required by the patron and the subject
matter to be inserted in the spandrels of the arch.
Baldung ingeniously inserted the shield-holding fig
ures into what were sometimes meager spaces left by
BUTTS AND
HENDRIX
the glass painter beside the coats of arms and often

gave free rein to his expansive calligraphic draftsman
ship in the spandrels above.
In the design of panels to be made with colored
glass, the glass painter or designing artist often
marked the final pattern or cartoon with color no
tations: b for blue (blau), r for red (rot), w for white
(weiss), a leaf for green, and so forth (cat. nos. 18, 65,
112). Occasionally, watercolor was used in place of
or to supplement color notations, notably by Drer
(cat. no. 9), Niklaus Manuel Deutsch (cat. no. 125) of
Bern, and Hans Holbein the Younger (cat. no. 151).
After the drawing was substantially completed, the
glass painter sometimes indicated lead lines in red
chalk (cat. no. 62).
Although there are few records of how much
German and Swiss artists of this period were paid
for their designs, making drawings for stained glass
was apparently profitable. The price of the emperor
Maximilian I'S window in the choir of Saint Sebald in
Nuremberg was 200 Rhenish guilders (florins), from
which the glass painter(s) received 140 upon comple

tion of the window and the designer(s) presumably 60
(cat. no. 49). By comparison, Drer sold a panel paint
ing of a Madonna and Child to the bishop of Breslau
in 1508 for 72 florins, having earlier been willing to
accept 25, and in the same year settled on 200 florins
as payment for an altarpiece for the Frankfurt mer
chant Jakob Heller.
While stained glass was produced throughout
the German-speaking lands in the Renaissance, the
medium is particularly cohesive stylistically in South
Germany and Switzerland. Painting on Light focuses
on seven leading centers of stained-glass production
in this regionNuremberg, Augsburg, Strasbourg,
Freiburg im Breisgau, Basel, Bern, and Zurichand
on the period from c. 1470 to c. 1530 (fig. 8). These
cities were connected by language, trade, religion, pol
itics, and, as importantly for the purposes of this exhi
bition, by the movement of artists. Drer spent his
entire life in Nuremberg, but he worked as a journey
man in Basel and Strasbourg and received important
commissions from patrons in Augsburg. Hans Hol
bein the Younger was born at Augsburg, where his
father, the painter Hans Holbein the Elder, had
bought a house and established a thriving workshop.
Around 1515, however, the younger Holbein moved
to Basel, where he was admitted as a master in the
painters' guild in 1519. Hans Baldung entered Drer's
workshop by 1503 and remained in Nuremberg
until 1507-8. In 1509, he settled in Strasbourg, as
his family before him had done. From 1512 he
received important commissions in Freiburg, where
his brother was a professor at the university. Hans
Schufelein was active in Drer's workshop in
Nuremberg c. 1502/3-7 and in Hans Holbein the
Elder's workshop in Augsburg in 1508-9. He appar
ently worked in Augsburg until 1515, when he moved
to nearby Nrdlingen, where he was appointed as
municipal painter. Hans Leu of Zurich apparently
worked in Drer's workshop in Nuremberg around
1509-10 and assisted Baldung in Freiburg c. 1 5 1 2 13 before settling in his native city by 1514. Hans Weiditz may have spent time in the Augsburg workshop of
Hans Burgkmair before settling in Strasbourg in
1522-23. Niklaus Manuel Deutsch of Bern and
Urs Graf of Basel, while residents in those cities for
their entire careers, were particularly receptive to the
influences of Drer and Baldung to the north. Many of
the German artists represented in Painting on Light
collaborated on large projects for Maximilian 1. A l t dorfer, Baldung, Breu, Burgkmair, Drer, Kulmbach,
Schufelein, and Weiditz all enjoyed the patronage of
Maximilian 1 in the second decade of the sixteenth
century, working together in various combinations on
woodcuts that celebrated his personality and reign.,
13
Among the cities that contributed to the flower

ing of stained glass in the late Gothic and early Renais
sance periods, Nuremberg was particularly fortunate
that its monumental church windows were spared the
ravages of iconoclasm thanks to the orderly transition
to Lutheranism in 1525. Located at the intersection of
twelve overland trade routes, Nuremberg was the hub
of the Holy Roman Empire, a loose federation of vari
ous German principalities plus Austria, Bohemia, and
Moravia. In 1425, Nuremberg's key position in the
empire was affirmed when the city became the guard
ian of the imperial relic collection and coronation
regalia. Humanism, art, and science flourished there
alongside trade. The city's many exports included
tools, household objects, weaponry, armor, and me
chanical instruments such as compasses, clocks, and
precision navigational devices, as well as globes, maps,
and books. Nuremberg was also the home of Ger
many's most celebrated artist, Drer. And although
Drer is better known for bringing classical subjects
and art theory to Northern Europe from Italy and for
revolutionizing the arts of engraving and woodcut, he
also helped transform stained glass, treating secular
and religious subjects but predominantly the latter
and never, it seems, classical themes.
Drer would have witnessed the design of
stained glass during his apprenticeship to Michael
Wolgemut, when he also came under the spell of two
late-fifteenth-century painters and printmakers active
along the Rhine: Martin Schongauer and the Master
of the Housebook. The latter profoundly influenced
small-scale stained glass from around 1475, particu
larly through the charming panels with subjects re
flecting courtly ideals (cat. nos. 2-3) made after his
designs. Drer may still have been a journeyman when
he reinterpreted one of the Master of the Housebook's
popular designs for stained-glass quatrefoils, depict
ing young people playing games (cat. nos. 7 - 8 ) . Such
drawings by Drer were certainly responsible for the
continued fashionableness of the quatrefoil format,
which probably had its origins in the Burgundian
Netherlands and which Drer's followers Kulmbach,
Schufelein, and Baldung (cat. nos. 3 0 - 3 1 , 5 5 58, 71-76, n o ) all used, Kulmbach well into the
second decade of the sixteenth century. The Flemishinfluenced realism of Schongauer informed the young
Drer's design for a stained-glass window depicting
Saint George Fighting the Dragon, c. 1496 (cat. no. 9),
which, if it had been executed, would have been a
monumental window of unprecedented spaciousness
and figural movement.
Pathos and a heroic conception of the human
figure, reflecting Drer's trip to Italy in 1494-95 and
his firsthand study of the work of artists like Andrea
Mantegna, typify Drer's Saint Peter, c. 1501-2, the
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Figure 9. Upper Rhenish (Basel?) Master. Design for a

Stained-Glass Panel with a Maiden Holding a Shield,
c. 1465-70. Pen and black ink, gray wash, over black
chalk, 42.6 X 29 cm. Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlung
Kupferstichkabinett (inv. no. u.111.71).
Photo: ffentliche Kunstsammlung Basel, M a r t i n Bhler.
only surviving cartoon for the Bishop of Bamberg's

window in Saint Sebald in Nuremberg (cat. no. 18).
W i t h such cartoons, Drer challenged the glass paint
ers in the Nuremberg workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the
Elder to emulate his swelling and tapering lines and
rhythmic hatching in the depiction of figures of revolu
tionary corporeality, breadth, and expressiveness. The
glass painters rapidly emulated Drer's graphic lan
guage both in monumental windows and in smallscale panels. The pair of small trefoils representing
Death on Horseback threatening Sixtus Tucher at His
Open Grave (cat. nos. 19-20, figs. 17-18), captures
the power of description and characterization and the
lively sense of narration that had made Drer's wood
cuts illustrating The Apocalypse famous. In panels
Drer designed for the private chapel of Sixtus Tucher
around 1504-5 (cat. nos. 21-22), the Hirsvogel
workshop achieved the deep landscape settings that
Drer had sought in Saint George Fighting the Dragon.
IO
BUTTS A N D
HENDRIX
In the Pfinzing Window of 1515 in Saint Sebald in

Nuremberg, for which a single cartoon survives (cat.
no. 27), the glass painters followed Drer in incorpo
rating the lessons of the Italian Renaissance, most
apparent in the unified conception of pictorial space,
constructed according to the laws of one-point per
spective (fig. 16, p. 32).
Drer's legacy in the design of stained glass
was carried to Freiburg and Strasbourg by Hans Baldung, to Augsburg by Hans Schufelein, and to Zurich
by Hans Leu the Younger. Meanwhile, Hans von
Kulmbach established a workshop in Nuremberg in
1511 and continued to remain in close contact with
Drer. Adopting Drer's graphic language and emu
lating the breadth, but not the volume and weightiness,
of Drer's figures, Kulmbach designed the monumen
tal windows commissioned by Maximilian and the
Margrave of Brandenburg for Saint Sebald in Nurem
berg in 1514 (cat. nos. 49-50). (Drer is thought to
have helped Kulmbach to achieve a spatially unified
Renaissance composition by providing a design, no
longer extant, for the Emperor's Window.) Kulmbach
produced numerous designs for small-scale panels
with serene figures and a play of light on forms that
call to mind his apprenticeship with the Venetian
painter Jacopo de' Barbari. The tiny figures of a
nymph, Apollo, and Marsyas that animate the ar
chitecture of his designs for glass with idealized por
traits of the Benedictine abbots of Saint Aegidius in
Nuremberg (cat. nos. 32-35) show that Kulmbach
was capable of embodying the humanist ideals of
Nuremberg's educated elite. Kulmbach collaborated
with Veit Hirsvogel the Elder's sons Hans and Veit
(cat. nos. 51-54).
Even before Kulmbach's death in 1522, the
younger Nuremberg artist Sebald Beham began to
compete for commissions to design small-scale panels.
Beham's designs, which also emulated Drer's graphic
language, were apparently translated into stained glass
by Veit Hirsvogel the Elder's youngest son, Augustine,
who introduced into Nuremberg a more tonal style
akin to that used in Augsburg (cat. nos. 6 3 - 6 4 , 84).
Most of Beham's surviving designs for stained glass are
circular in format, another similarity with Augsburg
stained glass. These include many drawings illustrating
the lives of Christ and the Virgin and monumental tondi
such as the Saint Sebald (cat. no. 62). In the 15 3 os, after
Beham moved to Frankfurt, his contemporary, Georg
Pencz, remained in Nuremberg and continued to design
stained glass. The classical nudity that is a salient fea
ture of Pencz's engravings was mirrored in his designs
for cabinet panels (cat. no. 68) and apparently found
favor among patrons in Nuremberg (cat. no. 6 9 ) .
The most gifted artist in Drer's circle, Hans
14
Baldung, appears to have begun his active careerlong production of designs for stained glass already
during his first moments in Drer's studio. One of
Baldung's earliest surviving designs for stained glass,
Saint Vincent Ferrer Preaching (cat. no. 28), is strongly
reminiscent of Drer's series of panels The Life of
Saint Benedict (cat. no. 12). Already as a young man
of twenty, however, Baldung was more expressive
graphically, coloristically, and in the interpretation of
traditional religious subjects, as seen in his Christ and
the Woman Taken in Adultery (fig. 7) from the series
of panels begun around 1504 depicting the lives of the
Virgin and Christ for Nuremberg's Carmelite cloister
(cat. no. 29).
In 1509, Baldung obtained citizenship in Stras
bourg, one of the major centers of humanism along
the Upper Rhine with a large publishing industry.
An imperial city like Nuremberg, Strasbourg was a
staging point for trade from Italy to the Netherlands
along the Rhine and from central and east Europe
to France over the Rhine. Home to the studio of
Peter Hemmel von Andlau (cat. no. 4), it was also
the leading center for the production of stained glass
in southern Germany in the late fifteenth century
(see Scholz, pp. 17-22). In Strasbourg, the expressive
tendencies Baldung revealed in Nuremberg came even
more to the fore in his numerous flamboyant designs
for heraldic panels. Building on the fifteenth-century
tradition of heraldic windows designed in the manner
of the anonymous Rhenish engraver who signed his
works E.S. (fig. 9), Baldung transformed its playful,
courtly subject matter with his own brand of humor,
eroticism, eye for genre detail, and linear bravura. Bal
dung often characterized issues of gender in a witty
juxtaposition of shield holder and spandrel imagery.
In a drawing with a female shield holder, the design
for the Strasbourg Prechter family (cat. no. i n ) , a
matron stands sedately below while her counterparts
above succumb to the temptations of lovemaking and
wine. In one with a male shield holder, the design for
Nikolaus Ziegler (cat. no. 112), a burly soldier pas
sively supports the shield below while above his coun
terparts tangle aggressively in a wrestling match.
Baldung's inventive powers extend from his witty
approach to subject matter to his expansive calli
graphic linework, which had a profound impact upon
contemporaries, particularly Manuel Deutsch, Graf,
Leu, Weiditz, and the Strasbourg artist Hans Wechtlin,
whose relative and perhaps brother, Jakob, was a glass
painter in the Freiburg studio of Hans von Ropstein.
Figure 10. Hans Baldung Grien. The Abbess Veronica von

Andlau with Nuns of Cloister Hohenburg, c. 1510. Pen
and brown ink on cream laid paper, 43 X 31.5 cm. London,
Victoria and Albert Museum (inv. no. D 199-1888) .
Photo: Victoria and Albert Picture Library.
15
From 1512 to 1517, Baldung worked in the

smaller town of Freiburg im Breisgau, painting the
high altarpiece for the minster (in situ), a work that
was to decisively influence the art of that city. Freiburg
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Figure 1 1 . Jrg Breu the Elder. Ulysses and Telemachus

Slaying the Suitors, 1522. Pen and black ink and traces of
black chalk on cream laid paper, 24.4 cm (diam.). London,
British Museum (inv. no. 1949-1-11-109).
Figure 12. Urs Graf. Design for an Alliance Panel with the
Stehelin and B is ch off Arms, 1515. Pen and black ink on
beige laid paper, 38.6 X 41.4 cm. Basel, ffentliche
Kunstsammlung, Kupferstichkabinett (inv. no. K. 55.).
Photo: The British M u s e u m .
possessed a strong tradition in stained glass of large

panels depicting single figures of saints and other holy
personages standing before damask grounds. Around
1515, Baldung put the stamp of his expressive figure
style on the traditional form, designing large panels for
the Carthusian monastery in Freiburg (cat. nos. 1 1 3 14), executed by Hans von Ropstein but obviously
under Baldung's close supervision. Indeed, the finest of
these figures in stained glass, the Mater Dolorosa and
Christ as Man of Sorrows (cat. nos. 113-14; Scholz,
pp. 24-25), rival panel painting in the degree to which
the nuanced modeling expresses the corporeality of
the forms. Among Baldung's many surviving drawings
for stained glass, there are only a handful for monu
mental windows. The foremost of these is a pair
divided between the Victoria and Albert Museum
and the collection of Gttingen University: The Abbess
Veronica von Andlau with Nuns of Cloister Hohen
burg (fig. 10) and The Knight Veltin von Andlau with
Male Family Members.
W i t h its powerful merchant and banking fami
lies, chief among them the Fuggers and Welsers, Augs
burg was a conduit for traffic to and from Italy and
consequently a fertile recipient of the ideals and for
mal vocabulary of the Italian Renaissance. The monu
mental architecture of Renaissance Italy soon took
hold in Augsburg, notably in the mortuary chapel of
the Fugger in Saint Anne's Church, c. 1509-18, the
earliest religious architectural structure in the Ger
man-speaking lands to be decorated in the Renais

sance style. Augsburg was an important center for the
manufacture of textiles and of metal wares, particu
larly armor and weapons. The location of the Imperial
Council, it was also the nexus for some of the great
illustration and printing projects commissioned by
Maximilian 1 , such as The Triumphal Procession, the
Theuerdank,
and the Weisskunig. The artists who
designed the hundreds of woodcuts for these proj
ects included a number from Augsburg, notably
Burgkmair, Leonhard Beck, and Schufelein. The em
peror's imprint also appears markedly in the stained
glass produced in the city. The bishop of Augsburg,
Heinrich von Lichtenau, may have commissioned Hans
Schufelein's most important surviving stained glass in
honor of Maximilian I'S visit to his residence at D i l lingen after the Imperial Council met in Augsburg in
1510 (cat. nos. 71-74). Schufelein used the quatrefoil format and the linear manner so popular in N u
remberg for the series celebrating Maximilian 1 as
chief and sovereign of the Order of the Golden Fleece.
In 1516, the emperor commissioned from Jrg Breu
one of the greatest secular cycles of Renaissance
stained glass that illustrates his battles and hunts for
the imperial hunting lodge at Lermoos in Tyrol (cat.
nos. 83-90). Indeed, Breu is today chiefly admired for
his drawings for stained glass, with their vivid detail
and incisive line. Active as a designer of book illustra
tions, Breu also brought to stained glass a talent for
BUTTS AND
HENDRIX
16
representing extensive narrative cycles (cat. nos. 9 8 109), as well as a wealth of secular and classicizing sub
jects that flourished in book illustrations and prints
(fig. 11).
Whereas the leaded quatrefoil incorporating
colored glass was a favored form for cabinet panels in
Nuremberg, the roundel (a circular monolithic panel
painted in grisaille), which had long dominated smallscale glass in the Burgundian Lowlands, was the favor
ite format for small-scale stained glass in Augsburg.
Additionally, the circular form had Renaissance over
tones that appealed to classically minded Augsburg
artists and lent itself beautifully to the creation of deep
architectural and landscape spaces (cat. nos. 77, 84).
Because of the lack of leading and color, the roundel
could be painted in great detail and nuance of tone,
fostering landscape settings that rivaled the finest
examples in prints and oil paintings in Renaissance
Germany (cat. no. 84). Thus, it is not surprising that
this format was widely used for secular subject matter,
as in the great cycle of the months designed by Breu
for the Hoechstetter family of Augsburg around 1520
(cat. nos. 91-94), or scenes incorporating magnifi
cent architectural and landscape settings, such as
Burgkmair's allegories of the Virtues from around
1510-20 (cat. no. 77). N o t only Breu and Burgkmair
but also Weiditz (cat. no. 116) and Beck (cat. no. 45,
fig. 34) appear to have exploited the roundel format.
such a loaded artistic vehicle that he used the for

mat to depict complex allegories that he may never
have intended to have executed in glass (cat. nos. 1 2 3 24). When Bern officially accepted the Reformation in
1528, Manuel was one of its leading advocates. His
passionate support of the Reformation found vivid
expression in designs for stained glass such as King
Josiah Has the Idols Destroyed (cat. no. 128).
In Switzerland, stained glass arguably occupied

an even larger place in the work of major artists than
it did in Germany. One reason for the prominence of
the art form is its link with the self-consciousness
of the Swiss Confederation itself, whereby the oath
of alliance was regularly affirmed in cycles of panels
donated by each of the member cantons and display
ing their respective coats of arms (Standesscheiben;
see Giesicke and Ruoss, pp. 4 5 - 4 6 ) . Niklaus Manuel
Deutsch, the foremost Renaissance artist in the city
canton of Bern, emerged as a strong personality in
stained-glass design around 1508, as seen in his draw
ing of two confederate soldiers supporting his own
coat of arms (cat. no. 121). The impact of Baldung's
stained-glass designs in Switzerland is apparent in
Manuel's calligraphic line, sense of three-dimensional
anatomy, and use of bravura penwork in the spandrel
figures. Manuel interpreted Baldung's designs in terms
of his own sharper, more incisive line; violent, belli
cose subject matter; and lithe, attenuated figure types.
Manuel dominated Bernese stained-glass design
through at least the middle of the century, leaving his
mark on the work of the glass painters Hans Funk
and Antoni Glaser (cat. nos. 118, 137). Indeed, for
Manuel, who was also a poet and a learned artist in
Renaissance fashion, stained-glass drawings became
Basel, with its great university, was Switzerland's

premier intellectual center. As a seat of humanist learn
ing and writing, the city supported the illustrious print
ing houses of Johannes Amerbach, Adam Petri, and
Johann Froben. (The latter employed Desiderius Eras
mus of Rotterdam as its editor from 1521 to 1527.) In
connection with the production of illustrated books,
commissions for woodcuts provided an important
source of income for artists such as Urs Graf, who
became a citizen of Basel in 1512. Born in Solothurn,
Graf trained there with his father as a metal worker
and in Basel with the glass painter Hans Heinrich
Wolleb. While most of the other South German and
Swiss designers for stained glass of the period were
active as painters, Graf stands out for apparently
eschewing this medium, as well as for actually having
been trained as a glass painter. Graf's largest surviving
body of works and chief testament to his genius are
his drawings. While most of these were made as inde
pendent works of art, a portion are designs for stained
glass. Graf, like Manuel, was active as a mercenary
soldier, and judging from his violent temper, he was
well suited to that profession. Graf's drawings illus
trate a unique thematic world, encompassing war, cru
elty, and wicked humor, often with reference to the
battle between the sexes. Like Graf's subject matter, his
During the Renaissance, Zurich was a promi

nent center for the production of glass, most notably
by the glass painter Lucas Zeiner, who is credited with
originating the canonical format of the signature Swiss
form of stained-glass cycle, the Standesscheiben (can
ton panels). Around 1514, a new catalyst for Zurich
glass painting emerged with the return of the Zurichborn painter Hans Leu the Younger, who had studied
with Drer in Nuremberg around 1509-10 and
come under the strong influence of Baldung's work in
Nuremberg (cat. no. 29) and in Freiburg c. 1512-13.
Upon returning to Switzerland, Leu retained the calli
graphic freedom and ornamental ebullience of Bal
dung's manner. This he combined in his stained-glass
designs with the manipulation of wash pioneered by
Holbein in Basel, using wash calligraphically, with
dramatic tonal variation and emphasis on atmospheric
effects. Leu also showed his particular affinity for
dynamic landscape imagery in such stained-glass de
signs as Lot and His Daughters (cat. no. 133).
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of heraldic panels in South Germany and Switzerland

during the Renaissance testifies to the importance of
stained glass as a medium expressing a newfound
sense of personal identity extending from the nobility
to humanists and wealthy burghers. N o doubt the
impact of strong artistic personalities such as Baldung,
Manuel, and Graf upon their design increased their
appeal. Indeed, both Manuel and Graf designed glass
panels with their own devices (cat. nos. 121, 136),
attesting to the importance of the medium in Switzer
land for the expression of artistic identity. The sur
viving panels for a cycle illustrating Christ's Passion,
preserved in Basel's Brgerlisches Waisenhaus (for
merly the Carthusian monastery; fig. 13), call to mind
Graf's talent as a graphic designer of book illustrations.
Figure 13. Urs Graf. The Betrayal of Christ, 1515. Potmetal, flashed, and clear glass, yellow stain and vitreous
paint, 43.5 X 30.8 cm without lead border. Basel, orphanage
(Brgerliches Waisenhaus [former Carthusian monastery],
Zscheckenbrlinzimmer).
Photo: Christoph Teuwen, Basel.
The most revolutionary presence in South Ger

man and Swiss stained glass since the young Drer
was Hans Holbein the Younger, who moved from his
native Augsburg to Basel as a journeyman in 1515.
Holbein's earliest surviving stained-glass design, for a
heraldic panel for Hans Fleckenstein, dates from 1517
(cat. no. 138), when Holbein and his father were in
Lucerne executing the illusionistic mural paintings for
the house of Hans Hertenstein. The drawing forms
an art-historical parallel to Drer's design for a win
dow depicting Saint George Fighting the Dragon (cat.
no. 9) insofar as it imposes a Renaissance sense of
unified space and three-dimensionality upon the me
dium. The late medieval ornamental exuberance that
lingered in the drawings of Manuel, Graf, and Leu was
foreign to Holbein, whose designs for stained glass
were defined by his understanding of monumental
painting as the creation of three-dimensional figures in
illusionistic spaces. Reflecting Holbein's experience
designing mural paintings, the powerful illusionism of
his design for Fleckenstein belies the small scale of the
work. Spacious classical architecture, at times quoting
a Vitruvian formal vocabulary, and monumental fig
ures portrayed from a low vantage point became con
stant features of the younger Holbein's stained-glass
designs. The weight, ambient space and light, and ath
letic figural movement that are integral to Holbein's
illusionism are conveyed by his unique and unprece
dented manipulation of gray wash in fluid applica
tions and delicate layers of tones. Holbein expanded
further upon the ambitious architectural space of the
Fleckenstein design in double panels, like those he
designed for the Carthusian cloister of Wettingen,
outside Zurich, representing the city of Basel (cat.
nos. 142-43). Here Holbein placed his figures under
multipartite triumphal arches, the openings of which
afforded not one but a series of connected, breath
taking landscape vistas. Holbein's illusionism incorpo
rated his own brand of realism, seen in the strong
19
graphic language is personal, extravagant, and could

even be described as violent in its celebration of inci
sive black line.
Graf's stained-glass designs, while less explicitly
violent than his independent drawings, nonetheless are
stamped by his boundary-testing personality. Design
for an Alliance Panel with the Stehelin and Bischoff
Arms (fig. 12) of 1515 pushes the playful sexual innu
endo seen in the stained-glass designs of Baldung and
Manuel to a new extreme, as a nude maiden with
somewhat grim, dark-rimmed eyes, stands between
the couple's coats of arms, fondling the cap of a crudefaced, seated beggar-fool who pulls at her hair ribbon,
his hand directly below her pudenda. Such blunt
references to prostitution and war in heraldic pan
els must have resonated with the realities of life:
the patron, the Basel cloth merchant Hieronymus
Stehelin, was killed in the battle of Marignano in Sep
tember 1515, and thus appears to have commissioned
the drawing on the eve of his death. The flourishing
17
18
14
B U T T S
A N D
H E N D R I X
Figure 14. Hans Holbein the Younger. Design for a StainedGlass Panel with Two Unicorns, c. 1522-23. Pen and black
ink with gray wash and reddish brown watercolor on cream
laid paper, 41.9 X 31.5 cm. Basel, ffentliche Kunstsamm
lung, Kupferstichkabinett (inv. no. 1662.150).
individuation of figures, from saints to shield-holding

soldiers, and even of unicorns, which in Holbein's
hands become plausible, deerlike animals of threat
ening vitality (fig. 14). Holbein's stained-glass designs
also include one of the most vivid expressions
of humanist culture in Renaissance Basel, featuring
the device of his close friend Erasmus: the terminus
(fig. 15), associated with the scholar's motto " I yield to
no one." The panel made after this design, a gift from
Erasmus to the University of Basel, has perished.
Holbein generated a steady production of stainedglass designs prior to his second departure for England
in 1532, although, sadly, only a few connected glass
panels survive (cat. nos. 1 4 6 - 5 0 ) . The numerous,
and in some cases extraordinarily faithful, copies of
his designs for stained glass attest to his impact and
influence (cat. nos. 151-52).
The year 1530, roughly corresponding to
Holbein's second departure for England, marks the
cutoff point of the exhibition; however, this in no
way implies that the production of stained glass in
20
Figure 15. Hans Holbein the Younger. Design for a StainedGlass Panel with the Terminus of Erasmus, 1525. Pen and
black ink with gray wash and red and green watercolor
over black chalk on beige laid paper, 31.5 X 21 cm. Basel,
ffentliche Kunstsammlung, Kupferstichkabinett (inv.
no. 1662.158).
21
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15
South Germany and Switzerland diminished. Rather

it serves to bracket a period that witnessed extraordi
nary achievements in stained glass commensurate with
those in painting and the graphic arts accomplished by
Drer, Holbein, and their Swiss and South German
contemporaries. Key to these accomplishments was
the collaborative nature of the medium, involving the
artists who conceived the works and the glass painters
who transformed ambitious drawings into the magical
medium of painted glass.
1 . O f the former, Drer wrote, " I have made a drawing for a mask for the
Fugger's people for masquerade, and they have given me an angel." See
Fry 1995: 7 1 . The latter drawing was for the physician of Margaret
of Austria ( 1 4 8 0 - 1 5 3 0 ) , Emperor Charles v's aunt and regent of the
Netherlands. Drer wrote, " I have had to draw the design of the
house for [Lady Margaret's] physician, the doctor, according to which
he intends to build one, and for drawing that I w o u l d not willingly
take less than ten florins." See Fry 1995: 54.
2. For a closely, but still not exactly, connected drawing and glass panel,
cf. Baldung's drawing of a Madonna and Child in The British Museum
(Schilling Collection) and Hans Funk's Panel with the Virgin and
Child and the Arms of Bremgarten (Bern, Historisches Museum) i n
Bern 1979: nos. 2 6 6 - 6 7 .
3. O n The Triumphal Arch, see London 1995: no. 37, and Bartsch 1 8 0 3 2 1 : no. 138 under Drer. O n The Triumphal Procession, see London
1995: nos. 1 4 3 - 4 5 , and Bartsch 1 8 0 3 - 2 1 : no. 124 under Burgkmair.
O n The Tomb Monument of Maximilian 1, see Smith 1994: 1 7 1 , 175,
1 8 5 - 9 2 , 237, 365, 458, figs. 1 4 5 - 4 7 , 1 4 9 - 5 4 . O n the Weisskunig, see
London 1995: no. 142.
4. Konrad Celtis, poet laureate of the empire, hailed Drer as the German
Apelles in a manuscript datable to 1500 (Kassel, Landesbibliothek).
See Hutchison 1990: 68 and 212, note 2. I n 1508, Christoph Scheurl
praised Drer for his ability to rival the ancient painters i n illusionism,
calling Drer "the second Apelles" i n his book w i t h Ricardus Sbrulius,
Libellus de laudibus Germaniae (Little book i n praise of Germany). See
Hutchison 1990: 7 2 - 7 3 .
5. Lee, Seddon, and Stephens 1976: 6.
6. D u r i n g the course of the sixteenth century, the w o r d glazier took on
a more specific meaning, designating the craftsman w h o made leaded
lights (fig. 5), while the term glass painter was used for those w h o
worked in stained glass (fig. 6). See Brown and O'Connor 1991: 1 4 - 1 5 ,
fig. 12.
7. H a r t m u t Scholz (1991: 331) estimated that half of the stained glass
produced i n the workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder was made on
the basis of a "catalogue" of drawings belonging to the workshop
rather than from newly commissioned drawings by artists outside the
workshop.
8. O n the Schmidtmayer W i n d o w , see especially Scholz 1991: 136, 1 3 8 39, 1 5 1 , 230, 279, 285, figs. 1 8 6 - 9 1 and 322.
9. O n the types of drawings for stained glass and the German terms applied
to them, see especially Scholz 1991: 1 4 - 1 5 .
10. The one surviving cartoon closely related to Baldung is The
Crucifixion
in Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz, which
is of extremely high quality and, i f not made by Baldung himself, w o u l d
appear to have been executed by someone in his direct orbit. Cf. Schmitz
1913,1: 1 1 9 - 2 0 , fig. 202.
11. For the relationship of painters to glass painters in Augsburg, cf. M o r r a l l
1994: 135-3912. I n his introduction to the exhibition catalogue The Luminous Image:
Painted Glass Roundels in the Lowlands, 1480-1560
(New York 1995:
1 0 - 1 4 , P - ) > Timothy B. Husband defined a "design" as "an original
composition executed by the artist, sometimes a relatively finished sheet
but usually a sketch or rapidly penned drawing that represents the artist's
conception." Husband continues, " A design can also be a tracing or a
copy of a composition that has then been reworked, altered, or otherwise
refined, often in a darker i n k . " Husband used the term " w o r k i n g design"
to signify a "drawing that codifies the original sketch or a reworked
design into a more studied linear drawing w i t h no further traces of
reworking, clarifying the artist's intentions for the glass painter."
Husband also used the term "workbench drawing" for a copy by
tracing of a w o r k i n g design made by a glass painter in order to preserve
the expensive original. In German these glass painters' drawings after
designs by painters have been called Knstlerumzeichnungen.
See
Scholz 1991: 14, and Frenzel 1.961: 4 3 - 4 8 .
es
l6
BUTTS
AND
I 2
HENDRIX
13. O n the price of the painting of the Madonna and Child, see Hutchison
1990: 1 0 1 - 2 . O n Drer's heated dispute w i t h Heller over the price of
the altarpiece w i t h The Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin as its
central panel, see Hutchison 1990: 9 9 - 1 0 5 .
14. T w o followers of Drer w h o are not represented in Painting on Light,
W o l f Traut and Hans Springinklee, also made designs for stained glass.
Particularly notable are Springinklee's John the Baptist, c. 1515 - 20, pen
and black ink on cream laid paper, 21.5 X 60 cm, Dresden, Staatliche
Kunstsammlungen Dresden, Kupferstich-Kabinett, inv. no. C 1879-11;
and Traut's Design for a Stained-Glass Roundel: Saint Paul and Saint
Ida of Toggenburg, c. 1515, pen and black ink w i t h traces of redocher on beige laid paper, 30.4 cm (diam.), Nuremberg, Germanisches
Nationalmuseum, inv. no. H Z 4097 (New York and Nuremberg 1986:
no. 169).
15. See Scholz in this catalogue, pp. 2 3 - 2 4 , and Becksmann 1988: no. 58,
for further literature.
16. O n Theuerdank, see London 1995: no. 149.
17. Basel, Kupferstichkabinett, inv. no. u . x . 4 i a ; Koegler 1926: no. 55.
18. M a j o r and Gradmann 1941: no. 78.
19. For Holbein's place in Swiss stained-glass design, see Landolt 1984.
20. Basel and Berlin 1 9 9 7 - 9 8 : no. 25.16.
2 1 . Cf. Lapkovskaja 1972, for a discussion of Holbein's drawing in Berlin,
Kupferstichkabinett, inv. no. K d z 4046 and the related panel i n the
Hermitage, St. Petersburg, attributed to the Z u r i c h glass painter
K a r l Egeri and assigned to the early 1550s.
Monumental Stained Glass in Southern Germany

in the Age of Drer
Hartmut Scholz
1528), glass painters increasingly decorated secular

and domestic settings (town halls, guild and burgher
meeting rooms, and even private chapels). Thus arose
a separate branch within the medium: small-scale
heraldic panels and cabinet panels. Nevertheless, the
main emphasis of production before the Reformation
continued to lie in monumental stained-glass installa
tions in churches and monasteries. The late Middle
Ages brought to burgeoning urban centers an un
precedented blossoming of finance, handicrafts, and
art. Together with religious foundations, the con
struction of new churches and numerous campaigns
to decorate the interiors of buildings reflected a new
found material prosperity. To gain an overview of this
development for southern German stained glass and
to more closely characterize the diverse contribu
tions of individual regions, we will examine the lead
ing centers of stained-glass production: Strasbourg
and Freiburg in the Upper Rhine Valley; Nuremberg in
Franconia; and Augsburg, Munich, and Landshut in
the Swabian-Bavarian area. Questions regarding com
positional forms and pictorial designs, working meth
ods, and collaborations between designers and glass
painters will be the focus of interest.
1
Strasbourg and Freiburg

The starting point for the present overview is
Strasbourg, whose extraordinarily extensive and highranking production in monumental stained glass of
the late fifteenth century unquestionably had the most
far-reaching impact. Without the model of Strasbourg
glass production, neither the later course of Nurem
berg, Augsburg, and Freiburg stained glass nor the
development of a Lukas Zeiner in Zurich can be under
stood. The precondition for the enormous productiv
ity of the Strasbourg workshops was the collaboration
uniting five independent master glass painters. Peter
Hemmel von Andlau, Lienhart Spitznagel, Hans von

Maursmnster, Theobald von Lixheim, and Werner
Stre formed a large-scale enterprise that in a short
time (1477 to at least 1481) was supplying southern
Gemany with outstanding products. Works preserved
in Tbingen, Freiburg, Constance, Ulm, Augsburg,
Nuremberg, Munich, and Salzburg clearly demon
strate the high regard held by a wide variety of patrons
for glass produced by the Strasbourg cooperative.
Patrons of the workshop represented members of a
variety of social classes, ranging from the higher
nobility to monastic societies, civic associations,
guilds, and burghers. "Strasbourg windows," as they
were called in contemporary sources, were considered
works of high quality and were extraordinarily in
demand, even in cities with their own significant
stained-glass tradition.
This surprisingly modern organizationan eco
nomic cooperative for stained glassremains unsat
isfactorily understood with regard to its operation,
division of labor, and availability of designs and pat
terns. The ceuvre of the Strasbourg glass painters
ranks at the height of Upper Rhine Valley painting,
with, for example, the artistic quality of the windows
equaling that of the best panel paintings from the
circle of Martin Schongauer. The style of the associ
ated workshops is unmistakable. It combines elements
of older Strasbourg stained glass and panel painting,
such as the famous Karlsruhe Passion or the choir
windows from 1461 in the former Walbourg monas
tery church in Alsace, with Netherlandish prototypes
from the circles of Rogier van der Weyden and Dieric
Bouts. The use of engravings by Schongauer and Mas
ter E.S., primarily single motifs, is also a production
trait of the cooperative. Another is the masterful com
mand of glass technology available at the end of the
fifteenth century.
In less than a decade Strasbourg windows de2
veloped from small-sectioned windows, composed

of assembled picture units, to impressive, sweeping
compositions, each uniting larger window sections.
In the Saint Catherine Window in Saint William's
Church in Strasbourg (completed before 1475 by a
leading master of the later workshop-collaborative),
each scene was, as in the older Walbourg windows of
1461, limited to a single panel, and all architectural
framing was avoided. In commissions completed
around 1480 for Tbingen, Ulm, and Nuremberg, figural scale was greatly enlarged, and the whole window
area was much more clearly structured. In the figural
sections of the windows are lavish architectural back
drops, reminiscent of the rich crowning superstruc
tures in carved altarpieces of the period. In the Earl's
Window in the Tbingen collegiate church (1478), a
donation by Eberhard of Wrttemberg, the single
compositions of donor portraits, Tree of Jesse, and
depiction of the lives of Saint Anne and the Virgin are
completely regularized. Each spreads over four adja
cent panels and an internal architectural frame en
closes each scene (fig. i ) . This overall design w i t h
quite similar thematic material was considerably in
tensified in the Kramer Window in the U l m minster
(1480-81). In the Volckamer Window in the Saint
Lawrence Church in Nuremberg (c. 1481), it was
adapted to the wide window shape in a quite ingen
ious manner, apparently with the intention of compet
ing with a richly carved, splendidly polychromed,
gilt-winged altarpiece (fig. 2 ) .
6
According to Paul Frankl and Hans Wentzel,

Master Peter Hemmel, as the eldest of the five lead
ing glass painters in Strasbourg, had the organiza
tional ability and technical expertise to command this
explosion in stained-glass production. Hemmel had
been an established master since 1447 and had pro
duced traditional small-sectioned windows for more
than thirty years, until the founding of the workshopcooperative in 1477. The increasingly expansive de
signs of the association may be, however, the work of
a younger master. Apart from the Masters Stre and
Spitznagel, known only by name, or the younger
journeymen of the Hemmel workshop, sons-in-law
Mattern from Frankfurt and Jakob Gerfalk, Hans von
Maursmnster is one of the chief candidates for cre
ative leadership. His position as official glazier of the
Strasbourg minster, which he held for the last quarter
of the century, also reflects his prestige.
9
Figure 1 . Strasbourg Workshop-Cooperative. Donor Por

traits, The Tree of Jesse, and The Lives of Saint Anne and
the Virgin from the Earl's Window, 1478. Tbingen, Colle
giate church.
Photo: Corpus V i t r e a r u m Freiburg i . Br. (Archiv).
l8
S C H O L Z
Certain themes, such as the Tree of Jesse, appear

in specific Strasbourg versions in Tbingen, Ulm, and
Nuremberg. Their widespread use suggests that the
choice of subject and composition was not that of the
patrons alone but was also dependent on the selection
offered by the glass painters. This also applies to other
standardized programs of the Strasbourg studios: for
example, the portrayal of kneeling donors with saints
under architectural and foliated twining-branch cano
pies. This manner of representation recurs in increas
ingly similar variations in innumerable Strasbourg
works, particularly in the so-called partial stained
glass (band windows, for example). This window type
became increasingly fashionable in the late fifteenth
century among less financially powerful donors.
Whether a customer ordered from a catalogue of win
dow types or a member of the workshop-cooperative
traveled through the country w i t h a case of samples to
rustle up commissions is not known. Indeed the latter
has been presumed of Peter Hemmel.
10
11
Nevertheless, it would be inaccurate to cite

the laborsaving aspect of the workshop tradition
and reuse of existing drawings as the sole explanation
for this standardized program. Precise repetitions
of designs and cartoonsas in the cycle depicting
the Life of the Virgin in the Kramer Window in U l m
and in the sanctuary of the Strasbourg Magdalene
Church, destroyed by fire in 1904 (both c. 1 4 8 0 81)are exceptions in the oeuvre of the workshopcooperative. Typically, upon repetition, iconographic
themes were resketched or models in the workshop
repertoire were further developed. Designs, working
drawings, workshop copies, sketches, and pattern
books served as preparatory media in this process. A n
extensive collection of more than 120 sketches and
studies, most drawn on both sides of a sheet, stems
from the hand of an artist in the immediate circle of
the Strasbourg workshops. This is the largest related
group of drawings prior to Drer. The author of these
works is known by the makeshift titles the Master
of the Drapery Studies or the Master of the Coburg
Roundels. These pictorial "notations"often single
drapery motifs but also figures, groups, and entire
compositionsreach freely beyond all generic bound
aries of glass painting, panel painting, and sculpture
and document in a unique manner the intensity of
artistic exchange among neighboring workshops in
Strasbourg. A characteristic example is the sheet of
drapery and figure studies, now in Coburg (fig. 3),
which must have been made in immediate connection
with the Volckamer Window in Nuremberg. Two
kneeling figures on the recto of the drawing corre
spond to the imaginary donor portraits of Barbara
Volckamer's two daughters in the lowermost window
row (compare fig. 2). On the verso of the sheet is
12
13
Figure 2 . Strasbourg Workshop-Cooperative. Donor Por

traits, The Tree of Jesse, and Saints from the Volckamer
Window, c. 1481. Nuremberg, Saint Lawrence's Church.
Photo: Corpus Vitrearum Freiburg i . Br. ( H . Scholz).
14
MONUMENTAL
STAINED
GLASS
19
another kneeling figure that corresponds to the donor

panel of Apollonia Volckamer in the same window.
Other sketch sheets in the Cabinet des Estampes et des
Dessins in Strasbourg and the J. Paul Getty Museum
in Los Angeles (cat. no. 5), each with eleven loincloth
studies, reveal more clearly the procedure used by
Strasbourg glass painters. Both sheets are typical
"theme collections," motifs used by the designer or
cartoon draftsman. Such sheets were used in the
design of the Nuremberg Volckamer Window as well,
as in the loincloth worn by Saint Sebastian in the martyr scene, which was based on one of eleven variations
shown on the Strasbourg study sheet.
15
These technical aids notwithstanding, the Strasbourg masters expressed characteristic ingenuity
wherever new, unusual, and rarely depicted subjects
were requiredas in the nine painted-glass roundels
with scenes of the public ministry of Christ in Darmstadt (Hessisches Landesmuseum) and Berlin (Kunstgewerbemuseum; fig. 4 ) . Commissioned around 1 4 7 5 80 by the city council of Ulm for the upper lights in the
magnificent windows in the Great Council Hall, this
series"the most perfect work of Upper German cabinet glass painting"demonstrates that the Strasbourg masters were capable of achieving excellence on
a small scale as w e l l . Indeed, the roundels from U l m
were from the same workshop that again treated the
theme of Christ's public ministry, for the same patron,
in the monumental Council Window in the U l m minster. This correlation is evident not only from the
iconography but also from the heavily applied matts
with stippled and etched highlights and related vocabulary of physiognomic types. A critical distinction
between the two series is that the glass painter in
charge of the small-scale roundels, who must have
been both the designer and executing hand, produced
a more compelling and dramatic depiction of biblical
events than in the large-scale cycles. By comparing the
few works that are documented as Peter Hemmel's in
Obernai and in the Nonnberg convent near Salzburg,
one can identify the master of the small-scale roundels
as Hemmel himself.
16
Figure 3. The Master of the Drapery Studies. Study Sheet

with Kneeling Figures and Loincloth, c. 1481. Pen and
brown ink and brown wash, 28.2 X 21.3 cm. Coburg,
Kunstsammlungen der Veste.
Photo: Kunstsammlungen der Veste, Coburg.
17
18
Figure 4. Strasbourg (Peter Hemmel von Andlau?). Christ

Feeding the Multitudes, c. 1 4 7 5 - 8 0 . Stained-glass roundel,
37 cm (diam.). Berlin, Staatliche Museen-Preussischer
Kulturbesitz, Kunstgewerbemuseum (formerly in the Ulm
Great Council Hall).
20
SCHOLZ
That the Strasbourg workshop-cooperative not

only relied on engravings and sketches in its productions but also, as was customary in other places,
engaged outside designers for its projects cannot be
proven w i t h certainty. There are examples, however,
that suggest this practice, such as the Kramer Window
in U l m , w i t h the enigmatic signature HANS
WILD,
which has been extensively discussed in the literature
and w i l l therefore be excluded here.
Of unsurpassed monumentality is the Strasbourg glass painting of the late Gothic period, the
more than twenty-meter-high Scharfzandt Window in
the Munich Church of Our Lady. Containing over n o
19
panels, it was finished apparently in 1483, after the

supposed termination of the workshop-cooperative in
1481 (fig. 5 ) . Here all the outstanding characteristics
of the Strasbourg window are united in a single work
of the utmost technical and artistic perfection. A
narrow socle area contains the donor's coat of arms,
kneeling donor portraits of the Munich councilman
Wilhelm Scharfzandt and his wife, and the patron
saints Thomas and Matthew as well as Christ as
Salvator M u n d i in the center. Four enormous scenes,
each spreading over twenty-five panels, fill the window
surface above. To heighten the impact of the window
from a distance, the depiction of the Life of the Virgin
in the upper section was limited to three main scenes:
the Annunciation, Birth of Christ, and Presentation in
the Temple. Represented in the lowermost section is the
apotheosis of Saint Rupert, missionary to Bavaria and
patron of the archdiocese of Salzburg. Lavishly
designed architectural and branch canopies, filling
more than half the window and enlivened by colorful
statuettes, surround each scene. What strikes the eye is
the brilliance and glowing luminosity of the canopies
w i t h their rhythmical coloristic play of yellow and
white, deliberately contrasted with the broad red and
blue damask backgrounds. The compositions depict
ing the Life of the Virgin are unsurpassed in spacious
ness and exceed the work of Schongauer, from whose
engravings single motifs, such as the dogs playing in
the foreground of the Presentation scene, have been
borrowed. In the scene with Saint Rupert there is an
animated, almost portraitlike characterization, which
"brings the figures to life," as in earlier windows of the
Strasbourg workshops, particularly in the kings in the
Tree of Jesse pictures (fig. 6). Every detail is executed
with care, and the subtlety of the largely intact paint
ing is unsurpassable. Along w i t h the flowing outlines
and subordination of hatching to interior details, the
modeling of the forms is based on halftone (grisaille)
matts of differing density. Illumination and highlights
were stippled with a dry brush, scratched with a quill,
or etched in small sections with a tiny stick or needle.
Thin layers of back-painting (washes on the glass exte
rior surface) intensify the depth and heighten the color
spectrum of the glass, ranging from the palest light to
the darkest colored shadow. Corresponding to the
masterly painting is the generous application of silver
stain everywhere, in hair, halos, and jeweled garments.
An enormous diversity of color dominates the scenes.
The rich palette of intermediate hues used to depict
landscapes and interiors achieves a high degree of depth
and spatiality for each composition. The complex
modeling of light and shadow, careful characterization
of various materials, and extensive use of "streaky
glasses" to depict the marble interior architecture of
the segment with Saint Rupert underscore the work's
20
21
Figure 5. Strasbourg Workshop-Cooperative. The Birth of

Christ; The Presentation in the Temple from the Scharf
zandt Window, c. 1483. Munich, Church of Our Lady.
Photo: Corpus Vitrearum Freiburg i. Br. (Montage A . Gssel).
MONUMENTAL
STAINED
GLASS
21
high level of achievement. A specialty of the work

shop-cooperative emphasizing the precious, jewel-like
character of the Strasbourg windows is the exten
sively acid-etched, mostly red and violet flashed glass
used for artistically patterned fabrics that were to be
accentuated.
Although different masters of the former
workshop-cooperative, namely, Peter Hemmel and
Theobald von Lixheim, continued to produce works
after 1500 for King (later Emperor) Maximilian 1 in the
collegiate church in Thaur in Tyrol (1501) and for the
cathedral in Metz (1504), the full flowering of Stras
bourg stained glass seemed to be over by the turn of
the century. The most significant Strasbourg glass
painter of the Renaissance, Valentin Busch, left no
traces in southern Germany. His works are mostly
in Lorraine, where Busch officially worked at the
newly built priory church, Saint-Nicolas-de-Port near
Nancy, beginning in 1514, and the cathedral in Metz
in 1520. Among his many later works at smaller loca
tions is the Old and New Testament Cycle for the
Saint-Firmin Church in Flavigny-sur-Moselle ( 1 5 3 1 33). These windows are today distributed among three
collections in the United States and Canada. The
influence on or participation in stained-glass produc
tion by Drer's student Hans Baidung Grien during his
Strasbourg years remains at present too vague. Baldung's work as the leading designer for monumental
stained glass is concentrated much more in his Frei
burg period (1512-17).
22
23
24
Figure 6. Strasbourg Workshop-Cooperative. King from

the Tree of Jesse (detail) from the Kramer Window,
c. 1 4 8 0 - 8 1 . Ulm, minster.
Photo: Corpus V i t r e a r u m Freiburg i . Br. (A. Gssel).
t the turn of the fifteenth to the sixteenth cen

turyspecifically, before the appearance in 1508 of
the atelier of Hans Gitschmann von Ropstein
Freiburg apparently had no resident glass painter. In
1494 the Freiburg burghers Heininger and Steinmeyer
engaged one of the famous Strasbourg ateliers for w i n
dow donations in the unfinished minster choir. The
flourishing of local production began almost two
decades later, in 1511-13, when the newly completed
high-choir clerestory of the minster received its stainedglass windows (fig. 7 ) . These nine four-lancet win
dows commissioned by quite disparate donorsthe
emperor, regional aristocrats, and prominent Freiburg
citizensall followed a common concept: each win
dow carries a row of saints standing above a horizon
tal window divider. This celestial gathering stretches
like a colorful ribbon around nearly the entire choir
clerestory. Donors' coats of arms are placed in the
lower halves of the windows, reaching oversized
dimensions only in the imperial donation in the choir
hemicycle. Contrary to the rich late Gothic archi
tectural constructions of older Strasbourg stained
glass, the Freiburg figures stand in simple, flat, boxy
25
26
22
SCHOLZ
Figure 7. Workshop of Hans von Ropstein, Jakob Wechtlin, and Dietrich Fladenbacher. Saints from the "Kith, Kin,
and In-Laws" of Emperor Maximilian i; Emperor's Coat of Arms and the Habsburg Patrimonial Dominions from the
Habsburg Windows, 1512. Freiburg, minster.
Photo: Corpus V i t r e a r u m Freiburg i . Br. (A. Gssel).
spaces. The wishes of the respective donors deter

mined the iconography of each window. In most dona
tions made by the nobility and burghers, the patron
saints of the donors' families are portrayed. Here, in the
three imperial windows, however, the saints chosen
were particularly venerated by the house of Habsburg.
Some had even been taken into the genealogy of the
ruling family from the " k i t h , kin, and in-laws" (Sipp-,
Mag- und Schwgerschaft) of Maximilian i .
The minster account books do not name the
responsible glazier, but a series of inscriptions and sig
natures in the windows furnish information about the
participating masters. These indicate that Master
Ropstein headed the workshop. The type of collabo
ration with the others namedthe painter Jakob
Wechtlin and the glazier Dietrich Fladenbacher
remains unclear. Probably Ropstein and Wechtlin
shared artistic origins in the Alsacian-Strasbourg glasspainting tradition, in particular, its colored-glass mate
rials, techniques, and use of characteristic background
ornamentation. The astonishingly early appearance
of Renaissance motifs in the Freiburg windows may be
2 7
28
29
traced to influences from Augsburg, specifically, to

modelsperhaps even designsfrom the circle of the
Augsburg painters Leonhard Beck, Hans Burgkmair,
and Jrg Breu.
In 1515, only a few years after the high-choir
windows of the minster were completed, the glazing of
the choir chapels was begun with the Saint Anne W i n
dow (fig. 8). A donation by owners of the Saint Anne's
silver mine in Todtnau, this was the first important
window commission connected to designs by Hans
Baldung Grien. In 1512 Baldung had taken on the
commission for the main altarpiece in the minster and
had relocated from Strasbourg to Freiburg until its
completion in 1517. In the year 1515 he received
the modest sum of 12/2 shillings from the minster
administration for diverse smaller jobs, one being the
"Visierung" for the Saint Anne W i n d o w . The Visie
rung (a small-scale preparatory sketch or a working
design in the form of a cleaned-up copy) by his hand
has not been preserved but can be reconstructed from
two workshop copies, now in Paris and Brussels, of the
central group of figures (fig. 9). Moreover, a signature
30
31
32
33
MONUMENTAL
STAINED
GLASS
23
scratched into the donor inscription of the window

names the painter Jakob Wechtlin as the executing
master. He, however, could hardly have worked on his
own here, butas earlier in the choir clerestoryhe
may have worked in the Ropstein atelier.
Spreading across four lancets, the Saint Anne
Window depicts Anne, Mary, and the Christ Child,
in the center surrounded by Joseph and Anne's
three apocryphal husbandsJoachim, Salomas, and
Cleophasas well as their respective daughters and
grandchildren. Exceptional here is not only the frameless presentation, divided only by mullions and rows,
but also the window's reduced color, to a large extent
executed in grisaille. Although grisaille panes were
common in figural stained glass in the Rhineland and
in France and England since the fourteenth century,
there is no other comparable example of such refine
ment from the early German Renaissance. The idea
may have stemmed from Baldung himself. He may
have been inspired by his own monochrome paintings,
as in the Frankfurt altar completed in 1513-15, or
by the monochrome carved altarpieces of the time.
The pictorial invention, technical finesse, and delicate
choice of colored glasses deserves the highest praise.
The figures, in painterly, finely graduated shades of
gray with silver-stain accents in the hair and halos,
blend in a highly subtle manner with the pale sand
stone-colored throne bench and exquisite pale green
and pink "streaky glasses" in the marble tile floor.
Further, the brilliant blue damask background brings
into play an effective contrast with the figures and
Renaissance crowning ornamentation.
34
35
36
Figure 8. Designed by Hans Baidung Grien; executed

by Jakob Wechtlin. The Holy Kinship from the Saint
Anne Window, 1 5 1 5 . Freiburg, minster.
Photo: Corpus V i t r e a r u m Freiburg i . Br. (Montage A . Gssel).
Compared to Baldung's personal style at the

time of the Freiburg altarpiece, clearly reflected in the
workshop copies in Paris and Brussels, the Saint Anne
Window displays certain deviations, even occasional
mistakes in figural proportion. The executing glass
painter is surely responsible for these, which proves
that Baldung's involvement in the preparation of the
drawings cannot have included the completion of
the cartoons. That all the figures follow Baldung's
preliminary drawings is testified to by the sometimes
surprisingly close references to the artist's paintings,
particularly the Joachim figure in this window with
that of Saint Joseph in the Berlin Lamentation of
Christ from 1517.
Despite the liberties with his designs occasion
ally taken by glass painters, Baldung radically re
molded Freiburg glass painting within a few years.
Compared to the creations in the choir clerestory of
the minster, the Saint Anne Window, c. 1515, and
subsequent windows of the Freiburg Carthusian mon
astery, c. 1515-16 (cat. nos. 113-14), present a com
pletely new depiction of humanity. The gigantic
presence of the single figures and their individual, life37
38
24
SCHOLZ
Figure 9. Working copy after Hans Baidung Grien. Saint

Anne, The Virgin, and Child, c. 1515. Pen and black ink,
2 0 . 1 X 18.4 cm. Paris, Musee du Louvre.
Photo: Musee du Louvre, Paris ( R . M . N . ) .
like characterization is reminiscent of figures in the

high altar of the minster. Several of the energetic, striking heads are unimaginable without presupposing
that they were made after detailed portrait studies by
Baldung (fig. 1 0 ) . N o definitive statement can be made,
however, about the original location and overall
appearance of the windows, as the appearance of the
Carthusian monastery is known only from a late
eighteenth-century bird's-eye view made before its
demolition. One imagines that the single figures were
once lined up, as in the high choir of the Freiburg
minster, perhaps mounted in the windows of the large
and small cloisters. That the panels were executed in
Ropstein's workshop is indicated by the technical
details, in particular, the choice of ornamental backgrounds, which resemble those in the minster high
choir and in the Saint Anne Window.
Figure 1 0 . Designed by Hans Baldung Grien; executed

by the workshop of Hans von Ropstein. Saint Hugo of
Grenoble (detail), c. 1515-16. Nuremberg, Germanisches
Nationalmuseum (formerly in the Freiburg Carthusian
monastery).
Photo: Corpus Vitrearum Freiburg i . Br. (Archiv).
Following the model of late Gothic saints' windows in the large Carthusian panels, Baldung continued to respect the traditional composition of lining
up standing figures and even used the conventional
ornamentation of the damask background. There he
trod new paths only in his depiction of individual
figures. In his glazing of the chancel chapels of the
Freiburg minster, however, he took the final step to
autonomous pictorial treatments entirely indebted to
panel painting. In his own panel paintings Baldung
seldom stood out as a landscape painter. His approach
39
MONUMENTAL
STAINED
GLASS
25
to landscape gives, in the words of Gert von der Osten,

"no deepening of nature in the sense of Cranach or
Altdorf er," rather "only the accompaniment" or the
background for the figural composition. Nevertheless,
the wide, atmospheric landscape backgrounds chosen
to depict biblical events lend a peculiar charm to the
windows donated by the Freiburg patrician families
Heimhofer, Blumenegg, and Locherer in the northern
chancel chapels (fig. n ) . Barely composed w i t h col
ors (executed with black and gray vitreous paint and
silver stain on pale blue glass), the lake landscape
behind The Crucifixion of Christ in the Blumenegg
Chapel is executed as delicately as a drawing. Baldung
had created scenic pictorial treatments in front of a
landscape background in his earlier Nuremberg pe
riod, in the Lffelholz Window in the Church of Saint
Lawrence, 1506, which was likewise partial-stained
glass. This work from ten years earlier is very different
from the broad composition of pictorial space that
characterizes the windows in Freiburg. Without ques
tion, the impressive landscape views and some donor
portraitsprimarily those of imperial civil servant
Jakob Heimhofer and Lord Mayor and minster war
den Sebastian von Blumeneggmust be ascribed to
Baldung's accurate preliminary drawings and portrait
studies. These first windows of the Freiburg chancel
chapels, from 151610 1517, under Baldung's supervi
sion, reveal a fineness of painting that would have not
been possible without accurate, detailed models.
4 0
Finally, the stained-glass windows executed

from 1526 to 1528 in the imperial chapels in the east
ern end of the Freiburg minster chancel offer a last
unsurpassed zenith in monumental Renaissance paint
ing in German-speaking lands (fig. 12). While depic
tions of saints were being removed from churches
because of the introduction of the Reformation, in
Freiburg, which remained true to Catholicism, the
construction and decoration of the minster choir was
finally reaching completion. In principle, the imperial
windows also follow the concept of the first windows
of the chancel chapels by showing "suspended" pic
torial compositions, partially rendered in color and
surrounded by colorless panes of bull's-eye glass.
Unlike the early scenes in front of a landscape back
ground (most designed by Baldung, simply framed,
and arranged in rows, thus more likely to compete
with the altar paintings in the individual chapels), the
imperial windows embody a highly modern type of
donor window. Following the model of contemporary
epitaphs, the donor portraits of Emperor Maximilian 1 ,
his son Philip, and his grandsons Emperor Charles v
and Grand Duke Ferdinand appear in richly ornate,
perspectivally constructed, open architectural settings.
The figures kneel in devotion directly before the four
favorite patron saints venerated by the House of Habs41
Figure 1 1 . Designed by Hans Baldung Grien; executed

by the workshop of Hans von Ropstein. The Crucifixion
of Christ from the Blumenegg Window, c. 1516-17. 196 X
90 cm. Freiburg, minster.
Photo: Corpus V i t r e a r u m Freiburg i . Br. (R. Becksmann).
26
SCHOLZ
burg: George, Andrew, Jacob, and Leopold. Wide

inscription panels, in the form of consoles highlighting
the suspended effect within the window, carry all four
pictorial compositions.
The artist responsible for the designs of these
extraordinary compositions, which were rendered in
glass by the local Ropstein workshop, as indicated by
the damask pattern, must have been from Augsburg.
This conclusion is based on comparisons with Hans
Burgkmair's prints. In fact, the nearest parallels for
the lavishly applied Renaissance ornamentationthe
opulent fruit garlands w i t h puttos and mythical beasts
in arcades and gablesare found in Burgkmair's
woodcuts after 1510. Models include his series on the
planets and the seven virtues (cat. no. 77, fig. 59),
which inspired the small mythological scenes shown in
pronounced perspective from below on the flanking
columns in the Philip the Fair w i n d o w . Also influen
tial are the drawings of the Augsburg painter and
draftsman Jrg Breu, who in earlier years had emerged
as the designer for an imperial glass-painting com
mission: the series of silver-stain roundels depicting
the military campaigns of Maximilian 1 , 1516 (cat.
nos. 8 3 - 8 6 ) . Astonishing parallels to the Freiburg
imperial windows appear during the 1520s. Breu's
design for an epitaph w i t h the depiction of the Four
teen Holy Helpers and kneeling donor family in the
Stockholm National Museum could, in construction
and perspective, serve as a direct counterpart for the
painted architectural settings of these late Ropstein
windows.
42
Figure 1 2 . Designed by an Augsburg painter; executed by

the workshop of Hans von Ropstein. Emperor
Maximilian
with Saint George; Philip the Fair with Saint Andrew
from the Habsburg Windows, 1526-28. Freiburg, minster.
43
44
45
After the completion of work in the chancel

chapels and a late window donation by Johannes W i d mann in the Carthusian monastery (all in 1528), it
seems that Ropstein received no further significant
commissions for monumental stained glass. Until
his death in 1564, Ropstein produced small-scale her
aldic panelscontaining an inscription socle, donor
figures, or blazon-bearer in an architectural frame
workas well as small pictures in grisaille, depicting
military campaigns, hunting scenes, dances, festivities,
and much more. These have been preserved in Endingen and Rheinfelden town halls and in Heiligenberg
Castle. One last commission associated with Rop
stein, made in 1562 by the Basel cathedral chapter
for the chapel window in Angenstein Castle, south
of Basel, very successfully combines specific traits of
heraldic panel painting (upper pictures of secondary
scenes) w i t h a truly monumental standard of stained
glass that completely fills the entire w i n d o w .
46
47
48
49
Photo: Stadtarchiv Freiburg i . Br. (Rbcke).
Hirsvogel workshop, which developed over more than

four generations, must have held a near monopoly in
Nuremberg during its most productive years, between
1485 and 1525. N o other works of this time can be
associated w i t h any other glaziers cited in the munic
ipal master lists. The major works of monumental
glazing in the citythe large donor windows of the
Bamberg bishops, Emperor Maximilian 1 , the mar
graves of Brandenburg-Ansbach, and imperial coun
selor Melchior Pfinzing in Saint Sebald's Church and
the stained-glass windows in the Saint Rochus mor
tuary chapel of the Imhoff familyare attributed
to the Hirsvogel workshop. W i t h an inventory of
about six hundred panels of sacred stained glass
from the decades around 1500 and an abundance
of preserved preliminary drawings from Diirer's
close circledesigns, sketches, workshop copies, car
toons, and overall designs for windowsNuremberg
offers incomparable insights into the workshop meth
ods of the time.
50
Born in 1461, Veit Hirsvogel was the son of the

glazier Heinz Hirsvogel, who worked from 1447 to
1485 in Nuremberg. The younger Hirsvogel probably
received his training before 1480 in his father's work
shop. A t that time (1476-81) the new hall choir of
Saint Lawrence Church was outfitted with extensive
stained-glass windows from various Nuremberg and
Bamberg workshops. It is not known whether Heinz
Hirsvogel participated in this w o r k . The Saint Law
rence choir glazing also included Strasbourg windows
from the workshop-cooperative around Peter Hemmel
(see fig. 2), and the impact of this imported work on
Nuremberg artists must have been overwhelming. It is,
51
Nuremberg
Stained glass in Nuremberg on the threshold of the
Renaissance is most closely associated with the name
of the municipal glazier Veit Hirsvogel the Elder. The
MONUMENTAL
STAINED
GLASS
2 7
therefore, not surprising that during his journeyman

years (1480-85) Veit Hirsvogel worked in the Stras
bourg cooperative, the most famous stained-glass
enterprise of the day. One can assume that after his
return to Nuremberg in 1485, his rapid success and
consistent popularity w i t h Nuremberg patrons were
primarily due to his advanced artistic training in Stras
bourg with the greatest masters of his field.
52
The first window securely ascribed to the Hirsvogel workshop, the Bamberg Window, 1501-2, in
the choir of Saint Sebald's Church in Nuremberg, leads
us directly to the heart of the problem of determining
the collaborative process between glass-painting work
shops and designers (fig. 13). Spreading in four rows
across four lancets, the window depicts in its sixteen
panels the four Bamberg bishops with their ceremo
nial objects, the patron saints of Bamberg Cathedral
(Kilian, Peter, Paul, and George), the diocese founders
(Emperor Heinrich and Empress Kunigunde), coats
of arms, and a top row containing four canopies. For
his work Veit Hirsvogel received the total payment of
sixty guilders, one pound, and twelve denars. As the
first work securely ascribed to the workshop, this richly
colored composition is also significant for some rather
irritating features. In design and execution two artistic
approaches are apparent, and their differences are
highly informative regarding the production of the win
dow, workshop participants, and the status of Nurem
berg stained glass at the turn of the fifteenth century.
53
Figure 1 3 . Designed by Albrecht Drer; executed by the

workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder. Donors and Saints
from the Bamberg Window, 1502. Nuremberg, Saint
Sebald's Church.
First, two completely different styles of draw

ing can be distinguished. A n older style, evidencing
the continued influence of the Strasbourg workshopcooperative, connects the Hirsvogel atelier to a series
of earlier works, mostly single panels and windows
preserved in fragmentary form in the Nuremberg Saint
Johannis, Saint Jakob, and Saint Lawrence Churches
and dating from the last decade of the fifteenth cen
tury. This antiquated workshop style, which deter
mines the overall appearance of the window and is
most distinctly recognizable by the standardized mask
like heads, contrasts w i t h a modern style oriented
toward Drer. The latter style is most striking in the
heads and hands of the imperial couple and those
of Bishop Philip von Henneberg to their right. The
graphic, loose drawing of natural shapes and vividly
defined facial expressions are inexplicable without
Drer's direct influence.
54
Despite a range of different glass-painting styles

in the Bamberg Window, the designs for all figures can
be traced to Drer, even though most were not ade
quately translated by the glass painters. Further
more, the full-scale Saint Peter cartoon, c. 1501-2
(cat. no. 18), has been preserved and comes so close to
Drer's graphic style that it has been attributed to
h i m . The workshop, however, was not dependent
55
56
28
SCHOLZ
on outside designers like Drer for the canopies in

the fourth row of the window and the rich, expan
sive damask backgrounds, since Veit Hirsvogel had
acquired a sufficient body of prototypes during his
journeyman years in Strasbourg with the circle around
Peter Hemmel. He used them in manifold combina
tions into the second decade of the sixteenth century,
thus maintaining a certain independence from painterdesigners, even in collaborative commissions.
Drer's activity in stained glass began immedi
ately after his return from his first trip to Italy in 1495
with the notoriously controversial designs for the cycle
with the life of Saint Benedict, c. 1496 (cat. nos. 1 1 17), the overall design in Frankfurt for a window
depicting Saint George, c. 1496 (cat. no. 9), and the
cartoon of Saint Augustine in Rotterdam, c. 1496-8
(cat. no. 10). His work gradually led to glass painters
becoming familiar with a more contemporary manner
of drawing. At the same time the older workshop
style dating to Strasbourg stained-glass painting of
the 1480s receded in importance. Indeed, after 1500
Drer's personal involvement in this field appears to
have been in demand only occasionally, for partic
ularly unusual commissions, such as the designs for
the pendant trefoil panels Death on Horseback and
Sixtus Tuch er at His Open Grave, 1502 (cat. nos. 1 9 20). Sometime before his second trip to Italy, which
kept him away from Nuremberg from August 1505 to
March 1507, Drer had increasingly left the design
work for stained glass to his younger assistants, first
and foremost to his most outstanding student, Hans
Baldung Grien.
57
58
59
During Baldung's Nuremberg years (1503-7/8)

the glazing of the cloister of the local Carmelite
monastery was begun, one of the most extensive and
lengthy commissions for the Hirsvogel workshop.
Donated by various Nuremberg patrician families, the
cycle was produced from 1504 to 1511. It included
scenes from the Life of the Virgin; the childhood, pub
lic ministry, and Passion of Christ; and the Last Judg
ment. After the Reformation, when the monastery was
closed and sold, the cycle was distributed in greatly
decimated form among neighboring parish churches
in Grossgrndlach, Whrd, and Henfenfeld. Only
the earliest partsThe Presentation in the Temple,
dated 1505; The Virgin at the Loom, The Marriage
of the Virgin, The Temptation of Christ, and Christ
and the Woman Taken in Adultery in Grossgrndlach;
and The Nativity and The Adoration of the Magi in
Whrdcan be associated with Baldung's designs.
Although no drawings for these scenes have survived,
a later copy of The Virgin at the Loom, after Baldung's
design by the Zurich painter and draftsman Hans Leu
the Younger, is dated 1510 (cat. no. 29). This early
group of panels reveals Baldung's characteristic reper
60
61
toire of head types and uniquely fine-meshed, almost

burinlike manner of drawing, which are without prece
dent in the Hirsvogel workshop. A comparison with
the single undisputed stained-glass design by Baldung
from his Nuremberg period, Sermon of Saint Vincent
Ferrer, c. 1505 (cat. no. 28), in the Getty Museum,
reveals the same technical idiosyncrasies in draftsman
ship found in the early group of panels in Gross
grndlach and Whrd. It also furnishes us with a very
precise idea of the size of Baldung's final designs and
the care with which they were executed. The high
quality of the panels, among the best produced by
Nuremberg glass painters, raises the question of Bal
dung's participation in the execution of the glass
painting. Just as this possibility can be ruled out for
Drer and the Bamberg Window, so too we must cer
tainly entertain the possibility that particularly skilled
glass painters executed the best works from Baldung's
Nuremberg period. Another outstanding creation is
the Lffelholz Window, 1506, in the Nuremberg Saint
Lawrence parish church. Among the employees of the
Hirsvogel atelier are the master's two oldest sons, who
were around eighteen years old at that time, and it is
likely that one of them may have executed this work.
In Dresden is a somewhat later design, c. 1510, of three
circular panels with kneeling donors, signed HHF by
Hans Hirsvogel the Younger. As well as reflecting the
increasing influence of Hans von Kulmbach, it is also
distinctly reminiscent of Baldung's characteristic draw
ing style. This sheet and the circular drawings for
panels by the same draftsman in collections in Nurem
berg and Budapest prove that glass painters were not
always dependent on designers for figural composi
tions. Individual workshop members were appar
ently capable of their own designs.
62
63
64
65
66
67
Along with Baldung, and even more so after

his departure from Nuremberg in 1507-8, other
Drer studentsincluding Hans von Kulmbach, Hans
Schufelein, and Wolf Trautgradually emerged as
stained-glass designers. A less subtle, quite routine,
economical style of drawing was now adopted in the
production of the Hirsvogel workshop (fig. 14). The
development of this workshop style could have been
a result of the glass painters constantly working from
the designs of Kulmbach, who in later years was
Nuremberg's most sought-after designer for stained
glass. The large number of extant drawings for stainedglass panels ascribed to Kulmbach's ceuvre, primarily
by Friedrich Winkler (not always undisputed), point
to this role.
Among the most problematic attributions are
the Dresden cartoon fragment of the Saint Veronica,
c. 1508, for The Bearing of the Cross in the Carme
lite cycle and The Fall of the Rebel Angels cartoon,
c. 1508 (cat. no. 23), now in Boston, for a stained68
MONUMENTAL
STAINED
GLASS
2Q
glass window in the Landauer Chapel in Nuremberg,

which today can no longer be rightfully regarded as
Kulmbach's w o r k . The overall artistic control for
the total program of the Landauer Chapel must have
been in Drer's hands, because he designed and exe
cuted its centerpiece, the costly Adoration of the
Trinity Altarpiece, completed in 1511 (today in the
Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum). The close for
mal and iconographic connections between the win
dows and The Adoration of the Trinity Altarpiece
underscore that the preparatory sketches and designs
for the former originated in Drer's immediate circle.
The single preserved full-sized cartoon fragment, The
Fall of the Rebel Angels (cat. no. 23), however, was
assigned to a subordinate master due to its dryly sche
matic drawing style. Included by Campbell Dodgson
under the general term "Drer school," the cartoon
has since been variously attributed to an anonymous
employee of the Hirsvogel workshop, to Kulmbach,
and to Drer himself. Drer's preparatory drawings
may have looked like his small-scale preparatory
sketches in Berlin and Bremen for The Martyrdom of
Saint Lawrence (see fig. 3, p. 5); and the Fall of the
Idol in the Schmidtmayer Window, produced in 1509 1 3 for the parish church of Saint Lawrence in Nurem
berg (see fig. 4, p. 5).
Numerous early sixteenth-century works from
the Hirsvogel workshop are uniformly "partial stained
glass," that is, the glass painting no longer fills the
entire window but stretches like a horizontal colored
ribbon through an otherwise colorless window glazed
with panes of bull's-eye glass or diamond-shaped
panes. Glass painters repeatedly fell back on their own
supply of framing and ornamental motifs, combining
those that were at hand with new designs. Their work
now encompassed a few, constantly recurring picto
rial motifs (flat niches with tile floors and curtains,
damask or landscape backgrounds, and architectural
and branch-motif frames), applied primarily to the
most popular subject, the depiction of individual
saints. As these constantly repeated pictorial units
were considered to be canons of representation, this
observation applies equally to independent work by
glass painters and to collaborative commissions (i.e.,
when glass painters relied on designs by other artists).
The compositional forms were the same as those in the
wings of sixteenth-century Franconian altarpieces. It is
therefore quite safe to assume that stained glass copied
the formal vocabulary and subject matter of altarpieces, the principal type of sacred decoration.
Renaissance formal elements and a new rela
tionship between pictorial space and frame gained
entry to the repertoire of Nuremberg stained glass only
sporadically after 1510. It began first with designs for
small-scale, secular stained glass and grisaille panels.
69
70
71
Figure 14. Designed by Albrecht Drer; executed by the

workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder. Joachim Parting
from Saint Anne (detail), c. 1508. Nuremberg-Grossgrndlach, Church of Saint Lawrence (formerly in Nuremberg,
cloister of the Carmelite monastery).
Photo: Corpus V i t r e a r u m Freiburg i . Br. ( H . Scholz).
30
S C H O L Z
As local commissions continued to be limited to the

donation of single panels and smaller ensembles of two
or three fields, this new style remained at first without
impact on large-scale windows designed to create a
new pictorial architecture spreading across the entire
window. This task arose only one more time in Nurem
berg in the years 1514 to 1515, and what was realized
here differs fundamentally from earlier window com
positions. The Nuremberg City Council decreed that
damaged fourteenth-century stained-glass windows be
repaired and replaced by the donor's descendants. The
large donor windows of Emperor Maximilian 1 , 1514
(cat. no. 49), the margraves of Brandenburg-Ansbach,
and the imperial counselor Melchior Pfinzing, already
cited as major works of the Hirsvogel workshop, were
completed in quick succession in the east choir of Saint
Sebald's Church. The exceptionally imposing iconog
raphy of the three windowswhich leaves most of the
space to full-figure portraits of the donor families and
to heraldic bearings while treating the saints, the ob
jects of veneration, as secondary figuresrequired an
entirely new compositional and formal approach. Ex
tant correspondence of the Nuremberg City Council,
overall compositional designs and cartoons by Kulmbach and Drer as well as close formal parallels w i t h
commissions in other artistic spheres illuminate the
role played by both designers and patrons in the cre
ation of these distinctly new compositions.
72
Parts of Kulmbach's preliminary design for the

Emperor's Window on the choir axis are preserved
in the Kupferstichkabinett in Berlin (cat. no. 4 9 ) .
This design, however, apparently took too traditional
a form for the taste of the emperor, who had quite
definite ideas about the contemporary appearance of
his window donation. Indeed, the window that was
executed is incomprehensible without Drer's guiding
corrections. The superiority and monumentality of the
figures clearly surpass Kulmbach's artistic ingenuity.
In a letter from 1515 Drer speaks about the many
designs he prepared at the emperor's behest, and the
revision of the Emperor's Window can also be counted
among these.
73
74
After the imperial window was completed, the

damaged first window of the margrave's family (a
donation by the earlier burgraves of Nuremberg from
the years when the choir was constructed, around
1379) was replaced in 1515 by a window that was as
contemporary as it was representative (fig. 15). Fol
lowing Maximilian's example, Margrave Friedrich v
had himself portrayed standing inside a high, tower
ing, multistoried Renaissance architectural frame
work. He and his wife, Sophia of Poland, and their
eight sons are the same size as the Mother of God and
Saint John the Baptist. Kulmbach's overall design, pre
served in Dresden, dated 1514 in an inscription (cat.
75
Figure 15. Designed by Hans von Kulmbach; executed

by the workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder. Donors and
Saints from the Margrave's Window, 1515. Nuremberg,
Saint Sebald's Church.
Photo: Corpus Vitrearum Freiburg i.'s (Montage A . Gssel).
MONUMENTAL
STAINED
GLASS
31
no. 50), incorporates design solutions arrived at in the

neighboring Emperor's Window and displays the prog
ress that had been achieved in clarifying the overall
structure of the architecture, in the composition of its
various stories, and in the distribution of the standing
figures and coats of arms. In fact, this advancement
applies primarily to the window itself, in which the
light, airy effect of the stories, constructed in front of
a pure white background, stands out through an
extraordinarily pale and cool coloration.
The third large donor window in Saint Sebald's
Church, commissioned by Melchior Pfinzing and exe
cuted in the fall of the year 1515, is undisputedly
Diirer's idea (fig. 16). Here Diirer's conception and
detailed drawings for the glass-painting workshop are
discernible one last time. The correlation of pictorial
architecture and detailed decoration to the lavish dis
play of Renaissance ornamentation in his woodcuts
for The Triumphal Arch has been particularly stressed.
This does not, however, solely result from Diirer's
authorship but also reflects the taste of the patron. The
only preliminary drawing to survive is the cartoon
for the Madonna and Child in St. Petersburg (cat.
no. 2 7 ) . But it is less the figural parts that justify
the extraordinary rank of the Pfinzing Window than
the decisive leap in achieving a uniform conception
of the overall pictorial space, executed with modern
means. In the Emperor's and Margrave's Windows the
architectural composition was essentially composed
additively by superimposing stories of the same shape.
In the Pfinzing Window, however, there appears for
the first time a uniformly conceived Renaissance edi
fice constructed according to the laws of central per
spective. This bold approach to the rather unfavorable
vertical format of the window surface is a brilliant
testament to Diirer's perspectival mastery. Despite the
formal and decorative transferals from The Triumphal
Arch, the window did not simply reflect the work done
on the huge woodcut. The immediacy of invention,
generosity of spirit, and clarity of spatial relationships
in the window make it in a certain sense a more sym
pathetic and satisfying artistic achievement than the
"monstrous showpiece" (i.e., The Triumphal Arch) to
the glory of Maximilian.
76
77
After completing the imposing commissions for

Saint Sebald that culminated in the Pfinzing Win
dow, the Hirsvogel workshop had largely expended
its creative energy. Apart from a few exceptions
such as the Welser-Thumer Window in the Church of
Figure 16. Designed by Albrecht Drer; executed by the

workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder. Donors and Saints
from the Pfinzing Window, 1 5 1 5 . Nuremberg, Saint
Sebald's Church.
32
SCHOLZ
Figure 17. Albrecht Drer. Saint Anne, The Virgin, and

Child, c. 1500. Design for stained glass; pen and brown
ink; 23.6 X 16.7 cm. Budapest, Museum of Fine Arts.
Photo: M u s e u m of Fine Arts, Budapest.
Figure 1 8 . Workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the

Elder. Saint Anne, The Virgin, and Child
from the Margrave Window, c. 1526.
90 X 45 cm. Ansbach, Saint Gumpertus's
Church.
Our Lady, based on Kulmbach's overall compositional

design in Dresden, c. 1522 (cat. no. 61)the late
phase of monumental stained glass in Nuremberg,
with its repetitive character, displays signs of stagna
tion. I f one examines only the final large commissions
for the Saint Rochus mortuary chapel, c. 1520, for the
Imhoff family in Nuremberg or the margraves' second
donation for Saint Gumpertus's Church, c. 1526, in
Ansbach, which for the most part were produced from
existing older designs and from prints (figs. 17-18),
it becomes clear that the flowering of monumental
glazing in Nuremberg had come to an end prior to the
death of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder in 1525 and the
arrival of the Reformation in the city.
Augsburg
Unlike Nuremberg, Augsburg has preserved inside its
walls practically no monumental glazing from the
period. When examining Augsburg stained glass dur
ing the time of Hans Holbein the Elder (c. 1465-15 24),
one is forced to look elsewhere. The area in which
exports from Augsburg were distributed stretched
from the neighboring Upper Bavarian region to Eich-
statt, Straubing, and Landsberg all the way down

to South Tyrol, Schwaz, and Merano. Among the
scanty remains of late Gothic stained glass in Augs
burg from the 1480s again a "Strasbourg window"
from the circle of masters of the former workshopcooperative marks the starting point. Local work
shops had, however, already been established. The
Catalogus Abbatum Monasterii SS. Udalrici et Afrae
(Catalogue for the Abbey Monastery Saints Ulrich and
Afra) of Wilhelm Wittwer (1449-1512) recorded a
series of window donations from the last quarter of the
fifteenth century. This activity in production corre
sponded to economic and artistic growth in Augsburg,
which was striving to surpass the free imperial city of
Nuremberg. Almost no securely attributed work, how
ever, survives to testify to an autonomous stainedglass tradition at this early date
78
79
80
The only glass still preserved on location

todayalbeit in poor conditionis in the church
of Saints Ulrich and Afra. These windows are cited
by Wittwer as donations by Abbot Johannes von
Gdingen in 1496 for the newly constructed ora
tory above the Saint Simpertus Chapel, the so-called
M O N U M E N T A L
STAINED
GLASS
33
Figure 20. Designed by Hans Holbein

the Elder; executed by the workshop of
Gumpolt Giltlinger. The Crucifixion of
Christ, c. 1490-95. Eichsttt, cathe
dral, mortuary.
81
Abbot's Chapel. Five standing figuresa Madonna

and Child (fig. 19), the two Johns, Andrew, and Bene
dictadorned the central, five-lancet chapel window
as partial stained glass until 1898. A l l figures were
shownas in the later Nuremberg Renaissance win
dows at Saint Sebald's Churchin slight perspec
tive from below and thus consciously oriented to the
viewer's lower vantage point. In the center of the stag
gered composition is the Virgin in a white robe. She
stands inside a three-sided, recessed, richly vaulted
apse illuminated by windows. Behind her is a vivid red
damascene curtain. Despite paint losses, this fascinat
ing composition is reminiscent of the chapel shrines in
late Gothic carved altarpieces (notably, the interior of
a small chapel illuminated from behind by small win
dows, as in Tilman Riemenschneider's Altarpiece of
the Holy Blood in Rothenburg) and served here as an
accentuation of the middle axis. In contrast, the flank
ing saints appear in front of a flat two-dimensional,
monochrome vine-scroll background and are sur
rounded by a simple architectural crowning element.
Since the beginning of the century these glass
paintings were regarded as by Holbein the Elder, and
their design and execution were ascribed to him or at
least to his workshop. Indeed, their figural style fits
into Holbein's chronological development between the
securely dated panel paintings from 1493 (Weingartner
Altar, Augsburg Cathedral) and 1499 {Gossenbrot
Madonna, Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nurem82
Figure 19. Designed by Hans Holbein

the Elder; executed by the workshop
of Gumpolt Giltlinger. The Madonna
and Child, 1496. 250 X 50 cm. Augs
burg, Saints Ulrich and Afra Church.
34
S C H O L Z
Figure 2 1 . Hans Holbein the Elder. The Adoration of the Child, c. 1495. Design for stained glass; pen and brown ink
with gray and brown wash; 19.8 X 30.1 cm. Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlung, Kupferstichkabinett.
Photo: ffentliche Kunstsammlung, Kupferstichkabinett, Basel.
83
berg). It is rather improbable, however, that Holbein

operated a workshop for panel and glass painting.
Otherwise it would not have been necessary for him
to collaborate with the Augsburg panel and glass
painter Gumpolt Giltlinger, who signed the later Last
Judgment Window in Eichsttt as the executing master.
The contemporary recording of Gitlinger as the creator
of the altar panel in the Abbot's Chapel in the chron
icle by Wittwer substantiates the likelihood that he
also executed the glass paintings designed by Holbein.
Concerning Holbein's role as a designer for
stained glass, no more definite conclusions can be
derived from a second window, also in the church of
Saints Ulrich and Afra, depicting the Adoration of the
Magi and destroyed by fire in 1944. Five drawings in
the manner of Holbein the Elder (Kupferstichkabinett,
Basel) are directly related to individual window pan
els. Nevertheless, the assessment of the sheets vacillates
between preliminary drawings and copies. Conse
quently the ascription varies between Holbein or one
of his epigones, namely, the goldsmith Jrg Schweiger,
who came from Augsburg and in 1507 relocated to
Basel. We first tread on solid ground with the stainedglass windows of the Last Judgment and the Madonna
84
85
of Mercy in the mortuary of Eichsttt Cathedral, which

are undoubtedly connected to the Augsburg master as
they are signed by Holbein the Elder. The tomb of
the cathedral chapter, constructed between 1480 and
1504, is illuminated by ten tracery windows of which
today only five have extensive remnants of their ori
ginal stained glass. Only in The Last Judgment (see
fig. 22) does the pictorial composition encompass the
entire window surface. All other windows were obvi
ously only partial stained glass from the beginning.
The Crucifixion Window, which according to
the inscription is a donation by the canon Johannes
von Seckendorf!, who died in 1490, was probably
among the first to be completed (fig. 20). In the form
and function of an epitaph, the window depicts the
Crucified Christ with angels between Mary and John
in front of a plain blue background. Typical of Augs
burg compositions, the image is framed by strongly
curved tracery with numerous overlapping and trun
cated late Gothic rib profiles. Holbein's authorship
as designer is unquestionable, as a design in his hand
in Basel (Kupferstichkabinett) places the Adoration
of the Child inside an almost identical architectural
framework (fig. 2 1 ) . Based on the spaces left for the
86
87
MONUMENTAL
STAINED
GLASS
35
Figure 23. Augsburg workshop (designed by Leonhard

Beck?). The Passion of Christ: The Entry into Jerusalem,
The Last Supper, The Mount of Olives, 1512. 85 X n o
cm. Oberurbach, parish church.
mullions, the Basel drawing was intended for a fourlancet window and couldas Gottfried Frenzel has
presumedalso be associated w i t h the stained-glass
windows of the mortuary. The windows on the west
side have lost their colored figural decoration, but one
of the three four-lancet windows could very well be the
former location of stained glass after Holbein's Basel
Adoration of the Child. This assumption is under
scored by another design for stained glass in Basel that
portrays the Eichsttt foundersWillibald, Richard,
Wunibald, and Walburgain four lancets and thus
could likewise record a lost donation for the Eich
sttt mortuary.
88
The "Strasbourg window" in Augsburg Cathe

dral has been identified as the model for the Adoration
of the Child drawing in Basel. While this might be
true for the figural parts of the scene, it does not take
into account Holbein's distinctive reinterpretation of
the overall composition. One peculiarity of his designs
is the way the framing architecture branches out freely
into the surrounding clear glass (hexagonal panes at
Eichsttt), so that the picture seems to be suspended in
the window. This effect originally pertained to win
dows at Saints Ulrich and Afra as well as to a large
portion of the Eichsttt stained glass, with certainty to
the Madonna of Mercy, 1502, which today is fully
robbed of its architectural framework.
The Eichsttt Last Judgment (fig. 22), a window
completely executed in stained glass, and the monu
mental Passion of Christ in the choir of the parish
church in Landsberg am Lech must be counted among
the undisputed high points of Augsburg stained glass.
The Landsberg Passion of Christ Window, dating
89
Figure 22. Designed by Hans Holbein the Elder; executed

by the workshop of Gumpolt Giltlinger. The Last Judg
ment, c. 1505. Eichsttt, cathedral, mortuary.
36
SCHOLZ
to the turn of the century, related to Holbein's paint

ings from c. 1495 and 1502the Gray Passion of
Christ, the Frankfurt Dominican altar, and the
Kaisheim altarand depicts in three huge superim
posed scenes Christ Crowned with Thorns, the Flag
ellation of Christ, and the Bearing of the Cross. Its
poor state of preservation and lack of careful detail
are secondary to the overall magnificence of the win
dow. Sensitively rendered individualized heads, evi
dent in the Eichsttt Madonna of Mercy Window and
in the donor section of the Last Judgment, were obvi
ously inappropriate to the monumental scale of the
Landsberg choir window.
W i t h his Eichsttt Last Judgment from around
1505, Holbein designed a completely unframed com
position resembling a panel painting bordered only
by window tracery that approaches Drer's design for
a monumental stained-glass window depicting Saint
George Fighting the Dragon, c. 1496, in Frankfurt. In
the socle area, containing the donor's portrait and
standing saints, the artist had his signature, HOLBAIN, painted into Saint Margaret's belt, which thus
documents his responsibility for the design as a whole.
The executing master, Augsburg panel and glass
painter Gumpolt Giltlinger, signaled his contribution
to the window with the initials GLTR on the same belt
buckle. This gesture provides information about the
division of labor governing the design and execution
of monumental stained glass in Augsburg. In con
nection with other stained-glass painting in the style of
Holbein, Giltlinger is documented as receiving a com
mission from the miners in Schwaz in 1506 and again
in 1509, which suggests a continuing collaboration at
least with Holbein the Elder as designer.
90
91
92
A few preserved later works are still clearly

under Holbein's influence, although many designs
already stem from his students. Becksmann has
revealed the probable participation of the Holbein
student Leonhard Beck for the glazing dated 1512 in
Oberurbach, Swabia (fig. 23), which belongs to the
Augsburg diocese. The same Leonhard Beck may
also be responsible for the designs for part of the highchoir windows in the Freiburg minster, in which the
windows with saints closely follow Holbein's Eichsttt
designs. To date, no monumental stained glass has
been connected with certainty to the great masters
of Augsburg Renaissance painting, primarily Hans
Burgkmair and Jrg Breu. Only one case of Burgkmair's activity as a designer for stained-glass commis
sionsthe preparatory drawings for eight panels in
the Council Chamber of the old Augsburg Town Hall
from the year 1515is documented. These lost
drawings, however, appear more likely to have been for
cabinet panels similar to the three roundels from a
Cycle of Virtues at Fssen Castle (cat. no. 77) rather
93
94
95
96
than for a monumental cycle. Most extant circular

panels from Augsburgexclusively small secular
stained-glass panels made up to around 1535are
generally associated with Jrg Breu as designer (cat.
nos. 78-109). By comparing the lavish Renaissance
ornamental vocabulary in Burgkmair's work or Jrg
Breu's previously mentioned design for an epitaph
in the Stockholm National Museum to the windows
of the Habsburg memorial donations in the impe
rial chapels of 1526-28 in the Freiburg minster, how
ever, one can easily understand why these imperial
windows have traditionally been ascribed to an Augs
burg designer.
Munich and Landshut
Despite fragmentary information regarding stainedglass production in Bavaria, particularly from Munich
and later from Landshut, the decoration of the Munich
Church of Our Lady from the last quarter of the fif
teenth century reveals a quite astonishing continuity
of the local workshop tradition. Although, as in
Nuremberg, Augsburg, and Freiburg, a "Strasbourg
window" from the circle of workshops around Peter
Hemmel von Andlau occupies the central position
among the choir windows (see fig. 5), various promi
nent local artistic personalities can be defined prior
to and contemporary with this extensive decorative
cycle. The names of almost a dozen glaziers and glass
painters are known for the period from 1470 to 1530.
Tax books are the most important sources for such
information, with the amount of taxes reflecting the
economic status and productivity of the workshops.
97
98
Among the foremost and oldest in the city

first documented in 1431was the workshop of
Master Martin Karlsteiner (who worked until 1484),
his son Franz, and his heir and successor, Hans
Winhart, who carried on the business and held the
office of city glazier until his death in 1537. Two more
highly productive workshops, with the names of Hans
Olein and Hans Schmid, are also recorded. Friedrich
Brunner entered the scene in 1496 and quickly formed
a large enterprise with a correspondingly high tax
burden. Frankl has attributed an extensive oeuvrein
particular single panels with saints and portraits of
kneeling donors in the Gauting parish churchto
Jakob Kistenfiger, a Munich stained-glass painter, doc
umented from 1496 to 1532. An inscribed Madonna
panel in the Cologne Schntgen Museum reveals him
to have been a somewhat mediocre talent. N o fur
ther references, however, could be found for the leg
endary Munich glass painter Egidius Trautenwolf.
The extent to which any of these Munich work
shops cooperated with outside designers remains
unclear, despite the wealth of evidence gathered by
Suzanne Fischer. Master Jan Polack, who was resident
99
MONUMENTAL
STAINED
GLASS
37
Figure 25. Designed by Jan Polack(?); executed by the Mas

ter of the Speculum Window. The Death of the Virgin, c.
1484. Landsberg am Lech, parish church.
Photo: Corpus Vitrearum Freiburg 1. Br. (Archiv).
Figure 24. The Master of the Speculum Window. Elias and

the Widow of Zarepta; Christ Feeding the Multitudes; The
Supper in the House of Simon; The Attempted Stoning of
Christ from the Speculum Window, 1480. Munich, Church
of Our Lady.
in Munich since the late 1470s, advanced to the office

of city painter in 1488 and received payment in 1485
for stained glass, "vitricis ecclesie Sancti M a r t i n i , "
made for the monastery church in Scheyern. In 1515,
together with Hans Winhard, he was responsible for
the stained-glass windows in the Town Hall Drinking
Room, for which he made the design. Unfortunately,
these projects did not survive. Nevertheless, Polack's
familial relation to his brother-in-law Franz, Master
Martin's son, and later collaboration with his work
shop successor, Winhart, indicates that the city painter
continued to design stained glass for this workshop.
By examining the extensive glazing of the
Munich Church of Our Lady, which unfortunately is
a haphazard pastiche incorporating older glass, one
can nevertheless identify different workshop groups.
The oldest of the large "new" windows, the Speculum
Window, dated 1480, incorporates parts of an older
Passion of Christ Window from the Church of Our
Lady (fig. 2 4 ) . The reason for the window's smallsectioned, additive composition is primarily thematic,
100
38
SCHOLZ
Figure z6. Workshop of Hans Winhart(?). Saint

Christopher Window, c. 1510-15. Landsberg am Lech,
parish church.
Figure 27. Workshop of Hans Wertinger, Landshut.

Lazarus Raised from the Dead, c. 1510-15. 77 X 72 cm.
Neutting, parish church.
Photo: Peter van Treeck, M u n i c h .
Photo: Corpus Vitrearum Freiburg i . Br. (R. Toussaint).
dictated by numerous scenes following a typological

program and differs with its subtle technique and
finely painted detail from the large-scale windows
produced later. Shortly thereafter marvelous composi
tions depicting the Death of the Virgin and the Adora
tion of the Magi in the choir windows of the parish
church in the Upper Bavarian town Landsberg am
Lech came from the same workshop of the Speculum
Master (fig. 2 5 ) .
This leap to the spacious picto
rial compositions in Landsberg, which spread across
twenty to thirty panels, seems so enormous as to be
inexplicable without external influences. On the one
hand, the imported Strasbourg window, with its expan
sive scenes, had come to Munich and must have had
an impact on the local workshop of the Speculum
Master. This is apparent in the branch-motif cano
pies above the Landsberg Death of the Virgin, which
have their immediate model in the Scharfzandt W i n
dow in the Church of Our Lady (see fig. 5). On the
other hand, the pronounced relationship between
the Lahdsberg windows and Jan Polack's early works,
such as the Weihenstephan Altarpiece from 1484, with

its pictorial space incorporating airy loggias in the
foreground and deep landscape vistas, strongly sug
gests Polack's active participation in Munich stained
glass. I f one follows the attributions of Suzanne
Fischer, then the Speculum Window in the Church
of Our Lady would have been produced in Master
Martin's workshop, probably by his son Franz, to
whom the Landsberg windows can also be attrib
uted.
If this was the case, then it must have been
produced before 1484-85, before the death of father
and son, as confirmed most emphatically by the com
parison with Jan Polack's Weihenstephan Altarpiece.
101
102
103
From the cycle of subsequent monumental glass

in the Church of Our Lady, stemming from around
1485 to 1490, most of which has been associated
with the so-called younger duke's workshop,
we
draw particular attention to the Legends Window,
produced around 1490, which set the style for later
productions.
The Legends Window, which once
embellished the Saints Michael, Florian, and Sebastian
104
105
MONUMENTAL
STAINED
GLASS
39
Chapel, eschews an ornamental background and lim

its the architectural framework to narrow canopies.
Three overlapping scenes fill the largest portion of the
window surface: The Martyrdom of Saint Sebastian,
The Invocation of Saint Florian, and The Appearance
of the Archangel Michael on Mount Gargano. Their
sweeping landscapes are not naturalistic but rather
resemble an assembled stage set. This turn to an
almost autonomous picture that largely foregoes the
traditional forms of architectural division is charac
teristic of Munich stained glass around 1500. Indeed,
we find the same tendency in Drer's possibly unreal
ized design for a Saint George window (cat. no. 9) and
in Holbein's Last Judgment Window in Eichsttt (see
fig. 22). Only in Munich, however, does a certain con
tinuity exist, which, in addition to the Legends Win
dow, occurs in The Martyrdom of Saint Catherine
from around 1500. Moved to the Church of Our Lady
in the nineteenth century, it escaped extensive destruc
tion during World War 1 1 .
Finally, the oversized
Saint Christopher Window in the parish church at
Landsberg am Lech, produced around 1510-15 (by
Hans Winhart's workshop?), exemplifies a late high
point. The autonomous picturedespite the mullions
and row divisionsfills the entire surface of the threelancet window (fig. 2 6 ) . Here the landscape, with a
pronounced low horizon, is reduced to two absolutely
essential motifs: the river and the embankment. Instead
of sky, an abstract colorless glazing of clear bull's-eye
glass defines the background. This treatment is remi
niscent of the suspended picture compositions in the
Eichsttt mortuary and in the chancel chapels of the
Freiburg minster, which were freely projected into
bull's-eye glass surroundings. Nowhere else, however,
was this principle realized as boldly as in the Landsberg Saint Christopher.
1 0 6
107
While the Munich school of stained glass had

passed its zenith by this time, it continued to produce
smaller commissions without innovative character. At
this point the smaller artistic center of Landshut in
Lower Bavaria came into prominence. The residence
of the dukes of Bavaria-Landshut until 1503, and after
the line died out the residential seat of a collateral line
of the house of Bavaria-Munich from 1514 onward,
Landshut offered all the prerequisites for a flourishing
of the arts. In Hans Wertinger, the city had a resident
artist who had advanced to court painter by 1498. At
the same time, like most of his more famous contem
poraries, he was active in diverse artistic fields.
At the beginning of his career Wertinger apparently
worked in stained glass mostly from designs by a third
party, indicating that his talents lay less in invention
than in the solid, skilled craft of translating designs
by others. Thus the first glass painting ascribed with
certainty to Wertingerthe Bavarian coat of arms of
108
AO
SCHOLZ
1511 for the Holy Ghost Church in Landshutcan be

traced to designs made by his fellow painter and pos
sible teacher, Sigmund Gleissmller. Earlier work
from c. 1500 in Saint Jacob's in Straubingthe Leg
end of Saints Ulrich and Afra Window, Coppersmiths'
Guild Window, and Shoemakers' Window has been
ascribed to him as the executing glass painter, while the
invention in all cases points to Holbein the Elder.
In the work in Saint Anne's Church at Neutting,
from the second decade of the sixteenth century
(fig. 27), Wertinger's landscape, with its twisted
branches and rocks grown over with moss and l i
chens, displays the influence of the Danube school.
In the Saint Christopher Window in Kriestorf, near
Vilshofen, dated 1515, the figural composition points
to an older drawing from 1510 by Albrecht Altdorfer,
now in the Hamburg Kunsthalle. This and other
ideas from the Augsburg circle (Holbein and Burgk
mair) or direct borrowings from the leading Landshut
stone sculptors Stephan Rottaler and Hans Leinberger
make it clear that Wertinger's temperament was essen
tially eclectic. Many partial stained-glass windows
ascribed to him in the Bavarian region (in Straubing,
Neutting, Freising, Mining, Ingolstadt, and else
where) demonstrate an affinity in overall composition
with the stone epitaphs of local sculptors. In his use
of pictorial architecture and ornament, Wertinger vac
illated between late Gothic tracery and the more
contemporary Renaissance decoration that he had
absorbed mainly through Burgkmair's graphic works.
His last monumental work, the Annunciation Window
in the high choir of the Ingolstadt parish church,
jointly commissioned in 1527 by the Bavarian dukes
William iv and Ludwig x, reveals in the archangel's
dynamically ornamental swirling folds Wertinger's de
pendence on Leinberger's powerful prototypes. Leinberger's epitaphs (specifically the Rohrer epitaph)
served as the basis for the window's composition and
tectonic structure, formed by the donor zone in the
socle surmounted by the principal scene. Veit Stoss's
famous sculpture, The Annunciation of the Rosary,
1517-18, in the Nuremberg Saint Lawrence's Church,
obviously served as the direct model for the main
group, comprising the Annunciation within a floral
wreath. This "greatest and most beautiful Bavarian
glass painting of the Renaissance" (Frankl) con
firms the eclectic character of the Landshut school
at this time.
109
110
111
112
113
H4
In a survey of monumental stained glass pro

duced in Germany at the turning point between the late
Gothic and the Renaissance, that produced in south
ern Germany stands out. Only the Rhineland with
its predominant center, Cologne, flourished as a com
parable center for monumental stained glass. What
was made there, from 1480 to 1530 and later, directly
reflects the local production of opulent panel painting

and indeed seems to have been made with the active
participation of such panel painters as the Master
of the Holy Family and the Master of Saint Severin
and later of Barthel Bruyn and Anton Woensam. The
frequently gigantic compositions reveal only a few
points of contact with stained glass from southern
Germany. Furthermore, Heinrich Oidtmann's unsur
passed review of the enormous production of Rhenish
stained glass indicates a strong affinity to the Dutch
school of painting, both in monumental glass and in
the intimate format of cabinet panels.
115
1 . Recent overall presentations on monumental stained glass in the age of

Drer do not exist. W o r t h reading and unsurpassed in the volume of
material illustrated and discussed is the overview by Schmitz 1913, for
southern German stained glass after 1400, particularly, 1: 86-1:67. See
also Wentzel 1954: 6 3 - 8 1 ; Becksmann 1995: 2 0 5 - 5 2 .
2. Frankl 1956; U l m 1995: esp. 1 3 - 4 1 .
3. For the widely scattered single panels and smaller works, see Wentzel
1951, particularly the ceuvre catalogue, 36 45; Frankl 1956; Ulm 1995;
as well as the volumes published by the German and French Corpus
Vitrearum M e d i i Aevi.
4. Compare L i l l i Fischel, Die Karlsruher Passion und ihr Meister (Karlsruhe,
1952); and Die Karlsruher Passion: Ein Hauptwerk Strassburger Malerei
der Sptgotik, exh. cat., w i t h extensive bibliography (Karlsruhe, 1996).
5. Again Fischel, Karlsruher Passion und ihr Meister: 2 5 - 3 3 ; Franchise
Gatouillat in Michel Herold and Franchise Gatouillat, Les vitraux de
Lorraine et d''Alsace (Paris, 1994): 152, 2 4 8 - 5 4 .
6. Compare Paul Frankl, Die Glasmalereien der VJilh elmer kir che in
Strassburg (Baden-Baden and Strasbourg, i 9 6 0 ) ; Gatouillat in Herold
and Gatouillat, Vitraux de Lorraine et d'Alsace: 2 1 4 - 2 1 .
7. Compare Becksmann 1986: 2 5 7 - 3 1 6 .
8. Compare Scholz 1994: 8 4 - 1 2 5 , and H a r t m u t Scholz, "Die 'Strass
burger Fenster' im Chor des Ulmer Mnsters," in U l m 1995: 6 4 - 9 0 .
For the Volckamer W i n d o w , see Frankl 1956: 1 0 0 - 1 0 4 , where it is
dated i 4 8 6 .
9. See U l m 1995: 1 3 - 2 6 , w i t h complete list of references.
10. Becksmann 1975: 2 3 - 6 3 ; Becksmann 1979: 1 5 3 - 8 9 , pis. x v - x v i u ,
fig. 1 8 3 - 5 4 .
11. See Wentzel 1951: 2 9 - 3 0 .
12. Compare Robert Bruck, Elsssische Glasmalerei vom Beginn des xn.
bis zum Ende des xvn. Jahrhunderts (Strasbourg, 1902): pls. 6 5 - 6 7 ;
examples of the second use of designs and cartoons have been compiled
by Michael Roth, in U l m 1995: 2 8 - 3 0 .
13. Compare Roth 1988; Roth 1992: 1 5 3 - 7 2 ; Roth, in U l m 1995: 2 7 - 4 1 ,
160-230.
14. Roth 1992: 1 6 0 - 1 6 2 ; Roth, in Ulm 1995: no. 5 1 ; also compare
Christiane Andersson, in Detroit, Ottawa, Coburg 1983: no. 33.
15. Roth 1992: figs. 4 - 5 ; Roth, in U l m 1995: no. 52.
16. Compare Scholz, in U l m 1995: 9 1 - 1 0 9 .
17. Schmitz 1913, 1: 101.
18. Wentzel 1951; Scholz 1994: 8 4 - 1 1 0 .
19. H a r t m u t Scholz, "Hans W i l d und Hans Kamensetzer: Hypotheken der
Ulmer und Strassburger Kunstgeschichte des Sptmittelalters," Jahrbuch
der Berliner Museen 35 (1994): 9 3 - 1 4 0 .
20. For the donor inscription preserved w i t h missing sections naming W i l
helm Scharfzandt and the mutilated year ending w i t h the number three,
see Frankl 1956: 1 0 4 - 1 5 , w i t h the hypothetical dates 1 4 8 8 - 9 3 ; like
wise, Susanne Fischer, "Die Fenster der Mnchner Frauenkirche," in
Monachium sacrum: Festschrift zur j 0 0 -Jahr-Feier der Metropolitankirche zu Unserer Lieben Frau in Mnchen ( M u n i c h , 1994), 2: 4 1 8 20. Significant arguments favor an earlier date for the window, 1483
(Daniel Hess, "Die mittelalterlichen Glasmalereien in Hessen und
Rheinhessen," forthcoming, in the context of the Holy Family in Saint
Mary's Church in Hanau).
2 1 . A n t o n Meyer, Die Domkirche zu Unserer Lieben Frau in Mnchen
(Munich, 1868): 5 4 1 .
22. The royal commission for Thaur has been handed down only in written
sources (first printed in Wiener Jahrbuch 2 [1884]: x i v , nos. 6 5 3 - 5 4 ) .
O n Lixheim's w i n d o w in Metz, compare Paul Frankl, "Der Glasmaler
Theobald von U x h e i m , " Zeitschrift fr Kunstwissenschaft
1 1 (1957):
5 5 - 9 0 ; and Herold in Herold and Gatouillat, Les vitraux de Lorraine
et d Alsace: 9 3 - 9 8 .
!
23. Michel Herold, Les vitraux de Samt-Nicolas-de-Port

(Paris, 1993);
Herold and Gatouillat, Les vitraux de Lorraine et d'Alsace; Michel
Herold, "Valentin Bousch: L'un des peintres sur verre qui se distinguerent au seizieme siede," Revue de l'art 103 (1994): 5 3 - 6 7 ; see also
Corpus Vitrearum Checklist 1 1985: 1 5 4 - 5 5 .
24. I refer solely to the remains of a w i n d o w donation made by Margrave
Christoph von Baden around 15.1 5 (today at Altshausen Castle), which
Becksmann has connected w i t h Strasbourg and designs by Hans Baldung
Grien (Becksmann 1986: 1 4 - 1 5 ) .
25. Daniel Parello, "Die ersten Glasmalereien fr den Hochchor des
Frei burger Mnsters," Jahrbuch der Staatlichen Kunstsammlungen
in
Baden-Wrttemberg
34 (1997): 6 - 3 1 ; also compare Becksmann 1995:
no. 66, where both remaining panels of the Steinmeyer donation (today
in Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum) are erroneously associated
w i t h the name Rumprecht von Graben.
26. Hermans 1953; Ingcborg Krummer-Schroth, Glasmalereien aus dem
Freiburger Mnster (Freiburg, 1967): 1 8 6 - 8 9 . On the construction his
tory of the Freiburg minster choir, see Jrgen Julier, Studien zur sptgo
tischen Baukunst am Oberrhein (Heidelberg, 1978): 7 5 - 8 8 .
27. Simon Lasebitzer, "Die Heiligen aus der Sipp-, M a g und Schwgerschaft
des Kaisers M a x i m i l i a n 1," Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen
Sammlungen
des Allerhchsterl Kaiserhauses 4 ( T 8 8 6 ) : 7 0 - 2 8 7 ; and Jahrbuch der
Kunsthistorischen
Sammlungen des Allerhchsten Kaiserhauses 5
(1887): 1 1 7 - 2 6 1 ; see also Scholz 1998: 3 8 5 - 4 1 9 .
28. Geiges 1931-33: 2 3 0 - 3 6 , w i t h illustrations and copies of all inscriptions
in question. (See Geiges 1931 in the list of references.)
29. Hermans 1953: 2 1 - 6 0 , 6 8 - 7 1 ; Geiges 193.1-33: 2 3 0 - 3 6 . Recently
Michel Herold reconfirmed the purported Strasbourg roots of the
Freiburg high-choir windows by comparing the Saint George figure in
Saint-Nicolas-de-Port by the Strasbourg stained-glass painter Valentin
Busch (active c. 1 5 1 4 - 2 0 ) with Saint Charles the Great in the Freiburg
imperial donation (Herold, Vitraux de Saint-Nicolas-de-Port:
63).
30. Hermans 1953: 7 1 - 8 1 ; compare Scholz 1998: 3 9 2 - 9 3 .
3 1 . Fritz Geiges, "Das Sankt Annen-Fenster im jetzigen Alexanderchrlein,"
Freiburger Mnsterbltter 4 (1908): 4 1 - 8 1 ; Becksmann 1995: no. 78.
32. Perseke 1941: particularly 9 5 - 1 3 9 ; Osten 1983: particularly no. 2 6 a - k .
33. Geiges "Sankt Annen-Fenster": 62.
34. Geiges 1931-33: 230, ill.
35. Michaela Krieger, Grisaille als Metapher: Zum Entstehen der Peinture
en Camaieu im frhen 14. Jahrhundert (Worms, 1995).
36. Osten 1983: no. 2 5 b - c , e-f.
37. Ibid.: no. 40.
38. Balcke-Wodarg 1 9 2 6 - 2 7 : 1 6 4 - 8 2 ; compare Ingeborg KrummerSchroth, "Die Scheibe des Freiburger Kartause," in Kunstepochen
der
Stadt Freiburg, catalogue of an exhibition held at Augustinermuseum,
M a y 24-July 26, 1970 (Freiburg, 1970): 2 1 4 - 2 4 .
39. Krummer-Schroth, Glasmalereien aus dem Freiburger Mnster: 1 3 4 51, 1 9 0 - 9 6 .
40. Perseke 1941: 1 2 6 - 3 1 , figs. 36, 4 2 - 4 5 .
4 1 . Scholz 1998: 4 0 3 - 1 1 .
42. Schmitz 1913, 1: 1 2 1 , w i t h reference to the Augsburg ornamentation in
the manner of Burgkmair; likewise, Hermans 1953: 149; KrummerSchroth, Glasmalereien aus dem Freiburger Mnster, 192; Becksmann
1995: 2 3 1 , w i t h definite attribution of the designs to Burgkmair; Scholz
1998: 410.
43. Hans Burgkmair, iqj^-iyj?,:
Das graphische "Werk, catalogue of an
exhibition held at the Staatsgalerie, August i o - O c t o b e r 14, 1973
(Stuttgart, 1973): nos. 5 9 - 6 5 , figs. 7 6 - 8 2 ; Claudia Bacr, Die italienis
chen Bau- und Ornamentformen
in der Augsburger Kunst, zu Beginn
des 16. Jahrhunderts (Berlin, 1993): 9 - 5 6 , particularly 24ff.
44. Friedrich Dornhffer, "Ein Cyclus von Federzeichnungen mit Darstel
lungen von Kriegen und Jagden," Jahrbuch der
Kunsthistorischen
Sammlungen des Allerhchsten Kaiserhauses 18 (1897): 1-55.
45. Campell Dodgson, "Jrg Breu the Elder, c. 1 4 8 0 - 1 537: Design for an
Altar," Old Master Drawings 2, no. 7 (1927): 4 4 - 4 5 ; Ernst Buchner,
"Der ltere Breu als Maler," in Augsburger Kunst der Sptgotik und
Renaissance (Augsburg, 1928): 2 7 3 - 3 8 3 , particularly 3 6 2 - 6 7 ; Baer,
Italienischen Bau- und Ornamentformen
in der Augsburger Kunst, zu
Beginn des 16. Jahrhunderts: 8 8 - 8 9 .
46. Lymant 1982: nos. 1 3 7 - 3 9 .
47. Whether he ever received the larger commission for "glaswerck und
venster" (stained glass and windows) in Dole (Franche-Comte), which
he tried to procure in 1535 with the recommendation of the Freiburg
Council, is not k n o w n (Hans Rott, Quellen und Forschungen zur sd
westdeutschen und schweizerischen Kunstgeschichte im 15. und 16.
Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1936): 123.
48. Hans Lehmann, " Z u r Geschichte der oberrheinischen Glasmalerei im
16. Jahrhundert," Zeitschrift fr schweizerische Archologie und
Kunstgeschichte
2 (1940): 3 0 - 5 2 , particularly 43ff.; likewise, compare
Heidelberg 1986, 1: 27 iff., D 2 4 - 2 7 , 3 1 - 3 2 .
49. Heidelberg 1986, 1: 2 6 0 - 6 2 , D i 2 - 1 4 .
50. Neudrfer 1547, .1:0: 147; compare Knappe 1973: 6 4 - 9 6 .
51. Johannes Schinnerer, Die kirchliche Glasmalerei zur Zeit der Sptgotik
und Frhrenaissance in Nrnberg ( M u n i c h , 1 908); Eva Ulrich, Studien
MONUMENTAL
STAINED
GLASS
A1
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
zur Nrnberger Glasmalerei des ausgehenden I J . Jahrhunderts (Erlan

gen, 1979); Ursula Frenzel, "Die Haller-Fenster i n Sankt Lorenz," i n
500 Jahre Hallenchor Sankt Lorenz, 1477-1977 (Nuremberg, 1977):
109-38
Today no doubt exists as to Hirsvogel's early move to Strasbourg; see
evidence compiled by Scholz 1991: 2 7 1 - 7 8 , 2 8 1 - 8 8 , 2 9 6 - 9 8 .
Knappe 1961a.
The early oeuvre i n questioncompiled by Knappe 1961a: 2 7 - 6 6 , and
Scholz 1991: 23-61reveals an artistic orientation to older printed
graphics, M a r t i n Schongauer's engravings or woodcut models from the
workshop circle of the leading Nuremberg painter of the day, Michael
Wolgemut.
Knappe 1961a: 67-99.
Consisting of three glued-together sheets, the Saint Peter cartoon (British
Museum, London, inv. no. 1882-3-11-60) nearly matches in size (100.2
x 38.8 cm) the panel i n the Bamberg Window. Concerning the contro
versial ascriptions of the cartoon to the Drer circle in general, to Hans
von Kulmbach, to Drer himself, or to a glass painter in the Hirsvogel
atelier, see here Barbara Butts (cat. no. 18); and Knappe 1961a: 8 1 - 9 4 ,
particularly 9 0 - 9 1 ; Butts 1985: 2 8 1 - 8 9 ; Scholz 1991: 6 6 - 6 7 ; Row
lands 1993: no. 405.
57. For atelier-specific compositional models, framing types, and ornamen

tation patterns, see Scholz 1991: 2 6 3 - 9 0 .
58. Winkler 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , 1: nos. 1 9 7 - 2 1 0 ; Strauss 1974, 1: 472, and vol. v i ,
particularly nos. x w . 1 9 8 - 2 1 0 ; compare Beets 1 9 2 7 - 2 8 .
59. Winkler 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , 1: nos. 2 1 3 - 1 4 ; Strauss 1974, v i : nos. v i , x w . 2 1 3 14, w i t h a discussion of older attributions.
60. For a detailed history of the donation of the cloister windows and sec
ond use of a p o r t i o n of the panels after the Second Margrave's War, see
Karl-Adolf Knappe, "Baldung und die Nrnberger Glasmalerei," in Oettinger and Knappe 1963: 5 6 - 6 8 .
6 1 . Accurately recognized as a copy in Dodgeson and Parker 1928: no. 322.
See also Rowlands 1993: no. 4 2 1 , w h o , misled by the initials hi, the
house brand of a donor, presented it as an original design by Hans Leu.
62. Knappe 1961b: 6 0 - 8 0 ; compare Koch 1941: particularly nos. 1-12,
1 6 - 1 9 , 2.1-22.
63. Goldner 1988: no. 126.
64. Karl-Adolf Knappe, "Das Lffelholz-Fenster in Sankt Lorenz in
Nrnberg und Hans Baldung," Zeitschrift fr Kunstwissenschaft
12
(1958): 1 6 3 - 7 8 .
65. Stadler 1936: 82; Knappe 1973: 74; Scholz 1991: 3 2 0 - 2 1 , fig. 4 2 1 .
66. The attribution to the same Master H H F is first found i n Bchner
1928b: 5 0 1 . For illustrations of the circular panel sheets i n Nuremberg
and Budapest, see Winkler 1942: nos. 1 2 0 - 2 9 , w i t h an erroneous
ascription to Kulmbach.
67. The Nuremberg chronicler Johann Neudrfer (1547: 150) also reports
that the sons of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder had been "not only industrious
in glass painting but also i n drawing and engraving."
68. Winkler 1942: nos. 6 1 - 8 1 , 9 4 - 1 4 1 , 1 4 5 - 5 2 ; compare generally
Butts 1985.
69. Winkler 1942: no. 64; compare, i n contrast, Stadler 1936: 8 1 - 8 2 ;
Butts 1985: 3 0 1 ; and Scholz 1991: 1 0 9 - 1 2 .
70. Anzelewsky 1991: no. 118; the intricately carved figural frame of the
All Saints Altarpiece is located in the Germanischen Nationalmuseum in
Nuremberg. After the Landauer Foundation was closed in 1806 the w i n
dows came by a roundabout route to the Berlin Kunstgewerbemuseum,
where they were destroyed by fire i n 1945; compare the detailed assess
ment by Schmitz 1913, 1: 1 4 0 - 4 5 .
7 1 . Dodgson 1930: 4 2 - 4 3 ; the cautious ascription to Kulmbach stems
from Winkler 1959: 24, 27; see also Timothy Husband, i n N e w York
and Nuremberg 1986: no. 160. Butts 1985: 2 8 9 - 9 4 ,
definitely
rejected Kulmbach's authorship and proposes Drer himself as the
draftsman. Panofsky 1943, 11: no. 872; and Scholz 1991: 1 2 2 - 2 4 , have
advocated a member of the Hirsvogel atelier.
n
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
42
Scholz 1995: 2,7-43, ^ h a complete list of references.

Bock 1909: 4 0 1 - 3 ; Winkler 1942: nos. 7 7 - 8 0 .
Rupprich 1 9 5 6 - 6 9 : 1: 78.
Frenzel 1961: 34; Hofmann 1905.
Stadler 1936: 3 5 - 3 6 ; Winkler 1942: nos. 7 6 - 7 7 .
Winkler 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , i l l : no. 551; Strauss 1974, i n : 1614, nos. 1 5 1 5 - 7 6 .
Gunther Thiem, "Die Glasmalerei: Ihre Entwrfe und Werksttten," in
Beutler and Thiem i 9 6 0 : 1 4 4 - 2 3 5 .
O n the Saint M a r y W i n d o w in Augsburg Cathedral, see Paul Frankl, " A
W i n d o w by Peter Hemmel," Parnassus 12 (1940): 1 1 - 1 5 ; Wentzel
1951: 36.
Original manuscript i n the bishop's library i n Augsburg, no. 78; com
pare Thiem's review of w i n d o w donations i n "Glasmalerei": 1 4 8 - 4 9 .
D i r r 1909; Thiem, "Glasmalerei": 1 4 9 - 5 6 .
D i r r 1909: fig. after p. 42. Today the panels are distributed among four
windows i n the vestry.
Thiem, "Glasmalerei": 1 5 3 - 5 5 ; compare Hans Holbein der ltere
und die Kunst der Sptgotik, catalogue of an exhibition held at Augs
burg Rathaus, August 21-November 7, 1965 (Augsburg, 1965): nos. 7 10, 27.
S C H O L Z
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.
92.
93.
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
Illustrations of four panels in D i r r 1909.

Compare Falk 1979, pt. 1: nos. 2 6 2 - 6 6 .
Compare Thiem, "Glasmalerei": 1 8 2 - 2 0 2 ; Frenzel 1968: 7 - 2 6 .
Falk 1979: no. 146.
Ibid.: no. 2 4 1 .
Hanspeter Landolt, in Hans Holbein der ltere und die Kunst der
Sptgotik, no. 57. Complete illustration in Frankl, " W i n d o w by Peter
Hemmel."
Die Kunstdenkmler von Bayern: Landsberg am Lech ( M u n i c h and
Berlin, 1997): 9 4 - 9 8 , fig. 9 8 a - c ; unhappily the different parts of the
Landsberg Saint M a r y W i n d o w (north i n ) from the workshop of the
M u n i c h Master of the Speculum W i n d o w are mistakenly connected to
Holbein.
Frenzel 1968: particularly n. 10.
Thiem, "Glasmalerei": 1 7 0 - 7 5 , 2 2 5 - 2 6 .
Becksmann 1986: 1 3 3 - 3 8 .
Scholz 1998: 393; compare Holbein's design for a w i n d o w w i t h the
four standing Eichsttt saints in Basel, Kupferstichkabinett (Falk 1979:
no. 241).
Falk 1968: 80.
Fischer 1912: 1 8 - 1 9 . A panel depicting Saint Anne, the Madonna,
and the Christ Child that was in its day classified as in "Hans Burgkmair's manner" relates to Bernhard Strigel's H o l y Kinship Altarpiece in
Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum.
Frankl 1912; Fischer 1997.
Compare the following i n Fischer 1997: 2 1 - 2 4 .
Paul Frankl, "Der Glasmaler Jakob Kistenfiger," Mnchner
Jahrbuch
der bildenden Kunst, ser. 3, 7 (1956): 1 1 1 - 1 9 . Objections to Frankl's
ceuvre catalogue are in Fischer 1997: 56, 63, 95.
Frankl 1912, 1 7 3 - 9 2 ; Paul Frankl, Der Meister des Speculum-Fensters
von 1480 in der Mnchner Frauenkirche (Berlin, 1932); Heinz Merten,
"Die Glasmalereien der Mnchner Frauenkirche," Deutsche Kunst
und Denkmalpflege 14 (1956): 1 1 7 - 2 1 ; Sabine Rehm, Das "SpeculumFenster" in der Mnchner Frauenkirche (Munich, 1992); Fischer 1997:
2 5 - 2 8 , 3 9 - 4 1 , 71-72r
101. Thiem, "Glasmalerei": 2 1 6 - 2 1 ; Fischer 1997: 66-69; f illustrations,

compare also Heide Weisshaar-Kiem, i n Kunstdenkmler von Bayern:
1 0 0 - 1 0 4 , w i t h an erroneous date of around 1500 or 1510 and incor
rect attribution of the Death of the Virgin to Hans Holbein the Elder.
102. Here primarily the plate showing the death of Saint Korbinian (Diocese
Museum Freising); Alfred Stange, Deutsche Malerei der Gotik, vol. 10,
Salzburg, Bayern, und Tirol in der Zeit von 1400 bis 1500 (Munich,
i 9 6 0 ) : 8iff., fig. 126; Christian A . zu Salm and Gisela Goldberg, eds.,
Alte Pinakothek Munich, Catalogue 11: Altdeutsche Malerei (Munich,
1963): 1 7 1 - 7 3 .
103. Fischer 1997: 3 9 - 4 1 , 6 8 - 6 9 .
104. Named after the w i n d o w donation of Duke Albrecht i v in the choir of
the Church of Our Lady (north w i n d o w 11); Frankl 1912: 2 2 6 - 2 7 ;
Fischer 1997: 4 2 - 4 5 , colorpls. i v , V I I - X I I . I n view of the greatly dif
fering technique of painting and types there arises strong doubt as
to the common workshop identity throughout the core group consist
ing of the Duke's W i n d o w (north 11), Martyr's W i n d o w (south v ) ,
Christ Crowned w i t h Thorns W i n d o w (south v i ) , Legends W i n d o w
(south 111), and Massacre of the Innocents W i n d o w (south v m ) , includ
ing the numerous connected works i n the Upper Bavarian region.
105. Fischer 1997: colorpls. v n - i x .
106. The partial stained-glass windows in the Salvator Church dating to
1497 are today, w i t h the exception of a few fragments, only to be seen
in photographs (Fischer 1997: 8 1 - 8 3 , colorpls. x i n , x v i , figs. 7 1 - 7 4 ,
77-88).
107. Kunstdenkmler von Bayern: 105; Fischer 1997: 4 8 - 4 9 .
108. Ehret 1976.
109. Volker Liedke, "Hans Wertinger und Sigmund Gleissmller: Z w e i
Hauptvertreter der Altlandshuter Malschule," Ars Bavarica 1 (1973):
5 0 - 8 3 , particularly, 5 8 - 6 0 , fig. 1.
110. Thiem, "Glasmalerei": 2 0 3 - 9 ; Ehret 1976: 7 4 - 7 6 .
i n . Schmitz 1913, 1: 1 2 6 - 2 9 .
112. Ehret 1976: 109; Becksmann 1995: 224, figs. 1 9 1 - 9 2 .
113. Frankl 1912: 2 0 6 - 8 ; Editha H o l m , "Die Glasgemlde der Pfarrkirche
zur Schnen Unser Lieben Frau i n Ingolstadt," Sammelblatt des His
torischen Vereins in Ingolstadt 67 (1958): 1 3 - 3 3 ; Ehret 1976: 6 0 - 8 5 ;
compare Georg L i l l , Hans Leinberger, der Bildschnitzer von Landshut
(Munich, 1942).
114. H o l m , "Glasgemlde der Pfarrkirche zur Schnen Unser Lieben
Frau in Ingolstadt," 2 0 - 2 1 ; Gottfried Frenzel and Eva Ulrich, "Die
Farbverglasung des Mnsters zu Ingolstadt," i n Ingolstadt: Die
Herzogstadt, die Universittstadt, die Festung (Ingolstadt, 1974),
3 9 2 - 9 3 , figs. 9 - 1 0 .
115. Heinrich Oidtmann, Die rheinischen Glasmalereien vom 12. bis zum
16. Jahrhundert (Dsseldorf, 1929), v o l . 2.
In Honor of Friendship:
Function, Meaning, and Iconography in Civic Stained-Glass Donations in
Switzerland and Southern Germany
Barbara Giesicke and Mylene Ruoss
tive custom arose in Switzerland and southern Germany. In the Old Swiss cantons and in Germany the
emperor and the nobility as well as cities, civic groups,
fraternities, monasteries, and convents gave each other
and their subjects small-scale stained-glass paintings
intended to be viewed from close range and containing heraldic panels (Wappenscheiben). These were integrated into small, independent pictorial compositions,
and as a rule they bore the donor's name and arms
andunlike medieval sacred stained-glass painting
were made to decorate rooms that were not of monumental proportions. The era in which the main
function of stained-glass painting was to fill houses of
God with sublimely colored light and remind the faithful of the teachings of the church, the gospel, and the
legends of the saints was coming to an end and,
indeed, finally came to an end with the advent of the
Reformation. W i t h the beginning of the Renaissance,
new secular contexts arose for stained-glass painting.
N o w windows with glowing colors ornamented and
imparted an air of social dignity to the cool splendor
of darkly paneled rooms in town halls and baronial
houses. The inception and zenith of this custom in the
sixteenth century consisted of the donation of a window and honorary arms. The donation was usually
made at the request of the recipient to celebrate the construction or renovation of a public or private building.
The donation included not only the colorful glass painting but also the glazing of the entire window around it
with neutrally colored bull's-eye or diamond-shaped
panes. The donation of a complete window installation represented a welcome financial subsidy for a
building's owner, for secular glass windows were something new and therefore costly. The coat of arms in the
upper part of the windows was the illustrious badge
of honor whereby the donor identified himself and
demonstrated his relationship with the recipient.
1
A blazon burned into glass was not a modern

invention. Heraldry appears in European stained-glass
painting, particularly in England and France, in great
diversity from the thirteenth century. Because of its
clear colors and shapes (originating with its initial
purpose of providing easy recognition on the battlefield), heraldry is particularly suited to stained glass.
Installed in private rooms at the owner's expense, the
coat of arms functioned as the symbol of the lineage of
the lord of the medieval castle and, as his personal identification, was a valuable asset. An attack on this highly
prized insignia was considered a disgraceful humiliation, and in the sixteenth century the deliberate
destruction of a heraldic window was still viewed as
an insult to the donor and a challenge to his power and
dominion. As an element of medieval church window
decoration, the blazon signaled the donor's patronage
of the costly glass installation. W i t h the liberation of
heraldic panels from monumental church windows
and their incorporation as independent stained-glass
panels in the civic domain, the meaning and function
of the donation changed decisively. For the devout person of the Middle Ages, the donation of a window provided "visible signs of repentance for his sins and at
the same time a contribution to the guarantee of his
salvation" and was consequently made with a view
toward death and the afterlife. Renaissance donations,
however, primarily address honor and favor, solidarity and friendship, prestige and power. They were thus
oriented to the display of political and social status
and to the appropriate self-portrayal of cantons, cities,
public offices, guilds, societies, and individuals.
2
Small-scale stained-glass paintings represent a

specialized field of art production in which Switzerland led the rest of Europe for two hundred years,
from the early fifteenth to the late sixteenth century.
The Swiss produced stained glass in massive quantities, and the popularity of the medium spread through
43
all social classes, eventually becoming a folk art. In

Switzerland, as nowhere else, stained-glass painting
developed as a national art that flourishes to this day.
Much was produced in southern Germany as well, as
in all Habsburg-ruled countries, especially in the
Upper Rhine Valley and in Swabia. Accepted by the
Reformation, stained-glass painting reached its zenith
between 1530 and 1630, subsided greatly in the sec
ond half of the seventeenth century, and was almost
forgotten subsequently. N o t until the end of the nine
teenth century was the art revived, under different
historical circumstances. Only a fraction of the once
huge production is preserved, with only a small part
of that fraction still in its original location. Most
stained-glass paintings have been destroyed, victims
of vandalism, storms, politically related destruction, a
loss of the consciousness of tradition, or changes in
aesthetic approaches to architecture and space. Many
were simply sold.
3
Interest in collecting these small-scale panels

began at the end of the eighteenth century. Romantic
yearnings for the Middle Ages led to the historically
accurate decoration of Gothic and Gothic Revival
castles, which included the installation of medieval and
modern stained-glass paintings. In this way, large,
principally royal collections were assembled, only
one of which has completely survived: the collection
of Prince Franz von Anhalt-Dessau in the "Gothic
House" at Wrlitz in the German state of SachsenAnhalt. It arrived there around 1786 from Zurich,
mainly thanks to the efforts of the Zurich pastor
and philosopher Johann Caspar Lavater (1741-1801);
the large-scale windows of Gothic House resemble,
in their overwhelming scope, monumental church
windows. The English, who were particularly avid
collectors, brought home stained-glass paintings as
souvenirs from Switzerland, one stop on their Grand
Tours. They decorated their country houses with these
new acquisitions. Soon large brgerliche (bourgeois)
collections were being formed in Germany and in
Switzerland, many of which were dissolved and sold at
the turn of the nineteenth century. As a result, newly
founded museums profited greatly from this trend,
especially in Switzerland, where in patriotic euphoria
they seized the chance to buy back cultural treasures
believed to have been lost. In this way, the large
collections of the Schweizerisches Landesmuseum in
Zurich, the Historisches Museum in Bern, and the
Badisches Landesmuseum in Karlsruhe came into
being. In the course of the twentieth century extensive
holdings also found their way to the United States,
where today not only numerous museums but also pri
vate estates house important collections. Collecting old
stained-glass paintings was and continues to be consid
ered a sign of taste and heightened cultural awareness.
4
44
GIESICKE
AND
RUOSS
A short historical overview reveals why the

custom of giving windows and heraldic panels spread
with such overwhelming enthusiasm, particularly in
Switzerland. It begins with the emergence of the
Swiss Confederation in the thirteenth century. Among
the numerous noble families who were fighting
over territorial holdings in present-day Switzerland,
the Habsburgs were the most successful. As founder
and consolidator of Habsburg dynastic power, Count
Rudolf i v (1218-1291; after 1273 King Rudolf 1)
zealously and tenaciously pursued the expansion of
familial holdings from Aargau and Alsace into the
Upper Rhine region. Through purchase, liens, clever
marital politics, extortion, and, of course, warfare, he
struggled to acquire the Swiss middle lands, piece by
piece. By age fifty he was the most powerful and feared
nobleman in the territory today known as Switzer
land. The Habsburg, Wildegg, and Brunegg Castles in
Canton Aargau survive as reminders of the former
presence of Rudolf and his family in this country. W i t h
the expansion of the Habsburg family holdings in the
last twenty years of his life (Austria, Steiermark,
Krnten, and Krain), King Rudolf 1, who was prob
ably born in Kyburg Castle in today's Canton Zurich,
created the geographic foundation of a modern Euro
pean superpower that under the name of the Habsburg
dynasty ruled many of the most important coun
tries on the Continent into the twentieth century. The
formation of the Swiss Confederation might be seen
essentially as a reaction to the historical power of
the Habsburgs.
Resistance to the increasingly threatening
stronghold of ecclesiastical and secular princes arose
first among the free country folk in inner Switzer
land, in the so-called Waldsttten (forest cantons):
Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwaiden. Their presence in the
mountains, far from the focal points of political
events, gave them a predisposition to independence.
People here had always gone their own way, with
the mountains furnishing them with a natural mili
tary defense comparable to the walls of a city.
Their geographic location meant not only security
but also constant confrontation with the harsh forces
of nature. The battle against the power of the moun
tains turned these people into tough, brave fighters
and taught them that in emergencies only unity could
lead them to victory. This need for alliance was geo
graphically strengthened by the fact that they shared
the land along the coves of Lake Lucerne. A n impor
tant factor was the Gotthard Pass, which had opened
around 1200. Trade with north Italian cities brought
economic prosperity, organizational expertise, and
contact with other peoples and countries, which led to
political maturity and determination.
A strong, independent self-confidence developed
here that was less and less respected by the Habsburgs.

