Cocq, C. - Revoicing Sami Narratives

Revoicing Smi narratives
Doctoral Dissertation in Smi Studies, Ume University, 2008.

Cocq, Copplie Revoicing Smi narratives. North Smi storytelling at the turn of the 20 th century.
Department of Language Studies, Ume University
Ume, 2008. 270 pp. Monograph.
Abstract
Revoicing Smi narratives investigates the relationship between storytellers, contexts and
collective tradition, based on an analysis of North Smi narratives published in the early
1900s. This dissertation revoices narratives by highlighting the coexistence of different
voices or socio-ideological languages in repertoires and by considering Smi narratives as
utterances by storytellers rather than autonomous products of tradition. Thus, this study
serves as an act of revoicing, of recovering voices that had been silenced by the scientific
discourse which enveloped their passage into print.
Narrators considered tradition bearers were interviewed or wrote down folk narratives
that were interpreted as representative of a static, dying culture. The approach chosen in this
thesis highlights the dynamic and conscious choices of narrative strategies made by these
storytellers and the implications of the discourses expressed in narration. By taking into
account the intense context of social change going on in Spmi at the time the narratives
emerged, as well as the context that includes narrators, ethnographers and tradition, the
analysis demonstrates that storytelling is an elaboration that takes place in negotiation with
tradition, genres and individual preferences.
The repertoires of four storytellers are studied according to a methodological framework
consisting in critical discourse analysis from a folkloristic perspective. The analysis
underscores the polyphony of the narratives by Johan Turi, who related with skillfulness of
tradition by taking position as a conscious social actor. This study also investigates the
repertoires of storytellers Ellen Utsi, Per Br and Isak Eira who were interviewed by the
Norwegian lappologist Just K. Qvigstad. Their contributions to his extensive collection of
Smi narratives express their relation to tradition and to the heteroglossia that surrounded
them. Based on a receptionalist approach, this dissertation investigates the implications of
these narratives for the North Smi community at the turn of the twentieth century.
Storytelling appears to have had a set of functions for community members, from the
normative as regards socialization, information and warning against dangers to the defensive
with the elaboration of a discourse about solidarity, identity and empowerment.
Key words: storytelling, folklore, folk narratives, oral tradition, Smi culture, muitalus, critical
discourse analysis, polyphony
Copplie Cocq 2008
ISSN 1651-5153
ISBN 978-91-7264-516-5
Smi dutkan Samiska studier Smi Studies 5
Copplie Cocq

North Smi storytelling at the turn
of the 20th century
Smi Studies Ume University

Ume 2008
Department of Language Studies
Ume University
SE-901 87 UME
Institutionen fr sprkstudier
Ume universitet
901 87 Ume
www.umu.se/humfak/sprak/
Cover illustration: Detail from a Smi drum (Manker, Samefolkets konst. 1971, Askild & Krnekull)
Tryck: Print&Media 2008 :2004285
Copplie Cocq 2008

Contents
Acknowledgments 11
Part I
Chapter One: Introduction 13
Statement of purpose 13
Theory and method 14
Definitions of concepts 15
Emergence of the narratives 17
The narratives 18
Narrative strategies 18
Theory of genre 18
Intertextuality and Polyphony 20
Relation of the narrators to the collective storytelling tradition 22
Implications 23
Social practice 24
Discourse and empowerment 25
Smi folklore material 25
Folklore collections and research 25
Neglected material 26
Overview 27
Chapter Two: Texts and Contexts 29

Socio-Cultural and Political Context 29
Muitalus Smiid birra, Johan Turi and Emilie Demant Hatt 37
Story about the Smi 39
Reactions to Turis seminal work 43
Contextualizing Qvigstads Lappiske eventyr og sagn 46
An uncommon scholar 47
Qvigstad and Norwegianization 50
Research traditions 53
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Positionality and authority 58

Methodology 59
Field research 61
The informants 62
Meeting the informants 66
Lappiske eventyr og sagn: from interview to publication 68
Implications of the field work on the material: the researchers
dilemma 72
Concluding remarks 74
Part II
Chapter Three: Polyphonic Narratives 75
Indigenous authority 75
Social agent 97
Chapter Four: Silenced storytellers 111

Meeting Just K. Qvigstad 112
Traditional knowledge 117
Extended repertoires 136
From performance to publication 144
Chapter Five:Subjective Narration and Collective Tradition 150

Tradition and Variation in Narration 150
Variation and Authenticity 154
Individual repertoires and collective store of narratives 156
Interplay and Reciprocity 162
Receptionalist approach 164
Part III
Chapter Six: Normative Folklore. Narratives as a guide to social
relationships 167
The meaning of folklore 168

Changelings and close encounters 171
Courting and marriage 176
Respect 189
To take and to give 193
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Implications 200
Concluding Remarks 202
Chapter Seven: Defensive Folklore. The enemy as factor of

cohesion in Smi narratives 204
Folklore and Identity 204

The Enemy 206
Violence and Fear 215
Group cohesion 219
Implications 222
Concluding Remarks 225
Chapter Eight: Discussion and Concluding Remarks 229

Revoicing storytelling 229
Folklore and tradition 230
Multiple implications of storytelling 231
Social norms 231
Group identity 231
Empowerment 232
Social practice 233
The continuity of storytelling 234
Contemporary Narratives 236
Manifold functions of storytelling 236
Methodological considerations 237
A story to tell, a world to change 238
Sammanfattning 240
oahkkigeassu 245
Rsum 250
Bibliography 255
9
Acknowledgments
Writing a thesis is an individual process, but one should not forget that it is
also the result of discussions, stimulation, and inspiration triggered by contacts
with others. This work would not have been possible without the assistance of a
number of people.
First of all, I want to express my gratitude to my supervisors Professor
Mikael Svonni, Ume University and Professor Thomas A. DuBois, University
of Wisconsin, Madison. I am grateful to have benefited from their inspiring
expertise, insightful advice and motivating encouragements and I am thankful for
their enthusiasm in the course of working on my dissertation. Mikaels assistance
toward the understanding and interpretation of the material in North Smi has
been irreplaceable. The translations and discussions of linguistic aspects of the
texts in their original language are to a great extent the fruit of our discussions.
Tom, whose enthusiasm for teaching was the seed of this project, has guided and
inspired me in my studies in folkloristics. I have greatly appreciated his help in
putting into words my (short-lived) moments of dissatisfaction and my intuitions
and encouraging me to take my analysis a step further.
I also owe Professor Ulf Palmenfelt, Gotland University and Professor
Jim Leary, University of Wisconsin, Madison many thanks for knowledgeable
critiques and comments on an earlier draft of the manuscript.
Moreover, I wish to express my thanks to all my colleagues at Smi Studies,
Ume University. Foremost of these people are Mikael Vinka (for understanding
my frustrations and sharing of his experience), Krister Stoor (for believing in
my ability to realize this project), Hanna Outakoski and Elli Scheller (for always
being willing to help), Kristina Hellman (for her support as an administrator and
so much more) and Andrea Amft (who encouraged me to pursue PhD studies).
I also wish to thank sa Nordin and my fellow PhD students Sofie Weijosdotter
Pettersson and Ann Christin Skoglund for the interest in my project they have
shown.
Risto Koskinen, whose unfailing support during this work is only one of
the many ways in which he enlightens my daily life, deserves a special mention.
Without his encouragement, thought-provoking discussions and comments on
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my manuscript - from the very first drafts to the final version - the process of
writing this thesis would never have been so exciting and worthwhile.
Special thanks go to the J C Kempe Memorial Fund for Scholarships, to
the Gran Gustafsson Foundation and to the Swedish Research Council and
Ume University for their financial support. I am also grateful for the help I
received when visiting archives and wish therefore to thank the Department of
Smi ethnography at the Troms Museum, the Nordiska Museet, Stockholm, the
Norwegian Folklore Archives and the Norwegian Museum of Cultural History
in Oslo.
Finally, grateful personal acknowledgments are also due to my former
colleagues in Archeology, to my new colleagues at the Department of Language
Studies and to the graduate students at the Department of Scandinavian Studies,
UW-Madison for their kindness and for making me feel welcome.
The heteroglossia of the material has been manageable thanks to the
help of a number of people willing to assist me with their language skills
when necessary. I am grateful to Nomie Rigaux for her help with the French
summary; to Anna-Lydia Svalastog, Oslo for her comments on the translation
of the Norwegian quotes; to Ann Christin who assisted me with the Lule Smi
translations; to Tom and Risto for their help with Finnish references and to Elli
for her help with Russian terms. Last but not least, thanks to Hilary Virtanen,
Madison who accepted the task of proofreading my manuscript.
This present study is nothing more than another story, an arena of polyphony
where different tongues and influences from different traditions, schools and
theoretical frameworks meet. I have striven to harmonize them into a coherent
and relevant story that I hope the reader will enjoy.
Ume, February 2008
Copplie Cocq
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Part I
Chapter One: Introduction
Statement of purpose
Folk narratives recorded from North Smi storytellers at the turn of the
twentieth century form the focus of this study. The purpose of this dissertation
is to investigate from a variety of different perspectives the relationship between
storytellers, contexts and collective tradition. The contexts in which repertoires
emerge are central for an understanding of narrative meaning. As social actors,
community members and artists, storytellers elaborate their repertoires in relation
to their contexts, to the tradition they are part of, and to their own subjective
experiences and preferences.
In turn, storytellers and their narratives have an effect on the collective
tradition and on the community. My aim is to explore to what extent and in
what ways North Smi storytellers at the beginning of the twentieth century
can be seen as standing in relation to their communities collective storytelling
tradition.
Previous research has been devoted to recurrent themes and characters
peculiar to the Smi storytelling tradition, and less attention has been allocated to
the role of the storyteller in the elaboration of the narratives. I seek to analyze
narratives that are part of the Smi storytelling tradition with a focus on the
narrative strategies of the narrators.
The analysis is based on narratives written by the Smi author Johan Turi
and material compiled by the ethnographer Just Qvigstad at the beginning of the
twentieth century from the informants Ellen Utsi, Isak Eira and Per Br. These
three storytellers were among the main informants of Qvigstad, contributing a
total of 80 stories to the second volume of Lappiske eventyr og sagn (Smi tales and
legends), devoted to the regions of Troms and Finnmark.
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The point of departure for my study is the premise that narratives serve not just
to entertain but also to play a central role in the construction, preservation and
modification of discourse. In keeping with Hymess statement that Stories are
good to hear, but also good to think (Hymes, 1992:113), narratives become
expressions of discourses specific for the community in which they were
performed. Through the analysis of storytelling, we can gain insight into the
social norms and values expressed by their narrators. Toward that purpose, I
have applied a critical discourse analysis from a folkloristic perspective that gives
particular attention to the narrators and the context of the narratives, to the
narratives themselves, and to the relations between these and other recorded
texts, focusing on the strategies used by the narrators and their implications.
I intend to highlight the value of Smi narratives as active elaborations by
storytellers rather than autonomous products of tradition. Such a perspective on
storytelling enables us to approach the temporal context as experienced by those
narrators, and to discern the role of the narratives within this specific context.
This perspective also gives a voice to the storytellers: Ellen Utsi, Isak Eira, Per
Br and Johan Turi regain their authority as narrators when we take into account
the specific characteristics of their repertoires. Consequently, the texts are not
regarded as anonymous Smi stories, but as creative narratives elaborated by
specific storytellers.
Most collections of Smi folklore have dispossessed the narratives of their
authors. Thus, valuable aspects have been lost. In this study, attention is restored
to the storytellers creativity and subjectivity in narration. Based on the premise
that telling stories is a way of taking a position, I consider narratives central
in understanding the elaboration of representations and social relations. They
guide us to the order of discourse of the community in which they take place.
By analyzing the discourse they express, we can gain insight into the attitude and
position of the narrators toward their social contexts.
Narratives are approached in relation to the collective tradition and to the
social context. This implies that the texts we access today have to be viewed in
their original context in order to perceive the role they might have played for the
narrators and their community.
Theory and method

I have applied a methodological framework that enables us to study the discourse
expressed in narratives as individual expressions of collective storytelling. It
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consists of critical discourse analysis from a folkloristic perspective. Fairclough

(1992) proposes a three-dimensional conception of discourse analysis which
offers a wide range of tools to approach various kinds of texts. He identifies
three areas of analysis: texts, discursive practice and social practice. A folkloristic
approach completes this model by throwing light upon the interplay between text
and context from the perspective of the storyteller in relation to prior narratives
and to tradition.
Faircloughs threefold model is a suitable point of departure for a folkloristic
study of narratives, since both such discourse analytical and folkloristic approaches
attach great significance to the context of the emergence of a text, to the text
itself, and to the relations of it to other texts and to the broader social context.
This model also offers the advantage of accentuating the interaction between
discursive and non-discursive aspects and revealing how the discourse influences
and is influenced by social aspects. As Fairclough summarizes it, discourse
makes people, as well as people make discourse (Fairclough, 1995:39).
Discourse does not only reproduce structures, it also questions them. From
this perspective, discourse analysis offers an angle of approach to social change
even in narratives meant by the ethnographer to prove homogeneity and stasis.
This dissertation focuses on (1) the context of emergence of the narratives,
(2) the texts approached folkloristically with focus on the tellers active strategies
of narration (3) the implications of the discourse expressed in narratives.
These three components constitute three different means of exploring the (1)
contextual, (2) subjective, and (3) social aspects of the narratives.
This analytical framework represents refinement and adaptation of critical
discourse analysis to folklore studies. As Fairclough states, the concepts of genre
and discourse cut across disciplines and theories, and can operate as bridges
between them (Fairclough, 2003:26). This combination of approaches implies a
repositioning of key concepts, which I define below.
Definitions of concepts
Before looking closer at the theoretical and methodological framework applied in
this study, a presentation of key concepts is necessary. Terms such as text, context
and discourse have been used and interpreted in different manners in research and
literature. Throughout this study, the concept of text refers to verbal products,
written and spoken (see e.g. Fine, 1984). The narratives which compose the corpus
originate from the oral tradition but are studied in their written form. Context is
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to be understood as the surrounding situations and the set of conditions which

permitted the emergence of the narratives (see e.g. Bauman, 1983; Ben-Amos,
1971; Widdowson, 2004). Context includes the social, cultural, political and
economic circumstances that surround the narrators. The storytellers too are part
of the context, to the extent that they make use of and express in words those
circumstances and conditions of possibility. Other narrators and their texts also
compose the context in terms of intertextuality. A text gains meaning in relation
to a context. The audience understands a story in relation to the storyteller, to the
circumstances of its telling, and to the broader storytelling tradition. An item of
folklore is always part of a set of practices. The narratives discussed in this study
allude to the historical context in an explicit manner, as when Turi relates events
that occurred in Guovdageaidnu (Kautokeino) in 1852, or when Utsi tells about
relationships between different cultural groups. Also, the context is expressed on
an implicit level through both narrative strategies and variations of the degree
of responsibility assumed by the storytellers in their narrations. A text as an
isolated item might be valuable to certain strains of linguistics, but it is of no
use to the folklorist. The context of emergence of a story and its relation to
other narratives are the keys with which a text can be opened for understanding.
With Widdowson, I believe that how we interpret a text is a matter of realizing
that relationship [between text and context] (Widdowson, 2004:36). Texts are
interpreted in relation to the context, as a reflection, a product and a production
of discourse.
This latter concept is to be understood in this study in the Foucaultian
sense of the term, that is to say as practices that systematically form the
objects of which they speak (Foucault, 1972:49). A given discourse represents
a relation to reality. Thus, the discourse or discourses expressed in narratives
are the storytellers expression of reality as perceived. Norman Fairclough has
underscored the constructive effects of discourse: the construction of social
self and identity, the construction of social relationships and the construction
of systems of knowledge and belief (Fairclough, 1992:64). Michel Foucaults
research on the elaboration of discourse - e.g. sexuality, as in the work quoted
below - has provided evidence of the significance of context that provides a
control over enunciations.
[W]here and when it was possible to talk about such things became
much more strictly defined; in which circumstances, among
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which speakers, and within which social relationships (Foucault,

