Stateless Societies
Stateless Societies
Stateless Societies
Structure
16.0 Objectives
16.1 Introduction
16.2 Politics and Political Organisations
16.3 Political Institutions and Stateless Societies
16.3.1 Sources of Data about Stateless Societies
16.3.2 Types of Stateless Societies
16.3.3 Kinship System as a Form of Political Control
16.0 OBJECTIVES
By the time you have studied this unit you should be able to:
describe the stateless societies;
explain some key features of stateless societies;
explain the distinction between the stateless society and a society with state;
and
discuss the functions of stateless society.
16.1 INTRODUCTION
This is the first unit in the block “Political Processes”. In this unit you are going to
learn about politics and political organisation. You will learn about the stateless societies
which generally lack a centralised system of authority. Here the significance of kinship
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organisation is dealt with in relation to political control. We have discussed here the
Political Processes political principles which are present in stateless societies. We have also described
the stateless tribes in India. Finally, we have discussed the emergence of government
in stateless societies.
One of the important political institutions in society is state. It has been described as
a human community which successfully claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of
force within a given territory. State is different from government in the sense that
government is the agency which carries out the orders of the state. Thus, we can
say that political organisation consists of the combination and interrelationship of
power and authority in the maintenance of public affairs.
In modern complex societies the police and the army are the instruments by which
public order is maintained. Those who offend are punished by law. Law is one of
the means by which the state carries out its function of social control.
iv) Finally, the fourth type of societies are those in which political functions are
performed through groups organised in terms of unilineal descent. The unilineal
descent is traced along the line of either father or mother. In such societies
there are no specific political offices. There are no political chiefs, but the
elders of the society may exercise a limited authority. In this type of society
the groups within the society may be in a state of balanced opposition. Some
of the example of such type of societies are, the Nuer, the Dinka of Southern
Sudan. This aspect will be explained later.
Kinship system plays a very crucial role in the socio-political and economic
organisation of simple societies. Its functions are extensive and overlapping with
functions of the political and economic institutions. It takes up the task of maintaining
order and balance in society. The principle of fission or conflict and fusion or cohesion
works within the simple societies along the kinship and territorial lines. For example,
the Nuer tribe is divided into segments. The primary sections or segment of the tribe
is the largest and it occupies the largest territory, the secondary section is smaller
than the primary and it occupies the next largest territory and finally the tertiary
section, which is the smallest and occupies the smallest territory. This division of
Nuer society is not just political or territorial but it is also a kinship distribution. In
such a society conflict leads to alliances and opposition along the kinship and
especially lineage lines.
Activity 1
Compare the Nuer society (as described here) with the socio-political order of
your own society. Write a note on this comparison. Compare your note with
other students at your study centre.
In all stateless societies where the society is segmented or divided into sections
alliances take place along the lines of territory, residence, kinship, descent, heritage
and marriage. Conflict leads to cohesion in such societies. For example, in case of
conflict, all the members of a group, descended agnatically from a particular man,
many see themselves as a unit against all the agnatic descendants of that man’s
enemy. The enemy might be a member of one’s own lineage or another lineage.
The segmentation of society maintains itself through the presence of actual or potential
opposition to one another. This opposition is characteristically expressed in the
institution of “blood feud” in these societies. If a person has killed a member of
another section of the society, that other section will not be satisfied until the murderer
or any member of his section is killed. However, these inter-lineage antagonisms
are countered by other cross cutting ties like those of affinity and matrilateral kinship.
Thus there are always people in opposing groups whose interest is to seek peaceful
solution of disputes between lineage’s.
Therefore, we can say that in stateless societies the kinship ties are performing political
roles. The principles of exogamy - where a person marries only outside one’s
community, and endogamy - where a person marries within a particular community
- play an important part. It is these principles which decide the nature of one’s
potential supporters or allies in case of conflict.
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Stateless Societies
16.4 POLITICAL PRINCIPLES OF STATELESS
SOCIETY
Stateless societies are very many, and their traditions have wide variation. Yet it is
possible to distinguish some basic principles to which their organisation adheres.
These principles seem to underlie and appear in all stateless societies:
Society becomes united when different groups or segments unite. They initially
owe loyalty to different groups but come together for some particular cause
such as defence of territory or ‘blood feud’, etc.
Mystical symbols also ‘integrate’ and unify stateless societies. This is because
the entire society regards these to be sacred and that which should be protected.