King Rudolf I acted as both imperial leader and territorial lord, rendering null and void the former confederate policy of imperial independence. Through the
purchase of numerous sites along the Gotthard route,
the Habsburg hand slowly but surely closed in a choking grip around the seemingly powerless farmers on
Lake Lucerne. In this time of greatest needit is
supposedthe people of U r i , Schwyz, and Unterwalden came together to form a first alliance that was
confirmed in the Bundesbrief (federation letter) on
August i , 1291, the legendary founding day of Switzerland. This is the first preserved document of a common, independent policy of confederation, the first
visible expression of the united confederate concept
of liberty. Unlike other successful state formations in
early modern Europe, the young confederation was a
republic of free men and was not founded on the predominance of one family. This alliance, which by 1513
had grown to thirteen members (the "Thirteen Old
Cantons" of Switzerland), constituted the foundation
for the great anti-Habsburg uprising that began in the
foothills of the Alps immediately after Rudolf's death.
It was the beginning of the Wars of Independence that
lasted almost two centuries, a time during which the
Swiss won not only their political independence but
also their reputation as the best warriors on the Continent. Sought after and wooed by European princes,
they fought on all European battlefields far into the
nineteenth century. Brilliant victories over the armies
of Charles the Bold of Burgundy (1476) and the
Swabians (1499) as well as in the Italian campaigns
(1512-13) gave the Swiss a sense of power and selfconfidence, strengthened their love of freedom, and
made them wealthy. Their combat readiness and military superiority, famous in Europe, opened the doors
to the royal courts with which they soon cultivated
active diplomatic relations. In this context there awakened in the leading political families of Switzerland
a strong need for legitimacy and representation aimed
at ceremonial etiquette and social recognition. What
would have been more obvious than to adopt the
imagery that had fulfilled this function for Europe's
aristocracy and chivalrous society for centuries, i.e.,
heraldry? Successful military leaders, church dignitaries, and influential politicians began buying patents
of nobility and blazon ameliorations from the German
emperor, the French king, and the pope. Later, ordinary citizenssuch as craftsmen, innkeepers, and
farmersadopted their own coats of arms. These
endeavors significantly stimulated the Swiss custom of
giving windows and heraldic panels. Moreover, the
heraldic presentation found an ideal medium in the
colored panels of light-flooded glass.
5
Figure 1 . Diebold Schilling. The Meeting of the Eight Old

Swiss Cantons in the City Hall at Stans, 1481. Pen and
watercolor drawing from the Luzerner Bilderchronik, 17 X
18.2 cm.
Photo: K o r p o r a t i o n s - V c r w a l t u n g der Stadt Lu/.ern.
" I n honor of friendship," as is stated in a docu-
IN
H O N O R
O F
FRIENDSHIP
45
ment from 1547, and as a symbol of confederate solidarity and political independence, the old cantons
of Switzerland gave each other stained-glass paintings
containing their coats of arms for their newly constructed town halls. The paintings, therefore, are also
called Standesscheiben (canton panels). As a sign of
sovereignty, the canton arms personified the state.
Since the late Middle Ages, carved wooden escutcheons
had been mounted on public buildings (including bailiffs' or governors' offices, churches, towers, and gates
as well as out-of-the-way inns) to document legal sovereignty in the Holy Roman Empire as well as in the
Swiss Confederation. In this way, arriving strangers
could immediately see whose territory they were treading on. Furthermore, the town hall became the political center of the newly formed city republics and the
expression of an independent civic commonwealth.
Among all the state buildings the town hall was the
most distinguished, and special pains were taken for
its decoration. It was "the home of the regiment,"
in which collective consciousness and action were
reflected. Here the emissaries of the " O l d Swiss Cantons" met, here guests of state were received, and here
the canton panels shone resplendently in the windows. The lovely pen-and-watercolor drawing from
the Lucerne Pictorial Chronicle by the Bern historiographer Diebold Schilling from 1513 (fig. 1) illustrates
how the panels may have been installed. It depicts
emissaries of the Eight Old Swiss Cantons (Zurich,
Bern, Lucerne, U r i , Schwyz, Unterwaiden, Zug, and
Glarus) convening in the council chamber in the town
hall in Stans, today in Canton Unterwaiden. Surrounded by bull's-eye glass panes, the colorful stainedglass paintings in which the so-called triple arms of
Zug, Uri, Schwyz, Glarus, Unterwaiden, and Lucerne
can be recognized are set into the top of triple-lancet,
late Gothic stepped windows. Also at the top, the
carved and painted wooden shields of Obwalden and
Nidwalden lean toward each other; in this way, the
meeting place is territorially identified.
7
In 1501, the prominent Zurich stained-glass

painter Lukas Zeiner (c. 1454-c. 1515) created a tenpiece canton panel series commissioned by the old
cantons for the town hall in Baden. This is considered the first uniformly conceived series of glass panels
made at the dawning civic-secular age. In addition,
the compositional elements of the series constitute
the formal foundation for the heraldic panel type that,
apart from developments in period style, remained
current in Switzerland and southern Germany for two
centuries. Let us illustrate, using the Lucerne canton
panel as an example (fig. 2). In the center of the painting is a coat of arms or triple arms flanked by one or
two figures. As these individuals often hold shields,
they are called shield-bearers. Depending on whether
10
46
GIESICKE
AND
RUOSS
the donor belongs to the sacred or secular sector, these

shield-bearers took the form of saints or angels, knights
or noblewomen, courtesans or female sutlers, and distinguished burghers and their wives; also bears, griffins,
lions, and, as in the Lucerne panel, wild men. The figures and arms are placed in a symmetrically arranged,
illusionistic architecture consisting of two framing
columns or pillars. A n arch or gable, with space in the
spandrels for ornamental decoration and figures, connects the capitals or imposts. The background usually
consists of glowing monochrome damask, which after
the mid-sixteenth century was replaced by picturesque
Swiss mountain, river, and lake scenes.
The wild man in the Lucerne panel is a mythical
figure from the medieval imagination, depicted in art
and literature far into the sixteenth century. Such figures are identified by their coat of hair covering the
entire body except for face, neck, hands, and feet.
They wear wreaths on their head and often around the
hips as well. For weapons they carry a tree trunk torn
out of the ground or a wooden club. Good-natured
and peace-loving or demonically wild, the forest
people were possessed of a dual character. They represented the possibility of a free, unregimented life;
they also threatened civilization with the consequences attached to such an existence. The savage
stood for longing and punishment, an inheritance
from the penitent saints of the Christian church. His
popularity as shield-bearer was essentially based on
the symbolism of his strength and drive for freedom.
Thus he was considered a potent protector of the canton symbolized by the coat of arms and in this way
demonstrated its ability to fight.
The most important component of a canton
panel is the triple arms. In the Baden cycle this consists
of the canton's arms and the imperial shield above it
surmounted by the German imperial crown, vertically
arranged. The arms are more frequently arranged in
the form of a trefoil, as in the canton panels in the
Basel town hall (fig. 3). Here two canton shields lean
toward each other in heraldic courtesy and are surmounted by the imperial shield and crown. The imperial arms with the haloed double-headed eagle and
crown symbolize the imperial independence attained
by the confederation after its victory over the Habsburgs in the Battle near Sempach (1386), which had
taken legal form in the Sempacher Brief (1393). By
this treaty, the then Eight Old Swiss Cantons were
placed directly under the king or emperor and received
the right of self-administration. The triple arms with
imperial insignias found on many municipal panel
donations symbolize the city's status as a free imperial
city. Although Austria had in the Peace Treaty of Basel
(1499) recognized the confederation's independence
from imperial ordinances, the depiction of the triple
11
Figure 2. Lukas Zeiner. Canton Panel of Lucerne. Zurich,

1501. 47.7 X 34.1 cm. Schweizerisches Landesmuseum
Zrich, inv. no. L M 23442.
Photo: Schweizerisches Landesmuseum, Zrich, neg. no. C O 0268.
arms remained in use in stained-glass painting. Even

after the Treaty of Westphalia (1648), when the seces
sion of the confederation from the empire was legally
sealed, the imperial eagle and crown defined the iconographic program of Swiss canton panels until the end
of the seventeenth century. As a symbol of freedom
and independence, the triple arms long remained an
important component of the national iconographic
tradition.
Distinguishing features of the Baden panels are
the pairs of shield-bearers, who carry banners in the
colors of their canton and look like a festive parade
marching past the eyes of the viewer. The primary func
tion of the banners, or flags, was their military use in
war to mark the position of troops. In addition, the
standard-bearer communicated with the troops with
the flag, signaling, for example, the length of the
battle. In Switzerland the canton banners were vener
able symbols of the battles for independence and were
held in great respect and esteem. Because of their
importance, the custom of dedicating flags and swear
ing allegiance to the flag developed in Switzerland.
The close relationship of the troops to their flag was
based on this oath, and the flag thus became a mili-
Figure 3. Antoni Glaser. Canton Panel of the City of

Saint Gall. Basel, 1520. 71.2 X 54 cm. Basel Town Hall,
Great Council Hall.
Photo: Hans H i n z , Basel.
12
IN
HONOR
OF
FRIENDSHIP
47
Figure 4. Hans Funk. Canton Panel of Bern. Bern, 1528;

monogrammed. Lausanne Town Hall.
Photo: Claude Bornand, Gal. Benj. Constant, Lausanne.
tary symbol for loyalty and honor. Losing a banner

in battle was tantamount to defeat, and capturing
an enemy flag was tantamount to victory. The pope
bestowed decorations in recognition of military serv
ices in the form of corner quarters, showing religious
themes pertinent to a particular canton and which
were sewn onto the upper-left corner of the flags. In
the corner quarter of the right-hand banner on the
Lucerne panel, for example, the Savior Jesus Christ
kneels in prayer at the Mount of Olives (see fig. 2),
a decoration awarded by Pope Sixtus iv in 1479.
Lucerne's patron saint, the Bishop Saint Leodegar,
appears on the left-hand banner with his attributes,
the crosier and drill. Such an inclusion of a patron
saint in a canton banner is unusual. As a protector in
times of peace and war, the saint usually stands next
to the donor's arms. This unusual iconography in the
Baden cycle's particular iconographic arrangement
may have resulted from the confederates' awareness
especially after their victory over the Swabiansof
the decisive role played by divine aid. W i t h this vener
ation of the saints, the Baden cycle takes on the dimen
sion of salvation history.
While the cycle from the Baden Town Hall is
today no longer in situ, one of the most important can
ton panel series has been almost completely preserved
in its original site in the Basel Town Hall. The cycle is
of invaluable significance for the cultural and artistic
heritage of Switzerland, not only for its location but
also as a testament to the Renaissance decorative style
that emerged in German-speaking lands at the begin
ning of the sixteenth century. While the cycle itself was
carried out in 1519-20, the commission was issued
around 1517 by the Basel City Council to Antoni
Glaser (before 1500-1551), who between 1510 and
1531 was the official stained-glass painter for the
council. A contemporary of Urs Graf, Hans Holbein
the Younger, and Niklaus Manuel Deutsch, Glaser, in
his panels, shows numerous iconographic and stylis
tic debts to the graphic work of these artists. Espe
cially manifest is an affinity to Urs Graf, which is not
surprising, as the latter lived and worked in Basel
from 1509 to 1527.
The panel donated by the city of Saint Gall, an
"Allied D i s t r i c t " of the confederation since 1454,
is of special significance (fig. 3). This glass painting,
considered the most perfect of the entire cycle, is the
canonical example of an early Swiss canton panel,
even though it no longer contains any colored glass
but rather consists of colorless glass with grisaille and
silver-stain painting. It must have fascinated nine
teenth-century glass painters, for it was copied numer
ous times. Two soldiers dressed in fashionably slitted
mercenary costumes in silk and damask (Reislufer
tracht),
imported from northern Italy, appear in an
13
14
48
GIESICKE
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Figure 5. Conrad Wirz von Erlenbach. Heraldic Panel

of the Salem Cistercian Monastery. Zurich, 15 21. Monogrammed; 45 X 49 cm. Cloister Wettingen. West v 1.
Photo: Werner Nefflen, Ennetbaden.
open arcade decorated with side pillars, socle frieze,

and segmented arch in imitation of the fenestration of
late medieval rooms (see fig. 1 ) . Standing in elegant
foot-guard pose, they turn toward the triple arms of
their city. Each has a pike displayed next to him. The
left figure sports a youthful pageboy under a beret
decorated with billowing ostrich feathers. He wears
leather armor and a wide chain of honor, a symbol of
military success and material wealth. On his hip strap
hang a Swiss dagger and a so-called "one-and-a-halfhanded" sword, the standard weaponry of a Swiss
soldier in the sixteenth century. The figure to the right,
undoubtedly older, has his hair cut short underneath
his beret and wears an Italian sword with sheath, a
Swiss dagger buckled to one side, and a brace on his
left arm. In the arch frieze, Swiss mercenaries fight
against German lansquenets, and in the upper spandrels imperial horsemen overrun two Swiss foot soldiers who are lying on their back, helplessly flailing
their arms and legs. The lower frieze depicts a massacre in the last stages of battle. Visible through the
arcade is a bizarre landscape w i t h mountain range,
gnarled dying tree, and castle. The Habsburg attributes of the castle (the domicile of nobility) and the
lansquenets (the imperial war machine)recognizable
by their slouch hats and cut-off trouser legsthe
horsemen as well as the arm shields as a part of their
armor here refer to war booty. They are reminders of
Saint Gall's unflagging struggle for freedom during the
fifteenth century, which had been repeatedly undermined by the prince-abbot of Saint Gall Monastery, a
loyal Habsburg subject. The richly decorated clothing
Figure 6. Christoph Stimmer. Heraldic Panel for the City

of Mengen. Konstanz(P), 1524. 32 X 22 cm. Pfullendorf
Town Hall.
Photo: Foto Clemens, Pfullendorf.
15
IN
HONOR
O F FRIENDSHIP
49
Figure 8. Hans Holbein the Younger. Title Page Border

with Dionysios and Cleopatra for Die Paraphrase des
Johannes-Evangeliums von Erasmus von Rotterdam-,
Johannes Froben, Basel, 1523. Woodcut, 22 X 15.5 cm.
Basel University Library.
Photo: Universitts-Bibliothek Basel.
Figure 7. Christoph Stimmer. Heraldic Panel of Christoph

Stimmer. Konstanz(P), 1525. 32 X 22.5 cm. Pfullendorf
Town Hall.
Photo: Foto Clemens, Pfullendorf.
of both warriors, together w i t h the small, barely visi

ble trunk, hidden in the greenery behind the canton
arms, suggest that Saint Gall had also acquired wealth
by participating in the Italian campaigns. This glass
painting reflects the drama and cruelty of war, the
pride of the Swiss in their combat readiness and
wealth, and their love of ostentation and haughtiness.
Despite their defeat near Marignano (1515), the mili
tary fame of the confederation remained undimin
ished. This gripping narration employing a visual
language rich in symbols and gestures renders this
glass painting a brilliant historical document.
Another outstanding series of window and heral
dic panel donations to public buildings is the small,
six-part group from 1528 in the Lausanne town hall. It
was executed by the glass painter Hans Funk (before
1470-1539), who came from Zurich and worked
mainly in Bern (fig. 4 ) . In the panel of the city of
Bern two lions support triple arms in their paws.
Together with soldiers and bears, lions were the most
commonly used shield-bearers in Bern panels. Known
for their strength and boldness as well as their violence
16
17
50
GIESICKE
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and ferocity, lions were considered potent protectors

of the canton, symbolized by the triple arms. An
example of donations across borders occurs in the Cistercian monastery of Wettingen, located near Zurich
in Canton Aargau, which houses the most comprehensive such collection preserved at an original site (fig. i ,
p. 2; cat. nos. 131,141, 143). Among the donations by
the confederate cantons and Swiss subsidiary monasteries, by burghers and noble families, by sacred and
secular officials from the monastery surroundings and
the city of Baden, there is also a donation from the
subsidiary monastery in Salem (fig. 5), on Lake Constance, and one by the city of Breisach near Freiburg
im Breisgau.
18
cross the Rhine, cycles have been preserved in

the town halls of Endingen (1528-29), Rheinfelden
(1532-33), and Pfullendorf (1524-25).
The splendid series of thirteen heraldic panels
in the council hall of the Swabian town Pfullendorf
was a gift from Emperor Charles v and his brother
Ferdinand 1 and from befriended imperial cities and
monasteries to celebrate the newly built town hall in
the year 1524. Just as in the Baden and Basel cycles,
the panels in Pfullendorf are the work of a single
glass painter; this was owing to the great importance
attached to the artistic unity of the window decoration
in public buildings. Characteristic of the series are
asymmetrically arranged architectural elements, richly
embellished with foliage ornamentation, grotesques,
and puttos. Shield-bearers stand in a sweeping pose
next to the donor's arms in front of a colored vinescroll damask background. The asymmetry of the
composition is strongly emphasized by the placement
of the shield-bearers, who overlap the architecture on
one side. Unlike the Swiss mercenaries in the Basel
panel (see fig. 3), a German lansquenet in his typical
war dress (with leather cap, "hacked-up clothes," cutoff trouser leg, and short and wide lansquenet sword at
the hip) appears in the heraldic panel for the city of
Mengen (fig. 6). His efforts to impress and his warlike
bravado are in no way inferior to those of the Swiss
adversaries. In addition, the Pfullendorf cycle contains an entirely unique element. The glass painter
Christoph Stimmer (d. 1562), father of the famous
Schaffhausen draftsman Tobias Stimmer ( 1 5 3 9 1584), made a personal monument to himself in the
form of the panel he donated to the series and placed
at its end (fig. 7). Standing in front of an illusionistic
architectural setting, a naked female shield-bearer clad
only in a feather hat presents the Stimmer family arms.
With her knee-length, curling blond hair blowing in
the wind, she is reminiscent of Fortuna. Her right hand
19
rests on the shield. Over her left hand is draped a

white robe, which she has lifted as a favor to the
viewer. At the bottom of the panel, inscribed in
Latin interspersed with Greek, in a letter form known
from the paintings and woodcuts of Hans Holbein
the Younger, the glass painter immortalized himself, proudly yet modestly, with the salutation: " I ,
Christoph Stimmer, have painted these pictures and
coats of arms of my own accord, even if they are more
than a far cry from the art of one Parrhasius and
Apelles. Farewell, readers! In the year of our Lord
1 5 2 5 . " In this statement Stimmer not only identifies
himself as the glass painter of the panel series but also
as an educated man of his time. In admitting that he
cannot paint as well as the greatest painters of Greek
antiquity, he asks the viewer not to measure his glass
paintings by the work of the ancients. Yet at the same
time he does compare himself with these great role
models, if self-deprecatingly. In so doing, Stimmer
portrays himself chiefly as a painter and a descendant
of famous ancient precursors (particularly Apelles),
veneration for whom had reached its high point in
the 1520s. This comparison with ancient painters is
closely connected with the glass painter's striving for
fame, status, and immortality.
21
22
In this context, one should point out that the

lateral scenes in the architecture of the heraldic panel
20
Figure 9. Ropstein workshop(P). Heraldic Panel of Alexius

von Pfirt. Freiburg, 1529. 46.5 X 37.5 cm. Endingen
Town Hall.
P h o t o : C o r p u s V i t r e a r u m D e u t s c h l a n d , F r e i b u r g i. B r . , A k a d e m i e d e r W i s s e n s c h a f t u n d
der L i t e r a t u r M a i n z .
IN
HONOR
OF
FRIENDSHIP
51
Figure 11. Hans Holbein the Younger. Design for a

Stained-Glass Panel with the Arms of the Lachner Family.
Basel, c. 1520-30. Stockholm, Nationalmuseum
(inv. no. 48).
Photo: Nationalmuseum Stockholm.
for the city of Mengen (see fig. 6) are based upon

the border on the title page to the Paraphrase of John
by Erasmus of Rotterdam. The woodcut was designed
by Hans Holbein the Younger and had been published in Basel in 1523 (fig. 8 ) . It depicts the tyrant
Dionysius of Syracuse: on the right as he is about to
rob Asclepius and Apollo of their natural "jewels"
(golden beard and golden hair) and on the left as he
steals the gold chains and rings from a god's statue.
Both acts allude to the corrupt ruler's constant requisitions to finance his regime. Several ancient authors
accused him of the blasphemous theft of temple treasures, the golden locks of an Apollo statue or Asclepius's
golden beard, for example. Cleopatra's suicide is
depicted at the bottom of the page. In the woodcut she
is reclining; in the glass painting she is standing
upright, almost covered by the right arm of the lansquenet and thus only identifiable by the snake placed
in the left portion of the architecture. The Egyptian
queen was then considered to have had an unquenchable thirst for power. These scenes, therefore, symbolize the negligent ruler, who, to reach his or her
ambitious goals, w i l l not spare the sacred and does not
consider the welfare of the people. Such themes in
town council chambers served to remind officials to
23
Figure 10. Ropstein workshop)?). Heraldic Panel of

Emperor Charles v. Freiburg, 1533. 63.5 X 55.5 cm.
Rheinfelden Town Hall.
Photo: Corpus V i t r e a r u m Deutschland, Freiburg i . Br., Akademie der Wissenschaft u n d
der Literatur M a i n z .
5^
G I E S I C K E
A N D
R U O S S
Figure 1 2 . Civic hall in Rheinfelden Town Hall.

Photo: Corpus V i t r e a r u m Deutschland, Freiburg 1. Br., Akademie der Wissenschaft
und
der Literatur M a i n z .
safeguard the public interest with just laws and to fulfill

their duties in a selfless and incorruptible manner. Thus
the rediscovery of ancient history, mythology, and
poetry was reflected in the graphic art and glass painting of the sixteenth and early seventeenth century.
To celebrate the town hall renovation in Endingen am Kaiserstuhl in 1527, the emperor and the
noble families of the Breisgau region showed their
respect in the form of a glass-panel cycle. It is considered a product of the Freiburg stained-glass painting
workshop of Hans Gitschmann von Ropstein. As a
political, religious, and intellectual center of the Austrian lands on the right side of the Rhine, the cathedral
and university town of Freiburg im Breisgau offered
refuge for the Basel cathedral chapter and many followers of Catholicism after the advent of the Reformation. Because of these historical circumstances as
well as the city's proximity to Basel, a center for the
arts and printing, the distribution throughout southern Germany of the graphic work of Hans Holbein the
Younger was particularly widespread.
24
The heraldic panel of Count Alexius von Pfirt,

whose family had its home in the Upper Alsace and
who served the Habsburgs, is a characteristic example
of panel donations from the Renaissance nobility
(fig. 9 ) . The donor's blazon, an upright and crowned
silver lion on a black ground, is seen through an
arcaded window with tastefully ornamented columns
and segmental arch. At the top the barred helm supporting a crown signals the noble lineage out of which
an armless crowned man emerges. The mantlings billow in wild profusion between crown and helmet,
almost displacing the female shield-bearer on the
right. Unlike the naked beauty in the Stimmer panel in
Pf U l l e n d o r f (see fig. 7), who self-confidently displays
her body and looks the viewer straight in the eye, the
elegantly clad lady in the Pfirt panel shyly bows her
head and lowers her eyes. Depicted in the spandrels of
the segmental arch is the triumphal procession of an
ancient ruler, who sits in a magnificent horse-drawn
wagon. The elephants walking ahead and the donor's
first name suggest an association with Alexander the
25
IN
HONOR
OF
FRIENDSHIP
53
Great, who used pachyderms in his war against the

Persians. As we know today, the commissioner of a
panel often actively participated in its design, so we
can assume that Count Alexius personally requested
the depiction of the famous hero of antiquity. His
admiration and veneration of Alexander the Great
seem to have led the count to elect the hero as his name
patron; this choice was also probably affected by his
disinclination to be identified with the excessively
sad and humiliating story of his holy namesake Saint
Alexius of Edessa, who supposedly lived unrecognized
for seventeen years underneath the stairs of his paren
tal home, doused with slop by the servants, longsuffering and full of patience.
A part of the Swiss canton Aargau since 1803,
Rheinfelden previously belonged to Austria. After the
town hall burned down in 1530, a larger building was
erected a year later. On this occasion the sovereigns
Charles v as Holy Roman Emperor and his brother
Ferdinand 1 as king of the Habsburg patrimonial
dominions gave heraldic panels, as did their gov
ernment officials in their functions as governors, bai
liffs, and chairmen of the parish councils as well as the
four Austrian Waldsttte (forest towns): Rheinfelden,
Laufenburg, Sckingen, and Waldshut. Like the
Endigen panels, this cycle reflects the particularly
strong influences of the graphic work of Hans Holbein
the Younger. It is also ascribed to the Freiburg work
shop of Ropstein. The heraldic panel of Emperor
Charles v (fig. 10) closely relates to the design for the
panel of the Lachner family in Basel (fig. 1 1 ) , ascribed
to Hans Holbein, which Hans Lehmann discussed in
1940. The imperial arms, with an additional small
escutcheon in the center, crested by the imperial crown
and surrounded by the chain of the Order of the
Golden Fleece, is placed in front of the same columned
hall as the arms and shield-bearer in the draw
i n g . Although the resulting glass painting appears
somewhat flatan impression created primarily by
the presentation of the imperial arms and by sporadic
paint abrasionthe use of delicate, translucent mono
chrome glass across large areas lends the work a
stately radiance.
26
27
28
Finally, it is instructive to consider the room

itself. While in the course of restorations the panel
series in Basel, Pfullendorf, and Endingen have been
removed from the upper sections of the stepped win
dows and placed in a lower line at the viewer's level,
the fourteen panels in the Civic Hall in the Rhein
felden Town Hall have remained in their original
architectural context (fig. 1 2 ) . Today, as in earlier
times, government affairs are carried out in the his
torical rooms of town halls, and high guests of state
and prominent public personalities are received here.
Today the function of the rooms has been expanded,
54
GIESICKE
AND
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as in Rheinfelden, to include civil wedding cere

monies. Time and again the radiant panels in the
windows lend events an illustrious, festive ambiance.
Although stained-glass paintings have lost some of
their earlier significance, they remain today, particu
larly in Switzerland, a permanent part of a pro
nounced national and civic consciousness.
1 . The German terms Ort and Stand denoted individual, fully authorized
members of the old Swiss state confederation. After 1798 the term
Kanton (canton) was used.
2. Becksmann 1975: 65.
3. The Swiss Center for Research and Information on Stained Glass and
the Swiss Stained-Glass Museum in Romont are devoted to art-historical
research on stained-glass painting and to the p r o m o t i o n of modern
stained glass.
4. For the collecting of historical glass painting in the nineteenth century,
see Daniel Hess, " 'Modespiel' der Neugotik oder Denkmal der
Vergangenheit? Die Glasmalereisammlung i n Erbach und ihr Kontext,"
Zeitschrift fr Kunstwissenschaft 4 9 - 5 0 ( 1 9 9 5 - 9 6 ) : 2 2 7 - 4 8 .
5. In 1231 the free men of U r i received a Freiheitsbrief (letter of liberty)
from Emperor Friedrich 11 and thus attained "imperial independence."
This put them directly under the emperor and granted them the right of
self-administration. I n a letter of liberty from 1240, the emperor thanked
Canton Schwyz for its military support in Italy.
6. Anderes and Hoegger 1988: 26.
7. Quoted from Hermann Meyer, Die schweizerische Sitte der Fenster- und
Wappenschenkung vom xv. bis XVII. Jahrhundert (Frauenfeld, 1884):
17 n. 2. This publication is still considered the most comprehensive
study of this custom.
8. Thomas Frschl, "Rathuser und Regierungspalste: Die Architektur
als Hauptinstrument republikanischer Selbstdarstellung in Europa und
Nordamerika vom 16. zum 20. Jahrhundert," in Zeichen der Freiheit:
Das Bild der Republik in der Kunst des 16. bis 20. Jahrhunderts, cata
logue of an exhibition held at the Bernisches Historisches Museum, the
Kunstmuseum Bern, June i-September 15, 1991 (Bern, 1991): 12.
9. The two differing canton arms relate to a geographic division of the
country in the mid-fourteenth century. N o t until the t u r n of the seven
teenth century was a coat of arms created combining both insignia.
10. For a definitive treatise, see Schneider 1954; most recently Peter Hoegger,
Die Kunstdenkmler des Kantons Aargau, v o l . 6, Der Bezirk Baden
(Basel, 1976): 2 2 5 - 2 9 .
T I . N e w York 1980: 17, w i t h older bibliographic references.
12. For national pictorial themes i n Swiss art, see Hans-Christoph von Tavel,
Ars Helvetica: Die visuelle Kunst der Schweiz, vol. 19 (Disentis, 1992);
for the Baden cycle, see v o l . 10, Nationale Bildthemen: 8 8 - 1 0 0 , 9 1 - 9 6 ,
colorpls.
13. This term ("Allied District") applies to cities located in Habsburg terri
tory and w i t h which the Swiss Confederation had entered into a military
and trade alliance.
14. Swiss mercenaries paid for foreign military service were called Reis
lufer. The w o r d Reise (trip) had a purely military connotation and
meant a military campaign. Since the Battle of "St. Jakob an der Birs"
(1444) the French were aware of the bravery of Swiss warriors. I n
1470 Louis x i established an alliance w i t h them, and in 1494 they
accompanied Charles v i n on his campaign to Italy. After the battle
near Marignano (1515), i n 1521 Francis 1 signed an "eternal alliance,"
which bound the Swiss to the French crown.
15. Concerning the differences between Swiss mercenaries and German
lansquenets, compare Bchtiger 1971-72: 2 0 5 - 7 0 .
16. Concerning the motif and stylistic references to the ceuvre of Urs Graf
and Niklaus Manuel Deutsch, see Giesicke 1994: 1 3 0 - 3 3 .
17. Marcel Grandjean, Les monuments d'art et d'histoire du canton de
Vaud, vol. 1, La ville de Lausanne (Basel, 1965): 4 1 3 - 1 5 , w i t h biblio
graphic references.
18. Concerning the donations between 1517 and 1530, see Anderes and
Hoegger 1988: 8 6 - 1 0 2 , 1 4 0 - 5 9 , colorpls.
19. I n 1986, three panels were displayed in Heidelberg Castle; see Heidel
berg 1986: nos. D 2 0 - 2 2 , 2 6 7 - 6 9 , w i t h older bibliographic references.
20. The sudden appearance of warlike bravado among German lansquenets
is, according to Bchtiger 1975: 240, closely related to their first victory
over the confederation i n the Battle of Bicocca (1522).
2 1 . We are grateful to Dr. Ueli D i l l , Basel, for the translation revision.
Compare Hans Rott, " E i n Gang durch das reichsstdtische Pfullendorf,"
Badische Heimat 21 (1934): 318; Dietrich Rentsch quotes Rott i n the
Heidelberg exhibition catalogue (see Heidelberg 1986: 269).
22. For a comparison w i t h Apelles in Albrecht Drer's w o r k , see Daniel
Hess, "Drers Selbstbildnis von i 500: 'Alter Deus' oder Neuer Apelles?"
Mitteilungen des Vereins fr Geschichte der Stadt Nrnberg 77 (1990):
8 0 - 8 3 . F the significance of Apelles in the age of Hans Holbein
the Younger, see Oskar Btschmann and Pascal Griener, " H o l b e i n Apelles, Wettbewerb und Definition des Knstlers," in Zeitschrift fr
Kunstgeschichte
57 (1994): 6 2 6 - 5 0 , as well as Btschmann and Griener
1997: 1 9 - 2 2 (the fame of Apelles), 2 2 - 3 5 (signatures and inscriptions).
r
23. The following is founded on the comments by Frank Hieronymus,

Oberrheinische Buchillustration,
1500-1545, catalogue of an exhibition
held at the Universittsbibliothek Basel, M a r c h 3 i - J u n e 30, 1984 (Basel,
1984), nos. 418, 4 5 2 - 5 5 ; p. 604, ill.
24. Karl Kurrus, "Die Wappenscheiben im Rathaus zu Endingen," in
Schauinsland, 87 (1969): 52.5, w i t h illustrations.
25. See Heidelberg 1986: 275, no. D 2 7 .
26. Hans Lehmann, " Z u r Geschichte der oberrheinischen Glasmalerei
im 16. Jahrhundert," Zeitschrift fr schweizerische Archologie und
Kunstgeschichte
2 (1940): 3 0 - 3 9 , pls. 1:3-18, describes the glass paint
ings in Rheinfelden i n detail and relates them to the graphic work of
Hans Holbein the Younger.
27. Ibid., 39, no. 14, w i t h illustrations. A b o u t the drawing, see Bjurstrm
1972: no. 48, w i t h comprehensive bibliographic references.
28. The same architecture appears in t w o other stained-glass paintings
depicting the Z u r i c h patron saints Felix and Regula from the year 1557.
Both are located i n the cloisters of the M u r i monastery. This demon
strates that designs were often re-uscd for decades (see Bernhard Anderes
Glasmalerei im Kreuzgang Muri [Bern, 1974J, 1 2 6 - 2 9 , w i t h colorpls.).
IN
HONOR
OF
FRIENDSHIP
55
On the Artistic Technique of Glass Painting

in the Age of Drer and Holbein
and Its Conservation Problems
Peter van Treeck
lass Paintings have two surfaces that work together, paintings only one. The technical and optical
requirements of painting on glass differ from painting
on plaster, canvas, or wood. The only comparable fea
ture shared by both techniques is the opaque, linear
contour. Every other painted detail on glass, whether
color or tonal value, achieves its intended effect
through melting and becomes a filter of light. Effective
only in transmitted light, the hues of glass painting do
not materialize as they do with reflected light through
spectral values of body colors. Rather, hues appear by
the selective absorption or diffusion of specific wave
lengths of light. Visible colors or tonal values consist of
transmitted complementary wavelengths of absorbed
light. Chromatic values are produced by ions of specific
metals dissolved in glass and vitreous paint, often in
concentrations lower than i percent. Bright values ap
pear only through intense transmitted light. Dark zones
and colors require a reduction of light, achieved by
applying a vitrifiable medium densely mixed with sub
stances that provide coloring and opacity.
1
Technical Development in the Late Fifteenth Century

From about 1430 glass painters adopted stylistic
methods from oil paintings and the graphic arts and
achieved a high level of creative and technical excel
lence, which prohibits the assessment of the panels as
mere craftlike renderings of designs, in the form of
drawings. In the fifteenth century the stained-glass
window became a picture. The glass became the picto
rial support, comparable to wood or canvas in paint
ing, and thus lost the meaning it had in the Middle
Ages as a radiant two-dimensional extension. In their
use of colors, glass artists abandoned the rules that had
governed the medieval window; they now used color
naturalistically. Pictorial backgrounds are opened "to
the outside." Light, usually falling from the upper left,
2
originates from an imaginary light source. Further, cor

poreal modeling and shadows are introduced.
For panels composed of different pieces of col
ored glass, the lead design still primarily aimed at color
composition and color division, but with the greater
emphasis on glass painting, the functions of glass and
leading shifted slightly. In the late fifteenth century
leading was largely limited to a connecting role, while
the glass pieces assumed a greater static role. As larger
surfaces for painting, glass pieces were more strongly
interlocked with one another formally.
The reduced number of glass cuts led increasingly
to the transfer to glass of complicated linear config
urations. These linear configurations, however, were
limited by technical practicality and graphic details.
In other words, artists sometimes drew forms in
stained-glass designs that glaziers could not execute,
thus requiring the artist to take into account from the
beginning a certain change in representation. A l
though the diamond glasscutter had long been known,
glass cuts were grozed (the edges slowly nibbled away)
until after the sixteenth century. The exact cut was not
yet common practice. Along with grozing, however,
one occasionally finds traces of diamond scratches, so
that it must be presumed that the diamond took over
the role of the dividing iron, which, with its heated tip,
had been used to crack the glass.
The type of glass used from the Middle Ages until
the mid-nineteenth century is described in German as
Httenglas (literally, "hut glass," or glass made in a
hut). It is a flat glass smelted in a pot furnace, colored
with metal oxides, and blown with a blowpipe. At this
time no alternatives existed. The term Httenglas,
however, does not describe the characteristic features
of the glass structure. From the late fifteenth century
glass changed in several respects. It changed on the
basis of a different mixture of raw material, by degrees
4
57
from potash to calcium-sodium glass (more lime and

soda instead of wood ash or potassium). In addition,
the smelting process improved with the development
of furnaces and the raising of the melting temperature,
from around eleven hundred to more than thirteen
hundred degrees centigrade. As a result of these
changes, the glass was now more homogenous, pure,
transparent, and, as a rule, more uniform, with less
texture and often thinner than the older glass. Because
of a higher lime content and improved refining pro
cesses (through the admixture of arsenic, along with
already familiar agents like antimony and manganese),
from the fifteenth century truly colorless panels, with
out the earlier greenish tones, which derived for the
most part from traces of iron in the raw materials, are
found among the light panels. In cabinet panels in par
ticular, glass with little texture was specifically chosen.
A high quantity of air bubbles is rare, as encountered,
for instance, in the circular panels in Cottbus, c. 1511
(cat. nos. 3 6 - 3 9 ) . In monumental creations as well
smoother glass was preferred.
7
For stained-glass paintings there was always a

standard technique; ground color is achieved through
transparent colored-glass pieces, modeling and mut
ing values through semitranslucent matts (washes
smoothed to a muted, even finish with a wide, soft
brush called a badger), drawing through opaque con
tours, and, since the thirteenth century, through semiopaque washes. Around 1300 transparent silver stain
was introduced. Yet these standard steps developed
further. In the fourteenth century "etching" emerged,
in the form of a striated scratching of the matts using
bristle brushes or other instruments. Artists also in
creasingly employed stippling, in which the matt was
removed with a bristle brush in a dotlike manner in
order to lighten it. Strasbourg glass painters working
around Peter Hemmel introduced new brilliant graphic
elements. His painting technique must have caused a
sensation around 1475. As usual, the glass painter
painted the colored glasses cut by the glazier with the
semitranslucent, warm, or cool-toned, slightly streaky
matt. The colored glasses provide the predominant
colors and basic organization of every panel. On top
of that he now laid down, in addition to a contour
drawing and etched or stippled "lights," an accentu
ated graphic modeling of multiple layers of washes and
hatching. In this way he achieved great plasticity
through chiaroscuro values. Despite this change in
painting style, stained-glass panels from the Strasbourg
workshop-cooperative and others have a character
that is still typically late Gothic.
8
Since the Middle Ages the predominant painting

practice was to begin with a glaze and to end with an
opaque contour. The opposite procedure is easier
technically and has been the rule since the late nine
9
58
V A N
T R E E C K
teenth century. The rationale for the old way was

twofold, artistic and technical. Although the process
appears more complicated, it in fact required only one
firing. In terms of painting technique, it is easier to in
troduce hatching on top of a glaze without an interme
diate firing than the reverse. In short, the application
of the contours as the final step allowed a more spon
taneous working of the surfaces.
Techniques in the Age of Drer and Holbein
Glass painting techniques and materials, from about
1490 to 1520, are not fundamentally different than
those of an earlier date. The familiar means, however,
were interpreted in new and very individual ways,
with different accents in individual regions. The smallformat cabinet panel, conceived to be viewed from
close up, stimulated specific artistic and painterly pos
sibilities, while the monumental creations mostly con
tinued with traditional techniques. Two distinct means
of creation were thus developed.
Two processes can be distinguished in the appli
cation of matts or glazes, here called "foundations."
First, a soft brush (a badger blender) was used to badger
or blend watery black or brown vitreous matting paint,
customary in monumental church windows. This pro
cedure was also used for cabinet panels. From about
1510, however, a more advanced technique dominates
cabinet panels: wet stippling, a refining of the wet, mat
ted surface through stippling with a large, soft brush
(again a badger blender) or with a fine sponge or cloth
(in contrast to stippling executed on a dried matt).
W i t h this process the matt can be applied very evenly
and finely, and the matt is more stable, robust, and
resistant to smudging than a badgered matt, allowing
it to be painted on more softly.
Working drawings cannot render transitions in
modeling from bright to dark as impressively as can
light on glass. By etching with a bristle brush the
artist can achieve hard and brittle material textures
and lively graphic modeling effects. Stippling, how
ever, easily results in hard transitions or spotty,
"gray" effects. In both cases particles of vitreous paint
remain in the "lights" and reduce the brilliance of
the representation. This paint "dust" has an uncon
trolled influence on the contrasts. Scratch stippling
(Kratzstupfen)the
scratching out of blank points
of light with a small metal brush with only a few
"hairs" (silver-wire brushes)was an innovation of
the late fifteenth century. Only with this technique
could the glass painter achieve the brilliant light
modeling with well-controlled, continuous transitions
and clear, organic structures. Stippling and etching
with bristle brushes, therefore, occurs more rarely and
from this time only in a complementary role. Pointed
wooden tools, feather quills, or needles were used to
10
11
scratch out the light contours and the brightest lights

as hatching.
On the verso (the side facing the outside when a
window is mounted) the glass artist worked almost
exclusively with washes; the paints were spread with
the brush but not badgered. Silver stain was outstand
ing in color and transparency. It did not become spotty
and could achieve tonal values from the brightest
lemon yellow to saturated golden yellow, depending
on the thickness of application. At this time it was not
prone to the brownish density and extreme iridescent
blue shimmer that characterizes later glass painting.
The building up of the paint layers demanded spe
cific paint consistencies. Because there was no inter
mediary firing, corrections while painting were almost
impossible since every operation went to the "glass
ground," and the borders of the "holes" that resulted
were difficult to close without hard transitions. W i t h
the effect of transmitted light, a corrective layer, like
that used in panel painting, was not possible. The
brushstrokes had to succeed at the first attempt. To
prevent the new, wet applications from detaching he
paints below, contrasting binding agents were used.
Historical sources say little on the matter. Experi
ments have proven how watery binderswater, some
times with an addition of gum, also vinegar, wine, or
other substancesmust be alternated with oily sub
stances, whereby oily brushstrokes are carried well
by a matt mixed with a watery binder. The opposite
process is more difficult.
Glass paints consist of pulverized glass with metal
oxides as coloring agents. They are not soluble but
only "diluted" with the binder. Unlike pigments used
in oil painting, they can be refined only to a certain
degree because of their granular structure, a handicap
for the painting process. The glass painter, therefore,
ground the paints with a muller for a very long time in
order to apply them in the smoothest and most deli
cate manner. Because the paints dried very quickly, one
could make only a few strokes with a loaded brush.
Moreover, because, with the exception of contours, the
strokes were made with a degree of translucency in
mind, it was important that the application with the
brush resulted in specific strengths: more liquid or vis
cous, occurring faster or more haltingly. Lifting off the
brush at the end of a drawn line presented a problem.
Therefore, the artist generally painted from light to
dark and from planes to lines. The form of the brush
was also important. Whereas a tracer, with a point, was
suited for contours, particularly for opaque contours,
because it could best taper the paint, blunt brushes
with uniform hair lengths were better for the semi
translucent hatching strokes or washes.
The soft application and gentle pastel-like man
ner of painting was presumably achieved through addi
12
13
tives. The "paintability" of the paints is improved by

the admixture of slippery material, apart from oil, for
example, egg, honey, or syrup. Mineral borax has long
been known as an ideal substance to make paints mal
leable. Burned in, it lends a pastellike, soft appearance
to surfaces and modeling, and, in addition, it reduces
the melting point, and, in the case of vitreous paints, the
firing temperature. The use of additives also had
drawbacks, namely, that it decreased the resistance of
the painting to humidity and other influences. Certain
substances cannot be mixed, for example, gum arabic,
sugar, borax. They are incompatible and produce
damage in the fusing of the paints.
Since the late fifteenth century glass-painting col
ors in tones of brown (to red) and white (to gray) play
a large role in the palette. One can infer by studying
enamels that already by the high Middle Ages recipes
for red, blue, green, white, and yellow enamel colors
were known. But as far as we know these were not
used in glass painting. Rather, only black and brown
(to rust brown) were used as opaque vitreous paint
(Lot or Punctur in German) or as a thin, watery appli
cation. Soon after 1300 strong red-brown contours
and washes were substituted for black in drapery and
flesh tones, most prominently in panels from the Isle of
Gotland. About one hundred years later red appears in
a new form to shade planes or details, complementary
to black vitreous paint. The moment varies from
region to region. An early example of reddish glaze is,
for instance, The Archangel Michael, c. 1440, in the
minster in U l m . Also significant was the development
of hues for shading. After the graphic techniques of
modeling and the executing or back-painting of details
in color, the most important innovation was the com
bining and differentiating of color values. In monu
mental glass painting the practice varied widely by
region until the early sixteenth century. The tradi
tional scale was still maintained in Grossgrndlach,
1504-11 (cat. no. 29, and Scholz, p. 29), and in Saint
Roch in Nuremberg, c. 1520: values of gray, brown,
and black vitreous paint were used extensively and in
a planar manner. The most modern characteristics
occur in the windows in the choir of the Church of the
Assumption in Landsberg am Lech, dating to about
1500 and close in style to Hans Holbein the Elder.
There the paint buildup in flesh tones and architec
tural elements is achieved almost exclusively in san
guine tones, from yellowish to brown to reddish
brown. Heads and other parts offer early examples
of the complementary introduction of semitransparent glass paints in warm and cool tones for realistic
representation.
14
15
Sanguine (Eisenrot in German) ranges from matt

brown to yellowish, from reddish brown to a flesh
color, and from grainy opaque to highly transparent.
O N
T H E A R T I S T I C
T E C H N I Q U E
O F
G L A S S
P A I N T I N G
59
The foundation of these hues is iron oxide ( F e 0 ) .

Regional differences may result from the different ori
gins of the raw material, which the workshops each
obtained from their own places of delivery. Nuances
resulted by chance (empirically) because the intensity
of color was difficult to manage. Sanguine was known
from the fifteenth century at the latest, for instance, as
crocus martis or pot- or kettle-brown and was pro
duced from iron filings or rust. Although precise reci
pes for red made from iron oxide (in the form of red
ocher, caput mortuum, etc.) are first transmitted in
manuscripts from the mid-sixteenth century, this tra
dition reaches far back into time. Depending on the
production process, products varied from the clear,
transparent sanguine color to the more substantial,
ranging from red to brown to blackish brown. The
quality varies between the upper, fine, pure extract to
the sediment of the processed recipes. A white vitre
ous paint and a yellow paint were extracted from lead
glass. Both are applied as shading colors and are
named around 1400. Reddish brown also served for
the representation of walls, for which rose-colored
glass had earlier been used and continued to be used
in stained glass in churches, for example, in Saint
Roch, c. 1520, in Nuremberg. Glass painters prepared
their own paint, yet they could increasingly obtain
half-products in the form of "cakes" (smalti, an easily
fusible lead glass, from Venice or Amsterdam).
2
16
At first glance it is difficult to detect a development

in the individual selection and combination of hues in
panels from the period around 1500. For the most part
a very simple range of colors was used in the first phase
of the epoch. Panels made up to about 1500 after
Michael Wolgemut, Albrecht Drer, Hans Baldung
Grien, Hans von Kulmbach, and Hans Schufelein are
restricted mostly to matts and contours in black vitre
ous paint. Afterward it became a rule in all regions to
use a grayish brown tone first and then the artist con
tinued with black or brown vitreous paint in different
nuances. After painting was begun using gray-brown,
frequently further work was consciously done in black
and then the panel was back-painted with red to
brown. The sanguine on the verso serves as a shading
color in combination with the matt, the foundation on
the recto. This effect becomes particularly apparent
where the back-painting is differentiated more toward
yellow or red, according to the tone of the matt or that
of the glass. In a Jrg Breu roundel from 1516 (cat.
no. 84) the sanguine is even set against the gray-green
foundation. The same differentiation between tonal
values on the recto and verso occurs in panels from
c. 1516-18 after Kulmbach and Baldung, in which
only the contours are black and everything else is held
to different brown tones. The Breu panel in Frankfurt,
c. 1512-16 (cat. no. 81), on the other hand, varies the
60
V A N
T R E E C K
combination: a reduction to values of gray and black

on the recto is juxtaposed with an amplification to
grayish brown and red on the verso. In many examples,
further shading on the verso, in white and grayish
white, serves as a supplementary density value. From
about 1510 the color nuances on the recto and verso
were further augmented. At the same time, the simple
application of shading survived.
Of great importance as well is the use of hues
of "white" glass, which the glass painter employed
consciously as an artistic element as the designer
used toned paper or paper prepared with a colored
ground. For drawings one has long recognized the
relation of ground tone, ink color, and the highlights
and shadows made from body colors. Around 1500
gradations of "white glass" were intentionally pro
duced, in contrast to the earlier impure and colortainted "white glasses."
Thus, including vitreous paints in tones of brown
and white, a limited tonal scale was developed for the
painting of cabinet panels in the circle of Drer and
Holbein. The artistic aim was oriented above all to
ward combined tones. In this regard the panels in this
exhibition can be divided into four categories: (1) a
composition exclusively in warm tones, sometimes
with neutral values (gray and black) in the drawing;
(2) the painting on the verso, as the only warm tone, is
contrasted with an overall cool or neutral palette of
the glass and the painting on the recto; (3) an interplay
between warm and cool tonalities, in which one or the
other component is consistently used for the glass or
for the painting; (4) a composition exclusively in cool
and neutral tones of gray and black. The last type is
rare and appears only until about 1510. Of the other
variations, the first exists throughout, the second seems
to have died out from about 1515, when the third type
occurs for the first time and in different regions. It is
characteristic of many panels from the younger gener
ation of glass painters, for instance, Veit Hirsvogel the
Younger and Augustin Hirsvogel in Nuremberg, Hans
Gitschmann von Ropstein in Freiburg, and others in
Basel and Zrich. In panels after Jrg Breu one en
counters it first during his later period.
17
In small-scale panels, in contrast to monumental

windows, the brownish black contours seem to imitate
the ink used in drawings. In panels from the circle
of the younger Hans Holbein, where everything is
painted with a distinctly brown " i n k " color, this effect
is particularly evident. Significantly light and shadow
are represented not only through light/dark but also
by color values. One created "luminous drawings."
The different tints of the vitreous paints and glass
pieces change their effect, according to their combina
tion, color value, thickness of application (and state
of preservation), and influence on one another. Blank
18
areas produce accidental tonal effects according to the

actual background of the panel. Black vitreous paint
applied in a watery manner remains relatively neutral.
On the other hand, colored matts, which can be more
diffuse or transparent, grayer or more intense in color,
coinciding in color or complementary, interact in dif
ferent ways with the glass tone and emphasize it very
specifically. The phenomenon is linked with the color
value and thickness of the paint layers, which possess
different transmission and absorption values. For ex
ample, the matts in the glass painting, c. 1511 (cat.
nos. 3 6 - 3 9 ) , in Cottbus have a gray, gray-brown, or
brown effect, according to the glass tone. The panel
in Eisenach, 1516 (cat. no. 84), carries a matt that
is gray when applied once and which has a greenish
effect when applied thickly or in multiple layers. A
very subdued complementary effect is achieved in the
Wengi panel, c. 1519-20 (cat. no. 141), in Wettingen
by means of the partial, thin application on the recto
of a bluish color on yellow, overlaid with watery black.
The glazes of whitish color or brown sanguine par
tially back-painted as thin as a breath on many pieces
likewise lend a grayer or browner appearance to the
matts on the recto.
The artist also "played" with the thickness of the
glass pieces. Where painting on the recto and verso cor
responds, an appearance of depth resulted as an optical
effect of refraction. In the panels after Breu in Eisenach,
1516 (cat. no. 84), and Frankfurt, c. 1512-16 (cat.
no. 81), for instance, the thickness of the glass cre
ates depth in the window reveals of the background
buildings and in landscape details. The glass painter
suggested spatial recession by drawing the lines in
creasingly thinly, until they appear only schematically
"in the distance." All these effects were used purpose
fully in the early sixteenth century, in contrast to the
earlier mere light and dark modeling. The effects in
dicate the increasing extent to which artists and glass
painters came to terms with the expressive poten
tial of drawing, either in a traditional, more graphic
sense or with newer, pictorial, three-dimensional cre
ative means. Perhaps the impetus for this development
came from Augsburg, Basel, or Zrich, while in the
preceding time, and in particular for Veit Hirsvogel
the Elder, glass painting was powerfully shaped by the
Strasbourg workshop-cooperative in the late Gothic
period, which was oriented toward the graphic means
of engraving.
Despite the breadth of variations, an indispensa
ble minimum of orientation on a preparatory drawing
is always necessary for glass painting. Many panels
follow their models with extraordinary faithfulness.
Others, however, depart considerably, above all in the
modeling. The methods used by the glass painters
for the transfer of the model to the glass are not en
19
tirely known. Tradition acknowledges different tracing

methods, albeit not very precisely. Some panels from
the early fifteenth century to the sixteenth century dis
play traces of preliminary drawings preserved on the
verso. These lines provided orientation for the paint
ing on the recto. According to the procedures of the
time around 1500 such guidelines would only be con
ceivable if removed totally before the application of
the painting on the verso. This process, however, is
rather unlikely in panels of this time because of the
very fine and detailed handwriting and range of varia
tion between translucent and opaque strokes. Work
ing from a drawing placed underneath the glass would
have been more practicable. If a paper model served in
the first step for modeling the object in the matt but not
for the application of the contours, then this would
explain why the contours, which are often applied at
the end, frequently depart from the preliminary draw
ing. The drawing, in other words, no longer played a
role in the progression of the painting.
20
21
The actual practice falls somewhere between, as

tests have confirmed. The transfer from drawing to
glasseven when exacthappened in and on the
matt, namely, in the negative drawing (scratched out
of the matt), and with halftone contours. On this
base, work continued into the laying down of washes,
modeling, and shading. The hatching strokes and
washes were always freely executed. Here the artistic
gifts of the glass painter become apparent, and in this
lies the basis for the very different manners of creat
ing planes. The strata of brushstrokes and negative
drawing require working before a light, as the painter
cannot otherwise recognize the transitions, thickness
of application, and degree of translucency. With
modeling and shading by hatching, the exact trans
fer of every single stroke matters little, but their sum
and effect as hatched planes are decisive. Already in
the models hatching strokes are understood as such
planes. The type of hatching method was selected by
the glass painter. In this regard, the designs are at
times even cursory.
22
23
For the paint buildup the order of steps from the

matt to the contours was, therefore, determined not
only by technical considerations but also by artistic
reasons, which became more important, particularly
from 1500. This indicates a very different understand
ing of glass painting than the handicraft-reproductive
technique used in glass paintings made since the late
nineteenth century, when pieces were contoured ex
actly after the linear structure of the models. Once
the contours were drawn, the representation and ex
pression were finished, and the subject could only be
elaborated. In the older technique, by contrast, the rep
resentation remained artistically modifiable until the
last step. This aspect is critical, since the application of
O N
T E C H N I Q U E
O F
G L A S S
P A I N T I N G
61
the contours as a first step would have severely re

stricted the painter, while as a concluding step it al
lowed a freer artistic working of the surfaces as well as
a limitation of the contours to the most salient parts.
To repeat, executing the outlines after the drawn
model, as a kind of reproduction, precludes the neces
sary fluid ductus, which is desirable for a brilliant
method of handling brushstrokes. Furthermore, a
halting brush application stands in the way of the
"paintability" of the paint.
Glass painting in Drer and Holbein's time was
not reproduction but interpretation. It aimed at the
execution of a creative intent, not at a copy. (With the
production of multiple copies of a given subject in
the sixteenth century, this point of view shifted mark
edly.) In this regard, designs and panels are two inde
pendent species. The quality of the design and that of
the executed panel, w i t h all their creative and techni
cal particularities, are only dependent on one another
to a limited degree. In the model, idea and execution
form a unity; in the panel, they build a synthesis.
24
Preservation and Conservation of the Panels

The present-day appearance of glass paintings is de
pendent on their specific material attributes and the
working practices used to produce them. Another
weighty factor is earlier retouching, the restoration
history of the works. For the care and conservation of
glass paintings, recognizing the causes of the processes
that lead to damage is of the greatest relevance.
The most obvious type of damage consists of
breaks in the glass. These are not only due to mechan
ical influences. In the period treated here, they also
resulted from complicated cuts not suited to glass. Bro
ken pieces and those that had fallen out were "patched"
with repair-leads or replaced with new, "whole" glass
pieces. Although the leading was not generally defec
tive, almost all stained-glass panels were newly leaded,
mostly in the nineteenth century. This occurred when
pieces of glass were replaced, cracks were treated with
repair-leads, or, primarily, the glazier thought he had
to make the panel perfect again from the point of view
of craftsmanship. This procedure was a fundamental
damage, for it robbed the leading of its originality, fal
sifying it by changing the width of profiles and the
salient impression of lines as contours. Shifts of the
leading went along with adding repair-leads, the only
available technique for stabilizing the panels. Less seri
ous in its consequences was the mounting of strapleads on top of breaks in the glass.
In the schema of surface damage, monumental
glass and cabinet panels differ because their ambient
fields, environmental influences, and restoration his
tory vary. Unlike their medieval predecessors, most
glasses made since the fifteenth century are no longer
25
62
V A N
T R E E C K
impacted by substance-damaging corrosion. This is

the result of a changed composition and more homog
enous fusion. For a short time still, specific glasses
with grayish rose, violet, yellow, and similar warmtoned colors are an exception. To a very slight
degree, pitting occurs as corrosion in the form of tiny
dots distributed over the surface, as found, for ex
ample, in the panels from Cottbus.
Clarity of effect often makes glass paintings of this
period appear to be well preserved. The impression that
the painting has escaped glass corrosion because of a
more resistant glass surface is relative. All panels show
damaged or endangered painting. The focus of this
damage has shifted from the vitreous body to the struc
tured surface. To a much different degree than in mon
umental medieval glass painting, the pictorial effect
faded in panels of the sixteenth century through losses
in the painting.
Among the panels in this exhibition, six types of
damage to the painting can be observed: ( i ) corrosion
of the vitreous paint; (2) loosening of painted details;
(3) loss of contours on the matts or on the underdraw
ing; (4) damage in the darkest parts of the shading;
(5) spotty paint losses in the matts like freckles; and
(6) planar reductions of the paint. Appearing grayish
to whitish in reflected light, paint corrosion causes vit
reous paint to lose inner stability and become soft and
vulnerable. It results from a chemical transformation
of the glass material in the paint, brought about by the
impact of acidic or alkaline substances in connection
with humidity. The vitreous paints, due to this trans
formation, lose their glassy, solid structure and become
crystalline. The process changes the effect of the v i
treous paint in transmitted light, making it darker,
grayer, or denser and less transparent.
The loosening of painted details results from the
lack of fusion between the vitreous paints and the sur
face of the glass supports. To the extent that the paint
is substantially still in good condition, but because the
hardness and smoothness of the glass support did not
fully bond with it in the firing, small scales of paint, socalled flakes, can loosen or detach. Other types of
damage are harder to explain, such as loss of contours
on the matts or underdrawing, damage in the darkest
parts of the shading, and paint losses in the matts. The
first two appear mainly where black vitreous paint lies
on top of other vitreous paints. Presumably, specific
kinds of paint are incompatible. A main cause for this
lies in their dimorphic structure. By studying the orig
inal glass paintings and carrying out tests, one arrives
at several conclusions. On the one hand, paints
mixed from a vitrifying agent (the glass flux) and col
oring oxides do not sufficiently fuse when they are
applied on top of paints in which the glass and coloring
agent have been premelted or contain premelted parts.
26
27
28
On the other hand, they are much more sensitive and

less durable than when they are applied directly to
glass. Such schemata of damage lead us to presume
underpainting in the form of "preliminary drawings"
as the cause. Similar damage appears when silver stain
and vitreous paints touch.
The behavior of the paint layers is also sometimes
affected by the application of wet paint over a layer of
paint that is already dry (yet still unfired). Humidity
enters the surfaces and leaves rims. The structure of
the paint can easily become porous in these places,
and the fusion with the surface of the glass can be
harmed. The corrosive changes have a powdery ef
fect, first appearing as spots and then widening to pla
nar zones. There is a different explanation for the
"freckles" that appear only on panels made from
about 1500 to about 1550 and which, therefore, are
to be sought in the specific technical conditions of this
period. The appearance of the dots across the surface
is always similar. Nevertheless, their different densities
suggest that the phenomenon is not based in the man
ner of application but in material causes. The triggers
could be admixtures in the paints or in the binding
agent; for example, borax grains or particles of oils or
resins that are not sufficiently dissolved in the paint or
traces of a substance used to prepare the surface of the
glass for painting.
The sixth type of damage makes the painting
of some panels look washed out, dull, or thin. These
panels were integrated in rooms that were used daily
and were cleaned as a component of the glazed win
dows. Terms for the damage, "washed off" or "scoured
off," are to be taken literally. The difference in the
appearance today between the painting of small-scale
panels and that of monumental church inventories is
obvious. W i t h the latter, the predominant forms of
damage are corrosion, pollution, and strong incrusta
tions caused by humidity. Such damage led to spot
tiness and paint detaching. There ensued, in the course
of restoration history, sometimes radical cleaning
methods, for example, wet cleaning with sand and
brushes. Most scratches on glass paintings can be
traced to such a process.
Through their reduction and the changed density
and structure in the paint layers, most halftones on the
recto took on not only a different light value but also
a different tonal value. Through corrosive transforma
tions, for instance, they lost their translucent color
and consequently appear grayer or whiter. They also
changed in tone because today they refract, scatter, or
reflect in a different manner than they did before the
chromatic value of an underlying wash, or of the glass,
or even of painting on the verso. A n example of the
gray whitish effect is the Urs Graf panel from Basel,
1520 (cat. no. 135, fig. 94); for the changed color effect
29
of the matt, see Manuel Deutsches panel from Schinznach, c. 1527 (cat. no. 127). Here the wash of black
vitreous paint lying over a grayish brown matt is
diminished. On the circular panel by Jrg Breu from
Eisenach, 1516 (cat. no. 84), the gray matt today ap
pears slightly green in thinned areas. In the inscribed
border of the trefoil, Death on Horseback, 1502 (cat.
nos. 19-20, fig. 17), the trace lines have a reddish
appearance after the partial loss of black paint owing
to the interplay of the strong yellow tones on the verso.
Moreover, in panels exposed to intense humidity, paint
carried away from one area that can be deposited on
another, thereby strengthening contrasts.
30
Present-day stained-glass conservation focuses

on preventive measures, especially protection against
damage from climactic and mechanical causes. Fur
thermore, they include the fixing of endangered ele
ments (the gluing of cracks and splinters or the fixing
of loose parts in the leading or of entire panels). It
is less often necessary to fix loose paint in small-scale
panels because, despite their comparatively less dam
aged condition overall, they have suffered more
through constant cleaning. The fixing of contours
has largely been carried out for the last two decades
with acrylic resins at specific points (by laying a row
of tiny dots rather than applying the resin in a brush
stroke). The securing of whole surfaces is problem
atic. (Due to damages to substances there is an
increasing need for action regarding monumental
glass painting of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.)
Methodological improvements are still being tested.
The removal of deposits is also part of conservation.
This is always necessary before stabilization because
an extreme buildup of grime and color- or lime-spots,
among other things, can damage or destroy the origi
nal painting. The accumulation of foreign materials is
intensified in panels with many-layered paint struc
tures and can take extreme forms, above all, caused by
high humidity. Before every cleaning (Freilegung), it is
imperative that the restorer identify the paint materi
als and techniques.
31
Among the most difficult decisions facing re

storers are questions of whether or how damaged or
falsified earlier interventions should be reversed or how
restorations should be carried out. In terms of artistic
content and aesthetics, it is sensible to remove earlier,
disturbing additions, if this is possible, without damag
ing the object. This may include the removal of repairleads, as, for example, in the panel in Kaiserslautern,
c. 1520 (cat. no. 92). A larger problem is presented by
(yellowed) synthetic resins used for consolidation of
paint, as, for example, the broadly applied epoxy in
the panels in the little choir of the parish house of Saint
Sebald's Church, 1517 and c. 1521 (cat. nos. 51-53,
64), in Nuremberg, which cause certain parts to appear
O N
T E C H N I Q U E
O F
G L A S S
P A I N T I N G
63
greasy and change their light-values. Equally problematic are glass pieces doubled with artificial resins, which
have yellowed. There is no gentle procedure for removing doubling (backing with pieces of protective
glass), and if such procedures were carried out, further
losses would be incurred. A related problem is overpainting or coatings, as in the application of lacquer on
the lobes of the Hans Schufelein quatrefoils, 1510, in
the Berlin Kunstgewerbemuseum, which were certainly
added to reinforce the thinned paint surfaces (cat.
nos. 72, 74, 76).
32
A n interesting chapter in the history of restoration is that of historic replacements. The perfection of
these and many copies from the nineteenth century
results from a very precise orientation of the glass
painters to the historic models painted on glass. They
emulated the original techniques with deceptive accuracy, in part using tools that were no longer in general
use in their own time. In many pieces from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries it is difficult to
distinguish clearly between copy and fake. There are
outstanding "supplementations," which for a long
time were not recognized as such, and others, which
we know were real fakes because they were made
intentionally to replace still extant originals.
33
34
In time additions, like restorations, become recognizable, and even datable. By careful observation,
one can discern the nineteenth-century method of handling line, which differs from that used around 1500.
In its harder, more brittle manner it is based on the
Gothic formal language and translates the texture and
plasticity of the early Renaissance back into Gothic
structures. This is observable in certain details, such as
in the more shallow interpretation of hatching, in the
more accurate and therefore more rigid execution, and
in the form of the little "hooks," the meticulously regimented crosshatching. Furthermore, paint applications on the verso and, in principle, also the matts
or washes on the recto are badgered and no longer
"flooded" or wet-stippled. In addition, the forms of
damage to the imitations have different characteristics,
for instance, serious damage to the contours. Freckles
are completely absent.
35
The interest of nineteenth-century glass painters

in post-Gothic panels had a pronounced commercial
character because of the large international interest in
collecting. "Perfect" restorations were not, however,
entirely negative in their effect but also had positive
aspects, in that they encouraged the preservation and
appreciation of stained glass.
1 . K a r l Hans Wedepohl, "Die Herstellung mittelalterlicher und antiker

Glser," in Abhandlungen der
Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftlichen
Klasse, Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur (Stuttgart,
1993): no. 3, 19&.
2. O n the false valuation long predominant i n art history of glass paintings
of the post-Middle Ages as "second-hand art," see M . T. Engels, Zur
Problematik der mittelalterlichen Glasmalerei (Berlin, 1937): 65. See
also Scholz 1991, iff.; Barbara Giesicke, Glasmalereien des 16. und iy.
Jahrhunderts im Schtzenhaus zu Basel (Basel, 1991): 18. It was related,
above all, to the "division of labor," in contrast to the assumed "personal u n i o n " between artist-designer and glass painter in the M i d d l e
Ages. I n fact, the division of labor becomes problematic as soon as
designs and compiled models (drawings that select single pieces from
other drawings and combine them) are made the sole artistic criteria
and are only formally compared to translations onto glass; the latter
are thus treated like reproductions. To be fair to the glass objects, however, one must place more emphasis on their specific artistic techniques.
O n the stylistic connections and relationship of designers and w o r k shops, see, above all, Scholz 1991; Bernhard Anderes, " Z u r Kabinettglasmalerei in der Schweiz," i n Anderes and Hoegger 1988.
3. O n the conceptual definition and development from "intrinsic light/
emitted light" (Eigenlicht/Sendlicht)
to "illuminating light" (Beleuchtungslicht) and to pictorial light of the fifteenth century, see Wolfgang
Schne, ber das Licht in der Malerei (Berlin, 1954): 8 i f f . For the following: on color chords and color demarcations, see, above all, Eva
Frodl-Kraft, Die Glasmalerei: Entwicklung, Technik, Eigenart (Vienna
and M u n i c h , 1970), 77ff. The study of medieval w i n d o w coloring by
Viollet-le-Duc received a critical valuation from James R. Johnson,
"The Stained Glass Theories of Viollet-le-Duc," in Art Bulletin 45
(1963): i z i f f .
4. This is especially apparent i n the panel Death on Horseback, 1502
(cat. nos. 1 9 - 2 0 , fig. 17), where the horse's mane was sacrificed to the
lead lines and the w o o d frame was shortened for technical reasons. I n
fifteenth- and sixteenth-century designs lead-line patterns are often not
drawn. Does this mean that they were no longer regarded as a mode of
expression, as in the M i d d l e Ages? O n design and execution generally,
see Scholz 1991: 2 2 7 - 7 0 ; and Giesicke, Glasmalereien des 16. und 17.
Jahrhunderts: 15ft., 290., 34ff. Further, see Daniel Hess, "Der Weg in
die Stube: Z u r Entwicklung und Verbreitung der Kabinettscheibe," in
U l m 1995: 42ff.; Virginia Chieffo Raguin, in Worcester 1987; Timothy
B. Husband, in N e w York 1995.
5. Antonius von Pisa, around 1400, was the first to mention diamond
cutting. It is also mentioned in a Bolognese manuscript (Bologna UB
M S 2861) from the first half of the fifteenth century; see M a r y P.
Merrifield, Original Treatises on the Arts of Painting (1849; reprint,
N e w York, 1967): 494f. Lastly, on Antonius von Pisa, see Vetrate: Arte
e restauro: Dal trattato di Antonio da Pisa alle nuove tecnologia di
restauro ( M i l a n , 1991). O n the technique of glass cutting, see also
Sebastian Strobl, Glastechnik des Mittelalters (Stuttgart, 1990): 840.
6. Exceptions are the rare examples of press glass and cast glass i n the
Middle Ages; see Friedrich Kobler, "Flachglas," in Reallexikon zur
deutschen Kunstgeschichte (Munich, 1992): 544ft., w i t h literature.
7. Wedepohl, "Herstellung mittelalterlicher und antiker Glser": 326.
See also H . Bronk and G. Schulze, "Cristallo e v i t r u m blanchum:
Die Herstellung von farblosem Glas in Venedig und la facon de
Venise im 16. u. 17. Jh.," i n Archometrie und Denkmalpflege 1998,
Jahrestagung Wrzburg: 117&.; W. Mller and K . Adam, "Chemische
Zusammensetzungen frhneuzeitlicher Flachglser an Glasmalereien
und Blankverglasungen von Kirchenfenstern, ein Vergleich m i t
Hohlglaserzeugnissen," Archometrie und Denkmalpflege 1998,
Jahrestagung Wrzburg: I 2 2 f f .
8. O n Strasbourg glass painting around Peter Hemmel, see H a r t m u t Scholz
1994, 84ff.; H a r t m u t Scholz, "Die Strassburger Werkstattgemeinschaft:
Ein historischer und kunsthistorischer berblick," in U l m 1995: i3ff.
The "graphic" i n glass painting corresponds largely to the underdrawing in contemporary paintings. Compare the infrared investigations of
restored panel paintings.
9. O n the painting technique, see Frodl-Kraft, Glasmalerei, 3 8f., and
Strobl, Glastechnik des Mittelalters: 94ft". To be corrected are Stefan
Trmpler's remarks that the contour is the first step; see "Die Kunst der
Glasmaler," i n Giesicke, Glasmalereien des 16. und 17 Jahrhunderts, 1 1 ,
as well as i n Peter van Treeck, " Z u r Konservierung der Glasgemlde,"
in H a r t m u t Scholz and Peter van Treeck, "Die Glasmalereien in der
Imhoffsehen Grabkapelle Sankt Rochus i n Nrnberg," Mitteilungen des
Vereins fr Geschichte der Stadt Nrnberg 76 (1989): 283^ Here, a rare
exception, hatching i n black vitreous paint is at times executed before
and at times after the matt. I t may be a case of making preliminary contours by means of halftone lines.
10. For example, on the panels, Jrg Breu, The Children of Luna, c. 1 5 1 2 16 (cat. no. 81), Museum fr Kunsthandwerk Frankfurt; Jrg Breu,
The Month of July, c. 1520 (cat. no. 92), Pfalzgalerie Kaiserslautern;
Augustin Hirsvogel, Coat of Arms of the Pessler-Topler, c. 1521 (cat.
no. 64), parish house of Saint Sebald's Church, Nuremberg.
64
VAN TREECK
11. One recognizes in the repeated dot formations that the tool consisted
of three to five wire points.
12. In a manuscript from c. 1550 the following binding agents are named
for grinding w i t h vitreous paint: spirits, gum, vinegar, borax water,
urine (Cologne, Stadtarchiv, Nachlass Boisseree 1018/612). Attempts
to replicate this use of binding agents were carried out in the workshop
of Gustav van Treeck in M u n i c h in a research project of the Bundes
ministerium fr Bildung und Forschung (Federal Ministry for Develop
ment and Technology), 1 9 8 9 - 9 6 , published in Konservierung
und
Restaidrierung historischer Glasmalereien, Ergehnisse des BMBFForschungsprojekts
(Mainz, 1999). Since 1997 related tests have been
carried out in the Fachbereich Konservierung und Restaurierung,
Department Glasmalerei und Glasfenster, University of Applied Sci
ences, Erfurt.
13. Such types of brushes from later times have been preserved in collec
tions of historic tools. It may be presumed that they did not significantly
change in form. Compare Stefan Trmpier and Fritz D o l d , "Die Kunst
der Glasmaler," in Giesicke, Glasmalereien des 16. und 17. Jahrhun
derts, loff. O n the use of specific brush materials for representing differ
ent details, the following are named in the manuscript in the Boisseree
Collection (Cologne, Stadtarchiv, Nachlass Boisseree 1018/612): soft
brushes for draperies; goat hairs and billy-goat beard for flesh, badger
or marten hairs for "Duppelir"-brush (to fill in planes), set into goose
quills. These specific consistencies and paint effects have not yet been
analyzed.
14. Formerly nave n x. Later examples are given in the figures of the upper
clerestory windows in the same building, c. 1470; compare Scholz
1994: 22iff., 232. O n vitreous paint and enamels in the M i d d l e Ages,
compare Elgin Vaassen, " Z u r Tradierung mittelalterlicher Rezepturen
fr Glasmalereien," in Konservierung und Restaurierung. There it is
proven that seventeenth-century recipes were based on older sources,
so that one has to assume knowledge of the colors at least since the
fifteenth century.
15. Peter van Treeck, "Die Glasgemlde i m Chor der M a r i a Himmelfahrts
kirche: Bestand und Restaurierung," in Stadtpfarrkirche
Maria
Himmelfahrt, Landsberg a. Lech (Landsberg am Lech, 1981), 586.
16. O n this and on vitreous paints in red, white, and sometimes yellow, see
Stuttgart, Wrttembergische Landesbibliothek, MS H B x i , 48 (fifteenth
century); Antonius von Pisa, "Colore bianco per ombrare." The
manuscript in the Nachlass Boisseree (Cologne, Stadtarchiv, 1018/612)
also mentions green; see Vaassen, " Z u r Tradierung mittelalterlicher
Rezepturen fr Glasmalereien."
17. For example, the Crucifixion, c. 1490 (cat. no. 6), panel after Michael
Wolgemut; Death on Horseback, 1502 (cat. nos. 1 9 - 2 0 ) , after Albrecht
Drer; Order of the Golden Fleece, 1510 (cat. no. 73), after Hans
Schufelein.
18. For example, Kloster Wettingen, N i v 2, flesh parts of Stained Glass
Panel for Georg Brunner, Basel glass painter after a design by or after
Hans Holbein the Younger, c. 1519.
19. Compare Scholz 1991: z35ff., 318.
20. O n the tradition of tracing methods, see a manuscript in the Nachlass
Boisseree (Cologne, Stadtarchiv, 1018/612): "So du glass malen w i l t , . . .
so streiche ganz dn [an] vnd lege es auf die Visirung . . . als dan mache
die Haubtstrich nach derselben, . . . vertreibe ds Lot mit einem Haar
bensei dieweil es noch feicht v: nass ist" (If you want to paint glass, . . .
then brush [over] it very thinly and lay it on the cartoon . . . also then
make the main strokes after the same, . . . badger the paint w i t h a hair
brush while it is still damp and wet). Compare Johannes Kunckel, Ars
vitraria experimental^
[Leipzig, 1689; reprint, Hildesheim, N e w York,
1992]: 349, no. x x x i ) . For the following, compare Stefan Trmpier,
"Rckseitige Vorzeichnungen auf Glasgemlden des frhen 16. Jahrhun
derts," Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi Newsletter 45 (1994): 36L Cornparable preliminary contouring on the verso is to be seen around 1400
in the choir windows of the parish church in Pollenfeld, Bavaria. It is a
matter of strokes that (unintentionally?) were not wiped away before
the firing.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
Historisches Museum, Bern, Wyss Collection, ] . 73b, are illustrated in

Giesicke, Glasmalereien des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts im Schtzhaus
zu Basel: 9.
Stefan Trmpier in Giesicke, Glasmalereien des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts
im Schtzhaus zu Basel, also holds this point of view of the independent
artistic quality of the panels.
The calamitous instruction for this long-lasting practice goes back to
Pierre LeVieil, Die Kunst auf Glas zu malen (Nuremberg, 1:779-80),
1: 216 (under Bleifulnis [lead corrosion]).
Examples include the Annunciation, c. 1 5 0 4 - 5 , after Albrecht Drer in
Nuremberg, Museum Tucherschloss (cat. no. 2 1 , reddish glass pieces);
Beatus panel, c. 1 5 1 5 - 2 0 , after Hans Leu in Bern, Historisches M u
seum (cat. no. 132, violet glass). The colored glasses referred to are also
unstable now and then. Rose and violet glass pieces tend to have a blue
cast.
Corrosion products originate, similarly to glass corrosion, in salt, mostly
sulfate. The process is strongly dependent on the relative amounts be
tween color components and flux (the more limited the portion of the
latter, the more susceptible the paint). The size of the grains also plays
a role.
Studies of the originals and tests were carried out at the Fachbereich
Konservierung und Restaurierung, University of Applied Sciences,
Erfurt.
Antonius von Pisa, in Vetrate, 67L; Strobl, Glastechnik des Mittel
alters: 2 2 T .
The extent to which the matt includes a green admixture is not proven.
Interestingly copper green was mentioned in the late fifteenth century;
compare Becksmann 1995: 25.
A n earlier method of stabilization, among others, was the coating w i t h
"powdered" glass in 1917 of the sixteenth-century glass paintings in
Saint Sebald's Church in Nuremberg. After unfortunate experiences
w i t h epoxy resins, stabilization is now done only in spots w i t h Paraloid
B72. Developments are being tested, for instance, at the Institut fr
Silicatforschung, Wrzburg.
Chemical means to reverse doubling are seldom used because of the
aggressiveness of the procedure, especially to the painting. The epoxy
resin is soluble in a very limited way through treatment w i t h methyl
chloride or dimethyl formamide. For the following, see the information
sheet for the permanent collection galleries of the Kunstgewerbemuseum
in Berlin. Retouching in the black vitreous paint surfaces are found, for
example, in the Jrg Breu panels (cat. nos. 9 8 - 1 0 9 ) in the Bayerisches
Nationalmuseum, M u n i c h .
This point of view is hardly heeded in art-historical research and in con
servation technology. On the description of very similar connections in
the nineteenth century, see Konservierung und Restaurierung
historischer
Glasmalereien.
For example, Landsberg am Lech, Maria Himmelfahrtskirche, w i n d o w
n i n , c. 1500: heads of Saints Catherine and Barbara. (For one hundred
years the originals have belonged to a private collection near Munich.)
The panel w i t h the standard-bearer in the Historisches Museum in Bern,
c. 1 5 0 8 - 9 (cat. no. x i 8 ) , is a good example of the different forms of
hatching found in the scratch etching of original and restored parts.
2 1 . If this is correct, then it is the reason w h y in the period treated here one
usually finds preliminary guide lines mostly in heraldic panels (lambre
quin) and architectural forms, that is, in lines w i t h a clear course.
22. The practice of sketching main contours beforehand on the recto w i t h
translucent washed, sometimes even colored, strokes on top of (rarely
under) the matt in order to continue to paint on top of this appears
from the fifteenth to the end of the nineteenth century. I t ended with the
introduction of the process of applying the opaque black vitreous paint
contours first. A preliminary drawing underneath is much more clearly
perceptible through a wet-stippled matt than through one that has been
badgered. In the dry, unfired stage the former appears more transparent
than the latter, because, like a raster, it is composed of dark and light
particles.
23. Historic representations on this process exist. Although from a later
time, they may, however, be related to earlier techniques: Jost A m m a n ,
Stnde und Handwerker (Frankfurt, 1568); Christoph Weigel, Stnde
buch (1698). Further, drawings from the late sixteenth century i n the
ON
THE ARTISTIC
TECHNIQUE
OF
GLASS
PAINTING
65
PRECURSORS
T H E MASTER OF THE HOUSEBOOK

(The Master of the Amsterdam Cabinet)
Active c. 1470-c. 1500
n anonymous artist practicing in

the Middle Rhine around Mainz,
the Master of the Housebook
takes his name from a manuscript belong
ing to the princes of Waldburg Wolfegg
(Baden-Wrttemberg, Germany; Schloss
Wolfegg J. The so-called Medieval Housebook contains about sixty pages of man
uscript texts and pen-and-ink drawings
made around 1475-81, some of which
are colored. The text encompasses medi
cal and household recipes as well as
chapters on the art of memory, astrology,
mining and metallurgy, and the skills
and technology of war. The Housebook
was possibly commissioned by a Knight
of the Order of the Jug, a chivalric soci
ety founded in the fourteenth century
by Ferdinand 1 of Castile and Aragon
(13 79/80 -1416) and revived by the Holy
Roman Emperor Frederick i n (14151493) in about 473- The illustrations of
the Housebook include allegories of the
seven planets then known and their influ
ence on mankind, scenes of tournaments,
hunts, a bathhouse, a water-surrounded
castle, a mine, a garden of love, designs
of military and smelting equipment, and
coats of arms. The spirited drawings of
1
1. Among the essential studies of the Master of the Housebook from the last thirty-two years are Hutchison 1 9 7 2 ;
Amsterdam 1985; Hess 1994 (along with the review
written by J. P. Filedt Kok in 1995); and Washington,
D.C., and New York 1 9 9 8 - 9 9 . On the Master of the
Housebook as a designer of stained glass, see also Becksmann 1 9 6 8 , Husband 1 9 8 5 , and Husband 1 9 9 8 . The
discussion of the Master of the Housebook's role as a
designer of stained glass has been complicated by the
theory that more than one artist was responsible for the
Medieval Housebook.
2. Christoph Graf zu Waldburg Wolfegg (Washington,
D.C., and New York 1 9 9 8 - 9 9 : 103, 105) argued con
vincingly that the original owner of the book was an
upwardly mobile middle-class intellectual dedicated to
the chivalric ideals of courtly society, rather than a mas
ter of munitions as previously believed, and conceivably
a Knight of the Order of the Jug. The order, like other
societies of its kind, was dedicated to defending the
Christian faith and helping the poor. Timothy B. Hus
band (New York 1999a: 7 6 - 7 7 ) has asserted that the
owner of the Housebook and the Knight of the Order of
the Jug, who appears repeatedly in the manuscript's illus
trations, are not identical.
3. On the division of hands, see Becksmann 1968; Husband
1985; Amsterdam 1985: 2 2 1 , 2 2 4 , 2 4 2 , and no. 1 1 7 ;
Hess 1 9 9 4 : 5 2 - 5 7 ; Eberhard Knig in Waldburg Wolfegg
1 9 9 7 : 1 9 9 - 2 0 0 , 2 1 7 - 1 9 ; Husband 1998: note 12 on
1 8 3 - 8 4 ; New York 1 9 9 9 a : 5 3 - 5 9 and notes 1 6 - 2 3
on 7 9 .
4. Waldburg Wolfegg 1997: 65 and 105; Washington,
D.C., and New York 1 9 9 8 - 9 9 :
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
106-9.
Amsterdam 1 9 8 5 : no. 1 4 2 .
Amsterdam 1985: nos. 1 2 1 - 2 2 .
Amsterdam 1 9 8 5 ^ 0 . 1 1 8 .
Amsterdam 1985: no. 1 3 3 .
Amsterdam 1985: no. 134; Husband 1985; and New
York 1999a: 7 2 (as designed by the Master of the
Amsterdam Cabinet).
10. Amsterdam 1985: no. 135; Becksmann 1 9 6 8 : 3 4 8 - 6 2
(as designed by the Master of the Genre and Tournament
Pages of the Housebook).
1 1 . Amsterdam 1985: no. 136; Hess 1994: 5 8 - 5 9 , figs.
53-5512. Hess 1994: 6 3 - 6 4 .
68
PRECURSORS
worldly subjects show the Master of

the Housebook to be a keen observer of
human nature.
is also known as the Master of the
Amsterdam Cabinet. This is because of
the drypoints by his hand surviving in
123 impressions, eighty impressions are
preserved in the Rijksprentenkabinet,
Amsterdam. Though none of the drypoints are dated, they were probably
made between c. 1470 and c. 1490. In
addition to the Housebook and ninetyone drypoints, many paintings and
stained-glass panels have been attributed
to the master, and defining his oeuvre
has become one of the most complicated
problems faced by historians of North
ern art of the late fifteenth century. Some
scholars have argued that the master
responsible for the Amsterdam drypoints
did not make all of the drawings in
the Housebook. This conclusion led to
an attempt to define the oeuvre of a sec
ond artist, built around the scenes of
courtly love in the Housebook. The sec
ond artist was dubbed the Master of
the Genre and Tournament Pages of the
Housebook. However, the reexamina
tion of the Housebook, on exhibit from
1998 to 1999, has led to a conviction on
the part of some viewers, the present
author and Lee Hendrix included, that
Christoph Count of Waldburg Wolfegg
is correct in reasserting that the illustra
tions in the Housebook were made by
one artist, the same person who made
the drypoints.
3
The Master of the Housebook's

place of origin is also controversial. There
is much to support his identification as
the Dutch-born painter and woodcut de
signer Erhard Reuwich (Utrecht c. 1455Mainz c. 1490). Reuwich's woodcut
illustrations for Peregrinationes in terram sanctam (Journey to the Holy Land;
Mainz, i486), written by a canon of
Mainz Cathedral, Bernard von Breydenbach (d. 1497), bear distinct similarities
to some of the drypoints by the Master
of the Amsterdam Cabinet. Reuwich
had accompanied Breydenbach, Johann
Count of Solms-Lich, and the knight
Philipp von Bicken to the Holy Land,
making drawings of architecture, topog
raphy, costumes, and exotic animals,
which he incorporated into his illustra
tions. His mastery of linear perspective is
particularly apparent in his panoramas
of Venice and Jerusalem. And while a
command of perspective is uncharacter
istic of the drypoints made by the Master
5
of the Amsterdam Cabinet, it is appar

ent in the technical drawings of the
Housebook. Two silverpoint drawings of
young lovers by the Master of the Housebook, c. 1485 (Staatliche Museen zu
Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Kupfer
stichkabinett, and Leipzig, Museum der
bildenden Knste, Graphische Samm
lung) support the argument that the
artist was of Dutch origin; silverpoint
was a favorite medium of Netherlandish
artists of the late fifteenth century.
worked in Heidelberg in 1480, when
he executed the Dedication Page of
"Die Kinder von Limburg": Johann
von Soest Presenting His Manuscript
to Philip the Sincere, the Elector Pala
tine, 1480 (Heidelberg, Universittsbib
liothek). His elegant court style is
thought to have developed at the Count
Palatine's court in Heidelberg. Of the
large number of paintings attributed to
the Master of the Housebook, the most
convincing as a work by his hand is
the painting of a Pair of Lovers, c. 1484,
in Gotha (Schlossmuseum), which has
been identified as Count Philipp von
Hanau-Munzenberg and the burgher
Margeret Weiszkircher, who bore him
three children.
Many stained-glass panels are also
attributed to the Master of the Housebook. Among the works most convinc
ingly attributed to him are The Madonna
and Child on the Crescent Moon, 1485
(The Metropolitan Museum of Art, The
Cloisters Collection); and a fragment of
A Patricians' Tournament, c. 1480 (pri
vate collection, Germany, Schloss GrossKarben, District of Friedberg), perhaps
for the building of the patrician society
Alten Limpurg on the Rmerberg in
Frankfurt. The Master of the Housebook
was also active in the design of stainedglass quatrefoils (cat. nos. 1-3). Three
small stained-glass panels in the Frstlich
Leiningensche Sammlungen, Heimat
museum, in Amorbach in Odenwald, are
also central to the discussion of the
Master of the Housebook on the basis of
his identification with Erhard Reuwich
and Reuwich's identification as "Master
Erhart the painter" from Mainz. The
three panels were presumably part of a
cycle of at least thirty installed by Master
Erhard in the upper lights of the win
dows in the Amtskellerei, Mainz, in De
cember i486. But it has been argued that
Reuwich is not identical to the glass
painter from Mainz named Erhart, who
worked at the court of the archbishop.
6
10
11
12
i . Martin Schongauer. Saint

George and the Dragon, c. 1 4 7 0 - 7 5 . Engraving, 8.4 cm (diam.). Washington, D.C.,
The National Gallery of Art, Rosenwald
Collection (inv. no. 1943.3.60).
FIGURE
Photo: Hoard of Trustees, T h e National Gallery of Art,

Washington, D . C .
F I G U R E 2 . The Master of the Amsterdam

Cabinet. Saint George (Mounted),
c. 1475.
Drypoint, 14.5 X 10.5 cm. London, The
British Museum (inv. no. 1 8 6 8 - 8 - 8 - 3 2 0 5 ) .
Photo: T h e British M u s e u m .
I
T h e M a s t e r o f the
Housebook
(The Master of the Amsterdam Cabinet)
Princess Cleodelinda
c 1475
Pen and brownish black ink on cream laid paper
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : LellTS I 8 9 9 : I 8 I , ill. O i l I 7 7 ;
Storck 1 9 0 9 : 2 6 4 , no. 2; Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , I : 1 1 1 1 2 , fig. 1 8 7 on I I I ; Winkler 1 9 3 2 : no. 1 7;

Stange 1 9 5 8 : 3 0 , note 56 on 4 7 ; Dresden 1 9 6 3 :
no. 18; Becksmann 1 9 6 8 : 3 5 9 , note 3 0 on 3 6 4 ,
fig. 6 on 3 6 3 ; Dresden 1 9 7 1 - 7 2 : no. 4 4 7 ;
Amsterdam 1985:110. 1 2 7 ; Husband 1 9 8 5 : 1 4 9 ,
fig. 18; Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 3 4 , note 123 on 3 5 ; Hess
"994: 5 4 - 5 * % 4^6
WATERMARK
None visible (the drawing is laid down)

False Schongauer monogram in pen and black
ink, below
1 1.6 X 9 . 1 em
Princess
Cleodelinda is a fragment of a
design for a stained-glass quatrefoil, corresponding to the left lobe. The right lobe
would have depicted Saint George Fight-
Dresden, Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche

Kunstsamm 1 ungen Dresden
ing the Dragon (cat. no. 9 ) . According to
Inv. no. c 1 8 9 8 - 2 4
Princess Cleodelinda of the kingdom of
PROVENANCE
Silene (Libya), who was to give her life as
Acquired 1 8 9 8 from Wilhelm Volck in Saarburg
a sacrificial offering to a dragon that was
legend,
the
Christian
knight
saved
v R 11 C U R S O R S
69
exact guidelines for the transfer of the

composition to glass.
Princess Cleodelinda is undoubt
edly an original drawing by the master
responsible for both the drawings in
the Housebook and the Amsterdam drypoints. Its pen-and-ink lines combine del
icacy and sureness in a manner strongly
reminiscent of the finest passages in the
Housebook's drawings. The pose and
costume of the princess and the arrange
ment of her drapery are borrowed from
the much-copied engraving by Martin
Schongauer (fig. i ) . So too is the back
ground landscape, with the outcropping
of rock to the left of the princess and path
winding into the distance. The round
face and serene expression of the princess
on the other hand recall the women in the
Housebook. For instance, Cleodelinda
and the woman giving a coin to a beggar
in Sol (fig. 3) are alike in the emphasis
placed on the pupils of the eyes and on
the lower contour of the nose. The land
scape background in Cleodelinda is com
parable to landscapes in the Housebook;
the jagged edges and soft, grassy cover
ing of cliffs as depicted in the drawing in
Dresden resemble those in the drawing
in the Housebook of a Castle Surrounded
by Water (fig. 4).
beautifully evokes the isolation of the
princess atop a cliff and her tranquil
acceptance of her plight (much like the
lamb beside her). He adeptly adapts
Schongauer's figure and landscape to the
lobe of the quatrefoil. The hem of the
princess's garment overlaps the frame of
the lobe, bringing her into the viewer's
space. At the same time, the contours
and hatching strokes of the landscape
fan out to lead the eye into depth. The
Master of the Housebook was clearly
interested in the quatrefoil format for
stained glass, which may have originated
in Burgundy. He depicted quatrefoils in
the windows of the Bathhouse in the
Housebook (fig. 37).
10
1 1
F I G U R E
4 . D e t a i l of l a n d j Utting over water
i n m i d d l e g r o u n d of A Castle Surrounded by
Water, f o l . i 9 V - 2 o r i n the Medieval
Housebook, c. 1 4 7 5 - 8 1 . Pen a n d b r o w n i n k , 2 9 . 2
X 38.8 (fols.). Wolfegg, K u n s t s a m m l u n g e n
der Frsten zu W a l d b u r g - W o l f e g g .
Photo: Rene Schrei, Ravensburg.
terrorizing her father's kingdom. But

George killed the dragon after first mak
ing the sign of the cross, thus converting
the king of Silene and his people to Chris
tianity. According to some accounts,
George then married the princess. The
Master of the Housebook also depicted
the story of Saint George and the Dragon
in two drypoints (fig. 2). The popularity
of Saint George in the visual arts in the
late fifteenth century may be related to
the emphasis that the Holy Roman
Emperor Frederick I I I placed upon the
saint as a protector in battle.
Few drawings by the hand of the
Master of the Amsterdam Cabinet have
survived outside of his famous Housebook. Princess Cleodelinda is among the
rare drawings that have. Max Lehrs was
the first to publish the sheet one year
after it was acquired by the KupferstichKabinett in Dresden. Lehrs, followed by
Willy F. Storck, Hermann Schmitz,
Friedrich Winkler, and Werner Schade,
accepted the little drawing as a work
by the hand of the Master of the Housebook, whom he considered identical
to the Master of the Amsterdam Cabi
net. But Alfred Stange thought Princess
Cleodelinda might be a product of the
master's workshop. Rdiger Becksmann
observed that Princess Cleodelinda was
by the same artist who made the genre
and tournament scenes of the Housebook, whom he identified as an artist
from the circle of the Master of the Am
sterdam Cabinet. Daniel Hess consid
ered the lines of Princess Cleodelinda
mechanical and pedantic and as a re
sult hypothesized that the drawing was
cleaned-up copy after the so-called Mas
ter of the Genre and Tournament Pages of
the Housebook, made by an artist trained
as a glass painter and meant to provide
1
F I G U R E
3 . D e t a i l of a w o m a n g i v i n g a c o i n
t o a beggar, f r o m the M a s t e r o f the Houseb o o k , Sol and His Children, f o l . 14T i n the
Medieval Housebook,
c. 1 4 7 5 - 8 1 . Pen a n d
b r o w n i n k , 29.2 X 19.4 c m (fol.). W o l f egg,
K u n s t s a m m l u n g e n der Frsten z u W a l d b u r g Wolfegg.
1. Amsterdam 1 9 8 5 : nos. 3 3 - 3 4 .
2. Grnpeck [c. 1 5 1 4 - 1 6 ] 1 8 9 1 : 2 3 .
3. Lehrs 1 8 9 9 : 1 8 1 .
4. 1909: 264.
5. 1 9 1 3 , I : 1 1 1 - 1 2 .
6. 1 9 3 2 : 1 0 .
7. Dresden 1963: no. 18.

8. Stange 1958: 3 0 . Stange believed that more than one
artist was responsible for the Housebook and compared
the Dresden sheet with the book's Mining Panorama
(fol. r ) .
9. Becksmann 1968: 3 5 9 .
3 S
1 0 . Hess 1 9 9 4 : 5 4 - 5 5 1 1 . Bartsch 1 8 0 3 - 2 1 : no. 5 1 .
12. Hermann Schmitz ( 1 9 1 3 , I: 1 0 6 - 7 ) noted that quatrefoils are depicted in the windows in the dedication page
of a manuscript belonging to Philip the Good ( 1 3 9 6 1467) (the narrative Gerard de Roussillon, 1 4 4 7 - 5 0 ,
Vienna, Hofbibliothek, no. 2 5 4 9 ) . See Schestag 1899:
fig. 4 on 2 0 5 .
70
P R E C U R S O R S
12
2
A f t e r the M a s t e r of the
Housebook
Quatrefoil with Genre

Scenes
c 1475
Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass, yellow stain,
sanguine, black and b r o w n vitreous paint
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : - S c h m i t z 1913,
I : fig. 171
on
T 0 2 , 103; Rorimer 1938: 97; Wentzel 1954: 72;

Knappe :1.961a: 6 1 ; Wentzel 1966: 360, note 5
on 370; Becksmann 1968: 359, note 35 on 364;
Hayward et al. 1 9 7 1 - 7 2 : 142; Witzleben 1977:
4 9 - 5 0 , p i . 172 on 139; Corpus Vitrearum
Checklist I 1985: 128; Husband 1985: 1:51,
fig. 22; New York and Nuremberg 1986: no. 66b;
Scholz 1991: 3 4 - 3 6 , fig. 45 on 4 1 , 250, 300;
Hess 1994: 5 5 - 5 6 , note 174 on 1 2 5 - 2 6 ;
Husband 1:998: notes 14 and 17 on 184.
CONDITION
Some replacements in background

of roundel
COAT
O F
ARMS
Imperial arms (or a double-headed eagle

displayed sable inescutcheon gules a fees argent
[for Austria])
DIAMETER
32.4 cm
New York, The Metropolitan Museum of A r t ,
The Cloisters Collection, 191 1
Inv. no. 11.120.2
PROVENANCE
Richard Zschille, Grossenhain (Hesse); [Otto

von Falke, Berlin]
T h i s quatrefoil represents young lovers on horseback (left) and eating a lovers'

feast (right) that the young woman has
prepared (above). In contrast to the
shared happiness of the couple, a lone
fool with a loaf of bread crouches by
a fountain (below). Hermann Schmitz
identified Quatrefoil with Genre Scenes
as one of a group of four, three of
which were in the Kunstgewerbemuseum
in Berlin until they were destroyed in
World War 11. These three are A Youth
on Horseback, a Castle in a Rocky Landscape, a Fool and a Young Woman
Strolling, and a Couple at a Fountain; Young Men and Women Playing
Checkers, Roulette, Trictrac, and Cards
(fig. 12); and Quatrefoil with Knights
Jousting, Three Heralds, and Two Fools
(fig. 9). The design for the first of these
three quatrefoilsDesign for a Quatrefoil with a Castle, Two Lovers, a fester
1
Courting a Woman, and a Man on Horseback with a Lady Seated Behind Him,
c. 1475 (fig. 5)has been called a copy
after the Master of the Housebook (or
after the Master of the Genre and Tournament Pages). It is arguably by the
master's own hand, perhaps a Remzeichnung, or cleaned-up copy made to give
clear guidance to the glass painter. The
four panels formerly in Berlin and in
New York depict subjects that evoke
chivalric literature and the chivalric ideal
of love. The three formerly in Berlin bore
the coats of arms of the Waldstromer
family of Nuremberg. Schmitz believed
that, like the quatrefoil in the Cloisters,
they originally would have displayed the
imperial arms. As Jane Hayward observed, this suggests that they were made
either for a royal residence or an official
building.
Schmitz identified Quatrefoil with
Genre Scenes and its three counterparts,
formerly in Berlin, as a series because
all four works were executed in the same
pictorial manner. As Hayward noted,
the glass painter used layers of matt to
build up areas of shadow, a stippling
brush to achieve texture (stabbing the
matt with the brush to lighten it), and
a stylus to create highlights. On the
verso he employed yellow stain and a
reddish brown paint called sanguine
2
PRECURSORS
71
6 . After the M a s t e r o f the Houseb o o k . Quatrefoil with the Waldstromer

Coat
of Arms, a Young Man and a Young Woman
Eating a Least, and a Fool Beside a Fountain,
c. 1 4 8 0 - 9 0 . Pot-metal, flashed, and clear
glass, y e l l o w stain, and vitreous p a i n t ,
29.5 c m . F o r m e r l y Berlin, Kunstgewerbe
museum; destroyed d u r i n g W o r l d W a r 11.
F I G U R E
Photo: Schmitz 1913, II: no. 258 o n p i . 3 1 .
F I G U R E
5. By or after the M a s t e r o f the
H o u s e b o o k . Design for a Quatrefoil
with
a Castle, Two Lovers, a Jester Courting a
Woman, and a Man on Horseback
with a
Lady Seated Behind Him, c.1475. Pen a n d
i n k , 24 X 22 c m . F o r m e r l y Basel, H a r t m a n n
c o l l e c t i o n , present l o c a t i o n u n k n o w n .
1. Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , i : 1 0 3 , 1 1 : nos. 1 9 1 - 9 3 .
2. Pen and ink, 24.3 X 21.7 cm. Provenance: Professor Grahl,

Dresden, c. 1885; F- Becker collection, 1912; H . Oppenheimer, 1 9 2 2 ; Hartmann Collection, Basel (last known
location). Bibliography: Becksmann 1968: 359, fig. 5 on
3 6 2 , note 3 0 on 3 6 4 (with a summary of the earlier litera
ture); Amsterdam 1985: no. 139a; Hess 1994: 5 4 - 5 6 ,
fig. 4 9 ; Ulm 1995: 4 5 ,fig.3 on 4 6 ; Husband 1998: 1 7 9 80, fig. 2 and New York 1 9 9 9 a : 7 2 - 7 3 , fig. 2 9 on 7 4 ,
note 43 on 80. Those who considered the Housebook to be

the work of more than one hand considered the drawing
to be by or after the Master of the Genre and Tournament
Pages of the Housebook or a close follower. See especially
Rdiger Becksmann, J. P. Filedt Kok (Amsterdam 1 9 8 5 ) ,
and Daniel Hess. While it is not possible to judge from a
reproduction whether or not the drawing is a copy, it must
be borne in mind that it was not uncommon for artists to
copy (or even trace) their own drawings. Drer is a notable
example of an artist who traced his own work. See cat.
nos. 6 6 - 6 7 ,
4-
3. Jane Hayward in New York and Nuremberg 1986: 2 0 7 .

4. Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 3 4 - 3 6 . See also Knappe 1 9 6 1 a : 6 0 - 6 2 .
5. Husband 1998: 1 8 1 and note 19 on 184.

6. Schmitz 1913, I i : no. 2 5 8 , formerly Berlin, Kunstgewerbe
museum, destroyed during World War 11.
7. Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 3 4 - 3 6 .
8. For the last two, see Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , 1 1 : nos. 2 6 5 - 6 6 . The
color illustration of the last of the three quatrefoils in

Freiburg 1 9 9 8 : 4 5 8 is reversed. This quatrefoil was attrib
uted to Hans von Kulmbach (Winkler 1 9 4 1 :fig.6)
because the figures in the right lobe resemble a drawing
that is incorrectly assigned to him, A Knight Jousting and
a Horseman (fig. 62, London, British Museum; Winkler
1 9 4 1 : fig. 3; Winkler 1942: no. 9 5 ) . I still accepted the
attribution to Kulmbach in my 1985 dissertation (Butts
1 9 8 5 : 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 , 1 0 3 - 4 ) . Stadler ( 1 9 3 6 : 7 9 - 8 0 ) rightly
noted that the corporeal figures and the handling of light

and shadow are uncharacteristic of Kulmbach. The vigor
ous pen-and-ink lines contrast with Kulmbach's more del
icate strokes. Timothy B. Husband (1998: fig. 4 on 182)
recently described the drawing in London simply as being
from the workshop of Drer, c. 1505.
9. Baltimore, The Walters Art Gallery; New York and
Nuremberg 1986: no. 2 6 4 . The quatrefoil is sometimes
incorrectly attributed to Plans von Kulmbach because a
drawing by him, Young Couple on Horseback, Bearded
Man with a Turban on Horseback, Viper, and Drummer
(Winkler 1942: no. 9 4 ) , is related to its lower lobe. But the
drawing is later than the quatrefoil. It can be placed in
Kulmbach's oeuvre c. 1515 based on the combination of
graphic discipline and easy movement of the pen and on
the attenuated figures placed solidly on the ground.
72
P R E C U R S O R S
Photo: Hess 1994: fig. 49.
(Eisenrot), first used in southwestern

Germany at the end of the fifteenth cen
tury. Sanguine and yellow stain helped
the glass painter to achieve vividness
new to stained glass without the use of
colored glass. The minute style of paint
ing and of etching details into the matt
led Schmitz to believe that the glass
painter was proficient as an engraver
or miniature painter. Hartmut Scholz
believed that the four quatrefoils could
have been made in Nuremberg c. 1490,
since until c. 1505 this pictorial style of
glass painting, with its tonal modeling in
black matt and grainy textures, existed
side by side with and a more graphic
style in the Nuremberg workshop of Veit
Hirsvogel the Elder. However, Timothy
Husband has pointed out that the Clois
ters' Quatrefoil with Genre Scenes and its
counterparts, formerly in Berlin, could
have been made in the region where the
Master of the Housebook was active, the
Middle Rhine, as early as 1475.
This cycle of four quatrefoils after
designs by the Master of the Housebook
was apparently popular. A lost quatre
foil with the Waldstromer coat of arms
(fig. 6 ) and a quatrefoil in the Cloisters
(cat. no. 3) belong to a second copy of
the cycle made around 1480-90, argu
ably by a glass painter in the Hirsvogel
4
7 . After the M a s t e r o f the Houseb o o k . Quatrefoil with the Coat of Arms of

the Imperial City of Nuremberg and Love
Scenes, c. 1 4 9 5 - 9 8 ? Pot-metal, flashed, a n d
clear glass, y e l l o w stain, sanguine, and vitre
ous p a i n t , 3 1 c m (diam.). Staatliche M u s e e n
zu Berlin-Preussischer K u l t u r b e s i t z , K u n s t
gewerbemuseum (inv. n o . 1 9 0 7 , 1 6 5 ) .
F I G U R E
Photo: Hans-Joachim Bartsch.
workshop. Both copies of the cycle may

originally have displayed the imperial
arms. The Master of the Housebook's
designs were reinterpreted around 14921500, as indicated by three quatrefoils
in Berlin with the arms of Nuremberg
and the empire: a version of Young Men
and Women Playing Checkers, Roulette,
Trictrac, and Cards, after a drawing
by Drer (see cat. nos. 7-8); Quatrefoil
with Genre Scenes (fig. 7); and Knights
Jousting, Three Heralds, and Two Fools
(fig. 61). A fourth quatrefoil, bearing
the coat of arms of the Geuder family of
Nuremberg and the date 1508, reuses the
motifs of knights jousting and three
trumpeting heralds from the Master of
the Housebook (figs. 8-9).
8
3
A f t e r the M a s t e r of the
Housebook
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schmitz 1913,1: 1 5 0 - 5 1 ,
fig. 245a; Rorimer 1938: 97; Wentzel 1954: 72;
Knappe 1961a: 6 1 ; Wentzel 1966: 360, note 5
Quatrefoil with Scenes

of a Joust
c. 1 4 8 0 - 9 0
on 370; Becksmann 1968: 359, note 35 on 364;

Hayward et al. 1971-72: 142; Witzleben 1977:
4 9 - 5 0 , p i . 169 on 138; Corpus Vitrearum
Checklist 1 1985: 128; Husband 1985: 151; New
York and Nuremberg 1986: no. 66a; Scholz
1991: 3 4 - 3 6 , fig. 44 on 40, 250, 300; Hess 1994:
5 5 - 5 6 , note 174 on 1 2 5 - 2 6 ; Husband 1998:
and black and brown vitreous paint
1 7 9 - 8 1 , color p i . 6, notes 9 - 1 9 on 1 8 3 - 8 4 ;
CONDITION
M u n i c h 1998: 57, fig. 3 1 ; Washington, D . C . ,
Some replacements in background of roundel

COAT
and New York 1 9 9 8 - 9 9 : 56, fig. 31 on 57.
OF ARMS
Imperial arms (or a double-headed eagle

displayed sable inescutcheon gules a fees argent
[for Austria])
DIAMETER
32.4 cm
N e w York, The Metropolitan Museum of A r t ,
The Cloisters Collection, 1911
Inv. no. 11.120.1
PROVENANCE
Richard Zschille, Grossenhain (Hesse); [ O t t o

von Falke, Berlin]
Quatrefoil with Scenes of a Joust was

executed around 1480-90 after a lost
design by the Master of the Housebook.
It is less pictorial than a presumably ear
lier version of the same subject, formerly
in Berlin (fig. 9). The more linear style of
the version of Quatrefoil with Scenes of
a Joust in the Cloisters is comparable to
that of a quatrefoil, formerly in Berlin,
with a young man and woman on horse
back and sharing a meal and with a fool
by a fountain (fig. 6). The quatrefoil in
the Cloisters bears the imperial arms,
suggesting that it was made for a royal
residence or official building. The stylis
tically related quatrefoil in Berlin bore the
coat of arms of the Waldstomer family of
Nuremberg but may too have originally
depicted the imperial arms, as Hermann
Schmitz suggested. Because two glass
1
painters working in different styles

executed cycles of quatrefoils after the
same four designs by the Master of
the Housebook, Daniel Hess suggested
that the quatrefoils after the master's
designs may have been mass-produced
and the patron's coat of arms added
later. The Master of the Housebook's
designs were also reinterpreted around
1492-93 and in the years immediately
following by Drer (see cat. nos. 7-8).
Jane Hayward noted that while
the technique of the Cloisters' Quatre
foil with Genre Scenes is painterly, the
Cloisters' Quatrefoil with Scenes of a
Joust was made by a glass painter who
borrowed much from printmaking. In
particular, she noted that he used trace
paint to create hatching lines that follow
the contours of forms in the manner of
engraving. Hermann Schmitz saw a kin
ship between the style of glass painting
and the woodcuts by Wolgemut and
his circle. Following Schmitz, Hartmut
Scholz compared the graphic style to
that of grisaille panels in the Hirsvogel
workshop after designs by Wolgemut
and others (cat. no. 6).
This quatrefoil depicts knights
jousting, three heralds, and two romp
ing attendants called Griessw'drtel (see
cat. nos. 78-79), and recalls a depiction
of a Krnleinstechen {Deutsches Stechen,
5
PRECURSORS
73
8. Nuremberg. Quatrefoil Roundel with Tournament Scenes,

1508. Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass, yellow stain, and vitreous
paint, 29.8 cm (diam.). Baltimore, The Walters Art Gallery (inv.
no. 46.76).
FIGURE
Photo: The Walters A r t Gallery, Baltimore.
F I G U R E 9. After the Master of the Housebook. Quatrefoil with

Knights Jousting, Three Heralds, and Two Fools, c. 1475. Pot-metal,
flashed, and clear glass, yellow stain, sanguine, and vitreous paint,
29.5 cm (diam.). Formerly Berlin, Kunstgewerbemuseum, destroyed
during World War 11.
Photo: Schmitz 1913,11: no. 193 o n p i . 3 1 .
1. Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , 11: no. 193, destroyed during World War

11. The Berlin version of Quatrefoil with Scenes of a
Joust is apparently part of the same cycle of four quatrefoils as Quatrefoil with Genre Scenes in the Cloisters
(cat. no. 2). As noted above, a drawing by or after the
Master of the Housebook for one of the quatrefoils in
this group has survived (fig. 5).
2. Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , 11: no. 2 5 8 ; coat of arms: Waldstromer
family of Nuremberg.
3. Jane Hayward in New York and Nuremberg 1986: 2 0 7 .
4. 1913,1: 103.
5. Ulm 1 9 9 5 : 4 5 .
6.
7.
8.
9.
New York and Nuremberg 1986: 2 0 7 .

Schmitz 1913, i : 1 5 1 .
Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 3 4 , note 1 2 2 .
On tournaments, see Washington, D.C., and New York
1998-99:
51-59.
10. Imhoff 1900: 2 6 8 .

1 1 . The Walters Art Gallery; New York and Nuremberg
1986: no. 2 6 4 . Dated 1 5 0 8 , this quatrefoil is loosely
based on the same design by the Master of the Housebook
that was used for the Cloisters' quatrefoil with scenes of
a joust. The quatrefoil in Baltimore is sometimes incor
rectly described as after a design by Hans von Kulmbach.
See cat. no. 2, note 9.
12. Washington, D.C., and New York 1 9 9 8 - 9 9 : 55. Jane
Hayward (New York and Nuremberg 1986: 207) thought
that the panel in the Cloisters might represent a "tourna
ment masquerade" of the type in Nuremberg in the late
Middle Ages at the beginning of Lent. As Hayward noted,
this would also explain the social satire and quality of
fantasy implied by the inclusion of battling fools.
13. Washington, D.C., and New York 1 9 9 8 - 9 9 : 55. For the
panel, see Becksmann 1968; Amsterdam 1985: no. 1 3 5 ;
and Hess 1994: 5 2 , 5 4 , fig. 4 6 on 53.
74
PRECURSORS
coronal joust) in the Housebook. In this

type of joust, combatants in full armor
attempt to unseat each other by a blow
of the lance on the shield without the
lance splintering in the process. To pre
vent injury, the lances used had blunt
ends topped by a small trident (coronael).
In the medieval period, participation in
tournaments was a privilege of the aris
tocracy, and apparently in the late fif
teenth to early sixteenth century, wealthy
families sometimes had their coats of
arms depicted on stained glass featur
ing tournament scenes to demonstrate
that they enjoyed the coveted honor.
The Waldstromer family of Nuremberg,
whose arms appear on the Berlin version
of the Cloisters quatrefoil with tourna
ment scenes (fig. 9), was entitled to joust
(turniermssig). So too were the Geuder
and Rieter von Kornburg families of Nur
emberg. Their coats of arms identify
the combatants in Quatrefoil Roundel
with Tournament Scenes in Baltimore
10
11
(fig. 8). In the quatrefoil in the Clois

ters, the knight's devices have not been
identified. Christoph, count of Waldburg
Wolfegg, noted that "it was common to
avoid any form of identification such as
the family arms, even to ride under imag
inary charges and mottos." Such is the
case, he observed, with a rectangular
stained-glass panel depicting A Patri
cians' Tournament (private collection,
Germany, Schloss Gross-Karben, District
of Friedberg), designed around 1470-75
by the Master of the Housebook and
perhaps intended for the building of the
patrician society Alten Limpurg on the
Rmerberg in Frankfurt.
12
13
PETER H E M M E L VON ANDLAU AND THE STRASBOURG

WORKSHOP-COOPERATIVE
Andlau (Alsace) c. 1420/25-c. 1501
he biographical details of Peter

Hemmel from Andlau (Alsace) are
remarkably scant compared to the
rich artistic legacy associated with his
name. Presumed to have been born at the
turn of the second decade of the fifteenth
century, he is first documented in 1447
as a citizen of Strasbourg, having mar
ried the widow of a glass painter by the
name of Heintz. His name reappears in
documents of 1459, 1463, and 1465. He
is listed in 1466 as a house owner, and in
1475 -76 he served as the guild represen
tative to the city council. Commissions in
disparate sites1473 in Salzburg, 1474
in Obernai, and 1475-76 in Frankfurt
indicate that Hemmel was an established
and widely esteemed glass painter.
A document of 1480 confirms an
exceptional arrangement whereby Hem
mel and the masters of four other inde
pendent Strasbourg workshops (glasere
zu Strassburg)Lienhart Spritznagel,
Hans von Maursmnster, Theobald von
Lixheim, and Werner Strercon
tracted for an initial four-year period,
from 1477-81, to join an a cooperative
association, placing them in command
of numerous, large, and far-flung com
missions. The 1480 document that makes
reference to the arrangement concerns
the investment of one hundred guil
ders in the business by the mayor of Stras
bourg Georg Stupfler and his wife, and,
therefore, specific details of the agree
ment are unknown. The precise role each
of the parties filled, the manner in which
responsibilities were apportioned, the
degree of specialization, and the custodi
anship of designs and cartoons are
among the many issues that remain frustratingly unestablished. Nonetheless, the
Strasbourg workshop-cooperative mani
festly executed an astonishing amount of
both small- and large-scale stained glass
in a distinctive, immediately recogniz
able, and relatively homogeneous style in
and around Strasbourg, in Alsace and
Lorraine, and across southern reaches
of the Germanic world, from Frankfurt
to Wiener Neustadt and, between, in
Urach, Tbingen, Freiburg, Lautenbach,
Constance, Ulm, Augsburg, Nuremberg,
Munich, Salzburg, and Thaur, to name
the major sites.
1
The greater frequency with which

the name of Hemmel appears in contract
documents relative to those of the four
other members of the cooperative1480
with Rumprecht von Graben in Freiburg;
1483, 1484, i486, 1496, and 1498 with
Rene 11, duke of Lorraine, in Nancy and

Bar-le-Duc; 1485 with the Gutleutkapelle
in Obernai; and 1501 with the emperor
Maximilian in Thaur in the Tyrolsug
gests that Hemmel, presumably the elder
member of the cooperative, was its rep
resentative and bore legal responsibility
for all commissions. Whether Hemmel
was simply an entrepreneur who landed
commissions and then saw that the work
was executed by one of the workshops,
drawing on an extensive repository of
designs, or whether the workshops and
their individual members developed with
greater artistic independence within the
structure of the cooperative, remains a
matter of debate.
The attribution of panels to one
or another master or workshop is greatly
complicated by the absence of suffi
cient documentation. Only a single panel
and one glazing program can be linked
unequivocally to Hemmel himself: the
standing Virgin and Child from Obernai
that can be identified with one or the
other of two documents in the local
archives, one dated 1474 and the other
1485, and the 1473-80 glazing of
the nunnery church on the Nonnberg,
Salzburg, commissioned by Augustin
Klaner. Only one panel is signed by
any of the five Strasbourg masters: the
1504 window in the transept of Metz
Cathedral bears the name of Theobald
von Lixheim. Thus, the overwhelm
ing preponderance of the Strasbourg
workshop-cooperative's production has
been attributed primarily on the basis of
style, and the distribution of glass among
the various masters and their workshops
remains a contentious scholarly exercise.
To a considerable degree, however,
the outlines of Frankl's 1956 mono
graphic study still are generally accepted.
Based on the 1504 panel, a small body of
work was associated with Theobald von
Lixheim. Frankl distributed the remain
ing production among three stylistic
groupings, each of which he attributed to
an eponymous master: to the Clemens
Master, after the panel of Saint Clemens
in Saint Mary's Church in Ravensburg,
he further attributed The Tree of Jesse
Window in the same church, The Life of
the Virgin Window in Tbingen, and
The Tree of Jesse in the Kramer Window
in the Ulm minster; to the Master of the
Council Window in the Ulm minster, he
also gave The Expulsion and Last Judg
ment Window in Tbingen, as well as a
number of individual panels; and finally
3
to the Lautenbach Master, responsible

for the extensive glazing of the parish
and pilgrimage church in Lautenbach/
Renchtal, he attributed, among other
works, the 1472 donor panel of Melchior
Gmeres in Nuremberg, the panels from
the former library of the Constance
minster (cat. no. 4), and much of the
choir glazing of the collegiate church in
Tbingen. Subsequently, scholars have
attempted to improve upon Frankl's
work: Becksmann, for example, detected
an additional master in the Tbingen
glazing whom he dubbed the Freiburg
Master, and, more recently, Gatouillat
convincingly demonstrated the partici
pation of the Lautenbach Master in the
1480-81 choir glazing of the Magdalen
Church in Strasbourg. In general, how
ever, further efforts to refine Frankl's
admittedly heuristic attributions for all
the glass of the Strasbourg workshopcooperative increasingly have been relin
quished to admit a more complex reading
of artistic production within workshops
responding to diverse artistic influences,
shifting patterns of patronage, and eco
nomic imperatives.
7
Perplexing is the paucity of work

securely attributable to Hemmel prior to
the formation of the cooperative in 1477.
He must have produced a large body of
work over a then-thirty-year career to
position himself as the presumed guiding
force behind the sudden succession of
extraordinary monumental glazing pro
grams created during the four-year term
of the agreement: the axial window at
Tbingen (1478); the Kramer Window
and Council Window at Ulm (148081); and the Volckamer Window at Saint
Lawrence, Nuremberg (1481). Subse
quent attempts have been made to link
Hemmel with earlier, important glazing
programs in Strasbourg. Wentzel, for
example, identified Peter Hemmel with
the master of the 1461 glazing of the for
mer abbey church of Walbourg; Frankl,
on the other hand, associated Hemmel
with the 1465 nave glazing of the church
of Saint Wilhelm in Strasbourg, which,
in part, employed cartoons previously
used at Walbourg. Particularly in The
Passion windows, Frankl saw a glass
painter who had not yet fully emerged
as an independent artist yet was fully
capable of bringing individual voice to
his painting. By 1465, however, Hemmel
must have been a mature artist of about
forty years of age; he was nearing sixty
by the termination of the four-year con-
PRECURSORS
75
tract in 1481. Searching for a mature

work prior to 1477, Scholz points to the
Saint Catherine Window, executed about
1475 for the church of Saint William;
Becksmann, on the contrary, stresses that
one can only look to the Nonnberg glaz
ing for the hallmarks of Hemmel's
style. In either case, well taken is the
observation that the female heads with
smooth, broad planes marked with small,
pointed features and the powerful, craggy
male headsall finely modeled with
dense, stippled matt (on stippling, see
Peter van Treeck's essay)that charac
terize the Catherine Window reemerge in
the axial window at Tbingen and then
in the Ulm Council Window and other
glazings Frankl attributed to his Clemens
Master; it is likewise evident that many
elements of the Nonnberg panels, such as
the highly formulated head types and the
alternating backgrounds and tracery pat
terns, reappear in the Council Window
and the other work associated with this
master by Frankl.
10
11
12
However instructive the stylistic

apportioning of the Strasbourg work
shop-cooperative production may be, the
nature of the workshops of the coopera
tive should also be borne in mind. By
the closing decades of the fifteenth cen
tury, workshops of all types were increas
ingly operated as highly organized and
commercially viable enterprises. Often
conservative in nature to broaden the
appeal of their products, these work
shops developed a range of compositional
concepts, relied on extensive supplies of
models and designs, and adhered to the
distinctive style of the master. The work
shops were large and typically involved,
in addition to the master, several assis
tants, including journeymen and appren-
1. For the most recent and concise discussion of Peter

Hemmel and the Strasbourg workshop-cooperative, see
Hartmut Scholz, "Die Strassburger Werkstattgemein
schaft: Ein historischer und kunsthistorischer Uberblick,"
in U l m 1 9 9 5 :
13-22.
2. For a listing of all documentary records concerning Hem

mel and the Strasbourg workshop-cooperative, see
Scholz in Ulm 1 9 9 5 :
23-26.
3. Wentzel ( 1 9 5 4 : 6 4 - 6 6 ) took the former view, while

Frankl ( 1 9 5 6 : 5 6 - 9 6 ) argued for the latter.
4. Ancien Musee Historique, Depot du Grenier de l'Ancienne Halle aux Bles; see Ulm 1995: 122, no. 2 4 .
5. Becksmann 1 9 9 5 : 2 1 0 - 1 1 , no. 6 7 .
6. The identity of Hans Wild, whose name appears on the

banderole of one of the prophets in the Kramerfenster,
Ulm minster, has to date defied satisfactory explanation.
7. For a summary of Frankl's attributions, see Frankl 1956:
94-96.
8. Becksmann
1970.
9. Gatouillat 1 9 9 0 :
1 0 . Ulm 1 9 9 5 : 19.
44-50.
1 1 . Becksmann 1995:
211.
1 2 . Scholz in U l m 1 9 9 5 : 1 9 - 2 0 .
13. See Ulm 1 9 9 5 : 1 6 0 - 2 3 0 .
76
P R E C U R S O R S
tices. All had to work in the master's

signature style, which was key to the
marketing of the product. This praxis
was compounded in the case of the
Strasbourg workshop cooperative as a
considerable degree of stylistic homo
geneity had to be maintained between
the five associated workshops. The col
lective "look" superceded the individ
ual "hand." In this regard, these late
medieval masters undoubtedly would
find the modern impulse to identify in
dividual or, in the present case, even
workshop styles curiously obsessive.
Furthermore, in the later half of the
fifteenth century, Strasbourg became a
major artistic center flourishing under a
broad range of influences. It is abun
dantly clear that Hemmel was familiar
with compositional formulas of Nether
landish painters, particularly of Rogier
van der Weyden (c. 1399-1464), through
the engravings of Martin Schongauer
and, perhaps, even more directly, the
influence of Dieric Bouts (act. 144475). Hemmel and his associates like
wise must have had intimate knowledge
of Niclaus Gerhaert van Leiden, for his
sculpture had considerable impact, both
stylistically and conceptually, on the
Strasbourg glass-painting workshops.
Regional panel painters were also highly
influential, and the intimate relationship
between a group of drawings collectively
attributed to the Master of the Drapery
Studies, and the Strasbourg workshopcooperative has been the subject of ex
tensive investigation. Thus, Strasbourg
was a rich and highly charged creative
center, attracting gifted artists from many
points across northern Europe; the col
lective influence, as much as that of any
individual master, was seminal to the
extraordinarily rich and extensive pro
duction of the Strasbourg workshopcooperative.
13
4
Strasbourg W o r k s h o p C o o p e r a t i v e , The L a u t e n b a c h
Master
Mater Dolorosa
c. 1480
Pot-metal glass and vitreous paint
49.8 X 41.6
cm
New York, The Metropolitan Museum of A r t ,

The Cloisters Collection, 1 9 9 8
Inv. no. 1 9 9 8 . 2 1 5 b
PROVENANCE
Former Library (subsequently the chapter house),

Constance minster; sale, Auktionen H . Helbig,
M u n i c h , November 2 1 , 1 9 1 2 , lot 5 5 , a,b, i l l . ;
Bodmer family, Zrich, 1 9 1 2 - 9 7 ; [Dr. Barbara
Giesicke, Schliengen]
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Wentzel 1 9 5 1 : 3 9 ; Frankl
1 9 5 6 : 1 2 3 , no. 2 2 , 1 2 6 , no. 4 4 , figs. 2 2 8 - 2 9 ;
Becksmann 1 9 7 9 : 8 6 - 8 8 ,
1 1 5 - 1 9 , 122, pi. 7 c
(former library), p i . 1 2 0 , figs. 3 8 6 - 8 7 ; Husband

in N e w York 1 9 9 9 b : no. 2 3 0 , 1 9 0 - 9 1 ; Husband
in de Montebello forthcoming.
Enshrouded by white drapery, the

haloed Virgin, with eyes downcast and
arms crossed over her breast, is placed in
a living shrine defined by two flanking
treetrunks whose branches form an ogive
arch above. The Virgin is apparently
standing on an attached platform; her
drapery overlaps the severed trunk in
front of her, the central element in the
dendriform tracery, which is set before a
broad damascene pattern on a deep blue
ground. Only the spire finials along the
bottom edge appear to be made of stone,
and even these, each pair canting inward,
would seem to be metamorphosing into
arboreal form.
Although presented as the Mater
Dolorosa, the Virgin sheds no tears, and
the calm serenity of her expression sug
gests that grief over the death of her son
has been mitigated by a recognition of
the redemptive value of his sacrifice. This
theme is reinforced by The Man of Sor
rows (fig. i o ) , with whom the Mater
Dolorosa was originally paired, as the
display of Christ's wounds underscores
the very meanshis flesh and blood em
bodied in the Eucharistby which man
kind can attain salvation. Together these
images constitute a compelling devotional
ensemble that appears to have derived
from early Netherlandish diptychs, but
it became widespread in panel painting,
graphic art, and sculpture.
1
i o. Strasbourg Workshop Cooper

ative (The Lautenbach Master). The Man of
Sorrows, c. 1480. Pot-metal glass and vitreous
paint, 49.5 X 4 1 . 6 cm. The Metropolitan
Museum of Art, The Cloisters Collection,
1998 ( 1 9 9 8 . 2 1 5 a ) .
FIGURE
The library of the Constance min

ster was constructed under the direction
of Vincenz Ensinger, in charge of the
minster fabric from 1453 until 1489,
and it must have been completed prior to
about 1480, when the windows were
glazed. The original function of the finely
proportioned room is indicated by the
low, generously sized windows: those
on the west and north sides, equipped
with built-in window seats, had blank
glazings in the lancet registers, providing
ample light throughout the interior space,
while colored glass was confined to the
traceries; only the six east windows, all
but one comprising three lancets with
three registers of rectilinear panels, were
fully glazed. The glazing of the east win
dows was removed between the late eigh
teenth century (1777?) and 1829 and was
auctioned in 1891; today, only twentythree panels are known to have survived
and are now dispersed amongst muse
ums in Basel, Berlin (now destroyed),
Cologne, Frauenfeld, New York, and
Prague. Of the rectiliear panels, only
the present panel and its companion are
4
figural; the rest are canopies of architec

tural or arboreal traceries against dama
scened grounds. The glazing program, as
a consequence, cannot be reconstructed,
although standing figures undoubtedly
were included; it is clear, however, that
the canopies and traceries alternated
between architectural and arboreal and
the damascened backgrounds between
red and blue, all of which must have
brought striking rhythmic continuity to
this exceptional program.
The subtle gradations in the stip
pled modeling of the broad, rounded face
of the Virgin, the drawing of the hands,
and the treatment of the draperybroad
planes juxtaposed with tubular folds and
deep crevassesall find close compari
son in the works of the Lautenbach Mas
ter, The Annunciate Virgin from the west
window at Lautenbach being a com
pelling, if somewhat more refined, exam
ple. The Constance architectural and
arboreal traceries, however lush and in
ventive, lack the balance and rich density
of their counterparts in Lautenbach. In
terms of the development of technical
5
mastery, the enrichment of ornamental

vocabulary, and the increased coherence
of compositions, the glazing of the Con
stance minster libraryas Becksmann
long ago pointed out falls neatly
between the 1478 choir windows of the
collegiate church in Tbingen and the
1482 glazing of the Lauten bach parish
church.
6
T. The Cloisters Collection, 1998 ( 1 9 9 8 . 2 1 5 a ) . Sec New

York 1 9 9 9 b : no. 2 3 0 , 190 for color illustration. The head
of Christ is a replacement of the mid-nineteenth century
based on a composition of Hans Holbein the Younger.
2. This theme was employed again by the Strasbourg work
shop-cooperative in the Volckamcr Window, about 1 4 8 1 ,
in Saint Lawrence, Nuremberg. Here, however, the Mater
Dolorosa is placed behind the vertical tree trunk and thus
is curiously obscured.
3. See, for example, the diptych after Meinung, now in the
Musee des Beaux-Arts, Strasbourg (Friedlnder 1 9 6 7 - 7 6 ,
vi: pi. 9 2 , 4 i d ) ; or that by the workshop of Dieric Bouts,
now in the National Gallery, London; or the close version
of this in the Louvre, Paris (Friedlnder 1 9 6 7 - 7 6 , in:
pis. 9 2 , 8 3 , and 83a).
4. See Becksmann 1979: 1 1 9 - 2 2 for a summary catalogue
of these panels.
5. The "fish bladder" traceries, probably from one of the
north windows and now in the Historisches Museum
Basel, each have an angel playing a musical instrument.
6. Becksmann 1979: 1 1 8 .
PRECURSORS
77
THE
(The
MASTER OF THE
COBURG ROUNDELS
Master of the Drapery Studies)
Active in Strasbourg, c. 1470-c. 1500
lso known as the Master of the

Drapery Studies for the prevalence
of this subject in his drawings,
the Master of the Coburg Roundels was
active in Strasbourg as a painter and
designer of stained glass. He is most
appreciated for his drawings, which
number some 120 sheets, constituting
one of the largest bodies of drawings of
a northern European artist of the preDiirer era. The sheets were often copied
from other sourcesincluding paintings, engravings, and sculptureand
show knowledge of the work of Netherlandish artists such as Rogier van der
Weyden (c. 1399-1464), and German
masters such as Martin Schongauer and
the most important mid-century artist
in Strasbourg, the Master of the Karlsruhe Passion, who may have been the
teacher of the Master of the Coburg
Roundels. The connection of his drawings to Strasbourg stained glass indicates
that the Master of the Coburg Roundels
was active in the glass painter's atelier
known as the Strasbourg workshopcooperative (cf. Hartmut Scholz's essay in
this volume, pp. 19-20, and cat no. 4).
He was also active as a painter, with the
principal examples including the ten
panels of a Passion cycle of 1488 in
the Church of Saint Pierre-le-Vieux,
Strasbourg.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Christiane Andersson i n
Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983: 108 (for

further literature); Michael R o t h i n DOA 1996,
xx: 6 4 8 - 4 9 (for further literature).
78
PRECURSORS
5
The M a s t e r of the C o b u r g
Roundels
Studies of Christ's
Loincloth
c. 1 4 8 0 - 8 1
The drawings of the multifaceted Mas

ter of the Coburg Roundels yield a rich
fund of information about the design
of stained glass in late-fifteenth-century
Strasbourg. He was in demand as a
designer of small-scale stained glass, as
evidenced by the circular drawings in
Coburg from which he derives his name,
which are both glass designs. As indi
cated by one of them, The Virgin and
Child with Angels in a Rose Arbor (inv.
no. z 232), which contains color nota
tions by the glass painter, the master rep
resents an early case of the clear division
of labor between designer and glass
painter that would thoroughly pertain
during the sixteenth-century. The master
also designed large-scale glass, especially,
it seems, for the so-called Strasbourg
workshop-cooperative, as indicated in
particular by several of his drawings that
are preparatory to the Volckamer Win
dow in the Church of Saint Lawrence,
Nuremberg. One of the fluttering drap
eries in a study of loincloths in Stras
bourg, Cabinet des Estampes et des
Dessins (inv. no. XLix.85), seems to be
preparatory to that worn by Saint Sebas
tian in the Volckamer Window. The
Getty drawinga tapestry of nine inter
locking loincloths (with two more on
the verso), each folded differently and
oriented in a different directionis ex
traordinarily close to the Strasbourg
sheet and certainly served the same func
tion as a model-book page of drapery
motifs that could be used in glass designs
and probably paintings. While in earlier
scholarship the drawings of the master
were viewed as primarily copies of works
of art by others, more recent research,
principally that of Christiane Andersson
and Michael Roth, has understood them
more within the mentality of the late
Middle Ages as opposed to the Re
naissance, and, within this context, as
incorporating greater invention than pre
viously appreciated. The loincloths on
the Getty sheet, for example, do not copy
other works of art, but rather paraphrase
the Schongaueresque motif of Christ's
fluttering loincloth. Indeed, in following
the involuted folds over the page, one
appreciates the master's intricate visual
sensibility, as he plays one subtle varia
tion against another. This late medieval
type of "invention" provided the artist
with an abundant fund of motifs. Exem
plifying the type of use to which the
Getty sheet could have been put is the
circular stained-glass design at Coburg,
The Crucifixion with the Virgin and
Saint John (inv. no. z 255), in which
the fluttering loincloth of Christ repeats
some of the same features of the third
drapery on the lower left in the Getty
drawing.
1
Pen and b r o w n and black ink, brown and gray

wash on cream laid paper
WATERMARK
Gothic P w i t h a flower (close to Piccard 1 9 6 1 - ,

i v : 4, pt. 3, sec. 9, no. 1:142)
28 X 20.6 cm
Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum
Inv. no. 9 3 . G A . 1 0
PROVENANCE
Thomas Lawrence, London (Lugt 1921: 2445);

L u d w i g M a x i m i l i a n , Freiherr von Biegeleben,
Vienna (Lugt 1921: 385), (sale, C. j . Wawra,
Vienna, February 15, 1886, lot 2649); Eugene
Rodrigues, Paris (sale, Frederik M u l l e r ,
Amsterdam, July 12, 1921, lot 92); Hendrikus
Egbertus ten Cate, Almelo, the Netherlands
(Lugt 1956: 533b); A n t o n Schmid, M u n i c h
and Vienna; art market, Germany; art market,
Boston.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Thorlacius-Ussing 1926:
248;
Bchner 1927: no. 5 on 2 9 3 - 9 4 , fig. 58 on 296;

Winkler 1930: n o , under no. 29, 150, 152;
Naumann 1935: 19; Hannema 1955: no. 290 on
160; Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983: n o ,
under no. 29, figs. 2 7 - 2 8 on 3 9 2 - 9 3 ; Roth
1988: no. 44 on 1 2 2 - 2 4 ; Roth 1992: no. 22 on
158, 159; U l m 1995: 180, figs. 52.1, 52.2, under
no. 52; Hendrix 1996: 4 3 - 5 0 .
HlRSVOGEL
(Hirschvogel,
Hirsfogel)
he Hirsvogel were Nuremberg's

leading stained-glass painters from
around 1485 until well into the
sixteenth century. Veit Hirsvogel the
Elder (1461-1525) was the son of a glass
painter named Heinz (died before 1485).
Veit established the family workshop in
1485 after his father's death. In 1495 he
was appointed the city's official glass
painter, achieving a virtual monopoly
on the production of stained glass in
the city until his death thirty years
later. Veit's brother, Hans Hirsvogel the
Elder (d. before 1528), is presumed to
have been among the glass painters who
worked in the shop. Veit was eventually
assisted as well by his three sons: Veit
Hirsvogel the Younger (1487-1553),
Hans Hirsvogel the Younger (d. 1516),
and Augustin Hirsvogel (1503-1553).
In 1526, a year after Veit Hirsvogel the
Elder's death, Veit Hirsvogel the Younger
was appointed as the city's official glass
painter. Veit Hirsvogel the Younger's son
Sebald (1517-1589) later succeeded him
and held the post for thirty-three years.
1
It is possible that Heinz Hirsvogel

was one of the many glass painters
who worked with Michael Wolgemut to
produce monumental windows for the
eastern choir of Saint Lawrence (glazing
essentially done from 1476 to 1481; see
Hartmut Scholz's essay, p. 27). If so, he
may have been assisted by Veit Hirsvogel
the Elder. The latter is presumed to
have spent his journeyman's years in
the Strasbourg workshop of the glass
painter Peter Hemmel von Andlau in
the early 1480s. The dominant style in
the Hirsvogel workshop until around
1505 was derived from Hemmel. This
pictorial style, characterized by hard
contours and tonal modeling in black
matt, into which hatching and highlights
are scratched, gave way around 1505 to
a more linear style introduced around
1497 and emulating drawings by Michael
Wolgemut and AI brecht Drer. The two
styles are seen side by side in the win
dow of the Bishops of Bamberg, 1502,
in the eastern choir of Saint Sebald (cat.
no. 18).
1. Cf. Christiane Andersson in Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg

1983: nos. 2 8 , 4 3 .
2. Cf. the essay by Hartmut Scholz in this catalogue,
pp. 1 9 - 2 0 , figs. 2 - 3 .
3. As discussed by Michael Roth in Ulm 1995: 180, under
no. 5 2 .
4. Cf. Ulm 1 9 9 5 : T 8 O , under no. 52.
5. For the Coburg drawing, cf. Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg
1983: no. 2 9 .
PRECURSORS
79
The so-called Bamberg Window

is the first virtually intact monumental
window from the Hirsvogel workshop. It
is only one of two monumental stainedglass projects that can be connected to
the Hirsvogel workshop by documents,
the second being the windows of the Saint
Roch Chapel of 1520, commissioned by
the Imhoff family of Nuremberg. Writing
in 1547, the Nuremberg calligrapher
Johann Neudrfer noted the Hirsvogel's
role in the execution of the Bamberg Win
dow (cat. no. 18), Emperor's Window,
1514 (cat. no. 49), Margrave's Window,
1515 (cat. no. 50), and Pfinzing Win
dow, 1515 (cat. no. 27), in the eastern
choir of Saint Sebald. In addition to
monumental stained-glass windows, Veit
Hirsvogel the Elder and his workshop
produced the small glass panes so popu
lar in the decoration of civic buildings,
cloisters, and private homes in the fif
teenth and sixteenth centuries.
Unlike Hemmel, who apparently
worked consistently from his own de
signs, the Hirsvogel often worked from
drawings provided by artists outside
the workshop. (They also worked from
their own designs, made by recycling
cartoons and borrowing from contem
porary prints.) For the first decade of
its existence, c. 1485-95, the Hirsvogel
workshop relied heavily on the wood
cuts and stained-glass designs of Wolgemut and his workshop. Then, beginning
around 1496, Drer's designs came to
the fore. Drer's monumental figures,
achieved by modeling in swelling and
tapering lines, are ubiquitous in the
stained glass of Nuremberg in the last
years of the fifteenth century and the first
decades of the sixteenth century. Also
under Drer's influence, the compart
mentalized and decorative approach that
typified late Gothic windows was re
placed by 1515 by a more monumental
conception, in which stately figures and
illusionistic settings unified all the panels
of a window. During Drer's second trip
to Italy in 1505-7, Hans Baldung as-
1. On the biography of the Hirsvogel, see Frenzel i960;

Frenzel 1961; Knappe 1973; Peters 1980; Rainer Kahsnitz
in Imhoff 1984: 107-8; Jane S. Peters in DOA 1996, x i v :
572-74; and especially Scholz 1991.
2. Scholz 1991: 3 1 9 - 2 1 .
3. Design for Three Circular Stained-Glass Panels with
Kneeling Donors: Erhard Kser and His Two Wives,
Kunigunda and Katherina (Dresden, Kupferstich-Kabinett,
Scholz 1991: 3 2 0 - 2 1 , fig. 421 on 320).
4. See Knappe 1973: 82; Scholz 1991: note 727 on 325.
5. Peters 1980: 79-85, figs. 1, 4.
6. Peters 1980: 86-88, figs. 18-20.
7. Peters 1980: 81, note 14 on 90.
80
P R E C U R S O R S
sumed the leading role as designer of

stained glass for the Hirsvogel workshop.
He designed the Lffelholz Window in
Saint Lawrence (1506) and many of the
panels for of the cloister of the Carmelite
convent, around 1505 (cat. no. 29).
In 1505, Veit Hirsvogel the
Younger was eighteen years old and
Hans Hirsvogel the Younger about sev
enteen (Augustin was just two). Hartmut
Scholz proposed that one of them, prefer
ably Hans, might have been the member
of the Hirsvogel workshop to collaborate
with Baldung in translating his draw
ings into glass, capturing their precise
lines that evoke engraving. This may be
true. But Veit Hirsvogel the Younger and
Hans did not emerge as artistic personal
ities until around 1513-20, when they
signed some of their works. In 1513, Veit
Hirsvogel the Younger monograrnmed
and dated a cartoon he made after one of
Hans von Kulmbach's designs for a cycle
of small panels depicting the Four Fathers
of the Church (cat. nos. 47-48). He also
monograrnmed and dated a group of
three rectangular panels depicting angels
holding coats of arms in the parish house
of Saint Sebald in 1517 (cat. nos. 51-53)
and the windows of Saint Roch in 1520.
Hans Hirsvogel the Younger's monogram
and the date 1514 appear on four rect
angular panels with angels holding coats
of arms, also in the parish house of Saint
Sebald. The graphic style of this short
lived glass painter is known through a
design for three circular stained-glass
panels. It is monograrnmed HHF and de
picts kneeling donors. Augustin Hirsvogel worked with his father and brothers
from c. 1520. He is thought to be the
glass painter responsible for translating
the designs of his contemporary, Sebald
Beham, into painted glass in three rect
angular panels depicting angels hold
ing coats of arms in the parish house
of Saint Sebald, c. 15 21 (cat. nos. 6 3 64). The panels are characteristic of
Augustin's tonal style, which broke deci
sively with the more linear style of his
older brother Veit.
2
Veit Hirsvogel the Elder died in the

year Nuremberg embraced Luther's cause
(1525). The coming of the Reformation
discouraged commissions for monumen
tal church windows, since the Reformers
cast doubt upon the efficacy of such
donations for assuring the salvation of
the donor. Commissions for cabinet pan
els replaced those for monumental glass
windows as the mainstay of the Hirsvogel
workshop. But the business was appar

ently suffering in 1528, when Veit and
Augustin were forced to sell the fam
ily home for 580 Rhenish guilders.
Augustin apparently set up his own busi
ness making glassware in the Venetian
manner. He also continued to make cab
inet panels, working extensively from his
own designs by c. 15 3 o - 3 6. It is then that
he drew fifty-three hunting scenes for an
extensive series of stained-glass roundels
(Budapest, Szepmveszeti Muzeum),two
of which survive (Munich, Bayerisches
Nationalmuseum). Augustin has also
been credited with the two rectangular
panels David and Batbsheba and Samson
and Delilah from the series The Tower of
Women and a circular variant of Samson
and Delilah (Nuremberg, Germanisches
Nationalmuseum). The prominence of
landscape and its calligraphic treatment
call to mind Augustin's later landscape
etchings. Augustin apparently continued
his activity as a glass painter after leaving
Nuremberg in 1536. In 1548, he was
paid for a coat of arms of Vienna painted
on glass. Augustin had settled perma
nently in Vienna by 1544, working for
Archduke Ferdinand 1 (1503-1564) as a
cartographer. His oeuvre includes a text
book on geometry and more than three
hundred etchings. The Viennese gold
smith Veit Hirsvogel (1543-1574) is
thought to be Augustin Hirsvogel's son.
4
MICHAEL WOLGEMUT
Nuremberg 1434/37-Nuremberg 1519
ichael Wolgemut painted altarpieces, memorial pictures, and

portraits and designed woodcuts and stained glass. He is best remem
bered today as the teacher of Albrecht
Drer, and in his wide-ranging artistic
activity he may have served as a model
for his famous student. Wolgemut was
probably trained in the workshop of his
father, the painter Valentin Wolgemut
(act. 1433-36, d. 1469-70). He also
worked in the atelier of the painter
Gabriel Mlesskircher (d. 1495) in
Munich. In 1472, Wolgemut married
the widow of the Nuremberg painter
and glass painter Hans Pleydenwurff
(c. 1420-1472), who had died earlier
that year. By the end of the fifteenth cen
tury Wolgemut was Nuremberg's leading
producer of altarpieces with painted
wings and carved shrines. (The altarpieces he completed in 1479 for Saint
Mary's in Zwickau and in 1508 for the
parish church in Schwa bach are still in
situ.) Wolgemut's paintings were strongly
influenced by Netherlandish art. Still he
showed a preference for line over color
that was typical of Nuremberg. The en
gravings of Martin Schongauer also had
a strong impact on Wolgemut.
As much an entrepreneur as an
artist, Wolgemut commissioned painters,
sculptors, glaziers, carpenters, and smiths
to work in his thriving atelier. As a result,
his own artistic contributions are often
difficult to distinguish from those of his
many collaborators and assistants. This
is true in the case of the altarpiece in
Schwabach. Wolgemut was required to
gild the figures in the shrine and the reliefs
inside the inner pair of wings. But he
only painted the pictures on the wings
of the predella. Wolgemut's workshop
also did a thriving business produc
ing woodcut illustrations. In this he
worked closely with Drer's godfather,
the printer and publisher Anton Koberger
(c. 1445 -1513). Wolgemut and his work
shop, which included his stepson Wil
helm Pleydenwurff (d. 1494), produced
ninety-one full-page illustrations for the
Franciscan preacher Stephan Fridolin's
(d. 1498) Scbatzb eh alter oder sehr ein der
waren reichtuemer des bails unnd ewyger
Seligkeit (Treasure box or shrine of the
true riches of salvation and eternal bless
edness; Nuremberg, 1491). Wolgemut
and Pleydenwurff were also the principal
designers of woodcuts for the lavishly il
lustrated Weltchronik (Chronicle of the
1
world; Nuremberg, 1493) by Hartmann

Schedel (1440-1514).
Wolgemut's workshop designed
and executed the central windows of the
eastern choir of the Church of Saint
Lawrence in Nuremberg, a task that
would have required the services of many
transient glass painters. The most presti
gious of these commissions was for the
Emperor's Window. It was commis
sioned around 1477 either by Emperor
Frederick 111 (r. 1440-93, emperor from
1452) or by the City Council, hoping to
be reimbursed by the emperor. Frederick
and his consort Eleonore of Portugal
(1437-1467) are depicted prominently
in the window. Wolgemut's workshop
also produced the adjacent windows on
either side of the Emperor's Window.
One was commissioned in 1476 by the
priest Dr. Petrus Knorr (d. 1478) and the
other paid for by a posthumous dona
tion by the priest Dr. Konrad Konhofer
(d. 1452). Wolgemut's windows in the
eastern choir of Saint Lawrence influ
enced the Hirsvogel workshop into the
1490s. It is even possible that Heinz
Hirsvogel (d. before 1485), Veit the
Elder's father, worked with Wolgemut
on the windows in Saint Lawrence and
that Veit assisted his father. Wolgemut's
workshop has also been credited with
the choir window for Dr. Lorenz Tucher
(1447-1503) in the Church of Saint
Michael in Frth, one panel of which
depicts Tucher, who was provost of the
Church of Saint Lawrence in Nuremberg
(dated 1485; Nuremberg, Germanisches
Nationalmuseum). While no designs for
the windows by Wolgemut's hand or
from his workshop survive, the figures
and compositions are paralleled in his
paintings and woodcut illustrations. In
the monumental windows produced in
Wolgemut's workshop, colored glass and
yellow stain play a peripheral role, while
clear glass dominates. A graphic quality
is derived from the use of brown wash
beneath contours and tiny lines and
hatching strokes in black vitreous paint.
3
panels. The latter could be executed in

grisaille in a graphic style reminiscent
of Wolgemut's woodcuts, as is the case
with The Crucifixion, c. 1490 (cat. no. 6).
Or they could be carried out using
colored glass in a pictorial style derived
from Hemmel. This is the case with a
panel depicting Saint Sebald and bear
ing the coats of arms of the Pirckheimer,
Lffelholz, and Vorchtel families of
Nuremberg (Nuremberg, parish house
of Saint Sebald, formerly in the north
sacristy of Saint Sebald's church).
The panel, which dates from around
1500, was presumably commissioned by
Dr. Johannes Pirckheimer (act. 1456c. 1500) and his wife, Barbara Lffelholz.
Hartmut Scholz observed that it was
probably produced in the Hirsvogel
workshop based on a drawing in Erlan
gen (Graphische Sammlung der Univer
sitt) thought to be from the Wolgemut
workshop. Wolgemut's figures and com
positions still influenced the glass
painters in the Hirsvogel workshop in
the second decade of the sixteenth
century.
7
When Veit Hirsvogel the Elder es

tablished a workshop in Nuremberg
around 1485, working in a style strongly
influenced by the stained glass of the
Strasbourg master Peter Hemmel von
Andlau, Wolgemut's role in the medium
diminished. Still, he and his workshop
apparently continued to furnish the
Hirsvogel workshop with designs for
monumental windows and small-scale
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
New York and Nuremberg 1:986: no. 8 6 .