1990:18).
From this perspective, the elaboration of a certain discourse is to be considered

in relation to the social and cultural context.
Emergence of the narratives

The contexts in which narratives are produced can be studied as a first step
toward an interpretation of these texts. Thus, the first part of this study focuses
on the contexts of emergence of the texts (Chapter Two). The sociocultural and
political background brings up aspects that affected the North Smi community.
Although these aspects are innumerable from an historical perspective, I focus
attention in the next chapter on the predominant factors that influenced the
storytellers and their tradition, as they emerge in narratives.
Further, the specific contexts of emergence of the texts that composed the
corpus are also presented in the next chapter. Muitalus smiid birra, by Johan Turi,
was the first book written in Smi by a Smi and is the result of collaboration
with the ethnographer Emilie Demant Hatt. The process of emergence of this
particular book is part of its context of production and has to be taken into
account. Another central publication in Smi folklore, Lappiske eventyr og sagn by
Just K. Qvigstad is a collection of narratives arranged by theme and locale. The
four volumes are the result of many years of fieldwork and editing, and must be
contextualized historically and intellectually in order to approach the repertoires
of Qvigstads informants. In both cases, we face a complex chain of distribution,
where a text uttered by a storyteller has later been modified by a transcriber and/
or an editor before finally reaching the reader.
In textual analysis, key contexts must be considered including the
circumstances of the items emergence (the narrator, interviewer, and their direct
surroundings), as well as the historical context. In narratives, different aspects
of this background emerge: the context the users refer to (such as specific
historical events), the narrative context, i.e. storytelling as a practice, and aspects
of a longer period of change that is expressed in the storytelling tradition. The
latter aspects are accessible today, since we are able to place the texts in a temporal
frame built of decades of documented history. A storyteller is conscious of the
immediate context but does not generally have the possibility at the time of the
performance to reflect on the position of the event in a historical perspective
other than in relation to the past.
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Another significant aspect to bear in mind is the fact that the narratives were
not intended for us, readers at the beginning of the twenty-first century.
Recontextualizing the narratives enables us to diminish the gap between the
immediate context of emergence and the historical context offered to us today;
we may reconstruct the sociocultural context and thereby come closer to the
storytellers intention.
The narratives
The second part of the study focuses on the repertoires of four storytellers.
The narratives of Johan Turi and three of Qvigstads informants are studied in
relation to each other and to the collective storytelling tradition.
Narrative strategies
Although the practice of storytelling is part of a collective tradition, each narrative
is nevertheless a unique event performed by a specific artist in a specific context.
The uniqueness of these narrative events must be taken into account in order to
understand their value.
I focus on the strategies elaborated by the storytellers in order to establish
a relation to the audience, to achieve a purpose and to express a discourse. The
strategies of each narrator reveal differences and similarities which underscore
the specificity of the Smi storytelling tradition and the unique qualities of the
storytellers, and consequently their relation to the collective storytelling tradition
they are a part of.
The perspective of the narrator, i.e the particular perspective or angle of
view from which [parts of the world] are represented, (Fairclough, 2003:219) is
an important discursive aspect in my approach. The narrators presence and the
strategies used in order to give the audience indications about the storytellers
own opinions augment this perspective.
Theory of genre
In the case of Smi storytelling tradition, the terminology based on the European
tale telling tradition with the distinction between tales and legends may be
misleading since a distinction between tales and legends is intricate. The
use of native terms may in such cases provide a more appropriate framework
for understanding lore (Hauskonen, 1998:63). The Smi term muitalus, story
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(see Chapter 3), renders in a more accurate way the essence of Smi storytelling.
However, I make use of generic conventions at some point of my study in
order to construct a meaningful discourse for academic communication
(Hasan-Rokem, 1999:42); however, it is not my intention to classify narratives as
exemplars of a particular genre.
Instead, I make use of the concept of genre as proposed by Charles Briggs
and Richard Bauman. In their article Genre, Intertextuality, and Social Power,
the two scholars define genres in intertextual terms as generalized or abstracted
models of discourse production and reception (Briggs and Bauman, 1992:147).
The conception of genre as an analytical classifying device is subordinated to the
approach of the concept from the perspective of the storyteller as a conscious
artist. This perception of genre as a strategy enables us to identify and interpret
the different voices and discourses present in the chosen narratives in a manner
consonant with the narrators own likely understandings of them.
In the same article, the authors note that intertextual relationships between
a particular text and prior discourse [] play a crucial role in shaping form,
function, discourse structure, and meaning (Briggs and Bauman, 1992:147). In
a similar way, Fairclough acknowledges genres as ways of acting (Fairclough,
2003). In the analytical framework of this dissertation, genre is consequently
considered as a construction, an active choice of strategies used by the narrator, a
subjective way to relate to a generic frame. Emphasis is given to the consciousness
of the storyteller in elaborating narratives.
I consider the storyteller a social agent who adjusts a collective storytelling
tradition to subjective preferences and interest. A storytellers narrative strategies
are an active choice when adapting the narratives to the audience, but also to
ones own personality. The relation of a storyteller to the collective tradition
of the community can be understood by studying the maximization and
minimization of intertextual gaps. Briggs and Bauman develop this concept
when they explain how the process of linking particular utterances to generic
models necessarily produces an intertextual gap (Briggs and Bauman, 1992:149).
Adapting narratives to prior genres thus results in a flexibility that the storyteller
may use in order to achieve a certain effect. To minimize this gap implies that the
narrator follows the pattern of a genre, using generic precedents, suppressing
explicit contextualization and referring to the one who told the narrative.
To maximize the gap, on the other hand, the narrator may diverge markedly
from the generic pattern, presenting the narrative as a personally experienced
event, without references to previous narratives and with a strong degree of
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contextualization. The elasticity of this gap represents a zone within which the
author of a text can create textual and/or personal authority, communicate with
an audience and texture narratives.
Genre theory also holds a significant place in the analysis of interdiscursivity,
since the consideration of genre as a strategy implies that it becomes a means
for a storyteller to express a discourse, a representation of reality. The creative
exploitation of the elasticity of the intertextual gap and the emergence of hybrid
genres represents the intersection of different discourses. Their coexistence
and relation, which reveal the position of the narrator, become therefore visible
through the study of genre. In other words, discourses are enacted and inculcated
in genres (Fairclough, 2003).
Intertextuality and Polyphony

The concept of intertextuality has gained wide usage in literature and folklore
studies principally due to the work of Julia Kristeva (1969), based on a Bakhtinian
approach to the concept. Kristeva defines intertextuality as an intersection of
textual surfaces (Kristeva, 1969) where the author, the audience or addressee,
the immediate and prior context meet. The concept of texts as clusters or
processes of meaning that presuppose each other and exist in relation to each
other (Tarkka, 1993:171) has been successfully applied in folklore research (e.g.
Asplund Ingemark, 2004; Tarkka, 1993).
As a means for defining gaps, the study of intertextuality is fruitful. Fairclough
makes a distinction between manifest and constitutive intertextuality,
where manifest intertextuality is the heterogenous constitutions of texts out
of other specific texts whereas constitutive intertextuality, which he also calls
interdiscursivity, is the heterogenous constitutions of texts out of elements
(types of conventions) of orders of discourse (Fairclough, 1992:85).
These aspects are approached by studying the presence of actual elements
of other texts within a text (Fairclough, 2003:39), presence that becomes visible
in quotations, reported speech, writing and thought, summarizing, direct and
indirect speech. The relationship between the texts presented and other narratives
is also to be taken into consideration from the perspective of the relation to the
generic frame, highlighting the particularities of the tradition and of a specific
storyteller. More specifically, the study of the degree of presence of the narrators
in narration will reveal their relation to the context and position toward the
discourses in the community.
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Intertextuality as manifest intertextuality is integrated in my analytical

framework as part of the study of the narratives, whereas interdiscursivity falls
under the approach of the implications of the narratives. As Fairclough notes,
texts bear embedded traces of intertextuality and interdiscursivity:
Change leaves traces in texts in the form of co-occurrence of

contradictory or inconsistent elements mixtures of formal and
informal styles, technical and non-technical vocabularies, markers of
authority and familiarity, more typically written and more typically
spoken syntactic forms, and so forth. In so far as a particular
tendency of discursive change catches on and becomes solidified
into an emergent new convention, what at first are perceived by
interpreters as stylistically contradictory texts come to lose their
patchwork effect and be seamless. (Fairclough, 1992:97)
The concepts of heteroglossia and polyphony developed by Mikhail Bakhtin

(2004) offer a complement to the study of this homogenization of the discourse
observed by Fairclough. The diversity of socio-ideological languages provides
the author or narrator a range of voices bound to the social and ideological
context. The choices of the author are conscious and symptomatic of his/her
relation to the different ideologies these languages represent. The presence
of different voices reflects the social, cultural and ideological context and the
subjective attitude of the storyteller to it. The polyphony of the texts, i.e. the
coexistence of different voices within the same text, reflects the storytellers
outlook toward the socio-ideological context.
In the study of the narratives, we can distinguish what different voices are
included, excluded and prominent in the text, as well as their relation to each
other. The identification of different voices reveals the coexistence of different
ideologies and discourses. The polyphony of the texts is here considered as
another narrative strategy for the storyteller to express his position toward the
socio-ideological context. Bakhtins concept of heteroglossia and his conception
of the consciousness and responsibility of the writer also have implications in
the study of folklore. By making choices, the narrator makes a political statement.
The study of the interrelation between the different voices allows us to identify
authoritative discourses and internally persuasive discourses (Bakhtin,
2004:345). In the same way as [t]he speaking person in the novel is always, to one
degree or another, an ideologue, and his words are always ideologemes (Bakhtin,
2004:324), Smi storytellers are conscious creators of narratives and agents of
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social change, and can thus be considered as ideologues. Their narratives are
expressions of the socio-ideological context.
A suitable adaptation of the concept of polyphony suggests a Bakhtinian
approach to storytelling with a focus on the choice and use of different voices as
an expression of responsible self (Hill, 1995). This concept is valuable in the
study of Smi narratives since it allows us to sense the authority of each storyteller.
The issue of responsibility in narratives is central in this study. A storyteller may
use different means in order to express personal attitudes toward what is being
said. In the context of social change taking place in Spmi (Smiland) at the
beginning of the twentieth century, storytelling was a way to make a statement.
From this perspective, narratives became the storytellers expression and opinion
about the context she/he was part of. Both the content of the narratives and the
strategies used are sources of information about the society of that time and the
changes taking place in the North Smi region.
Relation of the narrators to the collective storytelling tradition

The Swedish folklorist Ulf Palmenfelt has shown how collective storytelling
tradition and subjective repertoires can be related and how they influence each
other. The relation between collective and personal storytelling must be seen
as following a cycle, where elements are borrowed, adapted and reinjected
(Palmenfelt, 1993b). In a similar way, I propose to approach the storytellers
narratives in relation to the communitys range of stories with a focus on the
interaction between personal repertoires and the collective storytelling tradition.
The concept of intergenericity elaborated by Briggs and Bauman is key to the
study of this relation.
Each storyteller expresses subjectively through narratives when creating
and adapting a story. At the same time, the resulting narratives are part of a
tradition that they refer to. A look at these variations and adaptations enables us
to approach the ways in which the narrators take positions toward the context
in which they live. It also highlights the possibilities of change and flexibility
of the tradition. Consequently, considerations of the repertoires of Turi, Utsi,
Br, Eira in relation to the tradition underscore the storytellers contributions to
the collective repertoire as well as the creative narrative aspects of their texts in
relation to the tradition.
22
Implications
The third part of the study consists in a further interpretation of the narratives
as part of the social and ideological context. Following Faircloughs point of
departure that discourses do not just reflect or represent social entities and
relations, they contribute or constitute them (Fairclough, 1992:3), the
study of Smi storytelling at the turn of the twentieth century highlights the
dynamic relationship between narratives and the elaboration or maintenance of
discourses. The implications the narratives might have had on the community are
approached with consideration of the three aspects of the constitutive effects of
discourse distinguished by Fairclough: the construction of social identities (social
identity set up in discourse), the construction of social relationships between
people facilitated by that discourse (discourse participant) and the construction
of systems of knowledge and belief through the narratives (how texts signify the
world) (Fairclough, 1992:64).
This perspective emphasizes the significance of narration in a process of
social change. As Fairclough writes:
[T]exts as elements of social events have causal effects - i.e. they bring
about changes. Most immediately, texts can bring about changes in
our knowledge (we can learn thing from them), our beliefs, our
attitudes, values and so forth. They also have longer-term causal
effect one might for instance argue that prolonged experience
of advertising and other commercial texts contributes to shaping
peoples identities as consumers or their gender identities. Texts
can also start wars, or contribute to changes in education, or to
changes in industrial relations, and so forth (Fairclough, 2003:8).
Stories as a way of communication in a specific social context hold implications

that go beyond the narrative event. The Smi narratives analyzed in this dissertation
were performed at a time of intense social change in the Smi community. The
illustrations, statements narrated and the positions taken by the storytellers will
here be analyzed in relation to the social, historical and ideological context in
order to approach their implications for the community.
Richard Bauman has highlighted the didactic aspects of storytelling,
asserting that stories are the major means by which [] actions and experiences
are memorialized and given expression (Bauman, 1986:76). Stories articulate
an attitude toward a situation and a strategy for dealing with it. From this
23
Copplie Cocq
perspective, attention is centered in Chapters Six and Seven on the implications

of the discourse produced in the narratives with focus on the expression of
norms and the elaboration of a discourse about the Other. The context in which
the narratives emerged has to be kept in mind when studying these two aspects.
The interpretation of narratives presented in this study is centered in the
interpretive tradition of the community, reflecting how the Smi audience would
have understood the texts in their immediate context (DuBois, 2006). Previous
studies have highlighted the ability to address, through folklore, different
audiences (e.g. DuBois, 2000; Gaski, 2000:196). Distinctive messages can be
conveyed to different audiences, for instance through storytelling strategies. In
the same way as Gaski has scrutinized the secretive aspect of yoik, I propose to
approach unspoken implications of narratives.
Social practice
Critical discourse analysis represents an appropriate framework for analyzing
discourses expressed in folklore texts. Social practices are presented by Fairclough
as intermediate organizational entities between social structures and events.
Social practices can be thought of as ways of controlling the selection of certain
structural possibilities and the exclusion of other [] (Fairclough, 2003:23).
Narrative events should not be considered direct expressions of abstract social
structures. From this perspective, narratives become part of a discourse and thus
the intersection of a collective social practice and a subjective expression of it.
Storytelling as a social practice plays the role of intermediate entity by providing
to subjective storytellers a range of possibilities by which they select, exclude,
adapt and hence create narratives.
The study of the social practice scrutinizes how the text stands in relation to
the social matrix (i.e. social and hegemonic relations and structures): conventional
or normative, creative or innovative; effect of reproducing or transforming;
ideological and political effects of discourse (Fairclough, 1992:237-238).
In a time of intense social change, the Smi storytelling tradition presents
expressions of social and hegemonic relations and structures, reproduction
and transformation of discourse and its implications.
24
Discourse and empowerment

The conception of discourse applied in my analytical model considers the narrator
to be a social agent. This empowered storyteller utilizes conscious strategies that
reveal awareness of the context and of a narrators roles.
According to Fairclough, Foucaults approach toward discourse does not
satisfactorily deal with the way in which discourse contributes both to the
reproduction and to the transformation of society (Fairclough, 1992:36).
Faircloughs approach to discourse differs from Foucaults regarding the per-
ception of the subject. While Foucault expresses a view of the subject which
precludes active social agency, Fairclough and critical discourse analysis opt for
a view of social subjects as shaped by discursive practices, yet also capable of
reshaping and restructuring those practices (Fairclough, 1992:45). In the same
vein, the analysis of the narratives which comprise the corpus for this study lays
emphasis on the empowered social actor.
Smi folklore material
Folklore collections and research

Qvigstad was one of the first so-called Lappologists. His Lappiske Eventyr og
Folkesagn (Smi tales and folklegends) (Qvigstad, Sandberg and Moe, 1887)
represents an early collection of Smi folklore. Before him, documentation
of Smi language, traditions and folklore resulted from priests or missionaries
(Fellman, 1844, 1906; Grundstrm, 1946-54; Hgstrm, 1747), including Lars
Levi Laestadius (1800-1861), who had noted down Fragmenter i lappska Mytologien
(Laestadius, 1959) (Fragments of Lappish Mythology (Laestadius, 2002)) in the 1840s
(Pentikinen, 2000). In 1856, Jens A. Friis (1821-1896), produced one of the
earliest collections devoted to Sami folklore, Lappiske Sprogprver: en samling af
Lappiske Eventyr, ordsprog og gaader; med Ordbog (Friis, 1856) (Smi Language
samples. A collection of Sami folktales, proverbs and riddles with a dictionary).
Among other works of the lappologists, we find Lappische Volksdichtung I-IV
(Smi popular poetry) (1957-1966), a collection of Smi narratives and yoik
composed by Eliel Lagercrantz (1894-1973), professor of Smi languages at the
University of Helsinki.
Qvigstads publications represent by far the most extensive collection of
Smi narratives. The uniqueness of the material motivates my choice of studying
25
Copplie Cocq
the Smi storytelling tradition at the beginning of the twentieth century. In this
study, the selection among the repertoires that make up Lappiske eventyr og sagn is
geographically based, delimited to the Guovdageaidnu region in the North Smi
area - which was also the home of Johan Turi. Narratives presented in other
folklore collections are also taken into account when approaching the collective
Smi storytelling tradition in Part Three of this study.
Recent research in Smi folklore is characterized by a variety of perspectives.
In parallel with changes in attitude and ideologies, the appellation lappologist
has disappeared and Smi cultural research today has a different orientation.
Smi folklore material has been studied within different fields, such as history of
religion (Pentikinen, 1968), ethnology (Fjellstrm, 1962, 1986), literary studies
(e.g. Gaski, 1993, 2000; Hirvonen, 2000), ethnomusicology (Jones-Bamman,
1993) and folkloristics (e.g. DuBois, 1995, 1996b, 2000, 2006; Mathisen, 1994;
Mathisen, 2000a, 2000b; Porsanger, 2005; Sergejeva, 1996; Stoor, 2007).
Neglected material
The methodology presented in this chapter and put in practice in the following
sections enables us to approach and understand narratives even though we lack
information about the narrative event. Collected narratives present a challenge
to the folklorist, since we do not have access to the context of performance.
Many scholars of performance theory reject material in archives or collected and
published 100 years ago, referring to its lack of reliability, such as Lauri Honko
did in 1989.
Folklore archives are nothing but collections of dead artifacts,

arbitrary limited texts, that were generated under rather special,
mostly nonauthentic circumstances and immediately placed outside
that system of communication which maintains folklore (Honko,
1989:33).
This point of view on archives calls attention to the fact that we cannot deal with
previously collected narratives in the same way as with witnessed performances.
However, to reject such works means to forfeit the benefits of the priceless
information and artistic creations which may be contained within these earlier
collections. Defenders for the study of archived texts (e.g. Hymes, 1981; Jacobs,
1959) have pointed to the richness of collected narratives. In a similar vein, I
wish to reassess the value of dusty collections of Smi folklore, taking into
26
consideration that they provide us an insight into a time past. With Palmenfelt,
I believe that an archived legend collection can be understood on a textual, a
collective contextual, and an individual contextual level, and that methodological
approaches deriving from the so-called performance school may very well be
used in working with archived material (Palmenfelt, 1993a:143).
The problematic use of records and the necessity to elaborate an approach
on archived texts has been brought up by the American sociolinguist and
folklorist Dell Hymes. In his research on Native American Literature, he refers to
the struggle to gain a hearing from for works from Native American traditions
as genuine works, aesthetic accomplishments, literature, products of voices
(Hymes, 1981:8).
The analytical framework in the present study employs an approach that
makes it possible to deal with the problems of detextualization that previous
collections of Smi folklore have been subjected to. Recontextualizing archives
and other documented material enables us to reach a dimension of the narratives
that otherwise would be lost. In the case of Smi folklore, a huge amount of
archived and unpublished material exists that has been largely neglected. This
study suggests an approach to give back to the silenced storytellers found in
previous publications and archived materials the voices they expressed in their
original narratives.
Overview
This study is divided into three parts. The first part is devoted to the context of
the narratives and narrators that form the focus of the study. The second part
focuses on the texts, and the third examines the social aspects and implications
of the narratives.
Chapter Two: Texts and Contexts, presents an overview of the corpus
and of the contexts of emergence of the selected narratives. After a general
presentation of the sociocultural and political context of the time, I introduce
the specific context of creation of Turis Muitalus smiid birra and Qvigstads
Lappiske eventyr og sagn. Thus, Part One provides a theoretical, methodological and
contextual background that enables us to approach the narratives in Part Two,
beginning with Turis texts in Chapter Three and followed by the analysis of the
narratives of Ellen Utsi, Isak Eira and Per Br in Chapter Four. Chapter Five:
Subjective Narration and Collective Tradition, scrutinizes other aspects of Smi
storytelling, showing how the analyzed narratives express a broader tradition.
27
Copplie Cocq
This chapter establishes a link between Part Two and Part Three, which brings
up the normative (Chapter Six) and defensive aspects (Chapter Seven) of Smi
storytelling. Chapter Eight, finally, concludes the study with a summarizing
discussion and methodological considerations.
28
Chapter Two: Texts and Contexts