Now it is important to note that no marriage may link up two mukowa. This
principle of exogamy is a primary mechanism for establishing the various alliances
and linkages. A very interesting feature is that Tonga clans are related by what are
called joking relations’ between cross-cousins. A ‘joking relationship’ is where
merriment is made into a ritual and is created perforce. The persons cannot talk
normally but must joke and laugh. This institution is very important. Among the
Tonga this joking has important political consequences.
This is because “clan joking” creates a large number of friendships, among all the
people concerned. Further it provides the privileged go-betweens and judges of
morals in a society an opportunity to intervene in the lives of people without looking
authoritative. This is because during joking, ‘counselling’ and ‘warnings’ are allowed
to be given as part of the jokes exchanged. Society functions without the mediations
of political power and authority.
b) Compare your answers with those given at the end of this unit.
1) Explain what is meant by a stateless society? Use about five lines for your
answer.
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2) Stateless societies are also called simple societies. Stateless Societies
Yes No
Yes No
i) .....................................................................................................
ii) .....................................................................................................
iii) .....................................................................................................
i) A meeting of humorists.
Every clan has a common ancestor to which it can trace itself. Over time every clan
“breaks” or “splits” up into several lineages.
(2) (3)
In this diagram the members represent lineages of different orders. They all claim
descent from (1) The male line goes down from (1) to (2) and (3) and two lineages
are formed. After this the lines segment further into (4)−(5) and (6)−(7) respectively.
In the next generation we find the lineage segmenting into (8), (9), (10), (11), (12),
(13), (14), (15) respectively. This structure is very important for conflict regulation.
Now it often happens that there is enemity between members of (8) and (9) as per
the diagram. In such a case all the members of (8) and all the members of (9) are
potential enemies. All the other branches of the lineage such as (4), (5), (10), (11),
(2), etc., are not involved. This is also true of (12), and (13). It is therefore a
general principle in case of any conflict within a tribe which, apply to all segements.
Now consider carefully a different situation. If a member of (8) or (9) is engaged in
conflict with a member of (10) or (11) then all (8) and (9) “fuse” (unite) or regard
themselves as one group. Thus members of (8) and (9) will be pitted against the
‘fused’ group of (10) and (11).
At a yet higher level of consideration let us see what would happen if a member or
members of (4) or (5) were engaged in hostilities with the members of (6) or (7). In
such a case the whole lineage directly tracing descent from them will be united under
them and be ready to fight for them. That is, lineage members of (8), (9), (10) and
(11) will become enemies of lineage members of (12), (13), (14), and (15).
If there is a conflict at a still higher level between members of (2) and (3), all segments
subsumed under them will become opposed to each other. Finally if clan (1) become
opposed to another clan, all members of the clan (1) would fuse into one group for
feuding with the opposing clan members.
When the hostility is over, then “fission” (division) or return to original position in the
diagram takes place. This process is important not only in India but elsewhere as
well most notably in Africa among the Nuer tribe, discussed in detail by Evans-
Pritchard in his book, The Nuer (1940).
Activity 2
Try to find out from other members of your family or kinship network about a
recent dispute. Write a note about this dispute in about two pages describing the
various factors involved, the reason for the dispute and who all (i.e. their social
status); were the people who managed to resolve the dispute.
8 Compare your answer with those of other students at your study centre.
16.5.3 Conflict Regulation Stateless Societies
The territorial separateness prevents casual conflict occurring with other lineage which
are bigger or of a different generation.
The tribal village is an active political unit. We find that the way of regulating the
village goes downward in authority:
village officer, and
village administration.
The political mechanism functions through its officers who are known by different
designations in various tribes. In minor tribes (Birhor, Juang) all these activities are in
the hands of one man. Among major tribes (Santal, Bhil) authority is rested on two
headmen. One is for secular and the other is for sacred purposes. Very often they
have assistants.
Most tribes have a proper ‘judicial’ machinery to deal with breaches of peace and
social offences. There is usually a village council or an assembly of elders. For
example, among the Malers, the council of elders of the village is presided by Majhi.
The goriat acts as the public prosecutor. The Panchayat is called at the instance of
the majhi by the goriat.
Informal control over behaviour is done in the evening meetings. Here criticism is
very pungent and effective. Public disapproval is also very effective in controlling or
rectifying behaviour. This includes making clear what a member would suffer if he
goes beyond the unwritten tribal laws. In short the evening meetings are called to
keep those going out of line on line. In this way their problem does not become so
severe as to call forth punishment.
16.5.4 Crime and Punishment
However there is no society which does not have criminal cases. These cause a
severe disequilibrium in society. This has to be rectified by punishment.
The evidence that is called for, while deciding a criminal case, is:
Oath, taken on a sacred deity, and
Ordeal, undergone by tribal standards.