New York and Nuremberg 1986: no. 8 7 .
New York and Nuremberg .1:986: no. 4 4 .
See Ursula Frenzel ( 1 9 7 0 ) , who successfully argued that
Wolgemut's workshop also executed other windows,
which exist today in fragmentary form.
See Frenzel 1970. Ursula Frenzel ( 1 9 7 0 : 4 3 ) argued that
Wolgemut was the leading figure in the production of
glass in the choir of Saint Lawrence, even in those win
dows, like the Rieter and Haller Windows, which were
designed by other painters and/or glass painters.
New York and Nuremberg 1986: no. 4 3 .
Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 3 0 - 3 2 , fig. 3 2 .
See Hartmut Scholz ( 1 9 9 1 : 3 0 - 3 2 , figs. 3 2 - 3 3 ) . Scholz
noted that the drawing could have been executed earlier
than c. 1 5 0 0 and that the panel could be a later, second
use of it. He also pointed out that the drawing could have
been executed by a member of the Hirsvogel workshop
trained in Franconia. Scholz (1991:: note 101 on 2 7 - 2 8 )
noted that Wolgemut's workshop will remain a loose con
cept until there is further study of painting in Franconia,
and specifically Nuremberg, in the late Gothic period. For
an overview of late Gothic Franconian painting, sec Peter
Strieder ( 1 9 9 3 b ) .
For an overview of Wolgemut's influence on the Hirsvogel
workshop, see Hartmut Scholz ( 1 9 9 1 : 2 3 - 4 2 , 2 1 8 - 1 9
and figs. 3 1 1 - 1 4 on 2 2 0 - 2 1 ) . On Wolgemut, see Strieder
1 9 9 3 b : 6 5 - 8 5 , 1 9 9 - 2 1 7 ; Peter Strieder in DOA
1996,
xxxni: 2 9 9 - 3 0 2 .
PRECURSORS
8l
6
After M i c h a e l Wolgemut?
The Crucifixion
c. 1490
Clear glass of a grayish green tone, yellow stain,

and black vitreous paint
CONDITION
M o n o l i t h i c glass cracked and mended w i t h lead

in seven places, replacement glass lower left,
upper left, upper right; modern border leading;
panel attached to supporting glass pane on the
reverse, glue yellowed, painting strongly reduced
(washed off)
22.6 X 17.9 cm, including lead border
Inv. no. M M i n
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Essenwein 1898: 17; Scholz
1991:
3 3 - 3 4 , fig. 36 on 36.
^K)lgemut and his workshop produced

monumental stained-glass windows until
about 1485 and later provided designs
for large windows and small panels produced in the Hirsvogel workshop. The
Crucifixion was painted on a single
piece of clear glass using gray matt and
black trace lines. Contours and hatching
strokes are applied with a brush, and
hatching and light contours are "picked
out" of the black vitreous paint. The
only color is yellow, achieved by applying yellow stain to the verso of the glass
for halos and other details. This small
grisaille panel is typical of a graphic style
of glass painting that emerged in Nuremberg in the late fifteenth century and
that paralleled similar developments in
woodcuts produced in the workshop of
Michael Wolgemut. This graphic style
was practiced in the Nuremberg workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder alongside a more pictorial style derived from
1. See the discussion of Saint Sebald in the biography of Wolgemut (above).
2. Compare, for instance, a woodcut of 1484 attributed to
Wolgemut (New York and Nuremberg 1986: no. 85) and
The Crucifixion from Wolgemut's altarpiece of 1479 in
Zwickau (Strieder 1 9 9 3 b : fig. 73 on 6 8 - 6 9 ,
- 49)-
Hartmut Scholz pointed to stylistic similarities in The

Crucifixion and a Passion series comprising nine panels in
the Schlossmuseum in Gotha (Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 3 4 , figs. 3 8 ,
40, 4 2 on 3 8 - 3 9 ) . That series was painted c. 1 4 9 0 - 1 5 0 0
and was of Nuremberg origin. Six of its compositions are
derived from engravings made c. 1480 by Israhel van
Meckenem (c. 1 4 4 5 - 1 5 0 3 ) . Scholz connected The
Crucifixion to the panels in Gotha because of similarities
in the figures and "handwriting," as well as in the form of
cross and treatment of the inscription. The Crucifixion,
however, does not seem to have been part of the Passion
series in Gotha since its proportions are slightly taller
than those of the panels in Gotha. The figures in The
Crucifixion are also taller and thinner than their counterparts in Gotha.
82
PRECURSORS
Peter Hemmel von Andlau. No design

for The Crucifixion has survived. In fact,
there is only one known case in which a
design from the circle of Wolgemut and
the panel executed after it survived. But
the doll-like figures, symmetrical composition, landscape setting, and emphasis
on textures like the wood of the cross in
The Crucifixion recall paintings, drawings, and woodcuts of the subject made
by Wolgemut and his circle in the last
quarter of the fifteenth century.
1
NUREMBERG
ALBRECHT
DRER
Nuremberg 1471-Nuremberg 1528
he leading figure of German Renaissance art, Drer is best remembered for introducing the forms
and ideas of the Italian Renaissance into
Northern Europe. Drer painted altarpieces and portraits, but it was primarily
through his engravings and woodcuts
that his influence became widespread in
Europe. His lifelong interest in art theory
was supported by his friendship with the
humanist scholar Willibald Pirckheimer
(1470-1530) and led to treatises on ge
ometry, proportions, and fortifications.
Drer also took an active interest in the
religious debates of his day, becoming
a follower of Martin Luther, as proven
by an emotional entry in the diary of his
trip to the Netherlands (1520-21 J . A
prolific draftsman, Drer designed sculp
ture, metalwork, and stained glass. His
patrons included Emperor Maximilian 1,
who paid him an annuity from 1515.
Durer's work for the emperor included
designs for over-life-size bronze statues
for the ruler's tomb monument and huge
woodcuts, most notably The Triumphal
Arch of Maximilian 1, 1515.
1
Drer initially trained as a gold

smith with his father, Albrecht Drer the
Elder (1427-1502), from 1485 to i486.
From i486 to 1489, he was appren
ticed to the painter Michael Wolgemut
in Nuremberg's largest workshop for
altarpieces and woodcut illustrations.
1. Fry 1 9 9 5 : 8 3 - 8 8 .
2. See Strauss 1 9 7 4 , 1 1 1 : no. 1 5 1 5 / 5 0 and v i : no. x w . 6 7 7 ;
Anzelewsky and Mielke 1 9 8 4 : no. 153; and Koreny 1989.

3. Bartsch 1 8 0 3 - 2 1 : no. 1 3 8 .
4. Hutchison 1990: 3335.
5. Hartmut Scholz published the definitive study of Drer
and stained glass in 1 9 9 1 ; see Scholz's book for a full
discussion of Drer's role in the design of monumental
stained glass in the last years of the fifteenth century and
first decades of the sixteenth century. Scholz convincingly
argued that Drer designed numerous stained-glass panels
in the ten years following his return from Italy in 1 4 9 5 .
These included several in the Obere Pfarrkirche in Ingol
stadt (Scholz 1 9 9 1 : figs. 5 3 - 5 5 , 9 7 - 9 8 , 102): Saint Paul,
1497; Saint Thomas Aquinas, 1497; Saint Barbara, c.
1 4 9 7 - 1 5 0 3 ; Saint Nicholas, 1504; Saint Wolfgang, 1504;
and Saint John the Evangelist, c. 1505; and in the church of
Saint Jakob in Nuremberg (Scholz 1 9 9 1 : figs. 56, 3 6 6 , 89):
Saint James the Greater, c. 1 4 9 7 - 1 5 0 2 ; Saint Matthias,
c. 1 4 9 7 - 1 5 0 2 ; and Saint Anthony Abbot, c. 1 5 0 0 - 1 5 0 5 .
Scholz ( 1 9 9 1 , figs. 6 3 - 6 7 ) also argued compellingly that
Drer influenced and may have had a role in designing
othe Holy Kinship Window, c. 1 5 0 0 , in Saint Lawrence
in Nuremberg.
6. Anzelewsky 1 9 9 1 : no. 1 1 8 .
7. For the attribution to Drer, see Hartmut Scholz 1 9 9 1 :
1 1 7 - 1 9 , figs. 1 5 8 - 6 2 on
118-20.
8. Two sketches by Drer's hand for the Schmidtmayer Win

dow are known (Strauss 1 9 7 4 , n : 1509/9, 1509/10). On
the window, see Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 136, 1 3 8 - 3 9 , 1 5 1 , 2 3 0 ,
2 7 9 , 2 8 5 , and figs. 1 8 4 - 9 1 on
140-42.
9. Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 4 1 , notes 1 3 3 - 3 4 on 4 2 .
84
NUREMBERG
(Wolgemut also produced stained glass

in his active atelier; see the biography of
the artist and cat. no. 6.) Drer's travels
as a journeyman between 1490 and 1494
took him to the early centers of hu
manism along the Upper Rhine: Colmar
(1492), Basel (by August 1492-93), and
Strasbourg (1493-94), perhaps by way
of Frankfurt and Mainz. In Mainz,
Drer could have made contact with
Erhard Reuwich. The native of the
Dutch city of Utrecht is sometimes iden
tified with the Master of the Housebook,
whose drypoints had already had an
impact on Drer as an apprentice and
whose designs for stained-glass quatre
foils were apparently used by glass paint
ers in Nuremberg c. 1480-90 (cat. no. 3).
Drer traveled to Colmar hoping to meet
the second great intaglio printmaker to
influence him as an apprentice, the en
graver Martin Schongauer (c. 14501491), but he arrived after the master's
death. Drer probably used contacts pro
vided by his godfather, the Nuremberg
printer Anton Koberger (c. 1445-1513),
to find work designing book illustra
tions for publishers in Basel. He returned
to Nuremberg in 1494 and married
Agnes Frey (1475-1539), the daugh
ter of brassworker Hans Frey (145015 23), on July 7. The couple had no chil
dren. Drer traveled to Italy twice, in
1494-95 and 1505-7.
4
Drer seems to have designed

stained glass throughout most of his
career, perhaps even while traveling as a
journeyman (cat. no. 7). His earliest
drawings for stained glass show the im
pact of the Master of the Housebook
and Schongauer (cat. nos. 7, 9). Later
he worked closely with the workshop
of the stained-glass painter Veit Hirsvogel
the Elder and was the key figure in the
transition from the Gothic to the Renais
sance in the design of stained glass in
Nuremberg. (Drer's most talented fol
lower, Hans Baldung Grien, developed
these new ideas in the design of stained
glass first in Nuremberg and then in
Strasbourg and Freiburg.) A style of
stained-glass painting indebted to Peter
Hemmel was dominant in Nuremberg
until c. 1505; but by c. 1497, Drer's
designs for stained glass began to give
shape to a new style. At thirty Drer
received a commission to design the
bishop of Bamberg's monumental win
dow in the eastern choir of Saint Sebald
in Nuremberg (fig. 13, p. 28). Drer was
particularly prolific as a designer of
5
stained glass after his return from Italy in

1507. Around 1508, he designed the
stained glass of the All Saints Chapel of
the Twelve-Brothers House (cat. no. 23),
for which he also painted his famous
Adoration of the Trinity Altarpiece,
dated 1511 (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches
Museum), based on a design dated 1508
(fig. 2 4 ) / Also around 1508, Drer
participated in the design of the stainedglass panels for Nuremberg's Carmelite
monastery. (He was clearly responsible
for designing Joachim Parting from. Saint
Anne, now in the parish church in Nrn
berg-Grossgrndlach [fig. 14, p. 30]. )
Around 1509-13, Drer made designs
for the Schmidtmayer Window in Saint
Lawrence in Nuremberg (figs. 3-4,
p. 5). He probably helped his follower
Hans von Kulmbach move from a tra
ditional late Gothic conception to a
spacious Renaissance interpretation in
Kulmbach's designs and cartoons for the
Emperor Maximilian's monumental win
dow at the center of the eastern choir
of Saint Sebald, dated 1514 (cat. no. 49).
A cartoon by Drer's hand for the
window commissioned by the provost
of Saint Sebald, Melchior Pfinzing, for
the church's eastern choir and finished
in 1515 (cat. no. 27), demonstrates
the artist's continued involvement with
the medium. In addition to designing
monumental stained glass, Drer made
numerous drawings for small-scale silverstained and small-scale and mediumsized pot-metal panels for religious and
secular settings. These include panels
commissioned by members of the patri
cian Tetzel and Tucher families of Nu
remberg (cat. nos. 11-17, 19-22). He
and his followers contributed to the con
tinued popularity of the quatrefoil
in Nuremberg in the first decades of
the sixteenth century (cat. nos. 7-8, 2 5 26, 3 0 - 3 1 , 55-58, 71-76, and 110),
continuing a tradition established in
Nuremberg by the well-loved designs
by the Master of the Housebook. Drer
also carried on the tradition of the
Wolgemut workshop in the design of
small rectangular panels and may even
have executed commissions on behalf of
Wolgemut before establishing his own
workshop after his return from Italy in
1495 (cat. nos. 11-17).
7
17
A t t r i b u t e d to A l b r e c h t Drer
Seated Couple Playing

Trictrac and Standing
Woman Playing Checkers
c.
1492-93
Pen and brown ink, on two pieces of cream laid

paper, pieced together and laid down on a third
sheet of paper
1 0 . 2 X 1 3.6
cm
Paris, Bibliotheque nationale de France

Inv. no. Cote B . I 3 res.
T h i s drawing of two women and a man

playing board games is a study for a
stained-glass quatrefoil in the Kunst
gewerbemuseum in Berlin (cat. no. 8). In
fact, the small drawing consists of two
fragments of the design for the quatre
foil, which have been mounted on a
third sheet of paper. The dividing line
is behind the seated man. The two parts
of the sheet correspond to the right lobe
and the right portion of the left lobe of
the quatrefoil in Berlin. Described as the
work of an anonymous German artist by
Henri Bouchot in 1908, the sheet in
Paris was first attributed to Hans von
Kulmbach by Friedrich Winkler in 1929.
Subsequent authors, including the pres
ent author in 1985, accepted the attribu
tion to Kulmbach. Only Franz Stadler
(1936) took exception, assigning the
drawing to the school of Drer, noting
that the figures in the Paris drawing are
more corporeal than Kulmbach's and the
pen strokes firmer than his. In 1986, I
identified Drer as the artist responsible
for Seated Couple Playing Trictrac and
1
B I B L I O G R A P H Y :
Bouchot
908:
pi. 8 4
(reversed); Winkler 1 9 2 9 : fig. 21 on ^7

(reversed), 3 8 , 4 4 ; Lugt and Vallery-Radot 1 9 3 6 :
no. 19, pi. 1 2 ; Stadler 1 9 3 6 : 7 9 ; Winkler 1 9 4 1 :
2 4 3 , 2 4 4 , fig. 4 ; Winkler 1 9 4 2 : no. 9 6 ; Winkler
1 9 5 9 : 2 7 , p i . 1 7 a ; Knappe 1 9 6 1 a : 6 1 ; Oettinger
and Knappe 1 9 6 3 : note 3 6 0 on 1 12; Butts 1 9 8 5 :
1 0 0 - 1 0 3 , 1 0 5 , 1 0 8 - 9 ; Butts 1 9 8 6 : note 13 on
525;
note
204,
note
Butts 1 9 9 0 : note 2 8 on 7 7 - 7 8 ; Scholz 199 1:

2 3 7 on 1 0 8 , note 3 8 8 on 2 0 2 , fig. 2 9 3 on
2 5 0 ; Paris 1 9 9 1 - 9 2 : no. 9 2 ; Fitz 1 9 9 5 :
4 9 on 5 2 .
Standing Woman Playing Checkers.^ The

drawing is closely comparable to a tiny
pen-and-ink drawing on a pear wood
block, Terence Writing His Comedies
(fig. 1 1 ) , one of many designs for wood
cut illustrations for an edition of the
comedies of Terence (Publius Terentius
Afer, c. 185/95 B . c . - c . 159 B . C . ) , which
Drer made in 1492-93, when he was a
journeyman in Basel.
The wood block, in Basel, and the
drawing, in Paris, are almost equal in
size and style and indicate that Drer
made no distinction between drawing
lines for a block cutter (Formscbneider)
to follow and drawing lines for a glass
painter to transcribe. In both cases,
Drer avoided cross-hatching in creating
shadow. He also planned for the unarticulated glass or unarticulated paper to
create highlights and thus to enhance the
three-dimensionality achieved by his fluid
contours and sure hatching strokes. Strik
ingly similar in Seated Couple Playing
Trictrac and Standing Woman Playing
Checkers and Terence Writing His Come6
NUREMBERG
85
F I G U R E i i . Albrecht Drer. Terence Writ

ing His Comedies in a Landscape, 1492-93.
Pen and black ink on pear wood block, 9.3
X 14.7 X 2.4 cm. Basel, ffentliche Kunst
sammlungen, Basel, Kupferstichkabinett
(inv. no. z 425).
Photo: ffentliche Kunstsammlung Basel, M a r t i n Bhler
dies are the calligraphic formulas for sug

gesting curling locks of hair or sprouting
tree branches. Also compelling is the
comparison of the heavy-lidded and con
templative profiles of the poet Terence
and the woman playing checkers at the
far right of the Paris drawing. In each
case, the upper profile is formed by one
line that curves gracefully to form the
forehead, tip of the nose, and nostril.
This line joins the contour of the lower
face, which begins below the nose and
forms the full lips, the bulbous chin, and
the arc of flesh beneath the chin. The cos
tumes and hairstyles of the stylish young
people in Seated Couple Playing Trictrac
and Standing Woman Playing Checkers,
the shapes of their faces, the modeling of
their limbs, and the fall of their draperies
all have parallels in Drer's drawings
illustrating the comedies of Terence.
Even the way the stripes on the cloak of
the man playing trictrac follow both the
1. Bouchot 1908: pi. 8 4 .

2. Winkler 1929: 3 8 , 4 4 .
3. Butts 1 9 8 5 : 1 0 0 - 1 0 3 , 1 0 5 , 1 0 8 - 9 .
4. Stadler 1936: 7 9 .
5. Butts 1986: note 13 on 525. The sheet had already been
compared to drawings that some assign to Drer. Stadler
compared the sheet in Paris to Drer's Young Woman Of
fering a Carnation in the Kunstsammlungen der Veste
Coburg, which he, however, did not assign to Drer.
Christiane Andersson is among those who assign Young
Woman Offering a Carnation to Drer (Detroit, Ottawa,
and Coburg 1 9 8 3 : no. 19). Winkler ( 1 9 2 9 : 38) compared
the drawing in Paris to a design for a triptych in the Albertina, then assigned to Kulmbach, but published in
1986 as a work by Drer (Butts 1986).
6. Pen and black ink on a pear wood block, 9.3 X 14.7 X
2.4 cm, Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlung Basel, Kup
ferstichkabinett, inv. no. Z.425 (Basel and Berlin
1 9 5 7 - 9 8 : no. 10.4.1). The humanist Sebastian Brant
( 1 4 5 7 / 8 - 1 5 2 1 ) planned the edition of the comedies of
Terence, and Johann Amerbach (c. 1 4 4 0 - 1 5 1 3 ) of Basel
was to be the publisher. But the project was abandoned,
made redundant by a 1493 edition of the plays by Jo
hann Trechsel of Lyons. Thus, most of Drer's drawings,
made directly on the blocks, survived.
7. Strauss 1 9 7 4 , 1: no. 1 4 9 2 / 1 1 9 .
8. On Kulmbach's stylistic development as a draftsman, see
Butts 1 9 8 5 : esp. 9 0 - 1 3 0 .
9. Schmitz 1913, I i : no. 192, pi. 3 1 , destroyed during
World War 11.
10. Hutchison 1990: 3 3 - 3 5 .
86
NUREMBERG
movement of the cloth and form of his

body beneath is paralleled in one of the
Terence drawings, The Mother-in-Law
(act 3, scene 4).
The long-accepted attribution of
Seated Couple Playing Trictrac and
Standing Woman Playing Checkers to
Hans von Kulmbach cannot be sustained.
The variety and calligraphic beauty of
lines that characterize the drawing in
Paris are absent from Kulmbach's work,
as a comparison with Kulmbach's draw
ing in Strasbourg of an abbot (cat. no. 3 5)
clearly demonstrates. In Seated Couple
Playing Trictrac and Standing Woman
Playing Checkers, contours and hatching
strokes lend substance to draperies and
plastic strength, sculptural roundness,
and columnar stability to the figures.
(Note how the tree trunk and the lower
contour of the man's cloak recede force
fully.) These qualities connect the sheet
with Drer, as does the importance
given to the ornamental beauty of single
lines, laid down in clear configura
tions. Compare, for instance, Drer's
Saint Benedict in Solitude (cat. no. 13),
in which the elegance of single lines is
as important as the combined effect of
the lines as shading. For Kulmbach, by
contrast, hatching strokes suggest the
flicker of light over forms. Faceted drap
ery and the conflation of planes leave
his forms weightless and tied to the
picture surface. Kulmbach's forms lack
architectonic vigor (note the columns),
his draperies lack substance, and there is
a minimal sense of recession. The sheet
in Paris is also characteristic of Drer
rather than Kulmbach in its dependence
on Schongauer, apparent in the compact
figures with their thin, tapering hands.
Kulmbach's earliest drawings, which date
from c. 1504, have a breadth of form in
the picture plane, which indicates that
his style, unlike Drer's, was not shaped
7
by the late Gothic art of Schongauer and

the Master of the Housebook. Instead it
was shaped by the art of Jacopo de'
Barbari, Drer, Baldung, and possibly
Lucas Cranach the Elder.
The identification of a drawing for
a quatrefoil as a work by Drer's hand
from c. 1492-93 allows us to push back
his activity as a designer of stained glass
by several years. It establishes Drer as
the link between quatrefoils designed by
the Master of the Housebook around
1475 (cat. nos. 2-3) and quatrefoils de
signed by Drer's followersHans Bal
dung, Hans von Kulmbach, and Hans
Schufeleinin the second decade of
the sixteenth century (cat. nos. n o ,
55-58, and 71-76). In fact, Drer
derived his composition from an earlier
quatrefoil designed by the Master of the
Housebook around 1475, which depicts
young people playing checkers, trictrac,
roulette, and cards (fig. 12). Drer
updated the costumes. He also appar
ently brought the highly systematic
hatching systems of Schongauer to bear
upon the Master of the Housebook's lost
design in order to lend weight and sub
stance to the Master of the Housebook's
more diminutive figures. Drer's emu
lation around 1492-93 of a design for
stained glass by the Master of the Housebook strengthens Jane Hutchison's argu
ment that Drer might have traveled to
Mainz around 1490-91 and sought out
Erhard Reuwich, the Dutch master some
times identified with the Master of the
Housebook, before seeking out Schon
gauer in Colmar in 1492.
8
10
8
A f t e r a design a t t r i b u t e d to
A l b r e c h t Drer
Quatrefoil with Couples

Playing Games
c. 1495-98?
T h i s quatrefoil is based on a design by

Drer from c. 1492-93, which exists in
fragmentary form in Paris (cat. no. 7).
Drer's drawing updates an earlier qua
trefoil made after a lost drawing by the
Master of the Housebook from around
1475, which depicts young people play
ing board games, roulette, and cards
(fig. 12). The panel after Drer's design
has at the center the combined coat
of arms of Austria and Burgundy, re
ferring to the alliance through marriage
of the German King Maximilian and
Mary, duchess of Burgundy, in 1477.
(She died in 1482, five years after their
marriage.)
This quatrefoil after Drer's design
is apparently from the same series as
two additional quatrefoils in Berlin: a
quatrefoil with the Imperial eagle and
jousting scenes (fig. 61) and a quatrefoil
with the coat of arms of the Imperial
city of Nuremberg and love scenes
(fig. 7). These three quatrefoils are in
correctly discussed in the literature as
part of the same group with three more:
two quatrefoils after drawings by Hans
von Kulmbach with hunting and fishing
scenes (cat. nos. 57-58) and Quatrefoil
with Tournament Scenes, dated 1508.
Hermann Schmitz assigned all six pan
els to the Drer school c. 1500-1508.
Friedrich Winkler believed all six pan
els to be from c. 1508 and after designs by
1

and vitreous paint
The Roman numerals 1HIT are scratched into
the glass cuts on the verso
CONDITION
The left side of the lower lobe is replaced w i t h a

fragment of seventeenth-century painted glass;
lead border nineteenth century
COAT
OF
ARMS
Eagle w i t h the marshaled coat of arms, AustriaBurgundy

DIAMETER
W i t h double lead border: 32 cm

Inv. no. 07,163

PROVENANCE
Acquired 1891
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schmitz 1913,
I i : no.
267,
pi. 4 1 ; Winkler 1929: fig. 22 on 44; Winkler

1941:
243, fig. 5 on 245; Knappe 1961a: 6 1 ;
Steinke 1985b: 1; Scholz 199:1: note 121 on 34,

202, fig. 294 on 205.
Kulmbach, based in turn on the Master

of the Housebook. In fact, the six pan
els are based on designs made by Drer,
Kulmbach, and possibly one or more
additional artists over a period of at least
twenty-five years between c. 1492-93
the date of Drer's drawing for Quatre
foil with Couples Flaying Games (cat.
no. 7)and c. 1518the date of Hans
von Kulmbach's drawings for quatrefoils
with hunting and fishing scenes (cat.
nos. 55-56).
Hartmut Scholz noted that the six
panels depart from the tradition of the
Hirsvogel workshop in Nuremberg in
their avoidance of cross-hatching. The
attribution here of Seated Couple Flaying
Trictrac and Standing Woman Flaying
Checkers (cat. no. 7) to Drer, c. 149293, suggests that this innovation can be
credited to Drer, perhaps as early as
his years as a journeyman. As observed
above, in the drawing in Paris, Drer
helped the glass painter avoid crosshatching in creating shadow as he had
guided the Formschneider to do in his
drawings for woodcuts dating from
1492-93. The glass painter followed
Drer's design in Paris closely but did
not manage to capture some of the
subtleties of Drer's drawing, most
notably the expression of serene inward
ness on the face of the woman playing
checkers. The glass painter's use of black
5
NUREMBERG
87
F I G U R E 1 2 . After the M a s t e r o f the Houseb o o k . Quatrefoil with the Waldstromer

Coat
of Arms and Young Men and Women
Playing
Checkers, Roulette, Trictrac, and Cards, c.
1 4 7 5 . Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass,
y e l l o w stain, and vitreous p a i n t , 29.5 c m
( d i a m . ) . F o r m e r l y B e r l i n , Kunstgewerbe
museum; destroyed d u r i n g W o r l d W a r I I .
Photo: Kunstgewerbemuseum Berlin, Archiv.
vitreous paint to create dark back

grounds as foils for the figures looks to
earlier panels after the Master of the
Housebook's drawings.
Less clear than Diirer's innovation
in the avoidance of cross-hatching is the
nature of the commission that gave rise to
this quatrefoil. Drer apparently revised
a design by the Master of the Housebook
while still a journeyman around 149293. But it is uncertain when Drer's
drawing was used to make the quatrefoil
in Berlin. Perhaps a patron in Nuremberg
engaged the young artist to design a qua
trefoil in the manner of the Master of the
Housebook, whose glass designs may
have already been used by Nuremberg's
glass painters. Perhaps the commission
was given after Drer's return from Italy
in 1495, and he used a drawing made as
a journeyman several years earlier. As
Hartmut Scholz noted, around 149596, Drer may have carried out commis
sions on behalf of his former teacher
Wolgemut before establishing his own
workshop. A date in the late 1490s for
Quatrefoil with Couples Flaying Games
7
1. Schmitz 1913, Ii: no. r 9 2 , pi. 30, formerly in the collec

tion of the Kunstgewerbemuseum in Berlin, destroyed
during World War 11. Schmitz asserted that the quatrefoil
was made in the Upper Rhineland or Swabia c. 1 4 8 0 9 0 . Scholz ( 1 9 9 1 : 3 4 - 3 6 ) assigned the work to Nurem
berg, c. 1 4 9 0 . But Timothy Husband ( 1 9 9 8 : 1 8 0 - 8 1 ,
note 19 on 184) argued that the quatrefoil was painted
in the Middle Rhine region, close to the origin of the
Housebook itself. He implies that this could have been as
early as 1475 or shortly thereafter. See also cat. nos. 2 - 3 .
2. Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin-Preussischer Kultur
besitz, inv. nos. 0 7 , 1 6 4 and 0 7 , 1 6 5 ; Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , 1 1 :
nos. 265 and 2 6 6 , pi. 4 0 . It is unclear whether updated

versions by Drer of the Master of the Housebook's
compositions also served as the basis for these two quatrefoils. A drawing in the British Museum (fig. 62) is
clearly related to the right lobe of a quatrefoil with the
imperial eagle and jousting scenes. But the authorship
and dating of the sheet are problematic. See cat. no. 2 ,
note 8. It is possible that the drawing in the British M u
seum could have been based on the quatrefoil or on a
lost design for it.
3. On Quatrefoil with Tournament Scenes (Baltimore, The
Walters Art Gallery, inv. no. 4 6 . 7 6 ) , see New York and
Nuremberg 1 9 8 6 : no. 2 6 4 and cat. no. 2, note 9.
4. Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , I: 1 5 4 - 5 7 .
5. See Winkler 1 9 4 1 and cat. nos. 5 5 - 5 8 below.

6. Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 2 0 2 .
7. The later addition of a dark varnish to the quatrefoils in
Berlin exaggerates the dark backgrounds. See Schmitz
1 9 1 3 , 1: 154-
8. See the biography of Drer and cat. no. 14, note 6.

9. Anzelewsky 1 9 9 1 : no. 4 9 .
10. Anzelewsky 1 9 9 1 : no. 10.
88
NUREMBERG
is suggested by the male figure in the

lobe at left. It appears to be an idealized
self-portrait of Drer, with the curling
locks and beard he sported in his painted
Self-Portrait of 1498 in the Prado in
Madrid. Drer is still clean-shaven in
Self-Portrait with Eryngium, dated 1493,
in the Louvre in Paris.
When Seated Couple Playing
Trictrac and Standing Woman Playing
Checkers and the related panel in Berlin
were attributed to Kulmbach and dated
c. 1508, it seemed the Drer follower
was looking back to quatrefoils designed
by the Master of the Housebook three
decades earlier. Now it is apparent that
it was Drer who was looking at the
Master of the Housebook and his circle,
during his journeyman years, when his
interest in that master and Schongauer
were strongest. Drer formed the link
between the quatrefoils of the Master of
the Housebook and those of his follow
ers Baldung (cat. no. n o ) , Schufelein
(cat. nos. 71-76), and Kulmbach (cat.
nos. 3 0 - 3 1 , 55-58).
9
10
9
Design for a StainedGlass Window with

Saint George Fighting
the Dragon
c. 1 4 9 6
Pen and brown ink, brush and greenish brown,
blue, and red watercolor, over leadpoint
underdrawing, on cream laid paper
False Drer monogram in black chalk, lower
right
28.6 X 1 4.2
cm
Frankfurt am M a i n , Graphische Sammlung im

Inv. no. 6 9 5 2
PROVENANCE
Acquired 1 8 9 0 at the auction of the Mitchell

Collection, F.A.C. Prestcl Frankfurt, 7 . 5 . 1 8 9 0 ,
no. 3 2 .
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Frankfurt 1 9 0 7 - 1 3 , 1: no. 2 ;
Schmitz 1 9 1 3, i : fig. 2 3 0 on 1 3 9 , 140; Lippmann

and Winkler 1 8 8 3 - 1 9 2 9 , VI: no. 6 8 6 ; Beets
1 9 2 7 - 2 8 : 19; Tietze and Tietze-Gonrat 1 9 2 8 3 8 , l : no. A 9 1; Flechsig 1 9 2 8 - 3 1 , 1 1 : 7 1 ; W i n k l e r
1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , l : no. 1 9 7 ; Panofsky
1 9 4 3 : no. 8 1 0 ;
Winkler 1 9 5 7 : 8 8 , 1 2 0 ; Frenzel 1 9 6 1 : fig. 1 on

3 3 , 3 4 ; Oettinger and Knappe 1 9 6 3 : 7 1, note 3 57
on I I I ; Frankfurt 1 9 7 1: no. 2 4 2 ; Htt 1 9 7 1,
i : 2 2 6 - 2 7 ; London 1 9 7 1 : 12; Nuremberg 1 9 7 1 :
3 9 3 ; Schilling and Schwarzweiler 1 9 7 3 : no. 8 5 ;
Strauss 1 9 7 4 ,
4 9 9 / 9 i Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 4 3 ; Scholz
I :
1 9 9 5 : 2 7 - 2 8 , fig. 1, note 1 on 4 0 .
N U R Ii M B K R C;
89
The historic George of Cappadocia

was a Roman soldier who was martyred
during Emperor Diocletian's (245-313;
r. 284-305) persecution of the Chris
tians. Saint George's legendary defeat of a
dragon symbolized Christ's triumph over
the devil. The princess Cleodelinda of the
kingdom of Silene (Libya), shown kneel
ing in the background of Drer's draw
ing, was prepared as a sacrificial offering
to the dragon. But George, in armor and
on horseback, killed the dragon after
making the sign of the cross, thus con
verting the king of Silene and his people
to Christianity. The popularity of Saint
George fighting the dragon as a subject
in the visual arts in the late fifteenth cen
tury in Germany was certainly in part
related to the Order of Saint George,
founded by the Holy Roman Emperor
Frederick 111 and approved by Pope
Paul 11 in 1464, and the secular confra
ternity of Saint George, founded in 1494
under Frederick ill's son and successor,
Maximilian 1.
With the exception of Seated
Couple Playing Trictrac and Standing
Woman Playing Checkers (cat. no. 7 ) ,
this drawing for a monumental church
window with Gothic tracery is the earli
est known design by Drer for stained
glass. Hermann Schmitz assigned it the
date c. 1498-1500. As Schmitz noted,
the figure on horseback and the dragon
call to mind details of Drer's woodcut
The Whore of Babylon (fig. 13) from The
Apocalypse, made in 1496-98 and pub
lished in 1498. The toylike yet compact
figures of humans and animals reflect the
formative influence of the prints of Mar
tin Schongauer and the Master of the
Housebook on the young Drer. Be
ginning in 1494, the broad and weighty
forms of the early Italian Renaissance
masters, notably Andrea Mantegna
(1431-1506) and Antonio Pollaiuolo
(1431/2-1498), would gradually trans
form Drer's style. By 1500 he had
begun a systematic study of human and
animal proportions.
Saint George Fighting the Dragon
had been the subject of a small circular
engraving by Schongauer (fig. 1) and a
quatrefoil design by the Master of the
Housebook (cat. no. 1). Both the Master
of the Housebook and Drer relied upon
Schongauer's engraving. Drer's place
ment of the dragon and legendary warrior
1
F I G U R E 1 3 . A l b r e c h t Drer. The Whore of Babylon. W o o d c u t f r o m

The Apocalypse,
published 1 4 9 8 , 39.6 X 28.6 c m . T h e Saint Louis A r t
M u s e u m , Gift of M i s s Berenice B a l l a r d i n m e m o r y of her father and
m o t h e r M r . and M r s . James R. B a l l a r d (inv. n o . 846: 1 9 4 0 ) .
Photo: The Saint Louis A r t M u s e u m .
saint at the lower left of the drawing

against the background of rocks seems to
derive from Schongauer. But Drer ex
ploited the tall vertical format of a Gothic
church window to enhance the spacious
ness of Schongauer's composition. The
interlocking layers of tracery, before a
blue sky, add to the spatial effect.
Drer planned his composition in
metalpoint, then drew the tracery in pen
and ink, and finally added the narrative
scene in pen and ink and delicate green
ish brown, blue, and red watercolor. He
attempted to simplify the glass painter's
task by avoiding cross-hatching. But, as
Friedrich Winkler implied, this design for
a monumental church window with the
life-size figure of Saint George in a spa
cious landscape would have presented a
challenge to glass painters accustomed
to composing from small pieces of col
ored and clear glass. Winkler rightly
called this work one of Drer's most dar
ing designs for stained glass.
3
1. Schmitz 1913, I: 140. While the dates assigned to the

drawing vary, only the Tietzes ( 1 9 2 8 - 3 1 , 1 : A 9 1 ) denied
Drer's authorship, placing the work in the circle of Kulmbach, c. 1510. Equally untenable is Walter Strauss's as
sertion that a workshop assistant may have completed the
drawing based on Drer's underdrawing (Strauss 1 9 7 4 , 1 :
1499/9).
2. Bartsch 1 8 0 3 - 2 1 : no. 7 3 .
3. Winkler 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , I: no. 1 9 7
90
NUREMBERG
IO
Saint Augustine
Dispensing the Rule of
His Order
c. 1 4 9 6 - 9 8
Brush 111 black ink and gray wash, black chalk
framing lines, on three pieces of laid paper,
mounted on cardboard backing and darkened
to brown
CONDITION
The wash is slightly faded

WATERMARK
Indecipherable (drawing laid down)

Signed in monogram bottom center in brush in
black ink: AD
84.6 X 36.4 cm
Rotterdam, Museum Boijinans Van Benningen
Inv. no. M B 1953/T 19
PROVENANCE
From the collections of D . Kaieman, sale, Paris,

A p r i l 27, 1 859, lot 805; A . de Hevesy; F. Koenigs
(Lugt 1956: 1023a): inv. no. D I 183; Loan
Service for the State Distribution of Works of
A r t , 1953: inv. no.
N.K.
1400
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Lippmann and Winkler 1 8 8 3 1929, v i : no. 698; Beets 1927-28: 1 8 - 2 4 ;

Nuremberg 1928: no. 238; Tiet/e and TietzeConrat 1 9 2 8 - 3 8 , I : 373; Flechsig 1 9 2 8 - 3 1 , 11:
433; Winkler 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , I : no. 210; Rotterdam
1938-39: no. 45; Panofsky 1943: no. 788;
Winkler in Thieme and Becker 1907-50, x x x v i i :
40; Jaarverslag
Museum Boijmans
23 (1953):
10; Musper 1953: 22, 344; Ha verkam pBegemann 1955: 8 2 - 8 4 , fig. 5; Winkler 1957:
119; Bauch 1958: 5 0 - 5 1 ; Knappe i 9 6 0 : 186;
Knappe 1961a: 82, 90, fig. 59; Htt 1971, 1:
2 4 2 - 4 4 ; Nuremberg 1971: no. 719, fig. on 388;
M c i j 1974: no. 23; Strauss 1974, v i : no. x w .
210; London 1988: 129; Butts 1990: 73, note 34
on 78; Scholz 1991: 43, 54, fig. 62 on 57, 278,
note 753 on 337; Rowlands 1993, 1: 67, under
no. 142, and 190, under no. 405.
IO
N U R E M B E
RG
91
Xhe protagonist of this large cartoon for

stained glass was identified by Eduard
Flechsig as Saint Augustine with six
choir monks. Flechsig pointed out that
the figures are wearing Augustinian vest
ments, as pictured in a woodcut in the
Missale Romanum, printed by the Augustinians in Nuremberg in 1491. Friedrich
Winkler found Flechsig's identification
of the subject convincing, particularly
because the monks in the drawing and
one in the woodcut wear similar caps.
Augustine of Hippo (354-430) is one
of the four great Fathers of the West
ern Church (cat. nos. 3 0 - 3 1 , 36-43,
47-48) and a patron saint of theologians
and scholars. The Augustinian Order
was formed in the eleventh century based
on rules drawn from the saint's writings,
and he is sometimes depicted, as he is
here, dispensing those rules to the
monks. Although Diirer's cartoon has
not been connected with any surviving
window, it is likely that the Augustinians
in Nuremberg commissioned the draw
ing. Drer later formed close ties with
the Augustinians in Nuremberg. By the
time he departed on his second trip to
Italy in 1505, Drer was attending serv
ices at the Augustinian Church of Saint
Veit, favored by his friend Pirckheimer
and other members of the City Council.
Nicholaas Beets was the first to
publish the cartoon, arguing convinc
ingly for its attribution to Drer. Beets
praised the compact composition, which
symbolized the close-knit religious group;
the plastic strength of the figures; and
Drer's sensitivity to the needs of the glass
painter, seen in the manner in which he
reserved within the gray washes areas
representing highlights. Beets found par
1
1. Flechsig 1928-31,11:433.
2. The woodcut is illustrated by Friedrich Winkler (193639, 1: appendix, pi. 19).
3. Winkler 1936-39,1: no. 210.
4. See Aurenhammer i960: esp. 262.
5. Hutchison 1990: 93, 123.
6. Beets 1927-28: 18-24.
7. Bartsch 1803-21: nos. 6, 8-13 (Large Passion) and
nos. 61-75 (Apocalypse).
8. Bartsch 1803-21: no. 62.
9. Winkler 1936-39, I: no. 210.
10. Winkler 1957: 119.
11. Flechsig 1928-31,11: 433.
12. Panofsky 1943: no. 788.
92
NUREMBERG
allels in Drer's work from the late 1490s,

including the woodcuts of The Large
Passion and The Apocalypse. In partic
ular, Beets compared the lively play of
hands, heavy drapery, and inner tragedy
expressed on the faces. Beets also com
pared the monogram on Saint Augustine
Dispensing the Rule of His Order to one
used by Drer on a number of early
drawings and prints, for example, The
Vision of the Seven Candlesticks from
The Apocalypse, made in 1496-98 and
published in 1498. Like Beets, Winkler
considered the drawing and its Drer
monogram authentic. He saw the elas
ticity of the swelling and tapering lines
as particularly characteristic of Drer,
while noting that the overall effect of the
drawing was weakened by the fading of
the gray washes. In 1957, Winkler
argued that the cartoon could have been
executed as early as 1496 or 1497, a con
clusion supported by its comparison to
The Apocalypse.
7
10
Not everyone has accepted the

attribution of Saint Augustine Dispens
ing the Rule of His Order to Drer.
Flechsig called the monogram spurious
and ascribed the drawing to Hans Schufelein. Erwin Panofsky assigned the
work to the so-called Benedict Master,
whom Winkler and Beets correctly iden
tified with Drer (cat. nos. 11-17). But
Drer's keen powers of observation are
clearly apparent in the avoidance of
symmetry in the faces, notably the up
per lips and bulbous eyelids of the fig
ures. The three-dimensionality of the
faces and composition is adeptly carried
through in the Gothic framework of the
branches above.
11
12
I I
Albrecht Drer
Saint Benedict Gives a

Peasant the Blade of His
Scythe, Which Had Fallen
into the Water
c. 1496
Pen and b r o w n ink, brush and green, blue, and
red watercolors, ruled border in pen and black
ink (probably added later by another hand), on
cream laid paper, mounted d o w n
WATERMARK
Indecipherable (drawing laid down)

False Drer monogram in pen and b r o w n ink,
lower right; paraphs of R. de Cotte and A . Coypel
in pen and brown ink, upper right
Coat of arms of the Pfinzing family of Nuremberg
19
17.3 cm
Paris, Musee du Louvre, Departments des Arts

Graphiques
Inv. no. 18642
PROVENANCE
Royal collection (paraphs of R. de Cotte [Lugt

1921: 1963] and A . Coypel [Lugt 1921: 478])
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schnbrunner and Meder
1 8 9 6 - 1 9 0 8 , v: n.p., under no. 5 5 1 ; Dodgson
1 9 0 3 - 1 1 , 1: 502; Weisbach 1906: 79; Rauch
1907 (pt. 2, W o l f Traut): note 3 on 2 1 - 2 2 ;
Rttinger 1 9 0 7 - 9 : 7 - 9 ; Dodgson 1909: 3 - 4 ,
12; Stadler 1913: 2 1 4 - 1 5 , 2 4 4 - 4 5 ; Dodgson
1918: 46; Bock 1920: 2 1 1 ; Braun 1924: 1 1 ;
Rttinger 1926: 6 5 - 6 6 , p i . 3 1 ; Lippmann and
Winkler 1 8 8 3 - 1 9 2 9 ^ 1 : no. 696; Schenk zu
Schweinsberg 1927: 34, 36; Dodgson and Parker
1928: 20; Rmer 1928: 128; Flechsig 1 9 2 8 - 3 1 ,
I i : 429; Tietze and Tietze-Conrat 1 9 2 8 - 3 8 , 1:
3 7 2 - 7 5 , i l l . on 332; Beenken 1929: 246;
Holzinger 1929: 3 5 - 3 8 , note 29 on 76; Winkler
1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , i : no. 199; Demonts 1 9 3 7 - 3 8 , I :
no. 118, p i . 45; Panofsky 1943: no. 7 9 1 ;
Winkler in Thieme and Becker 1 9 0 7 - 5 0 , x x x v n :
40; Musper 1953: 2.2, fig. 64 on 92; Dubler
1957: 59, 77, 114; Winkler 1957: 119; Oehler
1959: 1 7 4 - 7 5 ; Nuremberg 1961: 2 2 1 - 2 2 ;
M u n i c h 1 9 6 7 - 6 8 : 2 1 ; Z i n k 1968: 93; Htt
1971, i : 229; Koschatzky and Strobl 1971: 162;
Nuremberg 1971: no. 713; Pilz 1972: 105;
Strauss 1974, v i : no. x w 199; Anzelewsky and
Mielke 1984: 28; London 1988: 70; Scholz
1991: note 135 on 4 3 - 4 4 , 4 4 - 4 5 , 50, 70; Paris
1 9 9 1 - 9 2 : no. 96; Rowlands 1993, I: 66, under
no. 142.
I I
NUREMBERG
93
The life of Saint Benedict of Nursia

(Umbria) (c. 480-547) is recounted in
The Dialogues of Gregory the Great
(540?-604) and in Jacobus de Voragine's
(c. 1230-c. 1298) Golden Legend. Ac
cording to The Dialogues of Gregory the
Great, a humble Goth expressed a wish to
adopt the religious life. Benedict received
him and one day assigned him the task of
cutting thick bramble bushes to clear
space for a garden. Using an iron bushhook, the Goth went about the task with
such energy that the iron slipped from the
handle and fell into a bottomless lake.
Benedict restored the blade of the un
happy Goth's scythe merely by dipping
the handle into the water. This drawing
represents one of twelve narrative scenes
from the life of Benedict, which Drer
depicted as part of a series of designs for
stained glass. Eleven drawings and three
small grisaille panels from the series are
known. (Two of the panels are after
extant drawings, while a third, formerly
in the Schlossmuseum in Gotha, is after a
lost design.) In the order of the narrative
of Benedict's life, the scenes represented
are Saint Romanus Handing the Habit to
Saint Benedict; Saint Benedict in the
Cave at Subiaco; The Self-Mortification
of Saint Benedict; Saint Benedict Gives a
Peasant the Blade of His Scythe, Which
Had Fallen into the Water; Placidus
Saved by Maurus with the Help of Saint
Benedict; Florentinus Attempting to Poi
son Saint Benedict; Saint Benedict and
the Devil; King Totila Visits Saint Bene
dict; Saint Benedict Reviving an Infant;
Saint Benedict Visiting His Sister, Saint
Scholastica; Saint Benedict in Solitude
1
1. Uhlfelder 1967: 1 3 - 1 4 .
2. The panel, Saint Romanus Handing the Habit to Saint
Benedict, was lost in 1945 (Winkler 1957: 1 1 9 ) .
3. See Strauss 1 9 7 4 ,
- x w . 1 9 8 - 2 0 9 . See also Dubler
1 9 5 7 : 5 9 . Elisabeth Dubler's book traces the representa
tion of Saint Benedict in the visual arts from the tenth
century.
4. Nuremberg 1 9 7 1 : 3 8 7 - 8 8 . As Ursula Frenzel noted,
Winkler dated the drawings c. 1 5 0 0 based on an incor
rect marriage date of 1 4 9 9 for Friedrich Tetzel and the
false assumption that the drawings were part of the same
commission as a drawing for a round stained glass panel
with Saint Benedict, which is dated 1 5 0 1 (Washington,
D.C., The National Gallery of Art, Lessing Rosenwald
Collection, inv. no. 1943.3.8363). The drawing in Wash
ington, D.C., is probably by a gifted stained-glass painter
who closely approximated Drer's graphic language. See
cat. nos. 1 9 - 2 0 , note 18.
5. Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 4 1 , note 134 on 4 2 . The drawing is Saint
Benedict in the Cave at Subiaco (Vienna, Graphische
Sammlung Albertina).
6. Nuremberg 1961: no. 3 9 6 .
7. Winkler 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , i : nos. 1 9 8 - 2 0 8 .
8. The two other drawings are Saint Benedict in the Cave at
Subiaco and Maurus Rescuing Placidus from Drowning
with the Assistance of Saint Benedict (London, British M u
seum). Winkler considered a fourth drawing with watercolor a copy (cat. no. 15); Koschatzky and Strobl ( 1 9 7 1 :
no. 22) thought the priest bringing bread to Benedict in
the drawing in Vienna might be a portrait of the donor,
since his costume is the same as that of Sixtus Tucher in
Drer's Design for a Stained-Glass Trefoil with Sixtus
Tucher by His Open Grave (cat. no. 19). The number " 2 "
on the sheet apparently reflected its place in the narrative.
9. Bartsch 1 8 0 3 - 2 1 : no. 6 8 .
V I :
94
n o
N U R E M B E R G
(Nocturnal Vision); and Saint Benedict

Teaching.
The drawings and panels bear the
coats of arms of five Nuremberg families:
the Tetzeis, Rummels, Pesslers, Waldstromers, and Pfinzings (see also cat.
nos. 14-16). On the basis of these coats
of arms, Ursula Frenzel proposed that
the Nuremberg patrician Friedrich Tetzel
the Younger commissioned the series in
honor of his marriage to Ursula Frer
(d. after 1535) on February 6, 1496.
Elisabeth Pfinzing (d. 13 61) was the wife
of Friedrich Tetzel the Elder (d. 1367).
The coat of arms of the Waldstromer
(cat. no. 16) belonged to Jobst Tetzel the
Elder's wife (d. 1437); the combined
crests of the Rummel and Pessler (cat.
no. 14; fig. 14) families refers to the two
wives of Jobst Tetzel (d. 1474), Agnes
Rummel (d. 1455 or 1460) and Mar
garete Pessler (married June 11, 1462).
Hartmut Scholz thought that the inscrip
tion Michel Wolgemut 2 on a drawing
in the Graphische Sammlung Albertina
in Vienna by Drer for The Life of Saint
Benedict might be an indication that the
series was commissioned from Wolge
mut. Scholz argued that just after his
return from Italy in the spring of 1495,
Drer may have worked with Wolgemut
and gotten commissions through Wolge
mut before setting up his own workshop.
3
The panels were presumably com

missioned for Nuremberg's Benedictine
Monastery, Saint Aegidius. But their in
tended location within the monastery is
not known. According to Ursula Frenzel's
theory, the series replaced damaged glass
panels from c. 1360 in the Tetzel family
chapel, located on the south side of the
choir of the church. This, she observed,
might explain the presence of the Pfin
zing arms, shown on this sheet and on
the panel formerly in Gotha, as substi
tutes for the arms of Elisabeth Pfinzing
and her husband Friedrich Tetzel the
Elder in the stained glass that was be
ing replaced. Gottfried Frenzel, however,
thought the series of panels after Drer's
designs might have been made for the
glazing of the cloister of the monastery
during the replacement of damaged glass
fromc. 1418-25 (see below, cat. no. 14).
In spite of the fact that one of the
drawings for the series, Saint Benedict
Teaching (cat. no. 12), bears an inscrip
tion in Drer's own hand on the verso,
the attribution of the drawings of The
Life of Saint Benedict to Drer has been
much debated, as discussed at greater
length below (cat. no. 12). Friedrich
Winkler argued strongly that all but two
of the drawings were by Drer's hand; the
remaining two he considered to be copies
(cat. nos. 15, 17). Beginning in 1971,
when a number of the drawings could be
studied together in the Drer exhibition
6
in Nuremberg, Winkler's opinion found

widespread support. So too did Winkler's
assertion that three of the four draw
ings with touches of watercolor, includ
ing Saint Benedict Gives a Peasant the
Blade of His Scythe, Which Had Fallen
into the Water, were the first to be exe
cuted. Ursula Frenzel agreed that these
three drawings, improvised and paint
erly, were meant to inform the patron
and glass painter of Drer's artistic in
tention rather than to guide the glass
painter with specific information such as
an intended palette.
While the spatial relationships in
the drawing in Paris are not entirely
clear, the sheet is one of Drer's most
beautiful works. The delicate application
of blue, green, and red watercolor re
calls Drer's Saint George Fighting the
Dragon, c. 1496 (cat. no. 9). With just
three colors Drer evokes a much wider
palette; with equal success, blue suggests
the water in the lake and the stubble of
beards while modulating the green in the
mountains. Line is also used economi
cally in a manner entirely characteristic
of Drer. A single, well-placed stroke
of the pen shapes the cheek of Saint
Benedict. A simple contour suggests the
fleshiness of the angel's face. Combined
with short, curved hatching strokes, con
tours suggest the strength of the angel's
wings. The extreme economy of means
used in representing the boat and moun
tains recalls Drer's woodcuts like The
Seven Trumpets from The Apocalypse,
made in 1496-98 and published in
1498. Color and contour are adeptly
integrated in the faces, with the white of
the paper used for highlights. The varied
facial expressionsbeatific, thoughtful,
concerned, attentivelend liveliness to
the narrative, as do the asymmetry of
features and the swiftly drawn areas of
hatching and crosshatching. At the left
arm of the angel, these quickly articu
lated hatching strokes are freed from
their role of describing objects and sug
gest the fall of strong light across forms.
8
12
Saint Benedict Teaching

c. 1496
Pen and brown ink, framing lines in metalpoint,
on cream laid paper, the arch above silhouetted
and laid down on a second piece of paper
WATERMARK
Bull's head w i t h cross and flower (similar to

Briquet [ 1 9 0 7 ! 1 9 6 6 : i 4 5 4 8 = T i r o l , Wrzburg
J463)
Inscribed on verso in Drer's hand in pen and

brown ink in seven lines, w i t h the female names
crossed out: wie ein prister ein
bericht/Ursula/
Fr onika/Helena/'Barbral'KaterinaIEinn
Engell
(Like the report of a pricst/Ursula/Veronica/
Helen/Barbara/Catherine/ A n angel)
2 5 . 3 X 17.8
cm

Tnv. no. H Z 5 4 8 0
PROVENANCE
Josef Daniel Bhm Collection, Vienna; Bernhard

Hausmann, Hannover (Lugt 1 9 2 1 : 3 7 8 ) ; Rudolf
and Erwin Blasius, Braunschweig and Bad
Gandersheim, respectively; Frau Irmgard
Peterson nee Blasius
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Hausmann
1 861: 94-95;
Thausing 1 8 7 6 : note 2 on 2 0 6 ; Thausing 1 8 8 4 ,

l : 2 7 7 ; Schmidt 1 8 9 3 : 3 0 6 ; Schnbrunner and
Meder 1 8 9 6 - 1 9 0 8 , V : n.p., under no. 5 5 1 ;
Dodgson 1 9 0 3 - 1 1 , I : 5 0 2 ; Weisbach 1 9 0 6 : 7 9 ;
Rauch 1 9 0 7 (pt. 2 , Wolf Traut): note 3 on 2 1 2 2 ; Rttinger 1 9 0 7 - 9 : 6 ; Dodgson 1 9 0 9 : 3 - 4 ,
1 2 ; Stadler 1 9 1 3 : 2 1 4 - 1 5 , 2 4 4 - 4 5 ; Dodgson
1 9 1 8: 4 6 , 5 1; Weixlgartner 1 9 2 0 : 4 9 ; Braun
1 9 2 4 : 1 1 - 1 2 ; Rttinger 1 9 2 6 : 6 5 - 6 6 , p i . 3 0 ;
12
Lippmann and Winkler 1 8 8 3 - 1 9 2 9 , v i : no. 6 9 0 ;

Schenk zu Schweinsberg 1 9 2 7 : 3 4 , 3 6 ; Dodgson
and Parker 1 9 2 8 : 2 0 ; Nuremberg 1 9 2 8 : no. 1 4 7 ;
Rmer 1 9 2 8 : 1 2 8 ; Tietze and Tietze-Conrat
1 9 2 8 - 3 8 , i : 3 7 2 - 7 5 ; Beenken 1 9 2 9 : 2 4 6 ; Holz-
inger 1 9 2 9 : 3 5 3 8 , note 2 9 on 7 6 ; Flechsig

1 9 2 8 - 3 1 , I i : 4 2 9 - 3 2 ; Winkler 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , l :
no. 2 0 2 ; Demonts 1 9 3 7 - 3 8 , 1: 2 5 ; Panofsky

1 9 4 3 : no. 7 9 4 ; Winkler in Thieme and Becker
1 9 0 7 - 5 0 , x x x v i i : 4 0 ; Rupprich 1 9 5 6 - 6 9 , I :
2 0 6 , no. 1 9 ; Dubler 1 9 5 7 : 5 9 , 7 7 , 130; Winkler

1 9 5 7 : 1 1 9 ; Nuremberg 1 9 6 1 : 2 2 1 - 2 2 ; Schilling
1 9 6 1 : 9.1; Oettinger and Knappe 1 9 6 3 : 1 3, note
6 7 on 9 6 , note 3 6 4 on 11 2; M u n i c h 1 9 6 7 - 6 8 :
2 1 ; Z i n k 1 9 6 8 : no. 6 9 ; Htt 1 9 7 1 , i : 2 3 2 ;
Koschatzky and Strobl 1 9 7 1 : 1 6 2 ; Nuremberg
1 9 7 1 : no. 71 4 ; Pilz 1 9 7 2 : 1 0 5 ; Strauss 1 9 7 4 , v i :
no. x w 2 0 2 ; Anzelewsky and Mielke 1 9 8 4 : 2 8 ;
Butts 1 9 8 6 : 5 1 9 , note 10 on 5 2 4 ; London 1 9 8 8 :
7 0 ; Paris 1 9 9 1 - 9 2 : 9 9 - 1 0 0 ; Rowlands 1 9 9 3 , i :
6 6 , under no. 1 4 2 .
NUREMBER G
95
X h i s drawing depicts Saint Benedict

seated at a teacher's desk instructing
three monks. It presumably illustrates a
passage from The Dialogues of Gregory
the Great under the heading "That
Saint Benedict Had Written a Rule for
Monks." Gregory said of Benedict:
"However, I want you to realize that in
addition to the many miracles which
made him famous, he also distinguished
himself by his teaching." The dove prob
ably represents the soul of Benedict's
twin sister, Saint Scholastica, founder of
an order of Benedictine nuns. Brother
and sister met once a year at Monte
Cassino. According to tradition, at their
last meeting they spoke of the joys of
heaven into the morning. When Scholas
tica died three days later, Benedict re
peatedly had a vision of a dove ascending
into heaven. This drawing is one of twelve
narrative scenes from The Life of Saint
1
1. Uhlfelder 1967: 46.

2. Elisabeth Dubler (1957: 114, 118, 1x8-130) believed that
Drer (whom she cautiously refers to as the Benedict Mas
ter) might have relied on visual sources even more than
on The Dialogues of Gregory the Great in composing his
images of The Life of Saint Benedict. She noted what she
considered to be striking similarities between Drer's com
positions in Paris (cat. no. 11), Berlin (cat. no. 13), Darm
stadt (cat. no. 15), and Nuremberg (cat. no. 12), and the
illuminations in the so-called Bis-bini-Vita, a manuscript
known in five illustrated copies made between c. 1310 and
the end of the fifteenth century. (A copy in the PierpontMorgan Library in New York [copy Y, Ms. 55 in the Pierpont Morgan Library] may date from 1310-20 and may
have originated in Sankt Florian.) On the manuscripts, see
Dubler 1957: 53-54- Dubler asserted that Drer must
have known the "authors portrait" in the Bis-bini-Vita,
which showed Benedict at a writing table penning his
rule for monks, inspired by the Holy Spirit in the form
of a dove and accompanied by three monks. See also cat.
no. 13.
3. See Scholz 1991: 14 for an excellent discussion, in Ger
man, of the different types of drawing for stained glass.
4. In 1861, Hausmann attributed the drawings to Drer
and dated them before i 5 r o (Hausmann 1861: 94-95).
Moriz Thausing (1876: note 2 on 206), followed by Wer
ner Weisbach (1906: 79), described the drawings as the
work of an older master who was also responsible for the
woodcuts illustrating Revelationes Sanctae Birgittae (Nu
remberg, 1500). The woodcuts are now widely accepted
as Drer's work. Wilhelm Schmidt (1893:306) attributed
the drawings to Drer's follower Hans Schufelein, an
opinion that was revived by Eduard Flechsig (Flechsig
1928-31, I i : 429-32) and again as recently as 1991-92
(Paris 1991-92: no. 96). Campbell Dodgson (1903-11, 1:
502) proposed that Drer's follower Wolf Traut (c. 14851520) was the so-called Benedict Master but later opted
for "anonymous" (Dodgson 1909: 3, 4, 12). Christian
Rauch (1907, part 2, Wolf Traut: note 3 on 21-22) as
signed the drawings to Hans von Kulmbach, while Hein
rich Rttinger (1907-9:6) argued for Hans Wechtlin's
authorship. Later, Rttinger proposed Peter Vischer the
Elder as the artist responsible for the drawings of The Life
of Saint Benedict and the woodcuts illustrating Revela
tiones Sanctae Birgittae (Rttinger 1926: 65-66, 281).
Ernst Holzinger (1929: 35-38, note 29 on 76) assigned
the drawings to the circle of Hans von Kulmbach, as did
Hans Tietze and Erica Tietze-Conrat (1928-31, 1: 373
75). Erwin Panofsky (1943: nos. 790-800), followed by
Walter Strauss (1974, v i : xw. 198-209), simply assigned
the drawings to the Drer workshop, c. 1500. Fritz Zink
(1968: no. 69) described them as being by the Benedict
Master (school of Albrecht Drer), c. 1500. As noted
above, Winkler's conviction that the drawings were by
Drer has been widely shared since 1971, when six draw
ings and a panel were exhibited together in Nuremberg
(Nuremberg 1971: nos. 712-18). Among those who ar
gue Drer's authorship convincingly are Ursula Frenzel
(Nuremberg 1971), Fedja Anzelewsky (Anzelewsky and
Mielke 1984: no. 25), and John Rowlands (London 1988:
70; Rowlands 1993: 66).
96
NUREMBERG
Benedict, which Drer depicted as part of

a series of designs for small grisaille pan
els (cat. nos. 14, 16). The stained-glass
cycle was presumably commissioned in
honor of the marriage of the Nuremberg
patrician Friedrich Tetzel the Younger
and Ursula Frer in 1496. Saint Benedict
Teaching is the only drawing in the group
to bear an inscription in Drer's hand
on the verso. Part of the inscription ("like
the report of a priest") refers to the sub
ject on the recto.
Drer's drawings of The Life of
Saint Benedict are not all executed in a
uniform manner. Saint Benedict Gives a
Peasant the Blade of His Scythe, Which
Had Fallen into the Water (cat. no. n ) is
swiftly rendered and touched with watercolor, presumably to give the patron and
glass painter a sense of Drer's artistic
intention. Saint Benedict Teaching was
by contrast painstakingly executed to
provide guidelines for the glass painter.
Taller in format than the drawing in
Paris, Saint Benedict Teaching more
closely approximates the size of the
extant panels and thus was presumably
made after the drawing in the Louvre.
The absence of color notations suggests
that the patron, designer, and glass
painter have now agreed to forego color
and execute the glass panels in yellow
stain and vitreous paint on clear glass.
Borderlines in metalpoint define the
limits of the figural composition, and a
place is reserved for a coat of arms. (One
can assume that the patron specified
which coat of arms was to be added by
the glass painter.) In the drawings in
Paris and Nuremberg, Drer has moved
from compositional sketch (Ideenskizze
or Komp ositionsv orslag) to to-scale de
sign (massstabgerechte Visierung). His
drawing in Nuremberg has the appear
ance of a Reinzeichnung, or cleaned-up
copy. Drer provides simple, clear guid
ance by means of carefully articulated
contours and areas of hatching. Crosshatching is kept to a minimum. Shadow
is primarily indicated by the close spac
ing of hatching lines. Furthermore, the
hatching lines, notably those in the
habits of the foremost monk and Bene
dict and in the wall and. sky in the back
ground, emphasize the picture plane.
The lack of spaciousness and absence of
subtle variations in the modeling led
many scholars to reject the drawings for
The Life of Saint Benedict cycle as works
by Drer, in spite of the inscription in his
hand on the verso of this sheet.
2
13
Albrecht Drer
Saint Benedict in Solitude

(Nocturnal Vision)
c. 1496
Pen and brown ink, black chalk framing lines,
on cream laid paper
False monogram of Albrecht Drer at lower right
in pen and brown ink
24.4
18.5 cm

Inv. no. Kdz 47
PROVENANCE
Alexander Emil Posonyi-Hulot (Lugt 1921:

2040/41); acquired 1877
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Thausing 1884,
9:
277;
Schmidt 1893: 306; Schnbrunner and Meder

1 8 9 6 - 1 9 0 8 , v: n.p., under no. 5 5 1 ; Dodgson
1 9 0 3 - 1 1 , i : 502; Weisbach 1906: 79; Rauch
1907 (pt. 2, W o l f Traut): note 3 on 2 1 - 2 2 ;
Rttinger 1 9 0 7 - 9 : 6 - 9 , note 1 on 8; Dodgson
1909: 3, 4, 12; Stadler 1913: 2 1 4 - 1 5 , 2 4 4 - 4 5 ;
Dodgson 1918: 46; Bock 1920: 2 1 1 ; Bock 1921:
23; Braun 1924: 11-13; Rttinger 1926: 6 5 - 6 6 ,
pl. 30; Lippmann and Winkler 1 8 8 3 - 1 9 2 9 , v i :
no. 693; Schenk zu Schweinsberg 1927: 34, 36;
Dodgson and Parker 1928: 20; Rmer 1928:
128; Tietze and Tietze-Conrat 1 9 2 8 - 3 8 , 1 : 3 7 2 75; Beenken 1929: 246; Holzinger 1929: 3 5 38, note 29 on 76; Flechsig 1 9 2 8 - 3 1 , I i : 429;
Winkler 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , i : no. 205; Demonts 1 9 3 7 38, i : 25; Panofsky 1943: no. 797; Winkler
in Thieme and Becker 1 9 0 7 - 5 0 , x x x v i i : 40;
Musper 1953: 22; Dubler 1957: 59, 77, 1 2 8 29; Winkler 1957: 119; Nuremberg 1961: 2 2 1 22; Oettinger and Knappe 1963: note 301 on
108; M u n i c h 1 9 6 7 - 6 8 : 2 1 ; Z i n k 1968: 93;
Htt 1971, i : 235; Koschatzky and Strobl 1971:
162; Nuremberg 1971: no. 716; Pilz 1972: 105;
Strauss 1974, v i : no. x w 205; Anzelewsky and
Mielke 1984: no. 25; London 1988: 70; Paris
1 9 9 1 - 9 2 : 9 9 - 1 0 0 ; Rowlands 1993, i : 66, under
no. 142.
13
N U R E M B E R G
97
T h i s design for one of the series of at

least twelve small stained-glass panels il
lustrating The Life of Saint Benedict de
picts a vision of the saint, which is inter
preted in The Dialogues of Gregory the
Great? Benedict, in prayer at his window
one night, saw a light from above that sur
passed the day in brightness. Suddenly it
appeared as if the whole world collected
itself before his eyes below a ray of sun
light. Then he saw the soul of Germanus,
bishop of Capua, being carried to heaven
by angels in a fiery globe. Later it was
discovered that Bishop Germanus died at
that moment. Gregory explained: "To
say that the world was gathered together
before his eyes does not mean that heaven
and earth shrank, but that the mind of
the beholder was expanded so that he
could easily see everything below God
since he himself was caught up in God.
In that light which gleamed for the outer
eyes, then, there was an inner light of the
heart. When this carried the soul of
the beholder to the upper regions, it re
vealed to him how narrow in compass
everything below really was." In Drer's
drawing, Saint Benedict's vision of the
universe is represented by a disk at the
lower left. The objects depicted within
this circular form include ships, a church,
books, a spinning wheel, and a sword,
perhaps symbolizing trade and explo
ration, religion, learning, crafts, and the
administration of justice. The objects
seem to reflect the Benedictines' division
2
of their time between contemplation,

prayer, and manual labor, and their high
regard for education, liturgy, and arts.
Elisabeth Dubler described the cosmos
represented by Drer as a paradisiacal
ordering of firmament and stars, water
and land, animals and plants, house
and ship, jug and plate, machine and
book. She went on to say that, instead
of representing the intricate brightness of
life, here the intellect counts the compo
nents of creation and the achievements of
the human mind.
Like Saint Benedict Teaching, Saint
Benedict in Solitude is a to-scale design
meant to provide precise guidelines for
the glass painter. It appears to be a
Reinzeichnung, or cleaned-up copy, per
haps even a tracing. Drer is known to
have traced the main contours of his com
positions, then added details and hatch
ing, as part of his working process. As
in the sheet in Nuremberg, Drer used
clear hatching systems, avoided crosshatching, except in small areas, and or
ganized contours and hatching strokes to
emphasize the picture plane. As noted
above (cat. no. 12), Drer's authorship of
the drawings of The Life of Saint Benedict
has often been doubted. But his sure grasp
of three-dimensional form is apparent in
the head of the saint. Also characteris
tic of Drer is the balance between the
beauty of individual lines and the com
bined effect of the lines as shading.
3
14
A f t e r A l b r e c h t Drer
Saint Benedict and the

Devil
c. 1496
sanguine, and black vitreous paint
CONDITION
Two glued cracks, glue yellowed; halftone

painting slightly reduced, minor losses in
contours, sanguine strongly washed off; modern
lead border
Coat of arms of the Tetzel family of Nuremberg
surrounded by the collar of the Order of the Jug
24.5 X 18 cm, including the lead border
Inv. no. M M
786
PROVENANCE
Collection of the Duke of Sachsen-Coburg-Gotha

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Winkler in Thieme and Becker
1907-50, x x x v i i : 40; Germanisches
NationalMuseum 1955: 2 1 , fig. 5; Winkler 1957: 119;
Knappe 1961a: note 245 on 60; Nuremberg
1961: 2 2 1 , no. 396; M u n i c h 1 9 6 7 - 6 8 : 2 1 ;
Z i n k 1968: 93; Koschatzky and Strobl 1971:
162; London 1971: 12; Nuremberg 1971:
no. 718; Pilz 1972: 106; Strauss 1974, v i : 2960;
London 1988: 70; Scholz 1991: note 135 on
4 3 - 4 4 , note 144 on 45, fig. 50 on 47, fig. 283
on 197, 198; Rowlands 1993, 66> under
no. 142.
I :
1.
Uhlfelder 1 9 6 7 :
44-46.
2. Uhlfelder 1967: 46. The authors would like to thank

Anne Lauder for bringing this passage to their attention
when they first began work on the drawing.
3. Dubler 1957: 1 2 8 - 2 9 . As noted above (cat. no. 1 2 ,
note 2), Dubler thought Drer might have relied on vi
sual sources even more than on The Dialogues of Gregory
the Great in composing his images of The Life of Saint
Benedict. Dubler noted what she considered to be strik
ing similarities between Drer's compositions in Paris (cat.
no. r i ) , Darmstadt (cat. no. 15), and Nuremberg (cat.
no. 12), and the illuminations in the so-called Bis-biniVita, a manuscript known in five illustrated copies made
between c. 1310 and the end of the fifteenth century. Du
bler compared Drer's Saint Benedict in Solitude to the
representation of Benedict's nocturnal vision in a copy of
the Bis-bini-Vita painted in Metten in 1414 (copy M , Clm
8 2 0 1 in the Staatsbibliothek in Munich). There, she ob
served, the artist represented the cosmos in terms a disk
filled with details from the life of knights and peasants.
Dubler asserted that if Drer had been guided by the text
of The Dialogues of Gregory the Great rather than by vi
sual representations, he would most likely have included
the death of Germanus. Dubler noted that a fiery ball be
came one of Benedict's attributes in visual representations
during the Baroque period.
4. As noted in cat. nos. 6 6 - 6 7 ,
4? Drer's Entombment,
1504, in the National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.,
is inscribed in his own hand, Durchczeichnet (traced).
n o t e
98
NUREMBERG
D rer's drawing of Saint Benedict and

the devil (fig. 14) and the small grisaille
panel executed after it depict a scene from
The Life of Saint Benedict as recounted
in The Dialogues of Gregory the Great?
Benedict heals a young monk, the son of
a tax collector, who was crushed when
the devil pushed down a wall during the
building of a church. The setting for the
miracle is Monte Cassino, where Bene
dict founded the famous monastery and
promulgated the Rule of the Order. The
place was said to have been the site of a
temple of Apollo, which was razed after
Benedict converted Apollo's followers to
Christianity.
In executing Saint Benedict and the
Devil, the glass painter closely followed
the design by Drer. One notable change
is in Benedict's hand gestures. Perhaps
Drer had provided alternate hand ges
tures, as he did in sketches on the verso
of two other drawings for The Life of
Saint Benedict? The coat of arms was
also changed by the glass painter. In the
stained-glass panel, the crest of the Tetzel
2
14
family is surrounded by the collar of the
chivalric Order of the Jug, probably, ac
cording to Ursula Frenzel, in honor of
Jobst Tetzel (d. 1474), who was the guard
ian of the Church of Saint Aegidius where
the Tetzels had a family chapel. In Diirer's drawing, the coat of arms combines
the crests of Jobst Tetzel's first and second
wives, Agnes Rummel (d. 1455 or 1460;
two cocks) and Margareta Pessler (bird's
leg). Married in 1462, the latter had nine
children and outlived her husband.
Hartmut Scholz hypothesized that
4
the commission for the panels depicting

The Life of Saint Benedict may have been
carried out by Drer for his former
teacher Wolgemut before the younger
man established his own workshop in
Nuremberg. Certainly the panel after
Drer's design depicting Saint Benedict
and the Devil was executed in the
same glass painter's workshop, perhaps
even by the same glass painter who exe
cuted The Crucifixion^ c. 1490, after a
design by Wolgemut or his workshop
(cat. no. 6). Both panels are painted in
6
grisaille in a linear style, reminiscent of

woodcut. And in both the glass painter
made extensive use of sharp objects to
scratch hatching and light contours out
of the matt. The glass painter responsible
for Saint Benedict and the Devil showed
great understanding of the energy and
subtle modulation of Drer's line and the
expressive power of his faces and hands.
The identity of the glass painter is, how
ever, difficult to surmise. As Hartmut
Scholz has pointed out, it is even im
possible to say whether the stained-glass
NUREMBERG
99
panels of The Life of Saint Benedict

were executed by a specialist in smallscale stained glass within the Hirsvogel
workshop or by a different workshop
entirely. Scholz did note similarities
with the linear style employed in paint
ing monumental glass windows in the
Hirsvogel workshop, specifically in one
of the hands identifiable in the Window of
the Bishops of Bamberg in Saint Sebald
in Nuremberg.
As noted above (cat. no. 11), the
stained-glass panels depicting The Life
of Saint Benedict were presumably com
missioned for Nuremberg's Benedictine
monastery, Saint Aegidius. Determining
their intended location within the mon
astery is complicated by the fact that the
church was destroyed by fire in 1696.
Ursula Frenzel argued that they replaced
damaged glass panels from c. 1360 in the
family chapel, located on the south side
of the choir of the church. Gottfried
Frenzel, on the other hand, thought they
might have been made for the glazing of
the cloister of the monastery, which
replaced damaged glass from c. 141825. Hartmut Scholz correctly observed
that the small panels must be viewed at
close range. Thus he favored Gottfried
Frenzel's theory, since the windows in
the cloister would have been smaller and
lower than the chapel windows. On
the basis of Drer's use of watercolor
on three of his designs (cat. no. 11),
Scholz hypothesized that the commis
sion might originally have been for large
colored-glass panels for the Tetzel family
chapel rather than for small grisaille
panels for the cloister. Unfortunately
little is known about the building history
of the refectory, monk's cells, and cloister
of Nuremberg's Benedictine monastery.
What is known is that the stained-glass
panels depicting The Life of Saint Bene
dict were made during the tenure of
Johannes Rotenecker (Radenecker), who
was abbot of Saint Aegidius from 1477
to 1504. Abbot Rotenecker was par
ticularly interested in the history of the
Benedictine Order. He assisted Abbot
Johannes Trithemius von Sponheim in
collecting information about important
Benedictine scholars for a literary cata
logue, writing to the abbot of the monas
tery San Paolo fuori le mura in Rome in
order to trace, for instance, forgotten
Benedictines from Monte Cassino.
7
15
By or after A l b r e c h t Drer
F I G U R E 1 4 . A l b r e c h t D r e r . Saint
Benedict
and the Devil, c. 1 4 9 6 . Pen and b r o w n i n k ,
23.5 X 17.5 c m . F o r m e r l y i n the c o l l e c t i o n
of Professor C a n t a c u z i n o , Bucharest, present
whereabouts u n k n o w n .
Photo: W i n k l e r 1936-39,1: no. 206.
The Self-Mortification of
Saint Benedict
c.
1496
Pen and black ink, brush and green, pink, gray,

and blue watercolor, on cream laid paper
COAT OF ARMS
Coat of arms of the Tetzel family of Nuremberg

23.8 X 17 cm
Darmstadt, Hessisches Landesmuseum
Inv. no. A E 387

PROVENANCE
Perhaps in the Weiser collection, auctioned by

Frauenholz in Nuremberg (Frauenholz, auction 5
according to Heller 1827, 11: 69)
10
11
1. Uhlfelder 1 9 6 7 : 1 9 - 2 0 .
2. Saint Benedict and the Devil, c. 1 4 9 6 , pen and brown

ink, 23.5 X 17.5 cm, formerly in the collection of Pro
fessor Cantacuzino, Bucharest, present whereabouts un
known. See Winkler 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , i : no. 2 0 6 ; Strauss 1 9 7 4 ,
v i : no. xw. 2 0 6 .
3. See Strauss 1 9 7 4 , v i : nos. x w . 2 o r a and x w . 2 0 3 a .
4. Nuremberg 1 9 7 1 : no. 7 1 8 . On the Order of the Jug,
see also the biography of the Master of the Housebook,
above.
5. Drer's wife, nee Agnes Frey, was the daughter of Anna
Frey, nee Rummel (d. 1521). In the fifteenth century, the
Rummels were one of Nuremberg's wealthiest families.
Anna Rummel brought a dowry of eight hundred florins
to her marriage with Albrecht Drer the Elder, four times
the dowry that Agnes Frey brought to her marriage.
6. Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 4 1 , note 134 on 4 2 . See cat. no. 6, note 9.
7. Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 4 6 - 4 8 . Scholz also noted that the coarse,
graphic manner of the glass painter was characteristic of
small-scale stained glass in Nuremberg until about 1 5 1 0 .
8. Scholz ( 1 9 9 1 : 198) proposed that the glass painter re
sponsible for Saint Benedict and the Devil might be
identical with the master who painted the head of
Bishop Philip von Henneberg in the so-called Bamberg
Window in Saint Sebald in Nuremberg. On the Bamberg
Window, see Scholz's essay and cat. no. 18.
9. Nuremberg 1 9 7 1 : 3 8 7 .
10. Nuremberg 1 9 6 1 : no. 3 9 6 .
1 1 . Scholz 1 9 9 1 : note 135 on 4 4 . A series of small grisaille
panels, one of which is dated 1 5 1 1 (cat. no. 32), were de
signed by Drer's follower Hans von Kulmbach, presum
ably for the same cloister.
12. See Zankl 1935 on the church before the fire of 1 6 9 6 .
See also Pilz 1972.
13. On Rotenecker, see Franz Machilek's biography in Imhoff
1 9 8 4 : 5 9 - 6 0 and cat no. 33. If, as Dubler asserted, Drer
had access to illuminations in manuscript biographies of
Saint Benedict (see cat. no. 12, note 2; cat. no. 13, note 3;
cat. nos. 1 5 - 1 6 ) , perhaps it was through Rotenecker.
100
NUREMBERG
12
13
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Weigel 1865:
194, no.
44;
Schnbrunner and Meder 1 8 9 6 - 1 9 0 8 , v:

no. 551; Dodgson 1 9 0 3 - 1 1 , I: 502; Weisbach
1906: 79; Rauch 1907 (pt. 2, Wolf Traut):
note 3 on 2 1 - 2 2 ; Rttinger 1 9 0 7 - 9 : 7 - 9 ;
Dodgson 1909: 3, 4. 12; Stadler 1913: 2 1 4 - 1 5 ,
2 4 4 - 4 5 ; Dodgson 1918: 46, 5 1 ; Braun 1924:
1 1 - 1 2 ; Rttinger 1926: 66, p i . 27; Lippmann
and Winkler 1 8 8 3 - 1 9 2 9 , v i : no. 694; Schenk
zu Schweinsberg 1927: 3 4 - 3 6 ; Dodgson and
Parker 1928: 20; Nuremberg 1928: no. 208;
Rmer 1928: 128; Tietze and Tietze-Conrat
1 9 2 8 - 3 8 , i : 3 7 2 - 7 5 ; Beenken 1929: 246;
Holzinger 1929: 3 5 - 3 8 , note 29 on 76; Flechsig
1 9 2 8 - 3 1 , I i : 429; Winkler 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , 1: no. 207;
Demonts 1 9 3 7 - 3 8 , I: 25; Panofsky 1943:
no. 799; Winkler in Thieme and Becker 1 9 0 7 50, x x x v i i : 40; Dubler 1957: 59, 77, 109; W i n k
ler 1957: 119; Nuremberg 1961: 2 2 1 - 2 2 ;
M u n i c h 1 9 6 7 - 6 8 : 2 1 ; Z i n k 1968: 93; Htt
1971, i : 237; Koschatzky and Strobl 1971: 162;
Nuremberg 1971: no. 717; Pilz 1972: 106;
Strauss 1974, v i : no. x w . 207; Anzelewsky and
Mielke 1984: 28; London 1988: 70; Scholz
1991: note 135 on 4 3 - 4 4 , note 144 on 45; Paris
1 9 9 1 - 9 2 : 9 9 - 1 0 0 ; Rowlands 1993,1: 66, under
no. 142.
*5
N U R E M B E RG
lOI
i6
I02
NUREMBERG
i6
A f t e r A l b r e c h t Drer
The Self-Mortification of
Saint Benedict with a
Donatrix and an Angel
Holding a Heraldic Shield
c.
1496

CONDITION
Shatter crack, loss below at left edge, chipping

along break lines, some surfaces scratched and
abraded.
Coat of arms of the Waldstromer family of
Nuremberg (a shield damascened sable, t w o
prongs crossed)
22.5
16.3 cm
Boston, Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum

Inv. no. c 6 e i 3
PROVENANCE
A. Pickert, Nuremberg
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Winkler 1957: 1 19: Knappe
1961a: note 245 on 60; Nuremberg 1961: 2 2 1 22; M u n i c h 1 9 6 7 - 6 8 : 2 1 ; Z i n k 1968: 93;
Nuremberg 1.971: 387; Koschatzky and Strobl
1971: 162; London 1971: 12; Nuremberg 1971:
387; Pilz 1972: ro6; Strauss 1974,
2.962;
Cambridge 1:978: 99; London 1988: 70; Cor
pus Vitrearum Checklist i v 1991: 98; Scholz
1991: note 135 on 4 3 - 4 4 , note 144 on 45,
fig. 276 on 193, 198; Rowlands .1:993, 66,
under no. 142.
V I :
1 :
W h ile the drawing The Self-Mortifica

tion of Saint Benedict bears the coat of
arms of the Tetzel family, the grisaille
panel executed after it shows a winged
angel holding the Waldstromer coat of
arms, which belonged to the family of
Jobst Tetzel the Elder's wife (d. 1437).
The scene of The Self-Mortification of
Saint Benedict was one of at least twelve
from The Life of Saint Benedict depicted
by Drer in designs for a stained-glass
cycle that was presumably commissioned
in connection with the marriage of Friedrich Tetzel the Younger and Ursula Frer
on February 6, 1496 (see also cat. nos.
11-12), for the Benedictine monastery,
Saint Aegidius, in Nuremberg. The draw
ing in Darmstadt and small grisaille panel
in Boston depict a young Benedict over
coming sexual desire by throwing him
self into a thorn bush. According to The
Dialogues of Gregory the Great:
One day while he was alone, the
Tempter was present. A small dark
bird, commonly called a blackbird,
began to flutter about his face and
to press upon him so persistently
that he could have caught it if he
had wished. But when Benedict
had made the sign of the cross, the
bird went away. After it had left,
however, a greater temptation of
the flesh than he had ever experi
enced overtook the holy man. For
the evil spirit brought back before
his mind's eye a certain woman
whom he had once seen. . . . He
was overcome by sensuality, and
almost considered abandoning his
solitary retreat. Then suddenly
God graciously looked upon him
and he returned to himself. Since
he saw that thickets of nettles
and thorn bushes were growing
nearby, he stripped off his gar
ment and flung himself naked
upon those stinging thorns and
burning nettles. . . . So through
the wounds of the skin he drew
out from his body the wound of
the mind by changing his lust to
pain.
1
Gregory used the story to illustrate

why the young "must be subordinate
and serve, and be worn out by obedient
toil" while the "temptation of the flesh
burns hot." From the fiftieth year, he
asserts, "the body begins to cool" and
the mind becomes tranquil, making the
monk an ideal teacher of souls and
guardian of the hearts of the faithful. The
woman at the lower right, dressed in the
costume of a lady of Nuremberg, sym
bolizes the source of Benedict's unchaste
thoughts and feelings. Noting the con
flation of the story of the blackbird and
2
that of Benedict's self-mortification as

well as the juxtaposition of the prostrate
saint and the seated woman, Elisabeth
Dubler suggested that Drer might have
known the so-called Bis-bini-Vita, a man
uscript recounting Benedict's life that
is known in five illustrated copies made
between c. 1.310 and the end of the fif
teenth century. Dubler pointed to simi
lar pictorial elements in an illumina
tion in an early fourteenth-century copy
of the Bis-bin-Vita in the Pierpont Mor
gan Library in New York. One wonders
whether such a visual source was made
accessible to Drer by the abbot of Saint
Aegidius, Johannes Rotenecker, who was
avidly interested in the history of the Ben
edictine Order (see cat. no. 14, note 13;
cat. nos. 32-35).
3
Friedrich Winkler judged the draw

ing in Darmstadt to be a copy after
Drer made in the glass painter's work
shop; he described the lines as too dry
and weak to have been executed by Drer
himself. Furthermore, Winkler argued,
the framing line, drawn with a straight
edge in pen and black ink, indicates that
this was the final pattern (Vorlage) for
the glass panel, executed by the glass
painter himself. (This type of drawing is
also called a "workbench drawing" and
was made by tracing in order to preserve
the "working design.") Winkler might
also have noted that the drawing in
Darmstadt is executed in black ink,
while the other extant designs from the
series are in brown ink. The drawing
The Self-Mortification of Saint Benedict
has undeniable weaknesses, most notably
the poorly articulated body of Benedict
beneath the thornbushes, the lack of
articulation of his wrists, and the want of
three-dimensionality in the coat of arms.
On the other hand, the beautifully ren
dered figure of the woman is worthy of
Drer. The simple contours of her face
and nose lend roundness to her head. The
contours and modeling of the woman's
dress and of the church in the background
are clear and effective. The watercolor
too is adeptly applied in a palette consis
tent with Drer's own (cat. no. 11).
4
The stained-glass panel in Boston

is similar in execution to the one in Nur
emberg depicting Saint Benedict and the
Devil (cat. no. 14). The glass painter
translated the linear design into a painted
work that balances tonal modeling in
gray matt, applied in the manner that
wash would be in a drawing, and linear
modeling in black paint for contours,
hatching, and cross-hatching. The glass
painter also makes free use of pointed
tools to scratch highlights and hatching
strokes into the gray matt. This technique
is used to particularly great effect in the
long, curving highlights of the river and
the scribbled cross-hatching of the moun-
NUREMBERG
I.03
tain in the background. Here the glass

painter is improvising, as the pen-andink and watercolor drawing includes no
modeling of this kind. The verso is artic
ulated with yellow stain and sanguine.
In the figure of Benedict, the hatch
ing strokes used to model the torso
resemble those in the drawing in Darm
stadt. The lack of anatomical clarity in
the body beneath the thornbushes is
comparable to the drawing. This could
suggest either that the glass painter was
also responsible for the sheet in Darm
stadt or that he suffered from a lack of
direction provided by Drer in this part
of the design. The figure of the woman in
the panel departs from her counterpart
in the drawing. Her face is more rounded
and the folds of her drapery softer. The
kerchief wrapped around her head and
falling across her shoulders emphasizes
the soft forms of her face and shoulders.
17
King Totila Visits Saint

Benedict
c.
1496
Pen and brown ink, gray wash, b r o w n ink

framing lines, on cream to beige laid paper
22.5
17.2 cm
Private collection, Switzerland

PROVENANCE
Jonkheer C. van de Poll, Castle Hollenfels,

Luxemburg; by inheritance to a Dutch
nobleman; Christie's, Amsterdam, November 14,
1994, lot 216
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Lippmann and Winkler 1 8 8 3 1929, v i : introduction, i l l . opposite 20; Beets
1 9 2 7 - 2 8 : 1 7 - 1 9 , fig. on 18; Tietze and TietzeConrat 1 9 2 8 - 3 8 , i : 3 7 2 - 7 5 ; Flechsig 1 9 2 8 - 3 1 ,
11: 430; Winkler 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , I : no. 208; Demonts
1 9 3 7 - 3 8 , i : 25; Panofsky 1943: no. 800;
Winkler i n Thieme and Becker 1 9 0 7 - 5 0 , x x x v n :
40; Dubler 1957: 59, 77; Nuremberg 1961:
2 2 1 - 2 2 ; M u n i c h 1 9 6 7 - 6 8 : 2 1 ; Z i n k 1968: 93;
Htt 1971, I: 239; Koschatzky and Strobl 1971:
162; Nuremberg 1971: 387; Pilz 1972: 106;
Strauss 1974, v i : no. x w . 208; Anzelewsky and
Mielke. 1984: 28; London 1988: 70; Paris 1 9 9 1 92: 9 9 - 1 0 0 ; Rowlands 1993, 1: 66, under
no. 142.
Totila was king of the Ostrogoths in

Italy. The Dialogues of Gregory the
Great recount how Totila tested Bene
dict's gift of prophecy by sending his
swordbearer, Riggo, to the saint at
Monte Cassino disguised as the king.
Benedict immediately discovered the de
ception. Then Totila visited Benedict,
prostrating himself and refusing to stand
up in spite of the saint's entreaties. Bene
dict blessed Totila, but not before strik
ing terror in his heart by prophesying:
"Your evil deeds, past and present, are
many. It is time at last to refrain from sin.
You are about to enter Rome and to
cross the sea. For nine years you will
rule, and in the tenth you will die." Gre
gory reports that "Not long after, [Totila]
went to Rome, proceeded to Sicily, and
died in the tenth year of his reign. He lost
his kingdom and his life according to the
judgment of almighty God." The figure
of the kneeling Totila has been compared
to that of Eustace in Drer's famous en
graving of c. 1501 depicting the conver
sion of the saint.
Winkler considered this drawing
and The Self-Mortification of Saint Bene
dict (cat. no. 15) to be copies after Drer.
1
1. For the story of the self-mortification of Saint Benedict

according to Gregory, see Uhlfelder 1967: 6 - 7 .
2. In 1500, Drer made a number of studies of the cos
tumes of the women of Nuremberg (Strauss 1974, 11:
nos. 1500/2-1500/7.
3. Copy Y (Ms. 55 in the Pierpont Morgan Library) may date
from 1310-20 and may have originated in Sankt Florian.
See Dubler 1957: 53-54, 109, and fig. 112.
4. Winkler 1936-39, 1: no. 207.
5. New York 1995: 12.
104
N U R E M B E R G
While the drawing in Darmstadt has

some weaknesses that cast doubt upon
Drer's authorship, this sheet is certainly
from Drer's hand. Here, gray wash re
places the blue, green, and red watercolor used in the drawings from The Life
of Saint Benedict that Drer is thought
to have executed first (cat. no. 11). Nev
ertheless, King Totila Visits Saint Bene
dict matches other drawings from Dr
er's hand in the calligraphic beauty of the
lines, the pronounced three-dimensional
ity of the figures, the weightiness of the
cloth, and the powerful expressiveness
of the faces and hands. Contours and
hatching strokes are swiftly and surely
executed. As is typical for Drer, exact
symmetry is avoided in the delineation of
the features, and the upper contour of
the lips is always suggested rather than
drawn. The face of the elegant youth
standing behind Totila (perhaps Riggo)
is particularly characteristic of Drer's
draftsmanship. It is modeled with just a
few contours and touches of wash, yet
fully rounded. The young man's stance
calls to mind that of the youth in The
Marriage-for-Money Fool, one of Dr
er's woodcut illustrations for Sebastian
Brant's Ship of Fools (Basel, 1494). The
young man also calls to mind an ele
gantly clad onlooker at the left of Drer's
woodcut The Whore of Babylon (fig. 13)
from The Apocalypse, made in 1496-98
and published in 1498. The knit brow
of the youth behind Totila gives him the
look of concentration that Drer often
captured. The winding contours of the fur
lining on Totila's jacket anchor the figure
firmly in space. His pained expression is
adeptly rendered. In depicting Benedict's
hands, Drer sacrificed anatomical cor
rectness for the sake of expressiveness of
silhouette and readability of gesture. In
execution, King Totila Visits Saint Bene
dict is among the most masterful of Dr
er's series on the life of the saint.
3
1.
2.
3.
4.
Uhlfelder 1967: 22-24.

Bartsch 1803-21: no. 57.
Htt 1971, I i : 1369.
Bartsch 1803-21: no. 73.
17
N U R E M B E R G
LO5
i8
106
NUREMBERG
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schinnerer 1913:
i8
Saint Peter, Cartoon for

the Window of the
Bishops of Bamberg in
Saint Sebald's Church in
Nuremberg
c.
1501-2
Brush w i t h black ink and gray wash, traces

of black chalk, color notations in black chalk,
on five sheets of cream laid paper attached
horizontally w i t h slight overlapping on the top
join; the other joins and the lower left-hand
corner have been made up
WATERMARK
H i g h crown surmounted by a cross (in four

pieces of paper) (very close to Briquet [1907]
1.966: 4895; sec also Meder 1.932: p i . 4, no. 20,
and Strauss 1974, v i : 3 2 8 5 - 8 6 )
Color notations in black chalk: w[eissj (white, in
key), 4 (green, in damask cloth behind Peter at
left), rfotj (red, three times, twice in cope, just
above t w o small keys and at Peter's right thigh,
and once in his shoe), b[lau] (blue, on cassock
above morse); undeciphered mark, perhaps
indicating the use of yellow stain (on morse).
Notation in red, at left, just above the symbol
for green: undeciphered, perhaps indicating the
pattern to be used on the cloth behind Peter.
1
.100.2 X 38.8 cm
Inv. no. 1882-3-11-60
PROVENANCE
Acquired 1882 from M r . A. Casabianca, Paris
322, fig. 7 on
pi. 78; Weinberger 1921: note 77 on 2 5 0 - 5 1 ;

Dodgson 1926: 35; Rttinger 1926: 86, p i . 34;
Beets 1 9 2 7 - 2 8 : 19; Dodgson and Parker 1928:
no. 308; Winkler 1929: 37, 43; Stadler 1936: 82,
123; Winkler 1936: 192; Winkler 1942: no. 63;
Winkler 1959: 2 3 - 2 4 , p i . 12; Frenzel i 9 6 0 :
2 0 1 , p i . 5 (detail); Knappe .1.960: 186; Strieder
i 9 6 0 : 5 3 6 - 3 7 ; Frenzel 1961: 3 9 - 4 0 ; Knappe
1961a: 6 9 - 9 9 , figs. 6 0 - 6 1 , 67; Knappe 1961c:
253; Nuremberg 1961: 11.2-13; Schwemmer
1961: 1 15-16; unsigned review of Meister um
Albrecht Drer and Bamberger Fenster in Sele
Arte 1 9 6 1 - 6 2 : 5 7 - 6 7 , especially 6 4 - 6 6 ; Schnelbgl 1 9 6 2 - 6 3 : 289; Oettinger and Knappe 1963:
note 241 on 104, 318; Nuremberg 197:1: 389;
London 1971: 54, no. 338; Winzinger 1971: 68;
Knappe 1973: 6 8 - 6 9 ; M u n i c h 1974: 79, under
no. 66; Butts 1985: 6, 3 4 - 3 6 , 1 6 1 , 1.74-78,
182, 1 8 5 - 8 7 , 2 8 1 - 9 4 , 3 ~ 3 ? g - 5 4 ; Butts
1986: note 13 on 525; Butts 1988: note 13 on
284; London 1988: no. 97; Butts 1990: 7 1 ,
7 3 - 7 5 , fig. 6 on 7 1 , notes 3 0 - 3 3 on 78; Scholz
1991: note 71 on 1:5, note 86 on 24, notes 1.5051 on 5 1 - 5 3 , fig. 76 on 64, 6 6 - 6 7 , fig- 79
68, note 259 on 1.22-23, 4 > 3 ? 3 7 J 9 ?
309, note 729 on 326, note 753 on 337; Row
lands 1993: no. 405; Strieder 1993a: 734 35.
n
o r )
I 2
Saint Peter is the only surviving cartoon

for the monumental window in the east
ern choir of the church of Saint Sebald in
Nuremberg that is called the Bamberg
Window because it was given by Veit
Truchsess von Pommersfelden (d. Sep
tember 7, 1503), the bishop of Bamberg
(fig. 13, p. 28). The cartoon can be dated
c. 1501-2 based on a record of payment
by the bishop to the glass painter, Veit
Hirsvogel, for the completed window in
the year 1502-3. The cartoon must have
been executed soon after Veit Truchsess
of Pommersfelden was consecrated on
July 16, 1501, perhaps in the months
following his visit to Nuremberg on
August 15. Nuremberg was in the dio
cese of the bishop of Bamberg. And
while the city did not pay taxes to him,
his window in Saint Sebald, just to the left
of the Emperor's Window (cat. no. 49),
was a testament to his importance there.
The window may have "belonged" to the
bishops of Bamberg since the first glazing
of the choir in the late fourteenth century.
Today the window has the added impor
tance of being the first largely intact mon
umental composition from the Hirsvogel
workshop.
The patron and glass painter ap
parently turned to Albrecht Drer to
design the so-called Bamberg Window.
The thirty-year-old Drer, already hailed
as the Apelles of Germany, was a logical
choice for the prestigious commission.
But he was not credited with the window
until 1961, when Karl Aldolf Knappe
identified Saint Peter as the work of his
hand. Knappe recognized the mind and
hand of Drer in the pulsing, rhythmic
movement and precision of the brushwork, as well as in the adept translation
2
of light and shade into complex and rig

orously controlled systems of hatching
and cross-hatching. Knappe also recog
nized Drer's extraordinary innovation
and skill in the inner life and powerful
psychic expression of Saint Peter and in
the stability and plastic strength of the
figure. Knappe aptly compared the head
of the Saint Peter with that of the emperor
(fig. 15) in Four Avenging Angels from
Drer's famous series of woodcuts, The
Apocalypse, published in 1498, and
with the head of the drummer from a
panel of the so-called Jabach Altarpiece of
about 1504 (Cologne, Wallraf-RichartzMuseum). Furthermore, Knappe noted
that the handling of the brush and
wash in Saint Peter is similar to that in
Drer's Nuremberg Lady Dressed for the
Dance (Vienna, Graphische Sammlung
Albertina, dated 1500). The use of brush
and wash to shape the main contours
of the lips, nose, eyes, and brow also re
calls Drer's earlier cartoon, Saint Augus
tine Dispensing the Rule of His Order,
c. 1496-98 (cat. no. 10). In Saint Peter,
the greater contrast of two shades of wash
lends even more three-dimensionality to
the features.
6
,s
The glass painter in the Hirsvogel

workshop was careful to follow the color
notations on Drer's cartoon, translating
it into a stained-glass panel (one of six
teen that make up the window) in a
palette of red, blue, green, and yellow
(fig. 16). The glass painter successfully
approximated Drer's drawing in the
costume of Saint Peter. But he failed to
capture either the intense expression that
Drer brought to the saint's face or the
fullness of the nose, lips, eyeballs, and
beard in Drer's cartoon. This is because
the glass painter replaced Drer's swell
ing and tapering contours with hard
contours and shorter, straighter hatch
ing strokes. It was almost two decades
later, around 1518, before a glass painter
would return to Drer's cartoon and
successfully render Saint Peter's expres
sion in vitreous paint on glass (Nurem
berg, Church of Our Lady) by emulating
Drer's flexible line.
Saint Peter has been attributed to
Drer's follower Hans von Kulmbach,
first in 1928, and most recently in
199 3. ButKulmbach's authorship of the
cartoon is not feasible since his youthful
drawings can be traced to no earlier
than c. 1504. Even Kulmbach's mature
works lack the weightiness of Drer's
figures and the clearly defined physiog
nomic expression of the older master.
Hartmut Scholz argued that the cartoon
was executed by an anonymous glass
painter in the Hirsvogel workshop who
also painted the head of the sainted
Emperor Heinrich in the Window of the
Bishops of Bamberg. The so-called
9
10
11
12
13
14
NUREMBERG
107
F I G U R E 1 5 . A l b r e c h t Drer. D e t a i l of emperor's head f r o m The

Four Avenging Angels. W o o d c u t f r o m The Apocalypse,
published
1498, 39.4 X 28.3 c m ( w o o d b l o c k ) . The Saint L o u i s A r t M u s e u m ,
Gift of M i s s Berenice C . B a l l a r d i n m e m o r y of her father and
m o t h e r , M r . and M r s . James R. B a l l a r d (inv. n o . 840: 1 9 4 0 ) .
Photo: The Saint Louis A r t M u s e u m .
1. There is one more possible color notation, in black chalk,

on Peter's cassock, below the morse.
2. On the commission and the date of the window, see
Knappe 1 9 6 1 a : 1 8 - 2 4 .
3. Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 6 1 , 6 3 .
4. Konrad Celtis ( 1 4 5 9 - 1 5 0 8 ) , Germany's poet laureate,
compared Drer to the famous painter from the time of
Alexander the Great ( 3 5 6 - 3 2 3 ) in a parchment manu
script datable to 1500. See Hutchison 1990: 6 8 .
5. Knappe 1 9 6 1 a .
6. Bartsch 1 8 0 3 - 2 1 : no. 6 9 .
7. Anzelewsky 1 9 9 1 : no. 7 3 .
8. Strauss 1 9 7 4 , 11: no. 1 5 0 0 / 6 .
9. See Scholz ( 1 9 9 1 : 6 1 , 6 3 , 66) regarding the two styles

that coexisted within Hirsvogel's workshop and within
the Bamberg Window. The glass painter who executed
the head of Saint Peter worked in a style that looked back
to Peter Hemmel. He used hard contours and stippling
to create tonal modeling in the black matt. The glass
painter who executed the head of Heinrich used a more
linear style of modeling with the point of a brush, which
emulated the graphic language of Drer.
10. Scholz 1 9 9 1 :fig.3 4 2 on 238.
1 1 . Dodgson and Parker 1928: no. 3 0 8 .
12. Rowlands 1993: no. 4 0 5 .
13. On Kulmbach's development as a draftsman, see Butts
1985:
90-130.
1 4 . Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 6 6 - 6 7 , 7 J 349-
15. Knappe 1973: 6 8 .

16. Scholz assigns four other cartoons to the Master of the
Head of Heinrich. The Fall of the Rebel Angels (Boston,
Museum of Fine Arts) is discussed below as the work of
Drer from c. 1 5 0 8 (cat. no. 2 3 ) . Saint Leonard (Erlan
gen, Graphische Sammlung der Universitt ErlangenNrnberg; fig. 20) calls to mind Drer's saints in the
stained glass panels he designed for Sixtus Tucher
around 1 5 0 4 - 5 . I earlier assigned this work to Drer
( 1 9 8 5 : 1 7 5 , 1 7 8 , 1 8 1 , 2 8 2 , 2 8 7 , 2 9 8 - 3 0 4 ) but find that
weaknesses in the contours and modeling suggest that

it is probably by a glass painter, after a design by Drer,
as Scholz argued (Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 5 0 - 5 1 , 7 9 , 124, 1 3 0 ,
309, note 7 2 9 on 3 2 6 , figs. 6 0 , 101). Saint Veronica
(Dresden, Kupferstich-Kabinett; Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 1 0 9 - 1 0 ,
3 0 9 , fig. 143 on 1 0 7 ) , formerly attributed to Kulmbach,
and Saint Christopher (Dresden, Kupferstich-Kabinett;
Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 199, 2 3 3 - 3 4 , note 678 on 3 0 6 , 3 0 9 , note
744 on 3 3 1 - 3 2 , fig. 337) appear to be by a glass painter
familiar with Drer's graphic language. Franz Stadler
( 1 9 3 6 : 8 1 - 8 2 ) had already noted that the large, threedimensional figures and graspable drapery of Saint Peter,
Saint Christopher (and a version in the Staatliche Gra
phische Sammlung, Munich), and Saint Veronica did not
fit comfortably in Kulmbach's oeuvre. Friedrich Winkler
assigned The Fall of the Rebel Angels to Hans von
Kulmbach. He also identified Kulmbach as the artist
responsible for Saint Leonhard, Saint Veronica, and the
version of Saint Christopher in Munich (see Winkler
1 9 4 2 : nos. 6 2 , 6 4 , and 6 7 ) .
17. Knappe 1973: 6 9 .
108
NUREMBERG
Master of the Head of Heinrich emulated

Drer's graphic language with great suc
cess in the window, using the brush to
draw and model at the same time, as
Ursula Knappe observed. Still, it is dif
ficult to imagine that anyone other than
the artist responsible for the woodcuts of
The Apocalypse and the head of a drum
mer in the Jabach Altarpiecenamely
Drercould have modeled the ani
mated features and full hair and beard of
the Saint Peter in London. The dynamic
contours and modeling of Saint Peter are
the work of one of the great draftsmen
of the Renaissance, not those of a glass
painter who was trained to skillfully
transfer the figures and compositions of
a painter from paper onto glass. As
Ursula Knappe has noted, presumably
cartoons like the London Saint Peter were
made for all of the figural panels. In her
opinion, Drer would have been respon
sible for at least some of the heads in
those cartoons.
15
16
17
F I G U R E 1 6 . After a design and c a r t o o n b y

A l b r e c h t D r e r ; w o r k s h o p of Veit H i r s v o g e l
the Elder. Saint Peter f r o m the Bamberg
W i n d o w , 1 5 0 2 . Pot-metal, flashed, and clear
glass, y e l l o w stain and vitreous p a i n t , 105.5
X 41.5 c m . N u r e m b e r g , Saint Sebald.
Photo: Corpus V i t r e a r u m Deutschland, Arbeitsstelle der
Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur M a i n z ,
Freiburg i . Br.
19
Design for a Stained-Glass

Trefoil with Death on
Horseback
1502
Pen and grayish black ink; border and inscription
in pen and brown ink; corner details in grayish
black ink, on cream laid paper, border cut out
and reattached after inscription
WATERMARK
A cardinal's hat (Briquet [1907] 1966: no. 3404)

False Drer monogram in pen and black ink
below, left of center; inscribed in border in
pen and brown ink: GAVE MISER
NE
MEO
TE
CONF1XVM
TETR[ICJO
COLLOCEM
TELO
IN
FERETRI
HOC
LECTO:
ANNOT)02
(Take care, unfortunate one,
that I do not lay you, pierced by my arrow, on
this hard bed of the funeral bier:i502)
19
38.7 X 31.2 cm
Hannover, Niederschsisches Landesmuseum
Hannover
Inv. no. z. 5
PROVENANCE
Culemann collection, Hannover

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Terey 1894:
no. 88; Terey
1 8 9 4 - 9 6 : p i . 99 and appendix to vol. 3: xcix,

no. 47; Schmitz 1923: 8; Schilling 1925:
unpaginated introduction; Lippmann and
Winkler 1 8 8 3 - 1 9 2 9 , v i : no. 704; Beenken
1928: T i 5 ; Buchner 1928a: 500; Nuremberg
1928: no. 192; Tietze and Tietze-Conrat 1 9 2 8 38, I : 374; Zimmerman 1928: 95; Flechsig
1 9 2 8 - 3 1 , 11: 435; Winkler 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , I : no. 213;
Panofsky 1943: no. 880; Winkler in Thieme and
Becker 1907-50, x x x v n : 40; Winkler 1957:
1:18, 120; Frenzel 1:961: 3 8 - 3 9 , fig. 2; Grote
1961: 7 4 - 7 5 , fig. 37; Nuremberg 1961: 222;
Oettinger and Knappe 1963: 80, note 357 on
i n ; Wille 1967: no. 5; Htt 1971, I : 227;
London 1971: 12; Nuremberg 1971: no. 723;
Knappe 1973: 77; Schilling and Schwarzweiler
1973: 26; Strauss 1974, v i : no. x w . 2 3 3;
Anzelewsky 1980: no. 99; N e w York and
Nuremberg 1986: no. 11:6; Stuttgart 1988:
no. 57.1; Strieder 1993a: 735.
F I G U R E 1 7 . After a design by Albrecht Drer; attributed to Veit Hirsvogel

the Elder. Death on Horseback Taking Aim at Provost Dr. Sixtus Tucher
Standing at His Open Grave, 1 5 0 2 . Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass of a
grayish green tone, yellow stain, and black vitreous paint, 39.5 X 35.5 cm,
including lead border. Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum (inv.
no. M M 155).
NUREMBERG
IO9
20
Albrecht Drer

Trefoil with Sixtus Tucher
at His Open Grave
Pen and grayish black ink, parts of the figure
redrawn i n pen and brown ink, border i n pen
and b r o w n ink, on cream laid paper; drawing is
laid d o w n on a second sheet of cream laid paper
WATERMARK
Cardinal's hat (almost identical w i t h Briquet

[1907] 1966: 3404); second sheet has arms of
Nuremberg (Briquet [1907] 1966: 9 2 1 ; Meder
1932: pi. 30)
False Drer monogram in black chalk, bottom
center; inscribed " i 5 0 2 " in border at left in
pen and b r o w n ink
0
29.5 X 28 cm; cut out in the form of a trefoil

and laid d o w n on a second sheet measuring 31.5
X 26 cm; w i n d o w mounted on a thick sheet of
cream laid paper
Frankfurt am M a i n , Graphische Sammlung i m
20
Inv. no. 15667

5
PROVENANCE
Acquired 1935 from the Johann Friedrich

Lahmann collection, Dresden (Lugt 1956: 1656c)
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schmitz 1923: 8; Schilling
1925: no. 7; Lippmann and Winkler 1 8 8 3 1929, v i : no. 705; Buchner 1928a: 500;
Nuremberg 1928: no. 193; Tietze and TietzeConrat 1 9 2 8 - 3 8 , 1: 3 7 3 - 7 4 ; Zimmerman 1928:
95, i l l . on 97; Holzinger 1929: 42; Flechsig
1 9 2 8 - 3 1 , I i : 435; Winkler 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 : no. 214;
Panofsky 1943: no. 8 8 1 ; Winkler in Thieme and
Becker 1907-50, x x x v i i : 40; Musper 1953: 24,
345; Winkler 1957: 118, 120; Grote 1961: 7 4 75, flg. 38; Nuremberg 1961: 222; Oettinger
and Knappe 1963: 80; Wille 1967: 14; Frankfurt
1971: no. 243; Htt 1971, i : 245; London 1971:
12; Nuremberg 1971: 3 9 1 ; Knappe 1973: 77;
Schilling and Schwarzweller 1973: 86, p l . 18;
Strauss 1974, v i : no. x w 214; Anzelewsky 1980:
110; N e w York and Nuremberg 1986: 2 8 6 - 8 9 ,
fig. 128.
T h e design for a stained-glass trefoil de

picting Death on Horseback was first
published by Gabriel Terey, who attrib
uted it to the young Hans Baldung.
Ernst Bchner and Hermann Beenken
also assigned the drawing to Baldung,
while Eduard Flechsig gave it to the
master responsible for twelve designs for
a stained-glass cycle on The Life of Saint
Benedict (cat. nos. 11-17). (Flechsig
identified the so-called Benedict Master
as Hans Schufelein. The Benedict Mas
ter is now almost universally recognized
1
IIO
NUREMBERG
as Drer.) Ernst Zimmerman and Er

win Panofsky also attributed Death on
Horseback to the Benedict Master. It
was Friedrich Winkler who argued most
vehemently that Drer made the drawing
in Hannover and its pendant in Frank
furt, depicting the Nuremberg patrician
Sixtus Tucher at His Open Grave, with
the church of Saint Lawrence in the back
ground. Winkler's opinion that these
sheets are among Drer's most grandi
ose drawings is now rarely doubted. As
Winkler noted, Drer provides a clear,
transparent model for the glass painter,
avoiding cross-hatching as much as pos
sible without forgoing his characteris
tically lively, swelling and tapering pen
strokes and calligraphic line work. Fur
ther, Winkler observed, lightness and
suppleness of touch are balanced with
power and grandeur in the drawings in
Hannover and Frankfurt.
The designs, commissioned by
Dr. Sixtus Tucher (1459-1507) around
1502 (the date in the inscription on
both drawings), were made into two
slightly larger trefoils (figs. 17-18) in the
Hirsvogel workshop. Presumably the tre
foils were set into Butzenscheiben (bull'seye panes) in the scholar's study in his
country house near what is today the
Grasergasse. A doctor of jurisprudence
and canon law, Tucher studied in Heidel
6
berg, Padua, and Pavia before finishing

his studies in Bologna and Paris. He was
professor of jurisprudence and rector of
the university in Igolstadt before replac
ing his cousin Dr. Lorenz Tucher (14471503) as provost of the church of Saint
Lawrence in Nuremberg in 1496. Sixtus
Tucher served as provost until 1504, also
undertaking diplomatic missions for the
Emperor Maximilian 1. He acted as spir
itual advisor to Willibald Pirckheimer's
sister Caritas, abbess of the convent of
the Poor Clares in Nuremberg, and to his
cousin, the prioress Apollonia Tucher,
who lived in the same convent. Rainer
Kahsnitz noted that Sixtus Tucher's forty
letters to the two nuns "are impressive
testimony to his deep piety, theological
erudition, and spiritual outlook, shaped
by Humanist thinking." From 1504
until his death on October 24, 1507,
Tucher lived in his country home near
the Carthusian monastery. There he
devoted himself to scholarship. His hope
of encouraging classical studies by found
ing a school of poets directed by the poet
laureate of the Holy Roman Empire,
Konrad Celtis (1459-1508), was unreal
ized when Tucher died at the age of
forty-eight.
The trefoils after Drer's designs,
now in the Germanisches Nationalmu
seum in Nuremberg, belong to a vast
10
number of late-medieval memento mori.