Life itself is the most wonderful fairytale of all. - Hans Christian Andersen
Peoples of the Arctic area of the Nordic countries have long had contacts with
each other since time immemorial, through migration and trade. If the borders
that delimited the Nordic countries had been nothing but lines on a map, they
eventually became noticeable political constructions for people whose livelihoods,
traditions and culture were widespread on different sides of these strokes of a
politicians pen.
The fact that Spmi is spread between four countries means that Smi history
has been strongly affected by different policies applied in Sweden, Norway,
Finland and Russia. For the Smi from the northern part of Spmi, where the
borders of Norway, Sweden or Finland meet, the relation between the countries
had immediate and tangible consequences.
The storytellers whose repertoires are the focus of the second part of this
study were affected by the politics and historical events taking place in northern
Spmi during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Aspects including
contact with other ethnic and cultural groups, as well as experiences with the
institutions of schooling and religion find expression in their narratives. A first
step in the study of the corpus entails situating the texts in relation to their
context. This chapter proposes an approach to the sociocultural and political
contexts in which the narratives emerged, followed by a presentation of Johan
Turis Muitalus smiid birra and a similar contextualization of Lappiske eventyr og
sagn.
Socio-Cultural and Political Context

The nineteenth century witnessed an adjustment of attitude toward minorities,
from general tolerance to assimilatory nationalism. The issue of national
identity, and related developments in national language policy, can be seen as
central in this era of the history of Swedish and Norwegian Smi. In Norway
and Sweden, policies toward the Smi had been friendly, and majorities in each
29
Copplie Cocq
state had shown tolerance regarding Smi minorities. In 1751, issues concerning
Smi transnational migration were solved by a treaty defining the official borders
between the Swedish-Finnish and the Danish-Norwegian kingdoms. An appendix
to the treaty, the Lapp Codicil assured special rights to the reindeer herders.
It guaranteed the possibility for the Smi to keep crossing borders with their
reindeer for pasturage as they had always done; the codicil also included a clause
stating that the Smi would not have to pay tax in more than one country (Ruong,
1982a:54).
Although reindeer herding is the type of livelihood most often associated
with the Smi in scholarship and policy, other livelihoods such as fishing and
hunting were widely practiced throughout Spmi. The Smi were organized in
siida (bands), in charge of the area. The term siida refers commonly to lands
owned collectively on a temporary basis (Ruong, 1982b:24). Families within
the community had the right of usage of their special hunting grounds and
fishing waters (ibid). The siida-system in itself does not refer exclusively to a
form of reindeer herding organization; the pre-pastoral dating of this form of
organization has been recognized by many scholars (Bergman, 1991; Hultblad,
1968; Ingold, 1978). Ingold observes that the term could refer both to the range
of the territory, its resources, and the people it contained (Ingold, 1978:152).
The historian Roger Kvist discerns two major policies toward the Smi
practiced by the Swedish state over time. The Swedish national state (1548-1846)
treated minorities as fellow citizens in the Kingdom. In contrast, the Swedish
nation state (1846-1971) instituted specific policies aimed at defining and
controlling the Smi as a separate population. Similarly, in Norway, the growing
wind of nationalism began to affect the Smi in the mid 1800s (Kvist, 1994).
According to Kvist, the Swedish attitude from the mid nineteenth century can
be characterized as institutionalized racism. Military and political relations
between the countries of the Arctic area and the process of industrialization
were among the main changes that affected the attitude of the Scandinavian
countries toward their minorities (Elenius, 2006:25). Also, the construction of
the railway, mining, and the religious movement of Laestadianism, perceived as
a threat toward the Swedish state Church, became grounds for the state to exert
tighter control over the part of the country that had been previously neglected.
Northernmost Scandinavia became important for the supply of raw materials
and the process of modernization further motivated these policies and attitudes
toward minorities. Nationalism took different shapes in Fennoscandinavia
at that time, but this nationalistic project can be discerned across the region
30
and concerned all ethnic groups residing there. For the Smi, this nationalistic
project found expression in the late nineteenth century through policies aimed
at the assimilation of ethnic minorities. Different legal measures aimed at the
Swedification and Norwegianization of ethnic minorities, who were encouraged
to adopt the national identity and culture, consequently renouncing their
ethnic identity. The assimilation policy that took place in Sweden from the mid
nineteenth century was based on an economic interpretation of Smi ethnicity.
The nationalistic ideal of a homogeneous culture had one exception: the reindeer
herders, considered at a lower level of development, were thought not to be able
to survive modernization. Therefore, a segregation policy was applied to the
reindeer herding minority to occur alongside the process of Swedification of
other Smi groups. Thus, livelihood determined ethnicity: herders were Smi,
farmers were Swedes and many Smi who pursued an agricultural livelihood lost
recognition of their ethnic distinctiveness.
Social Darwinism provided many politicians with arguments for classifying
the Smi as an inferior race. As for the reindeer-herding nomads, a paternalistic
policy aimed at protecting them resulted in segregation. This attitude was
particularly strong regarding settlement and reindeer herding rights and the
school system. From the early 1910s, a segregation policy toward the nomadic
minority prevailed. According to the ideology of that time, Smi children should
not attend the same schools as sedentary children, and reindeer herding was
restricted to nomads. This policy is referred to in Sweden as the Lapp-skall-
vara-Lapp policy, or Lapp shall be Lapp (Lundmark, 1998, 2002).
Assimilation of minorities in Norway started in the 1860s. Elenius points
to both external and internal factors that can explain the changes in Norwegian
politics. The assimilation policy towards the Smi was seen as an issue of
national security, as minorities were considered a potential danger. Nationalism
thus motivated measures unfavorable to the Smi and Finnish minorities. The
fear of Russia also brought mistrust toward the Swedish and Finnish reindeer
herders coming to the Norwegian coast. Therefore, the Norwegian government
provided Smi with education and social welfare as a means of assimilating them
swiftly. In that process, the minority had to adapt to the majoritys language and
culture. On an economic level, competition for resources occurred between
Norwegian settlers and the Smi (Elenius, 2006). As in Sweden, the ideology of
Social Darwinism legitimated a strong discriminatory attitude. It was only in the
1970s that Smi policy came to be characterized by political integration.
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Copplie Cocq
This period of nationalism and assimilation has left profound, drastic and
irrevocable marks in the history of the Smi. Competition between the nationalistic
policies of the different countries contributed to an increase of the conflicts in
Fennoscandinavia. At a time when the relations between the Nordic countries
and Russia were tense, the Smi who lived at the borders and the meeting points
of the different nationalistic influences became viewed as a security problem.
Reindeer herding that involved the crossing of national borders became an issue
(Elenius, 2006:86). For many herders, the political context resulted in the loss of
grazing lands. When Russia closed the border between Finland and Norway in
1852 (Finland had been since 1809 a part of the Russian empire), the reindeer
herders from Norway could no longer access their pastures in Finland. Many
Smi moved to Grasavvon (Karesuando) and changed to Swedish citizenship,
since the border between Sweden and Finland was still open. Border regulations
continued to render herding conditions more difficult when the border to Russia
and consequently to Finland was closed in 1889 to Smi herders from Sweden.
Herders from the Guovdageaidnu region who had moved to Sweden were once
again blocked from access to their lands in Finland. Some moved back to Finland,
others moved to ohkkiras (Jukkasjrvi), others stayed in Grasavvon.
Pasturages in Troms county, where many Smi from Guovdageaidnu had to
take their reindeer for grazing after the closing of the border in 1852, became
even more overpopulated with reindeer after 1889. Moreover, not only herders,
but also farmers and coastal Smi had to share the territory. Conflicts that already
existed between farmers and Smi increased. Strict rules were instituted for the
herders. Only 30000 Swedish reindeer were allowed to pasture in Troms
county during the summer, and the herders had to pay compensation for damages
caused by their animals (Elenius, 2006:89). The increased number of reindeer in
the area resulted in the first attempt at mandatory relocation in 1890, in which
Smi from the northern part of the country had to move to south Spmi areas.
Bad pasturage that caused the death of many reindeer forced the temporary
postponement of the project. Despite this, mandatory relocation continued in
Sweden up until the 1930s.
For the Swedish Smi herders, relations between Sweden and Norway had
direct consequences. When Norway became independent in 1905, the Smi lost
access to grazing lands on the Norwegian side of the border (Kuutma, 2002;
Kvist, 1992). After the rupture between Norway and Sweden in 1905, nationalism
intensified toward a cultural homogenization in each country. For minorities, this
entailed the rejection of their cultures. The nation-states sought the ideal of a
32
monoculture; the Smi, reindeer herding and Laestadianism - all characterized

by the crossing of the borders on a regular basis - posed practical and symbolic
problems.
Nationalistic policies also resulted in a polarization between Scandinavian
and Finno-Ugrian peoples. Moreover, herding had a low status and thus,
agriculture was given precedence in most policies. Since the 1760s, Smi land
had been regarded as the property of the Crown. The discovery of silver mines
in 1634 and 1660 and the economic implications of mining placed the Smi in
a subordinated position. It not only had consequences for grazing lands, but
also for many herders who were compelled to transport the ore to the coast for
insufficient compensation (Lundmark, 1998:43-50).
From the beginning of the nineteenth century on, priority was given to
settlers, and Smi rights were undermined. In 1827, the Saami right to inherit
land was rejected in Norrbotten as Saami land rights now were only regarded as
a right of usufruct (Kvist, 1994:207). Consequently, reindeer herders saw their
land distributed for agriculture and had to move to pasturage of poor quality
(Elenius, 2006:91-93).
The redrawing of the political landscape that occurred in Spmi in the late
1800s and early 1900s was not only confined to the borders. Due to an increasing
number of settlers and to the beginning of agricultural activity in the area, the
Smi, previously the sole inhabitants of the region, were reduced to a minority
in certain parts of Spmi. In Sweden, an initial settlement proclamation of
1673, promising exemption from both taxation and military draft, was aimed at
catalyzing the colonization of Spmi by Swedish and Finnish farmers. According
to the theory of parallel settlement, herders and farmers would live side by side
without nuisance since the two types of land exploitation were so different. The
difficulty of exploiting the soil, due to the climate of the region, postponed the
arrival of new settlers in Spmi, and it is only after the settlement ordinance of
1749 that colonization really increased. The expansion of forestry and mining,
which entailed the increase of workers of non-Smi origin in the area, contributed
to colonization (Elenius, 2006:103). At the beginning of the nineteenth century,
the presence of colonizers became noticeable, and approximately fifty years later,
settlers of Smi, Swedish, Finnish, and Norwegian origins comprised the majority
(Kvist, 1992). The extension of the colonization of Spmi entailed increasing
contacts between these cultural groups. Competition for land and conflicts that
consequently arose from the situation emerges in many narratives.
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Copplie Cocq
These social and political changes restructured the composition of the population
in Spmi and the relations between Smi groups, and other forms of social
organization based on juridical texts took over the central role of the siida. In
Sweden, a Reindeer Grazing Act was promulgated in 1886, in relation with the
regulation of borders and the situation of herders in Sweden. It entailed the
creation of administrative Smi villages and the collectivization of the right to
carry on reindeer herding that was defined as a Smi right (Elenius, 2006:97).
Consequently, the Smi minority lost ownership to land, and pasture rights
became transformed into a communal right for the Smi villages (Kvist, 1994:209).
The Lappvsendet, a special police administration, was created in 1886 and
took over responsibility for the welfare and protection of the Smi minority,
usurping the right of Smi people to make decisions about their own lives
(Kvist, 1994:210). A new Reindeer Grazing Act in 1898 required the Smi to pay
higher compensation to farmers for damages caused by reindeer. According to
Kvist, the reindeer grazing acts also formally diminished the political status of
the Saami. As reindeer grazing rights were not assessed as taxable property, they
did not give general or municipal suffrage before the introduction of the general
suffrage for men in 1909 and the abolition of graded municipal suffrage in 1919
(Kvist, 1994:209-210).
Among other significant elements of social change contemporary to the
storytellers of this study, the construction of the railway through Spmi must
be mentioned. In 1903, the first railway crossing Spmi opened, with service
from Giron (Kiruna), Sweden, to Narvik, Norway (Ruong, 1982a:116). This
construction had great significance primarily for mining and ore transport, but
it also came to play an important role for Spmi and its inhabitants. This new
transport facility implied changes in housing, and the life of many nomads would
be modified due to this tremendous change. The railway represented much more
than a new type of transportation; it also had economic, cultural and social
consequences. As Ruong points out, the construction of the railway and the
work opportunities it offered were factors that strongly hastened Smi transition
to a sedentary lifestyle.
The religious landscape of Spmi was also changing at the time. Although
missionaries had initiated efforts to Christianize the Smi already from the
eleventh century, it is not before the seventeenth that the presence of the Church
in Spmi began to meet with real success. In 1689, a report addressed to the
king denounced pagan practices. Noaidevuohta (shamanism) and sacrifices were
performed in accordance with traditional Smi religion, which was considered
34
pagan and sinful by the Church. Trials took place in Spmi, resulting in the
destruction of drums, the levying of fines, whipping and even the execution of
a Smi in 1693. In 1682, a trial in Arjeplog revealed that traditional Smi religion
and Christianity existed side by side (Kvist, 1992). By the end of the seventeenth
century, many Smi were baptized and attended church regularly. It was mandatory
for a child to have a Christian name, but it was not uncommon for a newly
baptized child to receive a new Smi name afterwards through an additional
ceremony (Myrhaug, 1997). The transition from paganism to Christianity has
also been studied in burial rituals. The Swedish scholar in the science of religion
Louise Bckman has observed how aspects of folk beliefs and Christianity
coexisted during the seventeenth century (Bckman, 1983). By the eighteenth
century, the Smi religion was fading away, and Christianization in Spmi took
a new turn with the pietist revival. But according to Kvist, it was the Laestadian
revival of the 1850s that marked the real internalization of Christianity among
the Smi. This religious movement, named after Lars Levi Laestadius (1800-
1861), a Swedish priest of Smi origin, took place beginning in the mid-1800s in
North and Lule Smi areas. Laestadius adapted Christian doctrine to the factual
circumstances of the parish and expressed social criticism through his ministry.
Myrhaug has suggested that Laestadianism embraces aspects of the former Smi
religion, such as the induction of trance (Myrhaug, 1997:93). This Lutheran
religious movement mobilized mostly Smi and Finnish speaking minorities and
became rapidly perceived as a threat in Sweden. The movement was accused of
running counter to the modernization process including Swedens language policy
(Elenius, 2006:115). It was particularly strong among Smi and the norms and
values it championed have had a significant effect on its community members.
A revolt in Guovdageaidnu on November 8, 1852 also occupies a significant
place in the history of the Smi in the region, and is reflected in the repertoire
of some storytellers including Johan Turi. The county sheriff Bucht, shopkeeper
Ruth and minister Hwoslef were assaulted by a group of Smi in Guovdageaidnu.
Bucht and Ruth were killed, their homes plundered and others on the scene were
maltreated. The revolt went on for hours and ended thanks to the intervention
of people from the Smi community of vi. The trial in May 1853 condemned
six persons to death. However, an appeal against the judgment resulted in a more
lenient decision. Two persons were nonetheless sentenced to execution and about
30 others were condemned to prison terms (Zorgdrager, 1997). This revolt was
interpreted as an extreme expression of the Laestadian religious movement. In
public opinion, Lars Levi Laestadius was accused of responsibility for the deeds
35
Copplie Cocq
of the leaders. This major event in Smi history has later been interpreted as
the result of a confluence of several economic and social factors rather than
as a religious uprising (Zorgdrager, 1997). Laestadianism was perceived as a
threat to the extent that it jeopardized the hegemony of the Swedish Church.
Also, it spread over national borders, which was disquieting from a nationalistic
perspective.
The religious movement can be considered the result of the long-term
assimilative efforts of nation states. As a means of control in the nationalistic
context, the creation of schools was prioritized on the missionaries agenda. The
education of Smi children at school was first of all a means for Christianization
combined with the application of language policies (Svonni, 1996). Considerations
based on a cultural hierarchy, romantic representations and ethnocentrism also
played significant roles in school politics (Elenius, 2006:159). In Sweden, the
education of Smi children between 1750 until 1818 was to occur in Smi schools
(or Lapp schools). Traveling schools and sedentary Lapp schools were in
use until the 1840s, when Swedish became the main language in Smi schools
(Elenius, 2006:119-121). In Norway, from the end of the nineteenth century, all
instruction was to be in Norwegian. The motto of one nation, one people was
primary in school policies until after the Second World War.
At the beginning of the twentieth century, school issues became a topic of
discussion. A report in 1909 concluded that the Swedish Smi school system was
of poor quality and that many children grew up without going to school. The
Smi School Act of 1913 aimed at an amelioration of the school system and at
encouraging children of herders to take part in reindeer herding after school, and
resulted in the foundation of tent schools. According to the ideas of that time
and following the Lapp-shall-be-Lapp ideology, Smi children should not live
comfortably during their time at school so that it would be easier to return to
their nomadic lifestyle afterwards (Ruong, 1960:28ff). The tent schools were
the dominant mode of education until 1940s (Svonni, 2007). As for language at
school, reindeer herders could choose for their children to be taught in Smi until
the 1920s. Children of non-reindeer herders were taught in Swedish. In 1925,
state authorities decided that Swedish would be the language of instruction for
all children as part of a project of assimilation that concerned all Smi.
Having summarized these considerations of aspects of the sociocultural
and political context, I will now look more closely at the specific contexts of
emergence of the texts that compose the corpus.
36
Muitalus Smiid birra, Johan Turi and

Emilie Demant Hatt
Born in Guovdageaidnu (Kautokeino) in northern Norway in 1854, Johan Turi
spent most of his life in the parishes of Grasavvon (Karesuando) and ohkkiras
(Jukkasjrvi) in Sweden where he followed his parents. After the closing of the
border between Finland and Norway in 1852, the family had to move due to the
loss of pastures, first in 1857 to Grasavvon and then in 1883 further south to
the parish of ohkkiras (Kuutma, 2002; Valkeap, 1994b). Although he grew
up in a reindeer herding milieu (Kuutma, 2002:107), Turi privileged hunting. A
yoik (a traditional Smi song) dedicated to him, praises him as a great hunter. His
father Ole Olsen Tuuri also functioned as an itinerant teacher between 1845 and
1853 (Valkeap, 1994b:32), but Johan Turi himself did not have the possibility
to spend much time at school. In his large family, the boys had to work at a young
age. He was already an adult when he learned to write. The extensiveness of his
correspondence and diaries reveals that he enjoyed sharing his experiences. His
exposure to the oral tradition and the practice of storytelling gave him many
opportunities to share his knowledge and recount the legends and other stories
of his community.
Muitalus smiid birra (Story about the Smi) (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b), published
in Danish and Smi in 1910, is a collection of narratives and reports about
historical and traditional knowledge composed by Turi from his perspective and
based on his knowledge. He was the first Smi to publish a book written in his
mother tongue, North Smi. It has been translated into many languages, and
can be considered a door opening for the world into the situation of the Smi
in Scandinavia at that time. In addition to Muitalus, he also published Duoddaris
(From the mountain) (Turi, 1931b, [1920] 1988), in which he relates his travels
as a guide for the British explorer Frank Butler and the Swedish photographer
Borg Mesch. In 1918, Lappish Texts appeared (Turi, 1918) in which Turi and his
nephew write about delicate topics like noaidevuohta. Johan Turi died in 1936 at
the age of 82.
37
Copplie Cocq
Figure 1 Johan Turi, 1909. Photographer: Borg Mesch.