Among the Malers the oath taken is of loss of life. The suspect touches the knife at
a sacred centre (holy spot etc.), and swears he will tell the truth or die. Here it is
both society’s pervasive influence as well as the person’s own faith that produces a
result. The result is almost always true and just.
In the case of ordeal the suspect is innocent if he remains unhurt by grasping a red
hot axe or putting his hand in burning oil. Malers have the saveli ordeal, in which a
red hot axe is to be grasped by the accused. In the pochai ordeal ritualistic rice beer
is used. Only the innocent can grasp the axe or drink the ritualistic beer and get
away unscathed. The guilty suffer burns or die of poisoning.
Oath and ordeal are both threatening alternatives as, they serve as a means of voluntary
submission of the accused to law. The fine for the guilty depends upon the seriousness
of the crime. The most serious punishment is excommunication. The tribals with
beating of drums desecrate the house of the accused. They defile it with rubbish and
may burn it down.
This symbolises their dislike and hatred for the crime and the criminal. Bitlaha
(excommunication) occurs in cases where the crime is so severe that the very person
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Political Processes who has committed it would be intolerable. One of these crimes is that of marrying
among the taboo or forbidden category of persons. Again a person who disrespects
the tribal deity and attacks it, breaks it, spits on it, is liable to be excommunicated.
Check Your Progress 2
Note: a) Use the space below for your answer.
b) Compare your answers with those at the end of this unit.
1) Describe briefly the process of “fission’ and ‘fusion’ in stateless societies.
Use about five lines for your answer.
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2) Give the names of three ‘stateless’ tribes of India.
i) ................................................................................................ ......
ii) .................................................................................................... ..
iii) ......................................................................................................
3) Describe briefly the method of ‘informal control’
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4) In the saveli ordeal the person is made to fast till death.
Yes No
5) Bitlaha is the name of the Santal God.
Yes No
TOP AGRICULTURE
EARLY AGRICULTURE
HARD HUNTERS
EASY HUNTERS
As a stateless society changes there is a marked movement from tribal concerns and
religious offences by corrective punishment towards claim and counter-claims of
restitutive punishment. Oath and ordeal are used less and less. The matrilineal
principle of descent predominates among the hunters and gatherers. While amongst
pastoralists the patrilineal principle of descent predominates.
The function of religion in the simpler societies is two fold: It serves ecological
functions, by giving men an interpretation of their relationship with nature. It indicates
to them how they should relate with it. Religion also serves social and political
functions. It binds men together, and gives meaning and legitimacy to authority. In
the higher pastoral and agricultural societies higher forms of authority systems appear.
These are the doctrines, rituals and worship.
Though morality is not directly linked with religion, the latter requires regulation of
wide areas of behaviour, including various do's and don’ts. In simple societies,
religion does not hold the individuals responsible for all their actions.
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Yes No
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Stateless Societies
16.7 LET US SUM UP
We have seen that stateless societies are those which lack centralised power. There
is hardly any administrative machinery in them. There are no judicial institutions.
Sharp cleavages of wealth, rank and status are missing. These societies include the
Nuer and Tallensi, in Africa. They also cover Bhils, Oraons and Santals in India.
In such societies without government, what gives them law and order? We have
considered this in the preceding sections. However it is the segmentary lineage
system which controls political relations between different territorial segments. Kinship
in these societies is very significant in political organisation. This is due to the link
between territorial grouping and lineage grouping.
In such societies political office carries no economic privileges. Wealth can confer
status and help in acquiring political leadership.
This is because wealth itself accrues from superior status in stateless societies. It
was previously held that stateless societies came under the control of those with a
state. They were conquered in war and acquired a state. This theory has been
questioned and is generally not accepted now. Further there is no association, class,
or segment which dominates. It does not control the political system any more than
another group. Force when used is met with opposing force. Again the important
fact is coexistence: if one segment defeats another it does not try to establish political
control over it. Since there is no administrative support, it cannot do so. There is no
person or group with absolute authority. Thus stability is maintained by equilibrium
at every point of separation.
More than this, unity and cohesion come in these societies through common symbols.
These include myths, dogmas, persons, sacred places and so on. These are regarded
as final values in themselves.
Thus we can say that stateless societies have an internal cohesion system that is
strong and effective. They are ‘stateless’ but they do not miss out any component
that creates efficiency. These societies are, in fact, fully formed political units, and
must be treated as such.
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Indira Gandhi National Open University
School of Social Sciences
ESO - 11
The Study of Society
Political Processes 5