But, as Rainer Kahsnitz observed, here
Death is not simply threatening all of
mankind or a representative of a station
of society, as was typical of Dance of
Death imagery. Instead, the words in
the inscription around Drer's figure of
Death, like Death's arrow, are directed at
an individual. Death threatens: "Take
care, unfortunate one, that I do not lay
you, pierced by my arrow, on this hard
bed of the funeral bier." Tucher, who
probably penned the inscriptions himself,
replies to Death in the words surround
ing the trefoil on which he is portrayed:
QVID o MI[NARIS
QVjOD HOC
MONENTE
SEPVLCRO:
ECIAM
SI o VELIS oCAVERE NEQVO: (Why
threaten me with this waiting grave,
against which, even if you wished it, I
cannot defend myself). Theodor Volbehr
recognized mankind's awakening selfconsciousness in Tucher's composed re
action, so different from the fear shown
in medieval Dances of Death.
The drawing in Frankfurt and the
related trefoil in Nuremberg are the only
known portraits of Sixtus Tucher made
during his lifetime. Drer's powers of
observation are apparent in the head of
Tucher, in which the artist redraws con
tours to render the features precisely, and
in the fur almuce over Tucher's shoul
ders, which identifies him as a provost.
Drer's attention to detail is also seen in
the townscape, the nails in the horse's
hooves, the strength with which Death
grips his weapon, the skin that covers
Death's bones like a garment, and the
hatching strokes in the horse's neck,
which emphasize the downward thrust
of the creature's head. The forms are ori
ented to the picture plane, as is ap
propriate in designs for stained glass.
Nevertheless, there is a grasp of linear
perspective in the depiction of objects
like the stretcher and in the buildings
behind Tucher.
The glass painter carefully trans
ferred Drer's detailed and subtle draw
ings to glass. Traces of red beneath the
painted contours suggest that he may
have made a preliminary drawing on the
blank glass. Sanguine, applied to the
verso of the panel depicting Tucher, was
used for the houses, roofs, and shading
of the darker parts of Tucher's clothing.
Yellow stain was loosely brushed onto
the verso of part of the blue glass (not
badgered or blended with a soft brush
called a badger blender) to create a shade
of green. The composition is articulated
on the recto using gray matt and black
trace lines. Fine wire tools were employed
to create tonal variations in the wash (on
scratch-stippling, see Peter van Treeck's
essay), and highlights in the form of light
contours were scratched into the matt
11
12
13
14
F I G U R E i 8. After A l b r e c h t Drer; a t t r i b u t e d t o Veit H i r s v o g e l the

Elder. Sixtus Tucher Standing at His Open Grave, 1502. Pot-metal,
flashed, and clear glass o f a grayish green tone, y e l l o w stain, and black
vitreous p a i n t , 39.8 X 34.6 c m , i n c l u d i n g lead border. N u r e m b e r g ,
Germanisches N a t i o n a l m u s e u m (inv. n o . M M 1.56).
with a pointed object. While the glass

painter failed to capture some of the idio
syncrasies of Tucher's features, his con
certed effort to emulate the complexity of
Drer's design is evident from the de
tailed modeling of Tucher's hands and the
complicated glass cuts, like those used to
form the horse. Rainer Kahsnitz and
Rdiger Becksmann identified the glass
painter responsible for the trefoils as Veit
Hirsvogel the Elder, while Hartmut
Scholz identified him with the mas
ter responsible for the head of Bishop
Philip von Henne berg in the so-called
Bamberg Window in Saint Sebald (fig. 13,
p. 28). In the absence of signed works by
Veit Hirsvogel the Elder, it is impossible
to reach a conclusion. What can be said
is that the trefoils are by the most tal
ented glass painter in Nuremberg around
1502. Drer's compositions were ap
parently much admired. Heinrich Kohl
haussen noted that around 1515 the
figure of Death on horseback and wield
ing a bow and arrow was engraved on a
small shield belonging to Emperor Maxi
milian.
15
16
17
18
19
1. Terey 1 8 9 4 - 9 6 : pi. 9 9 . Friedrieh Winkler (193639,

i : 148) noted that he lists the drawing under works at
tributed to Baldung but not by his hand in volume i l l
(no. 4 7 ) .
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
1928a: 500.
1928: 115.
1 9 2 8 - 3 1 , l l : 435.
1928: 95.
T 9 4 3 : no. 8 8 0 .
Winkler 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , 1: nos. 2 1 3 - 1 4 .
8. Walter Strauss ( 1 9 7 4 , vi: no. xw 213) and Rdiger

Becksmann (Stuttgart 1988: no. 57.1) assigned the sheet
in Hannover and its pendant in Frankfurt to the work
shop of Drer. Rainer Schoch (New York and Nurem
berg 1986: no. 116) gave the drawings to the "Circle
of Albrecht Drer (Benedict Master)-"
9. Provenance: residence of Provost Dr. Sixtus Tucher, Grasersgasse (old numbering Lorenz 9 5 1 ) , Nuremberg, sold
by the Tucher family ( 1 8 3 3 ) , purchased at auction by A.
Pickert, in Nuremberg, from whom they were acquired
by the Germanisches Nationalmuseum by 1 8 8 4 .
10. New York and Nuremberg 1986: no. 117. The letters
were published by Christoph Scheurl of Nuremberg in
1515 under the title Vierzig Sendbriefe. On Tucher, see
also Hans Otto Keunecke's biography in Imhoff 1984:
6 9 - 7 0 , which gives 1503 as the year he resigned as
provost.
1 1 . Rdiger Becksmann (Stuttgart 1988: hg. 57.2) illus
trated a panel for which Henry Williams, vicar of Stan
ford on Avon (d. 1501), made provisions in his will,
dated April 5, 1500. The painted glass roundel depicts
Death shooting an arrow at a kneeling male figure in
academical dress. See also Marks \ 974: 2 7 3 .
12. Volbehr 1 8 8 7 - 8 9 : 1 0 6 .
13. For a posthumous print depicting Tucher, see Nuremberg

1 9 8 2 : no. 1 2 7 , fig. 2 8 .
14. The authors would like to thank Peter van Treeck (condi
tion report, 1998) for sharing this observation and other
details about the technique used by the glass painter re
sponsible for the trefoils.
15. New York and Nuremberg 1986: no. 1 17.
1:6. Stuttgart 1988: no. 57.
17.
1991: 1 9 2 - 9 3 , 198.
18. Winkler ( 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , 1: 148) noted that the same person

was responsible for the inscriptions on the drawings in
Frankfurt and Hannover and on the drawing for a roun
del with Saint Benedict in Washington, D.C. (see cat. no.
1 1 , note 4). Perhaps the drawing in Washington, D . C ,
is by the talented glass painter who made the trefoils.
1:9. Kohlhaussen 1970: xxxvi, as cited in New York and Nur
emberg 1:986: 289. See Innsbruck 1969: no. 2 1 7 , Hg. 3 6 .
N U R E M B E R G
I I I
21
112
NUREMBERG
22
NUREMBERG
II3
21
22
After Albrecht Drer, workshop

of Veit H i r s v o g e l the Elder
After Albrecht Drer, workshop

of Veit H i r s v o g e l the Elder
The Annunciation; Trefoil

Heads and Tracery Lights
with Flower and Fruit
Ornament, Owls and
Birdlike Animals; God
the Father
Saints Andrew and Pope

Sixtus 11; Trefoil Heads
and Tracery Lights with
Flower and Vine
Ornament and Owls;
Head of Christ
c. 1504-5
c. 1504-5


A b o u t two years after Provost Dr. Sixtus

Tucher commissioned two trefoils after
designs by Drer for the study of his
country residence in Nuremberg (cat.
nos. 19-20), he apparently engaged the
artist to make larger stained-glass win
dows, almost four feet in height, for the
Garden Chapel of the same residence.
The house to which Tucher retired in
1504 was probably destroyed shortly
after 1834. But a written description of
1833 evokes the beauty of the setting and
of the chapel: "In a remote part of the city,
almost in cloistered solitude, the wan
derer finds the house described above
and in the house a small house chapel
from around the end of the fifteenth cen
tury. The chapel is decorated with two
large windows and, in the choir, w ith five
smaller ones, all adorned by the most
beautiful stained glass, so that the tiny,
well-conceived chapel captivates the one
who enters with its magical charm." The
appearance of the chapel is preserved
in a late-eighteenth-century watercolor
(fig. 19). The Annunciation and Saints
Andrew and Tope Sixtus 11 are the
stained-glass windows at the center and
far right of the five-sided choir. They
flank a lost window with Saint Jerome at
the left and coats of arms at the right.
The window just to the left of The An
nunciation, depicting The Madonna of
Sorrows and perhaps Saint Nicholas, is
preserved in Wilton Church, Great Brit
ain. Like The Annunciation and Saints
Andrew and Tope Sixtus n, these two
windows appear to have been designed
by Drer. The leftmost window, depict
ing The Madonna and Child at the left
and Saint Sebastian at the right, is pre
served in Schloss Frstlich Drehna. It ap
parently predates Drer's drawings.
In The Annunciation, a majestic
Archangel Gabriel approaches the de
mure Mary with the news that she will
bear God's special child. The dove of the
Holy Spirit hovers above her, while God
the Father looks down and blesses her.
The lilies of the valley symbolize the
promise of new life for mankind through
Jesus. The open book symbolizes Mary
as Sophia or Wisdom, as well as her fore
knowledge of her son's death on behalf
of mankind. The symbolism is carried
through in the ornament above. What is
apparently an open pomegranate repre
sents the Resurrection, when all tombs of
the dead will be opened. Another plant
is presumably a thistle, which symbol
izes Christ's sufferings. The owl seated on
branches that birds hold in their beaks
represents Christ sacrificed as a decoy to
the devil in order to save humanity. In
Drer's time, bird catchers used owls as
decoys to catch small predatory birds.
The owl decoy was placed before a straw
blind. Branches smeared with a glutiT
CONDITION
CONDITION
Several cracks, glued; some original leading in

tracery, otherwise modern; painting partially
reduced on recto, heavily washed off on verso
Two losses i n Saint Andrew, cusped arch above

Saint Sixtus severely damaged
149.5
93-7
(overall measurement including
wooden frame); rectangular panels each 79.5 X
33.5 cm w i t h o u t frame
Nuremberg, Museen der Stadt Nrnberg, M u
seum Tucherschloss
PROVENANCE
Residence of Provost D r . Sixtus Tucher,

Grasersgasse (old numbering Lorenz 951),
Nuremberg, Garden Chapel; Baron Bibra,
1830s; Eugen Felix; Christoph Freiherr von
Tucher, Nuremberg
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Reindel and Lsch 1833: 73;
Gessert 1839: 124; Eye and Brner 1880:150;
Nuremberg 1906: no. 168; O i d t m a n n 1907: 12;
Schinnerer 1 9 0 9 - 1 0 : 244, 246; Schmitz 1913, i :
1 4 6 - 4 7 , fig. 237 on 146; Winkler 1959: 80;
Knappe i 9 6 0 : 186; Grote 1961: 76, p i . 54;
Stafski 1985: 7 9 - 8 0 , fig. 8; Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 7 4 - 7 8 ,
285, figs. 93, 96, 280; Strieder 1993a: 735.
I I 4
N U R E M B E R G
117.6 X 78 cm (overall); Saint Andrew: 78 X

36.5 cm; Saint Pope Sixtus: 79 X 36 cm
Glendale, California, Forest L a w n MemorialPark Association, on permanent display in the
Forest L a w n Museum
Inv. no. s.7.6
PROVENANCE
Residence of Provost D r . Sixtus Tucher,

Grasersgasse (old numbering Lorenz 951),
Nuremberg, Garden Chapel; Baron Bibra,
1830s; Eugen Felix; Christoph Freiherr von
Tucher, Nuremberg; A . Seligmann, Rey & Co.,
New York, to 1 June 1929; W i l l i a m Randolph
Hearst, Los Angeles, to 1954
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Reindel and Lsch 1833: 73;
Gessert 1839: 124-125; Eye and Brner 1880:
150; Nuremberg 1906: no. 167; Oidtmann
1907: note 20 on 12; Schinnerer 1 9 0 9 - 1 0 : i l l .
on 240, 244, 246; Schmitz 1913, I: 146-147;
Winkler 1959: 80; Knappe i 9 6 0 : 186; Corpus
Vitrearum Checklist i l l 1989: 5 5 - 5 6 ; Butts
1990: note 28 on 7 7 - 7 8 ; Scholz 1991:74-78,
238, 285, 308, fig. 94; Strieder 1993a: 735; Fitz
1995: note 62 on 54.
1
i 9.
Interior Room of the Chapel of the Tucher House in the Grasergasse, late eighteenth century. W a t e r c o l o r in Tuchersche
Stadtarchiv N r n b e r g (inv. n o . E 29, 117).
Monumenta,
FIGURE
Photo: Stadtarchiv Nrnberg.
nous substance extended from the blind

and caught the birds as they attacked the
owl. The mood of The Annunciation is
celebratory. The bright palette is domi
nated by gold, created by painting yellow
stain on the verso of the glass. Damask
(green, blue, and yellow), velvet, and
jewels are abundant, and the garments of
Mary and Gabriel are full and flowing.
In Saints Andrew and Pope
Sixtus 11, red and purple accent a palette
dominated by blue, green, and yellow.
The sweeping landscapes behind the
saints are among the most beautiful in
the medium of stained glass. Here, Drer
realizes an ambition to achieve spacious
ness in the landscape settings of stained
glass, an aspiration apparent already in
his design for stained glass Saint George
Fighting the Dragon, c. 1496 (cat. no. 9).
The donor's name saint, Sixtus 11, was
pope and a Christian martyr (d. 258). He
is recognizable by his papal tiara and
sack of money. He is often depicted with
Saint Lawrence, patron saint of Nurem
berg. According to legend, before going
to prison, Sixtus gave Saint Lawrence
(d. c. 258) all the treasures of the church
so that they would not come into the
6
hands of the Emperor Valerian (d. 260)

but instead be distributed to other con
gregations and to the poor of Rome.
Andrew, the first to follow Christ (John
1:40-41), is shown with his attribute,
the cross on which he was crucified. In
the arch above are the head of Christ,
owls (one destroyed), and vines, sym
bolic of Christ as the "true vine"
(John 15: 1, 5, 8) and of the Eucharist.
The keen interest in plants and animals,
studied from nature, is typical of Drer's
work in the first years of the sixteenth
century, notably in the watercolors The
Madonna with a Multitude of Animals,
c. 1503 (Vienna, Graphische Sammlung
Albertina) and the famous Young Hare,
1502 (Vienna, Graphische Sammlung
Albertina).
Drer's drawings for The Annun
ciation and Saints Andrew and Pope
Sixtus 11 have not survived. But his au
thorship is apparent in the fully modeled
faces; the swelling and tapering contours
defining the nose, lips, cheeks and chin;
the strong, expressive hands; and the
thick, rhythmically falling hair. The
almost sculptural figures and abundant
drapery are paralleled in Drer's wood
7
10
cuts from around 1505, for example,

Christ Taking Leave from His Mother
from The Life of the Virgin and Saints
Stephen, Pope Sixtus 11, and Lawrence.
Drer may even have executed cartoons
for The Annunciation and Saints Andrew
and Pope Sixtus 11. These would have
resembled the cartoon depicting Saint
Leonard in Erlangen (fig. 20). Hart-.
mut Scholz dated the Annunciation
and Saints Andrew and Pope Sixtus 11
c. 1504-5, finding support for the date
in the glass painter's technique. He
noted that the head of Andrew recalls
that of Emperor Heinrich in the Bamberg
Window in Saint Sebald in Nuremberg,
1502 (fig. 13, p. 28), while the head of
Sixtus recalled that of Bishop Philip von
Henneberg in the same window (see cat.
no. 18).
The Annunciation and Saints An
drew and Pope Sixtus 11 were clearly
made by one of the finest glass painters in
workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder.
They represent a tour de force of the glass
painter's technique. The glowing palette
was achieved by using several colors of
glassred, purple, bright and medium
blue, bright green, and rosein addition
11
12
13
14
N U R E M B E RG
115
to clear glass (as white). The glass cuts

are complicated in places. The red coat
ing of the flashed glass of Sixtus's cassock
is laboriously ground away to expose the
clear glass beneath and thus to create a
damask pattern. Yellow stain is used to
achieve a range of color from bright yel
low to gold. Painted on the back of blue
glass, yellow stain also creates a shade
of green in the landscape. The recto of
the windows is painted in gray matt and
black trace lines, the former worked with
sharp tools to create tonal effects. (On
scratch stippling and scratch etching,
see Peter van Treeck's essay.) A pointed
object was employed to scratch out lin
ear highlights, most notably in the hair
of the figures. Both hatching and cross-
hatching are used, which, Hartmut

Scholz noted, is more typical of smaller
stained-glass panels. Virtually all the
techniques at the glass painter's disposal
were used in producing the windows
of Sixtus Tucher's chapel, and they are
among the masterpieces of German Re
naissance glass painting.
23
The Fall of the Rebel

Angels
c. 1508
Brush and black and gray wash on darkened
cream laid paper, laid d o w n on a second sheet
15
WATERMARK
Bull's head w i t h caduceus (similar to Meder

1932: no. 8 4 )
1
31.8
1. As collection Minutoli, no. 535.
2. Author's translation from Reindel and Lsch 1833: 73.
3. Two stained-glass panels now in Nuremberg's Church of
Our Lady are later versions of Saint Jerome and Saint
Andrew, dating from 1518 and c. 1516, respectively. See
Scholz 1991: 238-39, figs. 343-44.
4. Scholz 1991: 74-78, note 554 on 263, fig. 95 on 80,
and 365 on Z55.
5. The authors would like to thank Hartmut Scholz for
bringing their attention to The Madonna in Glory and
Saint Sebastian from c. 1490. See Flgge 1998: 116,
izo, i z z , ill. on 117. Marina Flgge, as Hartmut Scholz
pointed out, dates the panels too late (1504-5). On
p. 16, Flgge also mentions small fragments and panels
with coats of arms of Nuremberg families, including sev
eral belonging to the Tucher and one belonging to the
Imhoff. Hartmut Scholz kindly identified these with the
panel in the Tucher chapel to the right of Saint Jerome.
6. The damask pattern is the same that that used in the
Bamberg Window (fig. 13 in Hartmut Scholz's essay).
See Scholz 1991: 284-85.
7. On a drawing by Hans von Kulmbach for a quatrefoil
with Saint Sixtus and a quatrefoil after Kulmbach's de
sign with Saint Lawrence, see Landolt 1962, especially
34, fig. 3 on 35, 36, 40, 42, and fig. 7 on 43.
8. Strauss 1974, Ii: no. 1503/22.
9. Strauss 1974, 11: no. 1502/2. On Drer's studies of plants
and animals, see Vienna 1985.
10. Johannes Schinnerer (1909-10: 244, 246) assigned the
windows to an unknown pupil close to Drer. Friedrich
Winkler (1959: 80, 103) attributed them to Hans von
Kulmbach but assigned no date. Ludwig Grote (1961: 76)
accepted the attribution to Kulmbach and dated the win
dows 1517 based on an incorrect reading of a document,
as noted by Hartmut Scholz (1991: note 190 on 75 and
78), who credited Drer with designing the panels.
11. Bartsch 1803-21: no. 92.
12. Bartsch 1803-21: no. 108. Eva Fitz (1995: note 62 on
54) also compared the panels of the Tucher chapel to
Saints Stephen, Pope Sixtus 11, and Lawrence.
13. Circa 1504-5, brush with gray and black ink and
pink watercolor on three sheets of cream laid paper,
two with watermarks (Scale with Star, Briquet [1907]
1966: nos. 2536, 2541), 78.8 X 33.5 cm, Erlangen,
Graphische Sammlung der Universitt, inv. no. B 151.
In 1985,1 attributed the cartoon to Drer (Butts 1985:
175, 178, 181, 282, 287, 298-304, fig. 260). But Hartmut Scholz (1991: 5 0 - 5 1 , 79, 124, 130, 309, note 729
on 326, figs. 60, 101) may be correct in assigning Saint
Leonard to a glass painter. (He attributes it to the glass
painter responsible for the head of the Emperor Heinrich
in the Bamberg Window [see cat. no. 18].) The delicately
modeled head and expressive hands are characteristic
of Drer. (Compare the hand and book to those in Dr
er's painting Christ Among the Doctors, 1506 [ThyssenBornemisza Collection, Anzelewsky 1991: no. 98].) But
the heaviness of the black contours and awkward pas
sages, including the poorly foreshortened base, suggest
a glass painter copying a drawing or cartoon by Drer.
14. Scholz 1991: 74-78, 198.
15. The authors would like to thank Peter van Treeck for
his detailed technical description of the window in the
Museum Tucherschloss; at the time of writing, such a
detailed description was not available for the window
in the Forest Lawn Museum. Peter van Treeck noted
that in Saints Andrew and Pope Sixtus 11, thin brown
ish and grayish white glazes are painted on the verso
to enhance the modeling of the forms on the recto. A
somewhat thicker brownish film is painted on the verso
of the rose-colored glass of the prie-dieu.
Il6
N U R E M B E R G
42 cm
Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, Harvey D . Parker

Collection
Inv. no. 1897.623
PROVENANCE
Purchased 1897 as part of the Henry F. Sewall

Collection (Lugt 1921: 1309), w i t h funds
provided by Harvey D . Parker
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Dodgson 1930: 4 2 - 4 3 , p i . 23;
Musper 1953: 1 8 5 - 8 6 , note 94 on 335; Winkler
1957: 250; Winkler 1959: 2 3 - 2 4 , p i . 13; Fren
zel i 9 6 0 : 206, fig. 10 on 207, note 16 on 210;
Knappe i 9 6 0 : 186; Frenzel 1961: 56; Knappe
1961a: 98; Knappe 1961c: 253; Nuremberg
1961: no. 210, p i . 38; Oettinger and Knappe
1963: 72, note 391 on 113; Swarzenski 1972:
note 1 on 119; Knappe 1973: 77; Austin 1983:
no. 35; Butts 1985: 175, 1 8 1 - 8 2 , 2 8 9 - 9 4 ,
fig. 255; Butts 1986: note 13 on 525; N e w
York and Nuremberg 1986: no. 160; London
1988: 129; Butts 1990; Scholz 1991: note 71 on
15, 1 2 2 - 2 4 , fig. 164 on 125, 130, 309; Strieder
1992: 88, fig. 11 on 90, note 13 on 1 0 2 - 3 , 104;
Rowlands 1993, I: 82, under no. 174, and 190,
under no. 405; Strieder 1993a: 7 3 4 - 3 5 .
T h i s drawing is a cartoon for one of five

lost stained-glass windows, originally in
the chapel of the Twelve-Brothers House
in Nuremberg. This charitable home
was founded by Matthus Landauer (d.
1515), the proprietor of a brass foundry
in the city, in order to care for twelve
aged and impoverished artisans. Its
chapel (fig. 23 ) was built between 1506
and 1507 under the direction of Hans
Behaim the Elder (1455/60-1538). The
decoration of the chapel was entrusted to
Drer and included the famous altarpiece
he painted for the eastern choir, The Ad
oration of the Trinity (Vienna, Kunst
historisches Museum). In 1508, Drer
made a drawing to show Landauer his
plans for both the painting and its
sculpted frame (Chantilly, Musee Conde;
fig. 24). The wood frame, now in the
Germanisches Nationalmuseum in Nur
emberg, depicts The Last Judgment and
bears an inscription reading: "Matthus
2
*3
N U R Ii M Ii II R G
117
Landauer has finally completed the house

of worship of the twelve brethren to
gether with the charitable foundation
and this panel, after Christ's birth, the
year 1511."
The rectangular chapel, measuring
9.52 by 1 0 . 6 4 meters, is divided by two
spirally grooved columns and covered by
a ribbed vault. It was consecrated to the
Holy Trinity and to the community of
saints. This was reflected not only in the
subject of Drer's altarpiece but also in
the three arched windows above it on the
eastern wall, which told the story of re
demption from left to right in a continu
ous frieze. The triple lancet at center
depicted The Holy Trinity (fig. 22). The
double lancet at left represented The Fall
of the Rebel Angels and the Sacrifice of
Isaac (fig. 21), the latter subject being a
prefiguration of God's sacrifice of His
own Son on the cross to redeem mankind
from sin and death. The double lancet at
right showed The Landauer Family Pre
sented by Angels and the Wise and Fool
ish Virgins before God the Father (at the
Last Judgment). The Latin inscription on
The Fall of the Rebel Angels and the
Sacrifice of Isaac warned the worshipers
not to be prideful and counseled them to
place their trust in God, that is, to avoid
the mistake of the angels who rebelled
against God and to follow the example
of Abraham, who would have sacrificed
5
After designs and cartoons by Albrecht Drer; workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the
Elder. The Fall of the Rebel Angels and The Sacrifice of Isaac, c. 1508. Pot-metal, flashed, and
clear glass, yellow stain, and vitreous paint, each panel 9 0 X 43 cm. Formerly Berlin, Kunst
gewerbemuseum; destroyed during World War 11.
FIGURE
2 i .
Photo: Schmitz 1913, I I : nos. 240 and 2 4 1 , p i . 39.
2 2 .
After designs and cartoons by Albrecht Drer; workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder. The Holy Trinity, c. 1 5 0 8 . Pot-metal, flashed
and clear glass, yellow stain, and vitreous paint; central panel 9 0 X 4 6 cm; left and right panels 9 0 X 43 cm. Formerly Berlin, Kunstgewerbe
museum; destroyed during World War 11.
FIGURE
Photo: Schmitz 1913, I I : nos. 235-237, p i . 37.
Il8
NUREMBERG
even his son when God commanded

him to do so. The two stained-glass win
dows of the chapel's northern and south
ern walls depicted the evangelists, apos
tles, and Church Fathers in attendance.
The narrative scenes were framed by
plant and animal motifs that recalled
The Annunciation and Saints Andrew
and Pope Sixtus n (cat. nos. 21-22),
which Drer had designed for Sixtus
Tucher c. 1504-5. Each of the three pan
els of The Holy Trinity was dated 1508,
and the remaining windows of the chapel
were presumably also completed in 1508
or shortly thereafter. Removed between
1800 and 1820 and purchased by the
Duke of Sagan, the windows had by 1891
made their way into the collection of the
Kunstgewerbemuseum in Berlin, where
they remained until they were destroyed
during World War n .
The lost windows of the chapel of
the Twelve-Brothers House were highly
prized by the patron. While Landauer
did not mention Drer's altarpiece in
the rules he established for the charitable
home, he did require the brothers to
care for the windows in the chapel and
those he had commissioned for the
church of Saint Aegidius in Nuremberg.
Four hundred years later, in 1913, Her
mann Schmitz called the cycle of win
dows the principal work of glass painting
of the late Gothic and Renaissance peri
ods in Nuremberg. He asserted that the
designs and, "in the most accomplished
parts," the lost cartoons for these win
dows must have been done by Drer
himself. Schmitz was so impressed with
the windows that he thought Drer
might even have participated in painting
them. Schmitz also praised the color of
the windows, which, he noted, must have
echoed the fiery tonality of the altarpiece
below: "In The Fall of the Rebel Angels,
a white host of archangels hovers above
the devils, whose bodies are held in
clouded green and pale red glass. The
leader of the dragons is in pale red flashed
glass. The vague luster of his body owes
to certain parts being more thinly cov
ered or left white."
The fragment of a cartoon in Bos
ton for the central portion of the left half
of the window The Fall of the Rebel
Angels and the Sacrifice of Isaac, was
first published by Campbell Dodgson.
Dodgson apparently assumed that Drer
made an overall design for the window
resembling his drawing of The Fall of the
Rebel Angels in London (cat. no. 24).
But he considered the faces of the angels
in the cartoon "tame and conventional"
and ascribed it to Drer's workshop or
the glass painter. Friedrich Winkler at
tributed the drawing to Drer's follower
Hans von Kulmbach, a view that was
generally accepted until 1985, when I first
8
10
11
12
1 3
14
15
16
17
assigned the drawing to Drer. Peter

Strieder found my arguments against
ascribing the sheet to Kulmbach more
convincing than my proposal of Drer's
authorship. Hartmut Scholz ascribed
the cartoon to a glass painter in the work
shop of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder. He as
signed several more cartoons to the same
artist, including Saint Peter (cat. no. 18)
for the Bamberg Window, 1502, in the
church of Saint Sebald in Nuremberg.
On the basis of the cartoon in
Boston it can be argued that Hermann
Schmitz was correct in asserting that
Landauer paid Drer not only to paint
the altarpiece for the All Saint's Chapel,
to design the frame of the altarpiece,
and to design the stained-glass win
dows but also to execute at least some
of the cartoons. The cartoon for The Fall
of the Rebel Angels, like Saint Peter,
seems to be by Drer's hand. Like the
drawing in London, the Boston cartoon
is characterized by a precision and rhyth
mic movement of brushwork that are
characteristic of Drer. Contours swell
and taper, lending plastic strength to the
angels' features. Rhythmically repeated
curves describe the various textures of
clouds, draperies, angels' wings, hair,
and even the scaly belly of the van
quished dragon. The careful integration
of black and gray washes contributes to
the illusion of depth. The compact,
almost high-relief group of figures in
Drer's fragmentary cartoon recalls the
painting of Christ Among the Doctors
that he made in Italy in 1506 (ThyssenBornemisza Collection).
The ideal
youthful types of the angels in the Boston
cartoon may be compared to the head
of the twelve-year-old Christ in Christ
Among the Doctors and reflect the im
pact of Drer's second Italian trip. In both
the cartoon and painting, the drama
turns on the contrast between idealized
beauty and caricatured ugliness, a lesson
Drer had only recently learned in Italy
from the work of Leonardo da Vinci.
With the Boston cartoon, Drer incorpo
rated the newest lessons of the Italian
Renaissance into his work in the medium
of stained glass,.
18
19
20
21
F I G U R E 2 3 . Interior of the Chapel of the

Twelve-Brothers House in Nuremberg, fac
ing east, pre-World War 11 photograph show
ing copies of the original stained-glass panels.
Photo: Art Resource, N.Y.
1. I would like to thank Elizabeth Lunning for making the

beta radiograph of the watermark, which is illustrated
in Butts 1990: fig. 9 on 7 5 .
2. Fig. 23 shows a view of the eastern wall with copies of
the original stained-glass windows. The chapel, badly
damaged during World War 11, has since been restored.
But there is no trace of the copies of the stained-glass
windows.
3. Anzelewsky 1 9 9 1 : no. 1 1 8. On the chapel and its decora
tion, see Strieder 1992. On Matthus Landauer, see also
Joachim Ahlborn's biography of "Markus u. Matthus
Landauer" in Imhoff 1984: 36 37.
4. Strauss 1 9 7 4 , 11: no. 1 5 0 8 / 2 3 .
5. The frame's sculptor has not been identified. Jrg Rasmussen (1974: 3 0 - 3 2 , note 64 on 105) argued that
Drer certainly made very precise designs (now lost)
that would have been similar to those of c. 1510 for tomb
reliefs in the chapel of the Fuggcr family in Saint Anna in
Augsburg (Strauss 1.974,
- 1510/20-1:510/22).
6. I should like to thank Matthias Mende for pointing

out that Drer discussed spirally grooved columns in
his Manual of Measurement, published in Nuremberg
in 1525, and could have played a role along with
Behaim as architect of the chapel.
7. On the inscription, see Austin 1983: 1 3 1 .
8. Peter Strieder (1:992: 88) grappled with the fact that the
portrait of Landauer in the window that was to the right
on the eastern wall of the chapel seems to have been based
on the drawing Drer made of the patron, dated 1 5 1 1,
and used as a study for Landauer's portrait in the altarpiece (Strauss 1974, i n : no. 15 1 1/17). Strieder raised the
question of whether the donor's head could have been set
into the stained-glass window after 1508. See also Timo
thy Husband (New York and Nuremberg 1986: no. 160).
9. Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , 1: 1 4 2 - 4 6 , 11: nos. 2 3 5 - 4 3 .
10. Ahlhorn 1969: 109; Kern 1984: 1 5. I would like to thank

Karl Schtz for bringing this to my attention in a conver
sation after a public lecture 1 gave at the J. Paul Getty
Museum on April 13, 1 9 9 5 .
1 1 . Schmitz 1913, I : 1 4 2 .
12. Hartmut Scholz ( 1 9 9 1 : note 6 9 0 on 309) debated
whether Drer might have occasionally painted heads
to act as guidelines for the glass painters who carried
out his designs.
13. Author's translation from Schmitz 1913, l : 145.
14. 1930: 4 2 - 4 3 . Dodgson thanked Gustav Pauli for bring
ing the work to his attention.
15. Dodgson incorrectly calls the London drawing a Fast
judgment.
16. Winkler 1.959: 2 3 - 2 4 .
1:7. Butts 1985: 2 8 9 - 9 4 . See also Butts 1990.

18. Strieder 1992: 88.
19. 1 9 9 1 :
122-24.
20. See cat. no. 18, note 16.

2 1 . Anzelewsky 1 9 9 1 : no. 9 8 . In describing the stained-glass
panel The Fall of the Rebel Angels, Hermann Schmitz
(1913, i : 144) pointed out that "a certain weakness of
the arms, which often are not organically joined to the
bodies when thrusting and striking, is frequently ob
served from 1506 onward, when Drer was striving for
clear composition, scientific proportions, and beautiful
line . . ." (author's translation).
NUREMBERG
11.9
24
24
The Fall of the Rebel

Angels
1509
Pen and brown ink, w i t h pink wash on the coat
of arms, on cream laid paper
CONDITION
Very w o r n , particularly along horizontal and

vertical crease marks
Monogrammed and dated i n pen and brown ink
bottom center: 1509 AD
COAT
OF
ARMS
The Schilling family of Weissenburg, Alsace

(Wissembourg, Bas-Rhin, Alsace, France)
26.1 X 42.2 cm (cut in the shape of a tympanum)
Inv. no. 5218-190
PROVENANCE
Sloane bequest, 1753
I20
N U R E M B E R G
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
Waagen 1838,
i : no.
190;
Ephrussi 1882: 2 4 8 - 4 9 ; Thausing 1884, 11: 35;

Seidlitz 1907: 18; Lippmann and Winkler 1 8 8 3 1929, i n : no. 245; Liverpool 1910: no. 444;
Bremen 1911: no. 480; Schmitz 1913, I : fig. 236
on 143, 144; Dodgson and Parker 1928:
no. 223; Flechsig 1 9 2 8 - 3 1 , I i : 325; Dodgson
1930: 43; Winkler 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , I I : no. 468; Tietze
and Tietze-Conrat 1 9 2 8 - 3 8 , 11, 2: no. A347;
Panofsky 1943: no. 873; Musper 1953: note 94
on 335, 347; Winkler 1957: 250; Nuremberg
1961: 127; Htt 1 9 7 1 , i : 532; L o n d o n 1 9 7 1 :
no. 133; Strauss 1974, 11: 1509/5; Butts 1990:
69, fig. 5 on 70, 7 1 , notes 27 on 77 and 46 on
79; Strieder 1992: 88, fig. 12 on 92, note 14 on
103; Rowlands 1993: no. 174.
The early Church taught that the cre

ation of man followed the fall of Satan,
citing Isaiah 14: 12: "How you have
fallen from heaven, bright morning star
(Lucifer). . . ." As was traditional in
medieval and early Renaissance represen
tations of The Fall of the Rebel Angels,
Drer depicted God the Father enthroned
and angels with lances driving their evil
counterparts from heaven. The rebel
angels acquire demonic features as they
descend to hell. Drer's composition is in
the shape of a tympanum. The donor is
depicted kneeling at the far right with his
coat of arms below him. Charles Ephrussi
identified the patron of The Fall of the
Rebel Angels as Jost Schilling, based on
the coat of arms, which belonged to the
Schilling family of Weissenburg, Alsace
(today Wissembourg, Bas-Rhin, Alsace,
France). Ephrussi connected Drer's
drawing with a chapel and altar dedicated
to Saint Stanislaw in Saint John's Church
in Weissenburg, northeast of Strasbourg,
which Schilling is recorded as having en
dowed in 1507. Ephrussi noted that a
Last Judgment was once painted on the
wall of the chapel. The painting had dis
appeared by 1882.
1
Aside from the drawing in London

and what were once traces of a wall
painting in Saint John's in Weissenburg,
there is no evidence that Drer executed
a mural painting of The Fall of the Rebel
Angels or any other painting for Schilling
or that another painter did so based on
Drer's design. Among Drer's surviv
ing works, the drawing in London most
closely resembles two of the stained-glass
windows he designed for the chapel of
the Twelve-Brothers House in Nurem
berg: The Fall of the Rebel Angels and
the Sacrifice of Isaac (fig. 21) and The
Holy Trinity (fig. 22), the latter dated
1508. (On the chapel, see cat. no. 23.) In
fact, this type of compositional drawing
must have preceded the windows that
Drer designed for the chapel of the
charitable home endowed by Matthus
Landauer. One cannot rule out the pos
sibility that the drawing in London is
a design for a similar stained-glass win
dow for Jost Schilling, either lost or
never executed. The shallow composi
tion would have translated well into the
medium of stained glass. Around 150913, Drer made compositional drawings
for the Schmidtmayer Window in Saint
Lawrence in Nuremberg in a similar
sketchy manner (see figs. 3 - 4 , p. 5).
The drawing in London was once
folded both horizontally and vertically,
and its overall appearance has suffered as
a result. Nevertheless, the sheet retains
it expressive power, owing to the a rich
and diverse hatching systems, the array
of fantastic demons, and the variety of
5
F I G U R E 2 4 . A l b r e c h t Drer. The Adoration of the Trinity, 1508. Pen

and b r o w n i n k and blue, green, and red washes, 3 9 . 1 X 26.8 c m . C h a n tilly, Musee Conde.
Photo: Photographie Giraudon, Paris.
emotions conveyed by the angels who

fan the cope of God the Father and
vanquish Satan and his companions.
Particularly fine are the dragonlike
demon at the lower right, recalling the
dragon in Drer's Saint George Fighting
the Dragon (cat. no. 9), and the ani
mated expression of the angel at the
lower right, with one eye wide open. The
angel pierces the beak of a demon, evok
ing a visceral response from the viewer.
7
1. Ephrussi 1882: 2 4 8 - 4 9 . Ephrussi cites "Siebmacher's Ar

morial" as the source of his identification of the coat of
arms: "trefle jaune sur champ rose" (yellow clover on a
rose-colored field). He noted that some members of the
Schilling the family had settled in Poland and others in
Alsace.
2. Ephrussi cites B. Herzog, Elsaesser Chronik, Strasbourg,
1 5 9 3 , p. 2 1 0 .
3. Ephrussi cites Kraus, Kunst und Alterthum in UnterElsa ss, p. 6 2 2 .
4. Ephrussi cites a letter he received from the pastor of Saint
John, M . Bastien, two years previously. The pastor con
firmed that, twenty years before, a restoration was done
on the wall that separated the nave from the choir. At that
time there were traces of a painting, which he described as
a Last Judgment. At the time, Bastien wrote, several com
petent people considered the painting to be a work of the
late fifteenth or early sixteenth century. The work was,
however, judged impossible to restore and was white
washed.
5. Perhaps one should consider as well whether Drer's
drawing was a design for a relief sculpture. The compo
sition is more complicated for sure than the one he drew
1508 for the wooden frame of The Adoration of the Trin
ity (fig. 24) and would have been more difficult to carve.
6. See Strauss 1 9 7 4 , 11: nos.
1 9 9 1 : figs. 1:84-87.
1509/9 and 1 5 0 9 / 1 0 , and Scholz
7. The drawing has not been universally accepted as a

work by Drer's hand. Erwin Panofsky ( 1 9 4 3 : no. 8 7 3 )
relegated it to Drer's workshop, while Woldcmar von
Seidlitz (1907: 18) and Tietze and Tietze-Conrat ( 1 9 2 8 38, i i : no. A 3 4 7 ) regarded it as reminiscent of Drer's fol
lower Hans Springinklee (c. 1495-after 1522).
NUREMBERG
121
*5
A t t r i b u t e d to A l b r e c h t D r e r
Design for a Quatrefoil

with the Madonna and
Child
c. 1510
Pen and b r o w n ink, brush and brown and gray
wash, and black chalk, on cream laid paper;
quatrefoil silhouetted and laid d o w n on a second
sheet of paper
WATERMARK
Bull's head w i t h caduceus (similar to Briquet

[1907] 1966: no. 15390)
Color notations i n black chalk: b[lau] (blue,
in robe), indecipherable notation (in the
background, lower left)
35.2
32.1 cm
Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlung Basel,

Kupferstichkabinett
Inv. no. 1962.105
PROVENANCE
Jean Francois Gigoux (Lugt 1921: 1164); Alfred

Beurdeley (Lugt 1921: 4 2 1 ; sale Paris, G. Petit,
vol. 84, July 1920, as Burgkmair); gift of the
CIBA-Aktiengesellschaft, 1962
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Winkler 1929: note 2 on 33,
44; Weinberger 1932: 40, fig. 12; Stadler 1936:
no. 117, p i . 58; Winkler 1941: 247, fig. 11 on
249 (reversed); Winkler 1942: no. 99; Winkler
1959: 79, p i . 60; Schilling 1 9 6 1 : 9 1 ; Landolt
1962: 3 1 , 3 6 - 4 0 , 4 6 - 4 7 , fig. 4; Landolt 1963;
Basel 1972: no. 36; Basel 1984a: n.p., repr.; Butts
1985: 175, 178, 1 8 1 , 2 9 5 - 9 7 , fig. 257; Butts
1986: note 13 on 525; Butts 1990: note 28 on
7 7 - 7 8 ; Scholz 1991: color p i . before 268; Basel
and Berlin 1 9 9 7 - 9 8 : 234.
T h e Madonna and Child was a popular

subject for stained glass quatrefoils in
the circle of Drer. It was the subject of
a quatrefoil in London (cat. no. 26) and
a quatrefoil depicted in the background
of a painting from 1514-15 by Hans
von Kulmbach, Saint Catherine Disput
ing with the Philosophers before Em
peror Maxentius (Krakow, Saint Mary's;
fig. 25 J . In this drawing, in Basel, the
Madonna is crowned Queen of Heaven
and seated on a pillow that identifies her
as the Seat of Wisdom or Virgin of Wis
dom. In the hands of the Christ Child,
the apple is transformed from a symbol
of Original Sin to a symbol of salvation,
since Christ and Mary bore the burden of
human sinfulness and restored humanity
to God (Song of Solomon 2:3). The Christ
Child also holds a rosary, an aide to
prayer and in devotions to Mary. In the
1
122
N U R E M B E R G
25
border, the grapevines represent the sav

ing blood of Christ and the iris the purity
of the Virgin. Arcs drawn with a compass
on the drawing in Basel suggest that at
some point the designer or glass painter
considered a circular format.
The drawing in Basel is among
the finest by Drer and his followers. In
1932, Martin Weinberger attributed it to
Sebald Beham. But it was Friedrich
Winkler's attribution of the drawing to
Hans von Kulmbach three years ear
lier that was accepted by subsequent
authors. In 1985, I attributed Design
for a Quatrefoil with the Madonna
and Child to Drer. Edmund Schilling
had already proposed that Drer's hand
could be detected in the drawing in
Basel. He assigned the sheet to Kulmbach but thought Drer could have
retouched it with wash. There are in fact
many aspects of Design for a Quatrefoil
with the Madonna and Child that speak
for Drer's authorship. The meditative
visage of Marywith heavy, lowered
eyelids, a strong-bridged nose, bowed
lips, and a round chinrecalls the pow
erfully characterized features of Saint Au
gustine and Saint Peter in earlier cartoons
2
by Drer (cat. nos. 10, 18). The Ma

donna's powerful hands and neck; the
chubby and energetic Christ Child; the
thick hair that falls across the shoulders
of the Virgin; the calligraphic flourishes
that denote curls; and the heavy drapery,
organized with geometric rigor, also
speak for Drer's authorship of the sheet
in Basel. Among the works by Drer that
share these characteristics is the wood
cut of 1515, The Carthusian Madonna
with Saints Bruno and John the Bap
tist (fig. 26).
Hanspeter Landolt considered the
drawing in Basel to be one of Kulmbach's
most masterful works. In characterizing
the "magnificence and decorative bril
liance" of the drawing, however, Landolt
already touched upon aspects of the
sheet that recall Drer. Landolt likened
the border of the quatrefoil to a precious
goldsmith's work. (Drer trained as a
goldsmith.) Landolt described how the
idealized Madonna, with her naturalistic
fullness and tangibility, floats in an ideal
space, likening the Madonna and Child
to high relief metalwork. This effect of
high relief is in fact the aspect of the draw
ing that speaks most strongly for Drer's
6
2 5 . Hans von Kulmbach. Saint Catherine

Disputing with the Philosophers Before Emperor Maxentius, 1 5 1 4 - 1 5 . Oil on wood, 117 X 61 cm. Krakow,
St. Mary.
FIGURE
2 6 . Attributed to Albrecht Drer. The Carthusian Madonna

with Saints Bruno and John the Baptist, 1515. Woodcut, 25.4 X 18.4
cm. London, The British Museum (inv. no. 1895-1-22-776).
FIGURE
Photo: > The British M u s e u m .
Photo: Saint Mary's Parish i n K r a k o w .
authorship and against Kulmbach's. A

comparison of the drawing in Basel and
Kulmbach's Design for a Quatrefoil with
Saint Augustine (cat. no. 30) highlights
the difference between Drer and his
follower. Kulmbach's drawings are more
painterly and less plastic in conception
than Drer's. In the drawing in Erlangen,
Kulmbach's more tentative contours and
hatching strokes map the play of light
across flesh and cloth. But he is either not
concerned with or not capable of evok
ing the underlying bone structure of the
saint's head. Kulmbach's drapery, which
falls softly over and around the figure of
Augustine, has no strong geometric pat
tern imposed upon it.
Landolt noted that the border of
the Basel drawing was used by the glass
painter who made the Quatrefoil with
Saint Augustine (cat. no. 31) after Kulm
bach's design. For Landolt, this con
firmed that the artist who designed
Quatrefoil with Saint Augustine also
made the drawing in Basel and, further
more, that the drawings were for the
same commission. But it is possible that
at some point Drer and Kulmbach
contributed designs for quatrefoils to a
single decorative program. This is partic

ularly true for the period around 1510,
when Kulmbach was presumably a jour
neyman in Drer's workshop. Even after
Kulmbach became a citizen and estab
lished his own workshop in 1511,
patrons were clearly willing to accept
their collaboration. In 1511, Drer made
a project drawing for the large Memorial
Picture for Provost Lorenz Tucher in
Saint Sebald in Nuremberg; Kulmbach
painted the picture, finishing in 1513.
8
j . The painting is a wing of Kulmbach's now-dismantled

Saint Catherine Altarpiece in Saint Mary's. See Stadler
1 9 3 6 : no. 1 0 9 b , and Strieder 1 9 9 3 b : no. 133.
2. Weinberger 1932: 4 0 .
3. Winkler 1929: note 2 on 33, 4 4 .
4. Butts 1985: 2 9 5 - 9 7 . See also Butts 1990: note 28 on
77-78.
5. Schilling .1:96.1: 9.1.
6. Kurth 1927: no. 3 0 1 , with a discussion of the attribution.

7. Landolt 1962: esp. 3 6 - 4 0 ; see also 1963.
8. On Drer's drawing from c. 1 5 1 1 , see Strauss 1974, i l l :
no. T511/2; on Kulmbach's painting, see Stadler 1936: no.
78; Nuremberg 1 9 6 1 : no. 162, color pi. on 105, and
Strieder 1 9 9 3 b : no. 1 3 1 .
NUREMBERG
I23
26
124
NUREMBERG
26
A f t e r an a r t i s t i n the c i r c l e of
A l b r e c h t D r e r , possibly Hans
Baldung
Quatrefoil with the

Madonna and Child
c. 1505
DIAMETER
33 cm
Inv. no. c.353-1937
PROVENANCE
F. E. Sidney Sale, Christie's, December 9, 1937,

part of lot 54
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Rackham 1929: 16, 18, color
pi. opposite 18; Frenzel 1961: 43; Nuremberg
1961: 113; Scholz 1991: 1 9 9 - 2 0 1 , fig. 290 on
203; Fitz 1995: note 38 on 48.
T h e quatrefoil was a popular form of

stained-glass decoration in Nuremberg.
Around 1480-90, quatrefoils were ap
parently made there after designs by the
Master of the Housebook (cat. nos. 2 3). A fragment of a design for a quatre
foil by Drer from c. 1492-93 (cat. no. 7)
shows that he took an interest in this
format for stained glass as early as his
years as a journeyman. Design for a
Quatrefoil with the Madonna and Child
from c. 1510 is arguably by his hand
(cat. no. 25). Drer's followersHans
Baldung, Hans Schufelein, and Hans
von Kulmbachall designed quatrefoils,
Kulmbach as late as c. 1518 (cat. no. 3 0 31, 55-58, 71-76, and n o ) . Quatrefoil
with the Madonna and Child in the Vic
toria and Albert Museum is a further
example of the quatrefoil's popularity
in Nuremberg. It shows the Madonna
crowned and nimbed, seated on a cres
cent moon, and holding the child to the
left. Lee Hendrix recognized that this
work might have been executed after a
lost design made by Hans Baldung during
his stay in Nuremberg from c. 1503 -7/8.
Indeed, the facial type of the Madonna,
with its broad, high forehead; smoothly
arching eyebrows; circular eye sockets;
small, straight nose; bowed upper lip;
full lower lip; and knob-like chin evokes
an ideal type of youthful female beauty
favored by Baldung. This type can be
seen in the stained-glass panels he de1
F I G U R E 2 7 . N u r e m b e r g . The Virgin and Child Enthroned,

c. 1505.
Point of the brush and black i n k w i t h gray wash, 29.8 X 21.5 c m .
Erlangen, Graphische S a m m l u n g der Universitt (inv. n o . B 7 4 0 ) .
Photo: Graphische Sammlung der Universitt Erlangen-Nrnberg.
signed for the Carmelite monastery in

Nuremberg around 1505 (fig. 30). Com
pare also the Madonna and Child from
Baldung's painting of Saint John on Patmos, 1511 (New York, The Metropoli
tan Museum of Art).
A glass painter's drawing of The
Madonna and Child in Erlangen
(Graphische Sammlung der Universitt;
fig. 27) was apparently executed after the
quatrefoil in London (or the lost design
for i t ) . It follows the composition, in
cluding the pose of the Virgin and Child
and arrangement of the drapery, but
lacks much of the subtle modeling of the
stained-glass panel. The glass painter
included the rose in Jesus' hand. (A rose
without thorns was a symbol of Mary
as the second Eve, bringing salvation into
the world in place of sin.) But he omitted
the crescent moon, a symbol of Mary's
virginity and chastity. Unfortunately, the
drawing in Erlangen departs too much
from the stained-glass panel in London to
provide any clues about whether Baldung
or someone else in Drer's circle made
the original design for the quatrefoil. But
regardless of who designed it, Quatrefoil
with Madonna and Child is among the
2
best examples of small-scale stained glass

in Nuremberg in the early years of the
sixteenth century. The finely drawn and
subtly modeled features of Mary and
the Christ Child convey their gentle emo
tional interaction. The wide-eyed child
looks eagerly into the heavy-lidded eyes
of his mother, who returns his gaze. The
contours and hatching of Mary's robe are
strongly articulated, lending solidity and
legibility to the composition. The bright
palette relies on the primary colors
red, blue, and yellow.
1.
2.
3.
4.
Conversation, August 1998.

New York and Nuremberg 1986: no. 179b, color pi. on 378.
Winkler 1942: no. A5; Scholz 1 9 9 1 : fig. 2 8 9 on 2 0 3 .
The anonymous drawing of a Madonna and Child in Des
sau (Anhaltin Landesstiftung; Winkler 1942: no. 140 [as
a work by Kulmbach]) is only generically similar to the
quatrefoil in London.
N U R E M B E R G
I2 5
27
The Madonna and Child,

Fragment of a Cartoon
for the Pfinzing Window
in Saint Sebald's Church
in Nuremberg
c. 1515
Charcoal on t w o pieces of cream laid paper,
attached horizontally
WATERMARK
City gate (similar to Briquet [1907] 1966:

no. 15918 and Meder 1932: no. 2 6 0 )
1
Color notation i n red chalk in habit of Madonna

above Christ's left foot: r[ot] (red); inscribed in
pen and ink by a later hand, lower right: 6451
42.5
24.2 cm
St. Petersburg, The State Hermitage Museum

Inv. no. 15378
PROVENANCE
Ivan I . Batzky (Lugt 1921: 2878a);

Empress Catherine 11; Academy of Fine Arts,
St. Petersburg; transferred to the Hermitage
in 1924
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Dobroklonsky and Sidorow
1927: 2 2 3 - 2 5 ; Lippmann and Winkler 1 8 8 3 1929 , VII: no. 813; Flechsig 1 9 2 8 - 3 1 , 11: 463;
Tietze and Tietze-Conrat 1 9 2 8 - 3 8 , 11, 1: no.
652; Winkler 1 9 3 6 - 3 9 , i n : no. 551; Panofsky
1943: no. 675; Winkler 1957: 246, 250, 287,
no. 7 3 1 ; Frenzel 1961: 50, fig. 13 on 52; Dres
den 1963: no. 97; Oettinger and Knappe 1963:
note 357 on i n ; Kuznetsov 1964: no. 80; Le
ningrad 1968: no. 19; Budapest 1970: no. 36;
Htt 1971, i : 619; Nuremberg 1971: no. 7 3 1 ;
Dresden 1 9 7 1 - 7 2 : no. 160; Vienna and Graz
1972: no. 22; Knappe 1973: 79; Strauss 1974,
i n : no. 1515/76; Kuznetsov et al. 1981: no. 192;
Florence 1982: no. 43, fig. 45; Bogota 1986:
repr. (unnumbered); Buenos Aires 1986: no. 93;
Montevideo 1986: no. 93; Belgrade, Ljubljana,
and Zagreb 1 9 8 7 - 8 8 : no. 118; Scholz 1 9 9 1 :
note 71 on 15, 1 6 5 - 6 6 , fig. 223 on 166, 175,
223, 328; Strieder 1993a: 736; Scholz 1995:
3 6 - 3 9 , notes 53-58 on 4 2 - 4 3 , fig. 16; N e w
York 1 9 9 8 - 9 9 : no. 73.
IZ6
N U R E M B E R G
This serene yet imposing depiction of

the Madonna and Child, almost fifteen
inches in height, is a fragment of a car
toon for the monumental window in
Saint Sebald commissioned by Emperor
Maximilian I'S adviser and private secre
tary, Melchior Pfinzing (1481-1535), in
memory of his father, architect and Sena
tor Siegfrid (Seitz) Pfinzing von Henfenfeld (d. 1514). Dated 1515, the Pfinzing
Window (fig. 16, p. 32) replaced one
from the end of the fourteenth century,
commissioned by the Vorchtel, a patri
cian family of Nuremberg. Melchior Pfin
zing, who was provost of Saint Sebald
from i 5 i 2 t o 1521, also commissioned a
number of smaller stained-glass panels
for the parish house of the church be
tween 1513 and 1517 (cat. nos. 51-54).
He left Nuremberg in 1521 in response
to the city's growing support for Luther
and settled in Mainz, where he had been
provost of Sankt Alban from 1517.
The Pfinzing Window is considered
to be the absolute high point of the mon
umental Renaissance window in Nurem
berg. It is the first stained-glass window
in Nuremberg organized according to a
unified central perspective, and Drer's
role in its overall conception and design
has never been doubted. Hartmut Scholz
compared the Renaissance column at
the upper left of the Pfinzing Window,
with its strongly receding entablature,
to an architectural sketch that Drer
made around 1516 (Chatsworth, Duke
of Devonshire). The Renaissance deco
rative motifs of the windowincluding
putti, satyrs, and cranesrecall Drer's
huge monument to Maximilian in wood
cut, The Triumphal Arch of Maximilian 1,
dated the same year, 1515. The kin
ship of the two works is not surpris
ing. As one of Maximilian's literary
advisers, Pfinzing was the principal edi
tor of the heroic epic Theuerdank (pub
lished 1517), that Maximilian commis
sioned to celebrate his exploits. As Scholz
observed, Pfinzing probably had close
ties not only with Drer but also with
Johannes Stabius (fl. 1498; d. 1522),
Maximilian's court historian and astron
omer, who created the learned program
of Drer's Triumphal Arch. Both Stabius
and Pfinzing studied at Ingolstadt and
were admirers of the empire's poet laure
ate, Konrad Celtis.
The dignified and statuesque Ma
donna in the Pfinzing window (fig. 28)
recalls Drer's woodcut of 1515, The
Carthusian Madonna with Saints Bruno
and John the Baptist (fig. 26). Drer exe
cuted the cartoon for the Madonna and
Child in charcoal. He gave The Madonna
and Child weight and breadth surpassing
that of figures in his earlier cartoons, exe
cuted in brush and wash (cat. nos. 10,
18, and 23). Drer made no attempt to
2
hide the strong geometric underpinnings

of The Madonna and Child, as is appar
ent from the arcs of charcoal that define
the basic shape of Mary's face. He sought
the main contours with swift, sure char
coal lines and replaced the linear mod
eling of his earlier cartoons with tonal
shading like that used in his charcoal
portraits from 1515. A glass painter in
the workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder
adeptly translated Drer's grand figures
of the Madonna and Child into the me
dium of stained glass. Sadly, the window
was marred by a poor restoration, and
one can only guess at its former luminos
ity and readability from a distance.
8
F I G U R E 2 8 . After a design and c a r t o o n by

A l b r e c h t Drer; w o r k s h o p of Veit H i r s v o g e l
the Elder. The Madonna and Child f r o m the
Pfinzing W i n d o w , 1515. Pot-metal, flashed,
and clear glass. N u r e m b e r g , Saint Sebald.
Frei brg i . Br.
T. Alexei Larionov (New York 1 9 9 8 - 9 9 : i 54) noted: "Jo

seph Medcr [Meder 1932] mentions an impression of the
title page of the early edition of Drer's Apocalypse (be
fore 1511) on paper bearing this watermark. Indeed, such
rough, thick paper was rarely used for drawing and prints,
although it was well suited for cartoons."
2. On Melchior Pfinzing, see Alfred Eckert's biography
in Imhoff 1984: 9 6 - 9 7 and New York and Nuremberg
1986: no. 215. On his father, see Frenzel i 9 6 0 : note 9
on 210. See also Schulz 1 9 0 8 - 3 3 : 3 4 . Seitz Pfinzing is re
ferred to as Siegfrid in the inscription on the Pfinzing win
dow in Saint Sebald.
3. See the essay by Hartmut Scholz in this volume.
4. On the drawing in Chatsworth, see Scholz 1 9 9 1 : i 67,
fig. 231 and Strauss T 9 7 4 , m : no. 15 16/3.
5. Bartsch 1 8 0 3 - 2 1 : no. 1 3 8 .
6. Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 1 6 5 .
7. See cat. no. 2 5 , note 6.
8. Compare two portraits of young females with braided
hair, both dated 1515 (Strauss 1974, i l l : nos. 1 5 1 5 / 5 2 53)-
NUREMBERG
127
HANS BALDUNG GRIEN

Probably Gmnd, Swabia 1484/85-Strasbourg 1545
original of Drer's followers. Unusual

for artists of his day, he came to his
profession not from an artisanal back
ground but from a learned family of
doctors and lawyers. During the 1490s,
his family settled in Strasbourg, which
remained his home throughout most of
his career. He probably received early
training in Strasbourg, still strongly
under the influence of Martin Schongauer. He also appears to have trained in
Swabia, as evidenced by his self-portrait
drawing of c. 1502 (Basel, ffentliche
Kunstsammlung), which shows the coloristic tendency of Swabian artists such
as Bernhard Strigel, as well as the in
ventiveness and self-consciousness that
characterized Baldung's art throughout
his career. By 1503, he had entered
Drer's atelier in Nuremberg, where he
acquired the nickname "Grien" (green),
which possibly referred to his preference
for flashy green clothing and distin
guished him from Drer's other assis
tants named Hans, including Hans von
Kulmbach and Hans Schufelein. From
the beginning of his time in Nuremberg
and probably through Drer's influence,
he designed stained glass, notably the
magnificent series of panels illustrating
the life of the Virgin and Christ for
Nuremberg's Carmelite cloister (cat. no.
29,fig.30; p. 7, fig. 7) and one of the
greatest cycles of monumental church
windows of Renaissance Nuremberg, the
Lffelholz Window, in situ in the church
of Saint Lawrence. His early activity as a
woodcut designer includes the illustra
tions, in collaboration with Schufelein,
128
N U R E M B E R G
for Ulrich Pinder's Speculum passionis

domini nostri Ihesu christi (Mirror of the
Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ), pub
lished in Nuremberg in 1507. During his
second trip to Venice in 1505-7, Drer
probably placed Baldung in charge of his
studio. In 1507, Baldung began work on
two important altarpieces for the city of
Halle: The Adoration of the Magi (Berlin,
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin-Preussischer
Kulturbesitz, Gemldegalerie) and The
Saint Sebastian Altarpiece (Nuremberg,
Germanisches Nationalmuseum).
Baldung returned to Strasbourg in
1509, when he became a citizen, married
in 1509-10, and established his own
workshop. In 1510, he created his re
nowned chiaroscuro woodcut Witches'
Sabbath, his first treatment of a subject
that fascinated him for the rest of his
career. Many drawings attest to his activ
ity as a designer of glass paintings, mostly
small-scale heraldic panels, which have
apparently perished. His playful, calli
graphic manner of drawing was perfectly
suited to this ornate medium, in which he
was highly influential in south Germany
and Switzerland.
From i 5 i 2 t o 1517, Baldung lived
in Freiburg im Breisgau, where he painted
his masterpiece, the high altarpiece of the
minster, which is still in situ, and the
central panel of which shows the Coro
nation of the Virgin. In its brilliant and
expressive color and emotive figures,
Baldung's style reached a new authority.
In Freiburg, aided by assistants who
probably included Hans Leu the Younger,
Baldung took on a variety of smaller
commissions. The monumentality and
mature expressiveness of his style as
evidenced in the minster altarpiece ex
tended to his Freiburg glass commis

sions. These tended to be large-scale
windows executed by Freiburg's leading
glass painter Hans von Ropstein and his
atelier, such as the Saint Anne Window
of 1515 (which began the reglazing cam
paign of the choir of Freiburg minster;
cf. Hartmut Scholz's essay in this vol
ume, pp. 23-25) and the vertical panels
of holy personages for the city's Carthu
sian cloister (cat. nos. 113-14). This
productive period also included the im
perial commission in 1515 shared with
Drer, Breu, Burgkmair, Altdorfer, and
others to make marginal drawings for
The Prayer Book of Maximilian 1 (Besancon, Bibliotheque Municipale).
Baldung returned to Strasbourg in
1517, where he stayed for the remainder
of his life. The extreme sophistication of
both Baldung and his clientele is appar
ent in the mannerism of his later style,
which encompasses a certain hardening
of forms and a preference for classical
and allegorical themes. This turn to sec
ular subjects probably reflects in part the
influx of the Reformation to Strasbourg,
beginning in 1529. Baldung's stance to
ward the Reformation is unknown, and
he continued to work for Catholic and
Protestant patrons. Late paintings in
clude The Ages of Woman and Death
(c. 1541-44; Madrid, Prado). He con
tinued to design heraldic stained-glass
panels for Strasbourg nobility until the
end of his career.
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
Christiane Andersson,
r
DOA
1996, i n : 1 0 2 - 4 ( f further literature);

Matthias Mende in AKL 1992., v i : 4 3 7 - 4 1 (for
further literature).
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Hausmann 1861: 94; W i n k

ler J 9 3 6 - 3 9 , i : 143 under no. 202, and 144 un
der no. 207; Karlsruhe 1959, no. 108; Knappe
1961b: 60, 76; Winkler 1961: 1 5 5 - 5 6 ; Oettinger
and Knappe 1963: 1 3 - 1 4 , 46, 64, 96, nos. 6 5 68, i o r , nos. 1 9 0 - 9 1 ; 11 1-1.2, nos. 3 5 8 - 8 6 ;
Strauss 1974, v i : 2946 under no. x w . 1 9 8 , 2952
under no. x w . 202, and 3278; Goldner
1988:
no. T26 (for further literature); Scholz 1991: 85,

note 213, 88, 94, fig. 115.
In 1503, when Baldung probably entered

Drer's atelier, the latter was highly
active in the design of stained glass, hav
ing completed numerous commissions,
including the cycle of The Life of Saint
Benedict (cat. nos. 11-17) and the
monumental window for the Bishop of
Bamberg (cat. no. 18) in Saint Sebald's
Church in Nuremberg. Baldung soon
began to design stained glass himself, as
seen in the present example, his only sur
viving complete design for a stained-glass
panel dating to his Nuremberg period.
The strong influence of Drer is evi
dent from a comparison of it to Drer's
Saint Benedict Teaching (cat. no. 12).
Karl A. Knappe identified its subject
as the Dominican monk Saint Vincent
Ferrer, preaching on one of his favorite
topics, the Last Judgment, signified by
his attribute of Christ in Judgment.
Knappe also proposed that the drawing
might have been preparatory to one in
a cycle of windows for a Dominican
cloister, although neither of Nuremberg's
Dominican cloisters is documented as
possessing such a cycle. The subject of
Saint Vincent Ferrer is also treated in a
vertical panel of similar dimensions for
merly in the Kunstgewerbemuseum in
Berlin. Knappe saw in the Getty drawing
critical evidence of Baldung's early work
ing methods: the artist made this over
all compositional drawing establishing
the proportions of the figures, their spa
tial relationships, and even the frame
surrounding the scene. This drawing
would have served as the basis for fullscale cartoons.
1
28
Hans B a l d u n g G r i e n
Saint Vincent Ferrer

Preaching the Sermon of
the Last Judgment
c.
1505
Pen and brown ink, over underdrawing in black

chalk, on cream laid paper
WATERMARK
Bull's head w i t h flower and triangle (Strauss

1974, v i : 3278; Briquet [1907] 1966: no.
14873)
30.8 X 22.3 cm
Inv. no. 83.GA.194
PROVENANCE
B. S. collection (Lugt 1956: 414b); Gustav

Schwarting, Delmenhorst; art market, London.
The sheet ties in closely stylisti

cally with other drawings by Baldung of
around 1504-5, such as The Beheading
of Saint Barbara (fig. 29). Saint Barbara's
rhythmically hatched, crinkly drapery
parallels that of the seated woman in the
Getty drawing. The way in which the
hatchingin the faces of Saint Vincent
Ferrer, the bearded listener in profile, and
Saint Catherine in the Basel drawing
sits on the surfaces of the forms is
characteristic of Baldung and part of his
overall tendency to call attention to the
beauty of his line work for its own sake.
A comparison of the Getty drawing to
Saint Benedict Teaching (cat. no. 12)
shows Baldung's grasp of Drer's method
of using an architectural setting to ac
centuate the motion of light through the
NUREMBERG
129
HANS LEU THE
YOUNGER
Zurich c. 1490-Battle of Gubel

(near Zurich) 1531
29. Hans Baldung Grien. The Beheading of Saint

Barbara,
1505. Pen and grayish black ink, 29.5 X 20.8 cm. Staatliche Museen
zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabinett (inv. no. K d z
11716).
FIGURE
glass panel, both by penetrating the

architecture with a window in the back
ground and by strong spatial recession.
This spatial dynamism is particularly evi
dent in the Getty drawing, with its deep
orthogonal formed by the pulpit and
the arched, segmented passage extending
into the background. An interplay be
tween actual and figurative illumination
occurs in the juxtaposition of the window
to the subject of the sermonChrist as
r. Possibly also by Baldung is the drawing for a roundel of
Saint Martin and the Beggar of c. 1503 - 5 in the National
Gallery of Scotland, Edinburgh, inv. no. D4902. Cf. Lon
don 1988: no. 88. For other early drawings by Baldung
that may be connected to stained glass, see Knappe in
Oettinger and Knappe 1963: 6 8 .
2. The Getty drawing was introduced into the literature by
Hausmann ( 1 8 6 1 : 94). It was first published as by Bal
dung in 1959 (Karlsruhe 1959: no. 108, 66).
3. Knappe 1 9 6 1 b : 60, note 2; see, for example, Schedel 1979:
237.
4. These are the Saint Catherine cloister (Dominican convent

founded by Konrad von Neumarkt [d. 1296]) and the
Dominikanerkloster (Predigerkloster, Dominican monas
tery founded in 1 2 7 0 ) . Knappe in Oettinger and Knappe
1963: 6 8 , 112, note 359. Cf. Austin 1983: 8, 1 2 .
5. Schmitz 1913, 11: pi. 4 7 , no. 273, which Schmitz assigns
to the Hirsvogel workshop and dates to around 1 5 2 0 .
6. Knappe in Oettinger and Knappe 1963: 6 8 .
130
NUREMBERG
judge surrounded by his radiant mandorla; while the former casts light upon
the faces of the listeners, the latter ignites
their minds and souls as reflected in their
rapturous expressions. This typically
Baldungesque emotionality is further
enhanced by the tightly organized com
position, in which the expansive ground
shadows bind the listeners to the preacher
in his pulpit, and the lateral compres
sion and verticality bolster the diagonal
formed by the preacher and the listen
ers below who receive his message. The
knotty branches arching above the lateral
columns foreshadow the calligraphic,
exuberant frames that form such a dis
tinctive and influential component of
Baldung's later designs for stained glass.
probably pupil of the painter Hans the

Elder. He is documented in Drer's work
shop in 1510 (see cat. no. 29) by his ear
liest dated work, a drawing copying a
stained-glass design by Hans Baldung.
From there he appears to have gone on to
work with Baldung, probably in Stras
bourg, and around 1512-13 in Freiburg
im Breisgau, where he may have painted
the landscape backgrounds of Baldung's
Schnewlin Altar, in situ in the minster.
By 1514, he was back in his native Zur
ich, as indicated principally by drawings,
such as Christ and Doubting Thomas
of 1514 (Copenhagen, Royal Museum,
inv. no. T.U.97/2), which inaugurated a
steady production of designs for stained
glass throughout the remainder of his ca
reer. He tended to draw these in a broad
manner, often with the brush. Leu had
a strong feeling for nature and is most
appreciated for his fluidly rendered land
scape drawings, which have a strong
affinity with the artists of the Danube
School. Leu was also active as a painter
of easel and wall paintings, including
mural paintings from the chapel of the
Klauser House in Lucerne of around
1520 (Zurich, Schweizerisches Landes
museum), which have been convincingly
attributed to him and whose format of
holy personages under archways paral
lels his favorite format for stained-glass
designs. Leu fought as a mercenary in
military campaigns in 1515, 1519, and
1526. Many of his works were destroyed
in the iconoclastic riots of 1523. A Cath
olic, Leu fell in the battle between the
Catholics and Protestants at Gubel, out
side Zurich, in 1531.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : E. Reinhart i n SKL 1 9 8 2 , i i :
2 4 8 - 4 9 ; Z u r i c h 1 9 8 1 : 9 7 - 9 8 ; Anderes i n
Anderes and Hoegger 1 9 8 8 : 5 7 - 5 8 (for further

literature); Janez Hfler in DOA 1 9 9 6 , x i x :
256-57.
29
N U R l i M B l i R C ;
I 3 I
and seven in the church at Henfenfeld,

near Nuremberg. The cycle was made
over a number of years, as evidenced
by the two dated surviving panels: The
Presentation in the Temple of 1505 in
Grossgrndlach and Christ Washing the
Feet of the Disciples of 1511 in Whrd.
Drer was in Italy from late sum
mer 1505 through January 1507, and it
appears that Baldung, who is believed to
have been in charge of the workshop in
his absence, at least initially provided the
designs for the cycle of panels for the
Carmelite cloister, whose execution was
carried out by the Hirsvogel workshop.
The earliest panels in the group are of the
highest quality and most closely reflect
Baldung's manner: The Presentation in
the Temple of 1505 in Grossgrndlach
and the stylistically closely related The
Virgin Weaving in the Temple (fig. 30)
and The Betrothal of the Virgin in Gross
grndlach, The Nativity and The Ador
ation of the Magi in Whrd, and The
Last Supper in the Victoria and Albert
Museum, London. Later windows in
the series were designed and produced
through 1511, under the influence of
Baldung, Hans von Kulmbach, and
Drer (see Hartmut Scholz's essay in this
volume, pp. 29-30; fig. 14, p. 30).
4
29
The Virgin at the Loom

Ministered to by Angels
1510
Pen and black ink on cream laid paper; made up
in the lower right hand corner
WATERMARK
Scales(?) i n a circle (not clearly legible)

Monogrammed and dated by the artist 1510 and
HL (in ligature) in pen and black ink at the base
of the loom
27.9
19.7 cm
Inv. no. 1909-1-9-16

PROVENANCE
Giuseppe, Duca d i Cassano Serra, Naples; Obach

and Co.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Dodgson 1 9 0 9 - 1 0 : 27, repr.;
Hugelshofer 1 9 2 3 - 2 4 , pt. 1: 165, repr.;
Rttinger 1926, p. 93, note i ; Dodgson and
Parker 1928: 37, no. 322; Koch 1941: 189
under no. A 4 ; Karlsruhe 1959: 125; Knappe
1961b: 62, note 15; Nuremberg 1 9 6 1 : 139
under no. 235; Oettinger and Knappe 1963: 6 1 ,
109, note 309; L o n d o n 1971: no. 344; London
1988: no. 91(b); Stuttgart 1988: 174 under
no. 56, and fig. 56.1; Scholz 1991: 8 4 - 8 5 , 89,
fig. i n ; Rowlands 1993, 1: no. 4 2 1 , 11: p i . 269.
The most beautiful panel from the

Carmelite cloister series is that depicting
the apocryphal story of the Archangel
Gabriel bringing food and drink to the
young Mary as she weaves in the Temple
(fig. 30). It bears the coat of arms of
the Petz family and to its left the smaller
marriage shield of the wife with the
housemark hi. The Petz shield appears
again in the series, in alliance with the
Schrstab coat of arms in The Betrothal
of the Virgin, which, of all the panels
for the Carmelite cloister, is the closest
stylistically to The Virgin Weaving in the
Temple. Anton Schurstab, who was mar
ried to a daughter of the historian Georg
Petz, died in 1505. This supports the
likelihood that these panels were made at
the same time as The Presentation in the
Temple dated 1505. The panel is excep
tionally close both compositionally and
in dramatic effect to the contemporary
drawing of Saint Vincent Ferrer Preach
ing the Sermon of the Last judgment
(cat. no. 28). Both are highly architec
tonic and are structured around a deep
perspective vista that is anchored in the
foreground by radiantly expressive fig
ures pressed close to the picture plane,
with this plane reinforced by the pulpit
in the drawing and the loom in the glass
panel. The Virgin and the seated female
listener in the drawing are similarly
posed, anchoring the corner of the pic
ture plane with their drapery spilling for
ward, and both wear comparable open,
6
I n 1504, the administrator of the church

of Saint Lawrence, the humanist Sebald
Schreyer, advised the newly appointed
prior of Nuremberg's Carmelite monas
tery, Erhard Schrstab, to have its clois
ter decorated "with the matter or legend
of Saint Anne, the Blessed Virgin, and
the suffering of Christ." Eventually
numbering thirty-four panels, donated
by Nuremberg merchants and patricians,
representatives of the Franconian nobil
ity, and members of the monastery itself,
this constituted one of the largest and
most important cycles of Nuremberg
stained glass of the Drer period (see
Hartmut Scholz's essay in this volume,
p. 29). After Nuremberg's embrace of
the Reformation, the Carmelite monas
tery was dissolved in 1525 and in 1557
was sold to a private owner, who demol
ished it to make way for burgher houses.
The surviving panels, which were rein
stalled in other churches in Nuremberg
and its environs, include twelve in the
church of Saint Lawrence in Grossgrnd
lach; eleven others and a fragment in the
church of Saint Bartholomew in Whrd;
1
132
N U R E M B E R G
luminous expressions that form the dra

matic focal point of the image. The ele
gantly refined Virgin at the loom and her
counterpart in The Betrothal represent
an ideal of female beauty that endured
throughout Baldung's career.
As noted by Knappe and Scholz,
the earliest panels from the Carmelite
cloister at GrossgrndlachThe Virgin
Weaving in the Temple, The Betrothal
of the Virgin, and The Presentation in
the Templeare distinguished by ex
ceptionally fine line work: expansive
webs of hatched, cross-hatched, and
hooked linesparticularly evident in the
faces of the Virgin at the loom, in the
Betrothal, and in the draperies of Gabriel
and the Virginresemble those encoun
tered in Baldung's drawings and engrav
ings. So closely do the form and vitality
of this line work follow Baldung's graphic
style that it is possible that he may him
self have drawn either full-scale cartoons
or cartoons of the heads, which the glass
painter would have followed in executing
the panels. On the other hand, it is pos
sible that Baldung himself did not make
the cartoons, but rather produced a com
positional drawing such as Saint Vincent
Ferrer Preaching the Sermon of the Last
judgment (cat. no. 28), upon which the
glass painter would have based his car
toons. At the least, the graphic and
so distinctively Baldungesque line work
demonstrates the talent and grasp of
Baldung's style possessed by the glass
painter responsible for the Carmelite
cloister panels of around 1505.
Although all of Baldung's designs
for the Carmelite series have perished,
one of his overall prepatory designs is
reflected in a sheet by the Zurich-born
artist Hans Leu the Younger, who was
active in Drer's atelier around 150910. It is Leu's earliest dated drawing
and is now generally regarded as a copy
of Baldung's lost compositional drawing
for the glass panel The Virgin Weaving
in the Temple at Grossgrndlach. The
approximate size of Saint Vincent Ferrer
Preaching the Sermon of the Last Judg
ment, it was probably copied after such a
compositional drawing for a glass panel,
which in turn would have been enlarged
into cartoons. Leu's drawing presumably
reflects the original extent of Baldung's
design, which has been altered in the
panel due to its having been cut down (as
were all of the Grossgrndlach panels,
by an average of about 13 cm in height
and about 8 cm in width). Leu's arched
sheet echoes the space of the vaulted inte
rior, whose verticality is reinforced by the
upward thrust of the loom, the attendant
angel's left wing, and the porch behind
the angel. This verticality has been dimin
ished in the panel not only by its having
9
10
11
12
13
30. After Hans Baldung Grien; workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder. The Virgin at
the Loom, c. 1505. Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass, yellow stain, and vitreous paint, 71 X
59.5 cm. Nuremberg-Grossgriindlach, Church of Saint Lawrence.
F I G U R E
been cut down but also by changes from

the composition of the drawing, most
notably the Virgin's halo, which crops
the lower portion of her praying figure in
the background.
There are aspects of the draw
ing's style that evidence the young Leu's
absorption of the art of Drer. These
include the detailed renderings of the
angels' wings, which recall Drer's
wing studies such as Study for Nemesis
in the British Museum (Department of
Prints and Drawings, inv. no. Sloane
5218-114), as well as the attempt to
master rational perspectival diminution
in the hall with the praying Mary. Com
mingled with such sophisticated elements
gleaned from Drer is a charming naivete
of style, particularly facial expression,
which would form a consistent part of
Leu's manner.
1. A. Gmbel, Schrey erStiftungen, p. 2 4 ^ cf. Knappe in

Oettinger and Knappe 1963: 5 7 , 107, note 2 7 8 .
2. Stuttgart 1988: 56, 1 7 4 .
3. Cf. Knappe in Oettinger and Knappe 1963: 5 6 - 6 8 ;
Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 83, note 2 0 7 .
4. Cf. Scholz 199 1: 83, no. 2 0 7 .
5. Cf. Knappe 1961b: 62; Knappe in Oettinger and Knappe
1963: 5 7 - 6 2 ; Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 8 3 - 8 6 ; The Last Supper in
London, although stylistically close to the above panels,
may not have been part of the Carmelite cloister series
but rather may have been commissioned by Sebald
Schreyer in 1505 for the Augustinereremitenkirche Saint
Veit in Nuremberg; cf. Knappe in Oettinger and Knappe
^63:
57"5 -
6. The story appears in the eighth-century apocryphal text

The Gospel of the Pseudo-Matthew, which recounts:
"And this was the order that she had set for herself:
From morning to the third hour she remained in prayer;
from the third to the ninth she was occupied with her
weaving; and from the ninth she again applied herself
to prayer. She did not retire from praying until there ap
peared to her the angel of the Lord, from whose hand
she received food." Cf. Walter 1870; Gibson 1990: 2;
Knappe in Oettinger and Knappe 1963: r o 9 , note 308;
Stuttgart 1988: 1 7 4 .
7. The wife perhaps belonged to the family of Hans Leitgeb; cf. Knappe in Oettinger and Knappe 1963: 1 0 9 ,
note 308.
8. Cf. Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 8 4 , note 2:1:0.
9. Knappe in Oettinger and Knappe 1963: 62, where he
compares her among others to Ideal Female Head in the
Musee Municipal, Saint Germain en Laye, Koch 1 94 1:
no. 2 7 , of 15:1.0-12.
10. Knappe in Oettinger and Knappe 1963: 6 0 - 6 3 ; Scholz

1991: 86.
1 1 . Knappe in Oettinger and Knappe 1963: 6 iff.; Rainer

Kahsnitz in New York and Nuremberg 1986: no. 1 7 4 .
12. Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 8 6 , and, for further literature, note 2 1 4 .
13. See, in particular, Knappe 1 9 6 1 b : 63, note 15; Scholz
1 9 9 1 : 8 4 - 8 5 , notes 2 1 1 - 1 2 . For a dissenting view cf.
Rowlands ( 1 9 9 3 , 1: no. 4 2 1 , 199), who regards the
drawing as Leu's original design for the glass panel.
NUREMBERG
I3 3
H A N S SSS V O N K U L M B A C H , C A L L E D H A N S V O N K U L M B A C H
PKulmbach, Upper Franconia, c. 1485-Nuremberg 1522
piece, 1516, in Krakow (predella in Saint

Mary's; wings, formerly Saint Florian,
lost during World War 11 J . Writing in
1547, the Nuremberg calligrapher Jo
hann Neudrfer (1497-1563) called
Hans von Kulmbach a Lehr jung (ap
prentice) of the Venetian printmaker and
painter Jacopo de' Barbari (c. 1440/501516), who worked in Germany for sev
eral years beginning in 1500. In the
seventeenth century, Joachim von Sandrart described Hans Sss as a disciple
of Albrecht Drer. Kulmbach's earliest
drawings are dependent on Drer's work
from c. 1504-5, suggesting that he prob
ably arrived in Nuremberg c. 1505 and
not c. 1500, as was previously assumed.
The departure of Hans Schufelein and
Hans Baldung from Nuremberg after
Drer's return from Italy in 1507 cleared
the way for Kulmbach to become the
foremost interpreter of Drer's art there.
He probably worked as a journeyman in
Drer's shop until he became a citizen of
Nuremberg on March 15, 1511, a pre
requisite for establishing a workshop of
his own. In the second decade of the six1
1. The predella is signed (Johanne) SSV ES (civis n)URMBERGEN(sis)

(Johannes Suess, citizen of Nuremberg).
See Strieder 1 9 9 3 b : no. 1 3 4 ,fig.5 4 4 on 2 6 2 .
2. Neudrfer [ 1 5 4 7 ] 1875: 1 3 4 .
3. Sandrart [ 1 6 7 5 ] 1925: 7 6 .
4. This would indicate that Kulmbach was Jacopo de' Barban's apprentice in Wittenberg, where the Italian master
worked for Friedrich the Wise from 1 5 0 3 - 5 , rather than
in Nuremberg, where on April 8, 1 5 0 0 , Jacopo de' Bar
bari was appointed for a year as a portraitist and minia
ture painter for Emperor Maximilian. On Kulmbach's
development as a draftsman, see Butts 1985: 9 0 - 1 3 0 .
5. See Jrg Rasmussen ( 1 9 7 4 : 4 5 - 5 1 , notes 1 0 8 - 1 1 8 on
I I O - I I I ) and Alfred Schdler ( 1 9 7 6 ) on Kulmbach's
possible role as a designer of sculpture including that of

The Adoration of the Magi Altarpiece of 1 5 1 0 in Wen
delstein near Nuremberg (Saint Georg) and the Saint
Anne Altarpiece of 1 5 1 0 (Nuremberg, Saint Lawrence;
two panels on loan from Munich, Bayerische Staats
gemldesammlungen).
6. On the painting, see Nuremberg 1 9 6 1 : no. 162, and
Strieder 1993 b: no. 1 3 1 . On the drawing, see Strauss
1 9 7 4 , i l l : no. 1 5 1 1 / 2 .
7. Winkler 1 9 5 9 : 6 4 .
8. Nuremberg 1 9 6 1 : no. 158; Strieder 1 9 9 3 b : no. 1 2 9 .
9. Stadler 1 9 3 6 : no. 109; Strieder 1 9 9 3 b : 135, no. 1 3 3 .
The altarpiece was dismantled during the nineteenth
century; two panels were lost during World War 11.
10. Stadler 1936: no. n o ; Strieder 1 9 9 3 b : no. 1 3 4 .
1 1 . Nuremberg 1 9 6 1 : no. 176; Strieder 1 9 9 3 b : no. 1 3 6 .
12. Winkler 1942: no. 86. See also Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 1 4 8 - 4 9 ,
fig. 2 0 2 on 1 5 0 .
13. Sandrart [ 1 6 7 5 ] 1925: 7 6 .
14. See Butts 1 9 8 5 : 1 3 1 - 4 4 .
15. See Thausing 1884, 11: 140. See also Winkler 1 9 4 2 :
no. 9 2 .
16. On The Triumpal Procession of Maximilian 1, see Appelbaum 1 9 6 4 .
17. See Ursula Knappe (Knappe 1973: 7 7 - 7 8 ) , who asserted
that Hans Sss made the cartoons for the Schmidtmayer
Window. See also Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 136, 1 3 8 - 3 9 .
18. Winkler 1 9 5 9 : 98 and Holl 1 9 7 2 : 8 3 - 9 0 .
134
NUREMBERG
teenth century, Kulmbach succeeded M i

chael Wolgemut as the most important
designer of elaborate altarpieces combin
ing sculpted shrines and painted wings.
In some cases he may have designed the
sculpture himself. Kulmbach's altarpieces offer tender interpretations of
traditional subjects executed in luminous
colors and with a broad painterly touch.
His masterpiece, the Memorial Picture of
Lorenz Tucher in Saint Sebald's Church,
Nuremberg, was completed in 1513
based on a design Drer made two
years earlier. Friedrich Winkler asserted
that the picture was perhaps the most
Italianate German painting of Drer's
time. Yet there is no evidence that Kulmbach ever traveled to Italy. Drer is also
thought to have influenced Kulmbach's
bold spatial conception in the Emperor's
Window in Saint Sebald in Nuremberg,
dated 1514 (cat. no. 49). Between 1511
and 1516, Kulmbach worked extensively
for patrons in Krakow. In 1511, he exe
cuted a Marian altarpiece that may have
originally been in the Pauline monas
tery na Skalce (central panel dated 1511,
Kulturbesitz, Gemldegalerie). Kulm
bach's Saint Catherine Altarpiece in Saint
Mary's in Krakow bears the coat of
arms of the Krakow merchant Jan Boner
(d. 1523) and the dates 1514 and 1515
(fig. 25 ), while his Saint John Altarpiece
for the same patron is dated 1516. Hans
Sss also painted portraits, his best loved
being the Portrait of a Young Man, c.
1513, in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum in Nuremberg. A design for a
monstrance (c. 1520, Schwerin, Staat
liches Museum) demonstrates his activ
ity as a designer of metalwork. In the sev
enteenth century, Joachim von Sandrart
stated that Kulmbach designed many
woodcuts to illustrate books. But none
can be assigned to him with certainty.
Maximilian praised Kulmbach's design
for the Emperor's Wreath of Honor,
1518 (Staatliche Museen zu BerlinPreussischer Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichka
binett; fig. 4 3 ) for the huge Triumphal
Procession of Maximilian I in woodcut,
but the drawing was not used.
5
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
Kulmbach was the leading designer

of stained glass in Nuremberg in the
second decade of the sixteenth century.
In 1514, he provided the designs for
two windows in the eastern choir of
Saint Sebald: the Emperor's Window
(cat. no. 49) and the Margrave's Window
(cat. no. 50). Along with the Pfinzing
Window, designed by Drer (see cat.

no. 27; fig. 16, on p. 32), these two
windows mark the breakthrough to a
Renaissance spatial conception in monu
mental stained glass in Nuremberg.
Kulmbach also designed the monumen
tal window in the Church of Our Lady
in Nuremberg for the merchant Jacob
Weiser (1468-1541) and his wife, Ehrentraud Thumer (d. 1529), around
1522 (cat. no. 61). Kulmbach is some
times credited with making cartoons for
the stained-glass windows originally in
the chapel of the Twelve-Brothers House
in Nuremberg (cat. no. 23), a view which
this author rejects. He apparently did
work in this capacity in the case of the
Schmidtmayer Window in Saint Law
rence, c. 1509-13, translating Drer's
sketches into cartoons (figs. 3-4, p. 5).
Kulmbach also made numerous designs
for small-scale panels, beginning around
1510, when he was presumably a jour
neyman in Drer's workshop.
What little archival material on
Hans Sss's life exists is summarized by
Friedrich Winkler and Wilhelm H o l l .
There is no record of his marrying.
He left small bequests to two women
in Kulmbach.
17
18
30
Hans von K u l m b a c h
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Hausmann 1861:

with Saint Augustine
c.
15 TO
Pen and brown ink, brush and gray wash, over

black chalk underdrawing, on cream laid paper
WATERMARK
A scale w i t h a star (variant of Briquet [1907J

1966: 2584)
Color notations in black chalk: b\lau\ (blue, in
the pillow) and p[urpur] (purple, in the cope)
128;
Weinberger 1921: 189, p i . 13; Bermann 1923:

no. 44 on x x v i i ; Rttinger 1927: 14; Buchner in
Thieme and Becker 1907-50, x x : 95; Nurem
berg 1928: no. 269; Bock 1929: no. 235, pi. 97;
Winkler 1929: 33, 42; Stadler 1936: no. 44, p i .
17; Winkler 1941: 247; Winkler 1942: no. 100;
Winkler 1959: 79; Frenze 1 1961: 4 2 - 4 3 , fig. 4;
Nuremberg .1961: 113 and no. 2 1 1 ; Landolt
1962: 36, 3 9 - 4 1 , 44, fig. 5; Landolt 1963:
fig. .16; Swarzenski 1972: 1 19; Cambridge
1978: 67; Butts 1985: 108; New York and N u r
emberg 1986: no. 1 56; Scholz 1991: note 178
on 70, 199, fig. 284 on 200; Basel and Berlin
1 9 9 7 - 9 8 : 232, 234.
False Drer monogram in pen and brown ink

over red chalk, lower center; verso, in
seventeenth-century hand(?), Albrecht Drer
33.5
31.2 cm
Frlangen, Graphische Sammlung der Universitt

Inv. no. B23 5
PROVENANCE
From the Kunstkammer of the Margrave Johann

Friedrich of Brandenburg-Ansbach (1654
1686); transferred from the Schlossbibliothek in
Ansbach to the University of Erlangen in 1805
as a gift of Friedrich Wilhelm 111 of Prussia
1
N U R E M B E R G
I3 5
31
3i
A f t e r Hans v o n K u l m b a c h ,
w o r k s h o p of Veit H i r s v o g e l the
Elder
Quatrefoil with Saint

Augustine
c. 1510
Several cracks, glued; paint slightly washed off i n

a few areas
SAugustinus
34.5 X 32.7 cm, including lead border

Inv. no.
M M
801
PROVENANCE
F. E. Sidney, London; Galerie Fischer, Lucerne,

1938; Swiss private collection
136
R a c k h a m 1929:
18,
fig.
N U R E M B E R G
11;
Frenzel 1961: 4 2 - 4 4 , fig. 5; Nuremberg 1961:

no. 181a; Landolt 1962: 3 9 - 4 5 ; Landolt 1963:
fig. 17; N e w York and Nuremberg 1986: no. 157;
Cambridge 1978: 67; Scholz 1991: 78, 199, fig.
285 on 2 0 1 ; Basel and Berlin 1 9 9 7 - 9 8 : 234.
T h e design for a quatrefoil depicting

Saint Augustine was undoubtedly one
of four depicting the Fathers of the Latin
Church. The sheet was attributed to
Drer in the nineteenth century. In 1929
Elfried Bock credited Friedrich Drnhffer with recognizing Kulmbach's
hand. The drawing is one of Kulmbach's
first extant designs for stained glass,
probably made around 1510, when he
was presumably a journeyman in Drer's
workshop. In fact, Kulmbach's design
may have been the product of the same
commission as Drer's Design for a Qua
trefoil with the Madonna and Child (cat.
no. 25), since the decorative motifs in the
border of Drer's drawing in Basel were
used by the glass painter for the border
2
CONDITION
Inscribed
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
of the Quatrefoil with Saint Augustine,

executed after Kulmbach's drawing.
The long, threadlike pen strokes of
the Design for a Quatrefoil with Saint
Augustine are characteristic of Kulm
bach's earliest drawings. The sheet must
antedate Kulmbach's designs depicting
abbots of the monastery of Saint Aegidius
from c. 1511 (cat. nos. 3 2 - 3 5 ) , which
more closely approximate Drer's trans
parent, organized hatching systems. The
facial type in Design for a Quatrefoil
with Saint Augustine, with the pouting
mouth and flesh hanging from the cheeks
and chin, is a hallmark of Kulmbach's
style and closely approximates the face of
Saint Nicholas from the Saint Nicholas
Altarpiece of c. 1510 in Saint Lawrence
in Nuremberg. The lively border of
Kulmbach's design depicts two dragons
with entwined tails, two birds (proba
bly cranes), a nude holding the tail of a
sow, and two monstrous creatures with
animal's ears and human bodies. These
two creatures are tied together at the
4
31. After Albrecht Drer? Quatrefoil

with Saint Jerome, c.
1510. Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass, yellow stain, and vitreous
paint, 45.7 X 40.6 cm. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, Francis Welch
Fund (inv. no. 1972.985).
F I G U R E
Photo: Courtesy, M u s e u m of Fine Arts, Boston.
neck, and the genitals of one are exposed.

Kulmbach may have wanted to suggest
that vigilance, embodied by the saint in
his study, as well as by the dragons and
the cranes, counters lust, represented
by the nude, sow, and monstrous fig
ures. Kulmbach uses the conceit of de
picting a window within a window to
surround the upper half of Saint Augus
tine's figure with light that suggests di
vine inspiration.
The quatrefoil after Kulmbach's
design was presumably made in the
Hirsvogel workshop. As noted above,
the glass painter replaced Kulmbach's
imaginative border, using instead one
with simpler motifs (putti, grapevines,
and irises) from Drer's Design for a
Quatrefoil with the Madonna and Child
in Basel. The brown circle drawn with a
compass on Kulmbach's drawing sug
gests that he or the glass painter tried
out a circular format. (Later, Kulmbach
made designs for circular stained-glass
panels with the Fathers of the Church
[cat. nos. 3 6 - 4 2 ] . ) The glass painter
responsible for translating Kulmbach's
design into stained glass did so with
great understanding of his style. While
rounding Kulmbach's forms somewhat,
he adhered to the main contours of
Kulmbach's design and, like Kulmbach,
emphasized the breadth of the figure in
the picture plane more than its volume.
Only two colors of glass, purple and
blue, are used in the figural composition.
(Both colors are indicated on Kulm
bach's drawing by notations in black
5
chalk.) Color is achieved largely through

the liberal application of yellow stain and
sanguine to the verso of the clear glass.
Because the decorative border of
the Quatrefoil with Saint Augustine is
taken from Drer's Design for a Qua
trefoil with the Madonna and Child,
Hanspeter Landolt proposed that the two
works, which he attributed to Kulmbach,
were for the same cycle of quatrefoils.
The theory that both works belonged to
a single cycle is an attractive one. The
designs for both quatrefoils were made
around 1510, when Kulmbach had not
yet established his own workshop in
Nuremberg and was presumably work
ing in Drer's shop. But the similar date
of the two works and the reuse of a bor
der are not enough to prove that the
drawings were for the same stained-glass
cycle. One of the border motifs from
Drer's Design for a Quatrefoil with the
Madonna and Child (a nude female
clinging to stylized foliage) was used in
a quatrefoil in the Museum of Fine
Arts, Boston, with another Father of the
Church, Saint Jerome (fig. 31). Yet this
work is not part of the same series as
the Quatrefoil with Saint Augustine in
Nuremberg. Whereas Saint Augustine
is silhouetted against a window glazed
with bull's-eye panes, Saint Jerome sits
before a window with a blue damask
pattern representing sky. Saint Augustine
is identified by a banderole with his
name, while Saint Jerome is recognizable
only by his attributes, the lion and the
cardinal's hat. The glass painter respon
7
sible for the Quatrefoil with Saint Jerome

apparently worked from a Drer draw
ing, which emphasized the fullness of
the figure and drapery. One must con
sider whether Drer's drawing of The
Madonna and Child and the lost draw
ing for Quatrefoil with Saint Jerome were
for the same cycle, while the Quatrefoil
with Saint Augustine, after Kulmbach's
design, was for a different one.
9
1. On the history of the collection belonging to the Univer

sittsbibliothek Erlangen-Nrnberg, see Rssler 1983: 5 9. The authors would like to thank Christina HofmannRandall for confirming the provenance of this drawing
and that of cat. nos. 34 and 4 3 .
2. Hausmann 1 8 6 1 : 1 2 8 .
3. Bock 1929: no. 2 3 5 .
4. Stadler 1936: nos. 1 1 - 1 2 ; Strieder 1 9 9 3 b : no. 123; see
Butts 1985: 59 on the dating of the altarpiece.
5. A compass was also used to draw each lobe of the quatre
foil.
6. Because the glass painter did not use Kulmbach's motifs in
the border, Gottfried Frenzel ( 1 9 6 1 : 43) asserted that the
quatrefoil might be a second version of the design. But
Hanspeter Landolt (1962: 46) correctly noted that the
closeness of the panel to Kulmbach's drawing contradicts
Frenzel's assertion. Hartmut Scholz ( 1 9 9 1 : note 3 8 6 on
201) rightly countered Frenzel's assertion that the glass
painter was a second- or third-rate craftsman. Scholz
( 1 9 9 1 : 1 9 9 - 2 0 0 ) thought the glass painter might be the
master responsible for the head of Bishop Philip von Hen
neberg in the so-called Bamberg Window in Saint Sebald
(fig. 13, p. 2 8 ) .
7. Landolt 1 9 6 2 : 3 9 - 4 5 .
8. New York and Nuremberg 1986: no. 1 5 8 .
9. Hanspeter Landolt argued convincingly that Quatre
foil with Saint Lawrence (Nuremberg, Germanisches
Nationalmuseum; New York and Nuremberg 1986:
no. 159) and Design for a Quatrefoil with Saint Sixtus
(Basel, Kupferstichkabinett; Landolt 1962: 3 4 - 3 6 , 3 9 45) belonged to yet another series of quatrefoils designed
by Kulmbach around 1 5 1 0 .
NUREMBERG
137
3*
A f t e r Hans von K u l m b a c h ,
w o r k s h o p of Veit H i r s v o g e l the
Elder
Abbot Moeringer of the

Monastery of Saint
Aegidius in Nuremberg
1511
Clear glass of a slightly grayish green tone,
yellow stain, sanguine, and b r o w n and black
vitreous paint
CONDITION
The figural pane was cut below, probably when

the pane w i t h the inscription and the frame, of
yellow glass, were added later (seventeenth
century?); one crack in figural pane; paint
partially washed off
Inscribed i n black vitreous paint: Mille q[ua]ter
centu[m) ter sex labentib[us] annis Christum
post natu[m] surgit Georgifus] abbas Moeringer
et esiden[s) anno lustrisqfue] duob[us] sponte
sua cessit iuris moru[m]q[ue] magistro (1418
disgraceful years after the birth of Christ, A b b o t
Georg Moeringer rose up and resigned after a
term of eleven years according to his o w n wishes
for the benefit of a master of law and custom);
lower left in the banderole: 1511; incised w i t h
the names of former owners: Leonhardus
Grundherr 1688 and Andreas Georgius
Paumgartnerius 1688
1
32
32.9 X 26.8 cm, including lead border; 26.5 X

19.5 w i t h o u t later addition
Inv. no.
MM
259
PROVENANCE
Leonhardus Grundherr, Andreas Georgius

Paumgartner; collection of Freiherr Hans von
und zu Aufsess (1801-1872); acquired by the
Germanisches Nationalmuseum in the
nineteenth century
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schmitz 1913, 1: 1 5 7 - 5 8 ,
fig. 263 on 159; Weinberger 1921: 189; Bermann 1923: no. 1 on x x x i i i ; Parker 1926: 29;
Rttinger 1927: 1 7 - 1 8 ; Bock 1929,1: 72; W i n k
ler 1929: 33; Stadler 1936: 29, p i . 20; Winkler
1942: 95; Winkler 1959: 76; Nuremberg 1961:
no. 184; Pilz 1972: 108; Scholz 1991: 1 3 3 - 3 4 ,
fig. 177 on 135, 279.
138
N U R E M B E R G
33
Half-Length Portrait of
Johannes Rotenecker,
Abbot of the Monastery
of Saint Aegidius in
Nuremberg
1511
Pen and brown ink on cream laid paper
False Drer monogram, lower right, in brown
ink, largely erased
17.5
20.4 cm

Inv. no. Kdz 48
PROVENANCE
Triqueti (Fugt 1921: 1304); Rogers (Lugt 1921:

625); Alexander Emil Posonyi-A. H u l o t (Lugt
1921: 2 0 4 0 - 4 1 ) ; acquired 1877
33
34
Half-Length Portrait of
Johann Sessler, Abbot of
the Monastery of Saint
Aegidius in Nuremberg
1511
Pen and brown ink, framing lines in black chalk,
on cream laid paper
False Drer monogram in pen and brown ink,
lower right
17.7
20.7 cm

Inv. no. B234
PROVENANCE

Friedrich of Brandenburg-Ansbach ( 1 6 5 4 1686); transferred from the Schlossbibliothek in
Ansbach to the University of Erlangen in 1 805
as a gift of Friedrich Wilhelm i n of Prussia
34
N U R E M B E R G
I3
35
35
Hans v o n K u l m b a c h
Half-Length Portrait of an
Abbot of the Monastery
of Saint Aegidius in
Nuremberg
I
1 1
Pen and b r o w n ink on cream laid paper

17.4 X 20.5 cm
Strasbourg, Cabinet des Estampes et des Dessins
Inv. no. 77-985-0-1285
PROVENANCE
J. A . G. Weigel, acquired for Strasbourg 1892

or 1893
(cat. nos. 3335): Hausmann
1861: 128, no. 19; Koelitz 1891: 7 7 - 7 8 ; Terey
1 8 9 4 - 9 6 , I : no. 37, I I : no. 87, I I I : no. 213;
Schmitz 1913, I : 1 5 7 - 5 8 , fig. 262; Bock 1921:
no. 48, p i . 86; Weinberger 1921: 189; Bermann
1923: no. 4 on x v i i - x v i i i , no. 40 on x x v i i ; Par
ker 1926: no. 23, p i . 23; Rttinger 1927: 1 7 - 1 8 ;
Buchner i n Thieme and Becker 1 9 0 7 - 5 0 , x x :
9 4 - 9 5 ; Nuremberg 1928: no. 268; Bock 1929:
no. 234, p i . 96; Winkler 1929: 33, 40, 42, 44;
Stadler 1936: no. 5oa-c, p i . 20; Winkler 1942:
nos. 1 3 1 - 3 3 , Winkler 1959: 13, 76, p i . 57;
Knappe 1961a: 78; Nuremberg 1961: no. 212,
115; Landolt 1962: 45; Paris 1964: no. 7 1 ; H o l l
1972: 36; Washington, D.C., et al. 1 9 6 5 - 6 6 :
no. 7 1 ; Pilz 1972: 1 0 7 - 9 ; M u n i c h 1974: no. 67;
Imhoff 1984: detail of cat. no. 33 i l l . on 59;
Butts 1985: 103, 1 1 5 - 1 6 , 292, fig. 105.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
140
NUREMBERG
T h e Scottish monastery of Saint Aegi

dius in Nuremberg was founded in the
twelfth century by the Hohenstaufen Em
peror Konrad 111 (r. 1138-52). With the
backing of the City Council of Nurem
berg, the Benedictines installed them
selves in place of the Scottish monks in
1418. By then, the monastery was in
debt and reputedly badly in need of
reform. Georg Moeringer, the first Bene
dictine abbot, aimed to improve educa
tion and morals and to increase the
number of monks. The words "1418 dis
graceful years after the birth of Christ
Abbot Georg Moeringer rose up" in the
inscription on the stained-glass panel in
Nuremberg refer to the deplorable state
the monastery was allegedly in when
Moeringer began his first term as ab
bot. He eventually served three terms:
1418-29, 1435-58, and 1459-65. The
inscription also reflects the fact that
when Moeringer resigned voluntarily
after his first term (lasting eleven years),
a doctor of law named Heinrich von
Gulpen (Guelpen) succeeded him.
This depiction of Georg Moeringer
is the last surviving panel of what was
once a cycle of six or seven idealized por
traits made in memory of the Benedictine
abbots of the monastery of Saint Aegi
dius. It is numbered " 1 " and dated 1511
on the pane of glass below the portrait.
This pane and the yellow frame were ap
1
parently later additions, perhaps dating

from the seventeenth century. Two other
panels from the cycle, formerly in the
Kunstgewerbemuseum in Berlin but de
stroyed in World War 11, were numbered
"5" and "6" on similar glass panes with
inscriptions. The fifth and sixth panels
depicted Johannes Sessler and Johannes
Rotenecker (c. 1441-1504), the two
immediate predecessors of the cycle's
patron, Wolfgang Summer, who was
abbot of the monastery from 1504 to
1520. Thus, the cycle of stained-glass
panels would have depicted six Benedic
tine abbots, or seven, if Summer included
his own portrait.
2
Georg Moeringer, abbot 1418-29,

1435-58, and 1459-65 (panel num
bered 1)
Heinrich von Gulpen (Guelpen), abbot
1429-35
Leonhardus, abbot 1458-59
Sebald Helmonsperger (Melber), abbot
1465-73
Johann Sessler, abbot 1473-77 (lost
panel numbered 5)
Johannes Rotenecker (Radenecker),
abbot 1477-1504 (lost panel
numbered 6)
Wolfgang Summer, abbot 1504-20
Hans von Kulmbach designed the
painted-glass cycle. Three of his draw-
ings, depicting abbots Sessler and Rotenecker and an unidentified abbot, are
extant. Like the cycle of grisaille panels
with The Life of Saint Benedict after
designs by Drer (cat. nos. 11-17), this
cycle might have been made for the glaz
ing of the cloister of Saint Aegidius,
replacing damaged glass from 1418-25.
The panels had already been removed
before the great fire that devastated the
monastery in 1696.
Kulmbach's design for the paintedglass portrait of Georg Moeringer is lost.
But its appearance can be surmised from
the three surviving drawings by Kulmbach for the cycle. A glass painter in
the Hirsvogel workshop simplified the
painterly effects of Kulmbach's broken
contours and delicate hatching and crosshatching strokes, achieving more sculp
tural forms by means of continuous, fluid
contours and long, thick hatching lines.
He replaced the lines that Kulmbach used
to map the aging flesh of the abbot's face
with broad gray wash, thus defining a
face that is smoother and rounder than
those in Kulmbach's designs. Something
of the painterly effect of Kulmbach's
broken contours and delicate hatch
ing strokes is apparent in the airy land
scape behind Moeringer. The yellow
and brown palette of this panel is compa
rable to that used by Veit Hirsvogel the
Younger six years later for small pan
els after Kulmbach's designs in the par
ish house of Saint Sebald in Nuremberg
(cat. nos. 51-53). Sanguine was applied
liberally to the verso of the glass in the
areas of the architecture and the dark
est parts of the drapery and badgered.
The glass painter made extensive use of
sharp tools to scratch highlights into the
gray matt.
6
Kulmbach's figures resemble his

ideal types for elderly male saints and are
presumed to bear little likeness to his
subjects, Sessler and Rotenecker. Sessler
is credited with spiritual and discipli
nary renewal during his brief time as
abbot from 1473 to 1477. Rotenecker
was abbot, from 1477 to 1504. As a
young man, he studied at the univer
sity in Leipzig with a fellow citizen of
Nuremberg, Hartmann Schedel, author
of the famous World Chronicle (Nurem
berg, Anton Koberger, 1493). The two
men later became close friends. After
receiving his bachelor's degree in 1459,
Rotenecker took his vows under Ab
bot Georg Moeringer in 1464 and ex
perienced the spiritual and disciplinary
program of the monastery under the
leadership of Abbots Sebald Helmannsberger (Helmonsperger, 1465-73) and
Johann Sessler. During his time as ab
bot, Rotenecker built up the library,
particularly its collection of Neoplatonic literature.
The columns on either side of

Abbot Sessler support the tiny figures of
Apollo and Marsyas engaged in the
musical contest that in classical antiquity
and the Renaissance was an allegory of
the emotions in conflict with the intel
lect. The crude, sensual music made by
the satyr on a wind instrument (here a
bagpipe) was contrasted with the more
spiritually uplifting music made by the
god on a stringed instrument (here a
viol). In a study of satyrs and satyr fami
lies in the art of northern Europe during
the Renaissance, Lynn Frier Kaufmann
observed that an appreciation of music
and poetry was considered by the Latin
poet Horace (65 B . C . - 8 B . c . ) to be the
beginning of progress toward civiliza
tion. Kaufmann also noted that the
satyr's physical form represented man's
dual nature, his sinful flesh and his soul
or capacity for good. In Kulmbach's
drawings, the figures of Apollo and the
satyr, Marsyas, are part of an iconographic program that also embraces the
figures above the columns in the draw
ing in Strasbourg. These figures appear
to represent Saint Anthony Abbot's leg
endary visit to Saint Paul Hermit in the
wilderness. While traveling through the
desert to find Saint Paul, Saint Anthony
conversed with a satyr who showed him
self capable of moral understanding by
asking the saint to pray to God for his
flock. The legend, Kaufmann noted, was
meant to show the submission of a pa
gan god to the higher Christian deity.
Above the column to the left of Abbott
Rotenecker is a partially clothed woman
with a child. Untouched by civilization,
this nymph is cast in a positive light
by her nurturing relationship to her
child. Apollo and Marsyas, a nymph
with her child, and Saints Paul Hermit
and Anthony Abbot apparently reflect
the humanistic concerns of the abbots
of Saint Aegidius. Just as the pagan
gods submit to the Christian God, classi
cal learning served the advancement of
Christian truth. Kulmbach, trained as
an apprentice to Jacopo de' Barbari, was
ideally suited to give visual form to the
program, presumably that of Summer, in
figures reminiscent of the Italian Renais
sance master.
of the compositions, in part derived from

the architectural frameworks. Also remi
niscent of Drer are transparent and
disciplined hatching systems, which are
laid down with a swiftness that is un
precedented in Kulmbach's drawings.
Kulmbach's hatching lines vary greatly
in direction, animating much of the pic
ture surface. Other areas are left free
of hatching, allowing the paper (and
by extension the unarticulated glass) to
read as highlight.
10
The drawing of Abbot Sessler was

once attributed to Drer. Later Kulm
bach's designs were assigned to Bal
dung. In the twentieth century, Karl
Koelitz's attribution of the drawings to
Kulmbach gained universal acceptance.
Compared with Kulmbach's Design for a
Quatrefoil with Saint Augustine, c. 1510
(cat. no. 30), the drawings reflect a more
profound understanding of Drer's style.
Drer's influence is apparent in the im
pressive breadth and noble bearing of the
figures and in the geometric organization
11
12
13
1. The authors would like to thank Daniel Hess for tran

scribing and translating the inscription as well as for
placing the inscription within the context of Moeringer's
life. On the history of the monastery, see Pilz 1972. On
Moeringer, see Pilz 1972: 4 0 - 4 2 , 4 7 - 4 8 , 6 4 , 8 1 , 1 0 4 ,
1 0 8 , and 2 0 1 .
2. The authors are grateful to Peter van Treeck for this
information.
3. See Schmitz 1.913, ir. nos. 2 7 1 - 7 2 , pi. 4 3 . The two pan
els were from the collection of Carl Ferdinand Nagler
(Ansbach 1770-Berlin 1 8 4 6 ) . The present whereabouts
of a fourth panel, formerly in a private collection in Lon
don, is not known (Scholz 1 9 9 1 : note 278 on 1 3 3 - 3 4 ;
first mentioned by Parker 1926: 29). A manuscript
(Hs. 1117) from the Merkel Library, on loan at the
Germanisches Nationalmuseum, contains copies of four
panels from the cycle, including this panel in Nuremberg
and the two formerly in Berlin. The fourth copy corre
sponds to Kulmbach's drawing in Strasbourg of an un
identified abbot.
4. On Rotenecker, see Franz Machilek's biography in
Imhoff 1984: 5 9 - 6 0 .
5. See Pilz 1972: 104 on a record in the Stadtbibliothek in
Nuremberg of seven portraits of Benedictine abbots
(from Moeringer to Summer) painted in fresco in the
cloister of Saint Aegidius.
6. See Pilz 1 9 7 2 : 1 0 4 - 9 .
7. Kaufmann 1984: 4 7 .
8. Kaufmann 1 9 8 4 : 1 5 9 .
9. Compare Diirer's woodcut The Hermits Saint Anthony
and Saint Paul (Bartsch 1 8 0 3 - 2 1 : no. 107).
10. Kaufmann 1984: 5 5 - 5 6 .
1 1 . Hausmann 1 8 6 1 : 128, no. 1.9.
12. Terey 1 8 9 4 - 9 6 , I : no. 3 7 , 11: no. 8 7 , i l l : no. 2 1 3 , as
cited by Bock 1929: 7 2 .
1:3. The drawings were first attributed to Kulmbach by Karl
Kditz (1:891: 7 7 - 7 8 ) .
N U R E M B E R G
141
36
p r o b a b l y Veit H i r s v o g e l the
Younger
Saint Gregory with the

Attribute of the Evangelist
Matthew, the Angel
c. 1511
Pot-metal, flashed and clear glass, yellow stain,
sanguine, grayish b r o w n and black vitreous paint
Inscribed i n Gothic script:
Mateus
DIAMETER
Including lead border: 28.3 cm

Inv. no. v i r 1789k
36
37
Younger
Saint Jerome with the

Mark, the Lion
c. 1511
sanguine, grayish b r o w n and black vitreous paint
CONDITION
Two replacements from the late nineteenth

century, a small reddish piece i n the border below
and a small blue piece at the right next to the
chest of Saint Jerome
Inscribed in Gothic script: 0S$
OMarcuO
DIAMETER

Inv. no. v i i 1788k
37
142
N U R E M B E R G
38
Younger
Saint Ambrose with the

Luke, the Ox
c. 1511
sanguine, and grayish brown and black vitreous
paint
Inscribed in Gothic script: <>S<>Lucas<>
DIAMETER

38
39
A f t e r Hans von K u l m b a c h
Saint Augustine with the

John, the Eagle
c. 1511?
Pot-metal and clear glass, yellow stain, and
grayish brown and black vitreous paint
Inscribed in Gothic script: OSQJohannest
DIAMETER

B I B L I O G R A P H Y (cat. nos. 3 6 - 3 9 ) : Fitz 1995.
39
N U R E M B E R G
I43
T h i s cycle of circular stained-glass

panels depicting the four Fathers of the
Latin Church were presumably executed
in the Hirsvogel workshop after designs
by Hans von Kulmbach from c. 1511
(see cat. nos. 40-42). The panels were
first published by Eva Fitz, who pro
posed that they may have been acquired
by Hermann Frst von Pckler-Muskau
(17 8 5 -18 71) as part of the decoration of
Schloss Branitz, with which he was most
occupied from 1843
i 8 6 0 . Frst
Pckler visited Nuremberg, Frth, and
Bamberg in 1848. His journals reveal
his admiration for the windows that the
Hirsvogel workshop produced for the
church of Saint Sebald in Nuremberg.
He also visited the dealer in antiques,
t o
144
N U R E M B E R G
Abraham Pickert, in Frth. But it is un

certain whether the Fathers of the Church
in Cottbus are identical with panels that
were originally in the Haus "Zum Gol
denen Schild" (House at the Golden
Shield) in Nuremberg and that Pickert
acquired on February 2, 1854, six years
after the Frst Pckler visited him. The
stained-glass panels for the Haus "Zum
Goldenen Schild" were presumably com
missioned by Conrad iv Haller von Hal
lerstein, who owned the house from 1503
until his death in 1545. They are recorded
in a watercolor from c. 1720-30 in the
Haller family archive in NurembergGrossgrndlach (fig. 32) and in a watercolor of the house chapel from 1854 (fig.
33). Eva Fitz asserted that the panels in
4
F I G U R E 32. From the Codex

"Monumenta
Familiae Halleriana": fol. 109, Saint Jerome;
fol. 110, Saint Ambrose; fol. 112, Saint Au
gustine; fol. 113, Saint Gregory, c. 1720-30.
Watercolor-on-paper copies of stained-glass
panels in the house "Zum Goldenen Schild,"
each image 24 cm (diam.). NurembergGrossgrndlach, Frhr. v. Hallersche Famili
enstiftung, Schloss Grossgrndlach (inv. no.
GB430).
Cottbus and those recorded in the watercolor in the Haller family archive rep
resent two cycles of Church Fathers after
the same designs by Kulmbach. In par
ticular, she noted that while the panels
recorded in the watercolor in the Haller
family archive are inscribed with the
names of the Church Fathers, those in
Cottbus bear the names of four evangel
ists, from whom the Church Fathers drew
inspiration.
The panels in Cottbus depict the
four Western Fathers of the Church
Ambrose, Augustine, Gregory, and
Jeromepaired with the symbols of the
evangelists. The symbols are derived from
the four beasts of the Apocalypse (Reve
lations 4 : 6 - 8 ) . Augustine (354-430),
bishop of Hippo in North Africa, was
born at Tagaste in Numidia. He is shown
with the eagle, which was a symbol of
John because the eagle is the bird that
flies closest to heaven and John's vision
was said to be closest to God. Ambrose
(340?~397), bishop of Milan, was born
at Treves in Gaul. He is shown with the
ox, symbol of Luke, whose Gospel begins
with the account of the sacrifice of the
priest Zacharias. As pope, Gregory the
Great (540?-604) established the form
of the Roman liturgy and its music (the
Gregorian chant). He is shown with a
winged creature like an angel. The angel
(or man) was a symbol of Matthew be
cause his gospel begins with the tree of the
ancestors of Christ. Jerome (342-420)
was born in Stridon in Dalmatia. His
translation of the Old and New Testa
ments into Latin, known as the Vulgate,
was declared the official Latin text by the
Council of Trent (1545-63). According
to fable, Jerome pulled a thorn from the
paw of a lion, which thereafter was his
devoted friend. Here the lion is not only
an attribute of Jerome but also repre
sents Mark, whose Gospel begins with a
voice crying in the wilderness. As Eva
Fitz noted, the pairing of the Fathers of
the Church with the evangelists was used
in Nuremberg at the end of the fifteenth
century in the woodcuts of The Chronicle
of the World of 1493, produced in the
workshop of Michael Wolgemut, and in
predellas of altarpieces made by artists in
his circle. Further, Fitz noted that the
individual Church Fathers are not always
shown with the symbols of the same
evangelist, indicating that the pairing
denoted the general inspiration of the
gospels rather than a relationship of spe
cific gospels to specific Church Fathers.
6
Kulmbach's drawing for Saint

Gregory is lost. The glass painter in the
Hirsvogel workshop who was respon
sible for the panels in Cottbus closely fol
lowed Kulmbach's drawings Saint Jerome
and Saint Ambrose, both in Dresden
(cat. nos. 40-41), even copying some of
F I G U R E 3 3 . Georg C h r i s t o p h W i l d e r . Inner Room of the Chapel in the House "Zum

Goldenen
Schild"
1854. W a t e r c o l o r , 14.7 X 33.9 c m . N u r e m b e r g , M u s e e n der Stadt N r n b e r g , Graphische
S a m m l u n g (inv. n o . St.N.965 5).
Photo: Museen der Stadt Nrnberg, Graphische Sammlung.
the folds in Jerome's garments. Perhaps

it was one of the younger glass paint
ers in the workshop of Veit Hirsvogel
the Elder who adopted Kulmbach's style
so readily. The glass painter could be
Veit Hirsvogel the Younger. The fluid
contours defining Saint Gregory's fea
tures in the panel in Cottbus recall Veit
Hirsvogel the Younger's depiction of the
same saint in a cartoon he made about
two years later, based on a lost design by
Kulmbach (cat. no. 48).
The panel in Cottbus depicting
Saint Augustine does not appear to be
based on a design by Kulmbach in
Dresden showing the same saint (cat.
no. 42). In the drawing, Augustine sharp
ens his writing instrument, while in the
panel he holds an open book. Also dif
ferent are the settings of the two
works and the arrangement of the saint's
cope. The panel in Cottbus is probably
based on a lost design by Kulmbach for
a circular stained-glass panel with Saint
Augustine. It may even be part of a dif
ferent cycle of Church Fathers than the
other three panels in Cottbus depicting
Gregory, Ambrose, and Jerome. Unlike
these three colorful panels, it is executed
in grisaille. It is also possible that the
panel with Saint Augustine is a later
work, made to replace a lost panel in the
cycle now in Cottbus. As Peter van Treeck
has noted, the panel depicting Saint Au
gustine is different from the other three
in substantial points. The figural panel
(inside the border) consists of only two
divisions, in contrast to the division of
the Saint Gregory, Samt Ambrose, and
Saint Jerome into more glass cuts. The
glass used for Saint Augustine is more
even, almost without texture. And while
the panels with Gregory, Ambrose,
and Jerome have sanguine applied to
the verso, the panel with Augustine has a
color that is uncharacteristic in the early
9
10
sixteenth century, an evenly applied, dark

gray-blue with a slightly reddish tint. On
the other hand, Peter van Treeck noted
that the painting technique, particularly
the way the painted surface is built up on
the recto, is exactly alike in all four pan
els. He pointed to three possibilities: the
panel with Saint Augustine was made at
a later date, it was made at the same time
as the other three panels by another hand,
or it was made at the same time as the
other three panels in another workshop.
1. Fit/ 1 9 9 5 , especially 4 0 . 1 would like to take this oppor

tunity to thank Eva Fit/ for kindly sending me an off
print of her article and color slides of the stained-glass
panels in Cottbus in 1:995.
2. Fit/ 1 9 9 5 : 4 0 - 4 1.
3. Fit/ 1995: note 8 on 4 2 .
4. Fit/ 1995: 4 6 . The house took its name from a gilded
shield over the entrance held by two angels in relief
sculpture. The decoration commemorated the fact that
the Emperor Charles iv drafted the first twenty-three
chapters of the Golden Bull there in 1356 (see Fit/ 1995:
4 5 , and Schul/ 1905). Until 1 8 0 6 , the Golden Bull pre
scribed how the German kings were elected.
5. Fit/ 1 9 9 5 : fig. 9 on 4 7 , fig. 8 on 4 5 .
6. Fit/ 1 9 9 5 : 4 6 , 4 8 .
7. Fit/ 1 9 9 5 : 4 2 - 4 3 .
8. Renate Kroll (Basel and Berlin 1 9 9 7 - 9 8 : note 5 on 2 3 4 )

pointed out that Augustine is usually paired with Mat
thew (man), Gregory with Luke (ox), Jerome with Mark
(lion), and Ambrosius with John (eagle).
9. Eva Fit/ ( 1 9 9 5 : 4 4 - 4 5 ) proposed that the panels were
executed by the so-called Henncberg Master (see cat.
no. 18), an older artist to whom Hartmut Scholz (1 99 1:
1 9 9 - 2 0 1 ) assigned most of the small-scale panels made
between 1 4 9 0 and 1508 in Nuremberg.
10. The authors would like to thank Peter van Treeck, who
kindly studied the panels after questions regarding their
dating were raised by Hartmut Scholz.
NUREMBERG
I.45
40

Luke, the Ox
c. 1 5 I I
Pen and brown ink, brush and gray wash, color

notations i n black and red chalk, lead cames
indicated in red chalk, on cream laid paper
WATERMARK
None visible (drawing laid down)

Color notations in black chalk: b[lau] (blue, to
the left and twice to the right of the chair);
4 (green, on the dalmatic, at the knee); we[iss]
(white, on the alb), undeciphered mark on the
w r i t i n g desk, w h i c h is yellow i n the finished
panel. Color notation i n red chalk: undeciphered
mark, probably p[urpur] (purple, on shoulder of
the pluvial, which is purple i n the finished panel)
DIAMETER
23.1 cm
Kunstsammlungen Dresden
Inv. no. c 2190
PROVENANCE
old inventory of the collection (Lugt 1921: 1647)
40
41
Saint Jerome with the

Mark, the Lion
c. 1511
Pen and brown and black ink, brush and gray

wash, color notations in black chalk, on cream
laid paper
WATERMARK

Color notations i n black chalk: b[lau] (blue,
three times in w i n d o w ) ; rfot] (red, on caputium
and cope); t w o undeciphered marks, at upper
left on wall, w h i c h is b r o w n in the finished panel,
and on bench, w h i c h is yellow i n the finished
panel
DIAMETER
23.1 cm
Inv. no. c 2189
PROVENANCE
Old inventory of the collection (Lugt 1921: 1647)
41
I46
N U R E M B E R G
42
Saint Augustine with the

John, the Eagle
c. 1511
Pen and brown ink, brush and gray wash, w i t h
arcs drawn in black chalk, on cream laid paper
CONDITION
Trimmed at right
WATERMARK

Inscribed in black chalk, b\lau\ (blue, in window)
DIAMETER
27 cm
Dresden, Kupferstichkabinett-Kabinett,
Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden
Inv. no. c 2192
PROVENANCE
O l d inventory of the collection (Lugt 1921: 1 647)

(cat. nos. 4 0 - 4 2 ) : Bermann
1923: nos. 18-20 on x x i i ; Winkler 1929: 4 1 ;
Stadler 1936: no. 2 7 a - c , p i . 10; Winkler 1942:
nos. 1 0 3 - 5 ; Winkler 9 5 9 79; Frenzel 1961:
43; Landolt 1962: 40, 4 2 - 4 5 , fig. 8; H o l l 1972:
2 8 - 2 9 , fig. 17; Butts 1985: 1 1 5; Scholz 199 1:
note 178 on 70; Fit/. 1995: 4 2 - 5 4 , figs. 5, 6,
12; Basel and Berlin 1 9 9 7 - 9 8 : 234.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y
42
43
A f t e r Hans von K u l m b a c h ;
w o r k s h o p of Veit H i r s v o g e l
the Elder

Luke, the Ox
c. 1511
Pen and brown ink, brush and gray and brown
wash, black chalk underdrawing, on cream laid
paper
WATERMARK
Bull's head w i t h flower and triangle (Briquet

[1907] 1966: 14873)
Inscribed in pen and brown ink: S
29.2
LVCAS
21.6 cm

Inv. no. B248
PROVENANCE

Friedrich of Brandenburg-Ansbach (1 6 5 4 1686); transferred from the Schlossbibliothek in
Ansbach to the University of Erlangen in 1805
as a gift of Friedrich Wilhelm i n of Prussia
43
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Bock 1929: no. 248; Winkler

1942: 90; Scholz 1991: fig. 417 on 3 1 5, note 744
on 3 3 1 ; Fitz 1995: 48, fig. 11 on 5 1 .
N U R E M B E R G
I47
The circular drawings in Dresden of

Saint Ambrose, Saint Jerome, and Saint
Augustine were most likely made by Hans
von Kulmbach around 1511. The at
tenuated figures and the drapery that
wraps around the bodies and limbs to
anchor the figures in pictorial space are
found in drawings and paintings that
Kulmbach dated 1511, notably The Mar
tyrdom of Saint Stanislaw (cat. no. 44).
Saint Jerome and Saint Ambrose are
clearly the designs for two round stainedglass panels in Cottbus from a group
of four depicting the Western Fathers
of the ChurchAugustine, Ambrose,
Gregory, and Jeromewith the symbols
of the evangelists (cat. nos. 37-38). The
glass painter, perhaps Veit Hirsvogel
the Younger, closely followed Hans von
Kulmbach's compositions. In the draw
ing of Saint Jerome, either Kulmbach
or the glass painter corrected the per
spective of the writing desk as indicated
by the ruled line in black ink. The halo
was also redrawn in dark brown ink.
Saint Jerome and Saint Am
brose also closely resemble two circular
stained-glass panels from a cycle repre
senting the Church Fathers presumably
commissioned by Conrad iv Haller von
Hallerstein for the Haus "Zum Goldenen
Schild," which he owned from 1503
until his death in 1545 (cat. nos. 37-38).
The panels are recorded in a watercolor
from c. 1720-30 in the Haller family
archive in Nuremberg-Grossgrndlach
(fig. 32) and in a watercolor of the house
chapel from 1854 (fig. 33). It is not cer
tain whether the cycle of Church Fathers
from the Haus "Zum Goldenen Schild"
and the cycle in Cottbus are identical. As
previously noted (cat. nos. 36-39), the
cycle in Cottbus bears the names of the
evangelists, while the one in the Haus
"Zum Goldenen Schild" was apparently
inscribed with the names of the Church
Fathers. It was not unusual in the late
fifteenth or early sixteenth century for
more than one cycle of panels to be
made after an artist's designs, as was
the case with drawings by the Master of
the Housebook (see cat. nos. 2, 3, 7, and
8). Cycles depicting the Fathers of the
Church were particularly popular and
might have been hung in the patron's
study, where the diligent work of the
saints served as an inspiration. A copy in
Erlangen of Kulmbach's Saint Ambrose
with the Attribute of the Evangelist Luke,
the Ox in rectangular format and in
scribed S LVCUS supports the argument
that his designs with the Fathers of the
Church were used more than once. Hartmut Scholz and Eva Fitz tentatively as
signed the drawing in Erlangen to Veit
Hirsvogel the Younger. The attribution
is very plausible if one compares his Saint
Gregory of 1513 (cat. no. 48), which was
1
148
NUREMBERG
presumably also after a drawing by

Kulmbach. The sheet in Erlangen is well
executed and displays an understanding
of Kulmbach's balance of fine pen-andink strokes with brush and wash. And
while the Erlangen drawing is more
planar than Kulmbach's works, and the
pen lines and washes somewhat less in
tegrated than his, the copyist grasped
Kulmbach's spatial sensibility in details
like the curling banderole and the man
ner in which the drapery is wrapped
around the saint's body.
The design for the panel in Cottbus
representing Saint Gregory (cat. no. 36)
is lost, and the relationship of the circu
lar drawing in Dresden depicting Saint
Augustine to the cycle of stained-glass
panels with the Fathers of the Church in
Cottbus is problematic. In fact, the panel
in Cottbus depicting Saint Augustine
(cat. no. 39) may not have been part of
the same cycle as the other three panels
in Cottbus (cat. nos. 36-38). Executed
almost entirely in grisaille, the panel with
Saint Augustine does not form a unified
whole with the more colorful panels
depicting Ambrose, Gregory, and Jerome.
If the Saint Augustine replaced a lost
panel, perhaps the appearance of that
work can be surmised from the drawing
of Saint Augustine in Dresden or, more
likely, from the watercolor copy of a
circular panel depicting Saint Augus
tine that was once in the Haus "Zum
Goldenen Schild" (fig. 32). The drawing
in Dresden of Saint Augustine is about
four centimeters larger in diameter than
the drawings of Saint Ambrose and Saint
Jerome, even though it is trimmed at
the right. Either Kulmbach or the glass
painter experimented with a compass
to see if this design could also be used for
a stained-glass panel in the form of a
quatrefoil.
2
1. Scholz .1991: fig. 4 1 7 on 315, note 7 4 4 on 332; Fitz 1995:

note 35 on 4 8 .
2. Hanspeter Landolt ( 1 9 6 2 : 4 2 , 4 4 ) noted that the black
chalk underdrawing of Kulmbach's Design for a Quatre
foil with Saint Pope Sixtus 11 from c. 1510 in the Kupferstichkabinett in Basel shows that the artist may originally
have planned to draw a Saint Augustine with the Attri
bute of Saint John the Evangelist, the Eagle that was simi
lar in composition and scale to the drawing in Dresden.
noting that three to four years later,

Kulmbach depicted small stained-glass
quatrefoils in the background of a paint
ing he made for the family chapel of Jan
Boner. Boner, whose family immigrated
to Krakow from Landau in the Palatine,
was a successful merchant and a financial
advisor to King Sigismund 1 of Poland.
Kulmbach's painting The Disputation of
Saint Catherine with the Philosophers
Before Emperor Maxentius (fig. 25), was
the wing of a Saint Catherine Altarpiece,
1514-15, in Boner's family chapel in
Saint Mary's in Krakow.
As in his Adoration of the Magi
Altarpiece, in The Martyrdom of Saint
Stanislaw Kulmbach was interested in
a narrative with lively movement and
numerous figures. (There are thirteen in
the drawing in Bremen.) He emphasized
recession in planes parallel to the picture
plane. (The saint and his murderer define
one plane, the curtain and the wall of the
church two more.) Kulmbach augmented
this spatial recession by foreshortening
figures and objects, including lances and
candles, and by piercing the background
wall with a large Gothic window. (The
window within a window was a favorite
device in designs for glass in the Renais
sance period.) He emphasized the volume
of figures by wrapping drapery around
them. Saint Stanislaw's martyrdom is
dramatized by means of the convergence
of figures on the saint and by the three
foreshortened heads of young men who
watch from below as the sudden attack
takes place. While the altar, column,
curtain, and window lend stability to
the composition, Kulmbach chose the
postures of his figures to create circular
movement within the round format of
the design for stained glass. The circles
drawn with a compass indicate that either
Kulmbach or the glass painter was test
ing different ways in which the composi
tion could be cropped.
3
44
44
The Martyrdom of Saint

Stanislaw
I TT
5
Brush and gray ink, traces of black chalk, on

beige laid paper; outer border in pen and gray
ink; three circles drawn w i t h a compass in pen
and brown ink
Dated upper left in brush and gray ink: 15- / 1
DIAMETER
27.5
cm
Bremen, Kunsthalle Bremen, Kupferstichkabinett

Inv. no. 3 7 / 6 1 3
PROVENANCE
Johann Friedrich Lahmann (Lugt 1 9 2 1 : 1 6 5 6 c ) ;

lost while in storage during W o r l d War 11 and
returned to Bremen in 1 9 6 2 .
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schilling 1 9 2 5 : no.
16;
Buchner in Thieme and Becker 1 9 0 7 - 5 0 , x x : 9 5

(as the Death of Saint Thomas of Canterbury);
Nuremberg 1 9 2 8 : no. 2 6 6 ; Winkler 1 9 2 9 : 4 1 ;
Stadler 1 9 3 6 : no. 3 5 , pi. [ 6 ; Winkler 1 9 4 2 : 11 1;
Winkler 1 9 5 9 : 7 6 ; Oettinger and Knappe 1 9 6 3 :
note 35 1 on 1 1 r; Bremen 1 9 6 4 : no. 9, ill. on 1 0 ;
H o l l 1 9 7 2 : 3 9 ; Butts 1 9 8 5 : 1 1 4 - 1 5 .
T h e drawing depicts The Martyrdom of

Saint Stanislaw, who raises the host
above the altar upon which stands a
painted Crucifixion. Born to a Polish no
ble family, Stanislaw was named bishop
of Krakow in 1072. When he excommu
nicated King Boleslaw 11 (the Bold, c.
1040-1081; reigned as king 1076-79)
for unrelenting cruelty and immorality,
Stanislaw was condemned as a traitor
and murdered by Boleslaw while cele
brating mass in 1079. After Stanislaw's
murder, the king's enemies multiplied.
He fled to Hungary and died soon after.
This design for a circular stainedglass panel may have been part of a series
depicting Christian martyrdom. Two cir
cular drawings for stained-glass depict
ing The Martyrdom of Saint Erasmus
and Saint Sebastian Shot by Arrows were
apparently made at the same time. It is
likely that Kulmbach's depiction of the
martyrdom of bishop of Krakow was for
a patron in that city. It is dated 1511, the
year that Kulmbach painted The Ado
ration of the Magi Altarpiece (central
panel, monogrammed and dated 1 5 n ;
Kulturbesitz, Gemldegalerie), presum
ably for a patron in Krakow. It is worth
1
1. W i n k l e r 1942: nos. 112, 1 13. A t h i r d o f the latter d r a w

i n g was d e s t r o y e d w h i l e i t was in storage d u r i n g W o r l d
W a r 11.
2. Stadler 1936: n o . 3 3 ; Strieder 1 9 9 3 b : i ^ 2 , rig. 1 55 o n 1
( c o l o r ) , n o . 1 2 9 . The altarpiece is t h o u g h t t o have been
m a d e for the Pauline m o n a s t e r y na Skalce in K r a k o w .
3. Stadler 1936: n o . ^ 0 9 ; W i n k l e r 1959: 6 5 ; Strieder 1 9 9 3 b :
1 35, n o . 133. T h e altarpiece was b r o k e n up i n the nine
teenth c e n t u r y .
NUMBERG
149
F I G U R E 3 4 . A t t r i b u t e d t o L e o n h a r d Beck.
The Judgment of Solomon,
1529. Pen a n d
b r o w n i n k a n d b r o w n wash, 28.6 ( d i a m . ) .
Paris, Musee d u L o u v r e (inv. n o . 18986).
Photo: Musee d u Louvre, Departement des Arts
Graphiques, Paris.
as a young man or the Holy Roman

Emperor Charles v (fig. 40).
The supple figures and multifigured
composition of The Judgment of Solo
mon recall works that Kulmbach dated
1511, notably The Martyrdom of Stan
islaw (cat. no. 44) and the central panel
of The Adoration of the Magi Altarpiece,
presumably executed for a patron in
Krakow (Staatliche Museen zu BerlinPreussischer Kulturbesitz, Gemldega
lerie.) In light of the subject matter,
symbolic of justice and good govern
ment, it is likely that Kulmbach's design
for a circular stained-glass panel was
commissioned with an official building in
Nuremberg or Krakow in mind. But
there is no way to be certain even about
which city the patron came from unless
the late medieval architecture is identi
fied with a specific location, the hats at
the right are determined to be Polish, or
the portrait of a patron from Nurem
berg, Krakow, or elsewhere is recognized
among the figures surrounding Solo
mon. (Kulmbach represented some of his
figures as contemporary middle-class cit
izens, and several of the heads seem to
record the features of individuals.) The
turban of the bearded man on the left
signals that the event depicted occurred
in a distant time and place. Kulmbach
varied the expressions of his protago
nists and witnesses, their costumes and
facial types, and the direction of their
gazes, thus enlivening the narrative in a
quiet manner, which was characteristic
throughout his career.
1
45
45
The Judgment of Solomon

c. 1510-15
Pen and b r o w n ink and gray wash, underdrawing
in black chalk, o n beige laid paper
Inscribed o n verso i n graphite: Martin
Scboen
DIAMETER
27.6 cm
Inv. no. 89.GG.5
PROVENANCE
Johann Friedrich Lahmann, Dresden; Edmund

Schilling, Frankfurt; private collection,
Switzerland (sale Galerie Kornfeld, Bern,
June 17, 1987, lot 139); art market, Boston
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Goldner and H e n d r i x 1992:
no. 127.
^When Solomon ascended the throne

of Israel as a young man, God appeared
to him in a dream and offered to grant
him anything he asked. Instead of riches,
long life, or the lives of his enemies, Sol
omon asked for an understanding heart
to judge God's people and to discern
150
NUREMBERG
between good and evil ( i Kings 3:5-15).