Courtesy of the Nordiska Museet, Stockholm.
If Johan Turi is considered the first Smi writer, he was first of all a storyteller.
An analysis of his narrative strategies reveals his relation to the collective Smi
storytelling tradition and how the manipulation of these strategies allows him to
dissociate himself from the context or take responsibility for his opinions.
Turi lived in a context of intense social change. The North Smi community
had had to adapt to political decisions from Norway, Sweden and Russia and
the regulation of the borders had direct consequences for the reindeer herders.
Not only conditions for reindeer herding were changing, Turi also witnessed
changes in beliefs, the school system, and other consequences of ideological
action toward the Smi minority.
38
Story about the Smi

With his Muitalus smiid birra, Turi is considered the first Smi writer. In fact,
the very first Smi texts were two yoiks by Olaus Sirma published in 1673 by
Schefferus in Lapponia. The first books in Smi were translations of the New
Testament in 1755 and the entire Bible in 1811. At the end of the nineteenth
century, periodicals gave the Smi the opportunity to write in their language.
Muitalgje (1873), Smi usteb (1888), Nuorttanaste (1898) were thus the first Smi
publications. A few Smi authors had published before Turi. Such is the case of
Elsa Laula (1877-1931), who wrote a political text in Swedish, Infr lif eller Dd?
Sanningsord i de Lappska frhllandena (Do we face life or death? Words of truth
for the Smi situation), in 1904. The same year, Matti Aikio (1872-1929), also
published his first novel in Norwegian, Kong Akab (Aikio, 1904; Storfjell, 2001).
Other texts about the Smi had previously been published: the works of
linguists/folklorists Jens Andreas Friis (1821-1896) (Friis, 1871) and Just K.
Qvigstad (1853-1957) (Qvigstad, 1927-1929) have provided a tremendous
collection of Smi folklore. The priest Lars Levi Laestadius (1800-1861) also
published documents about the Smi oral tradition in Fragmenter i lappska mytologien
(Laestadius, 1959) (Fragments of Lappish mythology (Laestadius, 2002)). However,
Johan Turi was the first to write in his mother tongue, North Smi, about Smi
life from a native perspective.
The context in which Muitalus was created has been presented on several
occasions (Kuutma, 2002; Valkeap, 1994b). The publication of the first Smi
book was made possible by the Danish artist and ethnographer Emilie Demant
(later Demant Hatt). Turi and Demant met accidentally in 1904, and Turi decided
to write, with her help, a book about his people. Six years later, Muitalus was
published in Danish and North Smi. This work bears witness to Turis skills,
and the help provided by Demant Hatt was probably essential to the publication.
Hjalmar Lundbohm, founder of the town of Giron, also helped Turi and Demant
Hatt with accommodation and economic assistance.
The role of Emilie Demant, the 30-year old Danish artist who edited
Muitalus, has been discussed on several occasions. According to Kuutma, the
final published version of the text is not Turis arrangement, but a product of a
thorough and long-lasting editing effort by Emilie Demant. (Kuutma, 2002:140)
Kuutma also states that she [Emilie Demant] suggested particular themes and
topics, and provided inspirational guidance to motivate the fatigued and inexpert
39
Copplie Cocq
writer (ibid.). Nevertheless, the original manuscript of Muitalus consists of

several booklets about various topics that correspond mostly to the chapters
of Muitalus (Turi, Notes and Manuscript). The topics Turi writes about also
correspond to his interests and fields of competency.
According to Kuutma, Even if Demant suggested topics or amended
chapter sequence or segments, Muitalus distinctly narrates and reflects Turis
authentic knowledge of his people (Kuutma, 2002:149). The result of the
collaboration witnesses of a mutual respect between the author and the publisher.
As DuBois states,
It is in part the uniqueness of Emilie Demant Hatts relation to Turi

which made Muitalus possible in the form we have it. For Demant
Hatt allowed Turi to write his book, refraining from the more usual
plucking and representing of knowledge that ethnographers in the
past tended to engage in. Turis account is thus rich in associations,
broader spans of knowledge, and contextualization that one may
find in many of the anthropological studies of kinship terms or
work organization produced on the basis of Smi culture during
the same era. (DuBois, March 12, 2004)
However, it is established that the role of the Danish ethnographer was essential
in Turis choice of language.
Turi vilde nemlig frst skrive paa Finsk et saa foragtet Sprog som
Lappisk kunde ikke egne sig for en Bog. Jeg forbd Turi at skrive
paa Finsk - skulde han skrive om sit Folk, skulde han ogsaa skrive
paa Folkets Modersmaal. (Demant Hatt, 1994 [1940]:63)
Turi wanted at first to write in Finnish such adespised language

as Smi could not be appropriate for a book. I forbade Turi to write
in Finnish if he was to write a book about his people, he would
also write in the mother tongue of his people.1
Emilie Demant Hatt learned Smi after her meeting with Turi and learning of his
decision to write a book; she could not speak or read Finnish. Turi actually also
wrote diaries, stories and other texts in Finnish, material which, sadly, remains
until this present day unpublished (Turi, Notes and Manuscript).
1
The English texts are my translation of the original language, whenever no other
reference is given.
40
The successful collaboration behind Muitalus is the result of negotiating authorities.

In the process of writing and editing Muitalus smiid birra, Turi and Demant
were concurrently negotiating different and similar agendas of representation
and authorities (Kuutma, 2002:141). The writer and the ethnographer each had
a personal goal with the book and private interests that had to be satisfied by the
final result. As Kuutma states, The Smi wolf-hunter Johan Turi might have
never written his book without the assistance of Emilie Demant Hatt. On the
other hand, without his collaboration, support and friendship, the Danish artist
Emilie Demant might never have evolved into an anthropologist (Kuutma,
2002:156-157). Demant was first of all an artist when she met Turi, Muitalus
was her first ethnographic project. Later, she published her own ethnographic
reports (Demant Hatt, 1913, 1922). The contribution of Emilie Demant made
it possible for Turi to publish his book. Still, there is no doubt that Turi would
have written his Story about the Smi in one way or another. Already before
he had met Demant in 1904, he had written texts in Finnish and expressed his
wish to publish his narratives (Turi, Notes and Manuscript). The relationship
between Turi and Demant does not correspond to the common relation between
informant and ethnographer. Their collaboration reveals a bond that even goes
beyond the relation between a writer and his editor.
In Muitalus, we find texts about topics close to Turis heart, such as hunting
and reindeer herding. He also gives the reader historical facts about the Smi
as well as traditional legends and other stories. Turi uses different styles, genres
and strategies in narration. Smi narratives often combine different features like
mythological elements in experience-based narratives or supernatural events
occurring at local places. Turi chose to call his book Muitalus, and uses this term
throughout the book. The term muitalus (pl. muitalusat) can be translated as story,
but it is neither a tale nor a myth. Muitalus is a kind of storytelling particular to
the Smi tradition. This North Smi term finds its etymology in the verb muitit,
to remember. Storytelling becomes in this context a combination of collective
memories and personal experiences. The subjectivity of the storyteller is part
of the narrating event, since it relies on his memory, life history and experience.
A parallel can be drawn between the Smi genre muitalus and the concept of
memorate (Sydow and Bdtker, 1948:87). Memorates are narratives about
peoples real experiences. Their form is often traditional, since the experiences
are generally interpreted on the basis of the collective tradition, but the plot of
the memorate is not as firmly constructed as that of the legend (Klintberg,
1989:71). The term muitalus differs in such way that it also includes narration
41
Copplie Cocq
based on external sources, i.e. not on ones own experiences. Johan Turi wrote
muitalusat, which implies that he adjusted the oral tradition to a written form,
creating a link between oral storytelling and literature. This adjustment becomes
more obvious when studying the narrative strategies of Turi. It also reveals the
storytellers relation to a collective tradition.
Muitalus smiid birra reflects the context of social change in which Turi lived.
In the 1910 edition, Hjalmar Lundbohm, who subsidized Demant and Turi,
focuses in his foreword on the conflicts taking place in Spmi as a result of
colonization and on other problems the Smi have had to face. He concludes his
preface by emphasizing the value of Turis book as a source of information for
the understanding of the situation of the Smi (Lundbohm, 1910). In a similar
way, Israel Ruong presents explicitly in his preface to the 1965 edition of Muitalus
how the political context had influenced Johan Turi and his community:
His fate is part of the history of the Lappish people: he lived at

a time when the traditional territory of the Lapps was constantly
being encroached upon in the north, the west and the east by the
extension of settled areas toward the tundra. Industrial expansion
was also taking place as a result of the development of Kiruna as a
mining-town and the building of the railway through Lappland to
Narvik (Ruong, 1965:xiv).
Being at the crossroads of different influences, Turis writings are characteristic

of the changes occurring in Spmi. The appearance of the train in Spmi, for
instance, had a concrete implication: it was in this train that he fortuitously met
Emilie Demant in 1904 (Skaltje, 2005).
Turi was well aware of, and concerned by, the ideology of contemporary
politicians. He was one of the Smi who were photographed as objects of
research for craniologists. This study of the characteristics of the skull, used
to classify different races, was an influential part of a wide-ranging discourse
on racial classification and purity (Lundmark, 1998). A picture of Turi dating
from 1922 was published in The racial characters of the Swedish nation. Race
Mixed types Nordic Lapp, together with short biographical information as
well as his stature, head length, breadth and index, frontal diameter and so on
(Valkeap, 1994b:187). Other reports of the kind were issued by the Swedish
Institute for Race Biology, Uppsala, founded in 1921.
Turi was politically conscious and one of the first Swedish Smi to attempt
to organize his people in order to make their voices heard by contemporary
42
politicians. In 1918, he participated in the second political meeting which gathered

Smi from the Nordic countries. Later, he attempted, with his nephew Per Turi,
to start the first Swedish Smi political organization in ohkkiras (Skaltje, 2005).
His efforts remained in vain, and the Smi organization in ohkkiras was not
founded until 1937.
Muitalus can be considered one of Turis attempts to make a difference for
his people. After centuries of silence in Spmi, a voice could be heard: the one
of the politically conscious Smi minority.
Reactions to Turis seminal work

Breaking centuries of silence was not unproblematic and, following Turis
multiple aims with Muitalus, the Smis first book elicited various responses from
the audiences it addressed.
Turis effort was quite unique and stood out as a conscious

enlightening and didactic project, an attempt to provide his people
with a history, a printed document that verified their lifestyle
and affiliation to ancestral beliefs, lore and legends, that would
demonstrate their right to contested territory through historical
connection and subsistence practices (Kuutma, 2002:155).
Turi was aware of the significance of the written word, considered by authorities
and the cultural majority alike as a reliable source of information. He was
conscious of the need for such a text about the Smi, and the process of writing
Muitalus entailed much more than writing down oral muitalusat. Turi consciously
made a first step toward written history and literature.
The importance of the first book written in Smi by a Smi has also been
highlighted by Israel Ruong in the prefatory note of the 1965 edition:
Johan Turis book is, without doubt, the most important which has
ever been written in the Lappish language. It has value not only
as a work of literature but also as a document of cultural history
(Ruong, 1965:xiv).
The artistic value of Muitalus smiid birra had been underscored by Emilie
Demant:
Muittalus Smid birra blev en litterr Succes - den blev Kunst, fordi
Turi var Kunstner. Men saadan var den ikke ment fra hans Haand.
43
Copplie Cocq
Turis Bog er et Bnskrift! En breendende Bn fra Laplands Hjerte,

et Raab om Retfrdighed for Nomaderne i Skandinavien - ikke en
Bn om Fattigunderstttelse, men en Bn om at blive forstaaet, en
Bn om Rett til at leve! (Demant Hatt, 1994 [1940]:63)
Muitalus smiid birra became a literary success this was art,

because Turi was an artist. But this was not his intention. Turis
book was a petition! An ardent plea straight from the heart of
Spmi, a cry for justice for the nomads of Scandinavia not a plea
for poverty allowance, but a plea to be understood, a plea for the
right to live!
In this speech, delivered upon acceptance of the Arthur Hazelius medal at the
Nordic museum in Sweden, she also emphasizes the ideological goal of Turi.
Muitalus smiid birra was the first book of its kind for the Smi, but it
represents also a new genre for the European public. The literary context of
the time was favorable to folklore texts and to exotic cultures. Ethnographic
projects like those published by Friis and Qvigstad had been received in Europe
with great interest, and the assumption that the Smi minority was disappearing
accorded great value to the folklore material then considered as the last remains
of a vanishing culture. A review of Turis book of Lappland (the translation of
Muitalus into English, published 1931), by Hugh Massingham in The Observer
illustrates the expectations and reception of the book in Europe.
It is perhaps stressing the obvious to say that Turis stories

have a charming, childlike quality which expresses itself in a
trust of nature difficult to describe. In many ways there is a
sense in which they touch Hans Andersen. Turis world is a
world of hobgoblin and devil, ghost and fairy, where a man
must walk stopping his ears lest he should be seduced by the
angry shouts or the subtle whisperings of the Evil One. []
It [a sentence about doctoring] brings out the navet that gives
life and charm to this book. This simplicity goes very much deeper
than the simplicity of the peasant, for these stories are by a man
quite untouched by civilization and progress words which seem
to have a certain ironic ring after reading this book (Valkeap,
1994b:256).
44
The tales of H.C. Andersen represent here a frame of comparison for the stories
told by Turi. Muitalus ends up among other tales, stories and fiction books of
the time, responding to an interest for infantine and nave forms of literature.
The discourse voiced by the reviewer describes Turis authorship as simple
and primitive. Only the last sentence intimates that Turi was not untouched
by civilization. Muitalus deals in a large extent with contacts and conflicts with
settlers, but the political aim of Turi is strongly under-emphasized. Instead, focus
is stressed on the exotic quality of the book.
Another review published in Times Literary Supplement in 1931 voices a similar
discourse:
The special attractiveness of their [the tales] presentation here lies

in the fact of their evident reality to the author; they are thus a
harmonious and integral part of Lapp psychology. A similar value
attaches to his absurd and sometimes rather revolting medical
recipes (Valkeap, 1994b:260).
In a similar way as in the previous review, the author refers to the navet and
simplicity of Turis writing as criteria of value.
In Spmi, the reception of Muitalus was different:
Muittalus Smid birra blev dog ikke venligt modtaget af hans egne.
Samerne fandt Skildringerne for intime - ja de saa med stor Uvilje
paa Turi, fordi han havde udleveret deres Indre og deres gamle
Kultur. De vilde helst forblive som Sneglen i sit Hus. De fldte
det, som var de blevet forraadt af en af deres egne. (Demant Hatt,
1994 [1940]:63)
Muitalus smiid birra was not received in a friendly manner by his