Soon afterward he was called upon to
settle a dispute between two prostitutes
over a male infant (1 Kings 3:16-28).
The infant of one woman had died, and
both women claimed the living child.
Solomon ordered that the living child be
cut in two and divided between the
women, knowing that the true mother
would reveal herself by renouncing her
claim in order that the child's life might
be spared. In Kulmbach's drawing, the
true mother moves to stay the hand of
the swordsman. A purse that hangs from
the side of the second prostitute is per
haps a symbol of venality. The Judgment
of Solomon was seen as an Old Testa
ment prefiguration of the Last Judgment
and as such widely depicted in Christian
art. As a symbol of justice or of good
government in a wider sense, it was a
popular subject for the decoration of
town halls. The subject was sometimes
employed in praise of a political figure.
For instance, in 1529, an Augsburg art
ist, perhaps Leonhard Beck, designed a
circular stained-glass panel depicting
The Judgment of Solomon, giving the
Old Testament king the features of the
late Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian 1
1. Pen and brown ink and brown wash on beige laid paper,
dated 1 5 2 9 in brush and brown ink on the step of the
throne (inscribed later in pen and dark brown ink below,
Albert durer/1520, 28.4 cm [diameter], Paris, Louvre, inv.
no. 1 8 . 9 8 6 ) . On the drawing, see Demonts 1 9 3 7 - 3 8 , I:
no. 50, pi. 13, who identifies the features as Maximilian's.

2. Stadler 1936: no. 3 3 ; Strieder 1 9 9 3 b : no. 1 2 9 .
T h i s drawing for a round stained-glass

panel was probably executed around
1511. It shares with Hans von Kulm
bach's Martyrdom of Saint Stanislaus
(cat. no. 44) an interest in animated
figural movement and the play of light
over softly curving forms. The drawing
depicts a foolrecognizable by his cap
with ass's earswho has wandered into
a women's bathhouse. One of the sur
prised bathers grabs him by the hem
of his coat. The fool has holes in his
trousers and shoes and drags a long
club behind him. In his popular Ship of
Fools of 1494 (Basel, Bergmann von
Olpe), the humanist Sebastian Brant
praised poor, wise men and condemned
money-fools who valued riches more
than souls (chap. 83, "Contempt of Pov
erty"). Kulmbach's protagonist seems
to be both foolish and poor. The buf
foon who becomes the victim of the
angry or amorous attentions of bathing
women was clearly a source of amuse
ment in northern Europe in the late
fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. In
contrast to the fool in Kulmbach's draw
ing, sometimes the buffoons end up with
more than their knees exposed, as in
engravings by the Master of the Ban
deroles from c. 1460-70 (fig. 35) and
Sebald Beham from 1541 (fig. 36).
46
46
Fool in a Women's
Bathhouse
c. 1511
Pen and brown ink, brush and gray wash,
underdrawing in black chalk, squared in black
chalk, on cream laid paper
VERSO
In brush and brown wash, apparently by another

hand, study of a woman's head in three-quarters
profile, facing left
WATERMARK
H i g h crown (similar to Briquet | 1907] 1966:

4921)
DIAMETER
27.9 cm
Frankfurt am M a i n , Graphische Sammlung i m
Inv. no. 1 5684
In the medieval and Renaissance

periods, bathing in public and private
bathhouses was considered not only a
matter of hygiene and health but also a
pleasant pastime associated with conver
sation, musicmaking, eating, and drink
ing. Bathhouses were often associated
with prostitution and erotic behavior,
which the municipal authorities tried to
prohibit. The erotic side of bathing is em
phasized in many medieval and Renais
sance depictions. In the late Middle Ages,
all the better urban houses had small
rooms for bathing, and the well-to-do of
ten had small bathhouses in gardens out
side the city walls. Communal bathing
was increasingly regulated or prohibited
after syphilis spread through Europe in
the sixteenth century.
The subject of the bathhouse was
presumably as popular in cabinet pan
els as it was in prints. Two circular
stained-glass panels depicting women's
bathhouses were made after woodcuts by
Sebald Beham (formerly Berlin, Kunstge
werbemuseum; destroyed during World
War 11). Perhaps such panels were made
to decorate bathhouses, set into bottleglass windows like those shown by the
Master of the Banderoles. A drawing in
the famous Medieval Housebook (fig. 37)
shows quatrefoils in the windows of a
room where lovers bathe, suggesting how
a stained-glass panel depicting the bath
might have been displayed. A prelimi
nary drawing from c. 1535 by Albrecht
2
PROVENANCE
Acquired 1935 from the collection of Johann

Friedrich Lahmann (Lugt J 956: 1656c)
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
Schilling 1925:
no.
17;
Ernst
Buchner in Thieme and Becker 1907-50, X X : 95;

Nuremberg 1928: no. 267; Winkler 1929: 4 1 ;
Stadler 1936: no. 107, pl. 48; Winkler 1942:
no. 1 19; Winkler L 9 5 9 : 79, p l . 62; Oettinger
and Knappe 1963: note 351 on i n ; H o l l 1972:
39, fig. 21 on 38; Schilling and Schwarzweiler
1973: no. 130, pl. 3 1 ; Butts 1 9 8 5 : 9 5 , r 1 5.
N U R U M B E R G
I 5 I
Altdorfer for a fresco covering the en

trance wall of the bath at the episcopal
court at Regensburg
(Florence, Uffizi)
and fragments of the wall painting indi

cate how elaborately bathhouses could be
3
decorated with bathing scenes.
In Kulmbach's Fool in a Women's

Bathhouse,
the contours drawn in pen
do not follow the underdrawing in black

chalk; for example, the fool's left foot is
moved to the left. The squaring of the
drawing perhaps suggests that Kulmbach
or
the glass painter intended to make
a Reinzeichnung or cleaned-up copy of

the design. The stained-glass panel after
Kulmbach's drawing was either lost or
never executed.
FIGURE
3 5 . The Master of the Banderoles. The Fencing Room, c. 1 4 6 0 - 7 0 . Engraving, 22.7

X 31.9 cm. Vienna, Graphische Sammlung Albertina (inv. no. 1 9 2 6 / 0 9 3 5 ) .
Photo: Graphische Sammlung A l b e r t i n a , Vienna.
FIGURE
3 6 . Sebald Beham. Buffoon with Two Bathing Women, 1 5 4 1 .

Engraving, 4.6 X 7.1 cm. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
Gift of Felix M . Warburg and his family, 1 9 4 1 (inv. no. 4 1 . 1 . 9 9 ) .
Photo: The M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m of A r t , N e w York.
1. In the earlier print, the fool's genitals are exposed as he

is pursued by an amorous female bather. Beham's fools
suffers a similar fate, this time at the hands of two angry
women. For the Master of the Banderoles' print, see Lehrs
1 9 0 8 - 3 4 , IV: no. 9 9 ; for Beham's print, see Bartsch
1 8 0 3 - 2 1 : no. 2 1 4 . On bathing and bathhouse imagery,
see Alison Stewart, including an illustration of the print
by the Master of the Banderoles (Stewart 1989: fig. 9 on
71) and further literature, particularly as it relates to N u
remberg. See also Zoepfl 1 9 3 7 . There is no apparent con
nection between Kulmbach's image and Erasmus of
Rotterdam's ( i 4 6 6 ? - i 5 3 6 ) Fraise of Folly, first printed in
Paris in 1 5 1 1 (first authorized edition 1512).
2. Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , I: 165, fig. 2 7 9 , 11: nos. 2 9 4 - 9 5 . Schmitz
dated the panels c. 1 5 3 0 , but the woodcuts are variously
dated, sometimes 1 5 3 0 - 3 5 (Austin 1983: no. 81) and at
other times c. 1543 (Stewart 1989: fig. 15 on 7 6 ) .
3. For the drawing in the Uffizi, see Berlin and Regensburg
1988: no. 1 7 1 . On the drawing and the fragments of the
fresco (twenty-one in the Museum der Stadt Regensburg
and one in the Szepmveszeti Mzeum, Budapest), see
Goldberg 1988: 5 6 - 5 9 . See also Stewart 1989:fig.n on
7 2 , 73, note 34 on 8 6 .
152
NUREMBERG
FIGURE
3 7 . The Master of the Housebook. Detail with quatre

foils from The Bathhouse, fols. i 8 v - i 9 r in the Medieval
Housebook,
c. 1 4 7 5 - 8 1 . Pen and brown ink, 29.2 X 38.8 cm (fols.). Wolfegg,
Kunstsammlungen der Frsten zu Waldburg-Wolfegg.
F I G U R E
3 8 . After Hans von Kulmbach;
Veit Hirsvogel the Younger. Saint
Augustine,
1513. Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass, yel
low stain, and vitreous paint, 27 X 19.5 cm.
Formerly Berlin, Kunstgewerbemuseum, de
stroyed during World War 11.
P h o t o : S c h m i t z 1 9 1 3 , II: n o . 2.05 o n p i . 3 } .
47
47
Pen and brown ink, brush and gray wash, on

cream laid paper
False Drer monogram, lower right, in brown ink
Saint Augustine with an

Infant in an Architectural
Framework on Which Are
Adam and Eve, and God
the Father, Christ
Crucified, and the Dove
of the Holy Spirit
1513
26
18.5 cm

Inv. no. Kdz 28678
PROVENANCE
[C. G. Boerner, Leipzig, 1935J; the Trier

collection, Frankfurt am M a i n ; Edmund
Schilling collection
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schilling 1982: no. 8; London,
Washington, D.C., and Nuremberg 1984: no. 11;
Butts 1985: 1:20, fig. 108; Scholz 1988: 1 4 0 - 4 2 ,
fig. 257; Butts 1990: fig. 3 on 68, 69, note 22 on
77; Scholz 199 1: 1 3 4 - 3 6 , fig. 182 on 138, 139,
2 6 1 - 6 3 , 3 7-
F I G U R E
3 9 . After Hans von Kulmbach;
Veit Hirsvogel the Younger. Saint
Gregory,
low stain, and vitreous paint, 27 X 19.5 cm.
Formerly Berlin, Kunstgewerbemuseum; de
stroyed during World War I I .
Photo: S c h m i t z 1 9 1 3 , I I : no. z o 6 on pi. 3 3 .
NUREMBERG
153
154
NUREMBERG
Veit H i r s v o g e l the Younger, after

Holy Spirit) at the right. At the feet of

Saint Augustine is one of his attributes,
a child with a spoon. According to leg
end, Saint Augustine was walking on
the beach pondering the mystery of the
Trinity when he encountered a child who
was trying to scoop the sea into a small
hole. When Augustine told the child that
his efforts would be futile, the child
replied that it was equally impossible to
make the boundless mystery of the Trin
ity fit the capacity of the human mind.
In the sculpture above Saint Augustine
and the child, the contrast of the original
sin of Adam and Eve with mankind's
redemption through Christ's death on
the cross is emphasized by the gesture of
God the Father, who points toward his
crucified son. The juxtaposition of the
saint and child with the sculptural ele
ments is perhaps meant to suggest that
the redemption of mankind through the
death of God's son is a mystery as un
fathomable as the Trinity.
drawing or in transferring his own draw

ing to glass. Compared to the concerned
expression conveyed by the eyes, brow,
and mouth in Kulmbach's head of Saint
Augustine, the expression in the eyes
and mouth of Hirsvogel's Saint Augustine
is focused yet serene. A similar change
of expression occurred in the transfer of
the head of Saint Gregory from drawing
to finished stained-glass panel.
5
Saint Gregory
1513
Pen and point of the brush in grayish black ink,
brush and gray wash, contours redrawn in pen
and ink, on beige laid paper
CONDITION
Upper right corner missing, black framing line

added afterward to unify sheet
Monogrammed and dated in brush and gray ink,
lower right: 1513 VH in ligature
27.7 X 19.9 cm
Schwerin, Staatliches Museum Schwerin,
Kupferstichkabinett
Inv. no. 1499 H Z
PROVENANCE
Aeter collection
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schwerin 1980: 66, fig. 2 1 ;
Scholz 1988: 1 4 1 - 4 2 , fig. 259; Butts 1990:

fig. 4 on 68, 69, note 21 on 77; Scholz 1991:
fig. 13 on 17, 18, 1 3 5 - 3 6 , note 366 on 188,
233, 2 6 1 - 6 3 , 3 7>
1^1%
3 > 3 3;
Berlin 1 9 9 2 - 9 3 : 16, no. 4, i l l . on 17.
I
2 2
I n 1513, Hans von Kulmbach designed a

series of small rectangular stained-glass
panels depicting the four Western Fathers
of the Church: Ambrose, Augustine, Gre
gory, and Jerome. Two of those panels,
depicting Gregory and Augustine, were
in the collection of the Kunstgewerbe
museum in Berlin until destroyed during
World War 11 (figs. 38-39). Kulmbach's
drawing for the panel depicting Saint Au
gustine and Veit Hirsvogel the Younger's
copy after Kulmbach's lost design for the
panel depicting Saint Gregory are the
only drawings for the series known to
have survived. Kulmbach had designed
small stained-glass panels depicting the
Fathers of the Church before. A design
for a quatrefoil with Saint Augustine
(cat. no. 30) can be dated c. 1510. Kulmbach also designed a cycle (or perhaps
two cycles) of circular stained-glass pan
els with the same subject around 1511
(cat. nos. 36-42). Here, in 1513, he de
picted Saint Augustine with a book,
bishop's miter, and crosier, standing be
fore a landscape and framed by an arch
supported on columns. Above the capi
tals of the columns are sculptures depict
ing the Temptation of Adam and Eve at
the left and the Trinity (God the Father,
Christ on the Cross, and the dove of the
1
Saint Augustine with an Infant in

an Architectural Framework on Which
Are Adam and Eve, and God the Father,
Christ Crucified, and the Dove of the
Holy Spirit is one of Kulmbach's finest
drawings for stained glass. It is cleanly
and surely drawn yet full of variation in
the application of the wash and pen lines.
The broad application of wash adeptly
suggests the shadow that falls diagonally
across Augustine's chest. The figure has
a breadth and amplitude comparable to
figures in Kulmbach's Memorial Picture
for Provost Lorenz Tucher of 1513, in
Saint Sebald in Nuremberg.
Veit Hirsvogel the Younger faith
fully transferred Kulmbach's composi
tion to stained glass. His drawing of Saint
Gregory is an important document in
dicating the kind of simplified copies
Hirsvogel apparently made after designs
by Kulmbach to aid him in the transfer.
Hirsvogel forgoes the subtly varied shad
ing that Kulmbach achieves through the
use of wash, substituting broader, flat
ter washes. The glass painter's aim in
making his copy seems to be to reduce
Kulmbach's design to its major contours,
washes, and hatching strokes. Hirsvogel's
heaviest contours often correspond to the
shaded areas of the composition, and
bands of light are at times reserved be
tween the outer contours and inner
hatching of forms. When it came time
to execute the panel, Hirsvogel executed
many of the highlights and hatching
strokes by scratching them into the matt,
apparently freely inventing them without
the benefit of guidelines in either Kulm
bach's or his own drawing. One won
ders whether the two tiny circles drawn
in metalpoint at the lower left and right
were drawn by Hirsvogel and whether
they aided him in copying Kulmbach's
3
1. Schmitz ( 1 9 1 3 , i i : nos. 2 0 5 - 6 and 1:130) described Saint

Augustine and Saint Gregory as works in the manner of
early Burgkmair, c. 1 5 0 0 .
2. Clarence H . Miller noted that Erasmus might have referred
to this apocryphal story in The Praise of Folly when he
stated, "Saint Augustine, a very great man and a bishop
to boot, did not disdain to learn from a little boy only a
year old." See Erasmus [ 1 5 ] 1] 1979: note 8 on 1 7 0 .
3. On the painting, see the biography of Kulmbach, above. I
first had an opportunity to study the drawing c. . 1 9 8 2 - 8 5
thanks to the kindness of John Rowlands, who also pro
vided a copy of the catalogue entry on the drawing from
the owner's private catalogue (Schilling 1982: no. 8).
4. The drawing was published in 1980 with an attribution
to "Monogrammist H V (perhaps Heinrich Vogtherr the
Elder or Younger)" (Schwerin 1980: 66). Hartmut Scholz
was the first to identify Saint Gregory as a work by Veit
Hirsvogel the Younger in his dissertation of 3988 (Scholz
1988: 1 4 1 - 4 2 ) . I had not yet read Hartmut Scholz's dis
sertation when I reached the same conclusion, published
in 1 9 9 0 (Butts 1990: 69). In 1985, I dated Saint Augus
tine to c. 1513 without yet connecting it with the drawing
in Schwerin (Butts 1985: 120). I derived the date from the
breadth and amplitude of the Kulmbach's central figure.
5. Hartmut Scholz ( 1 9 9 1 : 18) argued that, while Hirsvogel
closely followed Kulmbach's drawing of Saint Augustine,
he did not have a similar design by Kulmbach to follow
for Saint Gregory. Scholz thought Hirsvogel based Saint
Gregory on a drawing attributed to Kulmbach and de
picting Saint Nicholas (Bremen, Kunsthalle, Scholz 1 9 9 1 :
3:8, T 3 4 - 3 6 , 2 6 1 - 6 3 , fig- 9
The arrangement of
the drapery in Saint Gregory is almost a mirror image of

the arrangement of the drapery in Saint Nicholas, as Scholz
noted. But the drawing in Bremen is not by Kulmbach. It
lacks the subtle variation of lighting that is characteristic
of Kulmbach's drawings. At the same time, the swift, sure
rendering of the blades of grass at the saint's feet strongly
contrasts with Kulmbach's tentative, searching lines. Per
haps the anonymous, undated drawing in Bremen and
Hirsvogel's Saint Gregory were based on the same lost
Kulmbach drawing; or perhaps Saint Nicholas and a lost
drawing of Saint Gregory by Kulmbach for the cycle of
standing Fathers of the Church were based on the same
work. Scholz noted that a similar drapery arrangement
appears in a circular stained-glass panel with Saint Augus
tine, c. 1533 (formerly Berlin, Schlossmuseum; destroyed
during World War 11; Scholz 3 9 9 1 : fig. 12 on 16) and in
a panel depicting Saint Nicholas in the Parish Church in
Ingelfingen, before 1 5 1 0 (Scholz 3 9 9 3 :fig.3 6 4 on 2 5 5 ) .
The circular stained-glass panel, formerly in Berlin, Kunst
gewerbemuseum (destroyed in World War 11), is also re
lated to a Drer drawing for stained glass from c. 1503
(Strauss 1974, vi: no. xw. 2 2 1 ; Anzelewsky and Mielke
1 9 8 4 : no. 2)
N U R E M B E RG
I55
49
I$6
NUREMBERG
49
Upper Left Quarter of a

Design for the Window
of Emperor Maximilian i
in Saint Sebald in
Nuremberg
1514
Pen and brown ink, brush and red, blue and gray
watercolors, on cream laid paper
COAT
OF ARMS
Brabant and Dalmatia

22.5 X 12.6 cm
Inv. no. Kdz 4280
PROVENANCE
Acquired 1904
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Bock 1909; Schmitz 1:913, 1:
149; Bock 1921: 60, p i . 87; Bermann 1923:
nos. 6 - 9 on x v i i i - x i x , nos. 7 5 - 7 6 on x x x i i ;
Rttinger 1927: 12; Buchner in Thiemc and
Becker 1 9 0 7 - 5 0 , x x : 94; Winkler 1929: 33, 40,
42; Stadler J 936: no. 98, pis. 4 2 - 4 3 ; Winkler
1:942: nos. 7 7 - 8 0 , esp. no. 77; Nuremberg
959
19; Winkler 1959: 7 5 - 7 6 ; Knappe i 9 6 0 :
186; Frenzel 1961: 58; Knappe 1961c: 253;
Nuremberg 1961: 117; Paris 1964: no. 77;
Washington, D.C., et al. 1 9 6 5 - 6 6 : 77; H o l l
1972: 44; Knappe 1973: 79; Butts 1985: 1 2 3 25; Scholz 1 9 9 T : 78, 1 5 1 , fig. 203 on 152, 184,
note 552 on 263; Scholz 1:995: 2 9 - 3 0 , fig. 3,
notes 1:1-12 on 4 0 - 4 1 ; Scholz 1998: 3 9 6 - 9 8 ,
fig. 10, notes 4 9 - 5 3 on 4 1 5 - 1 6 .
I
X h i s drawing is the upper left quarter

of a design by Hans von Kulmbach for
the Emperor's Window in Saint Sebald
in Nuremberg. The window (fig. 40)
was commissioned by Maximilian 1 to re
place a damaged window, given by King
Wenceslas of Bohemia (1361-1419) in
1379. In Nuremberg it was a tradition
from the fourteenth century onward for
the Holy Roman Emperors to donate the
middle windows in the choirs of the city's
important churches. Wenceslas's father,
Emperor Charles iv (r. 1355-78), do
nated the central window in the Church
of Our Lady, and Maximilian's father,
Emperor Frederick i n (r. 1452-93),
probably gave the window in the prime
position in Saint Lawrence. Three letters
from 1514 concerning Emperor Maxi
milian 1's window indicate that Kulm
bach's design must date from the middle
of that year. In a letter of February 5,
Maximilian asked the City Council of
Nuremberg to appoint Melchior Pfin
zing, his private secretary and the pro
vost of Saint Sebald from 1512 to 1521,
to see that the project was executed. In
letters dated March 18 and 19, the City
Council and Maximilian agreed upon a
price of two hundred Rhenish guilders,
which the city could deduct from taxes
payable to the emperor. From this sum,
the workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder
received 140 Rhenish guilders upon com
pletion of the window (no later than Jan
uary 8, 1515). The designer or designers
presumably received sixty Rhenish guil
ders. This was a substantial sum of
money when one considers that Veit Hirs
vogel the Elder bought a house for ninetyfive Rhenish guilders in 1487 and a larger
house for 380 guilders in 1492.
1
Kulmbach's design for the window

depicts sixteen figures, each standing be
neath an arch formed by a leafy branch
(fig. 41). (The design was divided in quar
ters and the upper right quarter divided
again in quarters.) The ten figures in the
two outer columns and in the lower row
hold the arms of Habsburg dominions.
The remaining six figures are Habsburg
patron saints, some of whom Maximil
ian counted among his relations. The up
per left quarter of Kulmbach's design,
shown here, depicts at the upper left an
angel with the arms of the duchy of Bra
bant. The figure at the upper right prob
ably represents Charlemagne (742?-814)
with the insignia of office: crown, sword,
4 0 . After Hans von Kulmbach

and, probably Albrecht Drer; workshop of
Veig Hirsvogel the Elder. Emperor's Window,
low stain, and vitreous paint. Nuremberg,
Saint Sebald.
F I G U R E

Akademie der Wissenschafren und der Literatur M a i n z ,
Freiburg i . Br.
NUREMBERG
I 5 7
Jakob Mennel's [d. 1525-26] manu

script "Frsterliche Chronik, genannt
Kaiser Maximilians Geburtsspiegel"
[Princely chronicle, called the mirror of
Emperor Maximilian's birth], which he
began in 1505 and gave to the emperor
in 1518.)
As noted above, the upper right
quarter of Kulmbach's design for the
Emperor's Window is also cut in four. It
represents two unidentified bishops, per
haps Saint Hubert (d. 727) and Saint
Gebhard (d. 995), an angel with the arms
of Bohemia, and a noblewoman with the
coat of arms of Styria. The lower left
quarter of Kulmbach's drawing depicts a
man in Near Eastern dress with the coat
of arms of Granada, Saint Elizabeth of
Hungary (1207-1231), a soldier with the
arms of Bosnia, and a lansquenet with
the arms of Alsace. The lower right quar
ter of Kulmbach's design for the Emper
or's Window portrays Saint Walburga
(710-779), a man in Near Eastern dress
with the arms of Carinthia, a soldier with
the arms of Burgundy, and a lansquenet
with the arms of Carniola. Hartmut
Scholz noted that because the four prin
cipal patron saints of the imperial family
(George, Andrew, James the Greater, and
Leopold) and six of the sixteen coats of
arms of the Habsburg monarchy are
missing in Kulmbach's drawing, it must
have included three more rows with fig
ures and an architectural border. These
missing figures and arms are included in
the finished window.
The program of the window de
parts significantly from Kulmbach's de
sign. It depicts Saints Andrew; Leopold;
James the Greater; and George; Emperor
Maximilian 1 and his first wife, Mary,
duchess of Burgundy; their son Philip
(1478-1506) and his wife, Johanna
(1479-1555), daughter of Ferdinand of
Aragon and Isabella of Castile, sur
rounded by the arms of the Habsburg
monarchy. The inscription below gives
the date 1514 and celebrates Maximilian
as Holy Roman Emperor, archduke of
Austria, and sovereign of many lands.
The shield bearers depicted by Kulmbach are eliminated. The sculptural fig
ures stand within a spacious Renaissance
architectural framework, replacing the
mosaic-like character of Gothic windows
with spaciousness and a viewpoint from
below that are characteristic of the Re
naissance. It is presumed that Drer
must have intervened either to provide a
new design or to guide Kulmbach to a
more modern concept for the window, a
concept Kulmbach would later adopt
in his pictorially unified design for the
Margrave's Window in Saint Sebald
(cat. no. 50). Neither the newer design
for the Emperor's Window nor cartoons
for it have survived. Hartmut Scholz
4
F I G U R E 4 1 . Composite illustration of Hans von Kulmbach, Design

for the Emperor's Window in Saint Sebald in Nuremberg, 1514- Pen and
brown ink and red, blue, and gray watercolor, 45 X 25.2 cm (overall
measurements). Staatliche Museen zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz,
Kupferstichkabinett (upper left, lower left, and lower right quarters of
the design, upper left and lower left quarters of the upper right quarter
of the design) and Moscow, Pushkin Museum (the upper right and
lower right quarters of the upper right quarter of the design).
Photo: Scholz 1 9 9 1 : fig. 2.03.
and orb. A woman with the arms of Dalmatia stands at the lower left. At the lower
right, Saint Ulrich (890-973), bishop of
Augsburg, is identifiable by his attributes:
a bishop's crosier and miter, a book, and
a fish. According to legend, Saint Ulrich
gave a piece of meat to a ducal messenger
on a Friday, not thinking that it was
a day of abstinence. The piece of meat
immediately changed to a fish in the
hand of the messenger. Both Charle
magne and Saint Ulrich appear in the
stained-glass windows of 1512 that
Maximilian donated to the minster in
Freiburg, and Kulmbach's design re
flects a similar interest in featuring the
saints counted among the Habsburg
relations. (These appeared as part of
3
158
NUREMBERG
43 . Hans von Kulmbach. The Emperors

Wreath of
Honor
("Laurea"),
1518. Pen and brown ink and traces of black chalk on
two sheets of paper, 47.6 X 50.6 cm. Staatliche Museen zu BerlinPreussicher Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabinett (inv. no. K6Z 375).
FIGURE
was not sure whether to credit Kulmbach

or the glass painter with the cartoons
for the window. But Scholz's com
parison of the head of Saint George in the
window (fig. 42) with the standardbearers in Kulmbach's design for The
Emperor's Wreath of Honor of 1518
(fig. 43) from the large woodcut The
Triumphal Procession of Maximilian 1 is
compelling evidence that Kulmbach
made at least some of the cartoons.
Gottfried Frenzel believed the window
was executed by Hans Hirsvogel the
Younger.
7
1. On the documents related to the commission, see Rupprich

1 9 5 6 - 6 9 , i : 2 4 8 - 4 9 ; Frenzel 1 9 6 1 : notes 6 on 34 and 3 0
on 58; Nuremberg 1 9 6 1 : no. 187; and Scholz 1 9 9 1 : note
308 on 1 5 1 .
2. Knappe 1973: 6 6 .
3. See Scholz 1998: 3 9 7 , fig. 5 on 3 9 0 , fig. 6 on 3 9 1 .
4. Freiburg 1998: 388, note 14 on 4 1 2 , no. 1:1.5 on 4 7 7 . On
Maximilian's enhancement of his own reputation by means
of these special patron saints, see Fianna Dornik-Eger (Vi
enna 1 9 7 1 : no. 30). On the Freiburg Windows, see Hartmut Scholz's essay in this volume, pp. 2 2 - 2 3 .
5. Hartmut Scholz (1:998: 397) proposed that the bishops
might represent Saint Hubert and Saint Gebhard, because
both are included in the stained glass given by Maximil
ian in the minster in Freiburg. The sections of Kulmbach's
drawing depicting the angel with the arms of Bohemia and
the noblewoman with the arms of Styria were in the col
lection of Frans Koenigs (Lugt 1956: 1:023a) and are to
day in the Pushkin Museum, Moscow. The remainder of
Kulmbach's extant drawing, comprising fourteen figures,
is in the Kupferstichkabinett in Berlin.
6. Scholz 1998: 3 9 7 .
7. On the drawing, sec the biography of Kulmbach, above.
For Scholz's comparison, see Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 153, figs. 2 1 0 1 1 on
158-59.
8. Frenzel i 9 6 0 : 204. On the window, see Hartmut Scholz

( 1 9 9 8 : 3 9 6 - 9 8 , notes 4 9 - 5 3 on 4 1 5 - 1 6 ; 1 9 9 1 : 1.9, 2.1,
note 8 0 on 22, note 84 on 2 3 - 2 4 , note 198 on 7 9 , note

2 9 0 on 1 3 9 , 1 5 1 - 5 4 , 1 6 3 , 2 8 0 , 2 9 0 , 3 2 2 - 2 3 , 3 3 7 ) .
NUREMBERG
159
50
Design for the Margrave

Friedrich of
Brandenburg's Window
in Saint Sebald's Church
in Nuremberg
1514
Pen and brown ink on t w o sheets of cream laid

paper
CONDITION
The ink has eaten through the sheet at the lower

right, suggesting that iron gall ink was used.
WATERMARK

Upper half inscribed i n pen and b r o w n ink from
the upper left to the lower right:
brandenburg,
F margraff, and Sophia geborne Kunigin
v polen;
lower half inscribed in pen and brown ink from

the upper left to the lower right:
C margraff, J margraff, purgsch,
A margraff, Fi margraff, Zollner
Cassubenn,
Stettinn,
pumernn,
Rude,
F margraff, JA margraff,
zolernn
(in the shield) and rudinn (crossed out),

wendenn,
W margraff, G margraff, blut
and MARGRAF
PRANEBVR
FIDERICK
schiltt,
ZV
i j 14.
Two sheets measuring 39 X 17.7 cm and 38.8 X

18 cm
Inv. no. C 2255 and C 2256 (upper and lower
halves)
PROVENANCE
O l d inventory of the collection (Lugt 1921:

1647)
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Koelitz 1891: 7 4 - 7 5 ; Woermann 1896,11: 7, nos. 4 5 - 4 6 ; Friedlnder 1897:
73; Hofmann 1905: fig. after 68, 7 5 - 7 6 ; Oidtmann 1907: 42; Bock 1909: 403; Schinnerer
1 9 0 9 - 1 0 : 3 2 9 - 3 0 ; Bermann 1923: nos. 3 1 - 3 2
on x x v ; Rttinger 1927: 12; Buchner in Thieme
and Becker 1 9 0 7 - 5 0 , x x : 94; Winkler 1929: 33,
4 1 ; Stadler 1936: no. 103, p i . 46; Winkler 1936:
191; W i n k l e r 1942: nos. 7 5 - 7 6 ; Sitzmann 1949:
unpaginated; Winkler 1959: 75, p i . 53; Knappe
i 9 6 0 : 186; Frenzel 1961: 58; Knappe 1961c:
253; Nuremberg 1961: 1 1 7 18, no. 217; Landolt 1962: 45; Oettinger and
Knappe 1963: note 432 on 116; Dresden 1963:
no. 157, p i . 47 (upper half); H o l l 1972: 39, 4 1 ,
fig. 22 on 40; Knappe 1973: 79; Butts 1985: 103,
1 2 4 - 2 5 ; Scholz 1991: note 309 on 1 5 1 , 1 5 3 54, fig. 206 on 156, 184, 207; Strieder 1993a:
736; Scholz 1995: 3 3 - 3 5 , fig- 7, notes 2 5 - 4 7
on 42.
50
160
NUREMBERG
Dated 1514, this design for stained

glass, in two parts, is for the window
in the eastern choir of Saint Sebald
in Nuremberg donated by Friedrich
the Elder, margrave of BrandenburgAnsbach (1460-1536, r. 1486-1515),
and dated 1515 (fig. 15, p. 31). The win
dow, just to the right of the Emperor's
Window, replaced the one donated by
the margrave's family, specifically by the
burgrave of Nuremberg, at the time the
choir was completed, c. 1379, and now
damaged. The Hirsvogel workshop had
already begun work on the window on
January 8, 1515. Like the Emperor's
Window, the Margrave's Window cele
brates the ruler and his heirs. This is
reflected in Kulmbach's design. The up
per half depicts the Mater Dolorosa (cat.
no. 114). The Virgin Mary with a sword
piercing her breast is a literal rendering
of the prophecy of Simeon (Luke 2 : 3 4 35): "This child is destined to be a sign
which, men reject, and you too shall be
pierced to the heart." To the Virgin's
right are saints Simon the Zealot and
Jude with the instruments of their mar
tyrdom, a saw and a club. (The Virgin in
Glory and Saint John the Baptist re
place these three figures in the window.)
Below the figures of the Mater Dolorosa,
Simon the Zealot, and Jude are the
patrons, the Margrave Friedrich and his
wife, Sophia (1464-1512), daughter of
the Polish king, with the coats of arms of
the margravate of Brandenburg and the
kingdom of Poland. The lower part of the
drawing in Dresden depicts the couple's
eight sons, all as adults, although the
youngest was not yet a teenager. From
the top left to the bottom right they are:
Casimir (1481-1527; margrave from
1515 to 1527), Johann (1493-1525),
Albrecht (1490-1568), Georg (14831543; margrave from 1527 to 1543),
Friedrich (1497-15 3 6), Johann Albrecht
(1499-1550), Wilhelm (1498-1563),
and Gumbert (1503-1528). The ac
companying coats of arms are of the
dukedoms of Stettin, Pomerania, Cassubia, and The Wends, the county of
Zollern, the principality of Rgen, and
the burgravate of Nuremberg (purgsch).
The remaining coat of arms is described
as a blut schiltt. Kulmbach depicted a
modern, Italian form of shield in the
drawing in Dresden. In the window, it is
replaced by the more traditional form.
1
Friedrich Hofmann's extensive

analysis of the programs of the win
dow and the design provides a reason for
the presence of Jude, patron saint of lost
causes, in Kulmbach's drawing: Friedrich
had recovered from a grave illness in
1512. The illness claimed the lives of So
phia and Friedrich's mother. In the same
year that the Margrave's Window was
completed, on Ash Wednesday 1515,
5
Friedrich the Elder was imprisoned in the

Plassenburg by his son Casimir, who de
clared him of unsound mind and unfit to
rule. Casimir was aided by his brother Jo
hann. In spite of continued pressure from
his brothers Georg and Albrecht, Casimir
kept his father prisoner for twelve years.
Friedrich was freed in 1527, when Georg
assumed power after the death of Casi
mir. (Johann had died in 1525.) Karl
Sitzmann proposed that Casimir proba
bly stipulated that, contrary to what his
age demanded, Johann be given a place
of prominence second only to Casimir in
both Kulmbach's design and the finished
window. This implies that the program
of the window was determined at least in
part by Casimir, whose portrait Kulmbach had painted in 1511.
Kulmbach incorporated in his de
sign for the Margrave's Window the les
sons he presumably learned from Drer
while designing the Emperor's Window
(cat. no. 49). As in the Emperor's Win
dow, in Kulmbach's design for the Mar
grave's Window, the mosaic-like surface
of earlier windows gives way to figures
standing within a spacious Renaissance
architectural framework. The figures,
Ursula Knappe remarked, seem to float
before the open sky. According to Wer
ner Schade, the arch that Kulmbach be
gan to draw above the figure of Wilhelm
shows just how new this open composi
tion was to him. In Kulmbach's design,
huge columns support a barrel vault. (In
the window, this is replaced by a pedi
ment.) Above the barrel vault, trumpetblowing putti flank an eternal flame,
symbol of religious fervor within a Chris
tian context and of life within a classical
context. The subdued coloring of the win
dow adds to the sense of spaciousness.
No cartoons for the Margrave's
Window have survived, and the extent of
Kulmbach's role in their preparation is
not known. Gottfried Frenzel believed
that Kulmbach made detailed cartoons
for the window. This supposition is sup
ported perhaps by the likeness achieved
in the window in the figure of Casimir,
whose portrait Kulmbach had painted
four years earlier. Hartmut Scholz as
serted that while donor portraits may
have presupposed full-scale drawings by
Kulmbach, particularly for the likenesses
of the margrave and his sons, Georg and
Albrecht, the summary treatment of
forms suggests the possible use instead of
smaller-scale, more summarily executed
drawings by Kulmbach. While Frenzel
thought Veit Hirsvogel the Elder and Veit
Hirsvogel the Younger should be cred
ited with the Margrave's Window, Scholz
favored Hans Hirsvogel. Scholz argued
that the window called to mind the paint
erly execution of four small panels in the
parish house of Saint Sebald depicting
angels with coats of arms and bearing

the monogram of Hans Hirsvogel and
the date 1514.
12
10
11
1. The earlier window was presumably commissioned by

Friedrich v, burgrave of Nuremberg (d. 1398). On the
stained glass commissioned by Friedrich, his predeces
sors and successors, see the chapter "Die Glasgemlde
des Hauses Hohenzollern" in Schmitz 19:13, 1: 2.33 53.
The Hohenzollern burgraves of Nuremberg were invested
with the margravate of Brandenburg in 1417 (see New
York and Nuremberg 1986: 1 2 - 1 3 ) .
2. This is apparent from a letter written that day by the
City Council to Cosmos Vorchtel in Vienna. See Frenzel
T.961: note 6 on 3 4 , and Scholz 1:991: note 3 1:4 on 1 5 3 .
3. Friedrich Hofmann (1905: 76), who identified the figures,
noted that the inscription H m argraff must be a mistake.
4. The term has yet to be explained.
5. Hof mann 1905: esp. 6 8 .
6. Sec Sitzmann 1:949
the fate of Friedrich from 1 5 1 5 .
7. Nuremberg 1 9 6 1 : no. 1:59, and Strieder 1993b: 1 3 4 ,
fig. 156 (color), no. .1 30. Casimir's brother, Georg the
Pious of Brandenburg-Ansbach, was depicted in a small
painted-glass roundel made in Nuremberg in 1:533. Her
mann Schmitz (Schmitz 1:913, 11: no. 280; Schmitz 1923:
fig. 32, formerly Berlin, Kunstgewerbemuseum; destroyed
during World War 11) tentatively assigned the roundel to
Sebald Beham.
8. Knappe 1973: 7 9 .
9. Dresden 1963: no. 1 5 7 .
10. Nuremberg 1961: 1 1 8 .
1 1 . Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 1 5 5 , 1:61-62, figs. 2 1 2 - 1 . 4
60, figs.
2 1 8 - 2 1 on 1 6 2 - 6 3 . Particularly compelling is Scholz
comparison of the head of Friedrich the Younger in the
window with Kulmbach's drawing of a Prince Elector,
c. T513 (Erlangen, Graphische Sammlung der Universi
tt; 2 8 . 2 X 17.5 cm).
12. See Frenzel in Nuremberg 1 9 6 1 : 1 1 8, and Scholz 1 9 9 1 :
3*3o
NUREMBERG
161
5i
A f t e r Hans v o n K u l m b a c h , Veit
H i r s v o g e l the Younger
Angel with the Marshaled

Coat of Arms of the Esler
Family of Nuremberg
and the Provostship of
Saint Sebald
1517
Clear glass of a slightly greenish tone, yellow
stain, sanguine, and black and b r o w n vitreous
paint
COAT
O F ARMS
Marshaled coat of arms of the Esler family of

Nuremberg and the provostship of Saint Sebald
20.2 X 15.1 cm, w i t h lead border
Nuremberg, Evangelisch-Lutherische
Kirchengemeinde NrnbergSt. Sebald
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Oidtmann 1907: 46; Schmitz
1913, I : 159; Schulz 1 9 0 8 - 3 3 : 32, 34, fig. 42 on
50; Frenzel i 9 6 0 : 196, 1 9 8 - 2 0 4 , fig. 2 on 197,
notes 8 - 1 1 on 210; Knappe 1973: 76; Butts
1985: 127, fig. 116; Scholz 1991: 15, 176, fig.
242 on 177, 203, 2 4 1 , 318; Paris 1 9 9 1 - 9 2 : 97.
51
52
A f t e r Hans v o n K u l m b a c h , Veit
Two Angels Holding

Shields with the Imperial
Arms and the Arms of the
Archduchy of Austria and
County of Tyrol
1517
stain, and black and b r o w n vitreous paint
Monogrammed and dated: VH 1517 in ligature
below, center
COAT
O F ARMS
Double-headed imperial eagle, the coat of arms

of the archduchy of Austria and the coat of arms
of the county of Tyrol
20.2 X 15.3 cm, w i t h lead border
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Oidtmann 1907: 46; Schulz
1 9 0 8 - 3 3 : 32, 34, fig. 41 on 50; Frenzel i 9 6 0 :
196, 1 9 8 - 2 0 4 , notes 8 - 1 1 on 210; Knappe
1973: 76; Scholz 1991: 15, 176, 203, 2 4 1 , 318,
fig. 418b on 318 (detail); Paris 1991--92: 97.
52.
162 NUREMBERG
53
A f t e r Hans von K u l m b a c h , Veit
Angel with the Marshaled

Coat of Arms of the
Pfinzing and Grundherr
Families
1517
stain, sanguine, and black and brown vitreous
paint
Marshaled coat of arms of the Pfinzing and
Grundherr families
20 X 15.2 cm, w i t h lead border
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Oidtmann 1907: 46; Schmitz
1:913, i : J 59, fig. 266; Schulz 1 9 0 8 - 3 3 : 32, 34,
fig. 45 on 5 1 ; Frenzel i 9 6 0 : 196, 1 9 8 - 2 0 4 , notes
8 - 1 1 on 210; Knappe 1973: 76; Scholz 1991:
15, 176, 203, 2 4 1 , 318; Paris 1991-92: 97.
53
54
Angel Holding the

Marshaled Coat of Arms
of the Esler Family of
Nuremberg and the
Provostship of Saint
Sebald's Church in
Nuremberg
1517
l \ n i n d brown ink, underdrawing and borders
in black chalk, on cream laid paper
WAI
LRMARK
Bulls head (Briquet [1907] 1966: 15182)

Marshaled coat of arms of the Esler family of
Nuremberg and the provostship of Saint Sebald
18.7
13.6 cm
Pans, ficole nationale superieure des Beaux-Arts
Jnv. no.
2160
VROVENANCE
Nicholas Lanier (Lugt 1921: 2886); Jean Masson

(Lugt 1956: 1494a); given 1925
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Winzinger 1:970: 64, fig. 8 on
65; Butts 1985: 127, fig. 115; Paris and Ham
burg 1 9 8 5 - 8 6 : no. 9; Paris 1991-92: no. 93;
Scholz 1991: note 72 on 15, note 342 on 176,
fig. 241 on 177, 318.
54
N U R E M B E R G
163
These three panels, one of which is dated

1517, are among several that Kulmbach
designed between 1513 and 1517 for the
parish house of Saint Sebald in Nurem
berg. Today all of the panels are in the
eastern choir of the parish house, its main
decoration, which was presumably built
at the same time as the eastern choir of
Saint Sebald's Church between 13 61 and
1379 (fig. 44). The Chrlein (a large bay
window or oriel) opened onto a private
chapel. Today its main interior decora
tion consists of three stained-glass pan
els, each 76 by 27 cm, depicting Saint
Luke Painting the Virgin in Glory and
the Kneeling Donor, Melchior Pftnzing
(fig. 45). Dated 1513, these panels were
made for the Chrlein in connection with
improvements to the parish house under
taken by Pfinzing (1481-1535), provost
of Saint Sebald from 1512 to 1521 and
secretary to Maximilian (cat. no. 27).
Pfinzing personally raised 1,100 guilders
for the expansion and renovation of the
parish house. The return of the money
was one of his conditions met by the City
Council of Nuremberg when he resigned
as provost in 15 2 1 . A group of four gri
saille panels with angels holding the arms
of Pfinzing, the empire, the Bishop of
Bamberg, Georg i n Schenk zu Limpurg
(1505-1522), and the city of Nuremberg
bear the monogram of Hans Hirsvogel.
Dated 1514, this group of panels was pre
sumably made for the so-called Pfinzingchrlein (little Pfinzing choir), which was
built on the north side of the parish house
in that year. The original location of the
three panels made after Kulmbach's de
signs in 1517 is not known. When Fritz
Traugott Schulz published them, the pan
els were in a wooden Chrlein on the
third floor (zweiter Stock). The original
location of a panel depicting Saint Au
gustine in Conversation with Saint Mon
ica, dated 1519 (cat. nos. 59-60), is also
unknown.
1
Of the three panels made by Veit

Hirsvogel the Younger after Kulmbach's
drawings in 1517, one depicts an angel
holding a shield with the coat of arms
of the Esler family (Esel is German for
donkey) and the provostship of Saint
Sebald. Along with Melchior Pfinzing,
the Esler family of Nuremberg appar
ently played a role in the restoration and
expansion of the parish house. According
to Moritz Maximilian Mayer, writing in
1831, the coats of arms of the Pfinzing
and Esler families appeared with an in
scription then visible above a room on
the third floor and regarding repairs
undertaken in 1515. Another panel rep
resents an angel holding a shield with
the marshaled arms of the Pfinzing and
Grundherr families, referring to Melchior
Pfinzing's parents. The master builder
Seitz Pfinzing von Henfenfeld married
6
164
NUREMBERG
4 4 . Exterior view of the Ostchrlein

Saint Sebald in Nuremberg.
F I G U R E
of the parish house of
Photo: Foto M a r b u r g / A r t Resource.
Barbara Grundherr in 1477. Melchior

Pfinzing's father died in 1514, his mother
died in 1517. These two panels flank a
third with two little angels standing be
fore a tent and holding three shields with
the imperial arms and the arms of the
archduchy of Austria and the county of
Tyrol.
Kulmbach's to-scale design for
Angel Holding the Marshaled Coat of
Arms of the Esler Family of Nuremberg
and the Provostship of Saint Sebald's
Church in Nuremberg is in the Ecole
nationale superieure des Beaux-Arts in
Paris. Kulmbach's hand is apparent in
the slightly shaky contours and hatching
strokes, the lightness with which the pen
is drawn across the paper, the somewhat
amorphous architectural elements, and
the round-faced, curly-haired angel. The
columns, placed at a forty-five-degree
angle to the picture plane and the wavy
hatching lines on the back walls, fail to
lend structural stability to the composi
tion. Yet the drawing derives a great deal
of charm from details like the donkeys
on the shield and the delicately articu
lated feathers of the angel's wings and
surrounding the angel's collar. In his ear
liest designs for painted glass, Kulmbach
showed his interest in lively decorative
elements in the borders and on the archi
7
tectural elements (cat. no. 30). Here the

bases of the columns to either side of the
angel are decorated with strange plantanimal hybrids, perhaps evocative of dol
phins, symbols of the Resurrection and
also of mental agility. Based on Kulm
bach's lost drawing, Two Angels Hold
ing Shields with the Imperial Arms and
the Arms of the Archduchy of Austria
and County of Tyrol included above the
arch two eagles that act as a pictorial
counterpoint to the double-headed eagle
in the imperial coat of arms. The panel de
picts two satyrs supporting the columns
to either side of the angels. The satyr on
the right is particularly close to one seated
atop a column in Drer's marginal draw
ings from c. 1515 for The Prayer Book
of Maximilian i . Kulmbach must have
closely followed Drer's drawings for
projects for the emperor. In 1518, Kulmbach contributed a drawing for the Em
peror's Wreath of Honor (fig. 43) for the
huge Triumphal Procession of Maximil
ian 1 in woodcut.
The three panels are thought to be
by Veit Hirsvogel the Younger rather than
his father, because a younger artist would
have adapted most readily to the style of
a contemporary. The group is among
just four known works that are possi
bly monogrammed by Veit Hirsvogel the
8
F I G U R E
4 5 . After a design by Hans von Kulmbach; workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder. The Virgin in Glory,
by Saint Luke and Adored
by the Kneeling
Donor,
Melchior
Pfinzing,
Painted
1513. Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass, yellow
stain, and brown vitreous paint, each of three panels 76 X 27 cm. Nuremberg, Saint Sebald, parish house (Ostchrlein I,
2a-c); Evangelisch-Lutherische Kirchengemeinde NrnbergSt. Sebald.
Photo: Corpus V i t r e a r u m Deutschland, Arbeitsstelle der Akademie der Wissenschaften
Younger and thus provides important

evidence about his style. A comparison
of the drawing and panel with Angel
Holding the Marshaled Coat of Arms of
the Esler Family of Nuremberg and the
Provostship of Saint Sebald's Church in
Nuremberg is telling. Hirsvogel closely
followed the contours and hatching and
cross-hatching lines laid down by Kulmbach. He emulated Kulmbach's softly
falling drapery and chubby figure and
grasped how Kulmbach used winding
contours to anchor forms in space. This
is particularly apparent in details like
the ribbon wound around the vegetation
in the architectural framework. Minor
adjustments, like those made to the col
umns, lend weight and structure to the
composition.
Hirsvogel also skillfully translated
Kulmbach's linear design into the lan
guage peculiar to painted glass. The pan
els are executed in gray-brown matt and
black trace lines applied to the recto and
yellow stain and sanguine applied to the
verso. The yellow stain, applied with a
brush, is more intense at the right,
reflecting the fact that the light falls from
the left of the composition, resulting
in darker shading of forms at the right
10
und der Literatur M a i n z , Freiburg i . Br.
of the panel. The sanguine is also care

fully varied, exceptionally thin and deli
cate in churches held by the figures
of Saint Sebald in the shield. In addi
tion to building up forms in an additive
manner reminiscent of Kulmbach's de
sign, Hirsvogel worked in a subtractive
manner, finding equivalents for effects
created by Kulmbach in techniques spe
cific to painting on glass. He masterfully
created sheen on the columns, for in
stance, by scratching into the matt to re
veal the glass beneath. While some of the
contours that Kulmbach drew in pen and
ink are translated as black trace lines,
others are scratched into the gray-brown
matt. This is particularly successful in An
gel with the Marshaled Coat of Arms of
the Esler Family of Nuremberg and the
Provostship of Saint Sebald in the shield
and feathers and in the trees and grass
seen through the window. A large ex
panse of glass was left completely empty
to represent sky. Made with close inspec
tion in mind, Hirsvogel's little panels are
an outstanding example of the glass
painter's art in Renaissance Nuremberg.
11
T. On the Chrlein, see New York and Nuremberg 1986:

3 1 . The original Chrlein, pictured in fig. 4 4 , is today in
the Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg. Kulm
bach's stained-glass panels are installed in the copy.
2. Nuremberg 1 9 6 1 : no. 185.
3. See Alfred Eckert's biography of Pfinzing in Imhoff 1984:
96-97.
4. Sec Schulz 1 9 0 8 - 3 3 : 3 0 , 3 2 , figs. 3 7 - 4 0 on 4 8 - 4 9 ,
and
Scholz 1 9 9 1 : fig. 194 on 1 4 5 .

5. See Schulz 1 9 0 8 - 3 3 : 3 2 .
6. Mayer 1 8 3 1 , as cited by Schulz 1 9 0 8 - 3 3 : 3 4 .
7. On Pfinzing's parents, see Schulz 1 9 0 8 - 3 3 : 34. Scitz
Pfinzing is referred to as Siegfrid in the inscription on
the Pfinzing Window in Saint Sebald (fig. 16, p. 32). It is
probably not coincidental that Pfinzing donated stainedglass panels with his parents' coat of arms to the Parish
House of Saint Sebald in the years his parents died.
8. Strauss 1974, i n : no. 1515/14. The proportions of the
little angels reflect the proportions of Drer's angels in
the same drawing.
9. See the biography of Kulmbach, above.
10. Veit Hirsvogel the Younger also monogrammed a draw
ing of Saint Gregory after Kulmbach (cat. no. 4 8 ) , and
arguably the stained-glass windows of Saint Roch in
Nuremberg, and a drawing depicting the Head of a
Young Woman (Mary) in Erlangen, Graphische Samm
lung der Universitt, the last attributed by Hartmut
Scholz. See Scholz 1.991: 3 1 7 - 2 0 , figs. 41 8a and 4 2 0 on
318-19.
11. The authors would like to thank Peter van Treeck for his
precise description of the painting technique. He notes
that the darkest areas of brown probably reflect a brown
layer added later, perhaps in the nineteenth century.
NUREMBERG
165
55

with Five Hunting and
Fishing Scenes
c. 1518
Pen and b r o w n ink, red chalk, black chalk,
outline of quatrefoil i n pen and b r o w n ink, on
cream laid paper, mounted on a second sheet
CONDITION
Substantial loss at upper right

WATERMARK

Inscribed i n b r o w n ink in a sixteenth-century
hand at upper left: ein hirseben geys (a doe) and
at center: ein fogl b[ert] (Herde, a flock of birds);
upper left, in black and red chalk, a shield; lower
left and right, outside the quatrefoil, i n red chalk,
the date 15... and t w o tiny circles in black chalk
below; lower left of sheet on which the drawing
is laid d o w n , in graphite: Lucas Kranacb; lower
center of sheet on w h i c h the drawing is laid
down, i n graphite: L . Cranach
1
DIAMETER
29.9 cm
55
Inv. no. c 2168

PROVENANCE
56

with a Bear Hunt and a
Stag Hunt
c. 1518
Pen and brown ink, outline of a quatrefoil in
black ink, on cream laid paper
WATERMARK

Inscribed i n pen and b r o w n ink i n a sixteenthcentury hand at center: ein fogel hert (a flock of
birds); above: fiscbn (fishing); left: stechn ein
birsehen (spearing a stag); right: ein fogel paser
DIAMETER
30.5 cm
Inv. no. c 2161
PROVENANCE

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : (cat. nos. 5 5 - 5 6 ) : Schmitz
1913, i : 155, fig. 255a; Bermann 1923: nos. 1 4 i 5 o n x x i - x x i i ; Rttinger 1927: 18; Buchner i n
Thieme and Becker 1 9 0 7 - 5 0 , x x : 94; W i n k l e r
1929: 33, 38, 4 1 ; Stadler 1936: no. 6 a - b ; W i n k
ler 1941: 2 4 3 - 4 4 , fig. 7 on 247; W i n k l e r 1942:
nos. 9 7 - 9 8 ; W i n k l e r 1959: 27, p i . 17b; Dresden
1963: no. 159; Oettinger and Knappe 1963: note
360 on 112; H o l l 1972: 32, fig. 18 on 33; Dres
den 1 9 7 1 - 7 2 : no. 4 3 1 ; Butts 1985: 128; Scholz
1991: note 237 on 108, note 388 on 202, 250.
166
NUREMBERG
56
57
the Elder
Quatrefoil with
Hunting Scenes
c. 1 5 1
and b r o w n and black vitreous paint
CONDITION
The left lobe is an early replacement

DIAMETER
31.2 cm
Baltimore, The Walters A r t Gallery, Museum
Purchase
Inv. no. WAG 46.75
PROVENANCE
H . G. Gutekunst, Stuttgart, 1877; Eugen Felix,

Leipzig, 1911; John Stillwell, N e w York;
purchased 1951 from A . S. Drey, M u n i c h
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Eye and
57
Brner 1880:
150,
no. 1657; Schmitz 1913, 1: 156, fig. 257b; Bermann 1923: x x i ; Rttinger 1927: 18; Winkler
1929: 38, 4 1 ; Stadler 1936: 104; Winkler 1941:
243, fig. 1; Winkler 1942: 8 8 - 8 9 ; Winkler 1959:
27; Verdier i 9 6 0 : n.p.; Wentzel 1966: 360;
Becksmann 1968: note 35 on 359; Baltimore
1982: 9; Steinke 1985b: 1; Corpus Vitrearum
Checklist 11 1987: 62.
58
the Elder
Quatrefoil with the

Jungfrauenadler of
Nuremberg and Four
Hunting Scenes
c. 1518
Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass of a slightly
w a r m tone, yellow stain, sanguine, and grayish
brown and black vitreous paint
CONDITION
The lower lobe repaired using a piece of

sixteenth-century glass; leading early twentieth
century; varnish applied to verso to thicken
abraded paint areas; the Roman numerals 1 to i v
(the latter written " n i l , " and additional numbers)
are etched onto the verso of the lobes
COAT OF ARMS
Jungfrauenadler
of Nuremberg
DIAMETER
W i t h double lead border: 32.5 cm

58
Inv. no. 07,162

PROVENANCE
Acquired 1891
NUREMBERG
167
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schmitz 1913, I: 1 5 4 - 5 6 , I i :
no. 268; Bermann 1923: x x i ; Schmitz 1923: 9,
fig. 22; Rttinger 1927: 18; W i n k l e r 1929: 38,
4 1 ; Stadler 1936: 104; W i n k l e r 1941: 243; W i n k
ler 1942: 8 8 - 8 9 ; W i n k l e r 1959: 27; Wentzel
1966: 360; Becksmann 1968: note 35 on 359;
Steinke 1985b: 1; Scholz 1991: note 121 on 34,
202.
The two drawings by Hans von Kulmbach in Dresden and the quatrefoils
executed after them, in Berlin and Balti
more, depict hunting and fishing. The
Nuremberg device of the Jungfrauenadler
(Jungfrau is German for virgin; Adler is
German for eagle) connects the quatre
foils with that city, but nothing more is
known about who commissioned them
and for what building. Hunting was a
popular pastime of the Holy Roman Em
peror Maximilian 1 and of the German
nobility. Maximilian's love of the sport
was commemorated in cabinet panels
(cat. nos. 87-90). More modest in their
attire than Maximilian and his compan
ions, the hunters and fishermen in Kulm
bach's designs are apparently common
folk who hunt as a way of life rather
than for sport and on foot rather than
on horseback. In Design for a Quatrefoil
with a Bear Hunt and a Stag Hunt and
the related quatrefoil in Berlin, the up
per lobe depicts a hunter spearing a
bear. In the remaining three lobes, an
other hunterwith a horn, a spear, and
a pack of houndspursues a stag. In
Design for a Quatrefoil with Five Hunt
ing and Fishing Scenes and the related
panel in Baltimore, separate scenes are
rendered in each lobe and at the center.
In the middle, a man catches birds in a

net. Above, a woman and a man use
nets to catch fish. To the left, a hunter and
his pack of hounds pursue two stags. (In
the quatrefoil, this lobe is a later replace
ment.) To the right, a hunter and hounds
pursue unseen game. Below, an owl decoy
is used to snare smaller birds. Bird catch
ers capitalized on the hostility of small
predatory birds toward the larger preda
tor, the owl. An owl decoy (or sometimes
a live owl in a cage) was placed before
a straw blind built on the ground or in
trees. Branches smeared with a glutinous
substance were extended from the straw
blind to catch and hold the small birds as
they displayed their aggression, at times
attacking the owl.
The inscriptions on Kulmbach's
drawings, in a sixteenth-century hand,
describe the subject matter and thus
must have preceded the pictures. But it
is not certain whether the handwriting is
that of Kulmbach or the unidentified
glass painter, presumably someone in the
Hirsvogel workshop. Some of the inscrip
tions on Design for a Quatrefoil with a
Bear Hunt and a Stag Hunt refer to sub
jects depicted on the pendant drawing.
The unidentified glass painter faithfully
translated Kulmbach's designs into the
medium of stained glass. He followed
Kulmbach's contours and hatching in
rendering the hunters and animals, but
he allowed himself greater freedom in
the landscape backgrounds. The compo
sitions are built up primarily by additive
means, using grayish brown and black
matts and black trace lines on the recto
and yellow stain and sanguine on the
verso. But subtractive means were also
selectively employed. The glass painter
used wood or a quill to scratch out details
of the vegetation and occasionally a con
tour, as in the tree stump in the left lobe
of the quatrefoil on Berlin. He also
employed scratching extensively in the
background of the coat of arms on the
quatrefoil in Berlin. The most significant
change made by the glass painter was the
addition of framing devices to the lobes.
He did so by isolating a rim of clear glass
within painted contours in a manner
reminiscent of the Master of the Housebook (cat. nos. 1-3). Kulmbach's figures,
animals, and even the Jungfrauenadler
overlap these frames, giving the illusion
of entering the viewer's space. Thus the
framing devices work effectively to throw
Kulmbach's figures into relief.
ing and fishing scenes were dated c. 1508.

They are in fact mature works by Kulm
bach from c. 1518. The placement of fig
ures in (or before) spacious landscapes
filled with shimmering light calls to mind
Kulmbach's late pen-and-ink drawings,
including Orpheus and Eurydice, which
is dated 1518 (Oxford, Ashmolean).
The same use of hatching to create shim
mering effects of light characterizes
Kulmbach's design for The Emperor's
Wreath of Honor of 1518, made for
the huge Triumphal Procession of Maxi
milian 1 in woodcut (fig. 43; Berlin,
Staatliche Museen-Preussischer Kultur
besitz, Kupferstichkabinett).
6
59
Saint Augustine in
Conversation with
Saint Monica
1519
Pen and b r o w n ink, brush and b r o w n and gray
washes, underdrawing in leadpoint, o n cream
laid paper
WATERMARK
Triple mount w i t h Gothic I

30.9 X 20 cm
1. Werner Schade read the date as 1515 (Dresden 1 9 6 3 :

no. 1 5 9 ) .
2. The word paser perhaps related to Passiersieb. Thus,
the literal translation of the phrase could be bird (Vogel)
strainer or sieve.
3. On the motif in the work of Augustin Hirsvogel, see Jane
Peters ( 1 9 7 6 : 5 0 ) .
4. The later addition of a dark varnish to the quatrefoils in

Berlin exaggerates the dark backgrounds. See Schmitz
1 9 1 3 , 1: 154-
5. On the quatrefoil in Baltimore, see New York and Nurem

berg 1986: no. 2 6 4 and cat. no. 2, note 9. Freidrich Wink
ler ( 1 9 4 2 : cat. nos. 9 4 - 9 6 ) grouped Kulmbach's two
designs for quatrefoils in Dresden not only with the Qua

trefoil Roundel with Tournament Scenes in Baltimore but
also with three other drawings. Only one of these, Couple
on Horseback, Turbaned and Bearded Man on Horseback,
Piper and Drummer (London, British Museum), is by
Kulmbach and, in my opinion, dates from c. 1515. (See
cat. no. 2, note 9. The work is dated c. 1508 in Butts 1985:
1 0 0 - 1 0 1 , 1 0 3 , 1 0 4 - 5 . ) Seated Couple Playing Trictrac
and Standing Woman Playing Checkers (cat. no. 7) is by
Drer. A Jousting Knight and a Horseman (fig. 6 2 ; Lon
don, British Museum) is by an anonymous artist, possibly
from Diirer's circle. (See cat. no. 2, note 8. In 1985 I still
accepted this last work as being by Kulmbach [Butts 1 9 8 5 :
r o o - 1 0 1 , 1 0 3 , 1 0 4 - 5 ] . ) Of the five drawings given to
Kulmbach by Winkler, Franz Stadler ( 1 9 3 6 : 7 9 - 8 0 , cat.
nos. 6 a - b and 7) rightly accepted only the two drawings
with hunting and fishing scenes and Couple on Horse
back, Turbaned and Bearded Man on Horseback, Piper
and Drummer as works by Kulmbach's hand. But he did
consider the quatrefoil with tournament scenes in Balti
more to be part of the same series, designed in Diirer's
atelier, as Kulmbach's quatrefoils with hunting scenes,
thus assuming a terminus ante quern of 1508 for Kulm
bach's designs for quatrefoils in Dresden.
6. Winkler 1942: no. 4 1 .
7. Winkler 1942: no. 9 2 .
168
NUREMBERG
These drawings and quatrefoils

have long been incorrectly associated
with a Quatrefoil Roundel with Tourna
ment Scenes in Baltimore (The Walters
Art Gallery), which is dated 1508 and
loosely based on a design by the Master
of the Housebook. As a result, Kulm
bach's designs for quatrefoils with hunt
5
Bremen, Kunsthalle Bremen, Kupferstichkabinett

Inv. no. 81/261
PROVENANCE
Collection BS (Lugt 414b); Gustav Schwarting,

Delmenhorst, acquired 1981
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Hamburg, Stuttgart, and
Bremen 1 9 6 5 - 6 6 : no. 6 1 , fig. 3 1 ; Butts 1985:
129; Kreul and Rver-Kann 1998: 7 2 - 7 3 .
59
NUREMBERG
169
6o
170
N U R E M B E R G
6o
w o r k s h o p o f Veit H i r s v o g e l the
Elder, p r o b a b l y Veit H i r s v o g e l
the Younger
Saint Augustine in
Conversation with
Saint Monica
1519
grayish green tone, yellow stain, sanguine, and
gray, grayish brown, and black vitreous paint
CONDITION
Two losses in the arch are mended w i t h blue

glass; extensive losses to the left side of the
composition are replaced or mended: the upper
part of column at left is a mend, and the figure
of Saint Augustine is a nineteenth-century
replacement subsequently mended w i t h two
pieces of sixteenth-century glass; the three
fragments of floor at the lower border may be
sixteenth-century replacements and are corroded
in the crimson areas; modern leading; several
leads as repairs and mends.
Dated 1519 above, center
3 4 X 2 3 . 5 cm w i t h lead border
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schulz J 9 0 8 - 3 3 :
29-30,
fig. 35 on 4 5 ; Butts 1 9 8 5 : 1 2 9 ; Kreul and RverKann 1 9 9 8 :
72-73.
I n Kulmbach's drawing, Saint Augustine

and Saint Monica are viewed through an
arch supported on classical columns.
The spandrels of the arch are decorated
with satyrs blowing horns, undoubtedly
a reference to the pagan, pre-Christian
past. (The satyr at the right, although
apparently a male, has full breasts.) Saint
Augustine (354-430), one of the West
ern Fathers of the Church (cat. nos. 3 0 31 and 36-39), was the son of a pagan,
Patricius, and a Christian, Monica (c.
330-387). Monica is dressed as a ma
tron, wearing a wimple, and holds one
of her attributes, a rosary. Her influence
played a large part in her son's conversion
to Christianity, and she witnessed his
baptism in Milan in the year of her death,
387. Augustine is shown with a bishop's
miter and crosier and with another one
of his attributes, a child with a spoon.
According to legend, Saint Augustine was
walking on the beach pondering the mys
tery of the Trinity when he encountered a
child who was trying to scoop the sea
into a small hole. When Augustine told
the child that his efforts would be futile,
the child replied that it was equally im
possible to fathom the mystery of the
Trinity. Kulmbach also depicted Saint
Augustine and the child in a design for
stained glass from 1513 (cat. no. 47).
Kulmbach's drawing is a design for
a stained-glass panel dated 1519 in the
eastern choir of the parish house of
Saint Sebald in Nuremberg. The draw
ing was presumably made in the same
year. The tall figures of Saint Augustine
and Saint Monica and the heavy drapery
are reminiscent of wooden panels Kulmbach painted for two tabernacle altarpieces in 1519 and 1520. The first was
for the Deichsler family and was for
merly in Saint Sebald. The second
was for Steffan Gabler (d. 1541) and is
in the Stadtpfarrkirche Saint Johannes
and Saint Martinus in Schwabach, near
Nuremberg. The delicate combination of
pen and ink with brush and wash is typ
ical of Kulmbach's numerous designs for
stained glass. Also typical of Kulmbach's
drawings is the adept use of wash to sug
gest texture, as in the sheen of the column
behind Monica. In general, Kulmbach is
not entirely successful in rendering a
stable architectural framework. But here
he seems to deliberately depict the col
umns as not correctly centered on the
bases. Perhaps this alludes to Christian
ity's imminent toppling of paganism, the
latter, as noted above, represented by the
trumpeting satyrs above the columns.
The panel executed after Kulm
bach's design has survived but has suf
fered extensive damage in the left half of
the composition. The upper half of the
column at the left, the figure of Saint
Augustine, and probably the floor tiles

are later replacements. (The upper part
of the crosier is part of the original de
sign.) The figure of Augustine, pre
sumably painted on clear glass in a
manner similar to the figure of Monica,
was replaced in the nineteenth century.
The nineteenth-century figure was sub
sequently mended with two pieces of
sixteenth-century glass. When the re
pairs were made to Saint Augustine in
Conversation with Saint Monica in the
nineteenth century, no attempt was made
to replace the lost figure of the child at
Augustine's feet.
The parts of the stained-glass panel
that are intact show how faithfully and
skillfully the glass painter in the Hirsvogel
workshop translated Kulmbach's design
into the medium of stained glass. The
palette is particularly striking. The figure
of Monicaexecuted entirely in clear
glass with yellow stain, gray matt, and
black contour and hatching linesis set
against the brown, purple-red, and green
of the architecture. The glass painter
adeptly removed paint in the columns to
create the effect of sheen. He scratched
details and highlights into the matt using
a stylus or other sharp tool. Thefigureof
Monica is rendered with heavy contours
and widely spaced hatching and crosshatching strokes that follow the pattern
established by Kulmbach. The simple,
evenly spaced contours recalls the Saint
Gregory (cat. no. 48), which Veit Hirs
vogel the Younger drew six years earlier.
This suggests that he may have been the
glass painter responsible for this stainedglass panel in the parish house of Saint
Sebald. The circumstances of the com
mission and the original location of the
panel are not known.
3
1. On the tabernacle for the Deichsler family, see Butts 1984.

2. On the tabernacle in Schwabach, see Winkler 1959: 8 7 ,
a
9 1 - 9 2 , pis. 6 6 - 6 7 " d Stadler 1 9 3 6 : no. 1:42.
3. The repairs to the nineteenth century figure of Saint Au

gustine were not yet made when the panel was illustrated
by Fritz Traugott Schulz ( 1 9 0 8 - 3 3 :fig.3 5 ) .
4. A brown wash is applied on the verso in the upper part of
the architecture behind Monica.
NUREMBERG
17I
6i
Design for the StainedGlass Window for Jakob

Weiser and Ehrentraud
Thumer in the Church of
Our Lady in Nuremberg
c. 1522
Pen and b r o w n i n k , red chalk, on cream laid
paper (a 1.5-cm strip of paper added below is
part of the original)
WATERMARK

38.8 X 14.7 cm
Inv. no. c 2254
PROVENANCE

BIBLIOGRAPHY:
KoelltZ 1 8 9 I :
74-75;
Schinnerer 1 9 0 9 - 1 0 : fig. on 334, 335; Bermann

1923: no. 33 on x x v ; Rttinger 1927: 12;
Buchner in Thieme and Becker 1 9 0 7 - 5 0 , x x : 94;
Winkler 1929: 33, 4 1 ; Stadler 1936: no. 122,
p i . 59; W i n k l e r 1937: i l l . on 10; Winkler 1.942:
no. 8 1 ; Winkler 1959: 76, p i . 56b; Frenzel 1961:
58; Nuremberg 1961: 118, no. 218; Oettinger
and Knappe 1963: note 396 on 113; Dresden
1 9 7 1 - 7 2 : no. 435; H o l l 1972: fig. 25 on 46, 47;
Knappe 1973: 80; Berlin 1983: no. B56; Butts
1985: 103, 1 2 8 - 2 9 ; N e w York and Nuremberg
1986: 92, fig. 103; Scholz 1991: note 309 on
151, fig. 208 on 156, note 345 on 176, 1 8 1 , 184;
Scholz 1995: 3 9 - 4 0 , fig. 22, note 73 on 43.
6i
172
NUREMBERG
The Welsers were one of the richest

and most influential families in Augs
burg. They owed their great wealth to
trading privileges throughout the Holy
Roman Empire and to their key role in
the production of copper, silver, and tin
in Europe. Jakob Weiser (1468-1541)
took over the Nuremberg branch of the
family firm in 1493. Four decades later, in
15 34, he was co-owner of one of fourteen
ships in the fleet of the Spanish conquista
dor Pedro de Mendoza. Jakob's marriage
to Ehrentraud Thumer von Thumenberg
(d. 1529) allied him with a very wealthy
family in Nuremberg.
Around 1522, Jakob Weiser and
Ehrentraud Thumer commissioned a
stained-glass window in the Church of
Our Lady of Nuremberg to replace a
damaged one that had been donated by
the Thumer family around 1:360. The
newer window exists in fragmentary
form in the Church of Our Lady. Ac
cording to Johannes Schinnerer, it was
dated 15 22 on the coat of arms of the Wei
ser family. The window was designed
by Hans von Kulmbach and executed in
the Hirsvogel workshop, probably by
Veit Hirsvogel the Younger. The head of
a pope in one of the fragments (fig. 46)
closely resembles the head of Saint Greg
ory in a drawing of 1513 by Veit Hirs
vogel the Younger (cat. no. 48). Around
15 22, Jakob Weiser and Ehrentraud Thu
mer also donated a new altarpiece for the
high altar of the Church of Our Lady.
Design for the Stained-Glass Win
dow for Jakob Weiser and Ehrentraud
Thumer in the Church of Our Lady in
Nuremberg is a rare example of a design
for a monumental stained-glass window
in the form of a clean copy rather than a
hasty first sketch. Apparently little was
changed when the window was executed
in the Hirsvogel workshop. It must have
been one of the masterpieces of Re
naissance stained glass in Nuremberg.
Kulmbach's drawing represents the Vir
gin Mary sheltering tiny supplicants
under her cloak, which is held by two
angels. The male supplicants to the left
include secular and religious leaders. The
female supplicants, including one wear
ing a crown, are at the right of the draw
ing. Seen from below, Mary and those
she protects beneath her cloak occupy
a space that is constructed according
to one-point perspective. The sight lines
converge, more or less, around Mary's
right knee. (Unlike Drer, Kulmbach
seems to have preferred to work without
the use of a straightedge, resulting in less
architectonic rigor in his architectural
settings.) In a separate space below, Jakob
Weiser and Ehrentraud Thumer kneel to
the left and right of a shield, which is left
blank for the glass painter to insert a
1
F I G U R E 4 6 . After Hans von Kulmbach; workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder. Detail of male
figures, fragment of the Welser-Thumer Window, probably 1522. Pot-metal, flashed, and clear
glass, yellow stain, and vitreous paint. Nuremberg, Church of Our Lady.
Photo: Corpus V i t r e a r u m Deutschland, Arbeitsstelle der Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur M a i n z ,
Freiburg i . Br.
coat of arms. Even smaller in scale than

the supplicants in the space above, the
couple is presented to the Virgin by
their patron saints, the apostles James
the Greater and James the Less. (In the
window, the apostle Matthew replaces
James the Less.) Previous authors rightly
noted that Kulmbach created the im
pression of a shrine floating in space by
skillfully closing the composition with a
barrel vault surmounted by two trumpet
ing angels above and a magnificent con
sole below. Kulmbach amplified the space
by suggesting an opening to the sky in
the barrel vault, by contrasting the larger
space that the Virgin inhabits with the
more confined space inhabited by the
donors, and by leaving large surfaces
unarticulated. The serene face of Mary
calls to mind her counterpart from
The Annunciation on the tabernacle in
Schwabach that Kulmbach painted in
1520 for Steffan Gabler (d. 1541) (see
cat. no. 60, note 2) and, like the painting,
indicates Kulmbach's inner affinity with
the art of the Italian Renaissance.
1. On the Weiser family, particularly Jakob, see Hendrik

Budde's biography in Imhoff 1 9 8 4 : 7 9 - 8 : 1 .
2. On the window, see Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 2:1, 1 7 5 - 7 6 ,
181-86,
and 2 8 0 , esp. note 3 5 6 on 1 8 1 and figs. 2 5 8 - 5 9 and 2 6 2 .

3. Schinnerer 1 9 0 9 - 1 0 : 3 3 5 .
4. Strieder 1 9 9 3 b : 1:54-55, fig. 1 9 3 - 9 4 . The painted wings
have been attributed to Barthel Beham.
N U R E M B E R G
173
SEBALD BEHAM
1500 Nuremberg-Frankfurt 1550
He also designed seals, medals, and

stained glass. While there is no docu
mentary proof that Beham trained in the
workshop of Albrecht Drer, Drer's for
mative influence on Beham suggests that
the younger artist trained with the mas
ter from around 1515. Artists such as
Raphael (1483-1520) and Marcantonio
Raimondi (c. 1480-1534), whose work
was readily available in engraved form,
also influenced Beham. Beham's earli
est dated works include the pen and ink
Study of Eight Heads from 1518 in the
Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum in Braun
schweig. The City Council records of
2
1. The artist is called Sebald Beham in most sixteenthcentury sources. The forename Hans Sebald is often used
in the literature on the artist based on the inclusion of the
letter H in his monogram. The use of the letter H could
be based on the letter h in the artist's surname. On the
other hand, Beham is referred to as Joh. Sebolten Behamen in documents from 1 5 4 9 . Thus, the H might stand
for Hans, a shorter form of Johannes. On Beham's name,
see Alison Stewart in the Dictionary of Art {DOA 1 9 9 6 ,
i l l : 5 0 5 - 6 ) , and Lawrence et al. 1 9 8 8 - 8 9 : 2 2 2 - 2 3 .
2. Stewart 1 9 9 4 : 4 . 1 am indebted to Alison Stewart, who

allowed me to read the manuscript of her unpublished
article entitled "Beyond Prints and Politics: The Draw
ings and Paintings by Sebald Beham." See also Stewart's
biography of Beham in the Dictionary of Art (DOA
1 9 9 6 , i n : 5 0 5 - 6 ) . The extent of Beham's work in the me
dium of stained glass cannot be fully appreciated until a
catalogue of his drawings is published. To date, the most
complete survey of Beham's role as a designer of stained
glass is that of Hermann Schmitz (Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , 1 : 1 5 9 67). Schmitz's survey includes drawings and panels not
discussed here, including several drawings for roundels
with heraldry, drawings and panels in the style of Beham,
and panels made c. 1 5 3 0 - c . 1 5 6 0 after his woodcuts.
Many of the stained-glass panels that Schmitz discusses,
formerly in the Kunstgewerbemuseum in Berlin, were
destroyed during World War 11. On Beham and stained
glass, see also Munich 1 9 6 7 - 6 8 : no. 8, pi. 2 6 . On Be
ham's prints, see Lawrence et al. 1 9 8 8 - 8 9 .
3. Weinberger 1 9 3 2 : fig. 1 on 33; Nuremberg 1 9 6 1 : no. 7 2 .
4 . Stewart 1 9 9 4 : 4 .
5. Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , i : 1 5 9 .
6. Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , 1: 160, 11: nos. 2 7 6 - 7 9 ; Schmitz 1923: 9,
pis. 2 9 - 3 0 . Four panels formerly in the Kunstgewerbe
museum in Berlin, including Susanna at Her Bath, were
destroyed during World War 11.
7. Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , i : note 3 on 160. Matthias Mende (Mende
1 9 7 9 : color pi. 4 on 156) illustrated a small stained glass
panel of 15 2 1 from the arched window of the eastern
gable of the City Hall. The work, depicting a putto hold
ing a shield with device of the Jungfrauenadler of Nur
emberg, is possibly after a design by Beham. Mende
considered it to be after Hans von Kulmbach.
8. Stewart 1 9 9 4 : 9, note 23 on 2 6 - 2 7 .
9. See Herwarth Rttgen (Nuremberg 1 9 6 1 : no. 9 2 ) on
the dated drawing (Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu BerlinPreussischer Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabinett) and
Schilling and Schwarzweller 1 9 7 3 : no. 4 2 on the second
drawing (Frankfurt, Graphische Sammlung im Stdelschen Kunstinstitut). See also Paris 1 9 9 1 - 9 2 : no. 1 0 5 ,
where it is said that Betz died in 1 4 7 4 fighting the Turks.
10. The stained-glass panel, formerly in the Kunst
gewerbemuseum in Berlin, was destroyed in World
War 11 (Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , 1 : 132, 11: no. 2 0 7 ) . The drawing
is in the Graphische Sammlung im Stdelschen Kunst
institut in Frankfurt (Schilling and Schwarzweller 1973:
no. 4 1 ) . See also Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 3 2 9 - 3 0 , figs. 4 2 8 - 3 0 .
1 1 . See Lcher's biography of Sebald and Barthel Beham in
Imhoff 1 9 8 4 : 1 2 9 - 3 1 , esp. 1 3 0 .
174
N U R E M B E R G
Nuremberg list Beham as a Malergeselle

(journeyman for painting) in 1521 and
1522 and as a Maler (painter) beginning
in 1525. During these years, Beham was
active in the design of stained glass in
Nuremberg. In fact, he has been char
acterized as the artist most active as a
designer of small-scale stained glass in
Nuremberg after the death of Hans von
Kulmbach in 1522. Among his earliest
achievements in the medium are three
small painted-glass panels after his de
signs in the parish house of Saint Sebald
in Nuremberg (cat. no. 64), commis
sioned by Georg Pessler, who served as
provost of Saint Sebald from 15 21 to
1533. In 1521, Beham made designs for
small stained-glass roundels depicting
the two principal saints of Nuremberg,
Sebald (cat. no. 62) and Lawrence. In ad
dition, he designed a series of rectangular
stained-glass panels with moralizing sub
jects, including one dated 1521 and de
picting Susanna at Her Bath. These may
have been commissioned in connection
with the renovation of the Nuremberg
City Hall in that year. More than twenty
circular drawings for stained glass de
picting the Life of the Virgin and the
Life of Christ date from around 1522
(cat. nos. 65-66). Beham's renown as
a designer of stained glass apparently
spread beyond Nuremberg. He made two
circular drawings for stained glass depict
ing Friedrich Betz Adoring the Virgin,
one of which is inscribed in the border
with Betz's death date, 1474. Betz was
the commander of the Knights of the Or
der of Saint John of Jerusalem at Frank
furt am Main. A circular stained-glass
panel depicting Saint Peter and the Do
nor, Abbot Johannes Lang of Castl, also
dated 1524, is based on a rectangular
design by Beham. Lang (1459-1524)
was abbot of the Benedictine monastery
at Castl bei Neumarkt (Bavaria).
4
10
A prolific printmaker, Beham made

engravings and designed woodcuts treat
ing a wide range of themes, including
religious scenes, portraits, classical sub
jects, and peasant celebrations. In the
1520s, Beham was one of the leading de
signers of Reformation woodcuts, many
with texts by the Nuremberg cobbler
Hans Sachs (1494-1576). On Janu
ary 26, 1525, together with his younger
brother Barthel (1502-1540) and Georg
Pencz, Beham was expelled from Nurem
berg for his radical opinions on religion
and the social order in the city, views the
young painters shared with the reformers
Andreas Karlstadt (c. 1477-1541) and

Thomas Mntzer (c. 1490-1525). The
artists were allowed to return in Novem
ber. Beham again ran afoul of the City
Council of Nuremberg in 1528, when he
was accused of plagiarizing Drer's un
published Art of Measurement. He fled
to Ingolstadt but returned to Nuremberg
by December 3. In 1530, Beham worked
in Munich and in 1530-31 in Mainz
or Aschaffenburg painting miniatures
for Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg
(1490-1545), archbishop of Mainz. Be
ham's only surviving panel painting, in
the form of a tabletop, was also for
Cardinal Albrecht (The Story of David,
1534; Paris, Louvre). From 1532 on, he
was active mainly in Frankfurt, where
he provided many woodcut illustrations
for the printer and publisher Christian
Egenolff (1502-1555), friend of the
humanist and religious reformer Philipp
Melanchthon (1497-1560). Beham re
nounced his Nuremberg citizenship on
July 24,1535, and in 1540 became a citi
zen of Frankfurt. Following the death of
his first wife, Anna, Beham married Elis
abeth, daughter of a shoemaker from
Bndingen, Mathes Wolf. Beham died in
Frankfurt on November 22, 1550. Kurt
Lcher aptly summed up Sebald Beham's
contribution to German Renaissance art
in terms of his bringing together of ver
satility, social engagement, theoretical
learning, and virtuoso artistic ability.
11
62
62
Sebald Beham
Design for Stained Glass

with Saint Sebald
Carrying the Model of
His Church in Nuremberg
I
52
Pen and brown ink w i t h traces of red and black

chalk on cream laid paper
VERSO
Sketch of shield in pen and brown and black ink

over red chalk
COAT
O F
ARMS
jungfrauenadler
of Nuremberg (azure, a harpy
displayed armed, crined and crowned, or)
DIAMETER
31.2 cm
Washington, D.C., The National Gallery of A r t ,
Rosenwald Collection
I n v . n o . 1959.16.5 ( B - 2 2 , 131)
PROVENANCE
Weigel, Leipzig (Sammlung J. A. Weigel,

Gutekunst, M a y 12, 1883, no. 260); Adalbert,
Ritter von Lanna, Prague; Edmund Schilling;
acquired from Schilling in 1956 by Lessing J.
Rosenwald, Jenkintown, Pennsylvania
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Weigel 1854-58: p i . 19;

London 1-90.1: 17; Dodgson 1903, v i : 8, i l l . ;
Schmitz J 91 3, i : 1 5 9 - 6 0 ; Dodgson and Parker
1928: 39; London 197 1: 51-52; Washington,
D.C. 1978: 25; Kaufmann 1985: 79; New York
and Nuremberg 1986: no. 182; London 1988:
1 2 3 - 2 4 ; Rowlands 1993, i : 37, under no. 73.
rial coat of arms, the Jungfrauenadler and

the split shield form the so-called heraldic
triad of Nuremberg. Thus, one wonders
whether Beham designed a third panel as
well, with the imperial coat of arms.
Campbell Dodgson was the first to attribute Design for Stained Glass with
Saint Sebald Carrying the Model of His
Church in Nuremberg to Beham and also
the first to connect the drawings of Saint
Sebald and Saint Lawrence. He thought
they might have been designs for stainedglass panels for the City Hall of Nuremberg. In fact, Beham may have designed
other stained-glass panels in connection with the renovation of Nuremberg's
City Hall in 1521 as well (see the artist's
biography, above).
No stained-glass panels after
Beham's drawings in Washington and
London are known to have survived. Presumably the panels would have been executed in the workshop of Veit Hirsvogel
the Elder, who had a near-monopoly in
the production of stained glass in Nuremberg for three decades, from 1495 until
his death in 1525. Beham's Saint Sebald
provided the glass painter with a detailed
2
T h i s design for a small circular stainedglass panel depicts Sebald, the principal
patron saint of Nuremberg, dressed as a
pilgrim and holding a model of the
church dedicated to him in the northern
part of the city. A companion drawing in
The British Museum, Saint Lawrence
with the instrument of his martyrdom,
the gridiron, is dated 1521 (fig. 47).
Saint Lawrence is the second patron
saint of Nuremberg, and the church dedicated to him is in the southern part of
the city. The two drawings are almost
identical in size and have similar decorative surrounds, a branch with leaves or
fruit. The device of the Jungfrauenadler of
Nuremberg is depicted on a shield below
Saint Sebald, and the split shield with the
city arms (bendy, argent and gules, dimidiating the imperial eagle) is shown below
Saint Lawrence. Together with the impe1
NUREMBERG
75
F I G U R E 4 7 . Sebald Beham. Saint Lawrence,

1 5 2 1 . Pen and brown ink on
cream laid paper, 31.3 cm (diam.). London, The British Museum (inv. no.
5218-55).
rendering not only of the figural compo

sition in the central medallion but also
of the decorative border. He was partic
ularly concerned with suggesting the
three-dimensionality of the border. He
constructed its basic form by using a
compass to draw six concentric circles,
the innermost three forming a receding
rim. The leaves, which appear to block
the light falling from the left, and the
coat of arms, which seems to cast a
shadow, enhance the illusion of threedimensionality. So too does the halo of
Saint Sebald, which is drawn both above
and below the border. The border itself is
drawn in the same ink as corrections to
the pinnacles of the church tower. The
device of the Jungfrauenadler, which
would have been familiar to the glass
painter, is swiftly indicated by Beham. It
is traced on the verso in red chalk and
brown and black ink, possibly by the
glass painter in order to simplify Beham's
highly personal handwriting on the recto.
The red chalk lines at the base of the
church and tops of the church towers, on
Sebald's sleeves and staff, and cutting
1. Pen and brown ink on cream laid paper, 31.3 cm (diame

ter), inv. no. 5218-55; Rowlands 1993: no. 93. The sheet
bears a false Drer monogram in pencil at left.
2. New York and Nuremberg 1986: 19, fig. 18.
3. Dodgson 1903, v i : 8. Beham may have made designs for
stained glass depicting the patron saints of Nuremberg's
two principal churches on more than one occasion, as in
dicated by a design for a stained-glass quatrefoil with Saint
Lawrence in the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin-Preussischer
Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabinett, inv. no. K d Z 53.
4. Stewart 1994: 4.
I76
N U R E M B E R G
through the branches in the border were

most likely added in the Hirsvogel work
shop just prior to executing the design.
The red chalk would have indicated the
location of cames or lead lines. Perhaps
surprisingly, there are no color notations
on Beham's drawing.
Beham is thought to have trained
in Drer's workshop from around 1515
and is listed as a journeyman in City
Council records of Nuremberg in 1521
and 1522. As the drawing of Saint
Sebald shows, Beham was making highly
accomplished designs for stained glass
while still a journeyman. This one is re
markable for its breadth and energy. A
comparison of the drawing in Wash
ington with the Design for a StainedGlass Quatrefoil with the Madonna
and Child from a decade earlier and
attributed here to Drer (cat. no. 25)
demonstrates how Beham emulated
Drer's bold, broadly spaced hatching
and cross-hatching strokes to suggest the
weight and three-dimensionality of fig
ures. But while Drer's emphasis was
always on plastic form, for Beham hatch
ing served as much a decorative function
as a structural one.
4
63
Sebald Beham
Design for Stained Glass

with Angel Holding a
Coat of Arms
c. 1521
Pen and brownish black ink, underdrawing in
metalpoint, on beige laid paper
Color notations in pen and brownish black
ink: r[ot] (red, in upper third), g? (for gold?),
? (possibly the mark for green, in lower third)
COAT O F ARMS
Unidentified
12.8 X 10.8 cm (matt opening, entire sheet not
visible)
Inv. no. N i . 1 1
PROVENANCE
Johann August O t t o Gehler, Leipzig; acquired

1859, Stiftung Drrien, Leipzig
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Leipzig 1913: no. 28; Frenzel
i 9 6 0 : fig. 4 on 1:99, 200; Nuremberg 1961:
no. 84; Ihle and Mehnert 1972: no. 4; Knappe
1:973: 83; Gleisberg 1990: no. 14; St. Louis and
Philadelphia 1991: no. 11; Scholz 1991: note
392 on 203, 330.
Carrying the Model of His Church in

Nuremberg. The fact that the drawing in
Leipzig served as a model for a stainedglass panel made between 15 21 and 1533
and is characteristic of Beham's early
work as a draftsman suggests that the
sheet may date from c. 15 21. Beham
might have based the overall composi
tion of his drawing on Hans von Kulm
bach's slightly larger design for a panel in
the parish house of Saint Sebald, dating
from 1517 and depicting an angel hold
ing a coat of arms (cat. no. 54). Beham's
transparent and rigorously organized
hatching and cross-hatching systems ulti
mately derive from Drer. In delineating
the angel, Beham adeptly combined con
tours and shading, the former suggesting
volume and fleshiness and the latter the
lively play of light across thefigureand
drapery. Beham enhanced the angel's
breadth and monumentality by means of
the wings that burst the confines of the
architecture surround. Only the lack of
convincing bone structure in the angel's
hands and of architectonic strength in
the columns betrays the artist's youth.
F I G U R E 4 8 . After Sebald Beham; workshop

of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder (Augustin Hirsvo-
gel?). Two Angels, the Marshaled

Coats of
Arms of the Provostship of Saint Sebald and
the Pessler Family of Nuremberg,
the Coats
of Arms of the Pessler and Melber
Families
of Nuremberg,
c. 15 2 1 . Clear glass, yellow

paint, 20 X 15.1 cm. Nuremberg, Saint Se
bald, parish house (Ostchrlein); EvangelischLutherische Kirchengemeinde NrnbergSt.
Sebald.
T h i s small drawing by Beham depicts

an angel holding an unidentified coat of
arms. The angel stands in a landscape and
beneath an arch supported by columns
with capitals decorated with acanthus
leaves. While the columns are vaguely
classical, the arch is embellished with
a branch, which recalls the Gothic deco
rative vocabulary. Beham's drawing may
have been the model for a rectangular
panel, about twice its height and width,
in the parish house of Saint Sebald in
Nuremberg (cat. no. 64). The panel is
one of a group of three commis
sioned by Georg Pessler, who was pro
vost of Saint Sebald from 1521 to 1533.
The glass painter, conjectured to be Au
gustin Hirsvogel, replaced the uniden
tified coat of arms in Beham's drawing
with the coats of arms of the Pessler and
Topler (Toppler) families of Nuremberg
in reference to Georg Pessler's pater
nal grandparents. He apparently used
Beham's design, in reverse, for a second
panel of the group, Angel with the Coats
of Arms of the Melber and Pfinzing Fam
ilies of Nuremberg (fig. 49).
Gottfried Frenzel was the first to
associate the Leipzig drawing with the
stained-glass panel commissioned by
Pessler. The drawing displays the firm
and evenly spaced hatching strokes of
Beham's earlier drawings, including De
sign for Stained Glass with Saint Sebald
1
1. Frenzel i960: 200.

Freiburg 1. Br.
64
A f t e r Sebald Beham, w o r k s h o p
of Veit H i r s v o g e l the Elder,
perhaps A u g u s t i n H i r s v o g e l
Angel with the Coats

of Arms of the Pessler
and Topler Families
of Nuremberg
c. 15 21
paint
20 X 1 5 . j cm w i t h lead border
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schulz 1 9 0 8 - 3 3 : 34, 36,
fig. 44 on 5 1 ; Frenzel i 9 6 0 : fig. 3 on 198, 1 9 9 200, 204; Nuremberg 1961: no. 7 1 ; Knappe
1973: 83; Scholz 1991: note 392 on 203, 324,
note 728 andfig.427 on 325, 330.
This panel is one of a group of three

commissioned by the last provost of Saint
Sebald in Nuremberg, Georg Pessler
(d. 1536), for the church's parish house.
The panel was based on a drawing by
Sebald Beham (cat. no. 63) and depicts
an angel holding two shields with the
coats of arms of the Pessler and Topler
families of Nuremberg, in honor of Georg
Pessler's paternal grandparents. Georg's
F I G U R E 4 9 . After a design by Sebald Be

ham; workshop of Veit Hirsvogel the Elder
(Augustin Hirsvogel?). Angel with the Coats

of Arms of the Melber and Pfinzing
Families
of Nuremberg,
c. 1 5 2 1 . Clear glass, yellow

paint, 20 X 15.1 cm. Nuremberg, Saint Se
bald, parish house (Ostchrlein); EvangelischLutherische Kirchengemeinde NrnbergSt.
Sebald.
Freiburg i . Br.
NUREMBERG
177
father, Erhart, was the son of Martin

Pessler and Margareta Topler, who mar
ried in 1449. The second panel in the
group of three represents an angel hold
ing the coats of arms of the Melber and
Pfinzing families, referring to Georg
Pessler's maternal grandparents (fig. 49).
Pessler's mother, Katharina Melber, was
the daughter of Veit Melber (d. 1504) and
Katharina, daughter of Bertold Pfinzing
and Klara Kress. These two panels flank
a third, which depicts two infant angels
standing before an arch supported by two
columns and holding the coats of arms of
the Pessler and Melber families (fig. 48).
In the background is a tent with classical
decorations, and in the entrance of the
tent a shield with the marshaled coat of
arms of the provostship of Saint Sebald
and the Pessler family. Georg Pessler as
sumed the position of provost in 1521 af
ter the resignation of Melchior Pfinzing,
who was unhappy with the City Coun
cil's support of Martin Luther. Pessler
declared himself a follower of the Refor
mation on May 5,1533, and handed over
the provostship and its income to the City
Council, which had officially embraced
Luther's cause in March 1525. In com
missioning a group of three stained-glass
panels for the parish house, Pessler fol
lowed the example of his predecessor,
who had commissioned a similar group,
executed after designs by Hans von
Kulmbach in 1517 (cat. nos. 51-54).
The original location of Kulmbach's and
Beham's panels from 1517 and c. 1521
in the parish house is not known. When
Fritz Traugott Schulz published them,
1
the panels were in a wooden Chrlein on

the third floor.
2
Gottfried Frenzel noted that Angel

with the Coats of Arms of the Pessler and
Topler Families of Nuremberg is charac
teristic of the early work of Augustin
Hirsvogel, the youngest of Veit Hirsvogel
the Elder's three sons. Frenzel believed
that a young glass painter executed this
panel, since the painterly technique used
was unprecedented in Nuremberg. Fur
ther, he observed that the panel antici
pates Augustin Hirsvogel's later work in
its landscape elements, vacant space, pic
torial conception, and vividness. In An
gel with the Coats of Arms of the Pessler
and Topler Families of Nuremberg, the
3
1. A member of the Topler family, Erasmus (born April 2 6 ,

1462) had served as provost of Saint Sebald (Imhoff 1900:
267). On Pessler, see Schulz 1 9 0 8 - 3 3 : 3 4 , 3 6 and Frenzel
i 9 6 0 : note 12 on 2 1 0 .
2. Schulz 1 9 0 8 - 3 3 : 3 0 , 3 4 .
3. Frenzel i 9 6 0 : 1 9 9 - 2 0 0 , 2 0 4 .
4. Compare for example three stained-glass panels by

Augustin Hirsvogel in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum
in Nuremberg: David and Batbsheba (inv. no. M M 2 4 2 ) ,
Samson and Delilah (rectangular format, inv. no. M M
241) and a second Samson and Delilah, c. 1 5 3 0 - 3 6
(roundel, inv. no. M M 239). For the three panels, see
Peters 1980: figs. 18-20 on 86-87.
178
NUREMBERG
63
linear hatching systems employed by

Augustin's brother Veit in panels he
made for the parish house in 1517 (cat.
nos. 51-53) were replaced by a planar,
pictorial approach in which washes pre
dominated. Black trace lines read as
accents against the broad, flat areas of
clear glass, gray-brown matt, and yellow
stain. The luminosity of Angel with the
Coats of Arms of the Pessler and Topler
Families of Nuremberg is enhanced by
the variation of the yellow stain on the
verso, which is more delicately applied
in the landscape than in the columns.
Typically, highlights were scratched in
the matt on the recto using sharp tools.
Angel with the Coats of Arms of the
Pessler and Topler Families of Nurem
berg marks the introduction in Nurem
berg of a pictorial style of glass painting
more characteristic of Augsburg (for
example, cat. nos. 77, 84, 98-109).
64
NUREMBERG
179
65
65
Sebald Beham
The Circumcision
c. 1522
Pen and black ink, red chalk, and gray, red, and
b r o w n wash on beige laid paper
Eight different color notations i n red chalk
including: r[ot] (red, in the priest's robe); w[eiss]
(white, in the dish); 4 (green, in the cloth
behind the priest); b[lau]} on the cushion; and
undeciphered color notations in the w i n d o w and
door, below the belt of the figure kneeling in the
foreground, and at Joseph's chest
DIAMETER
22.8 cm
Inv. no.
89.GG.7
PROVENANCE
Private collection, Switzerland; art market,

Boston
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Goldner and Hendrix 1992:
no. 116.
l8o
NUREMBERG
A r o u n d 1522, when Sebald Beham

was still listed as a Malergeselle (journeyman for painting) in the records of
the city council of Nuremberg, he depicted more than twenty separate subjects from the Life of the Virgin and
the Life of Christ as circular drawings
for stained glass. The drawings are all
approximately the same size, about 23 cm
in diameter. But they vary in manner of
execution, ranging from swiftly drawn
compositions in pen and ink to more extensively worked drawings in pen and
ink with modeling in washes and color
notations and indications of came lines
in red chalk. It is not certain whether
Beham's drawings formed a single series
encompassing, for instance, the Nativity
of Christ (beginning with the Annunciation), his public ministry (beginning with
the Baptism), and the Passion (beginning with the Entry into Jerusalem). The
drawings may have formed more than
one series, such as the Life of the Virgin
and the Passion. Two related stainedglass panels have survived, The Depo1
sition (fig. 51) and Ecce Homo (cat.

no. 6 7 ) . Both belong to the Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York.
The Circumcision illustrates Luke
2:21. On the eighth day after the Christ
Child's birth, "the time came to circum
cise him, and he was given the name of
Jesus." Circumcision was a sign of the
Hebrews' unique covenant with God and
could be performed by the parents or, as
shown here, by a priest of the Temple.
Here Mary, Joseph, and two acolytes are
present. According to medieval Christian
belief, the Circumcision of Christ was
the first time the Redeemer's blood was
shed and thus could be interpreted as the
first event of the Passion.
The Getty's Circumcision is among
the most highly worked of Beham's draw
ings depicting the Life of Virgin and the
Life of Christ. In its degree of finish,
it most closely resembles The Massacre
of the Innocents in Berlin, which is
dated 1522. Although this date is not in
Beham's own hand, it is thought to accu
rately reflect when all of the drawings in
the group were made. Like the drawing
in Berlin, the Getty's drawing shows
signs of its use by a glass painter in the
Hirsvogel workshop: The red chalk lines
indicating the placement of the leading
were presumably made by the glass
painter. A range of colors is indicated by
eight different color notations in red
chalk on The Circumcision, including
those for red (in the robe of the priest),
green (in the damask cloth behind the
priest), and white (in the dish in the fore
ground). Beham drew the main outlines
of his figures in pen and black ink and
then used gray and brown wash for mod
eling and red watercolor for flesh tones.
A close copy of The Circumcision, in the
Metropolitan Museum of Art (fig. 50), is
executed in black chalk, brown pen and
ink, and gray wash. While the drawing
in New York is less swiftly executed
than the sheet in Los Angeles and its
forms slightly less three-dimensional, it
closely approximates the original and is
undoubtedly a copy by the artist's own
hand. Such a self-copy might have been
made by the artist to keep a record of his
design when turning it over to the glass
painter. Interestingly, the color notation
for green on the damask cloth behind the
priest in the Getty drawing is copied as
part of the pattern of the cloth in the
New York drawing. Thus the color no
tation clearly preceded the copy and was
apparently made by Beham.
3
F I G U R E 5 0 . Sebald Beham. The Circumcision,

c. 1522. Pen and brown ink and gray wash on
cream laid paper, 22.3 cm (diam.). The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Anonymous gift, 1995
(inv. no. 1 9 9 5 . 4 7 0 ) .
1. Stewart 1994: 4.
2. Including copies of several drawings these are, in addition
to The Circumcision, drawings in Berlin, Staatliche M u
seen zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabi
nett (The Massacre of the Innocents, Christ Before Pilate,
and Descent from the Cross); Cambridge, Massachusetts,
Harvard University Art Museums (The Mocking of Christ
and The Lamentation); Copenhagen, Statens Museum for
Kunst (The Expulsion of the Money Changers from the
Temple); European private collection (The Betrayal);
Frankfurt, Graphische Sammlung im Stdelschen Kunst
institut (The Crucifixion); Hartford, Connecticut,
Wadsworth Atheneum (The Entomlmient); London, Brit
ish Museum (Christ Before the People, The Mocking of
Christ, and Saint Peter Denying Christ); New York, The
Metropolitan Museum of Art (The Circumcision); New
York, Pierpont Morgan Library (The Flight into Egypt);
Oxford, Ashmolean (The Multiplication of the Bread
and the Fishes, The Temptation of Christ, and Christ
in Limbo), and Stockholm, Nationalmuseum (The Visita
tion, The Adoration of the Kings, Christ Carrying the
Cross, Christ Being Nailed to the Cross, Christ Before
Caiaphas, and Christ Entering Jerusalem). Several other
drawings have appeared on the art market: Christ Flealing
the Blind (Bernard Houthakker succr. L. A. Houthakker,
Master Drawings, Amsterdam 1968: 2 and Bernard
Houthakker chez Helene Aymonier, Paris, 1 9 7 1 : no. 2 2 ) ;
The Agony in the Garden, The Entombment, Christ
Before Pilate, and Saint Peter Denying Christ (Christie's,
Oppenheimcr sale, London, 1936, lot 3 5 8 ) ; and The
Crucifixion (C. G. Boerner, Wertvolle Handzeichnungen,
cat. no. 145, Leipzig 1924: lot 71). The authors would
like to thank Alison Stewart for sharing a list of drawings
in the group (Stewart 1994: note 23 on 2 6 - 2 7 ) and Anne
Lauder for further help in compiling this list. Seven draw
ings by a follower of Sebald Beham of The Life of Christ,
rectangular in format and measuring approximately 17 X
1 1.5 cm, are in the Szepmveszeti Mzeum, in Budapest
(Berlin 1983: nos. v. 2 9 . 5 - 2 9 . 1 1).
3. Staatliche Museum zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz,
Kupferstichkabinett, inv. no. KdZ 15 0 9 8 ; Washington,
D.C., et al. 1 9 6 5 - 6 6 : no. 7 8 .
4. The authors would like to thank George Goldner for bring

ing the drawing in New York to their attention in 1 995
and Nadine Orenstein and George Goldner for their
assistance during the preparation of this catalogue entry.
N U R E M B E R G
18 I
66
Sebald Beham
Christ Before the People

c.
1522
Pen and b r o w n i n k and traces of black chalk on

cream laid paper
INSCRIPTION
Inscribed i n grayish b r o w n ink by a later hand

below i n the center of the lower margin, Albert
Drer. The same inscription, by the same hand,
occurs at the same place on many other drawing
from the same series and on others associated
w i t h Beham.
DIAMETER
23 cm
Inv. no. 1997-7-12-10
PROVENANCE
Mrs. Cleeve, Guildford, Surrey; H . Oppenheimer,

sale, Christie's, July 10-14, 1936, lot 358 (B);
Edmund Schilling Collection
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schilling 1982: no. 23; London,
Washington, D.C., and Nuremberg 1984: no. 12.
66
67
A f t e r Sebald B e h a m , w o r k s h o p
of Veit H i r s v o g e l the Elder,
Stained-Glass Panel:
Ecce Homo
c.
1522
Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass (the red flashed

glass acid etched), yellow stain, and b r o w n
vitreous paint
CONDITION
The border is mended w i t h small pieces of glass

at the top (with the letters egr) and bottom (after
turbas). The piece of glass w i t h cross-hatched
lines at the right edge, behind the figures, is
probably a mend.
INSCRIPTION
Po(n)tius egreditur secumq(u)e ducit Jesum Ecce

ait ad turbas [hojminem sine crimine iustum
(Pontius came forth and led w i t h h i m Jesus.
Behold, he said to the crowds, a just man
w i t h o u t sin)
DIAMETER
30.5 cm
New
York, The M e t r o p o l i t a n Museum of A r t ,
Rogers Fund, 1911

Inv. no. 11.93.10
PROVENANCE
Eugen Felix, Leipzig; Ichenhauser collection,

New York
I : 160,
fig.
267.
London, Washington, D.C., and Nuremberg

1984: 19 (German edition only); Corpus Vitre
arum Checklist 1 1985: 149; Worcester 1987:
no. 21A.
182
N U R E M B E R G
67
T h e subject of the drawing in London

and the related stained-glass panel in
New York is based on John 19:4-6^ It
is sometimes referred to as Ecce Homo
(Behold the Man!) after the words of
Pontius Pilate, the Roman governor of
Judaea, who presents Christ to the Jews
outside the judgment hall where he has
been scourged and mocked: "Here he
is; I am bringing him out to let you
know that I find no case against him."
To this the chief priests and their fol
lowers shouted: "Crucify! Crucify!" The
inscription on the border of the stainedglass panel reads: "Pontius came forth
and led with him Jesus. Behold, he said
to the crowds, a just man without sin."
These words are close to John 19:4. Typ
ically in representations of the Ecce
Homo Christ is shown wearing the crown
of thorns and purple cloak that mock
him as "King of the Jews." The cloak is
red in the stained-glass panel in New
York. Pilate, in a turban, illustrates his
words with his gesture toward the crowd.
The man in a long cloak looking up
toward Christ is perhaps loosely based
on a figure in the woodcut of the same
subject in Drer's Large Passion, as Vir
ginia Raguin suggested.
Like The Circumcision in Los
Angeles (cat. no. 65), Christ Before the
People is one of more than twenty circu
lar drawings for stained glass depicting
the Life of the Virgin and the Life of
Christ that Beham made around 1522
while still a Malergeselle (journeyman
for painting) in Nuremberg. The draw
ings vary in quality and degree of finish
and include self-copies (fig. 50). Drawn
in pen and ink without the addition of
washes, Christ Before the People is less
finished than The Circumcision but no
less accomplished. The drawing in Lon
don appears to be a self-tracing of the
kind that Drer is known to have made.
The somewhat schematic drawing in
London also recalls Drer's simplifi
cation of contours and hatching in
his drawings for stained glass, specifi
cally several for the series depicting
the Life of Saint Benedict (cat. nos. 1 1 17). The purpose of Beham's drawing
would have been to give unambiguous
guidance to the glass painter. Beham
clearly indicated how contours could be
drawn to suggest foreshortening and
how parallel hatching strokes could be
arranged to clearly define the planes of
three-dimensional forms.
The stained-glass painter closely
followed Beham's contours and the direc
tion and spacing of his hatching and
cross-hatching strokes, most notably in
the figure of Christ. The use of color in
the panel suggests that a drawing com
parable to The Circumcision in Los
Angeles, with color notations and red
2
chalk indicating lead lines, may also have

existed. Perhaps the glass painter was
also guided in his tonal modeling in
brown matt by a drawing like Beham's
Circumcision, with washes and watercolor. The glass painter showed his skill
in the use of yellow stain in Ecce Homo,
achieving a range from pale yellow in the
crown of thorns to gold in the hat of the
man standing behind the outstretched
hand of Pilate. (Yellow stain is also
painted on the verso of the blue glass that
forms the cross, creating green.) The
subtle use of yellow stain to create a range
of yellows calls to mind Angel with the
Coats of Arms of the Pessler and Topler
Families of Nuremberg (cat. no. 64),
which is believed to be a work of Augustin Hirsvogel after a design by Beham.
Also comparable in Ecce Homo and An
gel with the Coats of Arms of the Pessler
and Topler Families of Nuremberg is the
emphasis placed on modeling, with
broad areas of matt in. addition to con
tours and hatching and the delight in
using trace paint on top of matt to sug
gest richly patterned cloth (more pro
nounced in the stained-glass panel in
New York). Based on the similarities in
technique in Ecce Homo and Angel with
the Coats of Arms of the Pessler and
Topler Families of Nuremberg, the for
mer can be tentatively attributed to
Augustin Hirsvogel.
5 1 . After Sebald Beham. The Depo

c. 1 5 2 2 . Pot-metal, flashed, and clear
FIGURE
sition,
glass, yellow stain, and brown vitreous paint,

30.5 cm (diam.). New York, The Metropoli
tan Museum of Art, Rogers Fund, 1911 (inv.
no. 1 1 . 9 3 . 1 1 ) .
Photo: The M e t r o p o l i t a n Museum of A r t , N e w York.
Stained-Glass Panel: Ecce Homo

and Stained-Glass Panel: The Deposi
tion (fig. 51; also in the Metropolitan
Museum of A r t ) are the only known
panels after Beham's many drawings for
stained glass with the Life of the Virgin
and the Life of Christ. The panels might
have been commissioned by a patron
outside Nuremberg. Alison Stewart ob
served that the borders of Ecce Homo
and The Deposition are comparable to
the border of a Beham drawing in Berlin
depicting Friedrich Betz Adoring the Vir
gin. For Stewart, this suggested that the
person who commissioned the drawing
depicting Betz was perhaps the donor, or
one of several donors, for Beham's draw
ings of the Life of the Virgin and the
Life of Christ. As noted above, Betz was
the commander of the Knights of the Or
der of Saint John of Jerusalem at Frank
furt am Main. His date of death (1474)
is inscribed on the drawing in Berlin.
6
r. I am indebted to many people for their assistance in

writing this catalogue entry. I would like to thank Jessie
McNab, Lisa Pilosi, and Timothy Husband at the Metro
politan Museum of Art, Drew Anderson at Goddard and
Gibbs in London, and Lee Hendrix for studying and dis
cussing with me the technique and dating of Ecce Homo,
in particular the use of acid etching in the flashed red. On
acid etching in German stained glass from the fifteenth
century, see Scholz et al. (forthcoming). Jessie McNab
kindly transcribed and translated the inscription on Ecce
Homo. Alison Stewart also sent a translation of the Latin
inscription, made by Neil Adkin, Associate Professor of
Classics at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. I would
like to thank Giulia Bartrum at the British Museum,
Peter van Treeck, and Hartmut Scholz, with whom 1
corresponded regarding the Ecce Homo.
z. Worcester 1987: 57. For the woodcut, see Bartsch 1 8 0 3 2 1 : no. 9.
3. Stewart 1994: 4 .
4. Drer's Entombment, 1504, pen and gray ink on cream
laid paper, 29.3 X 2 1 cm (Washington, D.C., The Na
tional Gallery of Art, Syma Busiel Fund |Strauss 1974, 11:
no. 1504/45]) is inscribed in his own hand Durchczeichnet \sic] (traced). On Drer and tracing, see Anzelewsky
and Mielke 1984: no. 4 2 ; Strieder 1 9 8 5 - 8 6 : 9 1 - 9 2 ; and
Konowitz 1 9 9 0 - 9 1 :
148-52.
5. The panel was assigned to the Hirsvogel workshop by Her

mann Schmitz (1:913,1: 160) and Virginia Raguin (Worces
ter 1 9 8 7 : 5 7 ) .
6. Worcester 1987: no. 2 i B .
7. Stewart 1994: 9 - 1 0 . On the drawing in Berlin, see Her
warth Rttgen in Nuremberg 1 9 6 1 : no. 9 2 .
8. See the biography of Sebald Beham.
9. See also Paris 1 9 9 1 - 9 2 : no. 105, where it is said that Betz
died in 1 4 7 4 fighting the Turks.
NUREMBERG
I83
GEORG PENCZ
c. 1500-Leipzig or Wroclaw 1550
cobbler and poet Hans Sachs (14941576). Pencz married the daughter
of the painter Matthes Prunner. He
and his wife had at least six children.
In May 1532, Pencz was appointed
Nuremberg's official painter with an
annual salary of ten Rhenish guilders for
work including drawing, painting, and
designing. This amount was raised to
twenty-four guilders in 1539. Pencz
made replicas of Drer's paintings of
Emperors Charlemagne and Sigismund
for Johann Friedrich, elector of Saxony
(1503-1554). He also designed the
great triumphal arch, made of wood and
painted canvas, for the ceremonial entry
of Emperor Charles v into Nuremberg
on February 16, 1541. Pencz's finest
works include some 125 engravings,
mostly in small format, treating sub
jects from the Bible, Roman history,
and mythology, allegories, and orna
ment. The impact of Italy, specifically
the trompe l'oeil painting of artists like
Andrea Mantegna (1431-1506) and
Giulio Romano (c. 1499-1546) in
Mantua, led to Pencz's introduction of
illusionistic ceiling paintings in Nurem
berg. These include The Fall of Phaeton
for the Bolognese Renaissance-style
house built on the pleasure grounds of
Lienhard Hirschvogel (1534; house de
stroyed during World War 1 1 ) . Pencz
also received a prestigious commission
from King Sigismund 1 of Poland (r.
1506-48) to paint fourteen scenes from
The Passion as the outer wings of the sil
ver altarpiece in the Jagiellonian chapel
in Wawel Cathedral, Krakow (1531-38,
in situ). A talented portraitist, Pencz
was strongly influenced by Mannerism in
Rome and Florence. He was appointed
court painter to Albrecht, duke of Prus
sia, on September 5, 1550, but died in
Leipzig or Wroclaw between October 10
and 15 while en route to his new post at
Knigsberg (now Kaliningrad).
2
century. Although he was not a native of

Nuremberg, Pencz trained there, proba
bly with Drer. Documents indicate that
Pencz participated in the renovation of
Nuremberg's City Hall in 15 21 under the
direction of Drer. He became a citizen
on August 8, 1523. His style has close
affinities with the work of the Beham
brothers, Sebald and Barthel (15021540). The three young painters were ex
pelled from Nuremberg in January 1525
for statements they had made about the
church and the authority of the Nurem
berg City Council but were allowed to
return later the same year. Pencz proba
bly traveled to northern Italy immedi
ately after Drer's death in 1528. The
trip apparently included Venice and
Mantua. He is thought to have made a
second trip to Italy in 15 3 9 to 15 40, trav
eling as far south as Rome. Pencz's earli
est known paintings and prints are dated
in the early 1530s and include wood
cuts illustrating texts by the Nuremberg
1. On Pencz's biography, see Rainer Schoch in Imhoff 1984:

1 2 6 - 2 7 , Lawrence et al. 1 9 8 8 - 8 9 : 2 2 5 , and Gmelin's
article on Pencz in the Dictionary of Art (DOA 1 9 9 6 ,
xxiv: 3 5 5 - 5 6 ) . On Pencz's paintings, see Peter Strieder
( 1 9 9 3 b : 1 5 6 - 6 4 , 2 8 6 - 9 0 ) and Hans Georg Gmelin
( 1 9 6 6 ) . On his prints, see Rttinger 1914 and Landau
1 9 7 8 . See also Jeffrey Chipps Smith (Austin 1983: 5 5 58, 2 0 3 ) . The literature on Pencz includes conflicting
information on his marriage or marriages.
2. The former identification of the young Pencz with the
anonymous master who signed his engravings with the
monogram IB is now considered doubtful. See Landau
1978: 1 0 - 1 8 .
3. Gmelin 1 9 6 6 : nos.
2 7 - 2 8 on
88-89.
4. Austin 1983: 56, fig. 3 2 .

5. Nuremberg, Fembohaus; Gmelin 1966: 6 4 , fig. 17 on
7 1 , no. 2 2 on 86. The preparatory drawing is in the Ger
manisches Nationalmuseum in Nuremberg. See Jeffrey
Chipps Smith (Austin 1983: 5 7 - 5 8 , fig. 3 3 ) . Pencz's ceil
ing paintings were on canvas. Gmelin (DOA 1996) as
serted that because Pencz was apparently unfamiliar with
wall paining, he definitely did not contribute to the fres
coes in the City Hall in Nuremberg, as is often supposed.
6. See Gmelin in the Dictionary of Art (DOA 1 9 9 6 ) . The
project had been left unfinished by the court painter
Hans Drer ( 1 4 9 0 - 1 5 3 4 / 3 5 or 1 5 3 8 ) , Albrecht Drer's
brother. The Nuremberg artist Peter Fltner ( 1 4 9 0 / 9 5 1546) made the wooden models for the altarpiece's silver
reliefs of The Life of Mary, which were executed by the
Nuremberg goldsmith Melchior Baier (c. 1 4 9 5 - 1 5 7 7 ) .
See also Strieder 1 9 9 3 b : no. 1 7 9 .
7. Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , i : 1 6 3 - 6 4 .
8. Goldner and Hendrix 1992: no. 1 3 7 .
9. The panel was destroyed during World War 11. See
Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , I i : no. 2 9 0 .
10. Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , 1 : fig. 2 7 6 on 1 6 4 .
1 1 . Schmitz 1 9 2 3 : figs. 34 and 38. The former, a rectangular
panel, was in the Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum in Berlin. It
was probably part of a series on The Life of Joseph. (On
the subject, see cat. nos. 9 8 - 1 0 9 . ) The latter, a roundel,
was in the Kunstgewerbemuseum. Both were destroyed
during World War 11.
184
NUREMBERG
Pencz's role in the design of stained

glass in Nuremberg from around 1530 is
not clearly defined. Hermann Schmitz
noted that Pencz was less active as a
designer of stained glass than Sebald
Beham had been before his move to
Frankfurt around 1532. This, Schmitz
observed, was in part because after 1530
Nuremberg's glass painters relied in
creasingly on engravings and woodcuts
by Drer, Beham, and others as the
source of their figural compositions. That
Pencz was a gifted designer of stained
glass is apparent from his Study for a
7
Stained-Glass Panel with the Coat of

Arms of the Barons von Paar (cat.
no. 68). It is also possible that Pencz's
masterful drawing of 1533, Allegory of
justice (fig. 52; Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty
Museum) served as a model for a glass
painter. A similar female figure was used
for a small stained-glass panel with an
Allegory of Time of 1539 (fig. 54; for
merly Berlin, Kunstgewerbemuseum).
A glass painter's drawing for Allegory
of Time (fig. 53; Erlangen, Graphische
Sammlung der Universitt) is executed
in pen and brown ink and brush and
brown wash over black chalk. It indi
cates how the glass painter could have
translated a linear drawing by Pencz
similar to the Allegory of Justice into a
wash drawing more akin in technique to
the stained-glass panel of the Allegory of
Time. Pencz's ideal of female nudity, a
smoother version of Drer's muscular
ideal, is probably the source for Female
Nude (Fortune?) Supporting Two He
raldic Shields in St. Louis (cat. no. 69).
Hermann Schmitz described two stainedglass panels depicting Jacob Receiving
Joseph's Bloody Coat (c. 1530) and
Susanna at Her Bath (c. 1530) as "prob
ably after Georg Pencz" and "in the
manner of Pencz," respectively.
8
10
11
68
Georg Pencz
Study for a Stained-Glass

Panel with the Coat of
Arms of the Barons von
Paar (recto); Study for a
Scepter with the Initials
MB (verso)
c.
1535
Pen and brown ink and gray wash (recto); black

chalk (verso); on cream laid paper
Signed (faintly): GP in black chalk on recto at
bottom right corner of board hanging from tree;
inscribed in pen and black ink on board:
STEMMATA
.VURTVTI.ET.MVN/
1FICENTIE.AD/AVCTA.
HEROVjMj
PROPRIA
(The family trees of heroes grow
greater through virtue and munificence);
inscribed in black ink on circular border:
INSIGNIA.
MARCI
BARONIS.
GENTILIV[MJ.
Q[VEj. SVOR[UM].
A.
PAR (The marshaled coat of arms of Marco
Baro and his family)
COAT O F ARMS
Marcus Belidorus de Casnio
68
Belidorus' great-grandson Zeninus lor

Scurrim], who lived c. 1450, was of great
service to the emperors Friedrich and
Maximilian during unrest in Milan.)
The humanist spirit of the motto, em
phasizing virtue and liberality, is comple
mented by the classicizing female who
holds the von Paar family coat of arms.''
The body type of the nude in the
drawing in Los Angeles appears already
in Pencz's early painting of Venus and
Cupid, c. 1528-29 (Berlin, Staatliche
Museen zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbe
sitz), as does the spacious landscape
backdrop. George Goldner argued ten
tatively for a date around 1540 for
the Getty's drawing. He found it to
be more developed and more subtle in
the use of wash than Pencz's copy after
Michelangelo's Deluge from 1539 or
1540 (Washington, D . C , The National
Gallery of Art). Goldner argued that
the figure in the Getty's drawing looks
ahead to Pencz's painting of a sleeping
nude of 1544 (Pasadena, Norton Simon
Museum).
Goldner also noted, "The integra
tion of figure with landscape has been
sensitively accomplished and the latter
has a distinctly Northern flavor in its
openness and specificity." The emphasis
placed on the spacious landscape calls
to mind small stained-glass panels ap
parently made by Pencz's contemporary,
glass painter Augustin Hirsvogel, before
2
DIAMETER
24.7 cm
In v. no. 83.GA. 193
PROVENANCE
B.S. collection (Lugt 1956: 414b); Gustav

Schwarting, Delmenhorst; art market, London
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Nuremberg 1961: no. 265;
Hamburg, Stuttgart, and Bremen 1 9 6 5 - 6 6 :

no. 66, fig. 37; Washington, D.C. 1974: 42;
Goldner 1988: no. 133; New York and London
1 9 9 3 - 9 4 : no. 80.
he left Nuremberg in 1536, notably Hirsvogel's roundel with Samson and Delilah
in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum in
Nuremberg. Study for a Stained-Glass
Panel with the Coat of Arms of the Bar
ons von Paar has no color notations and
may have been intended as a design for
either a grisaille panel or a panel like the
one in St. Louis, with a nude holding two
heraldic shields, which is executed in gri
saille except for the coats of arms (cat.
no. 69).
8
A s Herwarth Rttgen first noted in

1 9 6 1 , the arms depicted in this draw
ing for circular stained-glass panel can
be identified from the surrounding in
scription as those of Marcus Belidorus
de Casnio (alive 1170), an ancestor of
the von Paar family. This baronial fam
ily from Styria, in Austria, originated
in Bergamo. The initials of Marcus
Belidorus appear on the base of the
crossed scepter held by the crowned bull
atop the escutcheon. The inscription on
the board that hangs from the tree, in
Roman rather than Gothic letters, reads:
"The family trees of heroes grow greater
through virtue and munificence," ap
parently referring to the heroism of fam
ily members. (For instance, Marcus
1
r. Herwarth Rttgen in Nuremberg 1961: no. 265 on 1 59.

Rttgen cites G. Bucelinus ( 1 6 7 1 : P. i n , 1 59f.) and J. 1 .
Gauhe ( 1 7 4 0 : pt. 1, col. 1 147). Sec also the 1719 edition
(Gauhe 17 19: cols. 1 1 4 9 - 5 5 ) .
2. Gauhe i 7 J 9 : c o l s . 1 1 5 0 - 5 1 .
3. See Goldner 1988: no. 133, and notes in the Hies on the
drawing at the CJetty. Rttgen, who proposed a date in the
early 1 530s for the drawing, wondered whether the draw
ing in Los Angeles was made by Pencz while en route to
northern Italy.
;
4. Strieder 1 9 9 3 h : Hg. 196011 157,110. 173.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Goldner 1988:110. 133.

Austin 1983: Hg. 57 on 2 0 3 .
Strieder 1993b: no. 182, Hg. 623 on 2 8 8 .
Peters 1980: Hg. 20 on 8 7 .
N U R E M H ERG
I85
l86
N U R E M B E R G
69
Perhaps after Georg Pencz,
Female Nude (Fortune?)

Supporting Two Heraldic
Shields
c.
1535
Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass, yellow stain

CONDITION
Red border is a later addition

COAT O F ARMS
Gules damasked and bordured a face in profile

on a crescent or (left); argent damasked and
bordured a griffin rampant azure (right)
F I G U R E 52. Georg Pencz. Allegory

of Justice, 1533. Pen and black
ink and black chalk on cream laid paper, 19.2 X 15 cm. Los Angeles,
J. Paul Getty Museum (inv. no. 87.GA.103).
Photo: J. Paul Getty M u s e u m , Los Angeles.
1 5 . 7 X 1 0 . 1 cm.; with border: 1 9 . 3 X 13.6 cm

St. Louis, The Saint Louis A r t Museum, Purchase
Inv. no.
9 : 1928
PROVENANCE
M i n u t o l i collection (?); Eugen Felix, Leipzig;

private collection, United States; A . Seligmann,
Rey & Co., N e w York
H a r t m u t Scholz observed that the

slightly draped figure holding two heral
dic shields probably represents the god
dess of antiquity, Fortune. She holds the
coats of arms of the Gruner and llinger
families of Nuremberg. But a specific
owner cannot be identified because a
marriage between members of the Gru
ner and llinger families is not docu
mented. The llingers were pharmacists.
It is attractive to speculate that Georg
llinger (1487-1557), who married into
the family that owned the pharmacy "Zu
den Fleischbnken" (At the Slaughtering
Blocks) on the Hauptmarkt in 1512,
commissioned the panel. A member of the
city's Great Council from 1526, llinger
published a book on botany in 1553
and planted an herbal garden that was
later moved to Eichsttt, southwest of
Nuremberg, and became famous as the
"Hortus Eystettensis." Unfortunately, no
definite link between the panel and
Georg llinger can be established.
The attribution of the panel in
St. Louis is also problematic. Hermann
Schmitz described the panel with a nude
woman holding two heraldic shields as a
work made around 1530 in the man
ner of Drer's pupil Hans Springinklee
(c. 149 5-after 1522) but did not connect
1
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Eye and Brner 1 8 8 0 : 1 5 1 ,
no. 1 4 9 5 (as collection M i n u t o l i ) ; Schmitz 1 9 1 3 ,

I: 1 6 5 , fig. 2 7 5 on 1 6 4 ; Schmitz 1 9 2 3 : 9 - r o ,
pi. 3 6 ; Musick 1 9 2 8 : 3 6 ; Skinner 1 9 3 4 : 1 6 ;
Corpus Vitrearum Checklist i v 199.1: 1 1 8 .
the panel to any specific works by him.

Hartmut Scholz rightly found the connec
tion with Springinklee doubtful. Scholz
proposed that a glass painter might have
designed the panel in St. Louis. Noting
the technique and the proportions of
the figure, Scholz described the panel
as a work in the manner of Augustin
Hirsvogel the Younger from around 1 535
to 1540. Indeed, the smooth forms
and delicately graduated modeling call to
mind works by Augustin Hirsvogel, sug
gesting that he was indeed the glass
painter responsible for the panel in
St. Louis. Scholz thought the lost draw
ing for the panel in St. Louis might have
resembled a glass painter's drawing de
picting an Allegory of Time (fig. 53),
which is, in turn, related to a painted glass
panel dated 1539 (fig. 54). As noted
above, Allegory of Time might be based
on a drawing by Georg Pencz, as is Alle
gory of Justice in the collection of the
J. Paul Getty Museum (fig. 52).
There is much to suggest that
Female Nude (Fortune?) Supporting Two
Heraldic Shields may also be based on a
drawing by Pencz. The smooth form of
the nude, achieved by means of a sharply
delineated outer contours and softly
graduated tonal modeling, calls to mind
3
NUREMBERG 187
FIGURE
5 3 . After Georg Pencz. Allegory of Time, c. 1539. Pen and

brown ink and brown wash, 18.8 X 15.2 cm. Erlangen, Graphische
Sammlung der Universitt (inv. no. B198).
Photo: Graphische Sammlung der Universitt Erlangen-Nrnberg.
the
classicizing nude in Study
Stained-Glass
Panel with
for a
the Coat of
Arms of the Barons von Paar (cat. no. 68).

Also characteristic of the figures in the
panel in St. Louis and in the drawing
in Los Angeles are substantial limbs, gen
tly sloping shoulders, spherical breasts,
swelling hips and bellies, and drapery
that falls softly around the torsos and
limbs,
emphasizing
their volumes. In
both female figures, the heads are rela

tively
small
in comparison
with
the
bodies, and the ears are set far back

on
the head.
future
study
A n important topic for

is the
extent
to
which
Augustin Hirsvogel and Georg Pencz,

two artists almost identical in age, col
laborated on the design and execution of
stained glass in the fourth decade of the
sixteenth century.
1. Letter of June 2 6 , 1 9 9 2 to Judith Mann. I would like to
thank Judith Mann, Curator of Early European Art at The
Saint Louis Art Museum, whose research on the panel is
integral to this catalogue entry.
2. M y information on the llinger and Gruner, and on
the possible patron of the panel, is from a letter of July 1,
1 9 9 2 , from Dr. Beyerstedt, Archivrat, Stadtarchiv Nrn
berg to Hartmut Scholz, who in turn shared the letter
with Judith Mann.
3. Letter of June 2 6 , 1 9 9 2 , from Hartmut Scholz to Judith
Mann.
4 . Note, for example, three stained-glass panels by Augustin
Hirsvogel in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum in Nur
emberg: David and Bathsheba (inv. no. MM 242), Samson
and Delilah (rectangular format, inv. no. MM 241), and a
second Samson and Delilah, c. 1 5 3 0 - 3 6 (roundel, inv. no.
MM 239). For the three panels, see Peters 1980:figs.1 8 - 2 0
on 8 6 - 8 7 .
5. I would also like to thank Bradley P. Fratello, research as

sistant for Fainting on Light at The Saint Louis Art M u
seum. His insights greatly strengthened my arguments in
favor of the attribution of the St. Louis panel to Pencz.
188
N U R E M B E R G
F I G U R E 5 4 . After Georg Pencz. Allegory

of Time, 1539. Pot-metal,
flashed and clear glass, yellow stain, and vitreous paint, 29.5 X 19.5 cm.
Formerly Berlin, Kunstgewerbemuseum, destroyed during World War II.
Photo: Kunstgewerbemuseum Berlin, Archiv.
AUGUSBURG
HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER

Augsburg, c. i465-Isenheim(?) or Basel(?) 1524
of a tanner, Michael Holbein (d. c. 1484),

who may have moved to Augsburg from
Basel. Through his mother, Anna Mair,
Hans Holbein the Elder was related to
Hans Mair (probably the painter Mairvon Landshut) and to four important
sculptors working in and around Augs
burg: Michel Erhart (act. 1469-1522)
was his uncle, and Gregor Erhart
(act. 1494-1540), Paulus Erhart, and
Hans Daucher (c. 1485-1538) were his
cousins. Hans Holbein the Elder's date
of birth has been estimated based on
his earliest dated paintings and altarpieces. These include The Death of the
Virgin, 148(?) (Budapest, Szepmiiveszeti
Muzeum); the Saint Afra Altapiece, 1490
(Eichsttt, Bischfliches Palais; Basel,
Kunstmuseum, originally for the church
of SS Ulrich and Afra in Augsburg); and
an altarpiece of Scenes from the Life
of the Virgin, 1493 (panels, Augsburg,
Cathedral, sculpture untraced, originally
for the Benedictine monastery in Wein
garten). There is no documentary evi
dence about Holbein's early training or
years as a journeyman. But his debt to
Rogier van der Weyden (1399/14001464) and other Flemish painters sug
gests that he traveled to the Upper Rhineland and the Netherlands before 1493.
In that year, Holbein bought a house
in Augsburg and was recorded as a citi
zen of Ulm.
Holbein was active mainly in
Ulm and Augsburg, but his large work
shop carried out commissions over a
much wider geographical area, includ
ing Frankfurt am Main and Alsace. He
was assisted in his workshop by his
brother, Sigmund (c. 1470-1540), by his
sons, Ambrosius (i494?-after 1519) and
Hans the Younger, and by Leonhard
Beck (c. 1480-1542), among others.
Holbein left Augsburg before the winter
of 1516-17. After that, he is recorded
in Isenheim and in Lucerne, where in
1517 he worked with Hans Holbein
the Younger on the decoration of the
1. For Holbein's biography and an assessment of his accom

plishments as a painter, see esp. Susan Foister in DOA
(1996, xiv: 6 6 3 - 6 5 ) . On his work as a designer of
stained glass, see Hartmut Scholz's essay in this volume,
and Beutler and Thiem i 9 6 0 : 1 4 1 - 2 3 5 .
2. Stuttgart 1 9 8 8 : 1 7 2 .
3. Beutler and Thiem i 9 6 0 : 1 8 6 - 8 7 , 1 9 0 - 9 1 .
4. Frenzel 1968: 2 3 . See also Stuttgart 1988: 1 7 3 .
190
A U G S B U R G
house of Jacob von Hertenstein (14601527) (house destroyed). Holbein was

one of the foremost artists of his genera
tion north of the Alps, in spite of the fact
that he perpetuated a late Gothic style
little touched by the innovations of Albrecht Drer. Holbein is known for soft,
naturalistic atmosphere; warm, glowing
colors; elongated Flemish figure types;
and flowing drapery. He tentatively in
corporated Renaissance ornament in his
paintings and very gradually introduced
greater volume, depth, and spatial unity
as well as Italianate contrapposto.
Holbein's most important works
were the large altarpieces so in demand
in the late fifteenth century. The Convent
of Saint Catherine in Augsburg commis
sioned two of his most famous paintings.
The nuns had received a papal dispensa
tion, which granted the indulgence given
to those who made the pilgrimage to the
seven main churches of Rome to those
who prayed as prescribed in the Convent
of Saint Catherine. Without visiting ei
ther church, Holbein painted the Basilica
of Santa Maria Maggiore of 1499 and
the Basilica of San Paolo fuori le mura of
1504 (both Augsburg, Schaezlerpalais),
including scenes from the lives of their
patron saints. Holbein sometimes collab
orated with leading sculptors such as
Michel and Gregor Erhart, who pro
vided carved elements for his altarpieces.
His numerous portrait drawings in sil
verpoint, mostly of citizens of Augsburg,
reflect the strong impact of late-fifteenthcentury Flemish art on his work. They
show his ability to subtly represent the
character of his sitters. Holbein's sil
verpoint portraits, studies of details of
figures, and animal studies were incor
porated in his altarpieces and stainedglass designs, lending a nearness to life to
his interpretations of religious subjects.
Hans Holbein the Elder's signa
ture and that of the Augsburg painter
and glass painter Gumpolt Giltlinger are
found on The Last Judgment Window,
c. 1505, the fourth window from the
north on the eastern side of the mortuary
of the cathedral in Eichsttt, northeast of
Augsburg. His signature appears again,
along with the date 1502, on the second
window on the eastern side of the mor
tuary, depicting the Virgin sheltering sup
plicants under her cloak. It is thought that
Holbein may have made not only the
designs but also the to-scale cartoons for
the windows. Many of the heads in the
windows are comparable to Holbein's
2
silverpoint portraits. Gottfried Frenzel

thought that the head of the unidentified
donor of The Last Judgment Window
(fig. 22, p. 36) mirrored the style of Hol
bein's silverpoint drawings so well that
the artist himself may have assisted in
painting the window. Among the other
windows attributed to Holbein are the
Saints' Window, 1496 (Augsburg, Saints
Ulrich and Afra), including the delicate
Virgin and Child that strongly evokes his
paintings of the late 1490s (fig. 19,
p. 34). Holbein also designed The Pas
sion Window in the choir of the church
in Landsberg am Lech, c. 1495-1502.
If the new attribution to Holbein of a
quatrefoil of 1504 with a stag hunt
(cat. no. 70) finds favor, it will sug
gest that Holbein designed small-scale
stained glass as well.
4
70
70
Perhaps after a design by Hans
H o l b e i n the Elder, based i n t u r n
on a design by the M a s t e r of the
Housebook
Quatrefoil with Hunting

Scene
1504
sanguine, grayish brown and black vitreous paint
CONDITION
Mended crack in lower lobe; leading modern;

paint abraded, particularly in lower part, and
slightly corroded, w i t h dotlike losses
Dated in the border: 1504
COAT
O F
ARMS
The bishopric of Augsburg

DIAMETER
W i t h lead border: 34.7 cm

PROVENANCE
Hohes Schloss, Fssen

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Fischer 1912: no. 8; Schmitz
1:913, 1: 1 3 1 , fig. 216; Stadler 1936: 104; Fischer
1937: 160; Winkler 1941: note 1 on 2 4 4 - 4 5 ;
Winkler 1959: 27; Mller 1963: 98, fig. 12;
Steinke 1985b: 1; Husband 1990: 84, note 22
on 95; Schreyl 1990a, i : 28; Peresson 1:994.
T h i s stained-glass quatrefoil, dated

1504, bears the coat of arms of the
bishopric of Augsburg and depicts a
hunt, which takes place in a deciduous
wood. In the upper lobe, a hunter with a
crossbow spies a stag, shielded by trees.
In the right lobe, a second hunter with a
crossbow takes aim at the herd of red
deer, depicted in the lobe at the left. The
stag and three hinds are caught un
awares; one is engaged in scratching
its head with its back hoof. Below, two
men on horseback lead a small horse,
perhaps belonging to the hunter depicted
in the lobe at right.
The quatrefoil is mounted high in
a window of the so-called Rittersaal
(knights' hall) of the Hohes Schloss in
Fssen. Along with stained-glass roun
dels by the younger Augsburg artist
Hans Burgkmair the Elder (cat. no. 77),
it was once part of a large number of
stained-glass panels to decorate the
bishop of Augsburg's summer residence
in Fssen. Located southwest of Augs
burg, Fssen was a favorite spot of the
emperor Maximilian, who stopped there
thirty-six times between 1492 and 1518.
The emperor's frequent visits are thought
to have been part of the motivation
for the Prince-Bishop Friedrich 11 von
Zollern's extensive renovation of the
Hohes Schloss. Building was underway
1
from 1490 to 1503, during most of the

prince-bishop's tenure (1486-1505). The
decoration of the interior clearly con
tinued after 1503. During the renova
tion, the bishop's residence in the Hohes
Haus (Storchenturm) was converted into
a guest quarters for the emperor, and the
north wing became the bishop's new res
idence. It is uncertain for which room in
the Schloss the Quatrefoil with Hunting
Scene was intended.
The quatrefoil was published by
Josef Ludwig Fischer in 1912 as a work
in the manner of Jrg Breu the Elder. In
1936, Franz Stadler described the qua
trefoil as a work that looked back to
the Master of the Housebook. In 1941,
Friedrich Winkler attempted to associ
ate the quatrefoil with Hans von Kulmbach, Hans Schufelein, or the workshop
of the glass painter Veit Hirsvogel the
Elder, but he later published it simply
as a product of Augsburg. In fact, the
emphasis on modeling with broadly
applied washes rather than with painted
hatching lines at this early date (1504)
points to Augsburg. In 1963, Bruno
Mller included Quatrefoil with Hunting
Scenes among the stained-glass panels
that he thought were based on a design
by Schufelein. Most recently, Magnus
Peresson suggested that AI brecht Drer
was the designer of Quatrefoil with
2
A U G S B U R G
191
F I G U R E 5 5 . The Master of the Housebook.

Detail of deer and trees from The Noble
Hunt,
fols. 2 2 v - 2 3 r in the Medieval
Housebook,
c. 1 4 7 5 - 8 1 . Pen and brown ink, 29.2 X
5 6 . Hans Holbein the Elder. The Adoration

of the Magi, c. 1504. Pen and brown and
blackish brown ink with brush and gray wash, white gouache and watercolor, 386 X 537 cm.
Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlungen Basel, Kupferstichkabinett (inv. no. 1662.217).
FIGURE
Photo: ffentliche Kunstsammlung, M a r t i n Bhler.
38.8 cm (fols.). Wolfegg, Kunstsammlungen

der Frsten zu Waldburg-Wolfegg.
Hunting Scene* The design was clearly

made by one of the most accomplished
artists active in southern Germany in
1504. But unlike Drer in 1504, the artist
was hardly affected by the Italian Renais
sance. He looked back instead to an ear
lier aesthetic in both subject matter and
style. The deer and horses immediately
call to mind their counterparts in the
Master of the Housebook's drawing The
Noble Hunt (fols. zzv-z^r in the Me
dieval Housebook in Schloss Wolfegg;
1. Bhm 1994: 54 and 1 9 9 5 : 17.

2. On the Schloss and its renovation, see Peresson 1994:
7 8 , 8 3 . The authors would like to thank Thomas Riedmiller for drawing their attention to the work of both
Bhm and Peresson.
3. Fischer 1 9 1 2 : no. 8; see also Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , 1 : 1 3 1 .
4. Stadler 1936: 1 0 4 .
5. Winkler 1 9 4 1 : note 1 on 2 4 4 - 4 5 .
6. Winkler 1959: 2 7 .
7. Mller 1 9 6 3 : 9 8 .
8. Peresson 1 9 9 4 .
9. Basel 1 9 9 1 : no. 3 1 .
10. Washington, D.C., et al. 1 9 6 5 - 6 6 : no. 9 8 .
1 1 . Schilling 1955a: no. 15.
12. In a condition report, Peter van Treeck described the
technique as follows: "strong grayish brown matt, badg
ered. On top of that follows the drawing in wash and
contours in black vitreous paint and occasional shading
washes in grayish brown matt. Etched, scratched out
(modeling and light contours), partially scratch-stippled.
Verso: bright golden yellow silver stain, applied some
what irregularly, and a whitish gray in the upper back
grounds of the scenes, badgered very thinly and etched."
On technique, see Peter van Treeck's essay.
192
AUGSBURG
fig. 55). Thus one suspects that a de

sign by the Master of the Housebook
ultimately lies behind the quatrefoil, as
Stadler proposed, reinterpreted by an art
ist active in Augsburg in the first years of
the sixteenth century.
The stained-glass quatrefoil in
Fssen is perhaps based on a drawing by
the talented but backward-looking Hans
Holbein the Elder. One of the most
prolific artists in Augsburg around 1504,
Holbein was active in the design of
stained glass for the cathedral in Eichsttt
at precisely this time and may well have
designed small-scale stained glass, too.
Particularly in the details, there are
many parallels between the quatrefoil in
Fssen and Holbein's drawings, notably
Holbein's design for a painting of The
Adoration of the Magi, c. 1504 (Basel,
Kunstsammlungen; fig. 5 6). The long
ears of the deer in the Fssen quatrefoil
are comparable to those of the donkey in
Holbein's drawing. The square muzzles
of the deer in Quatrefoil with Hunting
Scene are much like the muzzle of the ox
in the design in Basel. Also comparable
in the works are the curving flanks
and bellies of the horses, with their care
fully lifted forelegs, as well as the trees,
9
with their tall trunks and sparse leaf

age. The figures in the Quatrefoil with
Hunting Scene recall the doll-like, squat
background figures of the Basel draw
ings rather than the elongated figures
in the foreground. Among Holbein's sil
verpoint drawings, there are two that
strongly recall the motifs of the quatrefoil
in Fssen: The Emperor Maximilian on
Horseback, perhaps 1510 or 1513 (Staat
liche Museen zu Berlin-Preussischer
Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabinett), and
Crossbowman
(Copenhagen, Statens
Museum for Kunst). Furthermore, the
doll-like quality of the figures and the
painting technique of Quatrefoil with
Hunting Scene recall The Virgin and
Child after Holbein's design in Saints
Ulrich and Afra in Augsburg (fig. 19,
p. 34). The figures, animals, and trees
in the quatrefoil in Fssen are ren
dered in clear, fluid contours overlapping
delicately modulated tonal modeling in
gray matt.
10
11
12
HANS SCHUFELEIN
Nuremberg, Nrdlingen or Augsburg? c. 1482-Nrdlingen 1539/4
Carmelite convent, unlike Baldung and

Drer, he cannot be identified as the
designer of any of the panels.
From 1507 to 1508, Schufelein
was in South Tyrol, where he painted
four scenes from the Passion on the
outer wings of a sculpted altarpiece
by Schnatterpeck (Niederlana, parish
church, high altar). In 1508, Schufelein
was in Augsburg, where he assisted Hans
Holbein the Elder in the design and exe
cution f an altarpiece with scenes from
the Passion and Marian themes. In
1513, Schufelein completed the high
altarpiece for the former Benedictine
abbey of Auhausen near (Dettingen
(now Protestant parish church, in situ).
He was apparently assisted by Sebastian
Dayg, who emulated Schufelein's figural
style and who appeared in the tax lists of
Nrdlingen between 1508 and 1554 as
Maler und Glaser (painter and glazier).
Schufelein settled in Nrdlingen in 1515
and became a citizen in the same year.
Among his most important works in
Nrdlingen are the wall painting depict
ing The Defense of the City of Bethulia
Against Holofernes of 1515, in the as
sembly room of the Swabian league of
princes, free imperial cities, and knights
in the town hall of Nrdlingen (in situ) ;
and the altarpiece with The Lamentation
for Nikolaus Ziegler (d. 1526), who was
head of the imperial chancery in 152021 (1521; Nrdlingen, Saint Georg).
7
birth. It has also been proposed that he

might have studied in Nrdlingen with
the painter Friedrich Herlin, leaving
Nrdlingen after Herlin died in 1500.
A close connection with the merchant
family Scheuffelin, who settled first in
Nrdlingen and then in Nuremberg
and Geneva, has been proven incorrect.
So too has the use of the middle name
Leonhard. It does not appear in the early
documents, nor is its use supported
by Schufelein's monogram, the ligated
letters H and S with a small shovel.
(Schufelein means small shovel.) Schu
felein was active from c. 1502-3 to early
1507 in the Nuremberg workshop of
Albrecht Drer, from 1507 to 1508 in
the workshop of Hans Schnatterpeck
(act. 1478-1540) in Merano (South
Tyrol), and in 1508-9 in the Augsburg
workshop of Hans Holbein the Elder.
Schufelein apparently remained in
Augsburg until 1515. From 1515 until
his death, he was the municipal painter
of Nrdlingen. He paid taxes in Nrdlin
gen for the last time in 15 39. In 1540, his
widow paid taxes. Schufelein was ap
parently married twice, first to a woman
named Afra Tucher and then to a woman
named Apollonia. He was survived by a
son, Hans (a painter); a daughter, Wal
burga; and three minor children, Hans,
Barbara, and Laux (Lukas).
Schufelein's artistic activity was
above all as a painter of altarpieces, epi
taphs, and portraits and as a designer of
woodcuts. While in Drer's workshop,
Schufelein collaborated on the woodcut
illustrations of Ulrich Pinder's (d. 1519)
Der beschlossen gart des rosenkrantz
marie (The Closed Garden of the Ro
sary of Mary; Nuremberg, 1505) and
Speculum passionis domini nostri Ihesu
christi (Mirror of the Passion of Our Lord
Jesus Christ; Nuremberg, 1507). During
Drer's stay in Italy from 1505 to 1507,
Schufelein was entrusted with the exe
cution of the monumental Passion altarpiece for Frederick the Wise, elector of
Saxony (1463-1525), and his brother
Johann the Steadfast (Vienna, Domund Dizesanmuseum). Drer provided
highly finished designs for the wings
(Frankfurt am Main, Graphische Samm
lung im Stdelschen Kunstinstitut).
While Schufelein's woodcuts had an
impact around 1508 on the design of the
stained-glass panels for Nuremberg's
1
stained glass seems to have been confined

to designing cabinet panels, most nota
bly a series of quatrefoils for the bishop
of Augsburg in 1510 (cat. nos. 71-74).
17
10
11
12
13
Schufelein was a prolific designer

of woodcuts for publishers in Augsburg
and Nuremberg. He contributed to a
number of the emperor Maximilian I'S
woodcut projects. These included the
Theuerdank (published in Nuremberg
in 1517). The largely fictitious story
of the emperor's adventures on his jour
ney to his bride, Mary, duchess of
Burgundy, also contained woodcuts de
signed by Leonhard Beck (c. 14801542) and Hans Burgkmair the Elder.
Like Burgkmair, Beck, Wolf Huber (c.
1480/5-1553), Albrecht Altdorfer, and
Hans Springinklee (c. 1495-after 1522),
Schufelein contributed designs to The
Triumphal Procession of Maximilian 1 of
1516-18, a woodcut measuring some
fifty meters in length. Hans Guldenmund (c. 1490-1560) of Nuremberg
published most of Schufelein's later
woodcuts, including many with texts by
the Nuremberg poet and cobblex Hans
Sachs (1494-1576) and The Triumphal
Procession of Charles v of 1537.
Schufelein's activity as a designer of
14
15
16
1. On Schufelein's biography, see Sonja Weih-Krger

( 1 9 8 6 : 9 - 1 4 . ) For a chronological overview of his life
and work, see Karl Heinz Schreyl ( 1 9 9 0 a , 1: 1 5 - 1 6 ) . For
an overview of the literature on Schufelein, see Schreyl
( 1 9 9 0 a , 1: 1 7 - 3 4 ) .
2. On Schufelein's activity in the Tyrol and in Holbein's

workshop, see Peter Strieder (1990: 2 4 0 - 7 2 ) .
3. On Schufelein's marriages and children, see WeihKrger 1986: 1 2 - 1 3 , notes 2 0 - 2 3 , 3
3^4. Nuremberg 1 9 6 1 : nos. 2 5 , 27.
5. Strieder 1993b: no. 146 and Nuremberg 1 9 6 1 : no. 2 9 3 .
6. Strauss 1974, u: 1 5 0 5 / 1 8 - 1 5 0 5 / 2 1 .
7. On the impact of the woodcuts of the Speculum passio
nis on the stained glass of the Carmelite monastery in
Nuremberg, see Hartmut Scholz ( 1 9 9 1 : 1 0 6 - 1 ro, 11 2).
On the influence of the woodcuts in general, see Kurt
Lcher ( 1 9 8 6 ) .
8. Strieder 1.990: figs. 1 5 0 - 5 1 .
9. Strieder 1990: 2 5 7 - 7 0 .
10. Genck-Bosch 1988: 3 1 - 3 9 , with color illustrations.
1 1 . Gmbel 1905: 4 5 4 . On Dayg's work as a glass painter,
see Johannes Schinnerer ( 1 9 0 9 ) . 1 incorrectly identified
the artist as Schufelein's son-in-law in my article on
Schufelein in the Dictionary of Art [DOA 1996, x x v n i :
5 7 - 6 0 ) . 1 took my information from an undated pam
phlet on the Ehemalige Klosterkirche Auhausen.
12. Schreyl 1:990b, with color illustrations. See also GenckBosch 1988: 1 7 - 2 1 .
13. Genck-Bosch 1988: 1:6-17, illustrated in color on 1.415. Ziegler's death date has been published as 1543. 1
would like to thank Dr. Hermann Kessler for informing
me otherwise. For more biographical information on
Ziegler, see cat. no. 1 1 2 .
14. See Appuhn 1 9 7 9 .
15. See Appelbaum 1:964.
1 o
16. Schreyl 1 9 9 0 a : nos.
1157-65.
17. Timothy Husband ( 1 9 9 0 : figs. 5 4 , 57) discussed two

stained-glass roundels that closely follow woodcuts by
Schufelein: Christ Taking Leave of His Mother (New
York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, The Cloisters Col
lection) and Pyramus and Thisbe (New York, private
collection). Drawings for painted glass by Schufelein's
hand include Aristotle and Phyllis (Winkler 1942:
no. 58). The Flagellation (Winkler 1942: no. 59) is
probably a design for painted glass.
AUGSBURG
193
7i
Hans S c h u f e l e i n

with Four Scenes from
the Life of Knights and
Lansquenets with, in the
Center, a Crowned Head
of a Woman on a Shield
1510
Pen and black and b r o w n ink and black chalk,
the head of the w o m a n in black chalk, on cream
laid paper
COAT OF ARMS
The abbey of Kempten

DIAMETER
26.7 cm
Inv. no. 5218-122
PROVENANCE
Sloane bequest, 1753

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Dodgson and Parker 1928:
no. 317; Winkler 1941: 243, 245; Winkler
1942: 129, under no. 43 on 1 5 1 , 168; Schilling
1955b: 1 5 6 - 5 7 , 1 7 2 - 7 6 , fig. 7 on 156, no. 11
on 178; Mller 1963: 95, 9 7 - 9 8 , fig. 9 on 96;
Shoaf 1984: 218; L o n d o n 1988: no. 1 7 1 ;
Husband 1990: 84, note 23 on 95; Schreyl
1990a,!: 24, 2 7 - 2 8 ; Rowlands 1993: no. 449.
71
72
A f t e r Hans S c h u f e l e i n

of the Glorification of
Emperor Maximilian
1510
greenish tone (as white in the coat of arms),
yellow stain, and black vitreous paint
CONDITION
Leading early twentieth century, cracks i n the

lobes at left and below
COAT OF ARMS
Imperial eagle of the H o l y Roman Empire w i t h

the marshaled coat of arms of Austria-Burgundy
DIAMETER

Inv. no.
F434
PROVENANCE
Figdor collection, Vienna

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : W i n k l e r 1941:
245,
fig. 9
on
248; Winkler 1942: under no. 43 on 1 5 1 , 168;

Schilling 1955b: 1 5 6 - 5 7 , 172, no. i b on 176,
fig. 24 on 174; Mller 1963: 9 3 - 9 8 ; Shoaf
1984: 218; Steinke 1985b: 1; L o n d o n 1988:
202; Husband 1990: 84, note 24 on 95; Schreyl
1990a, 1: 24; Rowlands 1993,
> under
no. 449.
I :
194
AUGSBURG
2 I I
72
T h e drawing in London is the design for

the stained-glass quatrefoil in the Kunst
gewerbemuseum in Berlin. The quatre
foil is dated 1510 in a frame of laurel
leaves. The crowned female bust in the
shield of the London drawing indicates
that the design was originally for the
abbey of Kempten, southwest of Augs
burg. It was replaced in the quatrefoil
by the arms of the German empire with
the double-headed eagle and the mar
shaled coat of arms, Austria-Burgundy.
Bruno Mller carefully described the
quatrefoil, noting that it glorifies Maxi
milian as Holy Roman Emperor, as
archduke of Austria, and as chief and
sovereign of the Order of the Golden
Fleece. The order was founded in 1429
by Duke Philip the Good of Burgundy
(1396-1467) "to the glory and praise of
the Redeemer, the Virgin Mary, and
Saint Andrew," and dedicated to "the
protection and support of the Christian
faith and the Holy Church and the
increase of virtue and good mores."
Maximilian became sovereign after his
marriage to his first wife, Mary, duchess
of Burgundy, in 1477. His son Philip the
Fair (1478-1506) and grandson Charles
(the emperor Charles v, 1500-1558)
succeeded him.
The upper lobe of the quatrefoil
depicts four Landsknechte (lansquenets).
The Landsknechte, founded by Maximil
ian, were the first German regular troops;
the Holy Roman Empire owed its might
to this Swabian mercenary infantry. In
the quatrefoil, one lansquenet holds the
banner of the Order of the Golden Fleece,
with the cross of Saint Andrew (patron
saint of the House of Burgundy) and, in
the corners, the Fire-Steel with sparks,
symbolic of God's mercy enlightening the
knights to walk the path of virtue. This
was the insignia of Maximilian's imperial
troops. The lower lobe of the quatrefoil
in Berlin represents two cannoniers, one
gesturing toward a knight on horseback
in the lobe at the right. The knight is
identifiable as Maximilian by the banner
of Old Austria, with five golden eagles on
a blue ground, which he carries. In the
drawing, the bards of Maximilian's horse
are decorated with the letter A, appar
ently referring to Austria, and a bande
role with an indecipherable inscription.
Mller conjectured that the words are a
motto of the Order of the Golden Fleece,
Je Vempris (I have dared) or Philip the
Good's motto, Autre n'auray (I will have
no other [than the patron saint
Andrew]). It might also represent the
rebus glorifying Austria, AEIOU, under
stood at the court to mean Austria Erit
In Orbe Ultima (Austria will live for
ever), Al Ere Ist Ob Uns (We are the
source of all honor), or Austria Est
1
F I G U R E 5 7 . Hans Schufelein. Design for a Quatrefoil

with Scenes from the Life of Saint
Andrew, c. 1510. Pen and black and brown ink over traces of chalk, on cream laid paper,
29 X 26.8 cm. New York, The Pierpont Morgan Library (inv. no. 1982.89).
Photo: The Pierpont M o r g a n Library, N e w York.
Imperium Orbis Universi (Austria rules

the entire world). In the lobe at left,
the knight riding toward Maximilian
is identifiable in the drawing in London
by the coat of arms on the hindquarters
of his horse's mail (a shield with a sun
and a rampant lion) as Graf Andreas
von Sonnenberg, Truchsess von Waldburg. He carries the flag of New Austria
(red with a white band). Mller noted
that the count distinguished himself in
Maximilian's military campaigns and
was murdered in 1511 (a year after the
quatrefoil was made) by Graf Felix von
Werdenberg (d. 1530), who was jealous
of the emperor's favor.
Mller was the first to observe
that this quatrefoil was part of a series
planned by Heinrich von Lichtenau with
Emperor Maximilian 1 in mind. A mem
ber of a Swabian-Bavarian noble family,
Heinrich von Lichtenau was bishop of
Augsburg from 1505 to 1517. The series
of quatrefoils, Mller argued, may have
been made in honor of the emperor's stay
at the bishop's residence in Dillingen,
8
northwest of Augsburg, after the Impe

rial Diet in Augsburg in 1510. Three fur
ther quatrefoils depicted Scenes from the
Life of Saint Andrew (quatrefoil lost;
monogrammed design extant, New York,
Pierpont Morgan Library; fig. 57),
Scenes from the Old Testament (quatre
foil extant, cat. no. 73), and The Deeds of
Hercules (quatrefoil extant, cat. no. 74).
Mller related the subjects of the four
quatrefoils to the Order of the Golden
Fleece. The quatrefoils with Scenes from
the Old Testament and the Deeds of
Hercules bear the arms of Heinrich von
Lichtenau. The design with Scenes from
the Life of Saint Andrew bears the arms
of Graf Andreas von Sonnenberg. But it
also shows the outline of Heinrich von
Lichtenau's arms.
Two circles drawn with pen and
brown ink on the drawing in London
define the outer limit of the composition
and a possibility for cropping the lobes.
The glass painter followed the proposed
cropping in the lobes on the left, right
and bottom but not in the upper lobe. He
10
11
AUGSBURG
195
transferred Schufelein's design to clear

glass using gray matt and black trace
lines on the recto, then scratched out
parts of his drawing using wood or a
quill. On the verso he used yellow stain,
which he applied with a brush but did
not badger. Edmund Schilling likened
the glass painter's technique, to a pen
drawing on glass. Friedrich Winkler
observed that Schufelein might have
painted the quatrefoils, since they so
closely approximate his drawings. One
must also consider the possibility that
the quatrefoils were painted by Sebastian
Dayg, who emulated Schufelein's robust
figural types and who appears in the
tax lists of Nrdlingen between 1508
and 1554 as Maler und Glaser (painter
and glass painter). Unfortunately, little
is know about Dayg's life and career. Karl
Adolf Knappe thought he might have
worked as a glass painter in Nuremberg
c. 1 5 0 6 - 8 .
12
13
14
15
1. Edmund Schilling ( 1 9 5 5 b : 156) thought the crowned

female bust might represent Nuremberg. But Bruno
Mller ( 1 9 6 3 : 9 5 ) thanks Dr. Ottfried Neubecker for
correctly identifying the coat of arms as that of "das Stift
in Kempten. The abbots of Kempten held the title of
"prince-abbot." Our thanks to Hartmut Scholz for
information on Kempten.
2.
See cat. nos.
71-72.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Mller 1963: 9 5 - 9 6 .
Author's translation from Mller 1963: 9 2 .
Appelbaum 1964: note 4 4 .
See Mller 1963: 93. The banner appears several times in
The Triumphal Procession of Maximilian 1. See Stanley
Appelbaum ( 1 9 6 4 : pis. 9 1 , 9 5 , 1 0 0 , 102).
7. 1 9 6 3 : 9 5 .
8. On the rebus, see Timothy B. Husband in New York

1999a: 76.
9. Mller 1963: 9 6 .
10. New York and Nuremberg 1986: no. 168. The drawing
is the only autographed design for a quatrefoil by
Schufelein.
1 1 . Mller 1963: 9 4 . A fifth quatrefoil with Scenes from the
Life of John the Baptist bears the coats of arms of the
bishopric of Augsburg (design and quatrefoil, cat. nos.
7 5 - 7 6 ) . While the quatrefoil and the design for it are
similar in size, format, and execution to drawing and
quatrefoils discussed here, Mller is not successful in
establishing a firm relationship of the subject matter to
the Order of the Golden Fleece. And Timothy B. Hus
band ( 1 9 9 0 : 8 2 - 8 3 ) presents evidence that it could not
have belonged to the same series as the lost quatrefoil
after Scenes from the Life of Saint Andrew.
12. Schilling 1 9 5 5 b : 1 7 2 .
13. Winkler 1 9 4 1 : 2 4 5 .
14. See Schinnerer 1909 on Dayg as a glass painter.
15. Knappe 1961a: 1 0 0 .
I96
AUGSBURG
73
73
A f t e r Hans Schufelein
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Mller 1 9 6 3 : 8 9 - 9 3 ,
97~9 5
figs. 1 - 6 ; Steinke 1 9 8 5 b : 1 ; Husband 1 9 9 0 : 8 4 ,

from the Old Testament
Symbolizing the Order of
the Golden Fleece
1510
greenish tone, yellow stain, and black vitreous
paint
CONDITION
Repair in upper lobe, t w o small repairs in border

at left, small cracks i n border, border partially
reinforced on verso w i t h clear glass. Scratched in
the glass: in the upper lobe: Bettger 183 2; on the
coat of arms, several times: Mayer; and on the
banner in the right lobe: L . H . Several small
scratches on left lobe; nineteenth-century leading;
border leaded c. 1 9 7 0 ;
paint partially washed
off, light surface corrosion.

Dated on the upper border in black vitreous
paint: 1510
COAT
O F ARMS
Heinrich i v von Lichtenau, bishop of Augsburg

DIAMETER
W i t h lead border: 2 6 . 7 cm
Bamberg, Historisches Museum Bamberg
Inv. no. 6 / 9 1
PROVENANCE
Augustin Schnellenberger (died 1 8 3 2 ) , Bamberg
note 2 7 on 9 5 ; Schreyl 1 9 9 0 a , 1 : 2 7 - 2 8 .
B r u n o Mller, who first published the

quatrefoil in Bamberg, argued compellingly that it was part of a series made in
1510 for Heinrich of Lichtenau, bishop
of Augsburg and a generous benefactor of
monasteries and of the poor and patron
of the arts and sciences. Specifically,
Mller argued that the series may have
been made in honor of the Holy Roman
Emperor Maximilian I ' S stay at the
bishop's residence in Dillingen, north
west of Augsburg, after the Imperial Diet
met at Augsburg in 1510 (cat. nos. 7 1 72). The former fortification was be
queathed to the diocese of Augsburg in
1258 by the last scion of the Dillingen
counts. It acquired its castle-like char
acter between 1425 and 1520. A fire in
1595 was the impetus for renovation and
further building, which continued into
the eighteenth century. The quatrefoil in
Bamberg bears the coat of arms of Hein
rich von Lichtenau. The imperial arms
and the von Lichtenau arms were repre
sented on two, or perhaps three, other
quatrefoils from the same series (cat.
nos. 72, 74, fig 57).
1
The subject matter of the narra

tives depicted on the four quatrefoils
varies. But they all refer to the chivalric
Order of the Golden Fleece, founded
by Duke Philip the Good of Burgundy
in 1429. According to Mller, Heinrich
of Lichtenau might have designed the
program of the quatrefoil in Bamberg as
an illustration of the rules of the Order of
the Golden Fleece. Mller connected the
four Old Testament scenes represented
on the quatrefoil with the Order's code
regarding the love of God and Mary,
charity, respect for one's earthly par
ents, and military service for the Church
against the infidel.
The scenes are depicted within a
frame with laurel leaves and the date
1510, matching the frame of Quatre
foil with Scenes of the Glorification of
Emperor Maximilian (cat. no. 73). The
upper lobe of the quatrefoil in Bamberg
shows The Sacrifice of Isaac (Gene
sis 22:1-19). As a test of his faith, God
commanded Abraham to make a burnt
offering of his son Isaac. The artist de
picts the moment when an angel inter
cedes, pointing to a ram, which is to
replace the child on the sacrificial altar.
The lower lobe represents the Drunk
enness of Noah (Genesis 9:20-27).
Noah's son, Ham, discovers Noah, who
has fallen asleep, drunk and naked, after
having worked strenuously in the fields.
Ham tells his brothers, Shem and Jepeth,
who cover Noah. In the left lobe, Cain,
the elder son of Adam and Eve, slays his
brother, Abel, after God favors Abel's
sacrificial offering (Genesis 4:1-16). The
right lobe represents Gideon's Fleece
(Judges 6:36-40). One of the early
leaders of the Israelites after the conquest
of Canaan, Gideon asked for tangible
proof that God would deliver Israel
through him. Laying a fleece on the
ground at night, he asked that the dew
fall only on the fleece, leaving the sur
rounding ground dry. God granted
Gideon this miracle and then another,
that the dew would fall on the ground
and not the fleece. Gideon's Fleece, called
Gedeonis signa, was chosen as an
emblem of the Order of the Golden
Fleece. As Mller noted, Philip the Good
originally chose the Golden Fleece that
the pagan hero Jason captured from the
king of Colchis to serve as the emblem of
the chivalric order. But the Old Testament
judge Gideon was considered a more ap
propriate model for the Christian knights
than the Greek hero Jason, who com
mitted perjury in order to carry off the
Golden Fleece. In the quatrefoil in Bam
berg, Gideon is depicted in armor with a
pleated skirt of the type worn by German
knights around 1510.
1. See the detailed arguments in Mller 1963.
74
74
A f t e r Hans Schufelein
Quatrefoil with the Coat

of Arms of Heinrich I V
von Lichtenau, Bishop
of Augsburg, and Deeds
of Hercules
1510
greenish tone, yellow stain, and black vitreous
paint
CONDITION
Leading early twentieth century, cracks in upper

and lower lobes
COAT OF ARMS
Heinrich i v von Lichtenau, bishop of Augsburg

DIAMETER

Inv. no.
F436
PROVENANCE

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Winkler 1941: 245; Schilling
1955b: 1 7 2 - 7 3 , 175, fig. 25 on 175, no. i c on
1 7 6 - 7 7 ; Mller 1963: 9 3 - 9 4 , 9 7 - 9 8 , fig. 7 on
94; Shoaf 1984: 218; Steinke 1985b: 1; London
1988: 202; Husband 1990: 84, notes 25 and 26
on 95; Schreyl 1990a, 1: 24, 27; Rowlands 1993,

i : 2 1 1 , under no. 449.
I n 1963, Bruno Mller compellingly ar

gued that this quatrefoil may have been
part of a series made in honor of the Holy
Roman Emperor Maximilian I'S stay at
the bishop of Augsburg's residence in
Dillingen, northwest of Augsburg, after
the Imperial Diet met at Augsburg in
1510. The quatrefoils, Mller argued,
had subjects relevant to the chivalric
Order of the Golden Fleece. Founded by
Philip the Good of Burgundy in 1429, the
Order of the Golden Fleece was highly
prized by Maximilian, whose first wife
was Mary, duchess of Burgundy. Like
a companion quatrefoil from 1510 in
Bamberg with Scenes from the Old Tes
tament Symbolizing the Order of the
Golden Fleece (cat. no. 73), this quatre
foil depicting Deeds of Hercules bears
the coat of arms of Heinrich iv von
Lichtenau, bishop of Augsburg (150517). It depicts four of the deeds of Her
cules. At left, the Greek hero slays the
lion that terrorized the citizens of
Nemea. Above, Hercules holds the oxen
of Geryon by the horns. Hercules had
been ordered to capture the oxen of
Geryon, a human monster with three
AUGSBURG
I 9 7
bodies and one pair of legs. To do so, he

had to kill a two-headed dog and a giant
as well as Geryon. At right, Hercules
slays Antaeus. Because the giant drew
his strength from the earth, Hercules
held him aloft in a viselike grip until he
died. Below, Hercules uses a bow and
arrows to slay the birds that inhabited
Lake Stymphalus in Arcadia. These de
structive birds had brass wings, claws,
and beaks and feathers that were poi
soned arrows.
The deeds of Hercules came to sym
bolize the victory of right over wrong and
were thus a fitting example for the Chris
tian knights of the Order of the Golden
Fleece. Furthermore, as Mller pointed
out, Hercules was thought to have been
with Jason on his journey to capture the
Golden Fleece from the king of Colchis.
And, like Jason, Hercules was a classical
prototype for Gideon, whose fleece be
came the emblem of the Order of the
Golden Fleece and who is depicted in the
companion quatrefoil in Bamberg (cat.
no. 73). The quatrefoil with the Deeds of
Hercules would also have been readily
understood as a glorification of Maxi
milian, who, c. 1500, was praised as
Hercules Germanicus in a woodcut that
showed the imperial arms surrounded by
the collar of the Order of the Golden
Fleece.
1
75
76
1. Mller 1963: 9 4 .
I 2. Mller 1 9 6 3 : 9 4 ; Innsbruck 1969: no. 108, fig. 1 2 .
198
AUGSBURG
75
Hans Schufelein

with Scenes from the Life
of John the Baptist
c. 1510
Pen and brown and black ink, traces of black
chalk on cream laid paper; cut in a circular
form, shield at center cut out; mounted on a
square sheet; a small circular drawing attached
at the center
DIAMETER
26.4 cm; sheet: 26.7 X 26.4 cm; diameter of

circular sheet attached at center: 6.7 cm
Florence, Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi
Inv. no. 2284 F
PROVENANCE
Fondo Mediceo-Lorense
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Ferri 1890: 330; Schilling 1929:
no. 35; Buchner in Thieme and Becker 1907-50,
x x i x : 560; Winkler 1941: 243, 245, fig. 10 on
249; Winkler 1942: no. 43; Schilling 1955b:
1 5 5 - 5 6 , 1 7 5 - 7 6 ; Mller 1963: 9 6 - 9 8 , fig. 10
on 97; Shoaf 1984: 218; Andrews 1988: no. 33;
London 1988: 202; Husband 1990: 8 2 - 8 4 ,
note 1.9 on 94, note 20 on 95; Schreyl 1990a, 1:
24, 28; Rowlands 1993, I: 2 1 1 - 1 2 , under
no. 449.
5 8 . Hans Schufelein. Design for the Left Lobe of a
with Scenes from the Life of Saint Andrew, c. 1510. Pen
FIGURE
trefoil
Qua
and
brown ink on cream laid paper, 13 X 9.4 cm. Paris, Bibliotheque

nationale de France (inv. no. 55 B 1 5 9 5 5 ) .
76
Photo: Bibliotheque nationale de France, Paris.
A f t e r Hans S c h u f e l e i n
Quatrefoil with the Coat

of Arms of the Bishopric
of Augsburg and Scenes
from the Life of John
the Baptist
c. 1510
w a r m tone, yellow stain, and black vitreous
paint
CONDITION
Leading early twentieth century

COAT OF ARMS
The Bishopric of Augsburg

DIAMETER

Inv. no.
F433
PROVENANCE

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Winkler .1941: 245, fig. 8 on
248 (reversed); Schilling 1955b: 1 5 5 - 5 6 , 1 7 2 73 (reversed), no. ra on 176, fig. 23 on 173;
Winkler 1942: 151, under no. 43. Mller 1963:
93, 9 6 - 9 8 , fig. 11 on 97; Shoaf 1984: 218;
Steinke 1985b: 1; London 1988: 202; Husband
1990: 84, note 21 on 95; Schreyl 1990a, 1: 24,
28; Rowlands 1993, 1: 2 1 1 , under no. 449.
T h e quatrefoil with Scenes from the Life

of Saint John the Baptist closely follows
the design in Florence. The drawing and
quatrefoil represent the story of John's
imprisonment by the tetrarch Herod after
John rebuked him for marrying his broth
er's wife, Herodias. When Herodias's
daughter, Salome, danced for Herod at a
banquet, he swore to grant her whatever
she asked, up to half of his kingdom.
Directed by her mother, Salome asked
for the head of John the Baptist. In the
lower lobe of the quatrefoil, John is led
to his execution. In the left lobe, his head
is placed on a dish held by Salome.
Above, the head lies on a table before
Herod, Salome, and Herodias. In the
right lobe, John's bones are destroyed at
the command of the fourth-century Ro
man emperor Julian the Apostate in
order to discourage his cult. A small cir
cular drawing by Schufelein with putti
playing drums was attached at the center
of the design in Florence at a later date.
Like the design in London for a
Quatrefoil with Scenes of the Glorifica
tion of Maximilian 1 (cat. no. 72) and the
design for a quatrefoil by Schufelein
with Scenes from the Life of Saint
Andrew (fig. 57; New York, Pierpont
Morgan Library), the drawing in Flor
1
ence has a pen-and-ink circle to indicate

how the lobes of the quatrefoil might
be cropped. The narrative scenes are
cropped in the quatrefoil with Scenes
from the Life of Saint John the Baptist,
but not as much as the circle on the draw
ing indicates is possible. The stained-glass
panel is loosely executed using gray matt
and black trace lines on clear glass with
yellow stain applied with a brush on the
verso. As noted above, Edmund Schilling
compared the technique of Schufelein's
quatrefoils to pen drawing on glass,
while Friedrich Winkler observed that
Schufelein might have painted the qua
trefoils, since they so closely approximate
his drawings. Schufelein's swiftness
of hand is apparent in the redrawing of
one of the lobes. A sketch in Paris of
the left lobe of Scenes from the Life
of Saint Andrew (fig. 58; Paris, Biblio
theque nationale) is characterized by
adept foreshortening, convincing facial
expressions, and lightness of touch.
Schufelein might have made the draw
ing both as a record of his composition
and as a study of how the line work
could be abbreviated in the painting of
the quatrefoil.
Bruno Mller thought that the qua
trefoil with Scenes from the Life of John
2
AUGSBURG
199
the Baptist might have been part of a

series made in honor of the Holy Ro
man Emperor Maximilian I ' S stay at
the bishop of Augsburg's residence in
Dillingen after the Imperial Diet met at
Augsburg in 1510 (cat. nos. 71-74). As
noted above, Mller included in the series
four additional quatrefoils (one known
only through a drawing [fig. 57]) with
subject matter he could connect to the
chivalric Order of the Golden Fleece.
Quatrefoil with the Coat of Arms of the
Bishopric of Augsburg and Scenes from
the Life of John the Baptist approxi
mates the others in style and format. But
Mller was less successful in connecting
it with the Order of the Golden Fleece.
He argued simply that Mary, Christ, and
John the Baptist are depicted on the vest
ments that were worn by three celebrants
of the high mass of the chapter of the
Order. Timothy B. Husband noted that
the design for a quatrefoil with Scenes
from the Life of John the Baptist and the
design for a quatrefoil with Scenes from
the Life of Saint Andrew could not have
been made for the same commission,
for while the drawings are comparable
in ink, size, and subject matter, the se
quence of narratives is inconsistent. In the
drawing in Florence, the narrative begins
at the bottom. In the drawing in New
York, the narrative begins at the top. In
the upper and right lobes, a bishop is
being seduced by the devil disguised as a
courtesan. But Saint Andrew, dressed as
a pilgrim, arrives at the bishop's door in
time to save him from temptation. In
the lower lobe, Saint Andrew is cruci
fied on an X-shaped cross but continues
to preach to imprisoned disciples. In the
left lobe, a woman accuses her prostrate
son, while a devil whispers in the judge's
ear. Since the present example bears the
arms of the bishopric of Augsburg, it was
apparently part of a second series of
quatrefoils commissioned around 1510
by Heinrich von Lichtenau. It too may
have been made for the bishop's resi
dence in Dillingen.
HANS BURGKMAIR THE
ELDER
Augsburg 1473-Augsburg 1531
1. New York and Nuremberg 1986: no. 1 6 8 .

2. Schilling 1 9 5 5 b : 1 7 2 .
3. Winkler 1 9 4 1 : 245. Sebastian Dayg, who is named in
archival documents as a painter and glass painter (see cat.
nos. 7 1 - 7 2 ) , is more likely to have executed the quatre
foils.
4. Schilling 1 9 5 5 b : no. 2 1 , fig. 9.
5. Mller 1963: 9 3 , 9 6 - 9 8 .
6. Mller 1963: 9 6 - 9 7 .
7. Husband 1990: 8 2 - 8 3 .
200
AUGSBURG
a painter, etcher, and Augsburg's fore

most designer of woodcuts, largely in
connection with projects instigated by
Emperor Maximilian 1. He trained with
his father, Thomas Burgkmair, and from
1488 to 1490 was apprenticed to Martin
Schongauer in Colmar. In 1491, he was
designing woodcuts for the Augsburg
publisher Erhard Ratdolt and continued
to work for Augsburg's leading presses
throughout his career. He became a
master in 1498. Around 1500, at the Diet
of Augsburg, Burgkmair made contact
with Emperor Maximilian, who became
his main patron from around 1508 to
1519. Along with Drer, Baldung, Breu,
and others he made marginal drawings
for The Prayer Book of Maximilian 1
of c. 1515 (Besangon, Bibliotheque Muni
cipal). He spearheaded the design of
woodcut illustrations for Maximilian's
ambitious printing projects, The Geneal
ogy of the Habsburgs of 1509-11, Der
Weisskunig (The White King) of 151416, Theuerdank of 1517, and The Tri
umphal Procession of Maximilian 1 of
1516 -18. His importance for the history
of printmaking also stems from his sem
inal role in the development of the
chiaroscuro woodcut. Examples such as
the pair of Saint George and the Dragon

and Emperor Maximilian on Horseback
of 1508 (figs. 95-96) display monumen
tal classicizing architecture and spa
ciousness new to German art, reflecting
the impact of a visit to Venice and else
where in Italy that Burgkmair made in
1507. The painting The Virgin in a Land
scape (1509; Nuremberg, Germanisches
Nationalmuseum) also exemplifies his
introduction of Italianate elements to
German art, with its Leonardesque sfumato and classicizing details.
Burgkmair's later painting com
missions include the altarpieces of Saint
John the Baptist, signed and dated 1518
and The Crucifixion, signed and dated
1519 (both divided between Augs
burg, Staatsgalerie, and Munich, Alte
Pinakothek), and Esther and Ahasuerus
of 1528 for the Munich Residence of
Duke Wilhelm iv of Bavaria (Munich,
Alte Pinakothek).
The surviving evidence of his activ
ity as a stained-glass designer includes
no known drawings and is limited to
a handful of panels (cat. no. 77). Like
Breu, he appears to have preferred the fa
vored Augsburg format of the smallscale monochrome roundel.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : G. Seelig in AKL
1992,
2 1 6 - 1 7 ; T i l m a n Falk in DOA 1996, v:

1 9 8 - 2 0 1 (for further literature).
xv:
77
77
A f t e r Hans B u r g k m a i r the Elder
Allegory of Charity
c. 1 5 1 0 - 2 0
Clear glass with black vitreous paint, yellow

stain, and sanguine; border in red glass w i t h
black vitreous paint
CONDITION
Paint abraded
Inscribed DIE.LIEB.
(Love) in black vitreous
paint in the cartouche at the left
DIAMETER
1:9
cm

PROVENANCE
Hohes Schloss, Fssen

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Fischer 1 9 1 2 : n o . r o ; Schmitz
1 9 1 3 , i i : 1 3 5 , note 1:; Stuttgart 1:973: under
no. 63 (unpaginated).
T h e roundels depicting the female personifications of Justice, Faith, and Charity (cat. no. 77)three from what must
have originally been a series of the Seven
Cardinal Virtuesare among the handful of works in the glass medium that can
be connected with Augsburg's greatest
Renaissance artist, Hans Burgkmair the
Elder, who is documented in 1515 as
having provided designs for stained glass

for the renovated Augsburg city hall.
Like Quatrefoil with Hunting Scenes,
attributed to Hans Holbein the Elder
(cat. no. 70), the three roundels of justice, Faith, and Charity are mounted in
the so-called Rittersaal (knights' hall)
of the Hohes Schloss in Fssen.
The figure of Charity (Die Liebe)
holds an infant and a cornucopia, while
another baby looks up from underneath
her skirts. She stands under a coffered
portico that opens onto a vast and beautifully rendered landscape, still visible
despite some abrasion. The figures in
Charity and its companion roundels find
their closest parallels in Burgkmair's
oeuvre in his woodcut series of The Seven
Cardinal Virtues of c. 1510 (fig. 59). Although the figures could be copies after
the prints, the roundels are so Burgkmairesque in their overall handling and
conception that it seems possible that
they are based upon drawings by him. In
the first place, the glass painter evinces a
grasp of Burgkmair's style through the
sculptural handling of Charity, subordinating line to fluid modeling in her
drapery and face, delicately washed in
sanguine. The overhead coffering and relatively shallow yet monumental classical
architectural space are also Burgkmair
hallmarks as seen, among others, in the
1
renowned woodcut Emperor Maximilian

on Horseback (fig. 96). A classical, harmonic sense of three-dimensional space
permeates and unites the composition.
It is established in the dominant columnar figure of Charity and radiates back
from her through the rounded forms of
the columns and archways, into the landscape beyond. The airiness of the architecture and landscape background
reinforces the roundness of the forms by
establishing a clear sense of space surrounding them. The roundness of the
forms and the overall convex shaping of
the composition beautifully complement
the roundel format.
Both Burgkmair and Breu exploited
the well-known Augsburg love of classicizing architectural space to great effect in glass roundels. While in Charity
Burgkmair emphasizes unified, threedimensional space determined ultimately
by the human figure, Breu, by contrast,
as seen in Joseph and Potipbar's Wife (cat.
no. 101), has a flatter approach to figures
and architecture and is more concerned
with the intricate interrelation of figures and ornamental architectural forms.
Both Burgkmair's Charity and Breu's Emperor Maximilians Hennegau War (cat.
no. 84) show the heights to which delicate, spacious landscape painting flourished in Augsburg glass roundels.
4
AUGSBURG
201
JRG BREU THE
ELDER
Augsburg c. 1475-Augsburg 1537
versatile Breu stands alongside Hans

Holbein the Elder and Hans Burgkmair
as one of Augsburg's leading Renaissance
artists. In 1493, he was apprenticed to the
Augsburg painter Ulrich Apt the Elder.
As a journeyman in Austria, he made
some of his most important paintings:
the altarpiece of the Stiftskirche, Zwettl
(1500), showing the life of Saint Bernard;
the Aggsbach Altarpiece with scenes of
the Passion of Christ (1501, parts of
which are in the Augustinerchorherrenstift in Herzogenburg and the Germanisches Nationalmuseum in Nuremberg); and the altarpiece at Melk Abbey
(1502). These are early examples of the
Danube School of painting, known for its
emphasis upon dynamic nature imagery.
59. Hans Burgkmair. Charity

(Die Liebe) from The Seven Cardinal
Virtues,
c. 1510. Woodcut, 1 7 X 7 cm. New York,
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift
of Henry Walters, by exchange, 1931
(inv. 31.31.4).
FIGURE
1. Falk (1978: 80, 116, no. 5), who also mentions the panel
of The Virgin, Christ and Saint Anne in Schloss Hohenschwangau (see Scholz's essay, note 96); cf. Fischer 1912:
12-13. Cf. Buff 1893: 22, note 36; Schmitz 1913, i : 131,
note 1; Morrall 1994: 135. Cf. Corpus Vitrearum Checklist i v 1991: 102 for a panel after Burgkmair's woodcut
"The Madonna with a Carnation" (Bartsch 1803-21:
no. 9) in Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard University,
Fogg Art Museum. The authors thank Matthias Mende
for alerting them to two glass panels in Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum after Burgkmair's woodcuts
from the series of Illustrious Christians, Jews, and Lagans
(Bartsch 1803-21: nos. 64-65). Cf. the essay by Hartmut Scholz in this catalogue, p. 37.
2. Cf. cat. no. 70.
3. Bartsch 1803-21: nos. 48-54.
4. Bartsch 1803-21: no. 32.
202
AUGSBURG
By 1502, Breu had established a

workshop in Augsburg, where he came
under the classicizing influence of Hans
Burgkmair. His first dated woodcut is
from 1504, beginning a prolific career
as a book illustrator mostly for Augsburg publishers, with his best-known
illustrations being those to Vartoman's
Travels. During the following decades,
Breu received major commissions in
Augsburg, such as the frescoes for the
Augsburg Rathaus (destroyed), begun
in 1516, and the organ wings for the
mortuary chapel of the Fugger family
in the church of Saint Anne (in situ).
The organ wings' great debt to Italian
sources, including Botticelli and Filippino Lippi, strongly indicates that Breu
visited Italy prior to making them. Breu
also received several commissions from
Emperor Maximilian 1. Around 1515,
he participated with Drer, Baldung,
and others in making marginal drawings
in The Prayer Book of Maximilian 1
(Munich, Bayerisches Staatsbibliothek)
and the following year undertook the
drawings for the cycle of stained-glass

roundels depicting the battles and hunts
of Emperor Maximilian for the imperial
hunting lodge in Lermoos, Tyrol (cat.
nos. 83-90). Another key later commission were the paintings he produced for
the cycle of biblical and antique heroes
and battle scenes (see also Burkgmair
and Altdorf er) made for the Munich residence of Duke Wilhelm i v of Bavaria
(1528; Munich, Alte Pinakothek). From
1512 to 15 3 7, he compiled a chronicle of
Augsburg in which he recorded his support of the Reformation.
Breu's large body of drawings, for
which he is as much or more appreciated
than his paintings, principally comprises
stained-glass designs. He specialized in
the production of monochrome roundels, a format popular in Augsburg. He
also excelled at producing roundels in
series that display his talent for cropping,
manipulating large numbers of figures,
and creating expansive landscape and
spacious architectural settings. These
treat a range of secular, classical, and
religious subjects, including The Labors
and Pastimes of the Months for the Augsburg Hoechstetter family of the early
1520s (cat. nos. 91-94); heroes of antiquity including Ulysses and Telemachus
Slaying the Suitors (fig. 11, p. 12; London, The British Museum); and holy personages, such as The Story of Joseph
(cat. nos. 98-109). Breu's designs for
stained glass were much copied and used
throughout the sixteenth century. A number of glass roundels after his designs
survive, some in multiple versions.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Roth 1906; Bchner 1928b:
370-75; Wegner 1959: 1 7 - 3 6 ; Christiane
Andersson in Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983;
M o r r a l l 1994: 1 2 8 - 4 7 ; Claudia Dubler i n
AKL 1992, x i v : 1 6 5 - 6 7 (for further literature);
Gode Krmer, DOA 1996, i v : 7 5 9 - 6 1 (for
further literature).
78
J r g Breu the Elder or f o l l o w e r
Tournament Scene
c. 1510-15
Pen and black ink over black chalk on cream

laid paper
DIAMETER
25.5 cm
Inv. no. 89.GA. 16
PROVENANCE
J. Hendriks, Oisterwijk, H o l l a n d , on loan to the

Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam (Lugt 1:921:: 2228)
(sale, Sotheby's, Amsterdam, April 25, \ 983,
lot 2); art market, M u n i c h ; art market, Boston
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Goldner and Hendrix 1992:
no. J 20; Rowlands 1993, 1: 1 9 1 , under no. 408;
Husband 1998: 1 8 1 - 8 3 , % 5-
78
79
A f t e r J r g Breu the Elder,

A u g s b u r g glass p a i n t e r
Roundel with a
Tournament Scene
c. 1510-20
Clear glass, black and brown vitreous paint,
yellow stain, sanguine
CONDITION
Paint abraided; backed by a piece of white glass;

frame nineteenth or twentieth century
DIAMETER
24.5 cm with lead frame; 28.5 cm with border

Augsburg, Stadt Augsburg Kunstsammlungen,
Maximilianmuseum
Inv. no. 3494
PROVENANCE
Together w i t h October (cat. no. 94) from one of

the Fugger houses in Augsburg as recorded by
Drnhffer 1897: 25.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Drnhffer 1897: 25; Schmitz
1913, i : 135; Bock 1921: ] 6, no. 4782; Baum
1923: I J 7 ; Augsburg 1955: no. 65; Augsburg
1980, 1: no. 4.
T h e Los Angeles drawing of a tournament scene, the closely corresponding

but severely abraded tournament roundel
in Nuremberg (fig. 60), and the betterpreserved roundel from Augsburg included in this exhibition raise questions
about the relationship between Nuremberg and Augsburg stained glass in the
early decades of the sixteenth century.
Tournament imagery appeared
with a range of other courtly subjects in
stained-glass quatrefoils from the orbit
1
79
NUREMBERG
203
F I G U R E 60. After Jrg Breu the Elder; Augsburg glass painter. Tournament Scene, c. 1510-15. Clear glass, yellow stain, sanguine, and vitreous paint, 25 cm (diam.). Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum
(inv. no. M M 162).
F I G U R E 61. After a drawing by Albrect Drer?; workshop of Veit

Hirsvogel the Elder. Quatrefoil Roundel with Tournament
Scenes,
c. 1495-98? Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass, yellow stain, and vitreous paint, 31 cm (diam.). Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Kunstgewerbemuseum (inv. no. 1907, 164).
Photo: H i l d a Deecke.
of the Master of the Housebook (cat.

no. 3), from which it was appropriated
in the stained-glass production of Drer
and his school, such as the quatrefoil
panel of 1508 in the Walters Art Gallery
in Baltimore (fig. 8) and one in the
Kunstgewerbemuseum in Berlin (fig. 61 ).
The latteror a similar, no longer extant panelappears to have provided the
primary inspiration for the Los Angeles
drawing and the Nuremberg roundel.
They contain the same components as
their quatrefoil precedents, consisting of
a knight jousting astride a caparisoned
horse, accompanied by a mounted page
who raises his hand, possibly to begin
the joust, the trumpeting heralds on
horseback, and a romping attendant with
a baton, known as a Griesswrtel. This
figure acted as a steward, using his baton
to break up fights and acting much as
rodeo clowns do today to assist fallen
riders and entertain the crowds.
The Los Angeles drawing, which
emerged in the 1980s, brings new and
important evidence to bear upon the
evaluation of the related Nuremberg and
Augsburg roundels, as well as Breu's early
activity as a designer of stained glass.
While the Augsburg roundel of a tournament has traditionally been regarded
as being after a design by Breu, the
Nuremberg example was attributed to
the Hirsvogel workshop by Schmitz, who
dated it to around 1500, and thought it
to be based upon a design by a Drer
school artist, possibly Hans von Kulmbach. The Los Angeles drawing has
been associated with Breu until recently,
2
204
AUGSBURG
when it was suggested that it is by a

Nuremberg rather than an Augsburg
hand, and that it is a copy of rather than
a study for the Nuremberg roundel. The
association with Breu, however, is supported by the Breuesque formal vocabulary and style of the drawing, including
the lively group of bystanders at the left
with their caricatural facial types, the
head of the mounted page's horse, which
corresponds closely, for example, to that
in the bridal scene from the Gesta Romanorum (cat. no. 95), and the pen work
with prominent parallel hatching. (The
lack of dark, swelling-and-tapering outlines typical of Breu, the generalization
of the forms, and the thinness and swift
application of the pen lines leave room
for the possibility that an Augsburg artist in his orbit, rather than Breu himself,
could have made the drawing.) Furthermore, it appears to be a working design
for a roundel rather than a copy after
one. In support of this are the prominent
underdrawing in coarse black chalk
marking the position of the legs and
hooves of the knight's horse, as well as
numerous ink pentimenti, as seen, for
example, in the back and rump of the
same horse.
In its very composite quality, the
drawing gives the impression of being a
sheet in which the artist was solving the
compositional problem of adapting a
quatrefoil composition to the roundel
format. The three trumpeters on horseback are clearly traced and correspond
closely to those in the Berlin quatrefoil
(fig. 61). The Griesswrtel also finds a
6
source in the right-hand figure in this

panel's bottom lobe. More freely drawn
than the above-mentioned passages, the
jouster and mounted page combine elements from both the left and right lobes
of the Berlin quatrefoil, with the knight
close to the one in the left lobe, while
the accompanying rider, with his outstretched arm and hand and exposed
chest, seems to derive from the corresponding figure in the right lobe. The reversal of this figure from the Berlin
quatrefoil and its combination with the
knight from the left lobe marks the point
at which artists ceased to quote from
the formula of the Master of the Housebook's quatrefoil and rather began to
adapt it freely. This is in contrast to the
sketch in The British Museum assigned
to an artist of the Drer school (fig. 62),
whose composition still remains close to
the right lobe of the quatrefoil in Berlin.
Moreover, the Los Angeles drawing introduces "modernizing" elements not
found in the Berlin quatrefoil, such as the
bearded face and elegant beret and
skirted costume of the mounted page, the
numerous bystanders, and the spatially
unified urban backdrop with its prominent receding orthogonals. As has recently been suggested, it might have also
once possessed a pendent roundel of an
opposing jouster. A l l of this suggests
how different and modern it was in conception, compared to its predecessors.
The Augsburg roundel appears to
develop the composition still further, by
including opposing j ousters together in a
single roundel. Indeed, its composition
8
10
F I G U R E
jousting
6 2 . Drer workshop. A Knight

and a Horseman,
c. 1505. Pen and
brown ink, 1.3.3 X 14.7 cm. London, The

British Museum (inv. no. 5 2 1 8 - 1 2 1 ) .
Photo: T h e British M u s e u m .
and style of drawing are exceptionally

close to a drawing for a glass roundel in
Prague that depicts knights on horseback
engaged in a sword fight. The closeness
between the Augsburg roundel and the
Prague drawing suggests that they might
be for the same series.
It would thus seem that the Los
Angeles drawing and the related roundels in Augsburg and Nuremberg mark
an important moment in the evolution
of small-scale stained glass in Southern
Germany from preference for the quatrefoil, with its separate vignettes, to the
roundel, with its unified space. While it is
still unclear whether the roundel composition for the tournament scene originated in Nuremberg or Augsburg, the
cluster of works discussed here would
seem to mark the starting point for Breu's
vast production of stained-glass roundels, the format that he preferred above
all others. The reliance upon sources in
Nuremberg quatrefoils points to a dating
of the Los Angeles drawing to c. 151015, making it one of the earliest surviving designs for stained glass associated with Breu. His preference for the
roundel should also probably be attributed in part to practical exigencies, as
a monochrome roundel was less complicated to produce than a quatrefoil,
with its leading and combination of colored and monochrome painted glass. The
popularity of Breu's design is attested
to by the Augsburg roundel and the
drawing in Prague, which suggest that
Breu and his studio continued to produce tournament roundels, varying the
11
compositions and adding scenes as time

went on.
Augsburg was one of the major
jousting cities of Germany, being a center
for the study of the theory and history of
jousting andbesides Nurembergthe
German city that during the early sixteenth century held more tournaments
than any other. A prominent artistic
expression of this is The Labors and Pastimes of January, February, and March,
with a jousting scene in an urban setting
reminiscent of Augsburg at the center.
This is one of the series of four large
paintings (Berlin, Deutsches Historisches
Museum) made by an Augsburg artist
strongly influenced by Breu and of the
next generation, and depicting the
monthly labors and pastimes against an
urban backdrop strongly inspired by the
city of Augsburg.
It has long been noted that this
series of four paintings was inspired by
Breu's series of glass roundels of the
labors and pastimes of the months made
for the Augsburg Hoechstetter family
(cat. nos. 91-94). In light of the many
parallels that exist between the Berlin
paintings and the Hoechstetter series, it
is a curious divergence that jousting is
absent from Hoechstetter series, and
yet it appears in the January, February,
March canvas (which is appropriate,
since the months of February and March
encompassed Shrovetide
[Fastnacht]
which was the time for jousting). Based
upon its parallel theme with the painting in Berlin, it has recently been proposed that the Getty drawing may in fact
reflect an early idea for the Hoechstetter

roundels. In sum, it seems that Breu
popularizedand he even may have
originateda new phase in the life of
tournament imagery in stained glass,
conveying it in unified pictorial terms
and naturalistically set within an urban
context inspired by his native Augsburg.
14
12
13
1. Germanisches Nationalmuseum (inv. no. M M 162); note

Schmitz 1913, I : 1 5 5 - 5 6 , fig. 2 5 6 ; Schmitz 1 9 2 3 : 9 , pi.
24; Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 3 3 1 - 3 4 , note 7 4 4 , fig. 4 3 6 .
2. For the Baltimore panel (inv. no. 4 6 . 7 6 ) , see cat. no. 2,
note 9, and Corpus Vitrearum Checklist n 1987: 6 2 ; for
the Berlin panel, sec cat. no. 2, especially note 8, and
Schmitz 1913, i i : no. 266; Scholz 1 9 9 1 : 3 3 2 , fig. 4 3 4 ;
Husband 1998: 1 8 1 - 8 2 , fig. 3.
3. Husband 3998: 1 79; Berlin 1992: 6 2 , under no. 6 7 . The
authors thank Donald J. La Rocca, Associate Curator of
Arms and Armour, Metropolitan Museum of Art, for his
help with the subject matter of this scene.
4. The drawing was exhibited in Galerie Arnoldi-Livie,
Gemlde
und Zeichnungen
1 4 9 0 - 1 9 1 8, Munich, 1 9 8 7 .
5. The Augsburg panel was first associated with Breu by

Drnhffer 1897: 25.
6. Rowlands 1993, 9 ? under no. 4 0 8 .
7. They could have been traced from a drawing such as the
glass painter's tracing from the Nuremberg Hirsvogel
shop found in the University Library, Erlangen (Bock
1929: no. 144) that repeats the left and top lobes of the
Berlin panel. For the Erlangen drawing, cf. Scholz 1 9 9 1 :
3 3 1 - 3 3 , note 7 4 4 , fig. 4 3 5 .
8. The gesture of the raised hand in the rider who accompanies the jouster does not occur in the panels associated
with the Housebook Master school and seems to arise in
those of the Drer school.
9. Rowlands 1993, I: 19:1, no. 4 0 8 , n, pi. 2 6 1 ; inv. no.
5 2 1 8 - 1 2 1 . See also cat. no. 2, note 8.
10. Husband 1998: 183.
1 1 . Prague, Nrodnf Galerie, inv. no. K - 2 2 4 4 4 . There is a
copy of this drawing in Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, KdZ
4 7 8 2 . The authors are deeply grateful to Tilman Falk,
who pointed out the similarity of the Getty sheet to the
Prague example, especially with regard to the urban
backdrop and bystanders.
1:
12. Dormeier 1 9 9 4 b :
201-8.
13. Sec further cat. nos. 9 1 - 9 4 .

14. Husband 1998: 183. Another Breu circle variant of a
tournament scene, formerly in the Graphische Sammlung Albertina, Vienna, and now in the Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin, was mentioned by Wegner as being similar
to the scene in the Berlin painting. Cf. Wegner 1959: 3 0 ,
fig. 13.
A U G S B U R G
205
80-82
Designed by J r g Breu the Elder
The Children of the

Planets
c. 1512-16
80
A f t e r J r g Breu the Elder
The Children of Luna
c. 1 5 1 2 - 1 6
Pen and b r o w n ink on cream laid paper

Inscribed in light b r o w n ink i n the cartouche
at the top VENUS, which is crossed out and
inscribed above i n dark b r o w n ink luna
DIAMETER
23.7 cm
Weimar, Kunstsammlungen zu Weimar,
Schlossmuseum
Inv. no.
KK
93
PROVENANCE
Granducal collection
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : M o r r a l l 1993: 2 1 2 - 1 3 .
80
81
The Children of Luna

c. 1512-16
Clear glass, b r o w n and black vitreous paint,

yellow stain and sanguine
DIAMETER
W i t h lead frame: 17.3 cm.

Frankfurt am M a i n , Museum fr
Kunsthandwerk
Inv. no. 6131
PROVENANCE
Acquired i n 1926 from Kammerherr von der

Gabelentz
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Kunstgewerbemuseum 1927:
44 ff., sect. 20; Beeh-Lustenberger 1965: no. 53,

1 2 3 - 2 5 ; M o r r a l l 1993: 214.
81
206
A U G S B U R G
82
8a
The Children of Saturn"

c. 1512-16
Clear glass, black and brown vitreous paint,

CONDITION
Flaked paint; later blue frame

16.4 cm; 19.4 cm w i t h frame
Glasgow, Glasgow Museum, The Burrell
Collection
Inv. no. 45/494
PROVENANCE
W i l l i a m Burrell (original gift, H u t t o n Castle)

BIBLIOGRAPHY:
Glasgow I.965: no. 193;
M o r r a l l 1993: 2 1 1 - 1 4 .
A m o n g the enduring legacies of classical antiquity in Western culture is that of

planetary influence upon human life. The
ancients identified seven so-called planets: Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Venus, Sol (the
Sun), Mercury, and Luna (the Moon).
*Not included in
Throughout the Middle Ages and Renaissance, it was thought that the planet
that dominated the heavens at birth determined an individual's nature.
While The Children of the Planets had a rich tradition in the graphic
arts of the late fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, Breu appears to have introduced it to stained glass, producing
several cycles of glass designs illustrating the subject, as evidenced by a
number of drawings and two surviving
glass roundels. The drawings include
The Children of Sol in Leipzig, M u seum der bildenden Knste (fig. 63);
The Children of Saturn (fig. 64) and
The Children of Mercury (fig. 65) in the
Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin; The Children of Luna in Schlossmuseum, Weimar
(cat. no. 80); and what seems to be the
only autograph drawing in the series,
The Children of Mars in Linz, Stadtmuseum Linz-Nordico. The glass includes The Children of Luna, Frankfurt
am Main, Museum fr Kunsthandwerk
(cat. no. 81); The Children of Saturn, Glasgow, Burrell Collection (cat.
1
no. 82); and The Children of Venus, formerly in Berlin.

The Leipzig drawing shows Sol in
a chariot overhead, while below, a king
presides over hot-tempered men who engage in swordplay and acrobatic contortions. The Weimar drawing and
Frankfurt panel appear to be variants
of each other. The Weimar drawing presents Luna as Diana riding in a heavenly chariot, while below a panorama
unfolds that refers largely to water, the
lunar element, with a mill in the foreground, behind which flows a river with
a boatman, a fisherman, and a bridge
crossed by peasants carrying produce to
the mill. In the left background are men
standing around a table where a magician performs tricks. In the Frankfurt
panel, foreground and background elements have been re-versed, with the
magician and onlookers in the foreground, while the water-related elementsconsisting of a mill, peasants
carrying produce, a lake, and a fishermanare placed in the distance. At the
left is a bird-catcher and at the right a fal2
exhibition
A U G S B U R G
207
coner on horseback and a couple riding

double, seen from the rear.
Breu's Leipzig and Weimar drawings rely strongly upon the series of
Florentine engravings of the planets of
around 1460, attributed to Baccio Baldini (fig. 66), which also inspired a series
of late-fifteenth-century woodcuts published in Augsburg by Erhard Radolt.
Other comparable depictions of the planets include the series of woodcuts of
15 31 generally attributed to Georg Pencz
(cf. cat. no. 66) and drawings by the
Master of the Housebook (cf. cat. nos.
1-3) in the manuscript after which he is
named in the collection of the princes of
Waldburg-Wolfegg in Wolfegg. Following the example of the above-mentioned
Florentine engravings, the illustrations
of The Children of the Planets in the
Housebook are accompanied by texts
outlining the character of individuals
born under each planet. Luna, for example, describes her influence over her
children as "Cold and wet my power
ranging overall, unstable, changing."
Saturn's children exhibit the troubled nature of their planetary forbear
who was so closely identified with the
artistic temperament, melancholy, and
obsession with immense and imponderable philosophic and religious questions,
as definitively expressed by Drer in the
engraving Melencolia i. In the Medieval
Housebook, Saturn describes his progeny: "vicious, dry, and old/ envious,
weary, wretched, cold . . . /They grub the
dirt, dig graves, plow land/ in foul stinking clothes, they stand . . . always needy,
never free." The Glasgow roundel of
The Children of Saturn includes a beggarlike man with a sack and ill-fitting hose
and a man on crutches in the foreground,
with two prisoners in stocks in the middle
distance. These have been shown to refer
to Saturn's malign aspects of causing
dark moods and susceptibility to crime,
beggary, and physical misfortune. The
farthest from the earth and thus coldest
planet, Saturn was associated with winter and its labors of hog slaughtering,
wood chopping, and breaking ground
with a plow, which also appear in the
Glasgow roundel.
A comparison of the Weimar Luna
and Berlin Saturn drawings to the roundels in Frankfurt and Glasgow shows
that the drawings, with their many figures, vast panoramas, and planetary gods
in the heavens evince a more direct reliance on the tradition of the Baldiniascribed Florentine engravings. The glass
panels, on the other hand, which are
smaller than the drawings, omit the overhead gods, reduce the number of the
figures, and place clearly defined groups
of figures in the foregroundchanges
that make them less emblematic, more
3
64. After Jrg Breu the Elder. The Children of Saturn, c. 1515. Pen and brown ink,
23.7 cm (diam.). Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz (inv. no. K d z
43^7)FIGURE
208
AUGSBURG
naturalistic, and improve their legibility

in the glass medium. This placement of
groups of sculptural, energetic figures in
the foreground corresponds to Breu's
compositional method in the Hoechstetter series, with a particularly good comparison existing between the woodcutter
in March from the cycle of the months
and the analogous figure in the Glasgow
panel. This leads one to interpret the
surviving evidence as pointing to Breu
having designed two cycles of glass panels
of the Children of the Planets, basing the
first one on the tradition of the Florentine engravings, and with this series in
turn providing the starting point for a
more original and legible cycle produced
after he had further developed his compositional methods for glass. The dependence on earlier sources and less assured
manner of composition suggest that Breu
made the planetary series somewhat
before he embarked upon his greatest
treatment of cosmological themes, the
Hoechstetter cycle of the months. Like
the Fioechstetter series, the cycle of glass
roundels to which the examples in Frankfurt and Glasgow belong provided the
inspiration for paintings.
8
6 5 . After Jrg Breu the Elder. The Children of Mercury, c. 1 5 1 5 . Pen and brown ink,
23 cm (diam.). Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz (mv. no. K d z 4 3 2 6 ) .
F I G U R E
T. The major work on this series has been done by Andrew

Morrall; cf. Morrall 1993: 2 1 2 - 1 4 . br the Berlin Saturn
and Mercury, cf. Bock 1 9 2 1 , 1: nos. 4 3 2 7 , 4 3 2 6 , 4 7 7 9 .
For the Leipzig Sol, see Ihlc and Mehnert 1972: no. 10
(27.3 cm; inv.no. 4 7 6 6 ) ; for the Erlangen copy of Mars,
cf. Bock 1929, 1: no. 7 7 1 , 11: pi. 182 (diameter of 23.7
cm). The authors are deeply indebted to Tilman Falk,
who brought to our attention the only possibly autograph drawing to have survived from the series, The Children of Mars in Linz (drawn in pen and gray and black
ink), which, although not as high in quality as the
Munich drawings for the Maximilian Wars and Hunts
series, could be autograph, perhaps a reworked tracing.
Cf. Pokorny 1998: no. 3 (inv. no. sv/320). It bears the
monogram HB applied in gray ink by a later hand, which
could refer to the glass painter Hans Braun, whose monogram appears on the Gttingen series of copies after
Breu's cycle of the Months (cf. cat. nos. 9194).
2. For the Frankfurt Luna, cf. Beeh-Lustcnberger 1965: no.
53, 1 2 3 - 2 5 . For the Berlin Venus, see Schmitz 1913,11:
pi. 3 6 , no. 224 (as Breu the Elder or Younger, c. 1 530).
3. For the Florentine prints attributed to Baldini, sec Hind
1 9 3 8 - 4 8 , 11: 77 ff., no. A, i l l : 1 - 9 ; cf. Morrall 1993:
2 1 2 - 1 4 ; Beeh-Lustenbergcr 1965: no. 53, 1 2 3 - 2 5 ; For
the woodcuts after Pencz, cf. London 1995: no. i 0 9 a - c ,

115-17.
4. Washington, D . C , and New York 1 9 9 8 - 9 9 : 3 8 .

5. Cf. Klibansky, Panofsky, and Saxl 1964.
6. Washington, D . C , and New York 1 9 9 8 - 9 9 : 2 8 .
F I G U R E
6 6 . Attributed to Baccio Baldini. The
Children
of Luna, c. 1460. Engraving, 32.4 X 21.6 cm. London, The
British Museum (inv. no. 1 8 4 5 - 8 - 2 5 - 4 7 6 ) .
Photo: T h e British Museum.
7. Cf. Morrall 1 9 9 3 : 2 1 2 - 1 4 .
8. Cf. Boockmann and Grber 1994: 180, fig. 2.5 (drawing

in Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, inv. no. 4 0 5 9 ) .
9. As discovered and illustrated by Morrall; cf. Morrall
1993:
213-14.
A U G S B U R G
209
83-90
The Cycle of Glass

Roundels with the Wars
and Hunts of Emperor
Maximilian I
c. 1516
83
J r g Breu the Elder
Emperor Maximilian's
Hennegau War
c. 1516
Pen and black ink on cream laid paper; frame on

a separate sheet of cream laid paper
Inscribed i n the frame i n b r o w n ink: Kayser
Maximiliani Hnnigaw Krieg; inscribed in the
frame at the upper left i n pen and b r o w n ink
w i t h the old inventory number 2863 and again
at the bottom of the image; dry stamp to the left
of this inventory number
DIAMETER
24.9 cm; 27.7 X 26.8 w i t h inscribed border

M u n i c h , Staatliche Graphische Sammlung
Mnchen
83
Inv. no. 28
PROVENANCE
Mannheim collection; Elector Carl Theodor

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schmid 1894: 2 3 - 2 4 ;
Drnhffer 1897: 1-55; Stiassny 1 8 9 7 - 9 8 :
2 9 6 - 9 8 ; Schmitz 1913, i : 1 3 1 , note 1; Baldass
1923: 26, 4 1 , p l . 40; M u n i c h 1958: no. 26, 3 5 36; Witzleben 1977: 48; Berlin and Regensburg
1988: 180, under no. 89; M o r r a l l 1994: 1.2931, 1 3 9 - 4 0 ; Scholz 1998: 386, 392.
84
A f t e r J r g Breu the Elder, Hans
K n o d e r (or G u m p o l t G i l t l i n g e r ? )
Hennegau War
c. 1516
Clear glass, black vitreous paint, yellow stain,

sanguine
CONDITION
Cracked; triangular piece at the top a modern

replacement
DIAMETER
Including lead frame: 26.9 cm

Eisenach, Wartburg-Stiftung Eisenach
Inv. no.
KG
113
I: 257,
fig.
36a;
Baldass 1923: 4 1 , under no. 40; Kmpfer 1 9 7 3 76: 70, fig. 75; Corpus Vitrearum Checklist i v
1991: 163.
210
AUGSBURG
84
85
Burgundian War
c. 1516
Pen and black ink on cream laid paper; border

on a separate piece of cream laid paper
Inscribed in the border in pen and brown ink:
Kayser Maximiliani Burgundisch Krieg; inscribed
in pen and brown ink 2860 at the lower left of
the border and at the bottom of the image.
DIAMETER
24.7 cm; 28 X 26.2 cm w i t h border

PROVENANCE
Mannheim Collection; Elector Carl Theodor
85

Mnchen
Inv. no. 25
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
See
cat.
no.
83.
86
By or after J r g Breu the Elder
Burgundian War
c. 1516
Pen and brown ink on cream laid paper; dry

stamp in the lower right
DIAMETER
24.6 cm
Inv. no.
Ni.18
PROVENANCE
Stiftung Drnen, Leipzig

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Drnhffer 1897: 3 - 4 , note 4;
Ihle and Mehnert 1972: no. 8, 40.
86
A U G S B U R G
2 J. T
87-88
Emperor Maximilian
Hunting Bear and
Emperor Maximilian
Hunting Stag
c.
1516
Counterproofs i n black ink w i t h some parts

discolored to reddish b r o w n , on cream laid paper
DIAMETER
25.2 cm
Mnchen
Inv. nos. 74 and 75
PROVENANCE
M a n n h e i m Collection; Elector Carl Theodor

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : See cat.
no.
83.
87
88
212
AUGSBURG
89"9
Emperor Maximilian
Hunting Bear and
Emperor Maximilian
Hunting Stag
c. 1516
Pen and black ink over black chalk on beige laid

paper
WATERMARK
Imperial orb (Briquet [ 1907] 1966: 3058)

26.7 and 26.5 cm
Paris, Bibliotheque nationale de France
Inv. no. Cote B I 3 res
PROVENANCE
M . de Marolies; collection mark of the

Bibliotheque nationale (Lugt 1921: 253)
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
Drnhffer
1897:
54;
Lugt
and
Vallery-Radot 1936: nos. 20 and 2 1 , 11; Paris

1991-92:110. 16; Falk 1995: 166.
Besides his public commissions for

monumental stained glass, such as the
Emperor's Window in the church of Saint
Sebald, Nuremberg, Emperor Maximilian issued at least one major private
commission for a cycle of stained-glass
roundels. In a letter of June 14, 1 516, to
his treasurer in Augsburg, Jakob
Villinger, he ordered twenty glass panels
to decorate the new tower of his hunting
lodge in Lermoos (Tyrol), with the
responsibility for their manufacture and
shipment to Lermoos to be accorded to
the Augsburg court artist Hans Knoder
(fl. 1 5 0 8 - 2 2 ) . The
1
90
major scholarship
on the series remains that of Drnhffer,

who identified this commission with the
series of eighteen roundel drawings by
Jrg Breu the Elder in the Staatliche
Graphische Sammlung, Munich, which
comprise fourteen battle scenes and
four hunting scenes: Emperor Maximilian's Hennegau War (cat. no. 83),
The Battle of Therovanne, The Gelderland War, The Utrecht War, The Flemish
War, The Second Flemish War, The Austrian War, The Hungarian War, Emperor Maximilian s Burgundian War (cat.
no. 85), The Swiss War, The Naples War,
The Bohemian Battle, The Conquest
of Kufstein, The Venetian War, Emperor Maximilian Hunting Stag (cat.
no. 88), Emperor Maximilian Hunting
Boar, Emperor Maximilian Hunting
A U G S B U R G
21
6 7 . After Jrg Breu the Elder; Hans Knoder (or Gumpoldt Giltlingerf?]).
The Swiss War, c. 1516. Clear glass, yellow stain, sanguine, and vitreous paint.
Formerly Salzburg, Museum Carolino Augusteum, Salzburger Museum fr Kunst
und Kulturgeschichte (inv. no. 166/22); destroyed during World War 11.
FIGURE
Photo: Salzburger M u s e u m C A .
Bear (cat. no. 87), and Emperor Maximilian Falcon Hunting. Three connected
glass roundels have been published subsequent to Drnhffer's article: The Swiss
War, formerly in the Museo Carolino
Augusteum, Salzburg (fig. 67); The Second Flemish War, in the Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York; and Emperor
Maximilian's Hennegau War (cat. no. 84)
in the Wartburg. Unfortunately, nothing
further can be ascertained about the installation of the roundels, given the complete destruction of the hunting lodge
during the sixteenth century. Since the
commission was given to Knoder, it has
been assumed that he executed the glass
roundels. Recently, however, it has been
suggested that as court painter he could
have acted as coordinator for the commission, procuring the services of Breu to
design it and those of Knoder's brotherin-law, Gumpolt Giltlinger (fl. Augsburg
1451-Augsburg 1522), a multifaceted
artist who was also a glass painter, to
execute i t .
As recognized by Drnhffer, the
battle scenes from Breu's series of roundels are ultimately based upon some of
the miniatures from The Triumphal Procession, one of Emperor Maximilian's
great commissions, which comprised a
monumental hand-painted album on vellum depicting a triumphal parade
celebrating his military victories. It is
largely the work of Albrecht Altdorfer,
with the assistance of other artists, in2
214
AUGSBURG
cluding Georg Lemberger. The overall

program of The Triumphal Procession
was worked out by the court historian
Johannes Stabius and dictated by the emperor to his secretary, Marx Treitzauerwein, toward the end of 1512. At that
time, the Innsbruck court painter Jrg
Klderer made drawings for the series,
which served as the basis for the miniatures carried out by Altdorfer and his
assistants, which were probably completed in early 1516. The same text for
the program and probably the no-longerextant drawings also strongly influenced
another imperial commission, the giant
woodcut frieze of The Triumphal Procession, the designs for which were carried out largely by Hans Burgkmair and
Albrecht Altdorfer, with lesser contributions from Hans Springinklee, Leonhard
Beck, Hans Schufelein, and Wolf Huber,
and with the woodblocks apparently cut
in Augsburg between 1516 and 1518.
Breu probably consulted drawings either
for or after the vellum Triumphal Procession when making the designs for his
series of glass roundels.
Augsburg was also the city in which
the more than two hundred wood
blocks, designed chiefly by Burgkmair
and Leonhard Beck, were cut between
1514 and 1516 for the allegorical history
of the reign of Maximilian and his father,
Friedrich 111, the Weisskunig} Its third
part chronicles Maximilian's military exploits from 1477 to 1513, subject matter
6
that also forms part of the painted Triumphal Procession. It is thus within this
cluster of Maximilian's great commissions celebrating his military prowess
the painted Triumphal Procession and
the monumental publications carried out
in Augsburg, the woodcut Triumphal
Procession and the Weisskunigthat
one must place Breu's series of designs
for the Lermoos glass panels.
A comparison of the Munich drawing of The Hennegau (Hainault) War
(cat. no. 83) and its related glass roundel
from the Wartburg (cat. no. 84) with the
miniature from The Triumphal Procession of The War in Hennegau and in
Picardy, and the Battle ofTherouanne in
Artois (fig. 68) shows the brilliance with
which Breu adapted the compositions of
the miniatures to the roundel format.
The battle scenes in The Triumphal Procession miniatures appear as painted
panels borne aloft in the procession by
Landsknechte; the miniature in question,
which Winzinger attributed to Georg
Lemberger, displays the Hennegau War
on the right-hand panel. From May to
September 1478, then-Archduke Maximilian successfully countered the French
invasion of Netherlandish territory acquired through his marriage to Mary of
Burgundy. The miniature shows the attacking imperial troops on the left and the
fleeing French troops at the right. In the
right foreground, imperial troops storm
a fortified bridge leading to a city; in
the middle ground they combat French
troops on an arched bridge; while in the
background they invade a city from the
left, driving the French out the other
side. Breu reconfigured the vast Altdorferesque panorama of the "panel," which
relies chiefly on lateral motion, to exploit
the telescopic potential of the roundel
format. He brings the eye of the viewer
into the midst of the foreground melee, in
which imperial troops pursue the French
through the fortified bridge. The river
in the middle leads the eye into the far distance, with this effect driven dynamically
by the serpentine motion of the armies
and the strong cropping of the border,
which heightens the tension along the
central corridor of the composition.
Breu's Danube School tendencies appear
in the key role played by the landscape,
whose pulsing energy is equal to and of
a piece with that of the troops. As seen
in the finished glass roundel, the arched
bridge reinforces the convexity of the city
wall in the distance, which in turn
leads the eye to the vast watery landscape in the far distance. This delicately
washed panorama, particularly when
illuminated by sunlight, testifies to the
technical brilliance of the glass painter
and to the unique and magical qualities
of the glass medium within the land11
and Valery-Radot, however, the Munich

versions (cat. nos. 87-88) are in fact
counterproofs, with the two surviving
originals, The Bear Hunt and The Stag
Hunt, now in the Bibliotheque nationale,
Pans (cat. nos. 89-90). Of all of Breu's
primary versions for this series, these
two in Paris seem to be the only ones not
cut down to the circular border. It is
curious that the counterproofs rather
than the originals are part of the M u nich group, which appears to comprise
the primary compositional drawings for
the battle roundels.
With their Alpine backdrops, the
hunting scenes have a different look
than the battle scenes and thus form
their own group within the larger series.
The suggestion that their landscape reflects the area around Cardinal Matthus
Lang's Wellenburg Castle near Augsburg,
has been refuted, and indeed it seems
more logical that their spectacular scenery, as well as hunting subject matter,
was intended to reflect life at the Tyrolean hunting lodge for which they were
commissioned.
15
16
17
68 . Georg Lemberger. The War in Hennegau and in Picardy, and the Battle of
Therouanne
in Artois (detail of right half), fol. 50 from The Triumphal Procession of Emperor
Maximilian,
c. 1516. Watercolor and gouache on vellum, 45 X 85 cm (entire fol.). Vienna,
Graphische Sammlung Albertina (inv. no. 2 5 . 2 0 7 ) .
FIGURE
Photo: Graphische Sammlung Albertina, W i e n .
scape imagery of the German Renaissance (cf. Peter van Treeck's remarks on
this panel, p. 61).
Breu's Munich drawings for the
series of battles and hunts of Emperor
Maximilian mark a high point in his production of stained-glass designs. Indeed,
their teeming detail and dramatic spatiality caused Drnhffer, who did not know
the related panels, to question whether
they could be translated into the medium of glass. The answer, according
to Andrew Morrall's recent research, is
probably that Breu made this type of
drawing, intricately rendered in black
ink with a fine nibbed pen, filled with
dense hatching, and lacking wash modeling, in order to work out a fully developed compositional idea. This primary
version, as exemplified by the Munich
Burgundian War (cat. no. 85), could
have been given to the patron. A close
replica, such as the excellent, possibly
autograph version in Leipzig (cat.
no. 86), documents what was shown to
the patron and agreed upon, the so-called
vidimus (we have seen). The second version would have been kept in the studio
as a permanent record of the composition and working drawing in the production of glass. As noted by Morrall, the
12
13
quality of this vidimus had to be quite

high, as it served as the basis for further
working drawings. In subsequent drawings, as exemplified by the Paris October
for the Hoechstetter Cycle of the Months
(cat. no. 93), Breu and his assistants simplified the intricate line work still more,
turning it into washes and outlines that
could be unambiguously translated into
glass painting. In the Wartburg panel,
almost all hatching has been transformed
into matt wash modeling of the utmost
delicacy. The thickened contours that
form such a prominent part of Breu's
drawing technique appear throughout
the roundel as trace lines (for example,
the right side of the tree stump), giving
definition to forms. On the reverse of
the panel, brilliant silver stain accents the
movement of the troops through the
landscape; sparing touches of sanguine,
as seen in the faces of the foremost soldiers, the foreground tree stump, and the
city in the background heighten threedimensionality by providing a warm
middle tone.
The four hunting scenes include
some of the most beautiful landscapes
of the series. Maximilian himself might
be represented as the foremost pikeman
in the bear hunt. As noted by Lugt
14
1. Drnhffer 1897: 9. For more on Knodcr, see Morrall

1994, d Thieme and Becker 1 9 0 7 - 5 0 , xxi: 1 2 - 1 3 .
2. For the Salzburg panel (destroyed in World War 11), cf.
Stiassny 1 8 9 7 - 9 8 : 2 9 6 - 9 8 ; Tietzc 1919: 178, fig. 2 2 5 ;
Baldass 1923: 4 1 , under no. 4 0 ; Fischer 1914: opposite
166, pi. 89; for the Metropolitan panel (inv. no.
2 5 . 1 3 5 . 1 7 0 , European Sculpture and Decorative Arts),
cf. Corpus Vitrearum Checklist iv 199.1: 1 6 3 .
3. Drnhffer 1897: 10.
4. Morrall 1994: 1 3 9 - 4 0 . For Giltlinger's activity as a
glass painter, with further literature, see Hartmut
Scholz's essay in this volume, pp. 3 3 - 3 7 . For a summary of his activities as a painter and further literature,
see Hans Georg Gmelin, "Gumpolt Giltlinger," in DOA
a n
(1996, xii: 648).
5. See Drnhffer 1897: 8. Of its original 1:09 folios, fols.

j and 4 9 - 1 0 9 survive in the Graphische Sammlung
Albertina, Vienna (inv. no. 2 5 2 6 2 ) . Copies of the complete work are in Vienna, sterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. min. 77; Albertina D. 1196, 2. Garnitur
nr. 23-39 and Madrid, Nat. Bibl. Res. 232; cf.
Winzinger 1 9 7 2 - 7 3 , i : 5 8 - 5 9 .
6. As established in Winzinger 1 9 7 2 - 7 3 ; cf. Berlin and

Regensburg 1988: 180, under no. 89.
7. Winzinger 1 9 7 2 - 7 3 , i : 3 9 .
8. Stuttgart 1973: cat. nos. 2 0 4 - 1 6 , n.p.; London 1:995:
no. 1 4 3 .
9. Scholz 1998: 392. There are drawn copies of the miniatures in the British Museum (The First War in hlennegau
and Picardy) and elsewhere; cf. Rowlands 1 993, I:
no. 5 4 , 28.
10. Stuttgart 1973: nos. 1 7 8 - 2 0 3 , n.p.; London 1:995: no.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
142.
Winzinger 1 9 7 2 - 7 3 , i : no. 4, 4:1, i i : no. 4, 4.

Drnhffer 1897: i o .
Morrall 1994: 1 2 8 - 3 4 .
Falk 1995: 1 6 6 .
Lugt and Vallery-Radot 1936: nos. 2 0 - 2 1 , 1 1 .
Falk 1995: 1 6 6 .
For the contextual reference to Wellenburg Castle, see
Paris 1 9 9 1 - 9 2 : no. 16. For the observation that this
cannot be the case, based upon a comparison to Breu's
1516 woodcut of the site, see Falk 1995: 1 6 6 .
AUGSBURG
215
91-94
The Cycle of the

Months Made for
Georg Hoechstetter
c.
1521
91

Roundel with the Month
of July: Falcon Hunting
and Harvesting Wheat
c.
1521
Pen and black ink, gray wash, on beige laid paper

DIAMETER
23.7 cm
Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabinett, ( M a x
Friedlnder-Stiftungsfonds)
91
Inv. no. 12 839, 441928

PROVENANCE
Acquired i n 1928
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Wegner 1959: 23; Rowlands
1993, i : 42, under no. 9 1 , 43, under no. 93;
M o r r a l l 1994: 134, fig. 6.
92
(Hans Braun?)
Stained-Glass Roundel
with the Month of July:
Falcon Hunting and
Harvesting Wheat
c.
1521
Clear glass, black and b r o w n vitreous paint,

yellow stain and sanguine
CONDITION
Triangular piece at the top a modern

replacement
DIAMETER
W i t h lead frame: 24.7 cm

Kaiserslautern, Pfalzgalerie
Inv. no.
572
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Augsburg 1955: 24, under no.

64; Wegner 1959: 23.
92
Zl6
AUGSBURG
93
Design for a Glass Panel

with the Month of
October: Selling Fowl
in a Burgher's House
c.
1521
Pen and brown ink and gray wash on cream laid

paper
Inscribed jb in ligature in brown ink in the upper
right
93
DIAMETER
24.2 cm
Paris, t x o l e nationale superieure des Beaux-Arts,
Collection Masson
Inv. no.
M46
PROVENANCE
Masson Collection
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Wegner 1959: 26; Rowlands
1993,
1 :
4>
2-*4,
u r )
d e r no. 92; Dormeier 1994b: 2 1 1 ,
55.
94
Stained-Glass Roundel
with the Month of
October: Selling Fowl
in a Burgher's House
c.
1521
Clear glass w i t h black and brown vitreous paint,

CONDITION
Paint abraded
Inscribed jb in ligature (trimmed at top) in black
vitreous paint in the upper right
DIAMETER
24.5 cm w i t h leading; 28.5 cm w i t h frame and

leading
Augsburg, Stadt Augsburg Kunstsammlungen,
Maximilianmuseum
Inv. no. 3493
PROVENANCE
94
Together w i t h Roundel with a Tournament Scene

(cat. no. 79), from a Fugger house in Augsburg
AUGSBURG
217
70. Mongrammist " L A " ; after Jrg Breu the Elder. The Month of July: Falcon Hunting and Harvesting Wheat, 1545-55. P
l brown ink, 29.4 X 30.5 cm; 29.8 cm (diam.).
Bern, Historisches Museum (inv. no. 20036.71).
FIGURE
e n
a n
Photo: Stefan Rebsamen, Bernisches Historisches M u s e u m .
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Baum 1923:
I :
F I G U R E 69. After Jrg Breu the Elder. The

Month of July: Falcon Hunting and Harvesting Wheat, possibly middle of the sixteenth
century. Pen and ink, 41.9 X 21.3 cm. Basel,
ffentliche Kunstsammlung Basel, Kupferstichkabinett (inv. no. U . V I . 9 9 ) .
Photo: ffentliche Kunstsammlung Basel, M a r t i n
Bhler
2l8
AUGSBURG
110,
fig.
90;
Augsburg 1955: 64; Augsburg 1980, 11: no. 3;

Rowlands 1993, 4 > under no. 92; M o r r a l l
1994: 1 4 0 - 4 1 , fig. 7; Ulm 1995: 48, fig. 5;
Hasler 1 9 9 6 - 9 7 , 11: 285-5, under no. 689h.
2
J r g Breu the Elder's mastery of the particular suitability of the roundel format
to cycles of glass reaches one of its finest moments in the cycle of the months
designed for the Hoechstetter family of
Augsburg. Even in the context of the
frequent production in multiple versions of glass cycles after the Elder Breu,
the Hoechstetter series appears to have
enjoyed particular popularity, with the
twelve compositions of the series surviving in some sixty drawings disbursed
among various museums. Compared
with the drawings, the glass has suffered
a far larger rate of attrition, with only
two panels from the series surviving
in Kaiserslautern and Augsburg: The
Month of July: Falcon Hunting and
Harvesting Wheat (cat. no. 92) and The
Month of October: Selling Fowl in a
Burgher's House (cat. no. 94).
The drawing for The Month of
July in Berlin (cat. no. 91) is part of the
group of drawings for the cycle that are
accepted as autograph, which includes
January in the Graphische Sammlung
Albertina, and April, May, August, November, and December in the Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin. The works of this
group are drawn quite finely in pen, with
some of the contour lines strengthened
in darker ink and with selected passages modeled in gray wash. The quality
of their execution is slightly below that of
the Munich drawings for The Wars of
Emperor Maximilian (cat. nos. 83, 85),
which contain no wash. Intensively detailed line drawings of this type appear
to have been made in order to work out
a fully developed compositional idea,
which Breu himself presumably simplified somewhat for the glass painter, adding wash to aid in modeling, in the
Berlin July. The first version would either
be kept as the valuable property of the
Breu workshop or given to the patron,
while this second high-quality working drawing could have been made as
a vidimus, establishing what the patron
had been shown and the glass painter
was expected to carry out, and serving as
the basis for further copies used in the
glass-painting process. Two groups of
glass painters' tracings after the series in
Bern and Basel show different framing
devices, as seen in the Bern July tracing
(fig. 70), which is framed by a circle
inscribed IULIUS and showing the sun
1
over the constellation Leo, while that in

Basel (fig. 69) is framed by the inscription JULIUS.
GODT. DIE. SON IN
DEN LEUWEN ([In] July the sun travels to [the house of] the lion).
Breu's Berlin drawing of July centers upon a dismounted falconer luring
back his bird, which has made a kill; at
the left, a mounted huntsman supports a
net to entrap birds. (The theme of the falconer retrieving his bird is common in
this period, and figures in other glass
roundels such as the one after Breu from
the series of the Mechanical Arts in Dresden.) Beyond that, peasants reap wheat,
while in the distance are visible more
hunters and laboring peasants, set against
a vast mountainous landscape. Typical of
the Hoechstetter series, Breu depicts the
months with a combination of peasant
labors and aristocratic pastimes, with
emphasis placed upon the latter. The entire panorama is alive with detail and
energy. Taking a closer look at Breu's design for July and the roundel after it in
Kaiserslautern, we see him exploiting the
roundel format in a subtly different way
than in the series of The Wars of Emperor
Maximilian. In place of the Altdorferinspired legions of tiny figures of the
Wars, he places larger, rounder, and more
sculptural figures in the immediate foreground, which are strongly cropped, giving the impression that what we see is
part of a larger composition that extends
far beyond the bounds of the circular format. Simultaneously, the strong central
convergence of the composition draws
the eye inward, as if through an oculus.
The rounded, sculptural quality of the
foreground figures resonates with the
macrocosmic associations of the circular
form and solidifies their oneness with the
vital, larger world that they inhabit. The
cropping, indicating that we are seeing
a slice of a larger whole, emphasizes the
subject of time that is the focus of the
series, both in the seasonal nature of
labors and recreations and in the temporal flux in the sun's position in the firmament. In the glass panel there is a happy
melding of pictorial evocations of the
shifting sunconveyed by the circular
format and the depiction of the sun's rays
at the top (colored with yellow stain)
with the actual shifting sunlight that
shines through the glass.
2
The finest surviving design for the

October roundel in Augsburg (cat.
no. 94) is the drawing in Paris (cat.
no. 93), which belongs to a group of
presumed copies in the Ecole des BeauxArts, which is of lesser quality than the
Vienna/Berlin group and is characterized by the thick application of gray
wash. This group is decidedly closer to
Breu's manner than the other groups of
copies located in Basel, Bern, Gttingen,
F I G U R E 7 1 . Augsburg painter. Fall: July, August, September,

possibly middle to late sixteenth
century. Oil on canvas, 225 X 348 cm. Berlin, Deutsches Historisches Museum (inv. no.
1990/185.3).
Photo: Deutsches Historisches M u s e u m .
Nuremberg, and Copenhagen, but at the

same time the quality of the Augsburg
panel exceeds that of the Paris October
and underscores that it is a copy and
not by Breu himself. The Paris drawing
shows a rich man seated in the left foreground, whose wife places her hand on
his shoulder while he buys foodstuffs
from a group of peasants: a man supports a brace of birds and carries a hare
on a stick; a maid with a basket extends
her hand to receive coin for the chickens
on the table, and a man in a fool's cap,
perhaps not just costumed as a fool but a
real simpleton, enters at the right with
a basket of bread. In the background
stands a woman with a distaff, flanked
by a mirror on the left wall and a drinking fountain on the right, while at the left
one sees the back of a woman sitting in a
window sill looking out, and at the right,
peasants lay up wood and hay for winter. At the top of the right-hand wall is
Breu's monogram, a lower-case b with a
cross, which also appears in the Augsburg roundel. The glass roundel has been
cut all around, with the upper part of
the monogram lost to the trimming. The
autograph drawing for November in Berlin is the only other drawing or glass panel
in the Hoechstetter series to be monogrammed and indicates that Breu himself
was likely not the maker of the Augsburg
panel, but rather that the glass painter of
the Augsburg panel, like the copyist in the
Paris July drawing, transcribed the initials of the inventor to his image.
4
In the back windows of the room,

clearly visible in the Paris October as well
as the related Augsburg glass panel, are

two coats of arms which have been identified: on the left (repeated in the bench
at the lower left in the Paris drawing)
is that of the Augsburg Hoechstetter
family and on the right is that of the
Ehem family. Hoechstetter arms also appear in the design for November. As established by Wegner, the patron of the
series must have been the Augsburger
Georg 11 Hoechstetter (14 79-1534), who
was married to Ursula Ehem. Her death
in 1521 establishes a terminus ante quern
for the series. Breu's placement of the
patron's arms in the back windows of
the room makes pointed and effective
use of the popular motif of the window
within a window. Compared with the
Paris drawing of the same subject, the
Augsburg panel subordinates outline to
tonal modeling, which works beautifully
with actual light to illuminate the interior of the house.
One of the prominent glass painters on the Augsburg guild rolls during Breu's lifetime was Hans Braun. The
initials HB appear on the copies of
the cycle of the months in Gttingen,
one of which is dated 1526, which indicates Braun produced an early series
of glass paintings after Breu's designs
for the Hoechstetter windows. The
January scene in the Bern series of copies is monogrammed LA, pointing to still
another glass painter who manufactured
the cycle.
Together with the series of The
Wars and Hunts of Emperor Maximilian 1 and the Twelve Roundels Depicting
7
AUGSBURG
219
the Story of Joseph (cat. nos. 98-109),

The Cycle of the Months for the Hoechstetter family constitutes Breu's finest
contribution to the medium of stained
glass and one of his greatest artistic
achievements overall. It felicitously melds
form, content, and medium, with the
circular format underscoring the macrocosmic implications of the labors, pastimes, and seasons; in turn, this zodiacal
subject matter is literally illuminated and
brought to life by the light of the perpetually shifting sun. Breu eliminated all
traces of the static to achieve a powerful
and unified vision of temporal flux. Key
to this is the pronounced cropping of the
forms within the roundel format. It is
probably from his activities as one of the
major German designers of woodcut
book illustrations that Breu introduced
to the stained-glass medium the expert
use of cropping to create transition and
continuity within a cycle of images. As
cropping was a common device in late
medieval illuminated books of hours,
with their calendar cycles, its prominence
in Breu's designs could also indicate a
conscious linkage of them to this venerable tradition. Indeed, the cropping in
Breu's Hoechstetter designs is so clever
that it makes one wonder whether Breu
actually excerpted them from larger
1. See the excellent discussion of the functions the various

types of designs for glass roundels by and after Breu in
Morrall 1 9 9 4 : 1 2 8 - 3 4 .
2. Wegner 1 9 5 9 : 23 cites copies in Paris, Ecole des BeauxArts, Collection Masson, inv. no. 4 4 ; Bern, Historisches
Museum, Wyss Collection, Band 1, nr. 5 7 ; Basel, Kupferstichkabinett: and Gttingen, Kupferstichkabinett der
Universitt, which are monogrammed HB. For the series
of copies in Bern monogrammed LA and dating to
around 1 5 4 5 - 5 5 ,
Hasler (for further literature)
1 9 9 6 - 9 7 , 11: nos. a-k,
and Bern 1 9 9 6 - 9 7 : nos.
153-
62. There is an additional copy from the British

Museum volume of drawings from the Wyss collection;
cf. Rowlands 1 9 9 3 , 1: no. 93 (inv. no. 1 8 9 9 - 1 - 2 0 - 5 3 ) .
3. Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Historisches Museum;

Boockmann and Grber 1 9 9 4 : 155; cf. cat. nos. 9 6 - 9 7 .
See also Augustin Hirsvogel's round drawing of the same
subject in Budapest, Szepmveszeti Mzeum, inv.
no. 106, which may also be preparatory to a glass panel;
cf. Peters 1 9 7 9 : 3 7 5 .
4. Wegner 1959: 1 7 , 2 9 ; copies of the October are in Bern
(Wyss collection, Band 1, nr. 5 9 , inv. no. 2 0 0 3 6 , 73);
with further copies in Basel and Gttingen; Wegner
1959: 26.
5. Dormeier 1 9 9 4 b : 2 1 1 .
6. For the suggestion of Breu's possible authorship of the
Augsburg panel, see Baum 1 9 2 3 : 113; Augsburg 1980:
no. 3. For a fine discussion of the Augsburg guild rules
as support for the thesis that Breu did not actually execute glass painting, see Morrall 1 9 9 4 : 1 3 5 - 4 7 ) .
7. Wegner ^ 5 9 : 2 6 .
8. Note Morrall 1 9 9 4 : 140. The authors are deeply grateful to Tilman Falk, who points out that the drawing
Venatio monogrammed HB in Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett (inv. no. K d Z 1 7 6 6 6 ) , is so close in style to the
"draftsmanship" of the July roundel at Kaiserslautern
(cat. no. 9 2 ) as to indicate Braun's possible authorship of
the latter.
9. Baum 1 9 2 3 : 1 1 3 - 1 4 .
10. For a discussion of the attribution of the paintings, the
copies in Augsburg, Maximilianmuseum, and the drawings of October, November, December (Wolfegg,
Frstlich zu Waldburg-Wolfeggsches Kupferstichkabinett) and July, August, September (Paris, Bibliotheque
nationale) as probable variations of the Berlin paintings
and preparatory to the Augsburg copies, see Krmer
1994.
220
AUGSBURG
images. Attesting to their powerful evocation of a greater whole is the series of

four large paintings of the months and
pastimes in the Deutsches Historisches
Museum, Berlin, which probably date to
the later sixteenth century and which are
ultimately based upon Breu's Hoechstetter designs. They complete and
knit together the individual drawings
for the Hoechstetter glass roundels, as
seen in July-August-September from the
series (fig. 71).
Perhaps the most immediate appeal
of the Hoechstetter cycle of the months,
however, results from their brimming
detail, which forms a vivid evocation of
the life of the times. While some of the
scenes refer to the countryside, such as
July or May (which shows elegant ladies
and gentlemen disporting in the open
air), others, such as October or January (which shows a meal in a patrician
house), depict the seasonal activities of
city dwellers. Specific references to Augsburg, such as the appearance of the Wine
Market and the church of Saints Ulrich
and Afra in the background of January
or the Perlach Tower and the old City
Hall in the background of November,
suggest that the series as a whole depicts
the life of the city throughout the year,
no doubt in reference to the patron, who
was an Augsburg citizen. The city, and
specifically Augsburg, thus becomes a
key element within the natural order of
life, in contrast, for example, to the great
Season panels of Pieter Bruegel the Elder
(Vienna and New York), which depict
life in rural, agrarian terms. Breu's depiction of the months as in part illustrated
by the life of his own city thus stands as
one of the major artistic testaments to
the growing importance of urban life
and, by implication, to the efflorescence
of Renaissance Augsburg.
10
95
Bridal Scene
c. 1520-25
Pen and black ink and b r o w n and orange wash

on cream laid paper
DIAMETER
19.8
cm

Inv. no.
89.GG.17
PROVENANCE
Rudolf P. Goldschmidt, Berlin (Lugt 1 9 2 1 :

2 9 2 6 ) (sale, Prestel, Frankfurt-am-Main,
October 4 , 1 9 1 7 , lot 7 6 ) ; E. Czeczowicska,
Vienna (sale, C. G. Boerner and Paul Graupe,
Berlin, M a y 1 2 , 1 9 3 0 , lot 4 5 ) ; Lessing J.
Rosenwald, Jenkintown, Pennsylvania; M r . and
M r s . David Felix, Philadelphia (sale, Christie's,
N e w York, January 1 2 , 1 9 8 8 , lot 9 0 ) ; art
market, Boston.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schilling 1 9 3 3 : 2 9 - 3 0 ; Parker
1 9 3 8 , i : 1 2 0 , under no. 2 8 0 ; Goldner and

Hendrix 1 9 9 2 : no. 1 2 1 ; Rowlands 1 9 9 3 , 4 >
under no. 8 9
I :
A m o n g Breu's most charming designs

for glass roundels is the series depicting
the tale of the rise of a peasant lad who becomes an emperor. The story occurs
in the late medieval compilation of
moralizing legends, the Gesta Romanorum, which was widely popular during
the Renaissance and was printed in numerous editions, including the first German edition published in Augsburg by
Johann Schopser in 1489. Unlike
another tale from the Gesta Romanorum
(Deeds of the Romans)Shooting at the
Father's Corpse, which was depicted in
1517 by Hans Baldung for a stainedglass roundel (Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, inv. no. Kdz 571)this story
appears to have had no prior history of
illustration before Breu.
Edmund Schilling first identified
the subject matter of the series as deriving
from the Gesta Romanorum, prompted
by the drawing in Frankfurt (fig. 72),
which has the following inscription on
its frame recounting (in translation from
the German): "The emperor is horrified
that a peasant will be his son-in-law and
orders the child killed. The servants
brought him the heart of a hare for the
child's heart and laid the child in a tree."
According to the tale, a nobleman and
his wife fled the emperor's wrath to hide
in a hut in the forest. One day the emperor
went hunting and took overnight shelter
1
edged that it must be the will of God. He

then sent for the youth, confirming his
marriage and succession to the throne.
Pointing to their high quality,
Schilling recognized that the Frankfurt,
London, and Los Angeles sheets were by
Breu himself. He noted two further drawings from the series, which he regarded
as copies, depicting a lying-in chamber
and a christening, which may show the
child being christened after his birth (fig.
73), and the formerly mentioned banquet scene.
It has been noted that the arms of
a triple rampant lion (Baden-Wrttemberg), which occur above the bed in the
lying-in scene and on the cloth covering the horse at the left of the London
drawing, may indicate the patron who
commissioned the series. Rowlands has
proposed that the Gesta Romanorum
drawings may form part of a larger series
for glass paintings of heroes and heroines from antiquity and heroic saints,
evidenced by a number of roundel designs of such subjects by Breu, including several in the British Museum. In
the Gesta Romanorum, "Of Tribulation
and Anguish" was accompanied by a
christianized moral likening the child to
Jesus Christ, and this moral may have
appealed to the patron. The patron may
also have found particular resonance in
the story due to its association with the
Holy Roman Emperor Henry i n of Germany ( 1 0 1 7 - 1 0 5 6 ) , whose reign marked
a high point in the history of the medieval
German monarchy. In some versions of
the Gesta Romanorum the child is named
Henry and the emperor is called Conrad,
in reference to the father of Henry i n ,
Emperor Conrad 11. The historical reference to these emperors is still more explicit in another source for the above tale
in The History of the Lombards, the penultimate chapter of Jacobus de Voragine's
Golden Legend, which contains an historical account of the German emperors.
Like the Gesta Romanorum, the Golden
Legend was published in numerous editions in Breu's lifetime, and the stories in
both so closely parallel each other that it
is difficult to determine which source he
used for his images.
5
95
at the same hut. That night, the wife gave

birth to a son, a scene that may be represented in the drawing formerly in the
Rodrigues Collection and now in a European private collection (fig. 7 3 ) . While
this happened, the emperor had a dream
that the newborn would become his sonin-law. Fearing the prophesied usurper,
the emperor ordered two of his squires
to slay the baby and show him the heart
as proof of death. Moved by the child's
beauty, the squires placed him on the
branch of a tree and presented the emperor with the heart of a hare instead.
While riding through the forest, a duke
discovered the baby and took him to
raise. (Schilling has noted that the episode of the duke's discovery of the child in
the forest is depicted in the drawing formerly in the Oppenheimer and Schilling
collections and now in the British M u seum [fig. 7 4 ] . ) The child became exceedingly handsome and intelligent and
was taken to court by his father. Schilling
recognized that another drawing formerly in the Rodrigues Collection and
in a European private collection probably depicts a banquet scene in which
the emperor recognized the youth and
forced the nobleman to confess the truth
(fig-75)3
The extant series seems to be missing scenes of several decisive moments

from the middle of the tale. The emperor
wrote a letter to the queen, commanding
her to have the young man killed upon its
delivery, and gave the letter to the youth
to deliver. The youth put the letter in his
purse and went into a church, where he
fell asleep. A curious priest opened the
purse and found the letter and, filled with
horror, erased the passage commanding
the youth's death and wrote in its place
that the queen should give the lad their
daughter's hand in marriage. The last in
the series of extant drawings is that in the
Getty. Schilling believed the scene at the
left, with the handsome youth on horseback, might refer back to his arrival at
court, but it seems more likely that it
shows his delivery of the letter to the
queen. Schilling recognized that the scene
to the right depicts the climax of the
tale, in which the lad and the princess,
now married, lie in a magnificent nuptial
bed, which implies the fulfillment of the
prophesy, whereby the lad's bloodline
will be merged with that of the royal
house. The story ends when the emperor,
initially stunned when he heard the news,
questioned the squires. Upon hearing the
miraculous chain of events, he acknowl-
As Schilling noted, the Getty drawing is among the most beautiful in the
series. This is due in part to the splendid
ornamental bed and classizing architecture of the bridal chamber, both of which
indicate that Breu drew this after his presumed trip to Italy around 1514. Breu
demonstrates mastery of the roundel format, seen in the way he rounds the architecture to suggest a domed rotunda, the
sculptural form of the seated attendant at
the right shown from the rear, and the
queen's huge train that reinforces the
flow of the roundel. This compositional
AUGSBURG
221
7 2 . Jrg Breu the Elder. The Emperor Orders the Child

Killed, c. 1 5 2 0 - 2 5 . Pen and black ink and yellowish brown wash, 23
cm (diam.), Frankfurt am Main, Graphische Sammlung im Stdelschen
Kunstinstitut (inv. no. 1 5 4 1 8 ) .
F I G U R E
73 . After Jrg Breu the Elder. The Lying-in Chamber and

Christening,
c. 1 5 2 0 - 2 5 . Pen and black ink, 19.8 cm (diam.). Private collection.
F I G U R E
Photo: Ursula Edelmann.
7 4 . Jrg Breu the Elder. The Duke Discovers

the Child in
the Forest, c. 1 5 2 0 - 2 5 . Pen and black ink, 19.7 cm (diam.). London,
The British Museum (inv. no. 1 9 9 7 - 7 - 1 2 - 2 0 ) .
F I G U R E
F I G U R E
7 5 . After Jrg Breu the Elder. The Emperor and the Page,
c. 1 5 2 0 - 2 5 . Pen and black ink, 20 cm (diam.). Private collection.
1. See tale 2 0 , " O f Tribulation and Anguish," in Swan 1905:

118-20.
2. Graphische Sammlung im Stdelschen Kunstinstitut, inv.

no. 1 5 4 1 8 ; See also Schilling 1933: 2 9 - 3 0 ; Schilling and
Schwarzweller 1973: no. 4 5 .
3. Rowlands 1 9 9 3 , I: 4 2 , under no. 89; London, Washington, D.C., and Nuremberg 1984: no. 3 1 , 35; for the copy
in Oxford, the Ashmolean Museum, see Parker 1938: no.
280, 120.
4. Sale, Frederik Muller &c Cie (Amsterdam, April 1 2 - 1 3 ,

1 9 2 1 , lot 9, pl.ix) from the E. Rodrigues Collection.
5. Not in the 1 9 2 1 Rodrigues sale catalogue. Schilling and
Schwarzweller 1 9 7 3 , 1 : 2 2 , under no. 4 5 . Both drawings
were formerly in the E. Rodrigues collection and are now
in a European private collection. Cf. Bolten and Folmervon Oven 1989: nos. 2 0 - 2 1 .
6. Cf. Bolten and Folmer-von Oven 1989: 6, note 1, under
no. 2 0 .
7. Rowlands 1 9 9 3 , I : 4 2 , under no. 89, no. 9 0 .
8. Trillitzsch 1 9 7 3 : 9.
9. Ryan 1 9 9 3 : 3 8 0 - 8 1 .
222
A U G S B U R G
sophistication, the relative largeness of

the figures, and the reliance upon relatively thick
outline suggest that
Breu
made the Gesta Romanorum series about

the same time as the Hoechstetter cycle
(cat. nos. 91-94). The attractiveness of
the drawing also stems from the artist's
modeling of the forms in orange with
reddish brown wash in the faces. This feature was probably intended to guide the
glass painter in the application of yellow
stain and sanguine, with the latter being
frequently used for flesh tones.
96-97
The Seven Mechanical

Arts
96
Coquinaria (The Art

of Cooking)
c. 1 5 2 0 - 3 0
Pen and b r o w n ink, gray, green, and rose

watercolor, black chalk around the contours of
the figures, on cream laid paper
Inscribed COQUINARIA
in the cartouche at
the top; color notes on the figures in black chalk
and black ink
DIAMETER
cm
28.8

Mnchen
Inv. no.
96
19441
PROVENANCE
Acquired from von Meilinger in 1 8 6 4 / 6 5

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Janitscheck 1 8 9 0 : 4 3 2 ; Schmitz
1 9 1 3 , i : 1 3 1 ; Augsburg 1 9 5 5 : no. 7 5 ; Baumeister

1 9 5 7 : 4 5 , 4 8 ; Blankenborn 1 9 7 3 : 5 7 ; Falk 1 9 6 8 :
7 9 ; Augsburg 1 9 8 0 , 1 1 : no. 6 0 6 , 2 2 7 ; Schaal et al.
1 9 9 0 : no. 3 4 2 , 1 0 8 ; Corpus Vitrearum
Checklist i v 1 9 9 1 : : 19 and fig. 2 0 , 2 4 .
97
Coquinaria (The Art

of Cooking)
c. 1 5 2 0 - 3 0
Clear glass, black vitreous paint, yellow stain

CONDITION
Cracks and paint abrasion

Inscribed COQUINARIA
in black vitreous
paint in the cartouche above
DIAMETER
23.5
cm

Inv.
no. 6 0 4 - 1 8 7 2
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schmitz 1 9 1 3 , 1 :
i35;Rackham
1 9 3 6 : 8 7 ; Corpus Vitrearum Checklist i v 1 9 9 1 :

1 7 ,fig.2 1 , 2 4 .
97
Breu's vivid and appealing series of

roundels depicting The Seven Mechanical Arts enjoyed popularity into the second half of the sixteenth century and was
carried out in various versions. Its subject matter originally comprised Vestaria
A U G S B U R G
223
(weaving), Milicia (the military arts),

Metalaria (metalwork), Coquinaria (the
art of cooking), Venatio (the art of hunting), Mercatura (the merchant arts), and
Architectura. The concept of the Seven
Mechanical Arts as paralleling the Seven
Liberal Arts originated in the ninth century, but it was not until Hugh of Saint
Victor's twelfth-century Didascalicon
that they were accorded legitimacy as a
distinct category of human knowledge.
Understanding the artes mecbanicae as a
generic term for all crafts, Hugh
described seven categories of mechanical
arts: fabric making, armament manufacturing (which included metalworking
and architecture), commerce, agriculture, hunting (which included cooking
and other crafts related to food), medicine, and theatrics. Breu's rendering of
the subject imbues it with a humanistic
air, as conveyed by the roundel format,
elaborate classicizing architectural settings, and the titles of each art appearing
in Roman inscriptional capitals upon
scrolled tablets at the top.
1
The subject of the mechanical arts

enjoyed particular artistic currency in
Augsburg, with its humanistic circles
and thriving economy. As a backdrop
to Breu's series of roundels, there was
the woodcut after Burgkmair of c. 1507
made for the great humanist Conrad
Celtis, glorifying the imperial eagle, the
emblem of Emperor Maximilian, as the
protector of the arts and sciences (including the mechanical arts), and Celtis's college of poets and mathematicians as the
embodiment of this efflorescence. Even
more important were Burgkmair's nowcovered over frescoes of 1514 on the facade of a house belonging to the wealthy
Weiser family (now the Maximilianmuseum), whichbeing on Augsburg's
main streetwould have been universally known in the city.
Drnhffer first mentioned the
suite of six colored roundels in the Rstkammer, Dresden, which, as discussed
2
1. Whitney 1990: esp. 8 2 - 1 2 7 . For an excellent explication

of Burgkmair's complex woodcut, cf. Silver 1998: 4 7 - 4 9 .
2. Geisberg 1974: no. 5 1 8 .
3. The authors are deeply grateful to Tilman Falk for pointing out Burgkmair's treatments of this subject. Cf. Falk
1968: 79.
4. Drnhffer 1897: 3 1 - 3 2 ; Schaal et al. 1 9 9 0 : no. 3 4 2 ,

107-9.
5. Schaal et al. 1 9 9 0 : no. 3 4 2 , 109. Given the important

role that frames play in roundels by or after Breu, it is a
significant question whether Breu himself planned them
as integral to the inner design. Although it would seem
likely, there is no concrete evidence for this, as the extant
drawings with frames, most notably the copies after the
Hoechstetter Months in Bern and Basel, are glass painters'
drawings, and the frames in the Dresden roundels are
later additions.
6. Morrall 1994: 1 4 3 .
7. The others comprise Vestiaria, Metalaria, and Mercatura.
Cf. Tietze et al. 1 9 3 3 , iv: 193, nos. 1 7 - 2 0 . The date and
a monogram SZ were noted by Andrew Morrall; cf. Morrall 1994: 1 4 2 - 4 3 .
8. Morrall 1 9 9 4 : 1 4 2 - 4 3 ; Corpus Vitrearum Checklist iv
1991: 171.
9. Cf. Augsburg 1 9 8 0 , II: no. 6 0 6 .
224
AUGSBURG
below, postdate Breu's lifetime. Except

for Coquinaria (fig. 76), they have recently been recovered after being lost
and comprise Vestaria (fig. 77), Milicia,
Metalaria, Venatio, and Mercatura. A
drawing for Coquinaria (cat. no. 96) is in
Munich, while a surviving roundel for
Coquinaria, which is monochrome with
yellow stain, is in the Victoria and Albert
Museum (cat. no. 97). The Munich drawing, which contains exquisite touches of
watercolor, shows six men in an arched
kitchen. Two observe from the back left,
while two at the right appear to turn meat
on a spit. The foreground figures set up
an inward/outward motion, with the lefthand figure tasting a dish and the portly
man walking forward, having obviously
indulged in the fruits of his labors. The
figures appear to have been traced. The
chalk marks for lead lines surrounding
the figures, watercolor washes, and color
notations on the figures indicate that the
Munich drawing was intended as a design
for one in a series of colored roundels,
such as those in Dresden. It is indeed
remarkably close to the lost Dresden
Coquinaria (fig. 76).
Because of heavy restoration, it
is difficult to establish the date of the
Dresden roundels. Their colored glass
frames decorated with tools of each art
have been regarded as later additions due
to the date of 15 64 on that of Mercatura,
and it is also worth noting in this respect
that their grotesque cartouches suggest a
form of ornament postdating Breu's lifetime. It is probable, as well, that the central images, while obviously copying his
designs, may have been made after Breu's
lifetime, as Morrall has recently noticed
on the central image of the same panel
what he reads as a date of 1562, accompanied by a glass painter's monogram
JM. The Munich drawing is not a direct
study for the Dresden roundel, as indicated among other elements by the background figures on the left, which are
actually closer to those in the Victoria
and Albert panel, and thus might be
preparatory to another lost series of colored roundels.
As virtually all of the surviving
roundels after Breu that date to his lifetime are unipartite with vitreous paint
and yellow stain, one is inclined to believe that the series was produced first
in this medium and later in color. The
Victoria and Albert silver-stained panel
(cat. no. 97), though somewhat awkwardly drawn, retains some of the fluidity of Breu's draftsmanship and possibly
dates to his lifetime. The series was apparently produced as well in silver stained
roundels long after Breu's death, as indicated by the group of copies in the
Albertina of some of Breu's drawings
for The Mechanical Arts, which contain
4
F I G U R E j 6. After Jrg Breu the Elder; latesixteenth-century glass painter.