[Turis] people. The Smi thought the descriptions were too intimate
well, they felt aversion for Turi, because he had revealed their
secretive and ancient culture. They would rather have remained as
a snail in its house. They felt as if they had been betrayed by one
of their own.
The majoritys attitude toward the Smi minority had resulted in the mistrust and
reticence of the Smi in their contacts with outsiders. With the publication of
Muitalus, Turi contradicted partially, as we will see in Chapter Three typical
Smi attitudes toward such contact by opening his world to others.
45
Copplie Cocq
In spite of the criticism that followed the publication of Muitalus, Turi

gained a significant position in the Smi community. Today, he is acknowledged
as the writer of the Smi, and an inscription on his tombstone in the churchyard
at ohkkiras reads in Swedish Samernas frfattare (The writer of the Smi) and
bears witness to the significance of his work.
Figure 2 Johan Turis tombstone in ohkkiras. Photographer: Risto Koskinen.
Contextualizing Qvigstads Lappiske eventyr og

sagn
The Norwegian ethnographer Just Knud Qvigstad (1853-1957) contributed to
research in Smi language and folklore with an outstanding collection of data.
His publications cover a broad range of topics, such as language, place names
and storytelling in different forms. The material is not only exceptional in its
extensiveness; it also contains valuable information about language, traditions,
worldviews and social norms.
Nevertheless, a weakness can be pointed out in Qvigstads material: he left
no information to the reader about the recording process of these valuable
46
narratives, and scarcely any about his informants. The decontextualisation of

folklore material was neither odd nor uncommon at that time, but today, at the
beginning of the twenty first century, the need for understanding the context
of the recordings appears absolute. Other projects of collecting narratives have
underscored how the interviewer may affect the interviewee and, consequently,
the material collected (Bauman, 1986; Kaivola-Bregenhj, 1989; Nyberg,
Huuskonen and Enges, 2000).
In this section, I contextualize the production of Qvigstads Lappiske eventyr og
sagn (Qvigstad, 1927-1929). With the few leads left by Qvigstad in his publications
and archives as a point of departure, I attempt to reconstruct the context in
which the collecting of the narratives took place. This can finally lead to an
evaluation of the possible uses offered by Qvigstads material to contemporary
researchers.
An uncommon scholar
Just Knud Qvigstad was born 1853 in Lyngseidet, northern Norway. After
earning a degree in philology at the University of Christiania (Oslo), he went
back to northern Norway. In 1878, he became a teacher of Smi at the Romsa
(Troms) teachers college - and later headmaster - where he worked for over 40
years. Throughout his working life and his uncommonly long and active life as a
retiree, Qvigstad collected an impressive amount of material composed of place
names, tales and legends from the broad Smi territory, which gave him a major
place in Smi research history.
Language and linguistics were his first main interests, with focus on
the Finno-Ugrian languages. This interest brought him to Guovdageaidnu
(Kautokeino) in 1878, where he studied North Smi with Lars Jakobsen Haetta,
a Smi condemned for his involvement in the Guovdageaidnu revolt in 1852.
Qvigstads first publications dealt with language issues and in many of the later
ones, he studied loan words, place names and variation in Smi dialects.
His fieldwork with Smi storytellers was probably motivated by his interest in
gathering samples of different dialects, a practice typical of his day (cf e.g. Franz
Boas 1858-1942). Qvigstads contribution to Smi folklore is documentary; his
fieldwork was of ethnographic character. He was primarily interested in language
samples, but his private library1 bears witness to a genuine interest in folklore.
1
Qvigstads private library is today stored at the Troms Museum.
47
Copplie Cocq
Legends and tales from many different countries are represented on the shelves,
as frequently as books about Finno-Ugrian languages or religious texts.
Figure 3 Just K. Qvigstad in his office, ca 1931. Photographer: Samuli Paulaharju.

Courtesy of the Troms Museum/Helsinki National museum.
Qvigstad was interested in pedagogy, particularly when teaching bilingual and

non-Norwegian speaking children. In 1897, he traveled to Finland and Sweden
in order to study teaching methods in different schools. In a report dated
1897, he presents his observations and opinions on different ways of teaching
language to children. This study was conducted thanks to a stipend for the
project. In different schools in Sweden and Finland, he observed how teachers
instructed children in a new language, either with translation or repetition of
new words and phrases (Qvigstad, 1897). In his works, Qvigstad expresses his
view that there was a political responsibility to teach the majority language to
minorities. In the case of Finland, he pointed out how surprised he was that
so little had been done to educate teachers for the youngest pupils (Qvigstad,
1897:22). After his observations in Sweden, he concluded that efforts for
48
diffusion of Swedish language and culture in the Finnish speaking area were
considered a national duty. He also pointed out that the Finnish speaking
minority itself found it necessary to learn Swedish.
For den kvnske befolkning selv er det en ulempe i kommunale

og retslig forhold ikke at kunna landets officielle sprog, svensk
(Qvigstad, 1897:4).
For the Finnish speaking population, it is a disadvantage not to

be able to speak the official language, Swedish, in municipal and
judicial situations.
Qvigstad was not only a scholar. He also had an official position as Minister of
Church and Education in 1910-12 (Nissen, 1953:3). He had a significant role in
the local community and represented authority. He also had a central role in the
Reindeer Pasturage Commission in 1907.
In an interview in 1939, Qvigstad was asked if it was his interest in politics
that had led him to different official positions on a national and local level.
He declared then that this was not the reason, but that he felt he had a duty
(NRK, 1939). Qvigstad was also one of the founders and active member of the
Norske Finnemisjon, (Norwegian Smi Mission), an organization working for
the evangelical education of the Smi (Iversen, 1957:109). This status conferred
upon him an authority that may have affected the way Smi interacted with him,
since he represented the empowered majority.
Just K. Qvigstad lived a long and active life. Most of his works were
published after he retired. In 1920, he retired from his position at the college
with a fixed annual allowance from the State in addition to his pension (Nissen,
1953:5). By then, he was established as a researcher and had the authority as well
as time for fieldwork and editing. It seems he had at that time a rather altruistic
attitude toward his research and his field. Even if he had his own interests, he
refers on several occasions to his duty and obligation to collect and publish Smi
material.
Qvigstad was rewarded for his contributions on many occasions. He was
knighted and later promoted to the rank of Commander First Class of the Royal
Norwegian Order of St Olav. He was an honorary member of several societies,
including La socit finno-ougrienne, the Scientific Society in Uppsala and La
socit acadmique de la langue estonienne (Wighus, 1976:26).
49
Copplie Cocq
The range of topics in Qvigstads many publications corresponds to the

multiplicity of interests he had, from linguistics to place names, with a large
quantity of reports and books about folklore. Among the works on Smi folklore,
we find books about premonitions, healing, and holy places (Qvigstad, 1920,
1921, 1926, 1932, 1934), but the largest publication is, by far, Lappiske eventyr
og sagn. This four-volume collection was published between 1925 and 1929 in
a bilingual edition, with the original North Smi text and Qvigstads translation
into Norwegian. In his foreword, Qvigstad mentions that he used the North Smi
orthography based on Professor Nielsens1 system. He also specifies distinctions
between different vowels. This specification is relevant, as there was no official
North Smi orthography at that time.
The four volumes cover five geographic regions: Varanger, Troms,
Finnmark, Lyngen and Nordland. The stories are classified first geographically,
secondly, within each volume, according to themes. They are numbered; variants
are sorted under the same number. At the end of each story, the name of the
informant, his/her geographical origin and the year of interview are mentioned.
Alternatively, the name of the one who collected the story if other than Qvigstad
himself is noted. In some cases, we are given other information revealed by the
informant on the sources of the tale or legend, like hrt i min barndom (heard
during my childhood) (Qvigstad, 1928:432).
In order to understand the process of production of Lappiske eventyr og sagn,
it is important to bear in mind the social, cultural and ideological context in
which Qvigstad lived and worked.
Qvigstad and Norwegianization

The political and ideological context of the late nineteenth to early twentieth
centuries was, as described in the previous section, unfavorable to the Smi. In
Norway as in Sweden, the Smi minority was considered primitive compared to
the majority population, and the Smi were subjected to attempted assimilation
and segregation. The position of Qvigstad as the headmaster of the Romsa
teachers school and as a researcher implied that he had to take a position on
issues such as the choice of language in education, the future of the Smi culture
and Norwegianization. The positions he adopted interacted with his research and
1
The Norwegian linguist Konrad Nielsen (1875-1953) earned a significant position in
the history of Smi language with his North Smi dictionary Lappisk Ordbok (Nielsen,
1932-1938).
50
fieldwork, and must be taken into account when studying his collection of Smi
material.
Qvigstad was teaching in Romsa while the politics of minority assimilation
were in force. It was a peculiar situation, since the teachers college had a special
obligation to train teachers for the Smi district (Dahl, 1957:138). According
to Mathisen, Qvigstad was a supporter of the assimilating Norwegianization
politics (Mathisen, 2000a:189). The point of view of the headmaster was that
the process of Norwegianization was the chance for the Smi to be part of
national progress. But he did not seem to agree with the idea that assimilation
should imply the loss of the Smi language. His translations of official and
religious documents into North Smi (Hansen, 1992:50) are indications of his
position on the place of the language in at least the private and spiritual lives of
Smi communities.
Despite his paternalistic attitude toward the Smi (Hansen, 1992), Qvigstad
did not deny the significance of their mother tongue. He acknowledged the
value of Smi language and seemed to have approved the position of Thomas
von Westen, who played an important role in the Christianization of Smi and
according to whom Smi children should be taught in their own language (NRK,
1939).
When expressing his view upon the linguistic assimilation of the Finnish
minority in Sweden, he observed that it is not question of an education by
coercion, but that the minority itself wished to learn Swedish (Qvigstad, 1897).
As for the situation in Norway, he writes of a national obligation to study the
culture of the Smi (Qvigstad, 1925b:62).
In conformity with the beliefs of Social Darwinism, the Smi population
and culture were considered to be dying out. As Hansen has pointed out, this
ideology was nothing new: evolutionism can be regarded as an inheritance
from the 18th century enlightenment (Hansen, 1992:57). To Qvigstad, collecting
traditional stories was a way of ensuring that aspects of Smi traditional culture
would not fall into oblivion.
According to Per Mathiesen (1984), Qvigstad had the same approach toward
language as toward culture. He considered that the same process was going on:
Smi language, like Smi culture, was disappearing. Although this perspective
had had negative consequences for the Smi on a political level, it apparently
functioned as a motivation for Qvigstad. He was striving to collect as much
data as possible, since he thought he was among the last to have access to this
culture.
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Copplie Cocq
Qvigstad did not seem to disparage the Smi. On the contrary, his conviction
that Norway had an obligation to document Smi culture shows that he valued
it greatly. Moreover, he proved trustworthy toward his Smi colleagues and
accorded authority to them. As a matter of fact, he helped Smi like Isak Saba
and Anders Larsen, school teachers and Qvigstads collaborators for Lappiske
eventyr og sagn, to publish articles. As Hansen writes:
He also was instrumental in getting Smi spokesmen to publish

articles and expositions on their own account. In Troms Museums
annual report of 1919 is a short article by Isak Saba on Smi place
names, and in 1949 Qvigstad encouraged Anders Larsen to write
the work Om sjsamene (Larsen, 1950) (About the coastal Smi)
(Hansen, 1992:54).
This aspect of Qvigstads character indicates how he accorded authority to his

collaborators and informants based on their knowledge.
Qvigstad was part of the political discourse of the time, and could offer
influential views, as when he writes about how the young people who grow up
in warm houses are neither skillful nor interested in herding (Qvigstad, 1938:34).
This statement refers to the Lapp-shall-be-Lapp discourse that was taking place in
Sweden and influenced the way the Smi were regarded in neighboring countries.
The young Smi who grew up as Norwegians would lose their Smi qualities.
Later in the same essay, Qvigstad expresses more explicitly his position:
De star tillbake i allt, i barnepleie, renlighet, matlagning, fjsstell,

jordbruk, forstandig utnyttelse av skogen. De behver bedre bter
og fullkomnere fiskeredskaper. Erfaringer fra Troms fylke viser at
sjlappene er mottagelig for norsk kultur, og at de lapper som har
tilegnet sig den, star sig godt i konkurranse med nordmennene. Det
er da hp ogs for sjlappene i Finnmark. (Qvigstad, 1938:38)
They are backward in everything: nursing, hygiene, cooking, cattle-

tending, agriculture, skillful exploitation of the forest; they need
better boats and adequate fishing gear. Experiences from the
province of Romsa show that the Coastal Smi are amenable to
Norwegian culture, and that those who have learned it stand strong
in competition with Norwegians. Then there is also hope for the
Coastal Smi in Finnmark.
52
Qvigstad had expressed this view of Smi backwardness and need of guidance
already in 1907 (Qvigstad, 1907:63).
Qvigstads attitude toward the Smi was nevertheless not as condescending
as some of his compatriots or Swedes adopting a discourse of Social Darwinism.
Actually, he did not state that the Smi were unable to improve their situation.
He emphasized that their needs were not fulfilled, and did not refer to any innate
inability. Qvigstad believed that if the Smi had the possibility, they would be able
to modernize. This paternalistic and ethnocentric view also reveals Qvigstads
positive attitude to Norwegianization. Assimilation was here described as a
hope, a possibility for the Smi to have a chance to be part of the Norwegian
community. His essay ends with the wish that soon all Smi will realize this
goal:
Man kan hpe att den tid ikke er fjern, da alla lapper kan fylle sin
plass som selvhjulpne og jevngode medlemmer av det norske
borgersamfund. (Qvigstad, 1938:39).
We can hope that the time is not far when all the Smi will be able
to fit in as self-sufficient and equal members of the Norwegian
society.
Research traditions
The political context also affected research traditions and attitudes toward the
field of study. Hansen reports that there was a relatively recently established
tradition of collecting and documenting Norwegian material with the sector of
fairy tales, folklore, place names and Nordic etymology with reference to Moltke
Moe, Sophus Bugge and Oluf Rygh (Hansen, 1992:56).
The predominant research traditions of the time furnished different
approaches to cultural variation in terms of diffusionism or evolutionism.
These ideas influenced work on Smi folklore. The historic-geographic method
of the Finnish school, developed by the scholars Julius and Kaarle Krohn, is
representative of the ideas of the time. It aimed to explain the similarities
of stereotyped, complex forms of folklore as the result of shared origin and
migration (Kvideland, Sehmsdorf and Simpson, 1989:5).
This method was developed by folklorists who felt a need for a uniform system
of reference and general collaboration so that a folklorist who wanted to make a
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Copplie Cocq
comparative study of a tale type could ask his colleagues in other countries what
examples they possessed of the type in question (Holbek, 1992:4). In 1910, Antti
Aarne published the first list of folktales types (Aarne, 1910). This method of
research was based on the same ideas that the diffusionists developed in Central
Europe, that is to say the belief in the diffusion of cultural elements. Qvigstad
used and referred to this list in his notes. In the Norwegian Folklore Archives,
we can read observations he made at the end of some narratives such as Aarne
314, Aarne 303, defective (Qvigstad, NFS 16) or Aarne 550, incomplete
(Qvigstad, NFS 17).
A list of motifs of Smi folklore was published in 1925, elaborated by
Just Qvigstad himself. Lappische Mrchen- und Sagenvarianten is a classification
of Smi narratives by topics like animal tales, stories about giants, ghosts, and
more (Qvigstad, 1925a). Qvigstads collection of narratives resembles other
publications of folklore texts such as those established by other scholars, e.g.
the Finnish folklorist Kaarle Krohn (1863-1933), or August Bondeson (1854-
1906), Gunnar Olof Hyltn-Cavallius (1818-1889) in Sweden or Peter Christen
Asbjrnsen (1812-1885) and Jrgen Engebretsen Moe (1813-1882) in Norway
(Asbjrnsen and Moe, 1843-1844). Qvigstads collection has had an even greater
impact on folkloristic research thanks to its predominant place in Reidar Th.
Christiansens central work on the classification of legend types (Christiansen,
1958) as well as in the second edition of Antti Aarnes classification of the
folktale (Aarne, 1928). With their entrance in this reference publication, Smi
legends collected by Qvigstad placed Smi storytelling tradition on the map of
folklore in Europe.
One of the specificities of the Finnish school was the emphasis placed on
the study of the stability of oral tradition in certain areas (Mathisen, 2000b:110).
The collection of tales and legends compiled by Qvigstad follows this idea. His
choice to publish different variants of a given story reveals a desire to contribute
to the reconstruction of original form, in collaboration with other researchers, in
accordance with the historic-geographic method.
Despite the fact that they were collected over a long period of time, the
narratives are not presented in chronological order nor are their dispersion in
time mentioned at all. Moreover, the fact that some informants had moved
during their lifetime was downplayed, although it must have had an impact on
the storyteller. The presentation of geographic stasis lacks the ability to interpret
this aspect. One could say that the mobility of the Smi even made this image
of geographic stasis incorrect. The inaccuracy of the method and the issues
54
it raises have been underscored by Reidar Th. Christiansen. Though he was a