Coquinaria,
1 5 6 2 - 64. Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass,
yellow stain, and vitreous paint, 31.5 cm
(diam.). Formerly in Dresden, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen-Rstkammer (inv. no. A 161);
lost during World War 11.
Photo: Schsische Landesbibliothek, Staats und
Universittbibliothek Dresden, Deutsche Fotothek,
Fotograph: R. A n d r i c h , before 1945.
F I G U R E 7 7 . After Jrg Breu the Elder;

late-sixteenth-century glass painter. Vestaria,
156Z-64. Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass,
yellow stain, and vitreous paint, 31.5 cm
(diam.). Dresden, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen-Rstkammer (inv. no. A 153).
Photo: Elke Estel/Hans-Peterklut, Staatliche
Kunstsammlungen Dresden.
neither lead lines nor color notations

and which include Architectura, dated
1563/ A silver-stained roundel in the
Metropolitan Museum of Art, The Cloisters Collection, showing Architectura has
been connected with the Vienna drawings, but its fluid style of drawing is
closer to that of Breu and to the Victoria
and Albert panel, indicating that it probably dates to Breu's lifetime. The spaciousness of the architecture and the
paring down of the compositions to relatively few large-scale figures suggest that
Breu may have created the series later in
his career, around the time of the Joseph
Series (cat. nos. 98-109).
8
98-109
Twelve Roundels Depicting the Story of Joseph

C. 1530
Clear glass w i t h black vitreous paint, yellow

stain and sanguine; border in blue glass
PROVENANCE
Inscribed throughout in black vitreous paint

w i t h the names of the protagonists (see below
for individual panels)
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Meidinger 1805,
DIAMETER
26.4 cm; 36.8 cm with border and frame
From the Royal Residence at Landshut

):
247;
Schinnerer 1908: nos. 1 5 5 - 6 6 , 3 8 - 4 0 , pis. 2 6 27; Schmitz 1913, i : 135; Fischer 1914: 164,
pl. 88; Didier-Lamboray 1965: 206, note 4;
Witzleben 1:977: 4 8 - 4 9 ; 132, fig. 155, 134,
fig. 159, 135, fig. 162; M o r r a l l 1994: 1 4 0 - 4 1 .
M u n i c h , Bayerisches Nationalmuseum
Inv. nos. G723-734
98
Joseph Recounts
His Dreams
I n the left foreground sits the father
JACOB, in front of whom stands the boy
JOSEPH, who recounts his dreams. To
the right, are the wives of Jacob, BILHA
and SILPA. In the distance is a mountainous landscape in which Joseph recounts to his brothers a dream in which
the sun and moon and stars, symbolizing
his father and brothers, bow to him. The
scene represents Genesis 37:1-11.
Joseph, son of Jacob's favored wife
Rachel, tells his envious brothers and his
father a series of dreams predicting that
they will pay obeisance to him. Bilha and
Silpa were the handmaidens of Jacob's
wives Rachel and her sister Leah, who at
the behest of their mistresses bore him
sons (Genesis 30:1-11).
Inv. no. G733; Schinnerer, no. 155
98
AUGSBURG
Z25
99
Joseph Sold by
His Brothers
Inscribed 2 at the bottom.
I n the middle foreground, JOSEPH is

taken by the arms by RUBEN and another brother. At the right is a cistern,
from which one of the brothers is pulling
a cord. In the middle ground the brothers have a meal, while at the right is the
caravan of the Ishmaelite merchants. The
scene represents Genesis 37:17-28.
The brothers plan to slay Joseph
and throw his body in a pit, telling Jacob
that he was killed by a beast. His brother
Ruben convinces them to throw him into
a pit, planning to rescue him later. They
throw Jacob in a pit and sit down to a
meal, during which the Ishmaelite merchants arrive. Another brother, Judah,
decides that it is better at least to make
a profit on their actions, so they pull
Joseph up from the pit and sell him to the
Ishmaelites for twenty pieces of silver.
Later, the brothers tell Jacob that he was
killed by a beast.
99
Inv. no. G 7 2 5 ; Schinnerer, no. 156
IOO
Joseph Bought
by Potiphar
I n the middle foreground, Pharaoh's officer Potiphar, inscribed KING VARO

HOFMAISTER,
pays money to a man
whose hem is inscribed
ISMAHELITEN.
At the right, under a classicizing coffered
pavilion, JOSEPH speaks with a turbaned figure counting money. In the
mountainous landscape in the left background, Jehovah in clouds appears to
Joseph. The scene represents Genesis
39:1-6.
Joseph is brought to Egypt and sold
by the Ishmaelites to Potiphar, officer
of Pharaoh and captain of the guard.
The background scene probably refers
to verses 2-3, which recount that the
Lord was with Joseph and made all that
he did prosper. When Potiphar observed
this, he made him steward of his house,
which the Lord in turn blessed for
Joseph's sake. The scene at the right
probably shows Potiphar in discussion
with his steward, Joseph.
Inv. no. G724; Schinnerer, no. 157.
226
A U G S B U R G
100
IOI
Joseph and
Potiphar's Wife
I n a bedroom furnished with magnificent classicizing Renaissance furniture,

the nude wife of Potiphar grasps Joseph's
cloak as he tries to flee. At the left, two
men enter the room through a door. In
the middle ground, Potiphar's wife, accompanied by a servant, speaks with
her husband. The scene represents Genesis 39:7-19.
Potiphar's wife pursues Joseph. On
one occasion she invites him into her bed,
and when he flees, she catches and retains his garment. She tells the men of the
house (shown entering the room) and her
husband that Joseph tried to force himself upon her.
Inv. no. G726; Schinnerer no. 158
101
I02
Joseph in Prison
Inscribed j at the bottom.
102
A t the right in a vaulted cell are the butler and the baker of Pharaoh with their
feet in shackles. Joseph leans forward to
listen to the baker tell his dream. At the
left center, Joseph ascends a stairway with
bread and water to distribute them to
a crowd of prisoners. In the left background, the king drinks wine at a table
while the baker is hanged. The scene represents Genesis 39:20-23 and 40:1-23.
Enraged, Potiphar sends Joseph to
prison. Joseph gains the favor of the warden, who puts him in charge of the prison.
This is probably the source for the middle
vignette of Joseph distributing food and
water to other prisoners. Joseph is put
in charge of Pharaoh's chief baker and
chief butler, who had offended Pharoah
and were sent to prison. They both have
dreams that Joseph interprets: that of the
butler means that he will be restored to
service in three days and that of the baker
means that he will be hanged in three
days. The third day was Pharaoh's birthday, in which he held a feast, restored the
butler to his position, and hanged the
baker. This is depicted in the vignette in
the upper left. Joseph tells the butler of
his innocence and asks him to defend
him to Pharaoh; the butler forgets.
AUGSBURG
227
IQ3
Joseph Interprets
Pharaoh's Dream
PHA/RAO
lies in an ornate bed and listens to Joseph interpreting his dream of

the seven fat and seven lean cows. In the
background are the seven full and seven
withered ears of corn. The scene represents Genesis 41.
Pharaoh has disturbing dreams of
seven fat cows eaten by seven lean cows
and seven fat ears of corn destroyed
when seven lean ears of corn unleash
winds against them. The butler remembers Joseph, who is called to interpret
Pharaoh's dreams and reveals that they
predict seven years of plenty followed by
seven years of famine. He advises
Pharaoh to prepare for the disaster, and
Pharaoh puts him in charge of the government, second only to himself. Joseph
saves Egypt, amassing such stores of corn
that other countries come there to buy it.
Inv. no. G28: Schinnerer, no. 160.
103
IO4
Joseph's Brothers in Egypt

A t the right, in front of the door of

his house, stands Joseph, richly dressed
and accompanied by his wife. He speaks
to his brothers, who bow reverently. A
large sack of money is on the ground. In
the background, one sees camels and servants laden with sacks of food. The scene
represents Genesis 42:1-28.
Joseph's ten brothers come to
Egypt to buy food. They leave at home
the youngest brother, Benjamin, who
with Joseph was the only other offspring
of Jacob's beloved wife Rachael. They
bow before Joseph, who conceals his
identity and recognizes the fulfillment of
his youthful dream as depicted in the
first roundel. The brothers tell Joseph
that they are sons of a man of Canaan
and that their youngest brother is at
home with their father. Anxious to see
his beloved brother Benjamin, Joseph
accuses the brothers of being spies
and of lying and orders them to bring
their youngest brother back to him to
prove their innocence. He imprisons one
brother and sends the others back laden
with food. Unbeknownst to them, he
returns their money to their sacks, represented in the roundel by the sack of
money on the ground.
228
AUGSBURG
104
IPS
Joseph's Brothers Come

to Egypt a Second Time
A t the left stands JOSEPH

surrounded by servants. In front of him is
BENEAMIN
with his hands raised in
prayer, while a brother holds up a goblet. At the right are more of the brothers,
three of whom kneel. The scene represents Genesis 4 4 .
Joseph's brothers, in need of food,
have come to Egypt with Benjamin.
Joseph sends them back with food but
has his goblet planted in Benjamin's sack.
Joseph's servant pursues them and discovers the goblet. Benjamin is brought
before Joseph, still in disguise, and the
brothers beg for mercy. They say that
to lose Benjamin will kill their aged
father, who has already lost Benjamin's
brother, and the only other living offspring of his mother.
105
IO6
The Brothers Return

Home with Gifts
Joseph, moved to tears, revealed himself

to his brothers. He recognized that God
raised him up to ensure the survival of
his father's progeny, the Israelites. There
are five years of the famine yet, and he
instructs his brothers to bring the family
back to Egypt to live in Goshen. Pharaoh
too is pleased. The brothers are sent,
laden with goods, back to Jacob, whom
God has now renamed Israel. The scene
represents Genesis 4 5.
106
AUGSBURG
229
107
Joseph and Jacob Reunite
In the right foreground, the elderly

IACOB puts his arms around JOSEPH
as the Israelite tribe looks on. In the background is a city identified as Goshen (DIE
STAT GOSEN) in the cartouche above.
The scene represents Genesis 4 6 .
Genesis 4 6 contains a listing of
the wives and sons of Israel and their
offspring, whom Israel brings to Egypt.
The scene focuses on verse 29: "And
Joseph made ready his chariot, and
went up to meet Israel his father, to
Goshen, and presented himself unto him;
and he fell on his neck, and wept on his
neck a good while."
107
IO8
Joseph and Jacob

Before Pharaoh
A t the left, PHARAO sits on a throne

in a columned Renaissance palace. At
the right, IOSEPH
and IACOB raise
their hands in greeting. The scene represents Genesis 4 7 : 1 - 1 0 .
Joseph brings his aged father before
Pharaoh, and Israel blesses Pharaoh.
108
230
AUGSBURG
io9
Jacob Blesses
Joseph's Sons
Inscribed 12.
Sitting on a bed, the elderly Jacob

blesses the sons of Joseph,
EPHRAIM
and MANASE, while Joseph stands behind them. Over the bed hangs a cartouche inscribed IAKOB
DIE.MAN.
NEN.ISRAE.
(Jacob the man named
Israel). In the doorway at the right,
the sons of Jacob kneel in reverence,
inscribed below
DIE.SIN.IACUB.ZU
HEREN (The Sons Bow down to Jacob).
On the chimney (as in cat. no. 9 4 ) in the
background is inscribed Breu's monogram jb in ligature. The scene represents
Genesis 4 8 - 4 9 .
On his deathbed, Israel blesses
Joseph's sons, Ephraim and Manasseh,
and bids them to grow into a multitude.
He calls his sons together to bless them,
the founders of the twelve tribes of Israel.
Inv. no. G 7 3 4 ; Schinnerer, no. 1 6 6 .
109
7 8 . After Jrg Breu the Elder. Joseph Greets His Father by

Goshen in Egypt, c. 1530. Clear glass, yellow stain, sanguine, and vitreous paint, 27.5 cm (diam.). Darmstadt, Hessisches Landesmuseum
(inv. no. K g 3 8 : 3 6 ) .
FIGURE
Photo: Hessisches Landesmuseum Darmstadt.
7 9 . After Jrg Breu the Elder. Joseph Greets His Father by

Goshen in Egypt, c. 1530. Clear glass, yellow stain, sanguine, and
vitreous paint. Formerly Salzburg, Carolino Augusteum, Salzburger
Museum fr Kunst und Kulturgeschichte (inv. no. 163/42); destroyed
during World War II.
FIGURE
Photo: Salzburger M u s e u m C.A.
AUGSBURG
231
The Bayerisches Nationalmuseum is the

home of this precious suite of roundels,
the only one of Breu's glass cycles to have
survived in toto. It depicts the story of
Joseph and his brothers, a narrative that
enjoyed a long and popular life in stained
glass and prints of the northern Renaissance. One of the most gripping and
human figures of the Old Testament,
Joseph was a paragon of virtue and the
savior of the Israelite nation. The history
of Joseph occupied an important role in
Luther's sermons, as a prime example of
salvation through faith alone. Favored
by God and his father, he was sold into
slavery by his jealous half-brothers and
transported to Egypt, where he became
governor of the country; moved by his
abiding love for his father Jacob, whom
God renamed Israel, and for his full
brother Benjamin, and willing to forgive the crime against him wrought by
his half-brothers, he moved the clan to
Egypt during a devastating famine and
thus brought about its survival into posterity as the nation of Israel, consisting
of twelve tribes founded by the twelve
sons of Israel.
Together with the quite different
series of battles and hunts for Emperor
Maximilian, the Joseph series shows Breu
at the pinnacle of his powers as a glass
designer. Its survival as a whole allows
one to appreciate to its fullest Breu's particular mastery of the serial potential of
glass painting, as it unites his strengths of
manipulating crowds in a simultaneous
narrative, creating powerful landscape
spaces and magnificent classicizing architectural interiors, and producing emotionally moving narrative among smaller
groups of protagonists. While Joseph carries the narrative thread, he is always
integrated into a larger context of characters, landscape, and architecture; as
much as Joseph himself, it is this larger
context, brimming with space, vitality,
and detail, that brings the story to life
and lends it a scope that far exceeds
1
1. For prints, note in particular three scenes of Joseph and

Potiphar's Wife by Sebald Beham (Bartsch 1 8 0 3 - 2 1 : nos.
1 3 - 1 5 ) and the Cycle on the Story of Joseph by Georg
Pencz, dated 1 5 4 4 - 4 6 (Bartsch 1 8 0 3 - 2 1 : nos. 9 - 1 2 ) .
For Netherlandish and German roundels with the story
of Joseph in American collections, see Corpus Vitrearum
Checklist i v 1 9 9 1 : 4 7 - 4 8 , 5 0 , 1 2 2 , 1 5 5 - 5 6 , 1 7 0 - 7 1 ,
212, 2 5 1 , 253; cf. the scene of Jacob Receiving Joseph's
Bloody Coat, probably after Pencz in Schmitz 1923: pi.
34. For further references on this subject, see Bernden
1976: 8 5 - 1 0 0 and Didier-Lamboray 1965: 2 0 2 - 2 2 .
2. Gibson 1989: 16 (for further literature).
3. Cf. Witzleben 1977: 4 9 , who also mentions a copy of
Jacob and Joseph Reunite in Stift Muri-Gries Sarnen,
Switzerland. For the Darmstadt panel, cf. Beeh-Lustenberger 1967, I: pi. 189; for that in Salzburg, cf. Tietze
1919: fig. 2 2 4 , 1 7 7 . For the Berlin panel, cf. Schmitz
1913, I: 1 3 5 , 1 1 , pi. 3 5 , no. 2 2 0 .
4. Morrall 1 9 9 4 : 1 4 0 - 4 3 .
232
AUGSBURG
the diminutive boundaries of the roundels

themselves. Indeed, the only other Swiss
or German artist to master the serial
potential of glass so consummately was
Holbein the Younger (cat. nos. 146-50).
Breu propels the viewer through the
narrative not only by numerating each
roundel but also by exploiting the compositional dynamic of the circular form.
He tends to compose along the vertical
and horizontal axes of the circle, achieving a delicate balance of simultaneously
concentrating focus along these axes and
thrusting it outward laterally beyond the
bounds of the picture. A good example of
this is Joseph Sold by His Brothers (cat.
no. 99), in which Joseph forms the compositional focal point and yet is slightly
off center. He looks backward, stressing
the right-to-left flow of the left portion
of the roundel, while the captor at his
right steps forward, strengthening the
left-to-right flow of the right half of the
circle. This is still clearer in Joseph and
Potiphar's Wife (cat. no. 101), in which
the artist creates a lateral dynamic not
only by Joseph's running to the left but
also by leaving the gaping space between
him and his seductress. As in other series
of roundels, Breu is not only attentive
to the circle's surface tensions but also
to its concentrated spatial dynamism. In
Joseph and Potiphar's Wife he uses architecture to create deep orthogonals that
converge toward the center of the roundel; in Jacob and Joseph Reunite (cat.
no. 107) he radiates the crowd and landscape around the center of the composition, thereby gradually leading the eye
toward the distant city of Goshen.
The latter roundel is a particularly
good example of the vivid way in which
Breu characterizes the members of a
crowd, such as the matron with braided
hair at left of center, with her little
charges, one of whom holds a hobbyhorse. This ability to compress and organize expansive crowds and vast space
within a small format evidences Breu's
translation of the Augsburg heritage of
book illustration, led by Burgkmair in
Theuerdank and the Weisskunig, into the
medium of glass. He combines this with
his own gift for infusing each figure with
individual expressiveness, as seen, for example, in the blind Jacob blessing the
young sons of Joseph (cat. no. 109).
The Joseph series is particularly reliant on fluid and detailed trace outlines,
the exceptional quality and delicacy of
which are highlighted by a comparison to
the later versions of Jacob and Joseph Reunite in Darmstadt (fig. 78) and Salzburg
(now destroyed; fig. 79) and Jacob Blessing the Sons of Joseph, formerly in Berlin. Contrasting the reliance upon line
and closeness to Breu's manner of drawing in the Joseph series with the empha3
sis upon matt washes in the October (cat.

no. 94) from the Hoechstetter cycle
of the months, Morrall probably correctly attributes this divergence to their
execution by two different glass painters
contemporaneously active in Augsburg.
The masterful way in which Breu unites
all of his skills of manipulating figures,
architectural space, and landscape suggests a dating to Breu's later career as a
glass designer.
4
STRASBOURG AND
FREIBURG
110
234
STRASBOURG
AND
FREIBURG
phasis on expansive pen work within

the diminutive lobes of the quatrefoil in
Schufelein's drawings and connected
panels (cat. nos. 71-76).
The drawing's four lively scenes
show saddlers at work in their shop and
their products being put to use. It is presumed that Baldung made this for an
individual, rather than a guild, since the
saddlers of Strasbourg and most other
German-speaking cities of the time did
not have their own guild but rather
belonged to the guild of the tanners. The
patron's coat of arms would have been
added to the empty shield later by the
glass painter. The series of four vignettes
begins at the bottom with a scene that,
as elucidated by Christiane Andersson,
shows saddlers at work in their shop,
with the one on the right hammering the
leather over a wooden armature while
the man on the left applies a coat of glue
or paint; bits of wool for stuffing, tools,
and pieces leather are scattered on their
work platform. Moving counterclockwise: grooms place a finished saddle on a
horse, a collar on another, and bridle a
harnessed horse, fitting the bit into its
mouth. Baldung cleverly balances the
horizontal and vertical scenes spatially:
the former, distinguished by profile
views of horses and set into landscapes,
accentuate a planar and right-to-left dynamic, while the latter, extending into
depth, lead the eye from bottom to top,
with the rising, convex frame of the
upper vignette reinforced by the horse's
round rump. The dashing, shorthand
pen work, which is relatively unimpeded
by cross-hatching, imbues the scenes
with heightened energy.
no
Hans B a l d u n g G r i e n *
Stained-Glass Design for

a Saddler
c. 15x0
Pen and black ink and red chalk w i t h white

gouache corrections, on cream laid paper
WATERMARK
Bull's head w i t h serpent and cross (Saint

Anthony's Cross) (similar to Briquet [1:907]
1966: no. 15445 and Piccard 1 9 6 1 - , i n : sect.
16, no. 75
Inscribed HBG in ligature by Sebald Bheler in
brown ink in the lower right
27.1 x 27.8 cm
Coburg, Kunstsammlungen der Veste Coburg,
Kupferstichkabinett
Inv. no. z 14
PROVENANCE
Sebald Bheler ( 1 5 2 9 - 1 5 9 5 ) , Strasbourg;

Duke Franz Friedrich A n t o n von SachsenCoburg-Saalfeld ( 1 7 5 0 - 1 8 0 6 )
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Terey 1 8 9 4 - 9 6 : no. 142;
Stiassny 1:896: 36, no. 24; Schmitz 1913, i : 156,
fig. 259; Koch 1941: no. 73; Winkler 1941:
2 4 5 - 4 6 ; Munich 1947: no. 187; Washington,
D.C., et ah 1 9 5 5 - 5 6 : no. 30; Karlsruhe 1959:
no. 223, fig. 40; Maedebach 1970: no. 9, fig. 7;
Witzleben 1977: 42, fig. 13; Detroit, Ottawa,
and Coburg 1983: no. 1.
Compared to the tight, dense, hatching

and relatively thick pen strokes in brown
ink encountered in Saint Vincent Ferrer
Preaching (cat. no. 28), the pen work of
the present sheet is freer and more
expansive, executed in sharp strokes of
black ink. On stylistic grounds, it is generally thought that Baldung made the
drawing around 1510, by which date he
had acquired citizenship in Strasbourg
and established his workshop there.
This relatively early dating within the
Strasbourg period is supported on stylistic grounds by the artist's use of the quatrefoil format, which was popular in
Nuremberg among Drer and his followers and among the previous generation of the Housebook Master (cat.
nos. 2-3, 7-8, 25-26, 3 0 - 3 1 , 55-58,
71-76) but which does not recur in any
other of the numerous surviving drawings for stained glass that Baldung produced after his move to Strasbourg. The
free, dashing pen work would presumably have been translated by the glass
painter into line work in vitreous paint
on clear glass. One notes a parallel em1
* Biography
Artist and subject could not have

been better matched: this drawing, together with the engraving of around the
same time, Groom Bridling a Horse (fig.
80), constitutes Baldung's first extended
essay on a subject that was to fascinate
him for the remainder of his career, that
of the horse as the embodiment of powerful natural forces. Baldung's horses
can be out of control, as in the famous
series of three woodcuts of 1534, Wild
Horses in a Wood, or barely held in
check by man, as in his aforementioned
engraving, in which a groom attempts
to bridle a wild-eyed horse, holding
him back by digging in his heels and
grasping the horse's nasal passages. In
the Coburg drawing, there is a similar
albeit lighthearted underlying theme of
man's efforts to control the horse, with
some tension introduced in the topmost
scene, in which the horse casts a wily
look at the groom advancing with a collar. The equine theme might even carry
through to the witty and fortuitous correspondence of the lobes to the shape
of horseshoes.
F I G U R E 80. Hans B a l d u n g . Groom

Bridling
a Horse, c. 1510-12. E n g r a v i n g , 33.6 X 21.1
c m . Boston, M u s e u m of Fine A r t s , S. P. Avery
and Special P r i n t Funds (inv. n o . 33.553).
P h o t o : C o u r t e s y , M u s e u m of F i n e A r t s ,
Boston.
The present drawing, as well as

three others in the exhibition, comes
from the collection at Coburg, which
houses the largest and most important
extant group of Baldung's designs for
stained glass. These once belonged to
the Strasbourg collector Sebald Bheler
(15 29-1595), who inherited Baldung's
estate and who supplied the four Coburg
drawings in this exhibition with spurious
Baldung monograms.
6
1. Koch ( 1 9 4 1 : 5 4 , 1:09) compares it with other drawings of

around this date, such as Abbess Veronica von Andlau
with the Nuns of Cloister Hohenburg (London, Victoria
and Albert Museum, inv. no., Koch no. 7 1 ; fig. TO, p. 1 i )
and Stained-Glass Design with the Anns of Wilhelm von
Honstein, Bishop of Strasbourg (Coburg, Kunstammlungen der Veste, inv. no. Z 25; Koch 1 9 4 1 : no. 76).
2. Stiassny 1896: 36, no. 2 4 .
3. Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1:983: no. 1, 56.
4. Mende 1978: no. 548; cf. Washington, D.C., and New
Haven 1 9 8 1 : no. 34; London 1995: no. 57.
5. Cf. Washington, D.C., and New Haven 1 9 8 1 : nos. 8 3 85; Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983: no. 107; London
1 9 9 5 : nos
65-67.
6. Christiane Andersson, "Early German Drawings at

Coburg," in Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983: 4 9 - 5 5 .
on p. 128.
S T R A S B O U R G
A N D
F R E I B U R G
235
I I I
I I I
Stained-Glass Design with

the Prechter Arms
c. 1512
Cut into t w o sheets and rejoined on one mount.

Central image: Pen and dark gray ink (by
Baldung) for the figure of the woman; pen and
b r o w n ink w i t h red chalk lead lines (by the glass
painter); archway and column capitals: pen and
gray and black ink (by Baldung).
Inscribed by Sebald Bheler i n pen and b r o w n
ink: HBG i n ligature i n the lower left and in
dark b r o w n ink; Brechter at the center. Inscribed
by the glass painter at the bottom i n b r o w n ink:
In dyss eyn wybly mit einem busch und eyn
frenckyschen rock an babenlln das gehuss etwas
von bulschafft. . . bierauss sehen (In this a
w o m a n wearing a beret and a Franconian dress/
In the frame something w i t h lovemaking . . .
facing outward), followed by a sketch of the
heraldic figure's head. Pen experiments by
Baldung i n gray ink at the bottom.
236
S T R A S B O U R G
A N D
F R E I B U R G
Color notations by the glass painter i n red chalk:

under the w o r d Brechter 4 (green); left above
mantling of shield, b[lo] (blau, blue); on the
woman's skirt r [ot](}) (red)
Blind collection stamp of the Coburg
Kupferstichkabinett of the 1840s below
the heraldic woman's foot
25.8 X 15.1 cm (largest dimensions of central
image); 16.2 X 22 cm (archway and capitals)
Kupferstichkabinett
Inv. nos. z 49 (central image) and z 32 (archway)
PROVENANCE
Sebald Bheler (1529-1595), Strasbourg;

Duke Franz Friedrich Anton von SachsenCoburg-Saalfeld (1750-1806)
Stiassny 1896: no. 25, p l . 8; Koch 1941: 5 5 - 5 6 ,
no. 79; Mhle 1 9 4 1 - 4 2 : 217; M u n i c h 1947:
no. 189; Karlsruhe 1959: no. 230; Maedebach
1970: no. 1 1 , fig. 9; Witzleben 1977: 46;
Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983: no. 5;
Hasler 1 9 9 6 - 9 7 , 11, 297, under no. 699.
T h e courtly theme of a maiden supporting a shield proliferated in engravings and

heraldic stained glass of late-fifteenthcentury south Germany, as in, for example, the glass design by an artist in the
orbit of Master E. S. (fig. 9, p. 10). Baldung here introduced to the subject a
note of bourgeois realism as well as his
own subtle irony by portraying the shield
holder as a staid young woman in middleclass dress. This naturalism was to some
degree dictated by the glass painter's
instructions at the bottom of the sheet,
which stipulate that Baldung was to show
a woman in a feathered beret wearing a
Franconian dress and that in the arch
above should appear scenes of lovemaking. The glass painter who drew the coat
of arms also wrote the words "facing
outward" (hierau sehen) and drew a
sketch of how the woman's head should
be turned. Baldung deviated from the
glass painter's instructions by substituting a matron's bonnet for the more flirtatious and maidenly feathered beret,
which, as Christiane Andersson noted,
achieves a more coherent effect next to
the abundance of feathers and foliage of
the coat of arms. It might also have
played into Baldung's humorous juxtaposition of the heraldic figure with the
scene of lovemaking.
Here, a counterpart to the modest, slightly self-satisfied young woman
below appears in the upper left of the
archway, where she strays from virtue.
Seated and wearing a matron's bonnet,
she converses with an amorous swain,
who places his arm around her waist.
Their embarkation down the road to
adultery is indicated by a fool, who
encourages them by pushing their heads
together. Upon closer investigation, this
figure is discernible as a monk who
wears a fool's cap; he thus combines the
comic notion of the fool, as popularized
by Sebastian Brant's satirical treatise
Ship of Fools (first published in Basel in
1494), with the anticlerical portrayal of
the priesthood as morally corrupt, with
its most flagrant sins including that of
concupiscence. This image of the adulterous couple was echoed some years
later in Baldung's woodcut illustration
Thou Shalt Not Commit Adultery in
Markus von Lindau's The Ten Commandments (fig. 81). In the groups on
both the left and the right, wine drinking
and amorous behavior go hand in hand.
At the right, a seated woman takes a sip;
a reclining man looks up dreamily, while
another woman touches his hair; behind
them, a man appears to pull his partner
into his lap. With deft pen strokes, Baldung compresses all of these intricate
subtleties into the modest confines of the
archway spandrel.
1
The archway and heraldic image

originally formed one drawing before
they were cut apart, presumably by
the glass painter. Drawings such as this
one indicate Baldung's role in developing
the archway into an extensive pictorial
component of South German heraldic
windows, which finds its Swiss counterpart in the designs of Niklaus Manuel
Deutsch (cat. nos. 120-21, 123). In the
present example, the scene above has
evolved into a field in which Baldung displays his genial imagination and virtuosic penmanship with freer rein than in
the heraldic section below, in which he
had to append his figure to the coat of
arms already drawn by the glass painter.
Carl Koch dated this drawing to
around 1512, comparing it to a sheet of
freely invented head studies formerly in
the von Hirsch collection. Both the
Coburg and the ex-von Hirsch drawings
mark the emergence of the mature virtu4
F I G U R E 8 1 . Hans Baldung Grien. Du sollst nicht

unkeusch
sein (Thou shalt not commit adultery). Woodcut illustration
in Den Zehn Geboten (The Ten Commandments), Strasbourg,
Johann Grninger, 1516. 13.5 X 10.4 cm. Munich, Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek (inv. no. 13a).
Photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, M u n i c h .
osity of Baldung's pen work, which is

characterized by extravagant freedom,
inventiveness and thinness of line, and
often somewhat diluted, luminous gray
ink in its freest passages. In contrast to
the heraldic section, which has color
notes and thus would have been executed in vitreous paint on colored glass
with leading, there are no such notes
in the spandrel scene, suggesting that
its free pen work would have been
translated into vitreous paint and yellow stain on clear glass. Both Baldung
and Manuel exploited the potential of
the monochromatic spandrel to accommodate calligraphic, intricate line work,
with accompanying witty thematic byplay between the spandrel imagery and
the heraldic scene below.
Sebald Bheler inscribed the name of the
patron, Brechter, at the bottom of the
drawing. The Prechters were a family of
merchants from Hagenau in Alsace, who
resided in Strasbourg during the last
quarter of the fifteenth century. The
patron may have been Friedrich Prechter
the Younger (d. 1528), whose name is
inscribed on an unfinished drawing by a
Strasbourg glass painter in the Graphische Sammlung Albertina, Vienna.
6
1. Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983: no. 5.

2. The adulterous theme was noted by Christiane Andersson
in Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983: no. 5.
3. See, for example, Erhard Schn's woodcut The Monk and
Cleric Hunt of c. 1525, with accompanying verses by
Hans Sachs; Geisberg 1974: no. 1 143; Detroit, Ottawa,
and Coburg .1983: no.
1:88.
4. Cf. Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983: no. 5.

5. Koch 1 9 4 1 : 56, no. 33; which in turn is closely related
to the then-unknown sheet of head studies in the Getty
Museum; cf. Goldner 1988: no. 127 (acc. no. 84.GA.81).
6. Terey 1 8 9 4 - 9 6 : no. 235; Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg
1 9 8 3 : no. 5.
S T R A S B O U R G
A N D F R E I B U R G
237
112

Panel with the Coat of
Arms of Nikolaus Ziegler,
Head of the Imperial
Court Chancery
1515
Pen and b r o w n and gray ink w i t h brown and
gray wash and red chalk over black chalk, w i t h
white gouache heightening
WATERMARK
H i g h crown (similar to Briquet 4924)

Monogrammed by Sebald Bheler i n dark b r o w n
ink i n the lower left: HBG i n ligature. Inscribed
by the glass painter i n b r o w n ink at the bottom:
Niclaus Ziegeler herr z Barr I J I J Jor. Item eyn
ryngens von Bossen und j Landts Knecht mit
eyneml wapen rock. Color notations by the
glass painter i n light b r o w n ink: on the large
lion, sfchwarz] (black); to the right of the lion's
paw, gel[b] (yellow); i n the background left of
the lion, bio {blau, blue); on the helmet, gel[b);
on the shield, sfchwarz] and g[old]; on the
small lion i n the shield's upper right quadrant,
s[chwarz]; next to the lion, g[old]; on the
lansquenet's bodice, r[ot] (red); to the left
of the monogram, * (green).
Blind collection stamp of the Coburg
Kupferstichkabinett of the 1840s i n the
lower right corner.
40.2 X 29.8 cm
Kupferstichkabinett
Inv. no. z 69
PROVENANCE

Duke Franz Friedrich A n t o n von SachsenCoburg-Saalfeld ( 1 7 5 0 - 1 8 0 6 ) , Coburg
Stiassny 1896: no. 19, p l . 7; W i n k l e r 1939: 2.2,
no. 29; Koch 1941: 56, 115, no. 82; Perseke
1941: 107, no. 1, fig. 20; M u n i c h 1947: no. 190;
M a r t i n 1950: 69; Karlsruhe 1959: no. 233;
Oehler 1959:100; Maedebach 1978: 117;
Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983: no. 7.
238
S T R A S B O U R G
A N D
F R E I B U R G
112
F I G U R E 8 2 . Hans Weiditz.
Stained-Glass
Design with the Anns of Bernhard iv von
Ebersteht, 1525. Central image: pen and light
brown ink, brown and red wash, red chalk
over black chalk, 28.9 X 25.5 cm; frame: pen
and brown ink, gray wash, red chalk, 45.5 X
34 cm. Coburg, Kunstsammlungen der Veste,
Kupferstichkabinett (inv.-nos. Z 55/ Z 56).
F I G U R E
8 3 . Hans Baldung Grien. Wrestlers, 1515. Pen and black ink and white
heightening on red brown prepared paper,
28.5 X 17.5 cm. Venice, Galleria dell'Accademia (inv. no. 477).
Photo: W i t h the permission of the Soprintendenza ai

Beni Artistici e Storici di Venezia.
Photo: Kunstsammlungen der Vcste Coburg.
T h e glass painter drew the coat of arms

and wrote instructions at the bottom of
the sheet identifying the arms as those of
Nikolaus Ziegler and including the year
1515; in May of 1515, Emperor Maximilian 1 had made Ziegler Lord of Barr, in
Lower Alsace. The instructions go on to
stipulate that Baldung was to draw
wrestlers in the archway and (below) a
Landsknecht (a German foot soldier)
wearing a Waffenrock, or skirted uniform, emblazoned with a coat of arms.
One of only two surviving dated stainedglass designs by Baldung (the other being
Shooting at the Father's Corpse, dated
1517, Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, inv.
no. K d z 571), this was made in 1515,
during the period of Baldung's residence
in Freiburg im Breisgau (1512-17). hi
these years, he executed his masterpiece,
The Coronation of the Virgin (the high
altarpiece of the Freiburg minster), and
was also active in the design of stained
glass for the city.
Carrying out his instructions to
place a Landsknecht in a Waffenrock in
the lower register, Baldung drew him
as a monumental halberdier. As the
heraldic protector of the shield, the
Landsknecht was a popular figure in
South German stained glass, finding his
Swiss counterpart in the confederate
1
soldier, or Reislaufer, who was equally

ubiquitous in this capacity in Swiss
heraldic stained glass.
Christiane
Andersson has commented on the pikeman's powerful presence, which exceeds
that of a generic heraldic figure and
which is conveyed in part by placing
his massive, cropped form within the
cramped space to the right of the coat of
arms. His huge halberd accentuates his
monumentality and becomes a powerful,
unifying element within the composition, extending in front of the archway
at the top and to the bottom margin.
(Baldung first set the base of the halberd
at the soldier's foot level and later lengthened it.) The expressive head, with its
furrowed brow, deep-set eyes, and full,
curling beard, is critical to conveying an
impression of strength.
The drawing for the Ziegler panel
is a prime example of Baldung's ability to
coordinate his designs for the upper and
lower registers of a glass composition.
The impression of physical strength, implicit in the stationary pikeman below,
becomes explicit in the wrestlers, where
inventive cropping is used as below to accentuate the effect of size and physical
power. Here, Baldung devises a dynamic
composition formed by an openly drawn
landscape in the middle that separates
3
F I G U R E
8 4 . Albrecht Drer. Fol. 59 from
Instructional
Manuscript for Wrestling and
Fencing, 1512. Pen and ink and watercolor
on paper, 31 X 22 cm. Vienna, Graphische
Sammlung Albertina (inv. no. 26.232).
Photo: Graphische Sammlung Albertina, Vienna.
STRASBOURG
AND
FREIBURG
239
the large forms of the two pairs of

wrestlers, whose struggles promise to
take them beyond the lateral confines of
the archway, an impression heightened
by the cropping of the figures. This effect of bounding strength is reinforced by
the sculptural modeling of the wrestlers
in wash combined with pen hatching.
Athletic games were popular subjects
in the archways of heraldic windows
made in Strasbourg, as seen in examples
by both Baldung and Hans Weiditz
(fig. 8 2 ) / The scene in the Ziegler window, however, is distinguished by the
way in which it eschews depicting a panoramic multifigured game with players
and bystanders for the more inventively
conceived, intense confrontation between
two pairs of combatants, with those on
the left poised to engage each other and
those on the right locked together. This
same intensity of confrontation appears
in Baldung's drawing of wrestlers, also
of 1515, in Venice in the Accademia
(fig. 83). Both the Venice and Coburg
drawings meld the contemporary interest in the science of wrestling manifested
in Diirer's Wrestling and Fencing Book
(fig. 84) with Baldung's broader fascination with physical conflict, seen, for example, in the contemporary scene of wild
horses fighting in the margins of the
Prayer Book of Emperor Maximilian 1,
his woodcut illustration of a sword fight
between two soldiers in The Ten Commandments of 1 5 1 6 , and his later painted
and drawn depictions of Hercules and
Antaeus.
5
8 5 . Hans Baldung Grien. Design

for a Stained-Glass
Window for Nikolaus
Ziegler, fol. 56 verso in The Karlsruhe
Sketchbook,
c. 1522. Silverpoint, 20.5 X
FIGURE
14.8 cm. Karlsruhe, Staatliche Kunsthalle,

Kupferstichkabinett.
Photo: Staatliche Kunsthalle Karlsruhe.
Nikolaus Ziegler, a powerful and

influential figure within the Holy Roman
Empire, was senior secretary of the imperial chancery under Emperor Maximilian, vice-chancellor under Emperor
Charles v, and was made head of the
imperial chancery in 1520-21. In 1522,
the emperor raised Ziegler's rank to that
of hereditary aristocrat, which probably
provided the occasion for him to commission another, this time monumental,
stained-glass window from Baldung,
whose silverpoint compositional sketch
for it is in his Karlsruhe Sketchbook
(fig. 85). Ziegler was an important
figure in the artistic world of his day,
whom Drer knew, whom Altdorfer
painted (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches M u seum), and who commissioned from
Schufelein an altarpiece with The Lamentation for the church of Saint George
in Nrdlingen.
113-14
A f t e r Hans B a l d u n g G r i e n ,
w o r k s h o p o f Hans G i t s c h m a n n ,
called v o n R o p s t e i n
Two Panels from the Charterhouse,
Freiburg
" 3
Christ as the Man

of Sorrows
1515-16
and vitreous paint
CONDITION
Corners above pointed arch are modern

additions
72.9 X 54.1 cm (upper part, w i t h leading);
75-3
54-
1 c
(lower part, w i t h leading).

Inv. no. C8524
PROVENANCE
See below, cat. no. 114

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : M o n e 1897: 13; Balcke-
Wodarg 1 9 2 6 - 2 7 : 173, p i . 83, fig. 3; Perseke

1941: 124, 134, fig. 23; Schneider 1950: 30, 32,
cat. no. 32, pis. 29, 30; Hermans 1953: 123 ff.,
cat. no. 56; Lymant 1982: 217, fig. 137a; Scholz
1998: 400.
114
Mater Dolorosa
c. 1 5 1 5 - 1 6
and vitreous paint
1 . For the Waffenrock, or emblazoned uniform worn over

armor, reaching from the neck to the knees, belted at the
waist, see Reitzenstein 1972: 5 2 .
2. See the essay by Hartmut Scholz in this volume (pp.
23-27).
3. In the wars of the period, in which Swiss and Imperial

German troops were pitted against one another, the
Reislaufer and Landsknecht were mortal enemies, distinguished by their appearance and costume. Essential
traits included the normally clean-shaven Reislaufer,
whose costume bore the Swiss cross, and the often
bearded and mustachioed Landsknecht, who displayed
on his uniform and banner the diagonal cross of Saint
Andrew (cf. cat. nos. 7 1 - 7 2 ) . Cf. Bchtiger 1 9 7 1 - 7 2 for
the fundamental article on the subject in art.
4. Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983: no. 7.
5. As observed by Christiane Andersson, the contestants
here do not show any of the standard positions recommended in the wrestling manuals of the period; cf.
Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983: nos. 7, 2 1 5 .
6. See Baldung's Design for a Glass Panel with the Arms of
Wolfgang von Landsberg and a Game of Stone Throwing Above (Vienna, Graphische Sammlung Albertina,
inv. no. 3 2 2 4 ) .
7. For the woodcut illustration from The Ten Commandments, see Mende 1978: no. 425; cf. Koch 1 9 4 1 : nos.
137, 6 6 ; and Osten 1983: nos. 7 0 a , 7 2 .
8. For further information and literature, see Christiane
Andersson in Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983: no. 7.
9. Koch 1 9 4 1 : 1 5 1 - 5 2 , no. 1 4 4 .
10. Martin 1950: 6 9 . Cf. Schufelein biography in this volume, p. 1 9 3 .
240
STRASBOURG
A N D FREIBURG
10
CONDITION
Corners above pointed arch are modern

additions
70.4 X 54.1 cm (upper part, w i t h leading);
78.7 X 54.2 cm (lower part, w i t h leading).
Inv. no. C8525
PROVENANCE
Charterhouse, Freiburg (secularized in 1782);

reinstalled i n the Benedictine Cloister of Saint
Blasius, Freiburg (dedicated i n 1783); acquired
by Grand Duke L u d w i g von Baden, Schloss
Langenstein, i n 1820; by descent to Axel Graf
Douglas, Schloss Langenstein (Cologne,
J. M . Heberle [ H . Lempertz' Shne],
November 25, 1897).
ii4
ii3
STRASBOURG
AND
FREIBURG
241
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Mone 1897: 12,fig.14;

Balcke-Wodarg 1 9 2 6 - 2 7 : 173, pi. 83,fig.4;
Perseke 1941: 83, 124, 134, pi. 24; Schneider
1950: 30, 32, cat. no. S.59, no. 33, pis. 31, 32;
Hermans 1953: 125, cat. no. 55; Becksmann
1979: 66-6j; Lymant 1982: 217, fig. 137b;
Scholz 1998: 400.
^^hile in Strasbourg, Baldung appears

to have made designs principally for
small-scale heraldic glass panels, but
when he moved to Freiburg in 1512, he
began to receive commissions for designing monumental glass for the Freiburg
minster and other sites in and around the
city. Among the most beautiful and well
preserved of these is the series made for
Freiburg's Carthusian cloister, or charterhouse, probably as an imperial commission for Maximilian i . These consist
of single figures standing against a
damask ground, a type of glass painting popular in Alsace and in Freiburg
in particular, as seen in the windows in
the main choir of the minster, made by
the workshop of the Freiburg glass
painter Hans Gitschmann von Ropstein
(1480/85-1564) between 1511 and
1513. The subject enjoyed still older currency in stained glass from the Strasbourg and Freiburg area, as seen in cat.
no. 4. In the earlier literature, there was
confusion about whether the panels in
question were originally in the charterhouses of Basel or Freiburg, but this was
resolved by the discovery of a passage in
the travel notes of 1784 by the tourist
Abbe Philippe-Andre Grandidier, who
reported seeing the stained glass from
the Freiburg charterhouse (secularized
in 1782) installed in the newly built
Benedictine church of Saint Blasius in
Freiburg, which was dedicated in 1783.
While no documents for the commission
survive, eight panels with over-life-size
figuresout of the thirty-one surviving
panels from the charterhouse, including
Christ as the Man of Sorrows and Mater
Dolorosa (the others are distributed
among museums in Karlsruhe, Nuremberg, and the collection of Graf Douglas,
Gondelsheim)show the direct, unmistakable influence of Baldung. The
damask background patterns of some of
the panels and the manner of execution
indicate that the series was manufactured in the workshop of Hans von Ropstein, which carried out other Freiburg
commissions for glass after designs by
Baldung, most notably The Virgin and
Child with Saint Anne in the Anne Chapel
of the Freiburg minster, signed by
von Ropstein's assistant Jakob Wechtlin
and dated 1515. The charterhouse
panels, including Saint John the Baptist
in Karlsruhe (fig. 86), so closely reflect
Baldung's style that they are thought to
have been made during Baldung's resi1
242
S T R A S B O U R G
A N D
F R E I B U R G
dence in Freiburg after autograph cartoons. Other panels in the series seem less
original than derivative of him, particularly of his masterpiece, the high altarpiece in the Freiburg minster completed
in 1517, and are thus thought to date
from after his return to Strasbourg in
1517 and to be a product principally
of the Ropstein workshop, which by
that time had thoroughly absorbed Baldung's manner.
Christ as the Man of Sorrows and
Mater Dolorosa make a pair in which
the two panels would have faced each
other, following the precedent of the
panels with the same subjects in the
second window of the previously mentioned series in the main choir of the
minster by the Ropstein workshop.
Amidst the accompanying panels of
saints, they would have formed an emotionally charged devotional image, analogous to devotional paintings combining
the sorrowing Virgin and her crucified
son, such as the one of 1513 by Baldung
in the Augustinermuseum, Freiburg.
Christ as the Man of Sorrows and Mater
Dolorosa are among the most masterful
and moving glass paintings of their
period, with their wonderfully preserved
surfaces allowing one to appreciate the
glass painter's art at its consummate
level. The profound extent to which they
reflect Baldung's manner has prompted
the hypothesis that he was directly
involved in their execution. Although the
stringent division between the work of
the designer and glass painter casts doubt
upon this, it does seem likely that he
closely supervised their execution in
glass and probably made the cartoons
for them; the extent of his involvement
would thus seem to parallel that assumed
for the finest windows in the series for
the Carmelite cloister of Nuremberg (cf.
cat. no. 29 and the essay by Hartmut
Scholz in this volume [p. 29]).
6
Among the salient technical features of Mater Dolorosa and Christ

as Man of Sorrows is the manner of
modeling that suggests a grasp of Baldung's chiaroscuro drawings. The freely
scratched-out highlights in the Virgin's
kerchief vividly call to mind Baldung's
drawing method of applying liquid white
heightening to dark prepared paper. The
modeling of flesh tones is exceptionally
nuanced, as is apparent in the Virgin's
face, which is shaded in gray wash,
hatched in three shades of paintlight
and dark gray and blackand, finally,
has highlights scratched away. This system of modeling enhances the pictorial
emphasis upon the tragic face and the
clenched hands, whose fingers press into
the flesh. This method of modeling is
also seen to moving effect in the figure
of Christ (fig. 88), with the bulging veins
9
F I G U R E
8 6. After Hans Baldung Grien;
Hans von Ropstein. Saint John the Baptist,
1515-16. Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass,
yellow stain, and vitreous paint, 147 X
55 cm. Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum
(inv. no. c 7885).
Photo: B a d i s c h e s L a n d e s m u s e u m K a r l s r u h e .
of the hands and feet, and in the eyes,

in which the scratched-out highlights
through which light shines unabated underscore both the pathos of his gaze and
its directional focus upon the sorrowing
Virgin. The figures are silhouetted against
boldly patterned pomegranate patterns
typical of the Ropstein workshop, with
the delicacy of the flesh tones and the
brilliance of the robesblue and purple
in the case of the Virgin and red and
white in the case of Christmaking the
figures advance forward into space. The
sophisticated sense of color suggests that
Baldung selected the glass palette, as he is
thought to have done for the finest panels
for the Nuremberg Carmelite cloister.
Mater Dolorosa has long been
associated with the panel painting of the
same subject in Budapest (fig. 87), whose
luminous halo, face, and robes and deep
10
FIGURE
8 8. After Hans Baldung Grien; Hans von Ropstein. Detail of cat. no. 113.
generally dated around 1516-17. The

Man of Sorrows was one of Baldung's
central religious subjects, occurring often in the paintings and prints of his
Freiburg period. In general typewith
the soft beard, large crown of thorns,
the bulging veins of his tightly bound
handsthe Karlsruhe Christ figure most
closely recalls Baldung's woodcut The
Man of Sorrows of 1511. The figure
has been criticized for its less penetrating
depth of emotion compared to the Virgin
and slightly weak anatomical handling
of the legs, but these shortcomings are
insignificant in light of its overall technical beauty. Christ gazes at and advances
toward his mother, who is absorbed in
sorrow, with her head turned down, eyes
closed, and mouth open. The pair forms
an emotional crescendo within the Charterhouse panels and stands alongside
Baldung's paintings and prints as a testament to the powerful depth of feeling
that characterizes much of the art of his
Freiburg period.
12
F I G U R E 8 7 . Hans Baldung Grien. Mater

Dolorosa,
c. 1 5 1 6 - 1 7 . Oil
linden wood,
152.2 X 46.2 c m . Budapest, Szepmveszeti
Muzeum (inv. no. 3 8 2 2 ) .
o
P h o t o : Szepmveszeti M u z e u m , Budapest.
emotionality evidence the influence of

Matthias Grnewald. A similar profound sense of grief appears in the Karlsruhe panel: the Virgin appears older
and turns inward in grief rather than
looking outward, while her clenched
hands play a somewhat larger role due
to their being silhouetted against the
patterned ground. The slightly less sculptural effect of the Karlsruhe panel has
been taken to indicate that it shortly predates the Budapest painting, which is
11
13
14
1. See essay in this volume by Hartmut Scholz (pp. 2 3 - 2 7 )

and his discussion in Freiburg 1998.
2. Perseke 1 9 4 1 : 1 2 1 - 2 3 ; Balcke-Wodarg 1 9 2 6 - 2 7 : 1 6 7 -
68. For Ropstein and further literature, see the essay by

Hartmut Scholz in this volume, and his extensive discussion of the project in Scholz 1998: 3 9 9 - 4 0 3 ; and Rowlands 1993, I: 2 0 9 , 11, pi. 4 4 4 .
3. Grandidier 1897: 162; cf. Balcke-Wodarg 1 9 2 6 - 2 7 : 1 6 5 .
4. Saint John the Baptist, Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum; Saint Hugo of Grenoble and Saint Hugo of Lincoln, Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum; Saint
Elizabeth, Graf Douglas Collection, Gondelsheim,
Schloss Langenstein; Saint Ludwig and Saint George,
formerly in Berlin, Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum, destroyed
in 1945; for further literature, see Scholz .1:998: 3 9 9 403.
5. Cf. Scholz essay in this volume (pp. 2 3 - 2 5 ) .
6. Karlsruhe 1 9 5 9 : nos. 2 7 2 - 7 9 , 1 1 4 - 1 7 ; Balcke-Wodarg

1926-27: 169-76.
7. Schneider 1950: 2 9 ; Balcke-Wodarg 1 9 2 6 - 2 7 : pi. 80,

nos. 1, 2.
8. Osten 1983: no. 2 2 .
9. Schneider 1950: 2 9 .
10. Ibid.: 3 2 .
1 1 . See Osten 1983: no. 4 1 , 1 3 8 - 3 9 for further literature.
12. For paintings in Freiburg and Stuttgart, cf. Osten 1 9 8 3 :
nos. 2 2 , 3 4 ; for the prints, Bartsch 1 8 0 3 - 2 : 1 : nos. 4 1 42, and Washington, D.C., and New Haven 1981: nos.
2 9 , 5:1..
13. Bartsch 1 8 0 3 - 2 1 : no. 4 1 .
14. Balcke-Wodarg 1 9 2 6 - 2 7 : 175; Schneider 1950: 30.
STRASBOURG
A N DFREIBURG
243
ii5
Stained-Glass Design
with the Arms of Jrg
von Wittelshausen
c. 1530
Pen and brush and grayish b r o w n ink and

grayish b r o w n wash, red chalk over black chalk,
on cream laid paper; shield i n dark b r o w n ink
added later w i t h i n the larger shield
Monograrnmed HBG i n ligature by Sebald
Bheler in dark b r o w n ink i n the lower right.
Inscribed by the glass painter i n b r o w n ink at
the bottom: Die lyst Jorg von
wytoltzhussen
Rfmisch] Kaiserlicher]
M[ajestt] thr hter
32.8 X 24.1 cm
Kupferstichkabinett
Inv. no. z 45
PROVENANCE

Duke Franz Friedrich A n t o n von SachsenCoburg-Saalfeld (1750-1806)
Stiassny 1896: no. 47, p l . 12; Schmitz 1922: 4 1 ,
fig. 46; W i n k l e r 1939: 22, flg. 28; Koch 1941:
no. 147; Mhle 1 9 4 1 - 4 2 : 217; M u n i c h 1947:
no. 1 9 1 ; Karlsruhe 1959: no. 244; Maedebach
1970: no. 14, fig. 2; Detroit, Ottawa, and
Coburg 1983: no. 12, 78.
115
244
S T R A S B O U R G
A N D
F R E I B U R G
F I G U R E
8 9 . Hans Baldung Gnen. Design for a Stained-Glass
Panel
with the Ottenheim Arms, c. 1 5 1 1 . Pen and brown ink, red chalk, 26.4
X 18.5 cm. Coburg, Kunstsammlungen der Veste, Kupferstichkabinett
(inv. no. Z 60).
Photo: K u n s t s a m m l u n g e n der Veste C o b u r g .
F I G U R E
9 0 . Strasbourg glass painter, after Hans Baldung Grien.
Panel with the Arms of Jakob von Salm,
c. 1550. Pen and brown ink, red chalk, 34.2 X 27.2 cm. Staatliche
Museen zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabinett (inv.
no. K d z 306).
P h o t o : J r g P. A n d e r s .
In most of Baldung's designs for smallscale heraldic windows, the coat of arms
of the patron takes center stage, with the
shield-holding figure, however wonderfully rendered, acting as an attendant to
it. Within Baldung's oeuvre, the glass
painter normally first sketched the coat
of arms, leaving a residual strip in which
Baldung then drew a figure supporting
the shield (cat. nos. 111-12). Glass
painters generally provided extraordinarily animated and sometimes crudely
drawn coats of arms, with extravagant
scrolling mantling and a lively decoration, often a human or animal head,
surmounting the helmet. The design for
a window with the arms of Jrg von
Wittelshausen is unique, being the only
surviving drawing for a heraldic glass
panel complete with its frame that was
executed essentially by Baldung himself.
It is among his most sensitively and
beautifully rendered designs for heraldic
panels. Its soft and yielding style complements and accompanies what within Baldung's designs for heraldic panels is a new
sense of balance and restraint between
the coat of arms and the figure that sup-
ports it, which he as the sole author of

the drawing was free to determine.
A ravishing figure with flowing
hair and ostrich plume hat, the damsel
who supports the coat of arms is also vaginally modest as she casts her eyes
downward and holds the shield at a
polite distance. The coat of arms is restrained and dignified, positioned almost
vertically in its section of the archway
and contained within its space, not
encroaching upon that of the maiden.
This formality between the female shield
holder and escucheon contrasts with
their playful, coquettish relationship seen
in some of Baldung's other heraldic designs. The design with the Uttenheim
arms (fig. 89), for example, pokes fun at
an overscale and grotesquely incongruous coat of arms by showing a beautiful
maiden encircling her arm about a helmet and looking sweetly at the frightful
male head that bites its top. In the Wittelshausen design, however, the maiden
respectfully demurs to the coat of arms
surmounted by an elderly head in profile,
possibly a jester, whose motionless form
stares ahead, seemingly unaware of her.
The coat of arms thus possesses an aloof

dignity, which is balanced by the placement of visual emphasis upon the more
animated and sensuously drawn maiden and the landscape above. The selfconsciously sought balance between the
maiden and coat of arms is underscored
by a comparison with a glass painter's
later traced copy in outline of the maiden
(fig. 90) that reverts to the configuration
of showing her alongside a larger, extroverted coat of arms inclining toward her.
The style of drawing is open and
airy, with the forms rendered in wash
modeling, outline, and with much of the
blank paper showing through, with a
minimum of hatching. The damsel's billowing hair and ostrich plumes form a
transition to the landscape above and
reinforce its flow from left to right. There
is a unified sweep across the expanse of
the arch, with a huntsman walking forth
from a castle and his hounds pursing a
stag that is soon to bound into the forest
at the right. Baldung's achievement of an
exceptionally grand mountainous panorama within the confines of the archway owes a great deal to his luminous,
S T R A S B O U R G
A N D
F R E I B U R G
245
atmospheric, and open manner of drawing. This manner of drawing takes its
point of departure from that of the dated
roundel of 1517, Shooting at the Father's
Corpse (Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, inv.
no. Kdz 571), with particularly good
comparisons in the landscapes, but the
Coburg drawing is still softer and more
atmospheric. The hunting scene finds its
closest parallel in Baldung's pen-andwash panorama Procession Before a
Castle in a Lake of around 1530. The
melting loveliness of the maiden also
warrants comparison to Baldung's softly
modeled chalk study of an ideal beauty,
Bust of a Maiden Turned Left with
Downturned Eyes, dated 15 27. Almost
nothing is known about the patron, Jrg
von Wittelshausen (old German: Wytolzhausen), who as the glass painter's
inscription reports, was gatekeeper
("thiir hiiter") to the Holy Roman Emperor Charles v (r. 1520-58).
1
1. Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, Kdz 801; Koch: no. 132; cf.

Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983: no. 12, 7 8 .
2. Frankfurt, Graphische Sammlung im Stdelschen Kunstinstitut, inv. no. 1 5 7 0 0 .
3. Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983: no. 12, 7 8 .
246
STRASBOURG AND
FREIBURG
HANS WEIDITZ
Freiburg im Breisgau before 1500-Strasbourg 1536
the same name active in Freiburg im

Breisgau. He first trained in Strasbourg
about 1515 and in 1518 was a journeyman with Hans Burgkmair in Augsburg.
He returned to Strasbourg in 1522-23,
where he probably spent the rest of his
career, largely as a designer of woodcuts.
Weiditz fell into obscurity owing to the
fact that only two of his woodcuts are
signed, but today he is generally believed
to be identical with the artist called the
Petrarch Master, after the brilliantly
witty and inventive illustrations to the
German translation of Petrarch's dialogue On the Remedies of Good and
Bad Fortune (Von der Artzney hay der
Glck), first published in Augsburg in
1532. He produced landmarks in the
history of scientific illustration in the
watercolor drawings (Bern, Botanisches
Institut und Botanischer Garten) for
the woodcuts to Otto Brunfels's herbal
Herharum vivae eicones (Strasbourg,
1530-36). Another of his important

print projects was his design for the large
view of Augsburg dated 15 21, which
was printed from eight blocks and is the
first German panorama of its kind.
A small group of drawingsincluding examples in Coburg, Kunstsammlung der Veste; Munich, Staatliche
Graphische Sammlung; Bern, Historisches Museum; and Gttingen, Kunstsammlung der Universitt (cat. no.
116)attests to his activity in Strasbourg as a designer of stained glass,
principally of heraldic panels. Their
depiction of dynamic athletic and combat scenes in the upper spandrels shows
the influence of Baldung, while their
style, which includes prominent wash
modeling, also has a strong Augsburg
element, especially reminiscent of Hans
Burgkmair.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Christiane Andersson i n
Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983: 1 5 8 - 6 7

(for further literature); Heinrich Geissler in
Heidelberg 1986: 3 0 3 - 4 , 3 2 3 - 2 5 ; L o n d o n
1995: 1 6 0 - 6 3 ; Kristin Lohse Belkin in DOA
1996, x x x i i i : 3 2 - 3 3 (for further literature).
116
n 6
Hans W e i d i t z (c. 1 5 0 0 - 1 5 3 6 )
Samson Sets the Fields of

the Philistines on Fire
c. 1530
Pen and dark brown ink, brush and gray wash,

on cream laid paper
DIAMETER
19
cm
Gttingen, Kunstsammlung der Universitt

Gttingen
Inv. 110. 11585
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
1928:
no.
58,
ill.
Buchner 1 9 2 5 :
2 2 4 ; Parker
Weiditz's fame as one of the most ingenious graphic artists of the German
Renaissance is affirmed by this extraordinary design for a stained-glass roundel
that illustrates one of the exploits of
Samson, the Old Testament hero whose
battles against the Israelites' oppressors,
the Philistines, were viewed as prefiguring Christ's struggle against Satan and
Death. Samson appears in Augsburg art
of the Renaissance, as, for example, Jrg
Breu the Elder's painting Samson Killing
One Thousand Philistines with the Jawbone of an Ass in the ffentliche Kunstsammlung, Basel, or his stained-glass
panel Samson Pulling Down the Pillars
of the Palace of the Philistines in Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum.
Weiditz, who was active in Augsburg as
an illustrator before permanently returning to Strasbourg in 1522-23, here illustrates a rarely depicted deed of Samson,
in which he set fire to the cornfields
1
S T R A S B O U R G
A N D FRl-IBURG
247
of the Philistines by unleashing three

hundred foxes tied tail-to-tail with a
torch fastened to each pair of tails
(Judges 15:4-5)The Gttingen drawing probably
dates to Weiditz's mature period as a designer of stained glass in Strasbourg. It
shows his typical technique of drawing in
pen and ink with wash modeling, which
lends a painterly effect to the whole,
as well as sculptural plasticity to the
forms. With his pinwheel posture and
masterly foreshortening, the figure of
Samson is the culmination of Weiditz's
love of athletes in dynamic poses that
appears in the upper frames of a number
of his drawings for stained glass, such
as Stained-Glass Design with the Arms
of Bernhard iv von Eber stein of 1525
in Coburg (fig. 82), and which has its
origin in Baldung's Strasbourg period
drawings for stained glass, such as
Stained-Glass Design with the Arms of
Nikolaus Ziegler of 1515 with wrestlers
filling the upper part of the frame (cat.
no. 112). Indeed, the Gttingen drawing is a prime example of the way in
which Weiditz translated the graphic
dynamism of Baldung, which is lodged
principally in calligraphic line work, into
a more three-dimensional formal vocabulary with tenebrist handling that harkens
back to his period of training in Augsburg with Hans Burgkmair in 1518-22.
The Gttingen drawing evidences this
Augsburg heritage in other respects,
including the use of the roundel format.
The fascination with using the roundel to
dynamic effect is a salient component of
Breu's stained-glass designs (cat. nos. 9 1 94; 98-109), as it is here. Like Breu,
Weiditz emphasizes the vertical and horizontal diameters of the circular form, as
seen in the cliff bisected by the mountainous landscape on the horizon line. In
contrast to Breu's love of cropping and
implicit extension of the composition
beyond the bounds of the circle, however, Weiditz creates a vortex that spirals
inward and consists of the running figure
of Samson, the blazing foxes, billowing
smoke, and curving form of the cliff; in
the eye of the vortex is the landscape
beyond. The tenebristic style of modeling, which lends further drama to the
2
1. Buchner 1 9 2 8 b : 3 7 0 - 7 5 , figs. 2 7 5 - 7 6 .
2. For an excellent discussion of Weiditz's style as a draftsman, see Christiane Andersson in Detroit, Ottawa, and
Coburg ^ 8 3 : 1 5 8 - 6 7 .
3. For Stained-Glass Design with the Arms of Bernhard iv
von Eberstein, see Andersson in Detroit, Ottawa, and
Coburg 1 9 8 3 : no. 5 2 . For a further glass design by Weiditz with athletic competition (swordplay), see StainedGlass Design with the Uttenheim Arms of 1 5 3 1 , Bern,
Historisches Museum, inv. no. 2 0 0 3 6 . 1 7 (Wyss 1.16), as
cited in Bern 1 9 9 6 - 9 7 : no. 6 6 .
4. Bartsch 1 8 0 3 - 2 1 : no. 1.
5. Dodgson 1 9 0 3 - r 1, iv: 1 4 4 .
6. Munich, Staatliche Graphische Sammlung; cf. Parker
1 9 2 8 : no. 59, ill.
248
S T R A S B O U R G
A N D
F R E I B U R G
scene, the varied and dynamic vegetation

imbued with Danube School stylistic
undertones, and background landscape
evoke Burgkmair's influence, as seen in
works such as his etching of c. 1520,
Venus and Mercury.
The spiraling vortex, of which
Samson is a major component, forms a
powerful and original evocation of the
apocalyptic fury of Samson's exploits as
recited in the biblical narrative. Weiditz's
ingenious creation of dynamic graphic
designs evidenced in this drawing for
stained glass parallels that found in
woodcuts after him, such as The Wheel
of Fortune of c. 1519-20, which appears
as the title page of the first volume of On
the Remedies of Good and Bad Fortune
(Von der Artzney bay der Glck, des
guten undIwiderwrtigen) by Petrarch,
published in Augsburg in 1532. Unfortunately, no glass connected to the Gttingen drawing survives, and it is
unknown whether the drawing was
intended to stand alone or as part of a
series. Its lack of color notations would
seem to indicate that it was intended for
a monochrome roundel, again reflecting
Weiditz's Augsburg heritage. The late
date of the drawing is indicated by its
stylistic similarity to his Stained-Glass
Design with the Arms of the Holy Roman
Empire, dated 1533, which shows a
shield supported by two soldiers whose
deep eye sockets, luxuriant beards, and
strong modeling in wash parallel the
handling of Samson in the Gttingen
roundel.
4
REGENSBURG
ALBRECHT ALTDORFER
Regensburg(?) c. 1482/85-Regensburg 1538
drawinga designer of stained glass.

Together with Wolf Huber (c. 1480/851553), he was the principal figure in the
Danube School, the group of artists
working around the Danube River in
Regensburg, Passau, and Vienna, known
for their emphasis upon nature imagery
(often mountains and pine forests) and
for their dramatic, emotionally charged
artistic approach, which included startling effects of perspective, dynamism,
and illumination.
Altdorfer was the son and probably pupil of Ulrich Altdorfer, a miniaturist and print illuminator active in
Regensburg. In 1505, he became a citizen of Regensburg, where he remained
for the rest of his career. His earliest
works reveal the influence of Lucas
Cranach the Elder (1472-1553), whom
he could have met in Vienna during his
years as a journeyman, and Albrecht
Drer. The Allegory of Pax and Minerva
of 1506 (Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett) is
among the earliest of his many miniaturistic drawings on color-grounded paper
made as finished works of art. It and
other drawings and prints from this
period evidence a knowledge of Italian
engravings, particularly those of Andrea
Mantegna (1431-1506) and Jacopo de'
Barbari (c. 1450-1515/16). Early paintings such as The Nativity of 1507
(Bremen, Kunsthalle) display dramatic
architectural perspective evidencing the
influence of Michael Pacher (c. 14351498), whose great altarpiece in the
church of Saint Wolfgang near Salzburg
Altdorfer could have seen during his
travels as a journeyman.
Among his most important paintings to have survived is the large altarpiece with scenes from the Passion of
Christ and the life of Saint Sebastian for
Saint Florian Abbey, Austria (fourteen
panels in situ; two in Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum), which occupied him
from 1509 to 1516. During this period
he probably executed his single surviving
design for stained glass (cat. no. 117), for
a cycle of Passion roundels, which brings
to the glass medium the monumentality
and wrenching pathos of the Saint Florian
Altarpiece as well as Altdorfer's dynamic, sweeping draftsmanship.
Among the artists of his time, Altdorfer was second only to Drer in his
activity for Emperor Maximilian 1, exe-
250
REGENSBURG
cuting (with assistants) the presentation

copy in watercolor on vellum of The Triumph of Emperor Maximilian around
1513-16, which survives in partial form
in the Graphische Sammlung Albertina,
Vienna; designs for the giant woodcut
The Triumphal Arch of Maximilian 1 of
c. 1515; drawings for The Prayer Book
of Emperor Maximilian 1 (Besancon,
Bibliotheque Municipale) of c. 1515;
and designs for the giant woodcut frieze
The Triumphal Procession of Maximilian 1 of 1516-18. Probably between
1518 and 1522, Altdorfer made his milestone landscape etchings that are the earliest landscape prints that do not depend
on the presence of a figural subject. In
1529, he completed his most famous
painting, The Battle of Alexander at Issos
(Munich, Alte Pinakothek). The cosmic
landscape with myriad tiny battling figures formed his contribution to the cycle
of at least sixteen history paintings of biblical and ancient heroes and heroines
(including works by other artists such
as Jrg Breu the Elder and Hans Burgkmair the Elder), which was commissioned by Duke Wilhelm iv of Bavaria
for the ducal residence in Munich. Altdorfer also made monumental illusionistic mural paintings, as evidenced by
the fragments from the now-destroyed
bathhouse of the Bishop of Regensburg
(Regensburg, Stadtmuseum; Budapest,
Szepmveszeti Mzeum). Altdorfer was
employed by the city of Regensburg as
an architect; made a member of the city
council in 1517; and was offered the
position of mayor in 1528, which he
refused, possibly due to his commitments
to Duke Wilhelm.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Franz Winzinger in AKL
1992,
i i : 671-75 (for further literature); Charles Talbot

in DO A 1996, i : 7 1 4 - 2 0 (for further literature).
117
R I i C; E N S B U R G
2 5 I
ii7
Albrecht Altdorfer
Christ Carrying the Cross
c. 1513
Pen and black ink, gray wash, over black chalk,

on cream laid paper
DIAMETER
30.4 cm
Inv. no. 8 6 . G G . 4 6 5
PROVENANCE
Gsta Stenman, Stockholm (sale, Christie's,

London, December 12, 1985, lot 341); art
market, Boston
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Goldner and H e n d r i x 1987:
3 8 3 - 8 7 ; Berlin and Regensburg 1988: no. 97;
L o n d o n 1988: 158; Andersson 1988: 487; Butts
1988: 2 7 9 - 8 0 ; Goldner and Hendrix 1992:
no. 113.
1. Other activity in the production of glass in the Regensburg region around the time of the drawing under discussion includes the pair of glass paintings from the
charterhouse at Prll near Regensburg (Munich, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum), possibly designed by the
Landshut painter and glass painter Hans Wertinger
( 1 4 6 5 / 7 0 - 1 5 3 3 ) . The pair depicts Duke Albrecht i v of
Bavaria with Saint John the Evangelist, and his son Duke
Wilhelm i v with Saint Bartholomew. They certainly postdate the death of Albrecht in 1 5 0 8 and probably were
finished in time for the rededication of the new monastery
church at Prll in 1 5 1 3 . Cf. the essay by Hartmut Scholz
in this volume (pp. 3 9 - 4 0 ) ; Rowlands in London 1 9 8 8 :
no. 1 2 6 (for further literature).
2. Bartsch 1 8 0 3 - 2 1 : no. 1 0 .
252
R E G E N S B U R G
O f the major South German artistic

currents, the Danube School played a
curiously minor role in the medium of
stained-glass design. There are no surviving stained-glass designs by Wolf Huber,
and the present drawing is the sole surviving evidence of Albrecht Altdorfer's
activity as a designer of stained glass.
One assumes that it formed part of a
larger series of roundels illustrating the
Passion of Christ, although no connected
panels survive. Interestingly, it eschews
the miniaturistic quality of his acclaimed
pen drawings with white heightening on
prepared paper, in favor of the powerful
monumentality of paintings such as the
scene of Christ carrying the cross from the
Saint Florian Altarpiece (c. 1513; Austria, Augustiner-Chorherrenstift Sankt
Florian). Both the present drawing and
the aforementioned scene in the Saint
Florian Altarpiece present Altdorfer's answer to the monumental pathos of Drer's
woodcut of Christ carrying the cross from
The Large Passion, published 149 8.
The present drawing brings Altdorfer's jarring sense of perspective and
physical suffering to the stained-glass
medium. He adopts the unusual vantage
point of showing Christ carrying the
cross from the rear, seen in his probably contemporary drawing in Erlangen
(Graphische Sammlung der Universitt,
inv. no. B. 810), which affords a glimpse
of Christ's haggard profile, as well as
showing the bare soles of his feet as he
crawls over the rocky ground. This perspective enables the artist to emphasize
oppressive features, such as the huge
cross that Christ bears; the muscular soldier at the left, shown from the rear, who
grabs Christ's robe to drag him forward;
and the helmeted soldier to the right,
who has a halberd poised to prod him
in the back.
In the present drawing, Altdorfer
is at his most forceful and expansive
as a draftsman, with the swift application of thick black line and bold washes
heightening the drama of the scene. One
can only imagine the powerful effect
of this drawing when translated into
the glass medium.
1
BERN
HANS FUNK
Zurich before 1470-Zurich c. 1540
118
glass painter active in Bern during the
first third of the sixteenth century. He
was born into a Zurich family of glass
painters and moved to Bern around
1499-1500. Beginning in 1504, he made
a cycle of twelve Standesscheiben, or
canton panels (destroyed) for the town
hall in Freiburg (Switzerland). An echo
of this destroyed cycle may be found in
another early signed panel by Funk
(questionably dated 1501), the canton
panel of Bremgarten (Bernisches Historisches Museum, inv. no. 20274),
which shows the fully developed pyramidal coat of arms surmounted by the
imperial crown, established by Lukas
Zeiner as the canonical format of a
Standesscheibe in his pathbreaking cycle
for the city hall of Baden of only three
years before (see the essay by Giesicke
and Ruoss in this volume, pp. 46-48).
Shortly after he moved to Bern, Funk
came into contact with the fledgling
Niklaus Manuel Deutsch, who after he
reached artistic maturity profoundly
influenced Funk's later style and after
whose designs Funk often carried out
stained-glass panels (cat. no. 127). Funk
was a highly competent draftsman, much
in the style of Manuel, as in, for example,
Funk's Design for a Stained-Glass Panel
for Jakob May of 1532 (Zurich, Kunsthaus, inv. no. 1938-39). Funk's most
famous glass painting and a key document of the visual culture of Renaissance
Switzerland is The Old and Young Confederates of 1539-40 (Bern, Historisches Museum, inv. no. 21643).
From 1509, Funk owned a house in the
Kirchgasse (today Mnstergasse). From
1519 he was a member of the Great
Council of Bern. He received steady
commissions from Bern and Freiburg as
well as other cantons. In 1539, after
attempting to murder another glazier, he
was banned from Bern and died in
Zurich soon thereafter.
Bernese glass p a i n t e r
(Hans Funk?)
Stained-Glass Panel with

a Flagbearer from Bern
c. 1508-9
Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass, black vitreous

paint and yellow stain
59 X 4 3 4 cm
Inv. no. 366
PROVENANCE
Together w i t h the panel of Saint Vincent also i n

the Bernisches Historisches Museum, commissioned by the Bern City Council i n 1508 for
the church in Lenk in Simmental; sold to Friedrich Biirki, Bern on June 27, 1880; after his
death i n 1880 donated to the Bernisches
Historisches Museum.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Lehmann 1 9 1 2 - 1 6 , X V : 2 1 9 -
21; Ganz 1927: 190, p i . 6; Schmitz 1913,1: 1 7 9 80, fig. 305; Schneider 1954: 5 1 , note 2 on 95,
note 1 o n 129; Boesch 1955: 84, p i . 24; Bern
1979: no. 262, 425, under no. 263; Hasler
1 9 9 6 - 9 7 , I : 1 3 7 - 3 8 , under no. 144, fig. 144.1;
Bern 1 9 9 6 - 9 7 : no. 15a.
119
U n k n o w n (Bernese?) master
Design for a StainedGlass Panel with a

Flagbearer from Aeschi,
Bren or Nidau
5
c. 1509-10
Pen and black i n k on cream laid paper toned

light brown; traces of underdrawing in black
chalk; corrections to the banner i n red chalk;
verso: a tracing of the legs of the flagbearer in
black chalk
WATERMARK
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Lehmann 1 9 1 2 - 1 6 , x v n i : 5 4 74, 1 3 5 - 3 8 ; Matile in Bern 1979: 420 (for

further literature); Paul Ganz i n SKL 1982,
1: 532; Anderes in Anderes and Hoegger 1988:
5 9 - 6 0 (for further literature). See also the
essay by Giesicke and Ruoss in this volume,
pp. 5 0 - 5 1 .
254
BERN
Bern bear (Piccard 1 9 6 1 - : 15, 2/187,
37)
43.3 X 31.8 cm
Inv. no. 20036.1 (w.1.1)
PROVENANCE
Johann Emmanuel Wyss ( 1 7 8 2 - 1 8 3 7 ) , Bern.
118118n8
1119
19
BERN
255
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Ganz 1 9 0 4 - 8 , I i : p i . 46;
Lehmann 1913: 220, p i . 9; Schmitz 1913, 1:

1 7 9 - 8 0 , fig. 304; Baur 1920: no. 2; Aeschbacher
1930: i l l . after 274; Scheidegger 1947: 18;
Mandach 1948: 8; Schneider 1954: 5 1 , note 2,
I29ff., p l . 18; Boesch 1955: 84; Matile 1 9 6 5 66: 6zff., note 92; Bern 1979: no. 263, 4 2 2 23, under no. 262; Saurma-Jeltsch 1990: 64ft.,
pl. 32; Hasler 1 9 9 6 - 9 7 , 1: no. 144; Bern 1 9 9 6 97, no. 15.
A m o n g the earliest Swiss Renaissance

designs for stained glass for which a
related panel survives is the drawing in
Bern with a confederate soldier holding a
banner decorated with a bear paw and
leg, which, because of its lack of tinctures
(i.e., any of the metals, colors, or furs
used in armorial devices) could represent
one of three cities: Aeschi, Bren, or
Nidau (cat. no. 119). It is drawn in the
crisp black carbonic ink beloved of Swiss
artists of the Drer-Holbein period. The
related panel showing a confederate holding a banner decorated with the Bern
bear (cat. no. 118) comes originally from
the church at Lenk (Canton Bern), built
in 1504-5, and certainly corresponds to
the commission of glass for this church
issued by the Bern city council in 1508.
The drawing was generally believed to be of the late fifteenth century
until its conservation in 1978 revealed a
watermark of a Bern bear, thus dating
the paper to the end of the first decade of
the sixteenth century. This closeness in
date substantiates the long-recognized
connection between the drawing and the
glass panel with the Bern flagbearer.
Lehmann believed both the drawing and
panel to be by the Bern glass painter
Lukas Schwarz, but given the still cloudy
knowledge of Schwarz's oeuvre, this
remains speculative. More recently,
Matile has plausibly proposed that the
panel could be by the better-documented
Bern glass painter Hans Funk, on the
basis of comparisons with works such as
the Glass Panel with the Arms of the
City of Bremgarten (Bern, Historisches
1
1. Cf. Hasler 1 9 9 6 - 9 7 : no. 144 for further literature.

2. Matile in Bern ( 1 9 7 9 : no. 262, 423, note 8, 424) quotes
the document of November 1508 authorizing this payment (Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern, Ratsmanuale 1 4 0 ,
54; B. Haller, Bern in seinen Ratsmanualen 1 4 6 5 - r 5 6 5 ,
vol. 1, Bern 1900, 6 bzw. 1, 120).
3. For the fullest discussion of its attribution, see Hasler
1 9 9 6 - 9 7 , i: no. 144. For the Bern watermark of i 5 r o ,
see Piccard 1 9 6 1 - , x v , 2 / 1 9 8 7 , no. 1 6 3 7 .
4. Cf. Lehmann 1913:

219m
5. Cf. Matile in Bern 1979: 423, note 2, with further comparisons from Funk's work, and no. 2 6 1 , 4 2 0 - 2 1 , pl.
154.
6. Schneider 1954: 1 2 9 .
7. Burgerbibliothek Bern, Mss. Hist. Helv.i, 3 . / fol. 4 r ; cf.
Bern 1979, no. 6; cf. Bchtiger 1 9 7 1 - 7 2 : 2 0 5 - 7 0 .
8. For the feathered headdress, its symbolism and origin in
Roman gladiator costume, see Schneider 1954: 5 3 - 5 4 .
256
B E R N
Museum, inv. no. 20274), signed by

Funk, which contains the arms of Bremgarten supported by two halberdiers,
with the one on the left having the same
proportions of rather stocky legs, thin
waist, and broad chest and shoulders
found in the Bern flagbearer in the panel
under discussion. Although the drawing
is somewhat more subtly modeled than
the panel, it remains in the area of speculation whether the drawing was made
by a glass painter or whether it reflects
the division of labor that was then
becoming widespread, whereby the glass
design was made by an artist/draftsman
and then given over to a glass painter
for execution.
The drawing, or perhaps an earlier
variant of it, appears to have provided the
general model followed by the glass
painter of the Bern flagbearer, who nonetheless deviated from it in a number of
details. Both drawing and panel show
a confederate soldier holding a vertically
rectangular banner and planting his
muscular legs firmly and widely apart in
a pose descended from illustrated military chronicles such as the third and
last volume of Diebold Schilling's
Lucerne Chronicle (1481-83), which
contains the history of the Burgundian
War (cf. cat. nos. 85-86), in which Swiss
mercenaries distinguished themselves
gloriously against the imperial troops of
Maximilian i . Both soldiers wear an
ostrich feather headdress tilted backwards, which had been a symbol of Swiss
soldiers since the battle of Saint Jacob in
1444. There are differences in costume
insofar as the soldier in the drawing
wears an armored breastplate decorated
by the Swiss cross, while the one in the
glass panel wears a sumptuous doublet
of red and gold damask, which complements the leafy scrolls of the spandrel as
well as the ornate vegetation on which he
stands. In the drawing, the artist gave
shorthand indications of elements that
are fully developed in the glass panel.
These include the broad plant at the right
that is developed into the leafy ground in
the panel and the rocky pathway that in
the panel is fully worked out into a
mountainous landscape. While there is
greater subtlety of modeling in the drawing, there is more compositional unity
achieved in the glass panel, in which the
taut, muscular flagbearer appears to be
at one with his natural worldfrom the
bold, exuberant foliage that grows upward to the rocky cliffs of the landscape
beyond. Indeed, there seems to be an
implicit parallel drawn between the natural forces of this raw yet fertile landscape and the energy and might of the
confederate flagbearer who traverses it.
This prominent mountainous landscape
behind a shield-holding or, in this case,
6
flag-bearing figure was to play a central

role in Swiss stained glass of the Renaissance, reaching its apex in the designs of
the younger Holbein.
As an emblem of Swiss nationalistic self-consciousness and pride in indigenous military prowess, the flagbearer
remained one of the enduring characters
in Swiss stained glass and graphic art
of the sixteenth century and was especially popular in Bernese stained glass
(see the essay in this volume by Giesicke
and Ruoss, pp. 47-48). Under the
influence of Baldung, both Manuel and
Graf would transform the stalwart type
of confederate soldier encountered in
the drawing and glass panel under discussion into an attenuated being whose
long limbs and body gave expression to
these artists' more calligraphic drawing
styles and, with this, their mastery of
complex, expressive, and dynamic poses
(cf. cat. no. 121).
NIKLAUS MANUEL DEUTSCH

Bern 1484-Bern 1530
was one of the Swiss Renaissance's greatest artists, whose imagery trenchantly
captured the Swiss political, religious,
and cultural climate of his time. He came
from a learned family and was the son of
an apothecary, Emanuel de Allemanis,
whose surname translates as Deutsch
(German) in reference to his own father's
origin from Chieri, near Turin. His earliest works comprise designs for stained
glass, such as the drawing of around
1508 of a pair of Swiss confederate soldiers supporting his own coat of arms
(cat. no. 121), which suggests that he
may have trained in a glass painter's atelier. The command of space and anatomy
and the fluency of draftsmanship of these
early works evidence knowledge of the
work of Albrecht Drer and Hans Baldung and raise the question of whether
he had direct contact with either of them,
possibly on a journeyman's visit to Germany. Like Urs Graf, he served as a
mercenary soldier in Italy on various
campaigns and signed his works with
a monogram accompanied by a dagger.
His device refers to this military activity,
as does his tendency to feature images
of battles and fighting infantry, which
were to proliferate in Swiss stained glass
of the sixteenth century. Manuel married
in 1509, was a member of the Bern city
council from 1510 until his death, and
joined the local guild in 1512. Around
1513, his art comes close to that of
Graf, which indicates some contact.
As a painter, Manuel appears to
have been self-taught. He was attracted
to classical themes, as in his painting
Pyramus and Thishe (c. 1513-14; Basel,
Kunstmuseum), with its powerful landscape imagery akin to that of Danube
School artists such as Altdorfer. From

1517 to 1519, he executed his masterpiece, the life-sized murals of The Dance
of Death, painted on the outer wall of
Bern's Dominican church, destroyed in
1660 and known only through copies
such as the drawings of 1649 by Alfred
Kauw (Bern, Historisches Museum). His
print-designing activities were limited but
included the masterly series of woodcuts
of The Wise and Foolish Virgins of 1518.
During the 1520s, Manuel's political activities increased and artistic activities declined due to the influx of the
Reformation. He was governor of Erlach
from 1523 to 1528 and during this time
wrote several anticlerical plays. Manuel
played a major role in bringing the Reformation to Bern in 1528. He captured
the Reformational spirit of this moment
in two late stained-glass designs of 1527,
Christ and the Woman Taken in Adultery (cat. no. 126) and King Josiah Has
the Idols Destroyed (cat. no. 128).
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Stumm in Thieme and Becker
1907-50, I X : 1 7 5 - 7 7 ; Stumm 1925; Koegler
1930; Bern 1979 (esp. Hans Christoph von
Tavel, 4 2 - 5 0 ; Walter Hugelshofer, 5 1 - 6 6 ;
Heinz Matile, 6 7 - 7 4 ) ; Konrad Escher in SKL
1982, 11: 3 0 9 - 1 9 ; Rowlands 1993, 5 5 3 5
London 1995: 209; Rosemarie Bergmann in
DOA 1996, v n i : 8 2 2 - 2 3 .
1 :
2 -
BERN
257
I20
N i k i a u s M a n u e l Deutsch

Panel with a Maiden
Holding the Arms of
Hattstatt and Wild Men
Fighting Above
c. 1506
Pen and black ink over traces of black chalk

underdrawing, on beige laid paper
WATERMARK
Bull's head (Hasler 1 9 9 6 - 9 7 , 11: no. 145)

COAT
O F
ARMS
The Hattstatt family (shield w i t h the cross of

Saint A n d r e w helmed and crested w i t h a male
torso wearing a capuchin w i t h the cross of Saint
Andrew on his breast)
44.0 X 31.9 cm
Inv. no. 20036.7 (w.1.1)
PROVENANCE
Johann Emmanuel Wyss ( 1 7 8 2 - 1 8 3 7 ) , Bern

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Ganz 1 9 0 4 - 8 , 11: p i . 33;
Stumm in Thieme and Becker 1907-50 (1913),
I X : 177; Koegler 1930: 89, no. 90; Bern 1930:
no. 1, 5; Basel 1 9 7 4 - 7 6 , 11: no. 496, 5 9 7 - 9 8 ;
Koepplin 1974: 173 f., fig. 1; Bern 1979: 6 9 - 7 0 ;
no. 136, 2 9 9 - 3 0 2 ; N e w York 1980: no. 57,
1 9 1 - 9 3 , fig. 128; Hasler 1 9 9 6 - 9 7 , 1: no. 145,
1 3 8 - 4 1 ; Bern 1 9 9 6 - 9 7 : no. 76.
I20
258
B E R N
Among the earliest works ascribed to

Niklaus Manuel is this design for a
heraldic glass panel. It shows a fashionably dressed maiden who gazes out of the
picture as she daintily supports a large
crested shield and stands before a soaring cliff in the background. In the spandrel above are scenes of wild people in
a sylvan environment: women nurture
babies on the left, a man clubs a stag to
death above, and at the right, a wild
woman flees as her male counterparts
fend off an attack from a marauding wild
man. On the imposts are two seminude
warriors with sabers, the one on the right
looking upward, leading the eye into the
arched composition in the spandrel, and
the one on the left conveying attention
outward by looking at, and possibly addressing, the maiden as he points toward
the landscape in the central space. The
drawing as a whole brims with raw vitality, conveyed through the forcefulness of
the black ink, a favored medium of Swiss
draftsmen, as well as the dynamics of the
composition. These attributes are dominated by a strong verticality beginning
with the large plant forms at the bottom,
leading to the elongated maiden and
crested shield, with its mass of swirling
mantling, to the sheer cliff, and finally to
the archway with the wild folk in their
forest, whose towering tree trunks are
cropped by the top of the sheet. The
unity and tightness of the composition
owe something to Manuel's freedom to
design the entire image, a general trait of
Swiss glass design of this period, as
contrasted, for example, with Baldung's
frequent role of filling in the shield
holder and spandrel figures with the coat
of arms previously drawn by the glass
painter. The witty play of the wild men
stepping over the bounds of the frame,
a favorite Manuel device (see cat. no.
121), further binds the spandrel and the
central image.
Stumm added the drawing to the
Manuel literature in 1913, and it has
been generally accepted ever since, especially following von Tavel's thorough
and convincing argument for its attribution. The overall brilliance of the composition, with its spandrel of wild folk,
combined with certain weaknesses, such
as the maiden's anatomically awkward
right arm, bespeak an immature artist of
great imagination and potential. Its formal vocabularywith its dryly rendered
Gothic architecture, large plant forms at
the bottom, and rocky landscape backgroundare strongly lodged in the glass
painter's repertoire (see cat. nos. 11819) and thus raise the question of
Manuel's possibly having had his first
training in a glass painter's atelier. Hard
evidence for this, however, does not
exist, and one can probably more rea1
sonably infer that the young artist made

money by selling glass designs prior to
gaining the recognition that would bring
him painting commissions. He is still,
however, at a huge remove from his fully
developed artistic personality, as seen
in Design for a Glass Panel with the
Manuel Coat of Arms (cat. no. 121) and
probably produced this drawing either
before he had fully digested the work of
Drer and Baldung or before the transformative influence of direct contact
with Drer and especially with Baldungcontact that could have occurred
just prior to the beginning of his documented artistic activity in Bern in 1507.
In 1506, a new church was built in the
town of Schfland in Canton Aargau, the
seat of the Hattstatt family, and although
no documentary evidence survives, the
drawing may have been intended for
a panel donated to the church by the
lords of Hattstatt.
As pointed out by von Tavel,
Manuel here combines various elements
of earlier glass painting in an entirely
new synthesis. While retaining much of
the unfettered vigor of earlier Swiss glass
painting (see cat. nos. 118-19), he infuses it with more deeply understood
aspects of Renaissance art, bringing tension to its strong planar emphasis by
adding a deeply receding landscape and
imbuing the figures with greater threedimensionality and athletic motion. This
likely reflects his study of Italian engravings such as Antonio Pollaiuolo's Battle
of the Nudes, as well as the prints of
Drer. The motif of the coy maiden
with a bent right arm and with her
left hand grasping a large shield by its
leather strap, which Manuel repeated
in later drawings such as Woman Holding a Shield with a Coat of Arms with
a Ram (cat. no. 123), harks back to
Drer's engraving Coat of Arms with a
Skull (fig. 91).
The byplay between the shield
holder and spandrel imagery, which
forms a salient component of Manuel's
stained-glass designs, emerges here at the
earliest moment of his career. As with
Baldung, his imagination was particularly fertile when he applied this compositional device to the theme of the Power
of Women, in this case combining the
popular heraldic figures of the maiden
with that of wild folk. As has been
pointed out, the maiden who wears a
low-cut dress and raffish plumed beret,
may in fact be a soldier's consort, attending to his shield. In heraldry, wild folk
bore twin associations of elemental physical strength and fertility. The maiden's
protective custody of the shield alludes,
on the one hand, to her power to control
her soldier's passions and aggressions, as
reflected in the battling wild men, and,
2
F I G U R E 9 1 . Albrecht Drer. Coat of

Arms
with a Skull, 1503. Engraving, 22 X 15.6 cm.
Washington, D.C., The National Gallery of
Art, Rosenwald Collection (inv. no. 1943.3.

3489).
P h o t o : B o a r d of T r u s t e e s , T h e N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y of A r t ,
Washington, D . C .
on the other, to the female role of perpetuating the family line, as indicated by
the wild women and their children. In
the end, the maiden stands in the landscape, as dominant and implacable as
the rocky cliff behind her, calmly in possession of the coat of arms and of the
elemental forces embodied by the tiny
figures above.
7
1. Bern 1979: no. 136.

2. For a wider discussion of the difficulties of determining
whether Manuel might have trained in a glass painter's
atelier, cf. Heinz Matile in Bern 1979: 6 9 - 7 1 .
3. Tavel in Bern T979: 4 7 .
4. Cf. Tavel in Bern 1979: 3 0 1 .
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid.
7. Cf. Koepplin in Basel 1 9 7 4 - 7 6 , n: no. 4 9 6 ; New York
1980: no. 57; Hasler 1 9 9 6 - 9 7 , i : no. 145.
B E R N
259
121
with Two Confederate
Soldiers Supporting a
Shield with the Coat of
Arms of the Artist
c. 1508
Pen and black ink w i t h traces of black chalk

(only i n the profile lightly drawn w i t h i n the
shield), on cream laid paper
39.3 X 24.2 cm (irregular borders)
Paris, Musee du Louvre, Departement des
Arts Graphiques
Inv. no. 18924
PROVENANCE
Hans Rudolf Lando, Bern (1584-1646) (trace of

his collection mark at the bottom left); o l d inventory of the collection, Musee du Louvre (collection mark, Lugt 1 9 2 1 : 1955, at bottom center)
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Ganz 1909: 13; Stumm i n
Thieme and Becker 1 9 0 7 - 5 0 (1913), i x : 177;
Stumm 1925: 17, no. 5 on 102, p i . 2; Ganz
1924: 1 3 1 , note 279; Koegler 1930: no. 118;
Fischer 1936: 48; Demonts 1 9 3 7 - 3 8 , i : no. 277,
p i . 98; Bchtiger 1 9 7 1 - 7 2 : 2 1 6 - 1 8 , fig. 3; Bern
1979: no. 140, p i . 158; Paris 1 9 9 1 - 9 2 : no. 136,
i l l . on 149; Rosemarie Bergmann in DOA 1996,
v n i : 823.
121
260
B E R N
122
A f t e r N i k l a u s M a n u e l Deutsch
Stained-Glass Panel
with the Arms of the
City of Burgdorf
c. 1508
Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass, black vitreous

paint and yellow stain
86.5
53.5 cm
Kirchgemeinde Kirch berg (Schweiz/Switzerland)

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Kasscr 1890: 54; Ganz 1909:
14; Lehmann 1 9 1 2 - 1 6 , X V : 1.1 3, p l . 1 5, 326;
Stumm 1925: 16, 99; Koegler 1930: 12, 90; Tavel
1978: 224 ff., p l . 1, 224; Bern 1979: no. 264;
Rosemarie Bergmann in DOA 1996, vi 11: 823.
T h e Louvre drawing (cat. no. 1 2 1 ) and

the two panels with the arms of the city
of Burgdorf from the church at Kirchberg, one of which is exhibited here (cat.
no. 1 2 2 ) , form a distinct group of images
in Manuel's oeuvre, in which two confederate soldiers support a shield, with
a battle scene shown in the spandrel
above. They shed light upon three key
areas of Manuel's art: his involvement
with the art of glass painting from the
inception of his career; his evolving artistic self-consciousness; and his exposure
to the art of Baldung.
In the Louvre drawing, the coat
of arms of the Manuel family comes
to the foreground for the first time. It
consists of divisions of silver and red
below, with the upper shield in blue decorated with three golden fleurs-de-lis.
The shield holders wear cordons over
their breasts, whose perpendicular crosses
identify them as confederate soldiers.
In the spandrel above, confederates on
the left attack imperial soldiers (Landsknechte), driving them back with their
long lances. The composition is divided
in half, marked by the halberd of the lefthand confederate and above by the fallen
Landsknecht with the cropped tree trunk
behind him. Most of the architectural
frame has been trimmed away, save for
the fragment of a little bear playing a
bagpipe at the base of the right-hand
column. This type of composition, with
two confederates supporting a shield,
finds precedents in, among others, Lucas
Zeiner's Standesscheiben (canton panels)
of around 1500-1501 for the city hall
of Baden.
1
122
B E R N
261
The Louvre drawing corresponds

in compositional type to the Kirchberg
panel, which shows a halberdier on the
left and flagbearer on the right supporting a shield with the arms of the city of
Burgdorf (Canton Bern), with a battle
scene above between confederates and
Landsknechte. This compositional correspondence, the closeness of poses and
facial types of the shield holders, and the
initials ND (Nikiaus Deutsch?) and M
(Manuel?) on the bases of the columns of
the panel all point to Manuel's involvement in the creation of it and its pendent,
either as glass painter or, more likely, as
the author of designs for them. The
Kirchberg panels are key to an understanding of Manuel's early career, as they
are among the first of his works that can
be dated precisely. The new church at
Kirchberg was completed in 1507, with
the glass panels donated for its decoration probably carried out around 1508.
7
What the Louvre drawing . and

Kirchberg panels demonstrate is the thorough knowledge of the art of Hans Baldung that had impregnated Manuel's art
by around 1508. The Louvre drawing
exhibits Manuel's mastery of Baldung's
calligraphic manner of drawing, whose
graphic dynamism seemed to foster a
parallel mastery of the human form
in complex motion. Baldung's love of
drawn-out line and attenuated forms
finds its reflection in Manuel's slender,
leggy shield bearers, while his calligraphically interwoven spandrel compositions,
as seen in Baldung's stained-glass design
with the Prechter coat of arms (cat. no.
i n ) , for example, appear to have influenced Manuel's battle scene. This scene
departs from earlier dollhouse figures
as in Manuel's design for a stained-glass
panel with the arms of Hattstatt (cat. no.
120)to flow across the arch in a continuous sweep of interwoven bodies.
Manuel's familiarity with the art of Baldung could have been gained in one of
1. For the second panel from Burgdorf, cf. Bern 1979: no.
265.
2. It is preceded only by a tiny version in the little flag in the

spandrel of the drawing in Basel, Kupferstichkabinett, inv.
no. u v i 2 8 , Confederate Soldier Under an Arch with the
Conquest of Castellazzo Above (1507); cf. Bern 1979:
no. r 3 9 .
3. Cf. Zinsli 1 9 6 3 : 2 1 5 m
4 . Bchtiger 1 9 7 1 - 7 2 : 2 1 6 - 1 8 .
5. For the tree trunk motif, see cat. no. 1 2 0 .

6. See essay by Giesicke and Ruoss in this volume (pp. 4 7 5i)7. Conclusions that can be drawn are, however, mitigated by
the extensive repairs made to both panels. These are discussed in detail by Matile in Bern ^ 7 9 : nos. 2 6 4 - 6 5 . As
there noted, repairs to cat. no. 1 2 2 include the upper
body, arms, buttocks, and right leg of the halberdier, the
head of the flagbearer, and the right half of the spandrel.
Concerning the initials, the M appears less trustworthy
than the ND.
8. Cf. Tavel ^ 7 8 : 2 2 4 ff.
9. For the fullest account of the relationship between
Manuel and Baldung, see Tavel 1 9 7 8 . For the Kirchberg
panel Madonna in a Mandorla, cf. Bern 1979: no. 2 6 6 .
262
B E R N
several contexts. During his journeyman

period around 1505-6, he could have
traveled to Nuremberg and met the young
Baldung while he was still in Drer's studio. Baldung also appears to have delivered designs for some of the Kirchberg
windows, in particular for the splendid
Madonna in a Mandorla, which could
have occasioned a meeting between the
two artists, or at least the arrival in Bern
of some of Baldung's drawings.
Baldung's influence, however, is but
one component of Manuel's fully realized
style and artistic self-consciousnessthe
latter manifested by the centrality of
his coat of armsthat come to the
fore in the Louvre drawing. However
calligraphic his style, he still attends to
three-dimensional modeling, as seen in
the shield holders as well as the tiny
fighting figures at the top. The entire picture plane is enlivened by a vital, decorative ebullience inherited from earlier
Swiss glass painting, from the flamelike
plants below (which seem to be displaced
by the Manuel shield), to the flashy costumes of the soldiers with their feather
headdresses, to the mesmerizing fighting soldiers of the spandrel. There is also
a preference for a cleanness of line that
distinguishes his calligraphy from that
of Baldung and finds kinship with
that of Graf. As ever, Manuel attends
to the subtleties of unifying the central
image and spandrel: the left-hand halberdier resolutely looks forward and
stands firmly underneath the conquering
confederates, while his right-hand counterpart underneath the embattled Landsknechte has a pensive, downcast gaze
and strikes a relaxed pose. Manuel
brings a new naturalism to the imagery
of the Swiss soldier that not only includes anatomical mastery and threedimensional modeling but also new
psychological depth, as seen in the distinctive facial expressions of the two
shield holders.
9
These strides appear in the Burgdorf panel as well, as reliance upon flat,
damask-patterned costumes, seen in the
Bern Flagbearer (cat. no. 118), gives way
to modeled figures whose striped clothing fluidly defines the muscular contours of the forms. Manuel's tendency to
develop distinctive physiognomic types
appears in the profile of the left-hand
halberdier, whose open mouth and somewhat angry expression are akin to those
of the fighting soldiers in the spandrel of
the Louvre drawing. The Burgdorf panel
inaugurates Manuel's stylistic dominance
over Bernese stained glass until after midcentury, which would encompass the
work of Hans Funk (cat. nos. 118, 127),
as well as followers such as Antoni
Glaser (cat. no. 138) and his own son,
Hans Rudolf Manuel (1525-1571).
123
Woman Holding a Shield

with a Coat of Arms with
a Ram
c. 1 5 1 3 - 1 4
Pen and black ink on cream laid paper
WATERMARK
Running bear (similar to Briquet 12263)

Inscribed by the artist in black ink above the
crest of the helmet the motto: . WILS.
WOL.SO.
GRATZ (Fate [circumstances] willing, it will
come to pass); on the stone below monogrammed
in pen and black ink: .N.M.D.V.B
(Niklaus
Manuel Deutsch von Bern) w i t h the dagger; later
inscription in brown ink 2/ in the lower left
corner.
32.3 X 22.3 cm
Inv. no. u.x. 1 6
PROVENANCE
Amerbach-Kabinett
Haendcke 1889: 62; Biichtold
1917: J 16, no. 3 1 ; Stumm 1925: 3 1 , no. 41 on
roo, pl. 7; Koegler 1930: no. 3, pl. 2; Mandach
and Koegler 1940: 39, p l . 70; Bachtiger 1 9 7 1 72: 2 2 1 , fig. 5; Bern 1979: no. 169, pl. 96, 335
36, under no.173; Fischer in SKL 1 982, i i : 3 1 3 14; Basel 1984b: no. 289; Basel 1991: no. 72,
pl. 72.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y :
"3
BERN
Z63
JMtanuel elevated the stained-glass design, the so-called Scbeibenriss, to a new

level of allegorical complexity and artistic autonomy as exemplified in this drawing. It elaborates the Power of Women
imagery that appears in Manuel's earliest
stained-glass design (cat. no. 120) and
centers upon a maiden who holds an
enormous crested shield by its leather
strap; she stands under a vegetal archway whose spandrel is filled with tiny
figures engaged in violent combat. Von
Tavel has argued for the drawing as an
allegory, pointing out that it does not
refer to the Bern Steiger family, as previously assumed, as their heraldic animal
was a mountain goat (Steinbock) rather
than the mountain ram in Manuel's
drawing, and thus the coat of arms in the
drawing would be symbolic rather than
referring to an actual family. He further
supports this contention by pointing to
the derivation of the maiden's pose,
grasping a shield by its leather strap,
from Drer's allegorical heraldic engraving Coat of Arms with a Skull (fig. 91),
a format that inspired a number of
Manuel's heraldic drawings. Von Tavel
explicates the ram as the collective symbol of the lust for combat; the astrological symbol of spring, Aries, which
represents the generative forces of nature; and the biblical animal of sacrifice.
The ram points back to the maiden,
whose costume with its slit crosses identifies her as a camp follower of Swiss
confederate soldiers; she holds the male
symbol of the huge scrolling coat of arms
with the ram, seemingly on a tight leash.
The ram as the symbol of war wears a
large feathered headdress tied daintily at
the throat, which thematically calls to
mind the Renaissance interpretation of
the classical myth of Venus and Mars as
both creative pacification and enervating
feminization. Over this and reinforcing
the form of the archway is the motto
WILS WOL SO GRATZ (Wolle es nur,
so gert es), which translates: Fate (or
1
1. Bern 1 9 7 9 : no. 169; cf. Koegler 1 9 3 0 : no. 3; Mandach

and Koegler 1 9 4 9 : pi. 7 0 .
2. Cf. cat. no. 1 2 0 , as well as Seated Maiden Holding a
Shield Emblazoned with a Lion of ca. 1 5 1 4 (Basel,
Kupferstichkabinett, inv. no. u.xvi.45); Bern 1979:
no. 1 7 3 .
3. Bern 1 9 7 9 : no. r 6 9 .
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid. On the banner with the cross of Saint Andrew, see
cat. nos. 7 1 - 7 2 .
264
B E R N
Circumstances) willing, it will come to

pass (Will es [das Schicksal, die Umstnder] wohl, so gert es).
Within the triumphal archway, architectural substance is replaced by a
panoply of vegetal forms that make the
archway appear as if it is sprouting upward as a living thing. Indeed, the bold
plant forms at the bottom that hark back
to the formal vocabulary of the glass
painter (see cat. no. 120), and the scrolling coat of arms lend an exuberant ornamental character to the whole, which
pulsates with elemental energy. Manuel
creates an ornamental vocabulary that
intermingles forces of creation and destruction. For example, the plant forms
of the left column rest on a base decorated by Swiss daggers. As extensions of
this tumult of ornament appear the tiny
soldiers at the top, who fight to the death
in hand-to-hand combat. With extraordinary anatomical command, Manuel
brilliantly interweaves them, as human
analogues to the bound-together segments of the swag archway, and in so
doing once again juxtaposes ornamental
forms evoking life and death. Tiny as the
figures are, the force of their violence is
unmitigated and is reminiscent of his
larger scenes of shattering brutality, such
as the drawing of The Mocking of Christ
(Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum, inv.
no. 84.GG.663), also of around 1513,
which repeats some of the same facial
types. Although it has been proposed
that the vignette depicts a satanically
motivated combat of Swiss against Swiss,
von Tavel points to the banner at the
right as bearing the cross of Saint Andrew and thus signifying the combat
of Swiss confederates against imperial
troops. Among the soldiers' most curious aspects is the way in which, violent
as they are, they become absorbed into
the overall ornamental ebullience of the
drawing, underscoring the entirety of
the design as a microcosmic evocation
of the fecund and violent forces of life
held in tow by feminine power. Manuel's
eschewal of spatial referents and the
planarity of the composition further
heighten the overall unity of the design.
Although he may not have intended this
drawing as a stained-glass design, but
rather as an independent work of art
as was almost certainly the case with
the similar Seated Maiden Holding a
Shield Emblazoned
with a
Lion,
mentioned above (and in note 2)he
used the format of the Scbeibenriss
(stained-glass design) with its byplay
between central image and spandrel and
its ornamental vocabulary, to formulate
a richly symbolic pictorial commentary
on the profoundly unstable, unsettling
forces that dominate human life.
4
124
N i k l a u s M a n u e l Deutsch
Allegory of a Warrior
Who Becomes a Beggar
c 1514-15
Pen and grayish black ink w i t h red, blue and gray
washes on vellum
Monogrammed below in pen and grayish black
ink NMD (in ligature), w i t h the pointed Swiss
dagger and flourish; erased inscriptions i n pen
and b r o w n ink at the bottom left and beside
each of the three arrows; color notations w (?)
and p (?) on the stripes of the legging at the left
calf; (verso) poem in a sixteenth-century hand
(see below)
31 X 21.3 cm
Inv. no. Kdz 4287
PROVENANCE
Acquired i n 1903
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Bock 1 9 2 1 , I : no. 4287, I I ,
pl. 95; Stumm 1925: 3 0 - 3 1 ; no. 40 on 102;
Koegler 1930: no. 98; Mandach and Koegler
1940: p l . 78; Andersson 1978: 47, p l . 33; Bern
1979: no. 175, p l . 114; Escher in SKL 1982,
I I : 316.
1 2 4
4
BERN
265
Manuel's humanistic tendency to elevate the format of the stained-glass design into a vehicle for the allegorical
exploration of profound subjects finds
perhaps its strongest and most personal
expression in this image. It is singular
among Manuel's surviving drawings for
being made on vellum, a more expensive
and permanent medium than paper, and
has been finished in watercolor. The
drawing centers upon the monumental form of the soldier, a figure then so
closely tied to the Swiss Confederacy's
indigenous pride and faith in military
might, as well as to Manuel's own closely
intertwined personal and artistic identity. His activity as a confederate soldier
1. Koegler 1930: 9, under no. 9 8 ; Andersson 1978: 4 7 , in

reference to Shakespeare's Hamlet, act 3, scene 1.
2. Bern 1979: 3 3 9 , under no. 1 7 5 .
3. Bern ^ 7 9 : 3 3 9 . Transcribed into modern German and
translated into English by Barbara Butts and Scott Wolf,
with the generous assistance of Hartmut Scholz, the poem
reads as follows:
Ein Krieger mag wohl reich werden
A warrior may well become rich
(Reislaufer), starting with the Lombard

campaigns in 1507 and lasting through
most of the rest of his life, finds thematic expression throughout his oeuvre,
beginning with his earliest works, such
as Design for a Stained-Glass Panel
with the Arms of the Artist (cat. no. 121)
of around 1508, and in his own insignia,
which appears in his work from this
time on: the ubiquitous weapon of the
confederate soldier, the Swiss dagger
(Schweizerdolch).
This drawing presents the soldier,
often shown as a vital, swaggering figure,
now vanquished by the larger uncontrollable forces of fortune and death. On the
left he is dressed in a feathered beret and
splendid slashed costume, which on the
right are transformed into wild, unkempt
hair and beard and frayed rags. His left
side is pierced by three arrows, which
have been interpreted as battle wounds
that form an analogue to the sores that
constitute the wounds of the beggar, and
which Christiane Andersson has connected to the theme of changing fortune,
whose "slings and arrows" assault the
soldier even before he is reduced to beggary. The violence of the theme is most
vividly conveyed in the soldier's pained
face, pierced by an arrow that enters
his cheek and exits his neck. In the column capitals above there is figural commentary upon the main warrior, with the
tiny soldier at the upper right, dressed
like his larger counterpart in good times
below, looking across the spandrel to his
female protectress, a camp follower who
extends a canteen with refreshments;
above is his counterpart in suffering,
Saint Sebastian, dead and pierced with
arrows, who appears opposite his heavenly protectress, the Virgin, whose child
offers him an apple.
1
Auch wird er dick einem Bettler gleich

He also often becomes like a beggar.
Wenn einer schon sein Hab und Gut verprasst
If one has already squandered his property,
So bleibt ihm doch der Bettelstab
There still remains the beggar's staff.
In Kriege habe ich erstritten
I have fought in wars
Darzu eine Menge Beute gewonnen
And won lots of booty for this.
Wenn ein Unglck kommt hilft nichts.
In misfortune it is no help.
Ist er schon reich und voller M u t
If he is already rich and full of courage,
Er mag whol ein Bettler werden
He may well become a I
Die weil er noch Geld und Gold hat
So long as he still has money and gold
So sind ihm hbsche Frauli hold
Beautiful young women smile upon him
Und mag mit ihm in Freude leben
And may live with him in joy
Die weil er Geld hat auszugeben
So long as he has money to give out.
So bald ihm aber ein Pfennig fehlt
But as soon as he lacks a penny,
Ist er von allen verlassen
He is abandoned by everyone.
Dazu ich jedem raten wil
Thus I want to advise everyone
Er bau auf kriegen nicht zu viel
Nor to rely too much on fighting wars
Wenn es nur irgendwem gelingt
If there is anybody who succeeds,
So gelingt es doch keinem unter viersig
It doesn't happen to anyone younger than forty.
4. Bern 1979: 3 3 9 - 4 0 , under no. 1 7 5 .
266
B E R N
Opposite the three arrows and at

the bottom left are (possibly original?)
inscriptions that have been erased and
are illegible save the phrase on mt (ohne
Mut or "without courage"), visible by the
arrow in the upper thigh. On the back is
a verse that, while not in Manuel's hand,
might well have been written by him. It
expands upon the subject matter of the
recto imagery:
Ein kriegsman mag wol werden rich
ouch wirt er dik eim bedler glich
wen einer schon ver schlempt sin hah
so blip im doch der hettel stab
in kriege hab jch vil erliten.
vil mengen strus hab ich erstritte
darzu gewunnen mengi put
wen vnual kumpt so hilfz als nt
ist er schon rich vnd mttes vol
er mag ein bettler werden wol
die wil er noch hat gelt vn goold
so sind im hbschi frwli hold
vnd mag mit in in friden leben
die wil er gelt hat uss zgeben

so bald im aber pfening brist
von menklich er uar lassen ist
dazu jch iedem raten wil
er buw vff kriegen nit zu vil
ob es schon, etwan gratet eim
so gratz den vnder vierzgen keim
Von TaveJ has questioned .whether this

drawing, like cat. no. 123, was actually
made as a design "for.-a stained-glass
panel or whether it was intended as an
independent work of art. He dates the
drawing t o i 5 4 - i 5 o n stylistic grounds,
as well as Manuel's dagger and flourish
insignia, with the dagger making its earliest appearance here in pointed (as opposed to rounded)-form.
4
1^5

Panel with the Madonna
and Child Enthroned
1520
Pen and brown ink w i t h b r o w n and gray wash,

.and blue gouache over traces of black chalk, on
cream laid paper. Some outlines indented.
Inscribed by the artist along the lower edge, in
dark gray wash, w i t h his monogram, his insignia
of a Swiss dagger, and the date 1J20; and on
the Virgin's dress, in black chalk, blau; and by a
different, later hand, underneath the figure of the
V i r g i n , in black chalk, Niclaus Manuel
Deutch/Bern.
42.1 X 30.4 cm
Inv. no. 1899-1-20-26
PROVENANCE
Johann-Emmanuel Wyss, Bern; G. Fairholme

(from an album, incribed on the title-page by G.
Fairholme: This collection of old drawings of
Swiss and German artists of the 16th and iyth
centuries was purchased from Monsr. J. E. Wyss,
heraldic painter in Bern, in 1829).
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Lehmann 1 9 1 2 - 1 6 , x v i i : 342,
fig. 8; Stumm 1925: 96, no. T 1 4 ; Koegler 1930:
no. 121; Bern 1979: no. 213; Escher in SKL
1982, 11: 316; London 1988: no. 180; Rowlands
1993, I : no. 133; I I : pl. 69.
1*5
BERN
267
D u r i n g his later career, Manuel began

to draw in a broader manner, turning
away from a linear style with intricate
hatching and toward drawing and modeling with brush and wash, a technique
that he as well as Leu might have
adopted due to the influence of Holbein
the Younger. In this example, he uses it
to create his most Italianate stainedglass design. A monumental image of
the Virgin and Child enthroned, seated
in an apse-like space and surrounded by
an arched frame, it assumes the format of
an Italianate altarpiece. The loose drawing of the grotesque ornament in brush,
and the broad, sculptural modeling in
wash and use of the white paper for
luminous highlights lend the composition grandeur and weight. The spaciousness of the architecture is enhanced by
the open blue sky behind the apse,
painted in brilliant blue gouache.
The emblem of the head of an Eastern figure, seen in the shield in the lower
right of the drawing, could be that of the
Bern merchant's guild. The presence
of the scale, seen in the lower center,
which became this guild's official emblem in 1540, strengthens the hypothesis
that the guild of merchants commissioned the no-longer-extant window for
which Manuel's drawing is preparatory.
The Italianate character of the
Madonna may reflect Manuel's knowledge of Italian prints. He could have
had direct contact with Italian paintings
during his probable trip to northern Italy
as a mercenary soldier in 1516. As has
been recognized, the grotesque border,
with its boldness and flatness, is derived
from woodcut borders in book illustration. While a few such borders are
attributed to Manuel, a closer stylistic
connection exists with those designed
by Urs Graf, whose work also contains
the striated nimbus similar to that of
Manuel's Christ Child.
Most notable is the particular synthesis that Manuel wrought out of these
various influences. He achieves clarity
of composition with the triangular form
of the Virgin and Child and the constellation of circular forms at the top,
1
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
268
Bern 1979: no. 2 1 3 ; Rowlands 1 9 9 3 , 1: no. 1 3 3 .

Bern 1979: no. 2 1 3 .
Ibid.
Ibid.: 4 0 9 , under no. 2 5 3 .
Rowlands 1 9 9 3 , 1: cat. no. 1 3 3 .
B E R N
consisting of their interlocking halos, the

arches of the apse and the frame above,
and finally the formal echo of the
Christ Child's nimbus in the fanned striations in the top corners. The stable,
luminous forms of the Virgin and Child
in the center contrast with the surrounding frame and shields, with their
extroverted, dynamic imagery. This relationship between the main figures and
ornament constitutes one of the drawing's most unusual and effective features
and one that is so typical of Manuel's
talent, as seen from his earliest works
(cat. no. 120).
126
Christ and the Woman

Taken in Adultery
1527
Pen and medium and dark b r o w n ink and gray

wash, on cream laid paper
Inscribed by the artist in b r o w n ink on the pillar
on the left, w i t h his monogram NMD i n
ligature, 1527 and his emblem, the dagger i n its
sheath. Above center, the cartouche is inscribed
by another hand w i t h the biblical quotation
relating to the scene below: Wer under ch an
(ohne) sund ist, der I wer ff den Ersten Stein vffsy
and Johani am viij Cap (He among you w h o is
w i t h o u t sin, let h i m cast the first stone at her/
John: 8)
34.2 X 30.9 cm
Oxford, Ashmolean Museum
Inv. no.
PI
330
PROVENANCE
Francis Douce bequest, 1834

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Colvin 1 9 0 3 - 7 , i l l : p l . 15;
Stumm i n Thieme and Becker 1907-50 (1913),
I X : 117; Stumm 1925: 8 2 - 8 3 , - 4
>
pl. 32; Parker 1938: no. 330, p l . 63; Mandach
and Koegler 1940: p l . 115; Stettler 1951: 1 4 4 46, p l . 12; Bern 1979: no. 292; N e w Brunswick
and Cleveland 1 9 8 2 - 8 3 : 12, no. 9, i l l . ; London
1988: no. 181, pl. 1 8 1 .
n o
I 2
I 0 2
126
B E R N
Z 6 9
1 2 7
7
A f t e r N i k l a u s M a n u e l Deutsch,
(Hans Funk?)
Christ and the Woman

Taken in Adultery
c. 1527
Pot-metal, flashed, arid clear glass, w i t h black

vitreous paint and yellow stain
Inscribed i n the cartouche above in black vitreous
paint: wer.nder .uch .an[ohne] .snd.ist.der .werf.
den.ersten.stein.ff.sy.johann:am.viij.capitel.
(He
among you w h o is w i t h o u t sin, let h i m cast the
first stone at her/John 8); at the bottom the
original coat of arms replaced i n 1697 by that
of Samuel Jenner and the inscription i n black
vitreous paint: Herr Samuel ]ener:des grossen
Rahtss der Statt Werckmeister der grossen
Kirchen bau meister zuo Bernn
Entreprenur
des so genanten Schinznach er Bads Anno: 1697
(Mr. Samuel Jenner; member of the city council,
chief of works of the great church, master
builder of Bern, entrepreneur of the so-called
Schinznach Bath, year: 1697).
42.8 X 31.9 cm
Bad Schinznach (Canton Aargau), Bad
Schinznach Thermalquelle
PROVENANCE
Original patron and place of installation

u n k n o w n . Samuel Jenner (1653-1720), Master
Builder of the Bern minster 1 6 8 8 - 1 7 0 3 , possibly
brought the panel from the minster to Bad
Schinznach, which he began to build i n 1696,
and where he died in 1720.
1
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Stumm 1925: 83, note 1;

Stettler 1951: 1 4 4 - 4 6 , p i . 12; Stettler and
Maurer 1953, I i : 398ft., p i . 374; Bern 1979:
no. 293.
I27
270
BERN
JEVlanuel portrays subjects of a strongly

Reformational character in the Bad
Schinznach panel and the closely related
one from the church at Jegenstorf, King
Josiah Has the Idols Destroyed (cat. no.
129). In 1528, the year after the Oxford
drawing for the Schinznach panel (cat.
no. 126) was made, Bern would officially
accept the Reformation, with Manuel
becoming one of its leading advocates in
the city. From a Reformation standpoint,
the story of Christ and the Adulteress
(John 8:1-11) encapsulated the hypocrisy of the established Church. It takes
place in the Temple, where Christ was
teaching. Bringing him a woman taken in
the act of adultery, the scribes and Pharisees quoted the Old Testament law as
commanding that an adulterous woman
be stoned to death. Attempting to trick
him into contesting the law, the scribes
and Pharisees asked Christ what he
thought should be done. As if he did not
hear them, Christ leaned down and
began writing with his finger on the
ground. He then rose and told them, "He
who is without sin among you, let him
cast the first stone at her," and began to
write on the ground again. Convicted
by their own consciences, the scribes
and Pharisees "went out one by one."
Finally left alone with the woman, Christ
told her to "go and sin no more." The
drawing and related panel show the moment Christ resumed writing and the
scribes and Pharisees exited the Temple.
The text in the cartouche above repeats
Luther's translation of the New Testament of 1522, which was printed in Basel
the same year.
2
A late work by Manuel (his last

dated drawing is from 1529), the Oxford
drawing shows his tendency after around
1520 (see cat. no. 125) to model his
figures in sculptural gradations of wash,
as influenced by the manner of Hans
Holbein the Younger. The washes in this
drawing are particularly nuanced, ranging from light gray to almost black in the
shadows, with highlights formed by the
blank paper. This is combined with calligraphic penwork in the outlines, with
outstanding passages occurring in the
wheat-shaft headdress of the adulteress
and the range of grotesque faces of the
scribes and Pharisees. Facial and hand
gestures play an important role, as in the
Christ figure, who pulls up his sleeve as
he writes on the ground.
Manuel chose to portray the adulteress amidst a vast crowd of scribes
and Pharisees, whose large numbers imply, in a Reformation vein, the universal
guilt of humankind under God. Manuel
arranged the figures in an isocephalic
manner, which creates strong compostional tension. The light-filled architectural space above seems to press down
on the crowd, emphasizing their flow

outward to the left and the right. The
woman stands at the center of the crowd,
which moves away from her laterally,
almost like parting waters. The adulteress, a robust figure whose calf-length
skirt reveals large bare feet, is a descendant of the "Foolish Virgins" of Manuel's
great series of woodcuts of 1518.
The glass panel from Bad Schinznach is one of only two known examples
after Manuel that correspond almost
entirely to the related drawing by him.
It is a glass painting of such outstanding quality that it seems likely that Manual supervised the glass painter (Hans
Funk?) in its manufacture. It is notable
for its bold choice of colored glass, as
seen in the purple robe of Christ and the
brilliant red dress of the adultress. The
bottle-glass "windows" above the figures
(the middle segment is a repair) flood the
space of the Temple with daylight, whose
openness and brilliance contrast with
the throng of scribes and Pharisees below, with the device of isocephaly making it seem all the more dense. The glass
painter has translated the subtlety of the
drawing with great finesse, even capturing the effect of falling stones that are
dropped by the man to the right of the
adulteress, as he is stricken by the pangs
of conscience. The exuberant ornamental frame above is integrated into the
architecture of the Temple, with the twin
columns in the back wall supporting the
cartouche that simultaneously forms the
front plane of the image.
3
Manuel depicted the subject of

Christ and the Woman Taken in Adultery
in his Dance of Death wall paintings
(destroyed), formerly in the Dominican
priory, Bern, of 1516/17-1519/20, on
the side of the papal litter in the scene
of the pope and the cardinal, as recorded
in the seventeenth-century copies after
The Dance of Death in the Bernisches
Historisches Museum. Although The
Dance of Death predates the Oxford
drawing, it cannot be excluded that this
scene was added to The Dance of Death
during a repainting and that the Oxford drawing served as the basis. The
scene occurs with Reformation overtones in the work of Cranach the Elder.
It also may have been intended for inclusion in the final phase (c. 1530) of Holbein the Younger's decoration of the
council chamber of the Basel Town
HahV A striking rendering of this scene,
also dynamically composed around the
adulterous woman, is found in one of
the panels from the cycle made for the
Nuremberg Carmelite cloister after designs by Hans Baldung, and now in the
Evangelical Lutheran Church, Grossgrndlach, outside Nuremberg (fig. 7
on p. 7).
6
1. For further discussion and literature, see Bern 1979: 4 6 0 ,

under no. 293, notes 3 - 5 .
2. Bern 1979: 4 5 8 - 5 9 , note 2, under no. 2 9 2 .
3. There are copies of the Oxford drawing in the Graphische
Sammlung der Eidgenssischen Technischen Hochschule
Zrich (inv. no. GKS 1906, 23 : 1 9 [448J); Gottfried
Keller-Stiftung (Bern 1979: no. 294); another from the
collection of the glass painter Hans Jrg Wannewctsch
(sold Bern, Gutekunst and Klipstein, June 5, 1959, lot.
179); and Paris, Ecole des Beaux-Arts (Masson collection,
inv. no. 1 4 0 ) .
4. Cf. Bern 1979: 4 6 0 , under no. 293, nos. 2 9 8 - 9 9 , Design
for a Stained-Glass Panel with the Coat of Arms of Jakob
May (location unknown) and the corresponding panel in
a private collection, Toffen.
5. Cf. Bern 1979: no. 2 9 3 .
6. Inv. no. 822; cf. Bern 1979: no. 9 8 , pi. 59.
7. Cf. Bern 1979: no. 292; London 1988: no. 1 8 1 .
8. Cf. for further literature Bern 1 9 7 9 : 4 5 8 , notes 3 - 4 , under
no. 2 9 2 .
9. London 1988: 213, under no. r 8 i .
B E R N
27I
128
King Josiah Has the

Idols Destroyed
1527
Pen and b r o w n ink, gray, b r o w n , and reddish

gray wash, traces of later outlines in red chalk
on cream laid paper
Monogrammed by the artist at the bottom i n
pen and b r o w n ink NMD i n ligature, w i t h the
emblem of the Swiss dagger and flourish, and
dated 1527. The middle coat of arms inscribed
Stattschreiberin;
the one to the right inscribed
yosep goesler glaser (Joseph Gsler glazier) (each
w o r d w r i t t e n backwards). I n the cartouche above
inscribed Josia der kng zu Jersalem dett das dem
herren wol gfiell det ab I die altar der abgtter
verbrant sy zerstrt die bchinen veget vss alle I
Warsager, vnnd Zeichen dtter Billder vnnd
gtzen, mitt fr vnd I drug den Staub in den
Bach Kidron, am andren Bch der knig I am
xxiii Cap (Josiah the king at Jerusalem d i d that
w h i c h pleased the L o r d well/removed the altars
of the idols, burned them, destroyed the high
places where incense had been burned, swept
away all prophets and interpreters of signs,
images and idols, w i t h fire and carried the dust
to the brook of K i d r o n , i n the other Book of
Kings/in chapter 23), and completed by another
hand, regum im fierden buch I der Kngen am I
XXIII capittel. (in the fourth book of Kings, i n
chapter 23)
1
43 X 3 -9 cm
x

Inv. no. u.i.77
PROVENANCE
Museum Faesch, Basel.

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Lehmann 1 9 1 2 - 1 6 , x v : p l . 24;
Stumm 1925: 8 2 - 8 3 ; no. 123 on 1 0 1 ; Koegler
1930: no. 75; Mandach and Koegler 1940:
p l . 114; Bern 1979: no. 295; Basel 1984b:
no. 292; Btschmann and Griener 1997: 9 7 98, fig. 124.
272
B E R N
128
129
B E R N
273
129
After Nikiaus M a n u e l Deutsch,

(Joseph G s l e r ? )
King Josiah Has the

Idols Destroyed
1530
Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass, w i t h black

vitreous paint and yellow stain. For the smoke,
the glass painter used a piece of glass w i t h
undissolved oxides, w h i c h produced the blue
and violet tones.
Inscribed in the upper panel: he roy josyas a
battit le exsesses et brysa les ymages et aussy
rompit lautel qui estoyt en bethel et leselse que
jeroboam auoit faict et brusla les os des tubeaux
sur lautel selon la parolle q(ue) Ihome de dieu
auoyet (d)icte au quatresime liure des roys
au xxiii chapitre (King Josiah fought against
the excesses and destroyed the images and also
broke the altar w h i c h was i n Bethel and w h i c h
Jeroboam had made and burnt the bones from
the graves on the altar according to the w o r d of
the man of God spoken i n the fourth book of
Kings in the twenty-third chapter); in the panel
underneath the coats of arms: sans . la. grace .
ayde . et. misericorde . du . seul. dieu .
redempteur . et. saulveur . du . monde . Hens .
ne . puys (without the grace and the mercy of the
only God, Redeemer and Savior of the w o r l d ,
nothing is possible) and the date 1530.
COATS
O F
ARMS
A t the bottom, alliance arms of Hans Rudolf von

Erlach (1504-1553) and his wife, Dorothea
Felga
57.5 X 50 cm; the w i d t h of the section w i t h
the image w i t h o u t the flanking landscapes and
columns, 23.3 cm
Jegenstorf (Canton Bern), Pfarrkirche Jegenstorf
Kanton Bern (Schweiz/Switzerland), Kantonale
Denkmalpflege
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Rodt 1904: p i . next to 30;
Lehmann 1915: 34 ff., 47; Lehmann 1 9 1 2 - 1 6 ,
x v i l : 3 2 0 - 2 1 , fig. 6; Stumm 1925: 82, note 1;
Scheidegger 1947: 27L, cat. no. 1, p i . 28; Bern
1979: no. 296.
A m o n g the most trenchant Reformation images in Swiss Renaissance stained

glass are this singular drawing in Basel
and its related panel. They depict the
events related in 2 Kings 23, in which
the Israelite King Josiah cleanses the
Temple of pagan imagery after a lapse
into the worship of Baal and Asherah,
the Canaanite mother goddess associated
with lions, serpents, and sacred trees. At
the left of the drawing is Josiah, accompanied by the high priest Hilkiah and by
Shaphan, the scribe, with the Book of
the Law. Vowing to obey the commandments of the Lord according to the Book
of the Law, Josiah had ordered Hilkiah
and the other priests "to bring forth out
of the temple of the Lord all the vessels
that were made for Baal, and for the
grove (i.e., Asherah), and for all the
host of heaven: and he burned them
without Jerusalem in the fields of K i dron, and carried the ashes of them unto
Bethel" (2 Kings 23:4). In the center of
the drawing, a man wielding a huge axe
smashes an idol's pedistal. To the right
is a splintered tablet inscribed BALSALTAR (Baal's Altar), which had supported the demonic toppled figurine to
its right, with fox's ears and holding a
sickle. In the flames above it stands the
idol of Asherah holding a serpent, next
to which is a column with a figure of
Mammon holding a money sack, and an
unidentified idol on the far right.
2
The drawing powerfully captures

Manuel's intensive involvement with the
iconoclasm of the Reformers. He made
it during the time building up to the
Disputation in the Bern Barfiisserkirche
(Franciscan church) between January 6
and January 27, 1528, which marked
the city's acceptance of the Reformation
and the outbreak of iconoclasm there on
January 27 and 28, which led to the destruction, among other art, of the altars
in the minster.
Von Tavel has best described the
way in which Manuel formulated the narrative in the drawing to express the biblical authority of the city government in
cleansing Bern of graven images. King
Josiah embodies the civic authority: empowered by the Book of the Law, he
calmly presides over the destruction of
the idols. The restraint of the presiding
officials contrasts with the right side of
the composition, in which the muscular
man with the axe and the engulfing
flames express righteous fury directed at
sin and paganism.
The related panel in the church at
Jegenstorf in Canton Bern dated 1530,
and thus reflecting Bern's lingering iconoclastic fervor, is one of the masterpieces
of Swiss Renaissance stained glass. Particularly impressive is the way in which
the glass painter has translated into the
3
1. This probably refers to the wife of the city scribe. For discussion of her identity and further literature, cf. Bern
1 9 7 9 : no. 2 9 5 , 4 6 3 , note 8.
2. Cf. Bern 1 9 7 9 : no. 2 9 5 .
3. Ibid. For the copy of cat. no. 128 in Zurich,
Eidgenssischen Technischen Hochschule (inv. no. 6 5 8 ) ,
see Bern 1 9 7 9 : no. 2 9 7 .
4. Bern 1 9 7 9 : no. 2 9 5 .
5. Ibid.: no. 2 9 6 , notes 1 - 2 .
6. For an extensive discussion of the attribution to Gsler,
see Matile in Bern 1 9 7 9 : no. 2 9 6 .
274
B E R N
glass medium the raging smoke and

flames of Manuel's drawing. The panel
contains the alliance arms of Hans Rudolf von Erlach, the wealthiest Bern citizen of his day, and his wife, Dorothea
Felga, whose Freiburg (Switzerland) origins might explain the use of French in
the accompanying texts in the panel. In
contrast to the contemporary drawing of
Christ and the Woman Taken in Adultery (cat. no. 126), the present drawing
by Manuel was changed considerably
by the glass painter in translating it to
the final panel. Most notably he cut out
the ground plane and thrust the coats
of arms into the compositional field,
with the swirling mantling of the shield
heightening the dramatic circular motion of the scene as a whole.
On the basis of the later inscription
in the lower right of the Bern drawing, the
panel has been ascribed to Joseph Gsler,
the Bern glass painter who in 1539 inherited the atelier of Hans Funk. This,
however, is not certain. If Gsler indeed
entered the Funk atelier around 1530, it
would have been unusual to entrust an
apprentice with the complicated tripartite composition in which the beautifully
executed landscape and columns that
flank the main image appear to be original to the Jegenstorf panel.
5
ZURICH
130
I3i
Z U R I C H
277
131
130
Hans L e u the Younger "

5

Panel with the Pilgrim
Saints James the Major
and Jodocus
1516
Pen and black ink, brush and gray and black ink
underdrawing, corrections and indications of
lead lines i n black chalk, on cream laid paper
Signed and dated at the bottom in brush and
black ink HL (in ligature) 1516
A f t e r Hans Leu the Younger,

Z u r i c h glass p a i n t e r
Stained-Glass Panel
with the Pilgrim Saints
James the Major and
Jodocus, with the Arms of
Hans Scherer
c. 1520
Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass, black and

brown vitreous paint, yellow stain
At the bottom, coats of arms of an u n k n o w n

donor pair; that of the w o m a n might belong to
the Aargau family of EfBnger
Inscribed in the banderole at the top bans .

scherer . von . baden . des. gotzhu(ses) . scher .
wetingn (Hans Scherer of Baden, barber of the
House of God, Wettingen)
53.6
Coat of arms of Hans Scherer at the bottom
40.5 cm
Z u r i c h , Schweizerisches Landesmuseum
36.5
Inv. no. L M 24738
Cloister Wettingen (Canton Aargau)
PROVENANCE
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : W i l l i 1894: 1 4 1 ; Lehmann
Old inventory of the collection
1909: 67; Merz 1920: 246ff.; Hugelshofer

1 9 2 3 - 2 4 , I : 1 7 7 - 7 9 ; Wehrli 1931: fig. 33;
Griesser 1956: 2 5 3 - 5 5 ; Riedler 1978: 3 9 - 7 2 ;
W i i t t r i c h 1980: 141-59; Z u r i c h 1981: under
no. 74; Anderes and Hoegger 1988: 238.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Hugelshofer 1 9 2 3 - 2 4 , I : 1 7 8 -
79, p i . 14; Hugelshofer 1 9 2 8 - 2 9 , pt.4: 50 ff.;

Z u r i c h 1981: no. 74; Ghent 1985: no. 426;
Anderes and Hoegger 1988: 238.
''Biography
on p. 130.
31; cm
The Cistercian cloister at Wettingen,

between Zurich to its south and Baden
to its north, houses one of the finest collections of Swiss stained glass of the Renaissance (see cat. nos. 131,141, 143; cf.
the essay by Giesicke and Ruoss in this
volume, fig. 5, p. 49; p. 51). Although
the patrons of the glass included relatively few Zurich citizens, much of the
glass itself was manufactured in Zurich
due to its proximity as a major center for
glass painting. At this time, Hans Leu
the Younger was the dominant designer
of stained glass in this, his native city.
After his years as a journeyman,
which included activity in Drer's studio
around 1510 and in that of Baldung in
Freiburg im Breisgau and perhaps in
Strasbourg around 1512-13, Leu was
back in Zurich by 1514. The present
drawing (cat. no. 130) dates from a few
years after his return. It shows that in
the province of drawings for stained
glass, Leu quickly returned to his Swiss
stylistic roots, eschewing the intricate
hatching he had learned in Drer's atelier (cat. no. 29) for the broader, more
painterly use of brush and wash that at
this time characterized the stained-glass
designs of Manuel and Holbein the
Younger. Leu's particular use of wash, as
1
1. Anderes and Hoegger r 9 8 8 : 5 7 .