fervent adept of the historic-geographic method, he came to the conclusion
that the method could raise more questions than it could answer. The existence
of similar motifs or narratives in widespread areas was problematic to explain
(Christiansen, 1945; Mathisen, 2000a:194).
The political background of the day was reflected in the dominancy of the
Finnish method. As Mathisen points out, There is a link between nationalistic
ideology and a folkloristic research method (Mathisen, 2000a:191). The Finnish
school stressed a geographical and national unity, which leads Mathisen to qualify
the results of this research method as ideological and political constructs
(Mathisen, 2000a:195).
The method followed indeed the agenda striving for the enhancement of
a national pride and strength. It resulted nevertheless in extensive catalogs and
registers of folklore items that remain useful for all folklorists providing they
take into account the weaknesses and lacunas of the collection of materials.
One of these failings can be noticed when Qvigstad writes about different
narratives and variants: he focuses on the content but underemphasizes individual
creativity. The loss of subjective and local variation is characteristic of the historic-
geographic method. The informants were not considered storytellers, neither
were their contributions performances; for Qvigstad and other researchers of the
Finnish school, each informant was a tradition bearer. To scholars, the perfect
informant was faithful to the collective storytelling tradition. Characteristic of
the Finnish school was the focus on the text itself, the interest in the producers
of the oral text [] being scantier. (Honko, 2000:7). The subjective and artistic
dimensions of the storytelling were neglected.
Qvigstad did not deny the impact of cultural contacts on the Smi population.
He mentions in his foreword to Lappiske eventyr og sagn III Lyngen that contacts
with Finns and Norwegians took place in the region. Still, he wrote about a one-
sided influence, highlighting, for instance, how the Smi storytelling tradition
had been influenced by Scandinavians and Finns. He was also interested in loan
words and other traces of contacts between different groups. At that time, the
scholarly assumption was still clearly that lore could only pass from superior
culture to inferior and not in the opposite direction, as articulated by Moltke
Moe:
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Copplie Cocq
[T]he rule is that it is the most advanced people who are the donors,
and the lesser developed, who are the receivers (Moe 1887:x in
Mathisen, 2000a)
In an article in 1938, Qvigstad observes that the Smi have mixed with their
neighbors from Norway, Sweden, Finland, Russia and Karelia. It is therefore
almost impossible to find a pure Smi (Qvigstad, 1938:32). In an interview
on Norwegian radio in 1939, Qvigstad states that there is no genuine Smi race
anymore, since the Smi have mixed with their neighbors (NRK, 1939). As
for Smi folklore, he declares in the same way that it is composed of elements
borrowed from other peoples that have been adjusted to the Smi situation and
appropriated it by adding their own touch. This attitude was in accordance with
that of many of Qvigstads contemporaries (Mathisen, 2000b).
Lars Ivar Hansen has examined how Qvigstad situated himself at the
intersection of different research traditions when trying to answer the question
of which cultural elements arose from a common core, or basis; - which are
later brought in by cultural loans (diffusion) and which arose spontaneously?
(Hansen, 1992:60). At some points, Qvigstad portrays the Smi culture as
static and focused on elders. He admits that some changes had occurred, but
depicts them critically as fatal for the Smi. On the other hand, he emphasizes
the significance of cultural contacts between Smi and other people. In a
1925 lecture, Qvigstad presented his approach to cultural variation. With the
examples of language, reindeer herding and dwelling types, he referred to various
researchers and underscored the relevance of comparative studies in order to
approach aspects of Smi culture (Qvigstad, 1925b).
Qvigstad collaborated with scholars such as Konrad Nielsen for the
elaboration of his dictionary (Hansen, 1992:50) and K.B. Wiklund in connection
with the Reindeer Pasturage Commission in 1907. These collaborations placed
Qvigstad as significant in the field of Smi research. He was also distinctive in
his early interest in interdisciplinary research. In different essays, he referred to
several fields including linguistics, ethnology, and even psychology (Qvigstad,
1925a:80).
Being at the intersection of different ideologies of the time, Qvigstads
statements about the Smi reveal his dilemma when striving to create a coherent
discourse of his own. Evolutionist ideas come to the fore when he writes that
They [the Smi] are backward in everything (Qvigstad, 1907:63). This view
of hygiene and cleanliness also is expressed in the Veiledning til undersgelse af
56
Lappernes Forhold (Qvigstad, 1896), Fieldguide for the study of the situation of
the Smi. This fieldguide, published in 1896, includes an extensive questionnaire.
The topics listed consist of dwelling, clothes, food, everyday life, hunting, fishing,
reindeer and other animals, relations and superstitions. Several questions deal
with issues of cleanliness. A headline in the fieldguide, About superstitions,
also reveals an ethnocentric perspective. Qvigstads view of the Smi apparently
affected his method when collecting material, i.e. he focused on issues he already
had an opinion about.
Such a field method was not uncommon at that time. Other scholars in
linguistics and folklore also collected material with the help of a fieldguide. Ernst
Manker also used such a list in order to collect material about sacred places and
sacrifices in the 1940s and 1950s (Vorren, 1992:15). Eddy Wighus refers to the
German ethnologist and folklorist W. Mannhart (1831-1880) as a pioneer of this
method (Wighus, 1976:69). The Irish archivist and folklorist Sen OSilleabhin
(1903-1996) elaborated one of the most extensive fieldguides, A Handbook of
Irish Folklore in 1942 - first published in Irish Limhleaghar Baloideasa in 1937 -,
that contains headings similar to those that can be found in Qvigstads booklet:
about Dwelling, Household, Nature, Popular belief etc. OSilleabhin had
collaborated with the Swedish Folklorist Carl Wilhelm von Sydow (1878-1952)
and found inspiration in the work of Scandinavian scholars.
This example underscores the consensus in methodology of the time.
Qvigstad was a frontrunner with his fieldguide, and we can even imagine that
it has been used as a model by other scholars who developed more extensive
handbooks for other cultures.
Qvigstad was at the crossroads of different influences and followed the
changes occurring in the field of research. Numerous examples exist which
also reflect Qvigstads positionality in the changing influences of the time. For
instance, when talking about the Smi, he used the term Finns in 1907, the
term that was established in Northern Norway. In his later publications, he calls
the Smi Lapper, (Lapps), the general term then in use. Later, in an interview
with Norwegian Radio in 1939, he uses the term Samene (Smi), chosen by the
Smi and since the 1950s more commonly in use1 instead of the rather pejorative
term Lapp, even if he has to correct himself for not using that term, still more
commonly in use at that time (NRK, 1939).
1
A look at bibliography about the Smi reveals that the term Lapp was gradually
replaced by Smi and lost his predominance in the 1950s. Nevertheless, it was still in
use up to the 1970s (Hultkrantz, 2000:77).
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Copplie Cocq
Positionality and authority

The concept of positionality is a key to research based on ethnographic material.
The point of view adopted by an ethnographer or a storyteller when presenting
narratives shape the perspective and consequently its effect upon the audience.
Positionality is also a way to assert authority. The Smi writer Johan Turi, for
instance, stated his authority when beginning Muitalus smiid birra (Turi, [1910]
1987 -b) with Mon lean okta spmela , I am a Smi. He uses his background
as a cultural insider to legitimate his right to write about the situation of the Smi
and to ensure the validity of his accounts (DuBois, March 12, 2004). Authority
has to be motivated, in the case of Turi, by his ethnicity. In contrast to Turi, it
is Qvigstads position as an outsider that gave him his authority. His education
and position at the Romsa teachers college as the headmaster responsible for
the teaching of Smi language situated him as an authority in the field of Smi
culture and language. For the Smi, he represented the Norwegian majority. The
political context of the time, as mentioned above, placed the Smi in a situation
of inferiority.
Qvigstads positionality was influenced by romantic ideas, as some of his
statements reflect:
As with their superstitions and their heathen religion, their language

and their culture, the Smi are the pupils and the neighbours are the
teachers (Qvigstad, 1932).
In other words, a Smi fisherman was not on an equal footing with a Norwegian
scholar. This quotation reveals Qvigstads positionality toward the group studied.
His perspective as a Norwegian scholar enabled him to conduct his fieldwork and
legitimized a paternalistic attitude.
An ethnographers position has an undeniable impact on the result obtained.
The unbalanced power relation between Qvigstad and his informants must have
affected the collecting of data. Although Qvigstad did not attempt to obscure
his informants or himself from the process of interviewing - he mentioned their
names - he did not emphasize the role they might have had. Neither Qvigstad nor
any of the interviewers are mentioned as an audience in the narratives, though
they were involved in the interview situation. Because of the circumstances
of the tellings, Qvigstad must have been considered by the informants to be
an authority. Storytelling is about adapting a story to an audience and it seems
reasonable to believe that the informants adapted the language they used and
58
the content of some stories, in order to sound more adequate to a Norwegian

teacher. The issue of authority, once again, plays an important role, since the
expectations of the interviewer - real or believed by informants - may alter the
narration.
The interviews were conducted in North Smi, since Qvigstad was eager to
collect language samples. Qvigstad had learned Smi as a young adult and was
self-confident in his mastery of the Smi language. His main informant in the
second volume, Ellen Utsi, mentions in an interview that Qvigstad knew Smi
better than she did (Berg, 1981). This might have been ironic, since we know
Qvigstad did comment on some of his informants proficiency in Smi, although
he was not himself a native speaker. In a letter to K. B. Wiklund in 1896, he named
a Smi informant who, according to Qvigstad, did not pronounce correctly and
used short vowels where there should be long vowels (Qvigstad, 22.7.1896). We
can assume that his position and self-confidence was noticeable in the context of
the interview and may have increased the power imbalance between interviewer
and interviewee.
Methodology
The context of the interviews has a significant impact on the result of the
data collected (Nyberg et al., 2000). Before an attempt to recreate this context
and Qvigstads encounter with his informants, we also need to examine his
methodology as a researcher and ethnographer.
The content of his notebooks as well as his methodology in the field reveal
that Qvigstad was an orderly and meticulous researcher. Many of the booklets he
left offer todays researchers lists with words, place names, family names, topical
bibliographies, and more (Qvigstad, Notes). As a basis for his different works,
he scrupulously studied protocols from authorities, including police and court
records. Qvigstad seems to have striven to collect as much data as possible and to
establish a total corpus of different topics. In archives, we find notes that give us
hints about how he worked, systematically and in a thorough way. Nevertheless,
the neat appearance of these notes indicates that they are fair copies rather than
field notes.
A look at Qvigstads early publications reveals the recurrence of his
methodology. In 1896, he published his Veiledning til undersgelse af Lappernes Forhold,
Fieldguide for the study of the situation of the Smi, which aimed at collecting
terminology, descriptions and practical details and habits of Smi life. He sent
59
Copplie Cocq
this checklist to people he was acquainted with and colleagues. Publications

based on the answers of Smi informants to these questions collected by Anders
Larsen (1950), Ole Thomassen and Peder Mikalsen (Thomassen, 1999) show that
this fieldguide was put to use. Anders Larsen (1870-1949) studied at the Romsa
seminar from 1897 to 1899 and was one of the first Smi writers. He was the
editor of the Smi newspaper Sagai Muittaldje (The news reporter) between
1904 and 1911 and published in 1912 the novel Beaive Alggo (Daybreak). In 1949,
Qvigstad received the manuscript of Om sjsamene (About the Coastal Smi) and
translated it. In 1950, it was published with a preface and notes by Qvigstad. He
comments that he encouraged Larsen to write this manuscript but does not refer
to his Veiledning. Nevertheless, the content and order of the topics presented by
Larsen leave no doubt that his manuscript is composed of answers to Qvigstads
questions. Anders Larsens description of dwelling, clothes, food and cooking
and the like is a first-person account of an experience-based knowledge.
A similar manuscript was discovered in 1994 by Lena Antonsen in the
archives of the Museum of Ethnography in Oslo (Thomassen, 1999:6). Ole
Thomassen (1844-1926) wrote in 1896-98 a description of the situation of the
coastal Smi and sent it to Qvigstad. Thomassen was both an informant and
collaborator of Qvigstad. His contributions can be found in Friis and Qvigstads
publications. Peder A. Mikalsen (1870-1904) furnished shorter contributions
about the situation of the coastal Smi in the 1880s and later (Thomassen,
1999:8-9). He worked as a teacher and had studied in Romsa in 1897, where he
most likely came in contact with Qvigstad.
In his own publications, Qvigstad did not refer to his list, but a closer look
at his works reveals that he followed it closely when recording. Both Lappische
Wetterkunde (Smi weatherlore) (Qvigstad, 1934) and Lappischer Aberglaube
(Smi superstition) (Qvigstad, 1920) are presented in sections that match
questions from the fieldguides check list. Similarly, Qvigstad published booklets
about sieidi and reindeer diseases. His Opptegnelser fra samernas liv (Records of
Smi life) (Qvigstad, 1954) is a list of answers to the questionnaire, illustrated
by short stories.
Topics brought up in Lappiske eventyr og sagn correspond to the ones in the
last section of the list, about superstition. We can read stories about animals, the
fiend Stllu, invisible beings, ghosts, Christmas, premonitions It is obvious that
he followed the same question list when recording data during his fieldwork.
The 26 points in the fieldguide dealing with superstition are more vague
topics than specific questions. The informants might have answered in many
60
different ways when they were asked to tell about Stllu. By asking his informants
general questions, we can imagine that Qvigstad must have heard and collected
much more than he first meant to. In Lappiske eventyr og sagn, he published different
versions of the same stories. The four-volume publication may be the result of
this method, in that Qvigstad may have amassed a lot of unpublished material
that he did not choose to publish at first, but finally decided to publish in the
four volumes. The late publication of Lappiske eventyr og sagn - in the late 1920s
- contains material collected already in the 1880s. We can imagine that Qvigstad
heard and noted carefully and thoroughly stories that by their content did not
fit directly with his expectations. Nevertheless, he apparently published most of
them.
As mentioned above, it was not uncommon to work according to a question
list. What was particular for Qvigstad is the fact that he apparently used the
same list through all the years he collected Smi material, and that he recorded
narratives about so many topics.
At the end of his working life, he had managed to collect most of the
material he wanted to document. In a radio interview in 1939, he tells that as
for legends and tales, you probably cannot find anything new in the field, only
versions of already documented narratives if you ask older people. Regarding
superstition about death, there are still things to be collected (NRK, 1939).
Field research
As Lars Ivar Hansen points out, Qvigstads method was based on a positivist
empirical orientation, which emphasized the significance of data collection
(Hansen, 1992). This implied that fieldwork played an important role in his
research method, in linguistics as well as in folklore. His acquaintance with the
language, the geographical conditions of the field and the situation of the Smi
also indicate that Qvigstad was one of the first researchers conducting his own
fieldwork.
Already in the 1880s, Qvigstad traveled through Norwegian Spmi, met
informants and collected narratives. He had collaborators, but he was mainly his
own collector. In the Nordic countries, the first organized seminar in fieldwork
methods occurred in 1965 (Kvideland et al., 1989:6). If his fieldwork cannot be
compared with Malinowskis (1884-1942) participant observation, he conducted
nonetheless fieldwork on many occasions.
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Copplie Cocq
In the field, he used a collapsible table (Qvigstad, Notes) and we can imagine him
listening meticulously and writing down the narratives informants would tell him.
The extensiveness of the material he produced indicates that he must have spent
hours by his table and must have had a routinized method for writing.
These instances of direct fieldwork are, however, exceptions and Qvigstad did
not collect all the materials by himself. Regarding his major publication, Lappiske
eventyr og sagn, he was helped by persons with Smi background who interviewed
other Smi and submitted their work to Qvigstad. In each of the four volumes,
he provides in the foreword information not only about the informants, but
also about the interviewers. All collaborators were males, most of them teachers.
Among his collaborators, we find Isak Saba, member of the Parliament, and
Magnus Olsen from the Romsa teachers college. The writer Matti Aikio and the
priest G. Balke also contributed to the collection. Thanks to his fieldguide and
the list of questions, he had the possibility to send collaborators into the field
with explicit guidelines about what was to be collected.
The informants
The first volume of Lappiske eventyr og sagn, concerning the Varanger region, is a
compilation of stories told by nine informants (eight men and one woman), all
coastal Smi excepted one Skolt Smi. The narrators were born between 1835
and 1875.
The second volume (Troms and Finnmark) is the result of interviews
undertaken with 39 informants, one anonymous, 32 men and six women. They
represent several generations, with the oldest born in 1811 and the youngest in
19021. The majority was born between 1820 and 1860. Most of the narrators
were coastal Smi.
Qvigstad begins the third volume (Lyngen) with a geographical,
demographical and historical presentation of the research area. He stressed the
great deal of cultural contacts between Smi, Finns and Norwegians that had
occurred in the region. Most of the stories were collected by Qvigstad himself,
from 14 informants (twelve men and two women), most of whom were born
between 1840 and 1880, all settled coastal Smi.
The fourth volume is partly a completion of the third on Lyngen, and a
continuation with stories of the last region studied by Qvigstad, Nordland.
1
These informants are youngest and oldest among those whose birthdates are
recorded.
62
Besides the informants from the third volume, stories were told by 18 other
narrators (15 men and 3 women), most of them born between 1840 and 1880.
Of all informants, almost 84 % were males and 15 % were women (a few
remained anonymous). One can wonder if the overrepresentation of male
narrators can be explained by the choice of the informants, or by what Qvigstad
had at hand. It would be hazardous to conclude from these figures that the
tradition of storytelling was exercised mostly by men. Britta Pollan has reacted to
this unequal representation of gender in the sample:
Sannsynligvis har kvinnene vrt langt mer active i formidling

av fortellertradisjonen enn hva Qvigstads samling reflekterer.
Overvekten av manlige fortellere har nok sammenheng med at det
er men og ikke kvinner som str for insamlingen (Pollan, 1997:31).
Women have probably been much more active in the transmission

of storytelling tradition than is reflected in Qvigstads sample. The
overrepresentation of male storytellers certainly has to do with the
fact that there were men, and not women, who were in charge of
the collection.
As Pollan states, it is evident that the fact that women are underrepresented
does not reflect the factual situation of Smi storytelling tradition at the time.
The fact that all interviewers were males can partly explain the fact that so few
women contributed to the collection. They might have not been willing to be
interviewed. The male interviewers might have sought male informants in the
first place.
Comparisons between Qvigstads field research and the Dlvadas project
conducted in Finland in 1967-75 can be drawn. Both projects aimed at
interviewing as many informants as possible and at collecting Smi narratives of
different types. The interviewers of the Dlvadas project used question lists in
order to collect folklore according to topics set up by the fieldworkers. Difficulties
that occurred in the meetings with informants might also have been the same.
Nyberg, Huuskonen and Enges (Nyberg et al., 2000) note that the Dlvadas
research group did not always have the possibility to choose their informants
because of practical matters. For instance, few interviews were conducted with
young women from the village who had small children (Nyberg et al., 2000:517).
We can reasonably assume that Qvigstad had the same problem at some point
in his fieldwork. The reason why he had few women informants can partly be
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explained by the difficulty of meeting them. The way he conducted his fieldwork,
by meticulously writing sometimes long narratives, must have taken hours.
Willingness to contribute to Qvigstads collection is another factor that has to be
taken into account. Being interviewed for hours by a Norwegian teacher, former
headmaster of the Romsa teachers college and cabinet minister is likely to have
frightened away some of the community members.
We know little about the way Qvigstad chose his informants. Britta Pollan
reveals that if Qvigstad collected most of his data during fieldwork, some
informants were students at the Romsa school where he worked (Pollan, 1997:31).
Information about Qvigstads choice of informants can be found in one of his
lectures.
De bedste fortllere er dde, og man m henvende sig til folk p over