2. From this early period there are three other stained-glass
designs, all dating to 1514: The Baptism of Christ in the
British Museum (inv. no. 1899-1-20-28; cf. Rowlands
r 9 9 3 , 1: no. 422, 11: pi. 270); Christ and Doubting
Thomas in the Statens Museum for Kunst in Copenhagen
(inv. no. T.u.97/2); and A Party Dining in the Open Air in
the Graphische Sammlung Albertina in Vienna (inv. no.
3 2 2 3 ; cf. Tietze et al. 1933: no. 337). Cf. Hugelshofer
1 9 2 3 - 2 4 , I : r 6 8 - 7 3 , pis. 5 - 6 .
3. Cf. Bosshard 1982: ^ 7 - 6 2 .

4. Compare, for example, the face of the left-hand halberdier in Funk's signed Stained-Glass Panel with the
Arms of Bremgarten of around 15 or in the Bernisches
Historisches Museum in Bern (inv. no. 2 0 2 7 4 ; discussed in Bern 1979: no. 2 6 1 , pi. 154).
5. Cf. Anderes and Hoegger r 9 8 8 : 2 3 8 .
6. Cf. ibid.: 5 7 , 238, 2 4 3 - 4 4 .
7. Ibid.: 2 4 3 .
a
278
Z U R I C H
seen in this drawing, is rougher and less

nuanced than that of either of the latter
artists, with these qualities, plus the large
scale of the sheet, heightening the weight
and gravity of expression of the main
figures of the pilgrim saints, James and
Jodocus. Their stiffness and large size
in relation to the donor figures make
them seem at once retarditaire and impressively hieratic, in ways that hark
back to the earlier manner of the artist's
father, the Zurich painter Hans Leu the
Elder, the probable author of the five
panel paintings with the martyrdom of
the patron saints of Zurich of around
1500 in the Schweizerisches Landesmuseum in Zurich. The facial types, which
are typical of Leu in their prominent
round eyes, might also betray the influence of earlier Zurich glass painting, in
particular that of Hans Funk, who was
active in Zurich before moving to Bern
around 1499-1500 where he came under
the influence of Manuel.
While admittedly stiff, the figures
have a sculptural quality conveyed largely
by the wash modeling, that points to
Leu's importance as one of the main artists who conveyed a Renaissance formal
vocabulary to the art of Zurich. He came
under the influence of the extroverted,
calligraphic style of Danube School artists, particularly Albrecht Altdorfer (see
cat. no. 117), which touched off his own
natural proclivity for expansive graphic
expression, particularly with nature imagery and ornament. This appears in the
Zurich drawing in the columns flanking
the pilgrim saints, whose scrolling
Renaissance ornament is executed with
bravura brush strokes, and in the overhead spandrel with its flamelike plants
and angel trumpeters, who celebrate the
austere saints below. These festive angels
form a visual counterpart to the small
figures of the worshiping donors below.
The corresponding panel from
Cloister Wettingen (cat. no. 131) is somewhat smaller than the Zurich drawing
and differs from it in numerous details,
most notably in the absence of a donor
and in the overhead spandrel, which consists of a putto and lance with a cowering
lion on the left, two drummer putti on
the right, and branches entwined with a
banderole inscribed with the name and
occupation of the donor. The panel is sufficiently close, however, to indicate that
it is based on a version or variant of the
Zurich drawing.
The donor was Hans Scherer of
Baden, who according to the incription
on the banderole above, was a barber,
with his name (Scherer, "one who cuts
hair"), as well as the razor in his coat of
arms, referring to this profession as traditional to his family. The inscription in
the banderole also refers to Scherer's job
3
of barbering and renewing the tonsures

of the monks of the Wettingen cloister.
The format of monumental saints
standing under archways and dominating their surrounding environments as
seen in the Wettingen panel was one
beloved of Leu. A number of other such
panels at the cloister in Wettingen and
elsewhere assume this format and appear
to have been based on Leu's designs. This
format also appears in the wall paintings
of the chapel of the Klauser House in
Lucerne of around 1520 (now in Zurich,
Schweizerisches Landesmuseum), which
are generally believed to be by Leu. The
trumpeting angels in the Zurich drawing,
while not appearing in the related panel
of Saints James and Jodocus at the cloister in Wettingen, appear in other panels,
probably after Leu's designs, and were
obviously a popular decorative motif
within his entourage.
5
132
132
Possibly after Hans Leu the

Younger, Bernese glass p a i n t e r
(Hans Funk?)
Stained-Glass Panel with

Saint Beatus
c. 1 5 1 5 - 2 0
Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass w i t h black

and brown vitreous paint and yellow stain (glass
panel); surrounding w i n d o w in bottle glass w i t h
corners filled w i t h red, brown, and blue glass
32.8 X 20.5 cm; bottle-glass window, 117.5
61 cm

Inv. no. 6828
PROVENANCE
The chapel in the manor house at Vorderruppigen, Parish of Littau (Canton Lucerne); acquired
in 1910 from the Meyer-Amrhyn Collection
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Buchmller 1914:
139,
fig.
16;
Lehmann 1941: 10, note 3; Bern 1979: no. 37.
T h e first apostle of Switzerland, Beatus

(died c. 112) was, according to tradition,
baptized in England by the apostle Barnabas, ordained in Rome by Saint Peter,
and then sent to Switzerland to convert
the Swiss. He lived as a hermit in a cave
after ridding it of a terrible dragon. Beatus's cave, at Beatenberg on Lake Thun,
south of Bern, became a pilgrimage
chapel, with the cult, which was especially strong in Bern, reaching its high
point in the early sixteenth century.
Among the most eloquent testaments to the Beatus cult of the early sixteenth century is this glass panel, all the
more precious since it is a rare example
of a panel having retained its original
jewel-like surround of bottle glass and
pieces of colored glass. Against a light
blue sky a green dragon flies at the saint,
who, clad in a violet robe and red cape,
fends off the dragon with his hermit's
staff. There is an exceptional dynamism
and broadness to the application of the
1
Z U R I C H
279
Catholic Switzerland saved many of the

cult's images and reliquaries, and it was
probably during this period of suppression and iconoclasm that the panel in
question came to Vorderruppigen from
a church in the Bernese region. If the
panel originally came from Canton Bern,
it most likely was made in the city of
Bern, whose chief glass painter during
the early sixteenth century was Hans
Funk. The composition would appear to
find its starting place in Urs Graf's woodcut (fig. 92) illustrating Daniel Agricola's
book Almi Confessoris et Anacborete
Beati, Helveciorum primi Evangeliste et
Apostoli, a sancto Petro missi vita (Life
of the confessor and hermit Saint Beatus,
first evangelist and apostle of Switzerland) published by Adam Petri in Basel in
1511. Graf's woodcut shows the dragon
found by Saint Beatus and his companion, Achates, in its cave; according to
the text, the saint drives it away with
prayers and the sign of the cross, but
Graf offers his typically more vigorous
interpretation, with the saint chasing it
with a stick. In the panel, the stick motif
and other elements including the rocky
ground find kinship, albeit in reverse,
with the woodcut, which would thus
suggest a date for the panel no earlier
than the woodcut.
3
F I G U R E 9 2 . Urs Graf. Saint Beatus

Driving
Away a Dragon with His Stick. Woodcut,
11.3 X 8.7 cm (block); sig. B 3 verso from
Daniel Agricola, Almi Confessoris et Anachorete Beati, Helveciorum
primi
Evangelist
et Apostoli, a sancto Petro missi vita (Life
of the Confessor and Hermit Saint Beatus,
First Evangelist and Apostle of Switzerland),
Basel, 1511. London, The British Museum
(inv. no. 1974-2-23-29(1-17).
vitreous paint, seen in the craggy rocks,

water cascading downward at the left,
and in the saint's hair, face, and beard.
The scratching of details, as in the central
plants springing from a cleft, continue
this painterly mode. The frame consists
of simple columns, atop which are trumpeting putti standing on branches with
flamelike leaves.
Lehmann, on the basis of the provenance of the window from the chapel at
Vorderruppigen in Littau, Canton Lucerne, attributed it to the Lucerne glass
painter Balthasar von Heldbrunn. More
recently, it has been argued with good
reason that the panel probably has a
Bernese origin. After Bern embraced the
Reformation in 1528, there began a suppression of the Beatus cult, culminating
in the destruction of the Beatus chapel in
1534 and the walling up of its opening.
2
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Cf. Bchtiger in Bern 1979: no. 3 7 .

Lehmann 1 9 4 1 : 10, fig. 4 .
Bchtiger in Bern 1979: no. 3 7 .
London 1995: no. 2 2 1 .
This comparison was suggested by Rolf Hasler, whose
research was fundamental to this entry and to whom the
authors are deeply grateful. Cf. Rowlands 1 9 9 3 , 1 : no.
4 2 3 ; inv. no.
1914-4-30-1.
6. Cf. Anderes and Hoegger 1988: 8 6 - 8 7 . For the drawing

(inv. no. 1899-1-20-28), cf. Rowlands 1993, I : no. 4 2 2
7. For the relationship of Funk and Leu, cf. "Hans Leu" by
Charlotte Gutscher-Schmid, in BLSK 1998, 11: 6 2 5 .
280
ZURICH
In contemplating the author of the

design for the panel, one is led to Hans
Leu the Younger by a variety of elements,
starting with the dynamic, loose handling of the vitreous paint, which is reminiscent of his use of pen and wash in
drawings. The bearded, energetic figure
of Saint Beatus finds a parallel in that of
Saint Bartholomew in the drawing of
1521 in the British Museum. The frame,
with its flame-like branch work, is also
typical of Leu, as seen in glass panels
after him in the cloister in Wettingen, as
well as drawings such as The Baptism of
Christ of 1514 in the British Museum.
Leu often supplied designs to Funk,
which further strengthens support for his
having designed this panel that so profoundly reflects the religious life of Bern
on the eve of the Reformation.
5
133

Panel with the Story of
Lot and His Daughters
1526
Pen and black ink w i t h gray wash, corrections in
red chalk on cream laid paper
Monogrammed and dated in brush and gray
ink below HL in ligature and 1526 and monogrammed HL again in brush and gray ink i n the
artist's coat of arms at the upper right. A t the
bottom an illegible inscription covered in wash,
ending w i t h the year 15(31}).
In the upper right, the coat of arms of the artist,
a lion w i t h a star
30.3 X 20.8 cm
Zurich, Schweizerisches Landesmuseum
Inv. no. 60-3 (Depositum der Gottfried KellerStiftung)
PROVENANCE
F. Warnecke (sale, Amsler and Ruthardt, Berlin,

A p r i l 24, 1895, lot. 6)
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Rumohr 1836: 116; Ganz
1 9 0 4 - 8 , I I I : pi. 38; Hugelshofer 1 9 2 3 - 2 4 , i l :
1 3 9 - 4 2 , p i . 30; Philadelphia 1925: 46, under
no. 27; Bern 1942: no. 123; Ganz i 9 6 0 : 503;
Lepaire i 9 6 0 : no. 5, pi. 5; Z u r i c h 1981: no. 76;
Erfurt 1 9 9 3 - 9 4 : no. 2 1 , reproduced on 93, 90,
under no. 2 1 ;
133
Z U R I C H
281
I n this rendering of the story of Lot and

His Daughters (Genesis 19:24-36), his
last dated surviving drawing, Leu creates
a large-scale pictorial stained-glass design of the sort that Manuel was also
producing at this time (see cat. nos. 126,
128). Leu succeeds here in conveying a
unified dramatic effect that issues from
the figures as well as the landscape. His
wash modeling of the figures is particularly nuanced and dynamic, and his
grasp of expression and gesture, as seen
in the embrace and interlocking gaze between Lot and his daughter, are at their
best. The flames engulfing Sodom parallel those in Manuel's drawing of King
Josiab Has the Idols Destroyed (cat. no.
128) of a year later, with both pointing
to a propensity for dynamism and drama
that would be an enduring aspect of
Swiss stained-glass design for more than
a century to come.
The present drawing fully exploits
Leu's distinctive artistic gifts. The landscape, with its expressive trees and winding path culminating in Lot's wife turned
into a pillar of salt, plays a major role
in the design and recalls his most celebrated drawings, landscapes such as the
Tree Study in Nuremberg, Germanisches
Nationalmuseum, which reflect the influence of Albrecht Altdorfer. Arguably at
his best as a painterly draftsman, Leu
here applied brush and wash in a bravura manner, seen in the trees and fire,
which further heightens the drama of the
scene. The frame, with its putti and pliant shields intermingled with overhead
garlands, as well as the emphasis upon
the landscape setting, recall his design
for a stained-glass panel dated 1514, A
Company Dining in the Open Air in
the Graphische Sammlung Albertina in
Vienna (inv. no. 3223).
1. Our thanks to Dr. Kathryn B. Hiesinger, Curator of European Decorative Arts, Philadelphia Museum of Art, for
supplying information on the Pennsylvania panel, whose
current location is unknown and which was deaccessioned and auctioned at Samuel T. Freeman and Co.,
Philadelphia, October 2 0 - 2 8 , 1 9 5 4 , lot 804;
cf. Hugelshofer 1 9 2 3 - 2 4 , pt. 3: 1 4 1 , pl. 3 1 ; and
Philadelphia 1925: no. 27, pl. 1 1 . For the Nuremberg
panel, cf. Erfurt 1 9 8 1 : no. 2 1 .
282
Z U R I C H
The drawing is connected to two

stained-glass panels, one formerly in
the Pennsylvania Museum of Art, dated
1530, and the other in Nuremberg,
Germanisches Nationalmuseum, spuriously dated 1531. Actually, the Nuremberg panel (inv. no. M M 671) is the work
of the nineteenth-century Nuremberg
glass painter Jacob Kellner (17881873); because of numerous details that
it shares with the Pennsylvania panel
(and not with the drawing), it might possibly have been based upon this panel
rather than the drawing. Judging from
reproductions, the figures in the Pennsylvania panel seem closer to the Zurich
drawing, indicating that its date of 1530
may be genuine, although it cannot be
ruled out that it, like the Nuremberg
panel, could be a nineteenth-century
version.
1
BASEL
URS
GRAF
Solothurn c. 1485-Basel 1528/29
tive as a goldsmith, designer of woodcuts, designer and painter of stained

glass, and draftsman, with his reputation
resting largely on his extraordinary body
of drawings, mostly executed as independent works of art and vehicles of personal expression.
He probably trained with his
father, Hug Graf (d. 1527-30), a goldsmith in Solothurn, and visited Strasbourg during his years as a journeyman,
as evidenced by his earliest work, a
woodcut of 1503 from a series on the
Passion printed by the Strassbourg publisher Knoblouch. Prints and drawings
of his early career show him assimilating the graphic work of artists such
as Schongauer, Drer, and Baldung.
He is recorded in Basel and Zurich in
1507 but settled in the former, where he
designed book illustrations for Adam
Petri, Johannes Amerbach, and others
from 1509 onward. His activity as a
stained-glass designer began soon after
his arrival in Basel, as evidenced by the
design for a glass painting of Daniel in
the Lions Den (c. 1508; London, British
Museum, inv. no. 1952-4-5-8), which
seems to be roughly contemporary with
Graf's famous drawing Half-Length Portrait of a Young Man with a Pocket Sundial (Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlung,
Kupferstichkabinett, inv. no. 1978.91).
Both of these drawings evidence the
emergence of his highly individualistic
284
B A S E L
graphic style, distinguished, among other

traits, by an often wiry, angular, and
crisp pen line of great vitality. In 1511, he
was an assistant to the glass painter Hans
Heinrich Wolleb; unusually for Swiss and
German artists of the Renaissance, he appears to have both designed and painted
stained glass. Work for the medium at this
time includes Design for a Stained-Glass
Panel with Two Angels (cat. no. 134) and
his single surviving signed glass painting
in the Schweizerisches Landesmuseum in
Zurich (fig. 93).
Graf entered the Basel goldsmiths'
guild in 1512, and in the same year
became a citizen. Documents reflect his
brawling, antagonistic personality, recording such offenses as fighting and
wife beating. In 1518, he fled to Solothurn to evade punishment for a fight but
returned to Basel in 1519. He was active
as a mercenary soldier, participating in at
least four campaigns between 1510 and
15 21 and was present at the demoralizing defeat of the Swiss at Marignano in
1515. Themes having to do with war and
violence are salient features of the surviving body of drawings by him, which
form one of the most personal and trenchant social commentaries of Swiss and
German art of the period. The year 1521
saw the publication of one of his greatest
achievements as a print designer, the
series of sixteen Standard Bearers of the
Swiss Confederation made in the unusual
technique of white-line woodcut.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : London 1995: 212; Christiane
Andersson in DOA 1996 (for further literature).
134
134
Urs
Graf

Panel with Two Angels
c. 1511
Pen and black ink on cream laid paper
9 3 . Urs Graf. Fragment of a

Stained-Glass
Panel with a Maiden, c. 151 1 12. Pot-metal, flashed and clear glass and v i t reous p a i n t , 18.7 X 13.7 c m . Z u r i c h ,
Schweizerisches Landesmuseum (inv.
no. L M 1 8 3 0 ) .
F I G U R E
P h o t o : S w i s s N a t i o n a l M u s e u m , Z u r i c h , NKG-s 1851.
Monogrammed in pen and black ink in the tablet

at the right VG in ligature and again at the
bottom together w i t h the monogram W.
43.7 X 31.3 cm
Inv. no. 34589 (Depositum der Gottfried KellerStiftung)
PROVENANCE
Eduard von Rodt, Bern; acquired by the

Bernisches Historisches Museum in 1955.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Parker 1923: 209; Koegler
1947, 2 6 - 2 7 , p l . 5; Schneider 1 9 5 4 - 5 5 : 30;
Schneider 1955-56; 43, 50, 97, pl. 5; Zurich
1965: no. 31 (ill.); Andersson 1977: 53, no. 197;
Landolt 1990: no. 35 (ill.); Giesicke 1994: .1067, fig. 9.2 under no. 9; Bern 1 9 9 6 - 9 7 : no. 163a
(ill.); Hasler 1 9 9 6 - 9 7 , 1: 83, under no. 83.
B A S E L
285
135
C i r c l e of Urs G r a f

Panel with Two Angels
c. 1515-20
Pen and brownish black ink, w i t h traces of black

chalk underdrawing on cream laid paper
WATERMARK
Bull's head (close to Piccard 1 9 6 1 - : 2.2/1966, x

243: Basel[?] 1 5 1 6 - 1 5 1 8 )
Signed by an insignia of crossed pilgrim's staffs
in the tablet at the right
42.8 X 31.4 cm
Inv. no. 20036.11 ( w . i . n )
PROVENANCE
Johann Emmanuel Wyss ( 1 7 8 2 - 1 8 3 7 ) , Bern

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Terey 1895: 477; Lehmann
1 9 1 2 - 1 6 , x v i i ; 46, fig. 1; Parker 1921: 209;
Hasler 1 9 9 6 - 9 7 , i : no. 83.
After learning metalwork and woodcut

book illustration, Graf took up his third
trade, that of glass painting, in 1511,
when he is documented in Basel as an
apprentice to the glass painter Hans
Heinrich Wolleb (fl. 1490-1527). His
surviving glass-related oeuvre comprises
a number of drawings for stained glass as
well as one signed fragment of a glass
painting (fig. 93). The drawing in Bern
of two angels supporting a shield (cat.
no. 134) is regarded as dating to around
the time he trained with Wolleb, although
he appears to have designed stained glass
even earlier. The Bern drawing (cat.
no. 134) coincides with the moment in
which he moved from his earlier style
of drawingwhich was often burin-like
and imitative of the engravings of Martin
Schongauerand discovered his personal idiom as a draftsman. Although
suffer and sharper than the full flowering
encountered in Marshaled Coat of Arms
of Urs Graf and Sibylla von Brunn (cat.
no. 136), the style of the Bern example
nonetheless reveals Graf's unmistakable
edgy personality. The sullen expressions
and gnarled pointed wings of the angels
make their guardianship of the shield
seem out of character with their beatific
kind and closer to that of the defiant
mercenary soldiers, or Reislaufer, such
as those after Manuel in the panel from
the church at Kirchberg (cat. no. 122).
This rough exterior continues in other
1
135
286
B A S E L
aspects of their rendering, from the

hooked, swirling fringe on the lower part
of the dalmatic worn by the right-hand
angel to the deep shadowing and straggling locks of the one on the left, which,
with his frowning visage, enhance his
unwelcoming air. Perhaps influenced by
the new lifelike character that Manuel
injected into shield holders (see cat.
no. 121), Graf carefully differentiates the
angels, giving each a powerful presence.
As the one on the right looks at the
viewer and directs attention to the
shield, the one on the leftwith his
sideward pose, upturned wing, and
askance gazedirects attention to the
mayhem above, in which armed infants,
some with wings and some without,
reveal an irascible character that is
implicit in their grownup counterparts
below. While some perform a concert,
others are up to no good, breaking out
into a fight at the top or pulling the ears
of a rabbit at the left.
The drawing is monogrammed at
the bottom with E W to the right of Graf's
own monogram, the meaning of which
remains a mystery. EW appears on other
drawings by Graf of around this time
as well as on the previously mentioned
Zurich fragment of a glass painting
(fig. 93) that is inscribed VRSVS.GRAF.
v.EW. The v in the Zurich fragment that
separates the artist's name and EW also
abbreviates unci and could thus refer to
someone who helped make this object,
possibly a member of the family of the
glass painter Hans Heinrich Wolleb.
Early on in the literature on the
Bern drawing, the EW monogram caused
confusion by seemingly substantiating a
connection between Graf and the Strasbourg Wechtlin family of artists, which
included the printmaker Hans Wechtlin
and the glass painter Jakob Wechtlin (see
Hartmut Scholz's essay in this volume,
pp. 22-24). The connection was logical
since Graf traveled to Strasbourg during
his years as a journeyman, finding his
earliest exposure to book illustration
through the work of one of its leading
exponents there, Hans Wechtlin. This
connection seemed above all apparent
through the stained-glass design in the
Wyss Collection in the Bernisches H i storisches Museum (cat. no. 135), which
was long ascribed to Hans Wechtlin
because the right-hand tablet, which in
cat. no. 134 bears Graf's monogram, is
signed with Wechtlin's insignia, crossed
pilgrim staffs. Indeed, cat. no. 134 was
first published as a copy of the Wyss Collection example, although the latter was
subsequently correctly identified as a
tracing of cat. no. 134. Because of the
lack of initials that generally accompany
Wechtlin's insignia, Hasler has questioned the attribution of the Wyss Col5
9 4 . After Urs Graf. Stained-Glass

the Basel Bishop Christoph von Utenheim,
Panel with the Arms of

1520. Pot-metal, flashed
F I G U R E
and clear glass, yellow stain, and vitreous paint, 42.7 X 33 cm. Basel,
Allgemeine Lesegesellschaft.
lection drawing to Wechtlin, ascribing it

to an artist of Graf's circle and dating it
to around 1515-20.
The lack of arms in Graf's original
drawing suggests that he might have
made it as a type that could be chosen by
clients and used repeatedly. In any event,
it must have been successful, inspiring
copies such as the Wyss Collection example and multiple stained-glass panels,
most notably the panel from the Allgemeine Lesegesellschaft in Basel (fig. 94)
made for the bishop of Basel, Christoph
von Utenheim, and dated 1520. A l though abraded, the panel shows how
the powerful presence of the angels, especially the one on the right pointing
to the coat of arms, carries through into
the glass medium. Apparently, Bishop
von Utenheim chose to forgo the misbehaving infants in the spandrel of the
drawing, instead choosing Mary and
Joseph presenting Christ in the Temple.
The Basel panel is one of the isolated
instances of the survival of a glass panel
connected to a drawing by Graf.
The popularity of Graf's design
appears to have gone beyond Basel, as it
appears to have influenced the city panel
(Stadtscheibe) of Burgdorf of around
1518-19 in the church of Lauperswil
(Canton Bern), which would appear to
be after a design by Niklaus Manuel. It
is instructive to compare the angels in the
Lauperswil panel, with their idealized
beauty and calm mien, to their grittier
counterparts in the drawing by Graf.
10
11
12
13
T. Cf. Major 1907b: 1 0 - 1 1 ; Andersson 1977: 3 1 , no. 9 9 ,

quoting document Basel, Staatsarchiv, Gerichtsarchiv
C 20. Vergichtbuch, September 17, 1 5 1 1 .
2. Schneider 1970, i : no. 1 3 9 , 170, fig. 139.
3. Koegler 1947: 26, dated the drawing to around 1:5 1 1,
which has henceforth been accepted.
4. With its frowning expressions, strong contrasts between
light and dark, VG monogram in a tablet, and the monogram EW, the Bern drawing shares much with the drawing of around 1 5:1 2 in Frankfurt am Main, Graphische
Sammlung im Stdelschen Kunstinstitut, inv. no. 1 5673,
Mercenary Visiting the Prostitute Fortuna.
5. Other drawings with this monogram are in Frankfurt
am Main (see above, note 4); Gteborg, Art Museum,
inv. no. H G K M htd 26/191 5; Basel Kupferstichkabinett,
inv. no. u.1.60 of c. 1 5 1 1 - 1 2 ; cf. Andersson 1 9 7 7 : 5 3 -
54, note 1 9 7 .
6. Cf. Major 1907b: 1 1 - 1 2 ; Schneider 1970, i : no. 139.
This, however, is not certain, as the latter is only documented as having a son named Jrg. Cf. Andersson
1977: 5 4 . Furthermore, the monogram occurs on the
above-mentioned drawing in Frankfurt am Main, which
is probably not a design for stained glass.
7. Major 1907b: 7; Andersson 1977: 3 0 ; on Hans
Wechtlin, cf. London 1995: 6 4 .
8. The Wyss Collection drawing was first published as
Wechtlin by Terey 1895: 4 7 7 .
9. Parker 1 9 2 1 : 2 0 9 .
10. Hasler 1 9 9 6 - 9 7 , I: no. 83.
1 1 . The authors are deeply grateful to Rolf Halser for passing on two bibliographic references to this panel: Roda
1990: 2 3 1 , note 1; and Basel 1937: 7 3 - 7 4 .
12. A spandrel closely related to that in the drawing appears
in the archway of a panel of 1525 in the Historisches
Museum, Basel, inv. no. 19932.1 n o ; cf. Hasler 1 9 9 6 9 7 , 1:fig.8 3 . 3 .
13. For the Lauperswil panel, cf. Bern 1979: no. 276; cf.
Giesicke 1994: 107.
B A S E L
287
136
2.88
B A S E L
136
Urs G r a f
Marshaled Coat of Arms

of Urs Graf and Sibylla
von Brunn
1518
I t is a testament to the importance of the

medium that Niklaus Manuel in Bern
(see cat. no. 121), his contemporary Urs
Graf in Basel, and other Swiss artists
(fig. 7, p.50) designed stained glass
featuring their own heraldic devices.
Grafartistically brilliant, often bitingly
satirical, rebellious, and a lover of the life
of the mercenary soldierfeatures his
marriage, which was far from happy, in
this design for an "alliance panel" (see
the introductory essay to this volume, p.
3). On the left is Graf's coat of arms and
device, a raging swan, an animal that he
chose instead of the traditional family
arms, presumably because it mirrored his
own brawling personality. On the right
is the coat of arms of his wife, Sibylla von
Brunn.
Graf was married to von Brunn, a
member of one of Basel's leading families, by 1511, the date of a document
recording that she had been disinherited. Familial displeasure with the alliance may well have contributed to this
decision. In 1522, Graf was jailed for
beating and abusing his wife and for publicly consorting with prostitutes. The
year of the drawing, 1518, was a rocky
time as well. After an attempted homicide, Graf was forced to flee to Solothurn, his birthplace, and in his absence
an inventory of the contents his Basel
house was drawn up.
Sexual byplay, which appears in
heraldic stained-glass designs by Baldung
and Manuel, occurs in those by Graf as
well. Ostensibly celebrating Graf's marriage in the traditional format of the
"alliance panel," the present example at
the same time undermines this harmonious surface by incorporating certain
tensions between its male and female
components. Graf's personal symbol of
the raging swan, which crests the helmet
and decorates the shield, honks menacingly with flared nostrils in the direction
of his wife's coat of arms; the bird wings
and mantling of her helmet appear somewhat stiff and artificial in comparison
to the earthy vigor of the swan atop
Graf's helmet, with its rough feathers
and mantling that appears to be made
from the bird's hide. The inner side of
1
Pen and black ink over underdrawing in lighter

black ink on cream laid paper
Inscribed by the artist in pen and black ink in the
banderole below URS.GRAF.S.
VON.BR UN and
dated 1 5 1 8 in pen and black ink in the archway
at the right. Inscribed 39 in pen and brown ink
in the lower left.
31.2 X 21.4 cm
Inv. no. u.x.34
PROVENANCE
Amerbach Kabinett
Ganz 1899: pi. n ; Ganz T 9 0 5 :
609, 612; Major 1907a: 152; M a j o r 1907b: 1 1 ;
Koegler 1926: no. 77; Major and Gradmann
1941: no. 79, pi. 98; Koegler 1947: p i . 42, 543;
Andersson 1977: 12; Basel 1984b: no. 285.
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
von Brunn's shield turns inward, in deference to that of her husband. The overt
aggressiveness of Graf's device, however,
is matched by subtle and perhaps more
potent defenses on the side given over to
von Brunn. Her shield holder, an ornately dressed young woman, carries a
purse with a dagger stuck prominently
underneath it; the woman glances sideward, unperturbed by the noisy swan.
The garland that hangs overhead is fresh
and full on the side of von Brunn, and
shriveled and shadowed on that of her
spouse; in the archway at the top, a
cherub, probably in reference to fecundity, appears in von Brunn's corner, while
a cow's skull, obviously a memento mori,
decorates the analogous position on
Graf's side. Even the perspective of the
arch reinforces her dominance, narrowing and darkly shadowed on Graf's side,
and widening and illuminated on that of
von Brunn. Her shield holder stands
under the date of 1518, prominently
written on the wall above her head,
which leads one to speculate that Graf's
approach to the drawing may reflect the
unpleasant events of that year.
6
The drawing is a prime example of

Graf's graphic style, which, while gleaning elements from Baldung and Manuel,
is ultimately entirely his own. Executed
in his preferred medium of pen and black
ink, it shows a variety and individuality
of stroke unparalleled in drawings by
other Swiss and German artists of his
time. Pointing to just a few passages, one
notes the variegated hatching, stippling,
and long, sharp strokes in the garland
and archway; and the decorative, crumpled, at times febrile lines that articulate
the shield-holder's collar, necklace, and
bodice. The way in which Graf fills the
interstices with velvety shades of black
and builds up the structure of the forms
against this dark tone is a common device in his stained-glass designs, which he
sometimes handles in a harder manner
than is evident in the present example.
8
1. Major 1 9 0 7 b : 1 1 . Earlier in his career (c. 1511), Graf

made another stained-glass design with his device of the
wild swan (Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlung Basel;
Koegler 1926: cat. no. 1).
2. Andersson 1977: 2 1 , note 1 0 1 , quoting the document
(Basel, Staatsarchiv, Karthaus-Urkunden 4 0 3 , December 5, 1 5 1 1 ) .
3. Major 1907b: 12.

4. Andersson 1977: 3 4 , note 113, quoting the document
(Basel, Ratsbcher 0.2, Urfehdenbuch, pp. 3 2 8 - 2 9 ,
November 2 0 , 1522).
5. Andersson 1977: 3 2 - 3 3 , note 107, quoting the document
(Basel, Staatsarchiv, Beschreibbchlein K.6, August 13,
' 5 ' 8).
6. Major identified the woman as a portrait of von Brunn,

but this is not supportable. Cf. Major 1907a: 152; Andersson 1977: 12.
7. The couple had a son, Urs Graf the Younger, born around
1 5 1 2 - 1 3 , who became a goldsmith.
8. Compare, for example, with Design for a Stained-Glass
Panel with the Arms of Stehelin and Bischoff, signed and
dated 1:5 1:5 (Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlung Basel, inv.
no u . x . 4 . i a ; Koegler 1926: no. 55); see also fig. 1.2, p. 12,
in this volume.
B A S E L
289
ANTONI GLASER
Basel c. 1480/85-Basel 1551
137
A n t o n i Glaser
Frieze with Wild Folk

1517
Antoni's father, Sebastian Glaser, died in
1493. Some years later, in 1505, Antoni
became a member of the artists' guild
Zum Himmel. Like Manuel and Graf, he
was active as a mercenary, fighting in the
Milan campaign in 1515. Shortly thereafter, he went to Bern, where he met
Niklaus Manuel, who profoundly influenced his style. From 1510 to 1531, he
was the official glass painter of the Basel
city council and was named repeatedly
in the civic payrolls. He appears to have
given up glass painting after 1526, when
he became active in politics. During his
later years he was often in conflict with
Protestant authorities, as he remained a
Catholic. Nevertheless, he appears to
have died a solvent man, still in possession of his house, which he had purchased in 1518. Among his finest
surviving glass paintings are the cycles of
1514 and 1519-20 for the Basel city
hall. His glass paintings for the church of
Saint Leonard in Basel of 1519 are still in
situ as well.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : W. Weisbach in Thieme and
Becker 1 9 0 7 - 5 0 , x i v : 2 3 6 - 3 7 ; Paul Ganz i n
SKL
1982, i : 5 9 1 ; Elizabeth Landolt in Basel
1984b: 446; Ulrich Barth in Giesicke 1994: 307.
290
B A S E L
Pen and black ink and gray wash on cream laid

paper
Dated 1517 in the lower left corner
4.2
37.9 cm

Inv.
no. 1662.172
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Ganz 1 9 0 4 - 8 , 1: 53; Gysin

1971,
i : 496; Matile in Bern 1979: 449, notes 5
and 26 (for further literature), under no. 282;

Giesicke 1994: 38, 8 6 - 8 7 , fig. 4.2, under no. 4;
265, 2 6 7 - 6 8 .
The foremost Basel glass painter of his

time, Glaser, whose surname refers to
his family profession (Glaser, meaning
"glazier"), is significant for designing as
well as executing stained glass. Among
his few surviving drawings is the present example, used as the basis for the
socle frieze in the Lucerne canton panel
(fig. 95), part of the great series of fifteen canton panels (Standesscbeiben) of
1519-20, both designed and executed
by Glaser and still in situ in the Great
Council Chamber of the Basel city hall.
Its date of 1517 indicates that Glaser had
by this time received the commission and
begun work on it, with payment for the
finished cycle issued to him in 15 20.
While Glaser was a competent
figural draftsman, strongly influenced by
Niklaus Manuel, his greatest forte, in full
flowering in the Basel cycle, was as a
designer of ornament. The exuberant
spandrels, columns, and socles of the
Basel cycle present a synthesis of the dis-
tinctive inventiveness and playfullness

of Swiss Renaissance ornamental design
accomplished by Niklaus Manuel, in
works such as the tiny model-book drawings known as the Schreibbchlein in
Basel (ffentliche Kunstsammlung Basel,
inv. no. 1662.74) and in works by Urs
Graf and Hans Holbein the Younger, especially their designs for woodcut book
illustrations. The present drawing, with
its frieze of diminutive figures, shows
domestic vignettes, dragging in slain
game, and a wild man blowing a horn.
The design reflects the influence of
Niklaus Manuel, as evidenced in the
spandrel scene in his early Design for a
Stained-Glass Panel with a Maiden
Holding the Arms of Hattstatt and Wild
Men Fighting Above (cat. no. 120), as
well as title-page designs by Holbein the
Younger, which contain playful, classicizing socle friezes similar in conception
to the present example. Glaser's typical
manner of drawing with pen outlines
and wash modeling, as evidenced here, is
strongly influenced by Niklaus Manuel's
later drawing style, which itself, with its
tendency to model in wash, reflects the
impact of the younger Holbein.
3
1. For discussion and further literature on this cycle, see the

essay by Giesicke and Ruoss in this volume, pp. 4 8 - 5 0 .
For further drawings by Glaser for the Basel city hall
cycle, see his design for the destroyed canton panel of
Solothurn in Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlung Basel, inv.
no. u.vi.30, as discussed by Matile in Bern 1979: no. 2 7 8 ,
and Giesicke 1994: 1 1 5 - 1 7 ; and the design for the swag
at the top of the canton panel of Zug in the Bernisches
Historisches Museum, Wyss Collection, inv. no.
2 0 0 3 6 . 6 2 , as discussed by Hasler 1 9 9 6 - 9 7 , i i : no. 8 7 ,
and Giesicke 1994:
102-3.
2. Cf. Giesicke 1994: 3 8 .
3. Cf. ibid.: 8 7 .
137
F I G U R E 9 5 . Antoni Glaser. Canton

Panel with the Arms of Lucerne, c. 1 5 1 9 - 2 0 . Pot-metal,
flashed, and clear glass, yellow stain, and vitreous paint, 71.2 X 54 cm. Basel, Town Hall, Great
Council Hall.
Photo: H a n s H i n z , Basel.
BASEL
291
HANS HOLBEIN THE
YOUNGER
Augsburg 1497/98 -London 1543
sance. Like Drer, Holbein applied his

creativity to a wide range of media, executing easel and mural paintings and
altarpieces and designing woodcuts, jewelry, metal work, and stained glass. He
drew upon the achievements of Drer,
who was a generation older, and the first
wave of masterful Renaissance artists
in German-speaking lands, in particular Augsburg figures such as his father,
Hans Holbein the Elder, and Hans
Burgkmair, to achieve a new level of classical monumentality, rationalized space,
and anatomical motion, synthesized
with a Northern feeling for unsparingly
capturing the concrete presence of the
material world.
He and his brother Ambrosius (c.
1493/94-c. 1519) trained initially with
their father in Augsburg. In 1515, he
and Ambrosius arrived in Basel as journeymen and entered the studio of Hans
Herbst. As a university center and a
nexus for classically inspired learning
and book publishing, Basel provided
an intellectually fertile environment for
the brothers, who quickly became part
of its humanist circle. This included
Bonifacius Amerbach (149 5-15 62), the
Dutch scholar Desiderius Erasmus, and
Oswald Myconius (1488-1552), whose
classes in writing and Latin they probably attended and whose copy of the Basel
edition of Erasmus's In Praise of Folly
(1515) Hans decorated with marginal
drawings (Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlung Basel). Hans's main commission of
this time was the 1516 double portrait
of Basel's mayor Jakob Meyer and his
wife (Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlung
Basel). He also began his active career as
a designer of book illustrations.
Between 1517 and 1519, Hans
was in Lucerne, where he collaborated
with his father in the mural decorations
for the house of the mayor, Jacob von
Hertenstein. His earliest stained-glass
design, for Hans Fleckenstein (cat.
no. 138), dates from 1517 and indicates
a command of monumental architectural
space and anatomical fluency that must
have been honed during his work on
the grand mural paintings of the Hertenstein house. He may have traveled to
northern Italy at this time, although this
is not documented.
In 1519, Hans returned to Basel
and became a master in the artist's guild
292
B A S E L
Zum Himmel, married, and continued

designing book illustrations for Basel
publishing houses, such as those of
Johannes Froben and Adam Petri. He received citizenship in 1520 and began the
period of his greatest creativity in Basel,
completing his painting Dead Christ of
1521-22 (Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlung Basel), the mural paintings of the
House Zum Tanz (now destroyed), and,
most important, the first and main stage
of the mural decorations for the Basel
city hall in 1521-22 (now largely destroyed). This was also a period of intense
activity as a stained-glass designer, which
witnessed the full maturity of his figural
style and the ever-more-ambitious exploration of three-dimensional space in the
glass medium, as seen in the glass paintings after his designs in cloister Wettingen (cat. nos. 141, 143).
With Basel in upheaval due to the
influx of the Reformation, Holbein went
to France in 1524 in hope of royal patronage and while there learned the use of
colored chalks, which were to play a
prominent role in his portrait drawings.
With a letter of introduction from Erasmus to Sir Thomas More, Holbein left
for England in 1526, where he remained
for two years. Through More, Holbein
was introduced to court circles and was
active chiefly as a court portrait draftsman and painter, in works such as the
lost group portrait of Sir Thomas More
and his family.
Between 1528 and 1532, he was
back in Basel, where he completed
the town hall decorations and executed
his emotionally charged painting of his
wife and two elder children (ffentliche
Kunstsammlung Basel). He continued to
design stained glass such as the series
of stained-glass designs depicting The
Passion of Christ (cat. no. 146), which
comprises Holbein's answer to the milestone printed Passion cycles of his predecessors: Schongauer's Passion engravings
and Drer's Small, Large, and Engraved
Passions. In 1529, iconoclasm broke out
in Basel, and the city became Protestant.
Patronage dried up, and Holbein returned to England in 1532.
After his departure from Switzerland, his legacy there as a glass designer
lived on through his designs for stained
glass, much copied by artists such as the
Basel painter Hans Hug Kluber (1535/
36-1578) and Holbein's possible pupil,
the Basel glass painter Bathasar Han
(1505-1578). Indeed, drawings for glass
by and after Holbein by Kluber and Han

appear to have passed from their possession into that of Basilius Amerbach,
whose collection is now in the ffentliche
Kunstsammlung Basel. Among the surviving glass revealing Holbein's lingering
influence is the group from the series of
canton panels in the city hall at Rheinfelden (see the essay by Giesicke and
Ruoss in this volume, p. 54).
From 1532 to 1534, Holbein was
in England, entering into another period
of supreme artistic achievement. He does
not, however, appear to have been active
in England as a stained-glass designer.
After working for Hanseatic merchants
and the French ambassador to England,
for whom he painted in 1533 the double portrait The Ambassadors (London,
National Gallery), he achieved favor at
the court of Henry v m , producing many
of his most renowned portrait paintings and drawings and intricate designs
for jewelry and ornaments. He returned
briefly to Basel in 1538 and died in London, possibly of the plague, in 1543.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Rowlands 1985; Susan Foister
in DOA 1996, x i v : 6 6 3 - 7 3 ; Mller 1996: 9 - 1 3 ;
Btschmann and Griener 1997.
1i 3 8
BASEL
Z93
i 8
3
Hans H o l b e i n the Younger
Design for a StainedGlass Panel for

Hans Fleckenstein
1517
Pen and black ink and gray wash and black

chalk on cream laid paper
WATERMARK
A griffin or a Bern bear

Inscribed by the artist in pen and brownish gray
ink at the bottom left Hans Fleckenstein
.1517.
and color notions i n the coat of arms; inscribed
by a later hand at the bottom center / Holbain
41.6 X 27.8 cm
Braunschweig, Herzog A n t o n Ulrich-Museum
Inv. no. z 3 8
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Schneeli 1896: p i . 8; Ganz
1 9 1 1 - 3 7 , i v : 43, no. 182; Glaser 1924: p i . 4;

Ganz 1925: 236, p i . 4, no. L ; Cohn 1930: 2, 6,
23, 8 1 , 97; Muchall-Viebrook 1931: 164fr.,
fig. 11; Schmid 1931: repro. o n 62; Schmid
1 9 4 1 - 4 2 : 256; Schmid 1948, 1: 50, 56, 144;
Schmidt 1955: no. 38; Basel i 9 6 0 : no. 199,
pi. 8 1 ; Braunschweig 1973: no. 54, p i . 38;
Mller 1988: I 2 f f . , repro. on 13; Mller 1989:
1 1 3 - 2 8 , fig. 5; Heusinger 1 9 9 2 - 9 7 : 1 2 2 ,
fig. 167; Mller 1996: 7 1 , under no. 98;
Btschmann and Griener 1997: 122,fig.167.
1. For the Hertenstein house and further literature, cf. Rowlands 1985: cat. no. L . I . For the engravings of c. 1 4 8 5 90, which are based upon Mantegna's panels of The Triumph of Caesar now in Hampton Court, see Hind 1 9 3 8 48, v: nos. 1 4 , 14a, 15, 15a, 1 5 b , 16, 16a; and
Btschmann and Griener 1997: 6 4 - 7 2 .
2. For a discussion of Holbein's possible visit to northern
Italy during his activity on the Hertenstein house, and
for further literature, cf. Btschmann and Griener 1997:
120-48.
3. Cf. Mller 1988: 1 2 .
294
B A S E L
After training in Augsburg with his father, Hans Holbein the Elder (cat. no. 70),
Hans Holbein the Younger together with
his elder brother Ambrosius arrived in
Basel in 1515. Between 1517 and 1519,
Hans and his father were active in
Lucerne, decorating the house of the
magistrate and businessman Jacob von
Hertenstein (1460-1527) with illusionistic wall paintings (destroyed in 1825).
Hans the Younger painted the facade
with scenes from the Gesta Romanorum
and Caesar's triumphal procession, based
upon engravings from the circle of
Andrea Mantegna. Hans the Younger's
earliest dated design for stained glass
(cat. no. 138), made for the Lucerne
citizen Hans Fleckenstein, is also shaped
by Italian art and illusionistic wall painting. Used to working and designing
on a grand scale, Hans the Younger arrived at a strikingly original conception of the heraldic panel by unifying it
into a single perspectival whole and by
imbuing it with explicit references to
monumental art.
1
In the Braunschweig example,

Holbein established a low vantage point,
as he did for the facade paintings of
the Hertenstein house, which were probably influenced in this respect by the
similarly low vantage point of the Mantegna circle prints of Caesar's triumph.
The viewer thus looks up into a monmental triumphal archway, whose threedimensionality is heightened by the
spatial diminution of the planks forming
the ceiling of the archway and by the
double cross beams, viewed from below, that span and brace the base of the
arch. These wooden elements and the
striations indicating marbleized painting
on the facade of the arch evoke the materials, structure, and scale of monumental architecture with a specificity not
encountered in previous heraldic glass
panels of southern Germany and Switzerland. Indeed, it is instructive to note
that in nearly the same moment that
Holbein introduced triumph imagery and
its attendant classicizing architecture
into heraldic glass in the Fleckenstein design, Durer integrated these same elements (albeit quite differently conceived)
to monumental glass in the Pfinzing Window of 1515 in the church of Saint
Sebald in Nuremberg (see essay by
Scholz, p. 32).
Underscoring the illusion of monumental verticality and three-dimensional
space are the two strapping confederate
soldiers who stand on the ledge in front
of the arch and support the shield; tall as
they are, they inhabit a still larger space
that extends above them. All elements
stand in a single, unified relation to one
another governed by perspective; even
the archway spandrel, which commonly
assumes a spatial sphere separate from

that of the main space of the lower arch,
is now treated as a concrete part of an
architectural whole. The soaring archway and looming confederate soldiers
bring to stained glass Holbein's translation into contemporary Swiss terms of
the grandiose forms and military tenor of
an ancient Roman triumphal procession.
The evolution of the shield completes the new, profoundly Renaissance
sense of illusionism. Compared to the
tendency frequently encountered in heraldic glass for the coat of arms to vie
with the shield bearer in scale and liveliness (cat. no. i n ) , that of Fleckenstein,
which lacks a crest and mantle, is small
and flat in relation to the soldiers. In concert with the rationality imposed upon
the ensemble, it is clearly an inanimate
shield supported by them. As such, the
static hieratic shield achieves a new kind
of dominance over its surroundings: as
the symbol of its owner and his authority, it becomes the focal point of the
composition, around which the palpably
three-dimensional world revolves.
Another feature that adds to the
drawing's powerful sense of life and
three-dimensionality is its execution in
pen and ink and wash, which the artist
learned from his initial training with his
father in Augsburg. Holbein the Younger's signature use of wash, which became so influential in the wider
production of Swiss stained glass, is in
evidence in this youthful work. Its delicate gradations of tone down to deep
black establish the emphatic threedimensionality of the forms and underscore both their monumentality and
gravity of expression. Febrile cast shadows in layered light and dark tones, as
seen in those cast by saints in the spandrel above, increase the illusionism by
suggesting a shifting light source.
139

Panel with a Swineherd
c. 1518-19
Pen and black ink, gray wash, over black chalk

on cream laid paper
31.5
X 21 cm

Inv. no. 1662.157
PROVENANCE
Amerbach-Kabinett
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Woltmann 1 8 7 4 - 7 6 , 11: no. 7 9 ;
Ganz 1 9 0 4 - 8 , I : pi. 2 4 ; Ganz 1 9 0 5 : 1 2 9 - 3 6 ,

130,
reproduced on 1 4 0 ; Schmid in Thieme and
Becker 1 9 0 7 - 5 0 , x v i i : 3 3 5 f f G a n z 1 9 2 3 : pi. 1 3;
Glaser 1 9 2 4 : p i . 2 1 , 3 0 ; Ganz 1:925: 2 3 6 , pi. 4 ,
no. N ; Stein 1 9 2 9 : 1 0 4 , fig. 2 7 ; Cohn 1 9 3 0 :
2 2 f f . , 4 9 , 9 7 ; Ganz 1 9 1 1 - 3 7 : 4 8 , no. 1 9 9 ;
Schmid 1 9 4 8 , l : 7 6 ; Basel i 9 6 0 : no. 2 0 2 ; Lauber

1962:
5 2 ; Basel 1 9 7 2 : no. 7 5 ; Basel 1 9 8 4 b :
no. 2 9 4 ; Mller T 9 8 8 : no. 9 ; Basel 1 9 9 1 : no. 1 0 3 ;

Mller 1 9 9 6 , no. 9 8 .
139
BASEL
295
H o l b e i n the Younger here applies his

powerful illusionism and sense of monumentality to this stained-glass design featuring the earthy vigor if not the grim
realities of peasant life. A swineherd grips
a sword and a staff and strides forward
in a manner resembling the pose frequently encountered in contemporary
images of Swiss mercenary soldiers by
Manuel and Graf. His swinewith
tusks, razor backs, and some with snouts
in the airdevour acorns from an oak
tree. The rough-hewn monumentality of
the foreground figures is echoed by the
craggy landscape they inhabit, in which
towering peaks rise in the distance. The
emaciated spandrel figures perhaps echo
the vicissitudes of the swineherd's life.
Holbein's characteristic innovative
attention to the frame is in evidence. He
gives the scene further immediacy by
pushing the peasant and his teeming
swine to the forefront of a prosceniumlike portal and by pairing the swineherd's powerful forward stride and
three-dimensional modeling with lateral
cropping that increases the sense of forward motion. A small, empty shield rests
on the front ledge; the patron's space
seems to occupy a separate, transitional
area connected implicitly with that of the
viewer, which fades into that of the
swineherd. The swineherd's grim gaze
outward further connects this illusionistic space to that of the viewer. This use of
the frame as a proscenium-like bridge to
the space of the viewer, with dynamic life
unfolding behind it, finds its culmination
in Holbein's designs for the series of panels portraying Christ's Passion (cat. nos.
146-50).
1
This is generally regarded as one of

Holbein's earliest surviving designs for
stained glass. Compared with the design
for Fleckenstein in Braunschweig, his
pen outline has become thicker and more
tremulous. There is relatively little pen
work in the interiors of the forms, with
the modeling accomplished by washes.
Holbein here shows the unprecedented
mastery of wash that was to become a
hallmark of his graphic style, handling
seemingly infinite gradations of tone as
well as a fluid application that lends the
forms vivid three-dimensionality.
1. For the resemblance to the mercenary soldier, cf. Mller

1988: no. 9; Mller 1996: no. 9 8 .
2. For the possible subject matter of the present drawing and
further literature, cf. Mller 1988: no. 9; Mller 1996:
no. 9 8 .
296
B A S E L
The exact subject of the design is

a matter of debate. Inventory F of the
collection of the Basel lawyer Basilius
Amerbach (1533-1591), from which
the present example and indeed the core
of the group of Holbein drawings in
the ffentliche Kunstsammlung, Basel,
came, mentions a drawing of the Prodigal Son, which could correspond to the
present drawing. Thus, it might have
formed part of a series of designs illustrating this parable. Although this seems
likely, the drawing could also represent
the month of December as part of a
series of designs for stained glass illustrating the Labors of the Months.
2
I40
Basel master f r o m the c i r c l e of

Hans H o l b e i n the Younger (Hans
Hug Kluber?)
with Saints Barbara and
Mary Magdalene
c. 1 5 6 0 - 7 0
Pen and gray and black ink, brown and gray

wash on cream laid paper
WATERMARK
Basel bishop's staff (Tschudin 1958: 165)

Collection mark of the Basel Kupferstichkabinett
at the bottom
43.2 X 31.3 cm
Inv. no. u.U.50
PROVENANCE
Amcrbach-Kabinett
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Lehmann 1909:
314, fig. 36;
Basel i 9 6 0 : no. 219; Mller 1988: no. 7; Anderes

and Hoegger 1988: 2 4 8 - 4 9 ; Mller 1996:
no. 298, pi. 87.
140
141
A f t e r Hans H o l b e i n the Younger,

Basel glass p a i n t e r
Stained-Glass Panel for

Brother Andreas Wengi
with Saints Barbara and
Mary Magdalene
c. 1 5 1 9 - 2 0
Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass, w i t h brown

and black vitreous paint, yellow stain and
sanguine
Inscribed in the cartouche at the bottom in black
vitreous paint Frater.andreas.wengij.der/zit.
grosskeller(r).des.gottshus.wetting (Brother
Andreas Wengi. At this time cellerer of the
house of God Wettingen) (the second line badly
abraded)
43 X 30.5 CM
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : W i l l i 1894: 144; W i l l i 1904:
no. 4 6 1 ; Lehmann 1909: 69; Lehmann 1916:
6i6ff.; Cohn 1939: 1 1 5f.; Kocgler 1943:
figs. 30, 67; Basel i 9 6 0 : no. 150; Mller 1988:
4 9 - 5 2 , under no. 7; Anderes and Hoegger 1988:
2 4 7 - 4 9 , pi. on 100; Mller 1996: 153, under
no. 298.
I4i
BASEL
297
T h e drawing in Basel (cat. no. 140)

is a copy after a lost design by Hans
Holbein the Younger for the glass panel
(cat. no. 141) at the Cistercian cloister
at Wettingen (see also cat. nos. 130,
143) made, as its inscription states, for
Andreas Wengi. From i 4 8 6 , Wengi was
a brother at the Wettingen cloister; he
was elected abbot in 1 5 2 1 , died in 1528,
and was buried in the cloister.
The Wettingen panel shows the
forceful plasticity and expressiveness, as
well as technical demands that Holbein
the Younger brought to the medium of
glass painting. As in the Braunschweig
design for Fleckenstein, two monumental
figures, here those of Saints Barbara and
Mary Magdalene, stand under a classicizing structure. A strong sense of threedimensional space is created by features
that include the large scale and plastic
modeling of the saints; the enormous turret of Saint Barbara, which is treated as
a genuine piece of architecture rather
than as a miniaturized attribute; and the
aedicula, with its receding stuccoed roof
defining the space in which the saints
stand. The sense of space is completed by
another feature that typifies Holbein's
glass designs, a mountainous landscape,
challenging to the glass painter because
of the requirements of extra colors and
leading, which make possible cropped
views into space that fill large interstices
and even slivers of space surrounding
the saints. In the landscape to the right is
the popularly depicted image from the
Golden Legend of Mary Magdalene,
who was carried heavenward by angels
seven times a day to receive celestial sustenance. Again like the Fleckenstein design, the two principal figures are highly
differentiated, in their elaborate, draped
costumes, poses, facial features, and
expressions, with Barbara wearing a
contemplative mien with eyes partially
closed and the Magdalene frowning in
penitence. In the panel, color adds to this
differentiation, with Barbara's costume
mixing purple, green, and white and the
Magdalene's mixing red, white, and a
skirt trimmed in brown fur. The archway
above shows vignettes from the lives of
the saints below: at the left, Barbara's
father pulls her by the hair from her cave
1
1. For further discussion of the patron, see Anderes and

Hoegger 1988: 2 4 8 .
2. For the three copies of the Wettingen panel, cf. Anderes
and Hoegger 1988: 2 4 9 .
3. Cf. Tschudin 165; Mller 1988: no. 7; Mller 1996: no.
44.
4. Cf. Mller 1 9 8 8 : no 7. For a wider discussion of Kluber,

cf. Landolt in Basel 1 9 8 4 b : 4 6 4 - 6 5 .
298
B A S E L
of meditation, with the shepherd that

she turned into stone and sheep into
grasshoppers; at the right is Mary Madalene, who was a harlot when she converted and ended her life as a hermit in a
cave, stripped of her finery and naked,
covered only by her long hair.
A comparison of the Basel drawing
to the Wettingen panel, which largely
correspond in both dimensions and composition, yields insights into Holbein the
Younger's origins and influence, as well
as the extraordinary talent of the glass
painter in capturing the nuances of Holbein's lost design. The figures in the panel
are modeled with greater plasticity and
fluidity than in the drawing, with the
complex folds of the costumes adding to
their emotive force. Similarly, the expressions of the saints in the panel are more
subtle and profound than those in the
drawing. The graphic complexity and
dynamism of the costumes and the gravity of the expressions in the panel point
to Holbein the Younger's Augsburg heritageboth to the work of his father
and that of Hans Burgkmairand possibly even to the influence of the expressiveness of pleated drapery and emotion
in the work of Matthias Grnewald in
Alsace. One finds similar drapery in Holbein's diptych of Christ as the Man of
Sorrows and The Virgin as the Mater
Dolorosa of about 1520 (Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlung Basel). In the dominance of wash over graphic line, the
Basel drawing, by comparison, shows a
fading of these influences in the hands of
an artist who was used to the paradigm
of Holbein the Younger and less familiar
with Holbein's own artistic sources. A
telling indication of this in the drawing
is the expression of the Magdalene,
which is dependent upon shadowed eyes,
nose, and open mouth, closer to the
mature style of Holbein the Younger,
whereas her expression in the panel
shows a graphic contortionwith open
eyes and frowning, closed mouththat
points back to Burgkmair. The later date
of the Basel drawing is demonstrated not
only stylistically but also physically by
its watermark of a Basel bishop's staff,
which dates from the second half of the
sixteenth century. It has been proposed
that the drawing's author may be the
Basel painter Hans Hug Kluber (1535/
3 6 - 1 5 7 8 ) , who restored Holbein the
Younger's wall paintings for the Basel city
hall in 15 61 and whose studio was probably purchased by Basilius Amerbach,
from whose collection the drawing came
to the Basel Kupferstichkabinett.
3
142
142
W o r k s h o p of Hans H o l b e i n
the Younger
with the Virgin and
Child under a
Triumphal Archway
c.
1522
Pen and black ink, gray wash, watercolor, white

gouache heightening, over black chalk

Inv. no. 1662.36
PROVENANCE
Amerbach-Kabinett
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Woltmann 1 8 7 4 - 7 6 , 1: 143,
11: 102, no. 29; Liebenau 1888: 48; Ganz 1:9048, r. p i . 53a; Lehmann 1909: 72, fig. 12; Ganz
1911-37: 8 1 , no. C 19; Basel i 9 6 0 : no. 217,
pi. 58; Mller 1988: no. 22; Anderes and
Hoegger 1988: 2 7 8 - 7 9 ; Mller 1996:
no. 278, p i . 82; Btschmann and Griener
1997: 2 2 - 2 4 ,
8T
WATERMARK
Eight-leaved flower (fragment); Mller 1996:

no. 50
Inscribed by the artist in the medallion on the
pillar at the left, in m i r r o r writing,
MUCWSZEF.
Collection mark of the Basel Kupferstichkabinett
in the lower right.
42.2 X 46.6 cm
BASEL
299
143
143

Basel glass p a i n t e r
( A n t o n i Glaser?)
Stained-Glass Panel
Representing the Canton
of Basel with the Emperor
Saint Heinrich I i
c. 1519-20
Cat. nosl 142 and 143 c o m b i n e d as pendant panels.
Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass, black and

brown vitreous paint, yellow stain and sanguine
Coat of arms of the city of Basel w i t h the staff of
the bishop of Basel
42 X 46 cm
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Woltmann 1 8 7 4 - 7 6 , I : 143,
I I : 102, no. 29; W i l l i 1894: 170; Lehmann 1909:
72, fig. 12; Lehmann 1916: 620; Schmid 1948,
i : 147; Schneider 1954: 13, 1 0 6 - 2 1 , 147; Basel
i 9 6 0 : i79ff., no. 148, 1821!., no. 154, 229fr,,
no. 217; Reinhardt 1965: 2 7 - 3 9 ; Mller 1988:
85, 87; Anderes and Hoegger 1988: 2 7 8 - 7 9 ,
pl. on 145.
300
B A S E L
The illusion of monumental classical

architecture that Holbein the Younger
brought to small-scale panels in his earliest surviving design for stained glass in
Braunschweig (cat. no. 139) reached still
further grandeur in a type of window
that he invented soon thereafter, in which
he combined two pendant quadrilateral
panels united by a continuous architectural space. The present drawing from
Basel (cat. no. 142) and panel from the
cloister in Wettingen (cat. no. 143) exemplify this format; together they form
a majestic tribute by the younger Holbein to his native city. The drawing, by
a member of Holbein's studio, copies the
lost original by the master, which served
as the basis for the lost pendant to the
Wettingen panel, which itself almost certainly reflects his now-lost design. The
pair formed Basel's contribution to a
series of Standesscheiben, that is, a series
of panels donated by each of the confederate Swiss cantons, known then as
Stande, as an expression and affirmation of alliance. The traditional format of
the canton panel (Standesscheibe), established by Lucas Zeiner's series in the city
hall of Baden of 1500-1501, consists of
a pair of figures supporting the shield
of the canton, sometimes together with
the imperial coat of arms topped with
the imperial crown. The series in question was requested by Wettingen abbot
Johann Mller (reg. 1486-1521) in 1519
at the Tagsatzung (an assembly of representatives from the individual members
of the Swiss Confederation) to fill the
new cloister that was being rebuilt after
the fire of 1507. Originally filling the
east wing of the cloister, the majority of
the panels were destroyed in a hailstorm
of 1576, which presumably included the
left half of the present panel, whose
appearance is documented by the Basel
drawing.
1
The Basel drawing and Wettingen

panel present a radical reformulation of
the traditional Standesscheibe, with the
two shield-supporting figures, here replaced by the patron saints of Basel
and of its minster, the Virgin and
Child, and the Emperor Saint Heinrich 11
(973-1024), standing underneath the
wings of an ornate tripartite triumphal
arch, separated from one another by
its central archway and balustrade. Holbein's grandiose classicizing architectural
vision, uniting pendent panels within a
single monumental triumphal arch, finds
a precedent in the double chiaroscuro
woodcuts of Saint George and Emperor
Maximilian of 1508 by Hans Burgkmair
(figs. 96-97)7 The coffered stone arches
glorify their occupants, the Virgin and
Christ Child and Emperor Heinrich 11, in
the most classically elevated architectural
F I G U R E
9 6 . Hans Burgkmair. Saint
George
and the Dragon, 1508. Chiaroscuro woodcut (printed from two blocks) in silvery-gray
on paper washed light blue, 35 X 24.5 cm.
Oxford, Ashmolean Museum. Bequeathed by
Francis Douce, 1834.
F I G U R E 97.
Hans Burgkmair. The Emperor Maximilian
on Horseback,
1508.
Photo: Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.
Photo: Board of Trustees, The National Gallery of Art,

Washington, D.C.
terms and thereby establish their looming guardianship of the city of Basel,
nestled in the landscape beyond.
The emperor saint, founder of the
Basel minster, magnificently clad and
holding a model of the minster, looks
down at the coat of arms of the city, with
its emblem of the Basel bishop's staff, as
does the Virgin from the left side of the
panel. As in the Braunschweig drawing,
the coat of arms, as symbol of the patron,
becomes the focal point of a powerfully
animated, three-dimensional world. Holbein uses the format of the Standesscheibe to create a play between symbolic
and illusionistic representations of Basel,
with the shield encapsulating the city as
a symbolic entity while Basel itself unfolds panoramically in the distance.
Behind the Virgin flows the Rhine,
with many of Basel's buildings visible
beyond, such as the city hall with its
pitched roof and small tower in the far
distance. As in the Wengi panel from
the cloister in Wettingen (cat. no. 141),
Holbein here treats landscape in glass
painting with a new grandeur, drama,
and three-dimensionality. He presents
slivers of vistas of compelling visual
interest, such as that between the emperor saint and the Basel coat of arms. Its
sunburst motif, adopted from the landscape imagery of Altdorfer and other
Danube School artists, imbues this specific panorama with overtones of a universalized Weltlandschaft .
Chiaroscuro woodcut in green printed from

two blocks, 32.5 X 22.7 cm. Washington,
D.C., The National Gallery of Art, Rosenwald Collection (inv. no. 1948.11.14).
'
Cf. the series of eight drawings for four double panels by

Holbein the Younger in the Basel Kupferstichkabinett for
which no windows survive; inv. nos. 1 6 6 2 . 2 0 - 2 1 ; 1662.22-
The inscription around the medallion on the left pilaster

of the Basel drawingMUCIUSZEF in mirror writing
has been interpreted as a veiled signature (Mucius fecjitj),
referring to Holbein's self-identification with the Roman
hero Mucius Scaevola; cf. Btschmann and Griener 1 9 9 7 :
3-
Because of features such as its somewhat dry manner of

drawing and perspectival ambiguities, the Basel drawing
as been regarded as a copy of a Holbein original by a
workshop assistant, ever since Ganz 1911.-37: 8 1 , no. C
r 9 . Cf. Mller 1:988: no. 2 2 ; Mller 1996: no. 2 7 8 .
For more on Standesscheiben, see the essay by Giesicke
and Ruoss in this volume (p. 45ff).
Anderes and Hoegger 1988: 3 6 .
Ibid.: 2 7 5 .
Cf. Mller 1988: 6 0 - 6 1 .
Until the recent publication of Anderes and Hoegger, the
panorama had been erroneously identified as that of
Lucerne. For a detailed identification of buildings within
the panorama, see Anderes and Hoegger 1988: 2 7 8 .
In the right hand arch, only the landscape between the
emperor saint and the coat of arms is original. Sec
Anderes and Hoegger 1 9 8 8 : 2 7 8 .
]
7-
23; 1 6 6 2 . 2 4 - 2 5 ; 1 6 6 2 . 2 6 - 2 7 ; Mller 1988: nos.

Mller r 9 9 6 : nos. r o o - r o 7 .
r 1-1 8;
24.
B A S E L
301
144
144
Design for a StainedGlass Roundel with a

Mining Scene
c. 1520-22
Pen and b r o w n ink w i t h gray wash on cream

laid paper
Inscribed on the verso by a later hand (possibly
a member of the Fagel family) in black ink,
Affbeelding van bet Bergwerken in Zwitserland
(Depiction of mining in Switzerland)
DIAMETER
22.5 cm
Inv. no. 1872-10-12-3315
PROVENANCE
G. F. Fagel (sale, T. Philippe, M a y 27, 1801,

lot 58); Daniells
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : His 1894:
207;
Colvin
1895:
58, no. 290; Binyon 1 8 9 8 - 1 9 0 7 , I I : 329fr.,

no. 14; Chamberlain 1913, I : 80; Ganz 1 9 1 1 37: 56, no. 255; Braunfels 1957: 28, 58; London
1988: no. 1 9 1 ; Rowlands 1993, I : no. 308,
I I : p i . 2 0 1 ; Mller 1996: 165, under no. 333.
302
B A S E L
Although this drawing's authenticity

has been questioned, its quality as well
as its evocation of powerful physical
activity pitted against elemental forces
attest to Holbein's conception. It shows
an extraordinary mining scene, centering upon men wielding sledgehammers
above wedges inserted in crevices, attempting to disengage a huge boulder
from its rocky surround. Within the
roundel format the sense of compositional energy is tightly organized and
finds a centrifugal point in the central
miner, who kneels on the ground, aiming
a blow at a circular row of shims.
His considered it to be an autograph Holbein design for a glass painting, but Ganz questioned the drawing's
quality, regarding it as a reworked offset,
and, at best, a late (c. 1534-43) design
for goldsmith's work. Rowlands has reasserted its place in Holbein's drawings
oeuvre of around 1520 or shortly thereafter, along with the probability that
it was a stained-glass design, perhaps
made for a Basel patron with mining
interests.
Rowlands's reassertion of the drawing's function as a stained-glass design is
1
convincing. Its size attests to this, as well

as the powerful roundel composition,
which is an unusual example in Swiss
stained glassand the only such example in Holbein's oeuvreof treating
the roundel format so popular in Augsburg. Considering Holbein's Augsburg
origins, however, it is entirely explicable
and forms a fascinating echo of his artistic heritage complementary to his love
of the roundel format for small designs
for the decorative arts. It also constitutes
an unusual example of mining imagery
in stained glass of the South German and
Swiss Renaissance, and points to the
key industrial role played by mining in
Central Europe during the late Middle
Ages and Renaissance. Holbein puts his
unique and characteristic stamp on the
subject by showing raw human muscle
literally chipping away at the intractable
matter of nature. Embedded herein is the
Renaissance belief in man's ability to
reshape the larger natural environment.
2
1. Cf. Rowlands 1993,

- 382. For copies after cat. no. 144, cf. Mller (1996: 165), who
considers it to be a copy after a drawing of c. 1 5 2 0 - 2 3 by
Holbein or an artist in his studio.
I : n o
145
BASEL
303
drawings such as Stained-Glass Design

with Two Unicorns in Basel (inv. no.
1662.150; fig. 14, p. 15), whose architectural surround echoes Cesariano's illustrated edition of Vitruvius, published
in 1521. The extreme sensitivity of
the outlines, especially in the foliate elements, in the design for Christoph von
Eberstein, as well as the three-dimensionality of the washes, indicate that it
is of the same approximate period as
the likewise consummately drawn design
with the two unicorns.
In the design for von Eberstein,
Holbein gives way to a panoply of ebullient ornament that shows his kinship, in
this mode, to the work of Swiss contemporaries such as Manuel and Graf. The
coat of arms with its crest is monumental, with the scrolling mantling echoed in
the fanciful foliate forms of the architecture. These elements are complemented
by the halberdier's intricate costume with
its slashed and ribboned leggings. As
ornamental as they are, however, the
weight and chiaroscuro of the forms
lend them a gravity of expression that,
together with the halberdier and the
spandrel figures, support an overall impression of aggressive extroversion.
At the center of this is the halberdier, whose monumentality and physical powerindicated by features such
as his muscular, hairy calveslook forward to the design with a wild man of
around 1528 (cat. no. 151). Holbein
here exercises his gift of giving almost
portrait-like specificity to shield holders
that reinforces their hold over the viewer.
He gives the halberdier a tough, craggy
face, adorned with a huge mustache.
As Bchtiger noted, this as well as other
traits, such as crosses of Saint Andrew
slit into his costume, mark him as a German Landsknecht, the mortal enemy of
the Swiss confederate soldier, or Reislaufer.
The halberdier's aggressive,
confident mien is reinforced by an eye
cocked at the viewer.
The implicit aggressiveness of the
central warrior finds explicit expression
in the battling spandrel figures. The one
on the left, extraordinary for its concrete, grim realism, appears, with the
beard and prominent mustache, to be the
soldier below, changed from his finery
into heavier clothing more practical for
battle; indeed, his menacing face and
darkly shaded, thick garments covering
his body and head make him seem a
fearsome opponent compared to the
more gaily clad Reislaufer to the right.
The Landsknecht shield holder and the
prevalence of the Landsknecht over the
Reislaufer in the upper register is explained by the Swabian origin of the von
Eberstein family to which the patron
belonged. Interestingly, another mem1
145
A Halberdier Supporting
the Arms of Graf
Christoph von Eberstein
152z
Pen and black ink w i t h black and gray wash,

lightly tinted w i t h red watercolor on the heraldic
roses, and i n parts of the feather and mantling;
red chalk w i t h i n the arms, on tan laid paper.
Inscribed by an early (autograph?) hand i n black
ink on the tablet below Cristoff graff zu
ebersteyn.
iyzz
Coat of arms of the Eberstein family
33.5 X 29.3 cm
O x f o r d , Ashmolean Museum
Inv.
no. 1946.297, PI 299*
PROVENANCE
Sir W i l l i a m Stirling-Maxwell, Bt; Sir Archibald

Stirling of Keir; Lt.-Col. W . J. Stirling of Keir
(sale, Sotheby's, June 26, 1946, lot 128);
presented anonymously, w i t h a contribution
from the Blakiston Fund, 1946.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Warnecke 1883, i : p l . 1; Ganz
1 9 1 1 - 3 7 : 46, no. 192, repr.; Hugelshofer 1928:
40, no. 59, repr.; Cohn 1930: 12, 56, 59, 97;
Parker 1938: no. 299; Schmid 1 9 4 1 - 4 2 : 267;
Basel i 9 6 0 : no. 2 0 1 ; Bchtiger 1 9 7 1 - 7 2 : 239 ff.;
London 1988: no. 189, p l . 189, 223; Mller
1988: 127, under no. 36, repr. p. 128; Mller
1996: 147, under no. 279.
Although there has been some disagreement about the date of this drawing,
with some believing it to have been
made around 1519-20 and thus a little
earlier than the date of 1522 written
at the bottom, it indeed seems more
likely to have been made at the later
time based on stylistic comparisons to
1. For the drawing with the unicorns, cf. Mller (1988: no.
35; r996: no. 140). Returning to the Oxford drawing,
Ganz accepted it as dating to 1522; Schmid believed it to
be earlier, around 1519, which was upheld in Basel i960:
no. 201. Rowlands in London 1988: no. 189, tentatively
suggests that the date could be genuine. Mller (1988:
under no. 36, 127; 1996: under no. 279, 147), citing
Bchtiger (1971-72: 239 ff.), affirms the date of 1522.
2. Cf. Bchtiger 1971-72: 239; on the Landsknecht, see also
cat. nos. 71-72.
3. For the identification of the spandrel figures as a Landsknecht and a Reislauf er, cf. Bchtiger 1971-72: 239.
4. As pointed out in Bchtiger 1971-72: 239, note 324.
5. Both in Coburg, Kunstsammlungen der Veste Coburg,
Kupferstichkabinett, inv. nos. Z 27 and Z 55 and 56. Cf.
Detroit, Ottawa, and Coburg 1983: nos. 6, 52.
B A S E L
146-50
Designed by Hans H o l b e i n the
Younger
The Passion Series

146
The Crucifixion
c. 1528
Pen and black ink, gray wash, over black chalk,

retouched i n black ink, on cream laid paper
304
ber of the family, Bernard von Eberstein,

commissioned stained-glass designs from
Baldung around 1515 and from Weiditz
in 1525 (fig. 82). Indeed, Holbein's
Eberstein design forms another high
point of Swiss and German soldier imagery in stained glass, commensurate with
Baldung's Ziegler window of 1515 (cat.
no. 112) and Manuel's design for a panel
with his own device, of around 1508
(cat. no. 121).
Holbein's love of mountainous
background landscapes appears to perpetuate a tradition found in earlier Swiss
stained-glass panels such as the Bern
Flagbearer of the early years of the century (cat. no. 118). Holbein, however,
accentuates the monumentality of the
main figure by having him tower over
the landscape, giving a fragmentary, but
compellingly expansive, view of an A l pine village through the legs of the halberdier. This juxtaposition of the huge
figure of the halberdier and the sliver of
landscape drives home the implication
that the warrior himself draws upon the
same strength animating the rugged, elemental countryside he inhabits.
WATERMARK
A running bear (Lindt 1964: 26)

43.2 X 30.9 cm
Inv.
no. 1662.121
PROVENANCE
Amerbach-Kabinett
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Woltmann 1 8 7 4 - 7 6 , I : 172,
I I : p l . 75; Ganz 1 9 1 1 - 3 7 : no. 178; Davies 1903:
7 i f f . ; Chamberlain 1913, I i : i5off.; Knackfuss
1914: 42, fig. 37; Stein 1929: i8off.; Cohn
1930: 246., 82ft., 88, 98; Schmid 1930: 53;
Schmid 1948, 1: 83fr., 1 0 1 , 118, 149, 153,
11: 325, 33iff.; Fischer 1951: 344; Basel i 9 6 0 :
no. 295; Klemm 1972: 172; Klemm 1980: 39ff.;
Mller 1988: no. 58; Rowlands 1993, i : 144,
under no. 315; Mller 1996: no. 1 7 1 , p l . 54;
Basel and Berlin 1 9 9 7 - 9 8 : 387, under no. 25,
19-21.
146
H A S l ' L
305
147
G e r m a n or Swiss glass p a i n t e r
The Judgment of Pilate
147
148
The Crucifixion
Sixteenth or seventeenth century
Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass w i t h brown

vitreous paint, yellow stain, and sanguine
Cat. no. 147, inscribed at the bottom IN.
PERPET.MEMOR.A.DOM.1519 (in perpetual
memory, A . D . 1519); cat. no. 148 inscribed at
the bottom CONSUMATUM
EST (It is finished)
35 X 25 cm (both panels)
PROVENANCE
Charles Klappert, La Jolla, California

San Diego, San Diego Museum of A r t
Inv. nos. 61.121 A and B
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Corpus Vitreatrum
Checklist i n 1989: 82
I48
306
B A S E L
149

The Judgment of Pilate
149
150

The Crucifixion
Sixteenth or seventeenth century
Pot-metal, flashed, and clear glass, vitreous

paint, yellow stain, and sanguine
Cat. no. 149, inscribed at the bottom IN.
PERPET.MEMOR.A.DOM.1519; cat. no. 150
inscribed at the bottom CONSUMATUM.EST
35.2 X 25.2 cm (both panels)
Innsbruck, Tiroler Landesmuseum Ferdinandeum
Inv. nos.
G L
567 and 568
I50
B A S E L
307
A m o n g Hans Holbein the Younger's

most famous and most copied designs for
stained glass is the series of ten drawings
portraying The Passion of Christ in the
Kupferstichkabinett, Basel. They served
as the bases for offsets, seven of which
survive in the British Museum, which
were owned by the artist and historiographer Joachim von Sandrart (16061688), who regarded them as originals
and praised them as masterpieces by
Holbein in his Teutsche Academie. The
Basel drawings are predicated compositionally upon the great Passion Altarpiece (Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlung
Basel, inv. no. 315; fig. 99), which
Holbein is generally thought to have
made around 1525; the drawings were
probably made after his return from England around 1528. With their multifigured compositions, rounded, powerfully
modeled figures, gravity of expression,
and palpable spatiality, The Crucifixion
(cat. no. 146) and its companions appear
to have been ambitiously conceived by
Holbein in the format of a series of
framed paintings.
1
As in The Passion Altarpiece, Holbein laterally compressed the individual

scenes and cropped them around the
edges in order to facilitate the narrative
flow among them. To this end, he sometimes inserted subsidiary figures that
move forcefully across the scenes, such
as the soldier accompanying Christ in
The Judgment of Pilate (fig. 98), whose
wide stride and ripped leggings recall
earlier figure types, notably the swineherd from the Basel stained-glass design
of around 1519 (cat. no. 139). As noted
by Schmid, this figure forms a dramatic
fulcrum in the scene, with his face turned
toward that of Christ, while the corresponding profile of another man to his
left is turned back toward that of Pilate;
1. Rowlands 1993, 1: nos. 3 0 9 - 1 5 , i i : pis. 2 0 2 - 4 ; Sandrart
[ 1 6 7 5 ] 19*5
I 0 2
- > 333-
2. There has been lingering discussion about an earlier dating of 1525, closer to the time he created The Passion
Altarpiece or a later dating to around 1528. Because of
the highly developed compositions, which elaborate on
those in the altarpiece, current opinion favors the latter.
Cf. Mller in Basel and Berlin 1 9 9 7 - 9 8 : 387, under no.
25, 1 9 - 2 1 , and Mller 1996: n o .
3. Schmid 1948, I : 3 3 2 .
4. For further discussion of surviving glass after Holbein, see
Schmid 1948, I: 1 4 4 - 5 3 .
5. In addition to the above-mentioned offsets in the British
Museum, these include a mid-sixteenth-century copy also
in the British Museum (inv. no. 1 9 2 3 . 2 8 ; cf. Rowlands
1 9 9 3 , 1 : 143, under no. 309); a copy by Joseph Heintz of
1 5 8 1 in the Basel Kupferstichkabinett, inv. no. 1 9 2 7 . 8 4
(cf. Basel i 9 6 0 : nos. 2 9 1 , 295); nine in the Augustinerchorherrenstift Sankt Florian, dated 1578 and 1579;
seven in Munich, Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, one
of which is dated 1536; and a newly discovered copy of
The Crucifixion in the same collection (inv. no. 1 9 9 7 . 2 8 )
that bears a Basel watermark (close to Briquet 1344;
Solothurn 1 5 9 3 - 9 5 ) , kindly brought to our attention
by Tilman Falk. For further literature and discussion of
copies, see Mller 1996: 1 0 9 - 1 2 , and in Basel and Berlin
1 9 9 7 - 9 8 : 3 8 7 , note 1 , under no. 2 5 , 1 9 - 2 1 .
6. Indeed, it has recently been suggested that the drawings
might not have been produced in glass when Holbein
made them owing to the near contemporary conversion to
the Reformation in Basel in 1529. Cf. Mller in Basel and
Berlin 1 9 9 7 - 9 8 : 387, under no. 2 5 , 1 9 - 2 1 .
308
B A S E L
F I G U R E
9 8 . Hans Holbein theYounger. The Judgment of Pilate,
c. 1525. Pen and black ink, gray wash, over black chalk, 43.2 X 30.8
cm. Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlung Basel, Kupferstichkabinett (inv.
no. 1 6 6 2 . 1 1 7 ) .
Photo: ffentliche K u n s t s a m m l u n g Basel, M a r t i n Bhler.
the twin faces of the men bind the tragic

innocence of the countenance of Christ
with the brutally guilty face of Pilate.
The artist's approach to the framing
elements of the glass panel as a threedimensional proscenium reaches its highest sophistication in The Passion series.
The elaborate frames, different in each
drawing, form a bridge between the
space of the viewer and that of the picture, with the scrolling, undulant movement of the ornament helping to propel
the visual flow from scene to scene. The
frame in The Crucifixion has a wooden
ceiling, which resonates with the jarring
angles and sharp foreshortening of the
crosses, making the scene seem all the
more materially palpable and underscoring the vertical compositional thrust,
with its focus upon the form of the crucified Christ.
Among the handful of connected
stained-glass panels to survive after
drawings by Hans Holbein the Younger
are those in San Diego of The Judgment
of Pilate and The Crucifixion (cat. nos.
147-48) and the versions of the same
scenes in Innsbruck (cat. nos. 149-50).
The panels clarify the relationship be3
tween the frames and inner images in the

drawings, with the frames executed in
colored glass and the central images in
monochrome. The contrast between the
dark, colored frames and the luminous
central image heightens the illusion of
the frame projecting forward sculpturally and the central image receding
dramatically. The execution of the central image in monochrome on a monolithic sheet of clear glass allows for
detailed and expressive glass painting
that parallels Holbein's drawings. The
Basel drawings also contain scrolls and
cartouches at the bottom for accompanying inscriptions, which in the panels
have been simplified into flat rectangles
of white glass containing inscriptions
pertaining to each image.
The dates of the San Diego and
Innsbruck panels as well as their relationship to one another are difficult to
determine. The drawing in the Innsbruck
panels seems slightly closer to Holbein's
originals, although both pairs of panels
are of exceptionally high workmanship.
Perhaps side-by-side comparison in the
exhibition will clarify the relationship of
the San Diego and Innsbruck panels.
F I G U R E 9 9 . Hans Holbein the Younger. Altarpiece

with Eight Scenes of the Passion of Christ,
c. 1525. Tempera on panel, 149.5
4 - Basel, ffentliche Kunstsammlung Basel (inv.
no. 315).
c
I 2
c m
As for the problem of dating the

panels, not only are they slightly smaller
than the drawings, with different frames,
but, more importantly, the date of 1519
in The Judgment of Pilate is at variance
with the later style of the Basel drawings.
On the other hand, the date might not
refer to the year of manufacture of the
panels but rather might indicate that they
commemorate someone deceased in
1519, as indicated by the inscriptions of
"In perpetual memory" and "It is
finished." The drawings were copied in
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
as evidenced in numerous examples.
The delicacy of execution and the slightly
fleshy color of the sanguine in the San
Diego and Innsbruck panels are unusual
in glass painting of Holbein's lifetime
and suggest that they could be later sixteenth-century or even seventeenthcenturyversions. Even allowing for
their postdating Holbein's lifetime, their
quality and faithfulness to his drawings
are exceptional, and they provide precious evidence of how what is arguably
Holbein's greatest series of glass designs
was translated into the medium.
5
BASEL
309
151
310
B A S E L
152.
B A S II L
3 11
T h e venerable subject of the wild man

in Swiss stained glass (see cat. no. 120)
reaches its apogee in this design by Holbein (cat. no. 151), in which he succeeds
in encapsulating in a single figure the
wild man's legendary association with the
superhuman forces of the natural world
(see the essay by Giesicke and Ruoss in
this volume, p. 46). The gigantic hoary
figure, his hardened muscular form girdled by twisted leafy branches, strides
forward upon the ledge of a classical
portal. His beard blown backwards, he
aggressively grasps his primitive, natural
weapon, an enormous uprooted tree,
which itself bears witness to his brute
power and also (like the leafy crown
and girdle) to a rudimentary transformation of nature into culture. The classical
vegetal motifs decorating the posts and
lintel demonstrate a more advanced
transformation of nature into artifact.
The energetic stride implies indomitable strength and a sense of forward motion. The wild man's awesome
power is reenforced by the entire composition's upward surge, communicated by
a configuration of weighty, burgeoning
forms, from the undulant, scrolling columns and lintel to the towering pines
and sheer rock peaks of the background
landscape. Indeed, as is frequently the
case in Swiss Renaissance stained-glass
design, there seems to be an implicit
identification of the strength of the central figure with the natural forces of his
environment, embodied by the trees and
towering peaks. It is possible that the
illusionism of the image is also inflected
by a further juxtaposition of nature versus culture: the wild man strides from his
distant natural world through the classicizing portal that forms a kind of passageway from the wild man's rugged,
natural environment into the man-made,
acculturated space of the viewer. Indeed,
perhaps Holbein's most ingenious and
subtle reference to the wild man's power
is the portrayal of him bursting forth
from the illusionistic pictorial realm
behind the portal-frame into the "real"
world of life itself.
1
i5i
A Wild Man Brandishing

an Uprooted Tree Trunk
c. 1528
Pen and black ink w i t h gray, b r o w n , and blue

washes, on cream laid paper
32.1
X 21.5 cm

Inv. no. 1895-9-15-992
PROVENANCE
G. F. Fagel (sale, T. Philippe, M a y 29, 1 8 0 1 ,

lot 91); John M a l c o l m , Poltalloch
B I B L I O G R A P H Y : W o l t m a n n 1 8 7 4 - 7 6 , I : 163,
11: 139, no. 209; Robinson 1876: no. 356; Colvin
i 9 5 57, Binyon 1 8 9 8 - 1 9 0 7 , I I : 329,
no. 13; Chamberlain 1913, I : 147; Ganz 1 9 1 1 37: 48, no. 200; M a j o r 1946: n 6 f f . ; Basel i 9 6 0 :
261, under no. 313; Berlin 1982: 17, under no. 9;
London 1988: no. 195, p i . 32; Mller 1988: 15;
Rowlands 1993, i : no. 316, I I : p i . 206; London
1996: no. 70.
8
n o
152

Basel master of the late s i x t e e n t h
or early seventeenth c e n t u r y
A Wild Man Brandishing

an Uprooted Tree Trunk
c. 1580-1600
Pen and black ink and brown, blue and green

washes on cream laid paper
WATERMARK
A n eagle (Tschuden 1958: 259)

Inscribed in pen and black ink at the bottom
right w i t h the monogram HH and a date that
has been scratched out; collection mark of King
Friedrich W i l h e l m 1 (Lugt 1 9 2 1 : 1631)
32.6 X 21.4 cm
Inv. no. Kdz 3091
PROVENANCE
Friedrich W i l h e l m 1, king of Prussia ( 1 6 8 8 1740)

B I B L I O G R A P H Y : Bock 1921: no. 3 0 9 1 ; Ganz
1 9 1 1 - 3 7 : 48, under no. 200; Basel i 9 6 0 :
no. 313; L o n d o n 1988: 228, under no. 195;
Mller 1988: 15; Rowlands 1993,
4 5 i under
no. 316.
I :
312
B A S E L
Holbein's wild man, his own

Northern analogue to the classical Hercules, is a supreme example of the artist's
ability to integrate an Italianate feeling
for the human form in motion with a
sense of raw, physical power. Here, monumental size plays an important role, but
it is accompanied by a profound and
integrated grasp of anatomy. As the wildman strides forward ready to wield the
heavy tree, he projects a bounding
physicality that finds its culmination in
Northern art in the work of Rubens.
The illusionism of Holbein's design is heightened by its probable reference to actual civic pageantry. The wild
man was the symbol of the civic society

Zur Hren, named after the mythic
hairy folk, which originally included
hunters and fishermen of Kleinbasel
(Small Basel, the part of the city located
on the flatter right bank of the Rhine)
and later included members of the aristocracy. A man costumed as a wild man
appeared in this capacity in a yearly
parade through Basel, in which he performed a twirling dance, pushing back
the crowds with an uprooted tree. The
connected glass painting for the meeting
house of the society Zur Hren is lost,
although it may have been the one in
possession of the Basel dealer Johann
Heinrich Speyr the Elder in 1841, described as "Vitrau [sic] peint. Armoirie
de la societe de la Hren au petit Bale, un
homme sauvage" (Glass painting. Coat
of arms of the society Zur Hren in Small
Basel, a wild man).
As with many of Holbein's stainedglass designs, notably those for a Passion
series (cat. no. 146), the present example
was copied for decades to come. The
copy in Berlin (cat. no. 152) is so accomplished that it was regarded as an original in the 19 21 catalogue of the drawings
in the Kupferstichkabinett, although it
bears a watermark, discovered later, that
dates at least to 1580 if not to the beginning of the seventeenth century. A comparison with the London drawing shows
that in the Berlin example, the architecture lacks the surging quality of the original, the mountains are less organic (with
a sharper division between washes), and
the contours are slightly less lively.
Nonetheless, these observations are
immensely aided by knowledge of the
London original and give one pause when
recognizing the astonishing ability of
some of Holbein's copyists to approximate his original designs.
2
1. For the symbolism of the wild man and further literature,

see New York 1980.
2. As noted by Major 1946 and outlined with complete references by Rowlands 1993, 1: no. 3 1 6 .
3. Catalog und Verzeichnis der Kunst-Gegenstnde und
Eigentum des Antiquar J.H. v. Speyr Aelter, ms. catalogue, Basel, Universittsbibliothek, inv. no. H . I V . 8 1 C ,
p. 17, no. 235; as cited by Rowlands 1993,
45> under
no. 3 1 6 .
4. For the watermark of an eagle, see Tschudin, no. 259, as
cited in Mller 1988: 15, 17, note 3.
I :
L i s t of References
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Paul Aeschbacher. Stadt und Landvogt ei Nidau von den Anfngen bis ins 1 6.
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Ahlborn 1969
Joachim A h l b o r n . Die Familie Landauer: Von Maler zum
Montanherrn.
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AKL 1992
Allgemeines Knstler-Lexikon:
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Aurenhammer i 9 6 0
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Bchtiger 1971-72
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LIST
OF REFERENCES
325
Index
Page numbers for illustrations are in italics.

Altdorfer, Albrecht, 152, 2 5 0 - 5 2 , 278, 282,
301
Christ Carrying the Cross (drawing), 250,
251, 252
A m m a n , Jost
Glass Painter, The (woodcut), 6
Glazier, The (woodcut), 6
Ansbach, Church of Saint Gumpertus
Saint Anne, the Virgin, and Child from the
Margrave's Window, 33
Augsburg, 12, 3 3 - 3 7 , 1 8 9 - 2 3 2
Church of Saints Ulrich and Afra, 33, 35, 36
Madonna and Child, The (stained glass),
34, 190, 192
Augsburg glass painter
Roundel with a Tournament Scene, 203, 204
Tournament Scene (stained glass), 204
Augsburg painter
Fall (painting), 219, 220
Augsburg painter, designed by
Emperor Maximilian with Saint George from
the Habsburg Windows, 27
Augsburg workshop
Passion of Christ, The (stained glass), 36, 37
Baldini, Baccio, attributed to

Children of Luna, The (engraving), 208, 209
Baldung Grien, Hans, 2, 8, 1 2 8 - 3 0 , 2 7 1 , 289
and Drer, 9, 10, 22, 84, 125, 128, 129
and Hirsvogel, 80
and Kulmbach, 86
and Leu, 13, 128, 132, 278
and Manuel, 262
WORKS
Abbess Veronica von Andlau, (drawing),

1 1 , 12
Beheading of Saint Barbara, The (drawing),
129,130
Design for a Stained-Glass Panel with the
Coat of Arms of Nikolaus Ziegler, 238,
239, 248
Uttenheim Arms, 24 j
Design for a Stained-Glass Window for Nikolaus Ziegler, 1 1 , 240, 304
Du sollst nicht unkeusch sein (woodcut), 237
Groom Bridling a Horse (engraving), 235
Mater Dolorosa (painting), 243
Saint Vincent Ferrer Preaching the Sermon of
the Last Judgment (drawing), 1 1 , 29,
129, 132, 235
Stained-Glass Design for a Saddler, 234, 235
Stained-Glass Design with the Arms of Jrg
von Wittelshausen,
244, 2 4 5 - 4 6
Stained-Glass Design with the Prechter Arms,
8, 1 1 , 236, 237, 262
Wrestlers (drawing), 239, 240
Baldung Grien, Hans, after
Arms of Jakob von Salm, 245
Saint Anne, the Virgin, and Child (drawing), 25
Baldung Grien, Hans, designed by
(stained glass), 7, 11
Christ as the Man of Sorrows (stained glass),
7, 12, 240, 2 4 1 , 242, 243
Crucifixion of Christ, The, from the Blumenegg W i n d o w , 26
326
INDEX
Holy Kinship, The, from the Saint Anne W i n dow, 23, 24

Mater Dolorosa (stained glass), 7, 12, 161,
240, 2 4 1 , 242
Saint Hugo of Grenoble (stained glass), 25
Saint John the Baptist (stained glass), 242
Virgin at the Loom, The (stained glass), 132,
133
Baldung Grien, Hans, possibly designed by
Quatrefoil with the Madonna and Child, 124,
Basel, 2 8 3 - 3 1 2
Brgerliches Waisenhaus
Betrayal of Christ, The (stained glass), 14
Town H a l l
canton panel series, 47, 48, 2 7 1 , 290, 291
Basel glass painter
Stained-Glass Panel for Brother
Andreas
Wengi, 297, 298, 301
Stained-Glass Panel Representing the Canton
of Basel, 300, 301
Basel master
Stained-Glass Design with Saints Barbara and
Mary Magdalene, 297, 298
Wild Man Brandishing an Uprooted Tree
Trunk (drawing; Berlin), 3 1 1 , 312
Beck, Leonhard, 12, 13, 23, 190, 193, 214
Beck, Leonhard, attributed to
Judgment of Solomon, The (drawing), 150
Beck (?), Leonhard, designed by
Beham, Sebald, 1 7 4 - 8 3
Buffoon with Two Bathing Women (engraving), 1 5 1 , 1 5 2
Christ before the People (drawing), 182, 183
Circumcision, The (drawing; Los Angeles),
180, 181, 183
Circumcision, The (drawing; N e w York),
181
Design for Stained Glass with Angel Holding
a Coat of Arms, 177, 178
Design for Stained Glass with Saint Sebald, 10,
1 7 4 , 1 7 5 , 176
Saint Lawrence (drawing), 175, 176
Beham, Sebald, designed by
Angel with the Coats of Arms of the Melber
and Pfinzing Families (stained glass), 177
Angel with the Coats of Arms of the Pessler
and Topler Families (stained glass), 177,
178, 179, 183
Stained-Glass Panel: The Deposition, 181,
183
Stained-Glass Panel: Ecce Homo, 181, 182,
183
Two Angels (stained glass), 177
Bern, 2 5 3 - 7 4
Canton Panel of Bern, 48, 50
Stained-Glass Panel with a Flagbearer from
Bern, 254, 255, 256, 262, 304
Bernese glass painter
(stained glass), frontispiece, 270, 271
King Josiah Has the Idols Destroyed (stained
glass), 273, 274
Bern, 254, 23-j, 256, 262, 304
Stained-Glass Panel with Saint Beatus, 279,
280
Braun, Hans
Stained-Glass Roundel with the Month of
July, 216, 218
Breu the Elder, Jrg, 2, 4, 7, 1 2 - 1 3 , 23, 27, 37,

60, 2 0 2 - 3 2
Bridal Scene (drawing), 204, 220, 221
Design for a Stained-Glass Roundel with the
Month of July, 216, 218
Duke Discovers the Child in the Forest, The
(drawing), 2 2 1 , 222
Emperor Maximilian Hunting Bear (counterproof), 212, 214, 215
Emperor Maximilian Hunting Bear (drawing),
213,215
Emperor Maximilian Hunting Stag (counterproof), 212, 214, 215
Emperor Maximilian Hunting Stag (drawing),
213,215
Emperor Maximilians
Burgundian
War
(drawing), 2 1 1 , 214, 215, 218
Emperor Maximilians
Hennegau War (drawing), 210, 213, 214, 218
Emperor Orders the Child Killed, The (drawing), 2 2 0 , 2 2 2
Ulysses and Telemachus Slaying the Suitors
(drawing), 12, 202
Breu the Elder, Jrg, after
Children of Luna, The (drawing), 206, 207
Children of Mercury, The (drawing), 207,
209
Children of Saturn, The (drawing), 207, 208
Children of Sol, The (drawing), 207, 208
Coquinaria (drawing), 223, 224
Design for a Glass Panel with the Month of
October, 217, 219
Emperor and the Page, The (drawing), 2 2 1 ,
222
Lying-in Chamber and Christening,
The
(drawing), 2 2 1 , 222
Month of July, The (drawing), 218, 219
Breu the Elder, Jrg, designed by
Children of Luna, The (stained glass), 206,
207
Children of Saturn, The (stained glass), 207,
208
Children of the Planets, The (stained glass),
2 0 6 - 7 , 2.08-9
Coquinaria (stained glass; Dresden), 224
Coquinaria (stained glass; London), 223, 224
Cycle of Glass Roundels with the Wars and
Hunts of Emperor
Maximilian
l, The,
210-13,
214-15
Cycle of the Months Made for Georg Hoechstetter, The (stained glass), 13, 209, 215,
216-17, 2 1 8 - 2 0 , 222
Emperor Maximilian's Hennegau War (stained
glass), 2 0 1 , 210, 214
Joseph Greets His Father by Goshen in Egypt
(stained glass; Darmstadt), 231
Joseph Greets His Father by Goshen in Egypt
(stained glass; destroyed), 231
Roundel with a Tournament Scene, 203,
204
Seven Mechanical Arts, The (stained glass),
223, 224
July, 216, 218
October, 217, 218, 219, 232
Swiss War, The (stained glass), 214
Tournament Scene (stained glass), 204
Twelve Roundels Depicting the Story of Joseph, 202, 219, 224, 22J--31, 232
Vestaria (stained glass), 224
Breu the Elder, Jrg, by or after

Emperor Maximilian's Burgundian War
(drawing), 2 1 1 , 213, 214, 215, 218
Breu the Elder, Jrg, or follower
Tournament Scene (drawing), 203, 204
Burgkmair the Elder, Hans, 9, 23, 27, 37, 2 0 0 202, 246, 248, 292
Charity (woodcut), 2 0 1 , 202
Emperor Maximilian on Horseback,
The
(woodcut), 200, 2 0 1 , 301
Saint George and the Dragon (woodcut), 200,
301
Burgkmair the Elder, Hans, designed by
Allegory of Charity (stained glass), 13, 200,
201
Codex
"Monumenta
Familiae
Halleriana,"
folios from, 144
Constance, minster, 75
Man of Sorrows, The (stained glass), 77
Mater Dolorosa (stained glass), 76, 77
Drer, Albrecht, 4, 7, 17, 8 4 - 1 2 7 , 235

and Baldung, 1 1 , 84, 116, 125, 128, 129
and Hirsvogel workshop, 7 9 - 8 0 , 84, 100,
107, 115
and Kulmbach, 84, 122, 123, 134
and Leu, 130, 278
and Schufelein, 193
and Wolgemut, 8 1 , 84, 99
WORKS
Adoration of the Trinity, The (drawing), 121

Coat of Arms with a Skull (engraving), 259,
264
Design for a Stained-Glass Trefoil with Death
on Horseback, 10, 29, 63, 109, 1 1 0 - 1 1
Design of a Stained-Glass Trefoil with Sixtus
Tucher at His Open Grave, 1 o, 29, 63,
no, I I I
Design for a Stained-Glass Window with Saint
George, 9, 14, 29, 40, 89, 90, 94, 115,
121
Fall of the Rebel Angels, The (drawing; London), 119, 120, 121
Four Avenging Angels, The (woodcut), 1 0 7 ,
108
Instructional Manuscript for Wrestling and
Fencing, folio from, 239, 240
King Totila Visits Saint Benedict (drawing),
104, 105
Madonna and Child, Fragment of a Cartoon
for the Pfinzing Windoiv, The, 126, 127
Martyrdom of Saint Lawrence, The (drawing), 5
Saint Anne, the Virgin, and Child (drawing), 33
Saint Augustine Dispensing the Rule of His
Order (drawing), 29, 9 1 , 92, 107, 122
Saint Benedict and the Devil (drawing), 98,
100
Saint Benedict Gives a Peasant the Blade of
His Scythe (drawing), 7, 92, 93, 94, 96
Saint Benedict
in Solitude
(drawing), 86, 96,
97, 98
Saint Benedict Teaching (drawing), 7, 94, 95,
96, 129
Terence Writing His Comedies (drawing),
85, 86
Whore of Babylon, The (woodcut), 90, 104
Drer, Albrecht, after
Saint Leonard (drawing), 115, 116
Drer, Albrecht, attributed to
Carthusian Madonna (woodcut), 1 22, 123,
127
Design for a Quatrefoil with the Madonna
and Child, 122, 123, 125, 136, 137,
176
Fall of the Rebel Angels, The (drawing; Boston), 29, 30, 1:16, 117
Saint Peter, Cartoon for the Window of the
Bishops of Bamberg, 6, 106, 1 0 7 - 8
Seated Couple Playing Trictrac and Standing
Woman Playing Checkers (drawing), 72,
8s, 86, 87, 90
Drer, Albrecht, by or after
Self-Mortification
of Saint Benedict, The
(drawing), 100, 101, 103
Drer, Albrecht, designed by
Annunciation,
The (stained glass), front cover,
10, 112, 1 1 4 - 1 6 , 119
Death on Horseback Taking Aim at Provost
Dr. Sixtus Tucher Standing at His Open
Grave (stained glass), 109, 110
Donors and Saints from the Bamberg W i n dow, 28
Donors and Saints from the Pfinzing W i n dow, 32
Fall of the Rebel Angels, The, and The Sacrifice of Isaac, (stained glass), 118, 119,
121
Holy Trinity, The (stained glass), 118, 119
Joachim Parting from Saint Anne (stained
glass), 30, 84
Madonna and Child, The, from the Pfinzing
Window, 127
Martyrdom of Saint Lawrence, The (stained
glass), 5, 6
Quatrefoil with Couples Playing Games,
87, 88
Margrave's Window, Ansbach, 33
Saint Benedict and the Devil (stained glass),
98, 99, 100, 103
Saint Peter from the Bamberg Window, 108
Saints Andrew and Pope Sixtus II (stained
glass), 10, 113, 1 1 4 - 1 6 , 119
Self-Mortification
of Saint Benedict, The
(stained glass), 102, 1 0 3 - 4
Sixtus Tuch er Standing at His Open Grave
(stained glass), i n
Drer, Albrecht, possibly designed by
Quatrefoil Roundel with Tournament
Scenes,
204
Quatrefoil with Saint Jerome, 137
Drer workshop
Knight Jousting and a Horseman, A (drawing), 2 0 4 , 2 0 5
Eichsttt, cathedral, mortuary

Crucifixion
of Christ, The (stained glass),
34, 35
Last Judgment, The (stained glass), 35, 36,
37, 40, 190
Madonna of Mercy Window, 35, 37
Endigen, Town Hall
Heraldic Panel of Alexius von Pfirt, 3 1
Freiburg im Breisgau, 9, 11-12, 53, 128, 130,

242
Carthusian monastery (Charterhouse), 7, 24,
128
Christ as the Man of Sorrows (stained
glass), 12, 240, 2 4 1 , 242, 243
Mater Dolorosa (stained glass), 12, 240,
241, 2 4 2 - 4 3
Saint John the Baptist (stained glass),
242
minster, 1:1, 2 2 - 2 3 , 158
Blumenegg Window, 26
Habsburg Windows, 23, 27
Saint Anne Window, 23, 24, 25
Funk, Hans, 13, 2 5 4 - 5 6 , 274, 278
Canton Panel of Bern, 4 8, 50
Funk (?), Hans

Bern, 254, 255, 256, 262, 304
Stained-Glass Panel with Saint Beatus, 3, 279,
280
German or Swiss glass painter

Crucifixion, The (stained glass; Innsbruck),
307, 3 0 8 - 9
Crucifixion, The (stained glass; San Diego),
306, 3 0 8 - 9
Judgment of Pilate, The (stained glass; Innsbruck), 307, 3 0 8 - 9
Judgment of Pilate, The (stained glass; San
Diego), 306, 3 0 8 - 9
Giltlinger, Gumpolt, 35, 37, 190
glass), 2 0 1 , 210, 214
Giltlinger, Gumpolt, executed by the workshop of
Crucifixion of Christ, The (stained glass), 34
Last Judgment, The (stained glass), 36, 37, 190
Madonna and Child, The (stained glass), 34,
192
Gitschmann, Hans. See Hans Gitschmann von
Ropstein
Glaser, A n t o n i , 13, 48, 262, 2 9 0 - 9 1
Canton Panel of the City of Saint Gall, 47, 48,
49, 5
Canton Panel with the Arms of Lucerne, 290,
291
Frieze with Wild Folk (drawing), 2 9 0 - 9 1
Glaser (?), Antoni
Andreas
Wengi, 297, 298, 301
of Basel, 300, 301
Gsler (?), Joseph
glass), 273, 274
Graf, Urs, 9, 13, 268, 2 8 4 - 8 9 , 290
Design for an Alliance Panel with the Steh elm
and Bischoff Arms, 12, 14
Design for a Stained-Glass Panel with Two
Angels, 284, 285, 2 8 6 - 8 7
Fragment of a Stained-Glass Panel with a
Maiden, 284, 285, 286
Marshaled Coat of Arms of Urs Graf and
Sibylla von Brunn (drawing), 286, 288,
289
Saint Beatus Driving Away a Dragon with His
Stick (woodcut), 280
Graf, Urs, designed by
Betrayal of Christ, The (stained glass), 14
Stained-Glass Panel with the Arms of the Basel Bishop Christoph von Utenheim, 287
Graf, Urs, circle of
Design for a Stained-Glass Panel with Two
Angels, 286, 287
Grossgrndlach. See NurembergGrossgrndlach
Hemmel von Andlau, Peter, 4, 1 1 , 58, 7 5 - 7 7 ,

79, 82, 84
and the Strasbourg workshop-cooperative,
1 7 - 2 0 , 22, 7 5 - 7 7
Hemmel von Andlau (?), Peter
Christ Feeding the Multitudes (stained
glass), 20
Hirsvogel, Augustin, 10, 60, 79, 80, 185
Hirsvogel, Augustin, perhaps
and Pfinzing Families (stained glass),
177
I N D E X
327

and Topler Families (stained glass),
1 7 7 - 7 8 , 1 7 9 , 183
Female Nude (stained glass), 186, 1 8 7 - 8 8
Stained-Glass Panel: The Deposition,
181,
183
Stained-Glass Panel: Ecce Homo, 181, 182,
183
Hirsvogel the Elder, Hans, 10, 79
Hirsvogel the Elder, Veit, 4, 10, 27, 29, 6 1 , 7 9 8 1 , 84
Hirsvogel the Elder, Veit, attributed to
Death on Horseback Taking Aim at Provost
Dr. Sixtus Tucher Standing at His Open
Grave (stained glass), 10, 109, 110
Sixtus Tucher Standing at His Open Grave
Hirsvogel the Elder, Veit, workshop of, 7 9 - 8 0 ,
175
Abbot Moeringer (stained glass), 138, 140
and Pfinzing Families (stained glass),
177
and Topler Families (stained glass),
1 7 7 - 7 8 , 1 7 9 , 183
Annunciation,
The (stained glass), front cover,
112, 1 1 4 - 1 6 , 119
Donors and Saints from the Bamberg W i n dow, 28
Donors and Saints from the Margrave's W i n dow, Nuremberg, 31
Donors and Saints from the Pfinzing W i n dow, 32
Emperor's W i n d o w , 10, 3 1 , 32, 80, 84, 134,
156-59,
213
Fall of the Rebel Angels, The; and Sacrifice of
Isaac, The (stained glass), 118, 119, 121
Holy Trinity, The (stained glass), 118, 119,
121
glass), 30, 84
Madonna and Child, The, from the Pfinzing
W i n d o w , 127
Martyrdom of Saint Lawrence, The (stained
glass), 5, 6
Scenes,
204
Quatrefoil with Hunting Scenes, 167, 168
Quatrefoil with Saint Augustine, 123, 136,
137
Quatrefoil with the Jungfrauenadler,
167, 168
Saint Ambrose with the Attribute of the Evangelist Luke, the Ox (drawing), 147, 148
Margrave's W i n d o w , Ansbach, 33
Saint Augustine in Conversation with Saint
Monica (stained glass), 170, 171
Saint George from the Emperor's W i n d o w ,
159
Saint Peter from the Bamberg W i n d o w , 108
Saints Andrew and Pope Sixtus I I (stained
glass), 10, 113, 1 1 4 - 1 6 , 119
Stained-Glass Panel: Deposition,
183
Stained-Glass Panel: Ecce Homo, 182
Virgin at the Loom, The (stained glass), 132,
133
Virgin in Glory, The (stained glass), 164, 165
Welser-Thumer Window, 173
Hirsvogel the Younger, Hans, 10, 29, 79, 80
Hirsvogel the Younger, Veit, 10, 79, 148
Angel with the Marshaled Coat of Arms of
the Esler Family (stained glass), 162,
164-65
328
INDEX
Angel with the Marshaled Coat of Arms of the

Pfinzing and Grundherr Families (stained
glass), 163, 1 6 4 - 6 5
Saint Augustine (stained glass), 153
Saint Gregory (drawing), 7, 154, 155, 171,
173
Saint Gregory (stained glass), 153
Two Angels Holding Shields (stained glass),
162, 1 6 4 - 6 5
Hirsvogel the Younger, Veit, probably
Saint Ambrose with the Attribute of the Evangelist Luke, the Ox (stained glass), 143,
145,155
Saint Gregory with the Attribute of the Evangelist Matthew, the Angel (stained glass),
142, 145, 148
Saint Jerome with the Attribute of the Evangelist Mark, the Lion (stained glass), 142,
145
Welser-Thumer W i n d o w , 173
Holbein the Elder, Hans, 9, 37, 59, 1 9 0 - 9 2 ,
193,292
Adoration of the Child, The (drawing), 35
Adoration of the Magi, The (drawing), 192
Holbein the Elder, Hans, designed by
Crucifixion of Christ, The (stained glass), 34
Last Judgment, The (stained glass), 36, 37,
40, 190
Madonna and Child, The (stained glass), 34,
192
Holbein the Elder, Hans, perhaps designed by
Quatrefoil with Hunting Scene, 191, 192,
201
Holbein the Younger, Hans, 5, 9, 14, 54, 190,
278, 290, 2 9 2 - 3 1 2
Altarpiece with Eight Scenes of the Passion of
Christ, 309
Crucifixion, The (drawing; Basel), 304, 305,
308
Design for a Stained-Glass Panel for Hans
Fleckenstein, 293, 294
Design for a Stained-Glass Panel with a
Swineherd, 295, 296
Design for a Stained-Glass Panel
Arms of the Lachner Family,
minus of Erasmus, 15
Passion Series, The (stained glass), 292, 296,

34> 305-9,
3 2.
Andreas
Wengi, 297, 298, 301
of Basel, 300, 301
Holbein the Younger, Hans, workshop of
Stained-Glass Design with the Virgin and
Child, 299
J
Kluber (?), Hans H u g , 292

Stained-Glass Design with Saints Barbara
Knoder, Hans

glass), 2 0 1 , 210, 214
Kulmbach, Hans von, 86, 125, 1 3 4 - 7 3
Angel Holding the Marshaled Coat of Arms
of the Esler Family (drawing), 163,
164-65
a Stag Hunt, 166,
and Fishing Scenes,
with
Two
Unicorns, 15, 304

Design for a Stained-Glass Roundel with a
Mining Scene, 302
Halberdier Supporting the Arms of Graf
Christoph von Eber stein, A (drawing),
303,304
Judgment of Pilate, The (drawing; Basel),
308
Title Page Border with Dionysios and Cleopatra, 50
Trunk, A (drawing; London), back cover,
304, 310, 312
Holbein the Younger, after
Trunk (drawing; Berlin), 3 1 1 , 312
Holbein the Younger, Hans, circle of
Stained-Glass Design with Saints Barbara and
Holbein the Younger, Hans, designed by
Crucifixion, The (stained glass; Innsbruck),
307, 3 0 8 - 9
Crucifixion, The (stained glass; San Diego),
306, 3 0 8 - 9
Judgment of Pilate, The (stained glass; Innsbruck), 307, 3 0 8 - 9
Judgment of Pilate, The (stained glass; San
Diego), 306, 3 0 8 - 9
with
168
with
166,
with
a Bear Hunt
Five
168
Saint
and
Hunting
Augustine,
123, 135, 136, 141

Design for the Emperor's Window (composite
illustration), 158
Design for the Margrave Friedrich of Brandenburg's Window, 6, 32, 160, 161
Design for the Stained-Glass Window for
Jakob Weiser and Ehrentraud
Thumer,
33, 172, 173
Emperor's Wreath of Honor ("Laurea"),
The
(drawing), 134, 159, 164, 168
Fool in a Women's Bathhouse (drawing), 151,
152
Half-Length Portrait of an Abbot of the Monastery of Saint Aegidius (drawing), 140,
141
Half-Length Portrait of Johannes
(drawing), 139, 1 4 0 - 4 1
Half-Length
with the
52, 54
with the Ter-
and
Rotenecker
Portrait of Johann Sessler (draw-
ing), 139, 1 4 0 - 4 1
Judgment of Solomon, The (drawing), 150
Martyrdom of Saint Stanislaw, The (drawing),
148, 149, 150, 151
Saint Ambrose with the Attribute of the Evangelist Luke, the Ox (drawing), 145, 146,
148
Monica (drawing), 168, 169, 171
Saint Augustine
with an Infant (drawing), 80,
53-> 154
Saint Augustine with the Attribute of the

Evangelist John, the Eagle (drawing),
147, 148
Saint Catherine Disputing with the Philosophers (painting), 122, 123, 134, 149
Saint Jerome with the Attribute of the Evangelist Mark, the Lion (drawing), 145, 146,
148
Upper Left Quarter of a Design for the Window of Emperor Maximilian 1, 156,
157-59
Kulmbach, Hans von, after
Saint Ambrose with the Attribute of the
Evangelist Luke, the Ox (drawing), 147,
148
Saint Gregory (drawing), 7, 154, 155, 1 7 1 ,
173
Kulmbach, Hans von, designed by
Abbot Moeringer (stained glass), 138, 140
164-65
Angel with the Marshaled Coat of Arms of the

Pfinzing and Grundherr families (stained
glass), 163, 1 6 4 - 6 5
Doriors and Saints from the Margrave's W i n dow, Nuremberg, 31
Emperor's W i n d o w , 10, 3 1 , 32, 80, 84, 134,
156-59,
3
Martyrdom of Saint Lawrence,
2 I
The (stained
glass), 5, 6
Quatrefoil with Hunting Scenes, 167, 168
Quatrefoil with Saint Augustine, 123, 136,
137
Quatrefoil with the Jungfrauenadler,
167, 168
Saint Ambrose with the Attribute of the Evangelist Luke, the Ox (stained glass), 143,
145,155
Saint Augustine (stained glass), 15-3
Samt Augustine with the Attribute of the
Evangelist John, the Eagle (stained glass),
143,
I 4 5 > 148,
T55

Saint George from the Emperor's Window,
J59
Saint Gregory (stained glass), 13-3

Saint Gregory with the Attribute
gelist Matthew,
of the
Evan-
the Angel (stained glass),
142, 145, 148

Saint Jerome with the Attribute
of the
Evange-
list Mark, the Lion (stained glass), 142,

145

162, 164- 65
Virgin in Glory, The (stained glass), 164,
165
Welser-Thumer W i n d o w , 173
Landsberg am Lech, 59, 190

parish church, 36
Death of the Virgin, The, 38, 39
Saint Christopher W i n d o w , 39, 40
Lausanne, Town Hall
Allegory of a Warrior Who Becomes a Beggar

(drawing), 264, 265, 266
(drawing), frontispiece, 257, 268, 269,
2 7 1 , 274
Maiden Holding the Arms of Hattstatt
and Wild Men Fighting Above, 258, 259,
262, 290
Madonna and Child Enthroned,
267,
268
King Josiah Has the Idols Destroyed (drawing), 13, 257, 2 7 1 , 272, 282
Stained-Glass Design with Two
Confederate
Soldiers Supporting a Shield with the
Coat of Arms of the Artist, 259, 260,
2 6 1 - 6 2 , 266, 304
Woman Holding a Shield with a Coat of
Arms with a Ram (drawing), 259, 263,
264
Manuel Deutsch, Niklaus, designed by
glass), 273, 274
Stained-Glass Panel with the Arms of the City
of Burgdorf, 261, 262, 287
Master of the Amsterdam Cabinet, The. See also
Saint George (Mounted) (drypoint), 69
Master of the Banderoles, The
Fencing Room, The (engraving), 151, 152
Master of the Coburg Roundels, The, 19, 78
See also The Master of the Drapery Studies
Studies of Christ s Loincloth, 78, 79
Master of the Drapery Studies, The, 1:9, 76
Study Sheet with Kneeling Figures and Loincloth, 20
Master of the Housebook, The, 6 8 - 7 4 , 4 ^ ,
208
and Drer, 9, 73, 84, 90
and quatrefoil format, 70, 86, 1:25, 168,
235
I
canton panel series, 48, 50

Lautenbach Master, 75
Man of Sorrows, The (stained glass), 77
Mater Dolorosa, The (stained glass), 76, 77
Lemberger, Georg
War in Hennegau and in Picardy, The (watercolor), 2 1 4 , 2 1 j
Leu the Younger, Hans, 9, 10, 128, 1 3 0 - 3 3
Design for a Stained-Glass Panel with the Pilgrim Saints James the Major and Jodocus,
276, 2 7 8 - 7 9
Story of Lot and His Daughters,
281, 282
Virgin at the Loom Ministered to by
The (drawing), 29, 1 3 1 , 132
Leu the Younger, Hans, designed by
WORKS
13, 280,
Angels,
Stained-Glass Panel with Saint Beatus, 3, 279,

280
Stained-Glass Panel with the Pilgrim Saints
James the Major and jodocus,
277,
278-79
Lucerne
Canton Panel of Lucerne, 47
Canton Panel with the Arms of Lucerne,
291
290,
Manuel Deutsch, Niklaus, 8, 1:3, 237, 2 5 7 - 7 4 ,

289
and Baldung, 262
and Drer, 9, 257, 259
and Funk, 254, 262, 2 7 1 , 274, 278
and Glaser, 262, 290
and Graf, 257, 262, 268
WORKS
Bathhouse, The (drawing), 70, 152

Noble Hunt, The (drawing), 192
Princess Cleodelinda (drawing), 69, 70
Sol and His Children (drawing), 70
Master of the Housebook, The, by or after
Design for a Quatrefoil, 72
Master of the Housebook, The, designed by
Quatrefoil with Genre Scenes, 71, 72
Quatrefoil with Knights Jousting, 74
Quatrefoil with Scenes of a Joust, 73, 74,
204
Quatrefoil with the Coat of Arms of the Imperial City of Nuremberg and Love
Scenes, 72
Quatrefoil with the Waldstromer Coat of
Arms, a Young Man and a Young Woman
Eating a Feast, 72
Quatrefoil with the Waldstromer Coat of
Arms and Young Men and Woman Playing Checkers, 88
Master of the Housebook, The, perhaps after
a design by
Quatrefoil with Hunting Scene, 191, 201
Master of the Speculum Window, The, 39
Death of the Virgin, The (stained glass), 38
Elias and the Widow of Zarepta from the
Speculum Window, 38
Mongrammist " L A "
Month of July, The (drawing), 218
M u n i c h , Church of Our Lady, 37, 3 9 - 4 0
Scharfzandt W i n d o w , 20, 2 1 , 3 9
Speculum Window, 38, 39
Neuotting, Church of Saint Anne, 40

Lazarus Raised from the Dead (stained
glass), 39
Nuremberg, 9, 2 7 - 3 3 , 8 3 - 1 8 8
chapel of the Sixtus Tucher House, ro, 114,
115,116
Church of Our Lady, 134, 157
Design for the Stained-Glass Window for
Jakob Weiser and Ehrentraud
Thumer,
172, 173
Welser-Thumer Window, 173
Church of Saint Lawrence, 26, 27, 28, 29, 40,
8 1 , n o , 128, 157, 175
Schmidtmayer W i n d o w , 6, 5, 30, 84, 121,
134
Volckamer Window, 18, 19, 20, 75, 79
Church of Saint Sebald, 4, 164
Bamberg W i n d o w , 10, 28, 7 9 - 8 0 , 84, 100,
107, 108, i n , 115, 1 29
Design for Stained Glass with Saint Sebald,
17s, 176
Emperor's W i n d o w , 10, 3 1 , 32, 80, 84, 134,
156-59, 213
Margrave's Window, 6, 10, 3 1, 32, 80, 1 34,
158, 1:60, 161
Pfinzing Window, 1:0, 32, 80, 126-27,
134,
294
cloister of the Carmelite monastery, 29, 80,
125, 128, 132, 193, 242, 271
glass) 30, 84
Virgin at the Loom, The (stained glass) 132,
J 33
Haus " Z u m Goldenen Schild," 144, 145, 1:48
Parish House of Saint Sebald, 63, 8 1 , 141,
164, 174
Angel with the Coats of Arms of the Melbcr
and Pfinzing Families (stained glass), 177
and Topler Families (stained glass), . 1 7 9
164-65
Angel with the Marshaled Coat of Arms
of the Pfinzing and Grundherr Families
(stained glass), 163, 1 6 4 - 6 5
Monica (stained glass), 170, 1 7 1
162, 1 6 4 - 6 5
Virgin in Glory, The (stained glass), 164,
165
Twelve-Brothers House, 84, 116, 11.9, 121,

134
Nuremberg artist
Scenes,
74, 204
Virgin and Child Enthroned, The (drawing),
125
Nuremberg-Grossgrndlach, 59, 144
Church of Saint Lawrence, 132
(stained glass), 7, 1:1
glass), 30, 84
Virgin at the Loom, The (stained glass),
t3 >
2
33
Oberurbach, parish church

Pencz, Georg, 10, 1 8 4 - 8 8 , 208

Allegory of justice (drawing), 184, 187
I N D E X
329
Study for a Stained-Glass Panel with the Coat

of Arms of the Barons von Paar (recto);
Study for a Scepter with the Initials MV
(verso), 184, 185, 188
Pencz, Georg, after
Allegory of Time (drawing) 184, 187, 188
Pencz, Georg, designed by
Allegory of Time (stained glass), 184, 187,
188
Pencz, Georg, perhaps designed by
Female Nude (stained glass), 184, 185, 186,
187
Pfullendorf, Town H a l l
heraldic panels, 4 9 - 5 0 , 5 1 , 54
Polack, Jan, 37, 39
Polack (?), Jan, designed by
Death of the Virgin, The (stained glass), 38
Rheinfelden, Town H a l l , 53, 54, 292

Heraldic Panel of Emperor Charles V, 52
Ropstein, Hans Gitschmann von, 23, 53, 60,
128,242
Ropstein, Hans Gitschmann von, workshop of,
54
Christ as the Man of Sorrows (stained glass),
7, 12, 240, 241, 242, 243
Crucifixion of Christ, The, from the Blumenegg W i n d o w , 26
Emperor Maximilian with Saint George from
the Habsburg Windows, 27
Heraldic Panel of Alexius von Pfirt, 51, 53
Heraldic Panel of Emperor Charles V, 52
Mater Dolorosa (stained glass), 7, 12, 1 6 1 ,
240, 2 4 1 , 242
Saint John the Baptist (stained glass), 242
Ropstein, Hans Gitschmann von, Jakob
Wechtlin, and Dietrich Fladenbacher,
workshop of
Saints from the "Kith, Kin, and In-Laws" of
Emperor Maximilian 1 from the Habsburg Windows, 23
Saint Gall
Canton Panel of the City of Saint Gall, 47, 48,
49 50
Schufelein, Hans, 9, 12, 1 9 3 - 2 0 0
and Baldung, 128, 235
and Drer, 10, 125, 193
Design for a Quatrefoil with Scenes from

the Life of Saint Andrew, 195, 199,
200
Design for the Left Lobe of a Quatrefoil
with
Scenes from the Life of Saint
Andrew,
199, 200
Schufelein, Hans, designed by
Quatrefoil with Deeds of Hercules, 195, 197,
198
Quatrefoil with Scenes from the Life of Saint
John the Baptist, 198, 199, 200
Quatrefoil with Scenes from the Old Testament Symbolizing the Order of the
Golden Fleece, 195, 196, 197, 198,
200
Quatrefoil with Scenes of the
Glorification
of Emperor Maximilian,
194, 195, 197,
199
Schilling, Diebold, 256
Meeting of the Eight Old Swiss Cantons in the
City Hall at Stans, The (drawing), 45, 46
Schongauer, M a r t i n , 9, 2 1 , 76, 78, 8 1 , 84, 86,
128, 200, 286, 292
Saint George and the Dragon (engraving), 69,
70, 90
Stimmer, Christoph
Heraldic Panel for the City of Mengen,
49,
51-52
Heraldic Panel of Christoph Stimmer, 50, 53
Strasbourg, 1 1 , 1 7 - 2 1 , 75, 76, 128, 2 3 3 - 4 8
Strasbourg glass painter
glass), 20
Arms of Jakob von Salm, 245
Strasbourg workshop-cooperative, 17, 28, 6 1 ,
7 5 - 7 7 , 78, 79
Birth of Christ; The Presentation in the
Temple, The, from the Scharfzandt
Window, 21
Donor Portraits; The Tree of Jesse; and Saints
from the Volckamer Window, 19
Donor Portraits; The Tree of Jesse; and The
Lives of Saint Anne and the Virgin from
the Earl's Window, 18
King from the Tree of Jesse from the Kramer
Window, 2 1 , 22
Man of Sorrows, The (stained glass), 76, 77
Mater Dolorosa, The (stained glass), 76, 77
Sss von Kulmbach, Hans. See Hans von
Kulmbach
WORKS
Design for a Quatrefoil with

from the Life of Knights
nets,
194,195-96
Design for a Quatrefoil with
Life of John the Baptist,
330
INDEX
Four
and
Scenes
Lansque-
Scenes from the

198, 199, 200
Tbingen, Collegiate Church, 75, 77

Donor Portraits; The Tree of Jesse; and The
Lives of Saint Anne and the Virgin from
the Earl's Window, 18
Ulm
Great Council H a l l
glass), 20
minster, 20, 59
Kramer Window, 18, 19, 20, 22, 75
U n k n o w n (Bernese?) master
Design for a Stained-Glass Panel with a Flagbearer, 254, 2 5 j , 256
Upper Rhenish (Basel?) master
Maiden Holding a Shield, 10
Wechtlin, Jakob, 242, 287

Wechtlin, Jakob, executed by
Holy Kinship, The, from the Saint Anne W i n dow, 23, 24
Weiditz, Hans, 9 , 1 3 , 2 4 6 - 4 8
Samson Sets the Fields of the Philistines on
Fire (drawing), 247, 248
Stained-Glass Design with the Arms of Bernhard IV von Eberstein, 239, 240, 248,
304
Wertinger, Hans, workshop of
Lazarus Raised from the Dead (stained
glass), 39
Wettingen, Cistercian monastery, 2, 3 - 4 , 49, 5 1 ,
278,292
Andreas
Wengi, 297, 298, 301
of Basel, 300, 301
Stained-Glass Panel with the Pilgrim Saints
James the Major and Jodocus, 277,
278-79
Wilder, Georg Christoph
Inner Room of the Chapel in the House
Goldenen Schild," 143, 145
Winhart (?), Hans, workshop of, 38
Saint Christopher Window, 39, 40
W i r z von Erlenbach, Conrad
Heraldic Panel of the Salem Cistercian
tery, 49, 51
Wolgemut, Michael, 4, 80, 8 1 - 8 2 , 134
"Zum
Monas-
and Drer, 9, 79, 8 1 , 84, 94

Wolgemut (?), Michael, designed by
Crucifixion, The (stained glass), 82, 99
Zeiner, Lucas, 13, 17, 254, 301

Canton Panel of Lucerne, 46, 47, 261
Z u r i c h glass painter
Design for a Stained-Glass Panel with the Pilgrim Saints James the Major and Jodocus,
276, 2 7 8 - 7 9

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PAINTING ON LIGHT

Drer and Holbein

Barbara Butts and Lee Hendrix

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2ooo The J. Paul Getty Trust

This publication is issued in conjunction with the exhibition

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Lenders to the Exhibition

Monumental Stained Glass in

On the Artistic Technique of Glass

Hans Holbein the Elder

Hans Baidung Grien

The Master of the Housebook

Hans Leu the Younger

lbrecht Drer and Hans Holbein the Younger:

their expertise in the connoisseurship of drawings to

ur thanks are extended to all those who have

Hannover, Niederschsisches Landesmuseum

has expertly handled the conservation aspects of the

Francesca Consagra, Jon Cournoyer, Dan Esarey,

Barbara Butts and Lee Hendrix

s an artistic medium, stained glass is most read

designed woodcuts, drawing on blocks that were then

W i t h the notable exception of Matthias Grne

Figure i . Wettingen cloister, north side, facing east.

glass lost because of wars, iconoclasm, exposure to

The prestige of stained glass in southern Ger

such as the Weisskunig (white king, a play on weiser

Within this burgeoning of stained glass in

window covering in the fifteenth century, cabinet pan

Figure 2. After Hans Leu the Younger; Hans Funk(?).

Wengi (1521-1528) as part of the restoration of the

glass, small-scale panels were executed in grisaille

Beginning in the 1490s, the painterly style of

Figure 3. Albrecht Drer. The Martyrdom of Saint Law

Around 1515, a new impetus for stained glass

Figure 4. After designs by Albrecht Drer and possibly

reflected light, stained-glass panels have a presence

Artists trained as painters (Maler) and others

Figure 5. Jost Amman. The Glazier. Woodcut from

Figure 6. Jost Amman. The Glass Painter. Woodcut from

Photo: Courtesy of B r o w n University Library.

Photo: Courtesy of B r o w n University Library.

ings; but by the last quarter of the fifteenth century

case of small-scale panels, this stage in the design pro

Given the paucity of documents and extant car

N o cartoons by Drer's most gifted follower, Hans

As in the case of drawings for monumental

Figure 7. After Hans Baldung Grien; workshop of Veit

into washes, equivalent to matts the glass painter

Figure 8. Central Europe around 1547.

or even update them (cat. no. 7). The large numbers of

the glass painter beside the coats of arms and often

which the glass painter(s) received 140 upon comple

Among the cities that contributed to the flower

Figure 9. Upper Rhenish (Basel?) Master. Design for a

only surviving cartoon for the Bishop of Bamberg's

In the Pfinzing Window of 1515 in Saint Sebald in