50, helst over 60 r for at f hre noget. Den yngre slegt har andre
interesser og er optat av matstrvet. [] Det hensigtsmssigste
vilde vre om man kunde f folkeskolelrare av lappisk herkomst
til at optegne hvad de selv vet eller kan f hre av andre. (Qvigstad,
1925b:76)
The best informants are dead, and one has to turn to people older
than 50, preferably older than 60, to obtain something. The younger
generation has other interests and is occupied in making its daily
bread. [] The most appropriate would be to induce schoolteachers
of Smi origin to document what they themselves know and what
they may hear from others.
This quotation indicates that Qvigstad accorded authority to the teachers. They
were considered a reliable source of knowledge. The majority of his collaborators
were teachers, as were some of the informants.
A rapid look at the sample shows that of the 81 informants, 34 were older
than 50 at the time they told the legends and tales collected by Qvigstad and
his collaborators. The year of birth of 13 informants is unknown, and we can
not be sure that he gave priority to older storytellers in practice. Moreover, in
the last volume of Lappiske eventyr og sagn, four stories were told by a nine year
old, and one by a 13 year old! The accessibility of informants may have been a
predominant factor in Qvigstads selection of storytellers, rather that the criteria
he mentioned in his text of 1925.
64
The second volume - where the repertoires of the storytellers analyzed in Chapter
Four are presented - comprises stories from 39 Smi informants gathered by
about ten different persons. The fieldwork had been conducted between 1878 and
1926, that is to say a long period of time. As mentioned above, the informants
were also distributed between different generations. The youngest one, born in
1902, was 24 years old at the time the interviews took place; while the oldest one,
born in 1811, was 84 years old when he was interviewed.
Oral tradition and storytelling are characterized by their dynamic qualities;
much had happened at that time, and tales and legends have been affected by
external social change. But, as mentioned above, the ideas of Qvigstads time
focused on stability rather than on changes. This attitude corresponds to the
approach of the Finnish school, depicting folklore as frozen items. Qvigstads
narrators were apparently not encouraged to tell stories about their present or
about cultural change. Smi stories were considered as history, not present or
future. Consequently, narratives of change were seen as non-folklore, so that
folklore could be imagined as an unchanging heritage from the past. Even later,
when admitting that folklore still was alive, scholars kept considering that the
function of folklore was to maintain culture, and neglected its embedded quality
of expressing social change (Bascom, 1954).
Most of the informants were coastal Smi. Some were nomads, others lived
a sedentary lifestyle, and a few were school teachers. The different occupations
can be seen as variation in social and cultural background, which are meaningful
factors in tradition. With different backgrounds, informants must have had
different acquaintance with narrative tradition and different views on storytelling.
This provides us with a variety of data covering a huge range of local traditions.
Nevertheless, they are presented by Qvigstad as homogeneous.
Qvigstads way of working and collecting data reveal his agenda. He was
striving to collect as much material as possible in order to set up an encyclopedia.
He kept records of words by dialects or topics, place names and so on. His lists
of inhabitants by area seem to indicate that he wanted to establish a kind of
census of the population in different areas of northern Norway.
But Qvigstads principal agenda was to record Smi material that he
considered to be vanishing. He saw it as his duty to leave to the world a collection
of Smi traditions and dialects description so that there would be a trace of this
people after it died out.
65
Copplie Cocq
Meeting the informants

After this first look at the background, position and fieldwork of Qvigstad, I will
now attempt to reconstruct how his meeting and relation to his informants might
have occurred.
Nyberg, Huuskonen and Enges (Nyberg et al., 2000) have pointed out
how interviewers influence the material they collect. The different identities of
Smi and non-Smi collectors who carried out the Dlvadas project in northern
Finland showed noticeable differences in the data they obtained. The position
of the collector as insider or outsider affected the form and the content of the
interviewees answers. In a similar way, we can imagine that Just K. Qvigstad,
as a Norwegian and outsider, influenced his informants and consequently their
narratives. Narrators might have chosen topics that would please the collector.
Also, they might have avoided topics to which he might take offense. The scarcity
of stories about Norwegians, priests or erotic relations can be interpreted as the
informants choice not to bring up these topics in their meeting with Qvigstad
(Wighus, 1976:54-56).
It does not leave any doubts that fieldworkers come into contact with
taboo topics. Pentikinen, for instance, observed a reticence when conducting
interviews in 1965-67 about the eahpra (dead-child) tradition:
We also noticed that the ppar tradition, especially when it was

ones own experience, was a supra-normal theme which they did
not like to discuss. Other highly delicate matters were churchyard
earth, which was used in Finnmark by witches to induce certain
illnesses, offerings made to seita-stones and their own encounters
with ghosts. (Pentikinen, 1968:307)
Differences between narratives told by Turi and those told by Qvigstads

informants reveal discrepancies that can be interpreted as related to the audience.
Johan Turi wrote about Norwegians, settlers and other Smi he even mentions
their names on some occasions whereas the other storytellers did not tell about
relations with other actual groups. Qvigstad as a Norwegian may have been a
preventing factor for narratives about Norwegians.
Annikki Kaivola-Bregenhj has also observed how the audience of a
performance or an interview plays a significant role for the narratives:
My conversations with Juho Oksanen demonstrated that when there

were several listeners and the situation was not an interview but a
66
social gathering, the narrator presented the shortest versions of

his stories. The trusting atmosphere prevailing during the interview
created intensity and drive, the pauses in the discourse vanished
almost entirely, the narrator made fewer comments, the tempo
was faster, his voice became louder and he laughed more forcibly
(Kaivola-Bregenhj, 1999:24).
In the case of Qvigstad, a look at the different repertoires indicates that some
informants might have felt comfortable with him and easily told narratives,
whereas other more uncomfortable only told a brief version. As we will see
in Chapter Four, Ellen Utsi accounted many narratives, longer on average than
other informants, as for instance Per Br whose narration seems to indicate
some reticence.
Beside these aspects over which he did not have power, Qvigstad collected
material scrupulously and with accuracy, combining different methods in order
to gather as much material as possible. Although he accorded great value to
oral material (Wighus, 1976:48), he also received and published written material,
contributions from informants. He used teachers and students from the Romsa
teachers college as informants. According to Wighus, he paid some Smi to come
to Romsa and conducted interviews there when he could not travel (Wighus,
1976:48-49), information that is not revealed in Qvigstads publications. The fact
that he would have paid some persons for telling stories is interesting, insofar as
it would imply that the stories were told as a service to Qvigstad, and there is a
possibility that due to the involvement of money, the narrators may have felt a
greater pressure to please his expectations.
In Lappiske eventyr og sagn, Qvigstad refers to Friis and Balke as collaborators.
They had collected a great amount of Smi material and some of their unpublished
narratives have been added by Qvigstad to his own material. Thus, Qvigstad
seems to have applied different methods for collecting: interviews in Romsa or
in the field, in addition to the use of a question list, written documents, letters
and data collected by others.
In his publications, Qvigstad shows respect for his informants. After each
story, he provides us with the names of interview subjects, alternately withholding
such information at the request of informants wishing for anonymity. In his
forewords, he provides information about the year of birth, their occupation
(nomad, settler, ). By referring to numbers, he indicates who carried out what
interviews.
67
Copplie Cocq
Lappiske eventyr og sagn: from interview to publication

Charles Briggs and Richard Bauman have, in an article about the collaboration
between Franz Boas (1858-1942) and his collaborator George Hunt (Briggs and
Bauman, 1999), highlighted the partiality behind the collecting of texts, recordings
and artefacts from Kwakwakawakw communities. Franz Boas expected a certain
kind of material, which stressed the traditional aspects of Native American
culture and toned down aspects of contacts between different cultures. This
point of view influenced strongly the collecting of texts and artifacts, to the
extent that he ordered it from George Hunt and refused what would not fit his
expectations, even threatening him when not acquiring what he wanted. Briggs and
Bauman have analyzed Boas and Hunts crucial roles in the process of collecting
material in terms of entextualization, detextualization, decontextualization and
recontextualization. These concepts are valuable in an attempt to approach the
role played by Qvigstad when collecting tales and legends in Smi communities.
Qvigstads classification by themes follows the standards of the Finnish school.
By doing this, Qvigstad also entextualized Smi narratives; he reconstructed the
text with an imposition of standards. Wighus has compared original manuscripts
and publications and noticed some discrepancies. The comparison between
original and translation shows that at certain points in the translation, Qvigstad
left out several sentences that he considered superfluous or redundant.
In the preface to the first volume of Lappiske eventyr og sagn, he recounts for
difficulties in translating the Smi text into Norwegian.
Oversettlesen er s niaktig som mulig, nr den ikke skulde bli altfor

slepende og unorsk. Ofte har jag brukt pronomen istedefor gjenta
substantivet; p andre steder har jag for tydelighets skyld mttet
gjenta substantivet, hvor fortelleren nide sig med pronomen eller
kun verbet i en bestemt person. (Qvigstad, 1927:foreword)
The translation is as accurate as possible, when it did not risk

being too drawling or incorrect in Norwegian. I have often used
the pronoun instead of repeating the substantive; elsewhere, I have
repeated the substantive in order to clarify, where the storyteller
only used the pronoun or the verb in a particular person.
The English translation of the narratives as it appears in the next chapters is

based on the North Smi text and is as close to the original as possible in order
68
to highlight the storytellers narrative strategies. However, Qvigstads comment

on his translation into Norwegian highlights the peculiarities in Smi storytelling,
as we will see in Chapter Four.
As previously mentioned, Qvigstad furnishes information about the
informants their names, occupations, year of birth and location. He also lets us
know who collected the material and when. But we do not know the exigencies
Qvigstad had on his collaborators, or if they modified the material collected
in order to please him, like Hunt did with Boas (Briggs and Bauman, 1999).
The material has undergone a detextualization, a process of erasure through
the toning down or disappearance of background information. This strategy
allows the ethnographer to become invisible and make the material appear more
authentic. Although Qvigstad does not appear in the stories published, as an
interviewer, he must have influenced the storyteller. A story implies an adaptation
to the audience, but we do not know to what extent he influenced the narration,
for example by asking questions. The relation between the informant and the
interviewer also has an effect on the process of storytelling.
The concept of decontextualization emphasizes the disconnection of the
stories from the background. For instance, the classification of the stories can
be made after formal criteria (imposed genres) instead of following the native
classification and genres. One drastic change imposed by Qvigstad is this
disconnection of the narratives: the texts are not presented in the continuity they
were told, but as separate stories.
Qvigstad published tales and legends in four volumes categorized by
the region in which they were collected, without consideration of genre or
chronology. This choice shows Qvigstads frame of interpretation and reveals
what Briggs and Bauman call recontextualization. He chose to present the stories
according to their geographical location and their theme, with focus on the
cultural homogeneity. The ideological context of the era and his position toward
the future of the Smi culture also affected his work. His preference for elder
informants was influenced by his idea that the Smi culture was vanishing. Other
publications show more distinctly how Smi were portrayed from a romantic
perspective. Qvigstads Lappische Heilkunde (Smi medical knowledge (Qvigstad,
1932)) recounts the traditional knowledge of the Smi as unscientific and nave,
in comparison to medical knowledge.
Mathisen has also underscored how narratives had been decontextualized
and made into tale types or combinations of motifs in the research process. It
constructs an image of folklore as an essentialistic, homogeneous and authentic
69
Copplie Cocq
product of culture (Mathisen, 2000a:191), in accordance with the ideas of the

Finnish school. The title eventyr og sagn itself implies a recontextualization of
the narratives. The texts are interpreted as tales and legends, and following
the patterns of classification of European folklore. The title Smi tales and
legends does not include any notion of traditional knowledge, despite the fact
that oral tradition was the main means of transmission of such knowledge.
Richard Bauman has emphasized how narratives fall upon a process
of objectification when undergoing a transformation from performance to
publication. One dimension of objectification is accomplished by setting off
each text with a title [] (Bauman, 1999:114), he observes, and a further
dimension of objectification is represented by the rendering of each text as a
unitary narrative with a single plot (ibid:115). The texts we find in Lappiske eventyr
og sagn have undergone this process. Qvigstad has set titles and the narratives are
presented as separated events, though we know he could collect several stories
from a same informant within a short period of time. The connection different
texts may have had to one another has been erased.
Another frame of interpretation that may have influenced Qvigstads choice
of informants and geographical location is his consideration of Laestadianism.
He wrote in 1925:
Hvor lstadianismen rder, ansees eventyr og sagn som noget

unyttig eller syndig. Det vil ikke lnne sig at sende ut mnd for kun
at samle folkeminder (Qvigstad, 1925b:76).
Where Laestadianism reigns, legends and folk tales are regarded

as worthless or sinful. It is not worth sending men out to collect
folkloristic traditions.
Some areas were excluded from fieldwork, since they were not considered
interesting from a folkloristic point of view. Laestadinism set a strong mark
on Smi beliefs and culture, and it has undoubtedly affected the communitys
approach to traditional tales and legends. But the fact that Qvigstad rejected
the area as a field of research may have neglected a few valuable storytellers. In
other words, Qvigstad recontextualized storytelling and considered it within a
certain frame, from which he concluded that collecting folkloristic traditions in
certain areas was impossible. This point of view, however, is not in accordance
with what other researchers have observed. Robert Paine has given the example
of a coastal Smi village where Laestadian Smi in fact did take an active interest
70
in folklore, adapting legends in ways that reflected their religious views (Paine,
1994). What Qvigstad meant is probably that the presence of Laestadianism
would reflect cultural change and variation, aspects that he would have wanted
to downplay. He was interested in stasis within what he considered a vanishing
culture. Storytelling that would have been contaminated by new religious values
was therefore of no significance to him.
Qvigstads biases and overall attitude affected his choice of informants, and
must have also had an effect on the persons he interviewed. But also his authority
must have influenced the relation between Qvigstad and the Smi storyteller.
When he collected the major portion of the material for Lappiske eventyr og sagn,
he was an old man, established as a researcher and somehow quite famous in
Romsa. He played a significant role in the local community and had had an
important position on the national level as a member of Wollert Konows cabinet
in 1910-1912 (Nissen, 1953:3).
The power relationship that existed between the storytellers and Qvigstad
was unbalanced at several levels. As a Norwegian, he represented the majority,
mainstream and normative group. The Smi had been oppressed for a long time,
and they were expected to adjust to Norwegian norms in their contact with
the authorities. The meeting between Qvigstad and his informants must have
occurred in a similar way: they probably had to (or felt that they had to) adjust to
him and his expectations.
On another level, we can guess that his position as the director of the Romsa
teachers school also played a significant role in the context of the interviews.
This old man asking questions of the Smi must have been considered a school
teacher rather than a peer, which would have affected the content of the data
collected. It implies that they might have made efforts in order to answer
adequately, regarding both the language and the contents.
All these aspects must be taken into account when studying narratives
published in Lappiske eventyr og sagn. Contextualizing Qvigstads work lets us assume
that the stories he collected were affected by his positionality and authority. In
the light of this attempt at contextualization, we have to define the implications
of the interview situation for todays researchers and this present study.
71
Copplie Cocq
Implications of the field work on the material:

the researchers dilemma
The Smi legends and tales collected by Qvigstad represent the most extensive
collection of its kind. It is obviously a very significant source of knowledge
about the Smi tradition of storytelling at the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries. Writing about Lappiske eventyr og sagn, rnuf Vorren states that the
narratives are primary sources put in writing as they were told (Vorren, 1992:4).
My attempt at contextualizing the production of Lappiske eventyr og sagn has
highlighted how narratives might not be as faithful and accurate to the storytelling
tradition as Vorren seems to believe. The issues discussed above have pointed out
that Qvigstad provided us with some information about the background of the
data collected, but also that we are lacking other essential information. Further,
the ideological context affected the choice of informants, the way the data were
collected and consequently the material. Qvigstad - with other collectors of Smi
narratives - has contributed to the essentialization of representation of Smi
culture in the telling of their narratives (Mathisen, 2000a:187). The collection
does not render truly and faithfully Smi culture, but responds to a political and
ideological project.
The lack and imperfection of the process in which the material was collected
have to be taken into account by the researcher, but the value of the narratives
should not be reduced. Hkan Rydving calls attention to how material collected
by missionaries was often affected by a one-sided emphasis on some aspects, since
it was collected according to a specific agenda (Rydving, 2000). He underscores
how important it is to be aware of the exaggeration and emphasis made by the
authors. Qvigstad was influenced by the ideology of his time, and it is important
to be aware of this aspect when studying his publications. Compared with the
accounts of missionaries, the material collected by Qvigstad has the advantage of
containing information about its provenance. Rydving highlights that localizing
the information is a key to the analysis (Rydving, 2000:29). Spmi is a large
territory, and there are huge variations between different Smi communities.
Therefore, it is essential to know where the material was collected as well as the
origin of the informant.
Knowledge about the time when the collecting took place is also essential.
It enables us to understand the data within the political and ideological frame of
the era under focus. If Qvigstad did not pay much attention to chronology when
72
presenting his material, we can be grateful to have information about the year the
data was collected and the year of birth of most of the informants.
Another issue when studying the reliability of Qvigstads collection is the
linguistic aspect. He transcribed the North Smi material as meticulously as
possible, as he states in the foreword of the first volume of Lappiske eventyr og
sagn (Qvigstad, 1927). In his material at the Norwegian Folklore Archives, he
noted that he normalized the manuscript to some degree (Qvigstad, NFS 10).
His correspondence and collaboration with Konrad Nielsen also indicates that
he adjusted to some extent the language of the narratives to a written form. We
do know that Qvigstad had studied North Smi, but it is difficult to know how
well he understood the linguistic variations in the areas he studied. Nor can we
know if the informants adapted their language so that Qvigstad could more
easily understand it, or modified it so that it would better suit a teachers ears.
In other words, more has to be known before one can use Qvigstads data as a
thorough source of information about the North Smi language at the time the
interviews took place.
Lappiske eventyr og sagn can also be interpreted in terms of insider/outsider
relations. Qvigstad was not part of Smi culture, but he was both interested in
and knowledgeable about the culture and the language. His publications offer
no analysis; Qvigstad carefully tabulated the data he collected without revealing
his opinion or interpretations. But how faithful was he to the stories? Today,
we do not know if he wrote everything he heard or if he censored some of the
narratives. He did, nevertheless, publish almost all material he collected, even if
archived materials reveal that he chose not to publish some variants of narratives
he had already documented (Qvigstad, NFS; Wighus, 1976).
With a great deal of uncertainty about Qvigstads method, we face the
dilemma of how to use his material. There are, however, ways to reduce this degree
of uncertainty. One of them is intertextuality: by comparing similar stories from
different sources, it is possible to overcome the problems of entextualization
and detextualization to some degree. The Smi author Johan Turi, for instance,
wrote stories he was acquainted with through a collective storytelling tradition.
A comparison of his stories with the ones Qvigstad collected enables us to sort
out aspects that may emerge as a reflection of the relation between informant
and interviewer.
Another way to avoid a misinterpretation of the stories is to use a method
that emphasizes the production of narratives. It implies taking into account the
background of a story, that is to say its production and distribution.
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Copplie Cocq
Concluding remarks
Johan Turi, Per Br, Isak Eira and Ellen Utsi came from the area of Guovdageaidnu
and even though they moved within the north Spmi region during their lifetime,
they originate from the same storytelling tradition. Also, their narratives were
collected and published at the beginning of the twentieth century. This common
denominator of the corpus provides a point of departure for the analysis.
Both similarities and discrepancies between these storytellers repertoires
become visible in the analysis of the texts in the second part of this study. As
pointed out in this chapter, the narratives also present particularities related to
their context of emergence that must be taken into account in their analysis.
If linguistic features, for instance, can be useful in the study of Turis text, for
example, their application in the analysis of the other storytellers texts would be
too hazardous, since we lack of information about the original orally narrated
text.
I intend to show how Qvigstads material, though the ethnographers role
in the narrative event, expresses dynamism. The narratives he collected reflect a
storytellers relation to an outsider and to the social context. Therefore, I consider
these texts highly valuable in the study of the expression of social change through
storytelling. Qvigstads collection represents a testimony of an earlier time that is
too valuable not to be included in the study of Smi storytelling.
Rather than assuming the stability of culture, I rather describe folklore and
narratives as a way to respond to cultural changes. It incorporates new elements
to conventional ones and makes it something of its own.
The dynamic aspect of narratives is a gateway into a storytellers expression
of social change that can be accessed thanks to the concepts of genre and
polyphony as analytical tools. The study of narratives collected by Qvigstad
from Ellen Utsi, Isak Eira and Per Br enables us to approach the position of
three of Turis contemporaries toward the storytelling tradition and toward the
sociocultural and political context of their time.
The presentation of the contextual background of emergence of the texts
makes one become aware of the force of the various influences coexisting in
northern Spmi at the time these storytellers lived. This intense time of change
has undoubtedly affected the community members, which comes to expression
in their narratives. After I have established the contextual aspects of the corpus in
this first part, the second part of the study focuses on the repertoires in relation
to their context.
74
Part II
Chapter Three:
Polyphonic Narratives
Storytelling reveals meaning without committing the error of defining it. - Hannah Arendt
Muitalus smiid birra is a seminal work for the Smi and for Smi literature. But the
analysis of Johan Turis first book reveals that it is also an arena of polyphony. This
chapter focuses on the coexistence of socio-ideological languages in Muitalus. As
we will see, the immediate context as well as the political discourses that existed
at the time he was writing emerge in narration. The other focal point of the
analysis is on Turis strategies in his writings. The skillfulness of the narrator
becomes evident when we focus on the strategies of elaboration of authority and
of management of degrees of responsibility.
Indigenous authority
Johan Turi opens his book with a short text introducing himself and his goal
with Muitalus. These very first lines let us know the perspective he adopts in his
narratives:
Mon lean okta spmela, guhte lean bargan visot smi bargguid ja
mon dovddan visot smi dili. (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:11)
I am a Smi who have busied myself with all manner of Smi work,
and I know all about Smi life.1
1
The translation into English of Johan Turis text is based on Turis Book of Lappland
(Turi, 1931a). However, I have opted for my own translations when necessary in order to
underscore more accurately the linguistic and rhetorical strategies of Turi. Such nuances
have been lost in the English translation by E. Gee Nash, based on the Danish translation,
and not on the Smi original text. Translations as well as argumentations on linguistic
aspects of the Smi texts are the result of discussions with Professor Mikael Svonni.
75
Copplie Cocq
This statement establishes an authority based on his position as a community

member, on his experience and on his knowledge. These are complete, Turi
stresses, by repeating visot (all). This statement leaves no doubt to the reader
about Turis competence for writing such a book.
As we can read in the foreword of Muitalus, he had a clear ambition when
writing the first book in Smi by a Smi.
Mon lean jurddaan, ahte dat livui buoremus, jos livui dakkr
girji, masa lea visot llojuvvon bajs smi eallin ja dilli, vai ii
drbba jearrat, got lea smi dilli, ja vai eai beasa botnjat nuppe
ldje, dakkrat guet hliidit smiid nala gielistit, ja botnjat viso
beare smiid sivalaan, go leat riiddut dlolaaid ja smiid gaskkas
Norggas ja Ruoas. (Turi, [1910] 1987 -a:11)
Ive thought that it would be a good thing if there was a book

which told everything about Smi life and circumstances so that
folk didnt have to keep asking What are Smi circumstances? and
so that folk shouldnt come to twist everything round till the Smi
are always slandered, and always made out to be in the wrong when
theres trouble between the Smi and the settlers up in Norway and
Sweden.
Considering the lack of knowledge about the Smi displayed by government

officials, he wanted to present the situation of his people. His ambition is thus
to give a complete presentation of the situation of the Smi, and his book aims
to fill in an empty space that, according to Turi, needed to be filled up. [D]at
livui buoremus (it would be best), he writes, revealing his will to improve the
situation of the Smi. His goal therefore becomes more than to write a book of
general public interest on Smi history and culture, Turi also has a political aim.
Muitalus is an attempt to make a contribution for his people.
In this first text, Turi presents himself as a protagonist, using the first person
mon and presenting his rationale for writing such a book. He writes in a rather
literary style, addressing a reader. Turi calls attention to his background as a Smi
and does not refer explicitly to any other sources of knowledge than himself.
There are two main socio-ideological voices coexisting in this prefatory note.
The first, indigenous, voice expresses the collective Smi tradition to which
he has access as a Smi whereas the second addresses the political issues and
concerns in Smi politics at the time Turi is writing. He takes full responsibility
76
in these narratives by being present as a protagonist and source of knowledge,

and not only as a storyteller. He conveys his emotional and ideological opinion
to the audience.
The section of the book that follows the introductory text resembles a
school manual. Turi teaches us about Smi history, traditional knowledge, reindeer
herding, and other traditional folkways. He begins this section with a reference
to the oral tradition of which he is part: Boarrseamos muitalusat smiid birra, dat
maid nubbi spmi lea muitalan nuppi spmi (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:15) (The oldest
stories about the Smi, that have been told by one Smi to the other). Here, Turi
refers to the source of his knowledge. Storytelling was an oral tradition in the
Smi community, and the stories he is going to share with us are part of it. Thus,
he does not appear as a subjectivity telling about his own experience. He presents
his muitalusat (stories) as extracts from a broader pool of knowledge.
In his first text about the origin of the Smi, Turi uses different degrees of
presence. He is explicitly present when using the first person and telling us about
what he thinks and beliefs (mon jurddaan, mon doaivvun (Turi, [1910] 1987 -
b:15) (I think)), but chooses at some point to disappear by using the impersonal
third person without pronoun: ii leat gullon (No one has ever heard).
The study of modality, i.e. devices which allows speakers to express varying
degrees of commitment to, or belief in, a proposition (Saeed, 1997:131),
highlights the relation of a speaker (writer, storyteller) to a set of utterances.
Modal verbs, adverbs and verb moods are common devices to express modality.
Variations in modality, including instances in which Turi appears as a protagonist
versus times when he disappears, reflects different degrees of responsibility.
Similarly, evidentiality allows a speaker to communicate her attitude to the
source of information (Saeed, 1997:131). The storyteller can therefore let us
know his attitude to the information as well as the source of his knowledge, such
as first-hand knowledge or another source. Turi introduces, for instance, narratives
about the origin of his people by telling us Ds leat juhkelg muitalusat, muhto ii
leat vissis leatgo jur nuolga, go eai leat llojuvvon (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:15) (There are
all manner of tales, but it is not certain that they are all quite true, as they have
never been written down). Here, he associates the written word with a guarantee
of truth, whereas he questions the veracity of oral tradition. Although he had
himself gained his knowledge through this oral tradition, he stresses the reliability
of written texts. Turis irony reveals the dilemma that arises when addressing two
different audiences. Since Muitalus was the first book written in Smi by a Smi,
the muitalusat had never been written. The spoken word was central to the Smi,
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Copplie Cocq
and Turis first attempt as an author implies that he had to adjust an oral tradition
to the written word. The genre of Smi narratives hence had to undergo an
adaptation. The major change entailed was the adjustment from a direct, present
audience to an indirect, unknown reader. Knowledge based on orality would
probably not be questioned by the Smi audience, but outsiders - the European
readers whom Turi and Demant were aiming at - would be expected to attach
greater importance to a written source. In the process of writing Muitalus, Turi
is becoming an author. His comment increases the significance of his words.
Implicitly, he is also telling us that once written, his stories will reach a new
dimension. In Turis text, modality and evidentiality reflect how he at some points
avoids taking responsibility for the stories he is going to tell. Rather, he refers to
a remote authority and retells narratives that belong to the collective storytelling
tradition.
Other linguistic tools provide us an insight into the attitude of the
storyteller. The study of transitivity, how events and processes are connected
(or not connected) with subjects and objects (Phillips, 2002:83), highlights the
implications and effect that different forms can have on the audience. The use
of the passive voice, for instance, is a way of manipulating transitivity. In North
Smi, there is no agency when using the passive tense. This means that the one
who does the action (the agent) is not mentioned. Therefore, it is an efficient way
of stressing an action without having to mention any actor1. In the text about
the origin of the Smi, Turi tells us that dat leat gvdnojuvvon mnga mearkka
(Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:16) (many proofs have been found), using passive and
consequently leaving out the agent. In this case, it results in a generalization of
the situation: many different persons may have found many proofs.
Another strategy for spotlighting an event without having to mention a
subject is to use unaccusative verbs2, i.e. verbs that have a passive meaning. He
uses this strategy when telling us about sacrifices:
Ja dale leat juo vuohan spmelaat lgn uvhret siiddiide, vai

oot eanet gottiid alccaset daihe val lassna eallu (Turi, [1910] 1987
-b:16).
1
Mikael Svonni has pointed out the occurrence of non-agentive constructions (i.e.
the agent of the action is not mentioned) is quite common in North Smi (Kuutma,
2002:149; Svonni, 2001).
2
An unaccusative verb is a kind of intransitive verb, which is distinguished semantically
by the fact that its subject does not actively initiate or is not actively responsible for the
action of the verb. For example, arrive, die and fall are unaccusative verbs.
78
At that time the Smi first began to make sacrifices to seites, in

order to get more reindeer, or so that the herds should increase
(Turi, 1931a:22).
The use of the unaccusative verb lassnit (increase) allows Turi to avoid
explaining the direct cause and consequence relationship of the sacrifices without
naming any actor.
Non-agency and generalization result in the elaboration of a discourse that
focuses on an event or a process, while no actor is involved. By using this strategy
of generalization, Turi credits the value of truth to the narratives he has been
told and he is rendering us. As mentioned above, he introduces the section by
sharing his doubts about the veracity of his knowledge due to the uncertain
source of information. But later in the same text, he presents arguments and
proofs for his statements, using strategies such as generalization and non-agency
in order to enhance their trustworthiness.
Turi also uses a similar strategy and shifts between non-agency and agency
in order to achieve different levels of involvement in his narratives, such as in a
text about the Smis first flight.
Ja dat rievvun lea dhphuvvan olu gerddiid. Ja dt lea due

ovdamearkan, got lea Smis geavvan. Olu dakkr dhphuvvan,
maid miinai leat gullan, ja dat leat olu dakkrat, maid eat mii leat
gullange. Muhto ii mon gille muitalit eanet (Turi, [1910] 1987 -
b:19).
And these robberies happened many times. This is just one example
of how it has gone in Spmi. There have been many happenings
that we have heard tell of, and many more that we havent; but I
have no wish to tell of any more.
The use of the verb dhphuvvan (happened) allows Turi to avoid naming
explicitly any responsible actor. He then shifts to agency with the pronoun mii
(we), which is inclusive, but Turi does not give us any details about this we (the
whole community or a smaller group he is part of). At the end of the paragraph,
he uses the first person mon (I), underlining his role as an actor.
A storyteller may choose to be a protagonist in the narratives or to remain
anonymous. Turi chooses on several occasions not to be present in his narratives.
He also tells about himself as a protagonist in the third person (Ja daid lea dt lli
gullan hupmame (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:17)) (and even this writer has heard it being
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Copplie Cocq
said). Avoiding the first person I allows the author to remain in the background
of the narratives without becoming a central character. This strategy confirms
his authority when referring to himself as an exterior source of knowledge, and
it is a way of presenting a story as the truth, not as a subjective story.
A storyteller can also choose to present an action or happening as a
generality by leaving out the subject. In North Smi, it is not always necessary
to mention personal pronouns; the verb is inflected differently for each person.
It is quite common to leave out the personal pronoun in the first and second
persons singular, dual and plural, without creating any ambiguity. But leaving
out the personal pronoun in the third person gives a new nuance to the verb. If
no subject has been mentioned in the sentence, a verb conjugated in the third
person will be translated as one + verb. In this way, galg (one must) creates a
generalization. A verb inflected in the third person singular includes the speaker,
whereas the third person plural is excluding.
When talking about the Smi, his people, Turi chooses sometimes to use
the third person in plural, i.e. an exclusive they, or sometimes the third person
singular, i.e. an inclusive one. This choice of either including or excluding
himself in the text can be explained in light of the content and topics of the
narratives. While he presents his knowledge and experience as a proof of authority,
Turi mentions the lack of knowledge that characterizes the Smi dalle (then).
He tells, for instance, about how the Smi were afraid of the first settlers they
met, and that they even scared each other because they did not know that there
were other people living in Spmi. He also explains how the Smi did not know
about God. When telling about this absence of knowledge, he uses an exclusive
third person plural. When discussing more general facts, the origin of the Smi
people, he uses an inclusive third person singular. The actors are thus spmelaat
(the Smi), presented from an insider perspective but with a certain distance.
Thanks to these strategies, Turi stands out as modern and educated, questioning
the veracity of the stories and underlining that the Smi did not know about what
nowadays appears obvious. Referring to the Smi as they does not undermine
his authority; he presents himself as a member of the Smi community, but also
as a member of the broader world.
These different aspects are expressed by different voices. The indigenous
voice expresses the socio-ideological values of the community, whereas an
erudite voice accords greater value to the written word. A religious discourse
is uttered by the voice of a Christian who has been taught that God exists. Turi
80
expresses clearly his responsibility, telling us what he believes and what he is not
sure about.
In this section about his people, he uses some devices characteristic of the
oral tradition, including beginning sentences by ja (and). The use of different
adverbial deixis like dl (now) and dalle (then) is a way of establishing contact
with the public. He refers to the time of narration and therefore does not address
the reader of a timeless book. These aspects are recurrent in narratives particular
to an oral tradition. In other words, Turi minimizes the intertextual gap between
his narratives and generic precedents. By using this strategy, he refers to a remote
source of knowledge and his narratives stand out as collective knowledge and
general truth - and not as subjective statements.
As for Turis narratives about reindeer herding and migration, they are
presented from the perspective of someone who has personally experienced
the situation. The audience/reader is among the Smi while they are moving,
following the reindeer caravan, building the tents and so forth. As in many of
his narratives, Turi begins with a general presentation, followed by more specific
examples. His experience of migration with reindeer allows him to give details
of such things as childbirth on the migration route and the care of infants. Turi
is not explicitly present in these texts; the narratives are described as general
knowledge. The examples as well as the detailed information he furnishes the
reader about reindeer names and other bodies of inside information give Turi the
opportunity to demonstrate his knowledge and therefore reinforce his authority.
He explicitly underscores his competency by repeating Daid lea dt lli ie bargan
visot, mat leat ovdalis muitaluvvon (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:43) (And I who write this
have worked at all things I described above (Turi, 1931a:59)). Whereas the first
person I and the active form have been chosen in the English translation,
Turi actually refers to himself as a third person (this writer) and refers to his
narratives with a passive verb (what has been told previously). This choice
of passive form refers to a broader source of knowledge. If the phrase mat
leat ovdalis muitaluvvon can be understood as a reference to what he has written
earlier in his book, it can also refer to stories Turi has heard from others. With
this strategy, he refers both to himself and to a remote source of knowledge,
presenting his narratives in a broader cultural context. In other words, Turi takes
personal responsibility for his statements and reinforces his authority. As for the
study of modality, we can notice that his voice (the personal perspective of his
narratives) becomes conflated with the voice of the community.
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Copplie Cocq
Muitalus includes other texts about migration and more specifically children
during migration. Turis narration of these topics is descriptive. From an insider
perspective, he depicts in detail the different steps during migration. There is a
recurrent discourse about arduousness, the danger of the situation, and even
risk of death in his narratives about working with reindeer. This discourse also
occurs in other narratives throughout Muitalus. Turi compares how things used
to be dolo iggiid (in the old times). He gives us a nostalgic overview of the
changes that have taken place in Spmi. In these narratives, he uses present tense
and creates a generalization. The stories he reports are thus about commonly
occurring things, not specific experienced events. He is present emotionally by
expressing nostalgia, but refers to a remote source of knowledge, toning down his
responsibility and adjusting more closely to the collective frame of storytelling.
In a text about reindeer and reindeer diseases, Turi reinforces his authority
by presenting specific knowledge. He goes on in a text about the enemies of the
reindeer and stresses the value of this knowledge by telling mii ii leat llojuvvon
ovdal (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:36) (something that has never been written before).
He calls the attention of the reader to the exclusivity of this knowledge. At the
end of the same text, Turi steps forward in order to denounce the injustice his
people have been subjected to when Norwegians decided which land the reindeer
may graze on and demanded that the Smi pay for the use of land. Land rights
became an issue with the colonization of Spmi, and Turis narratives are here
again an expression of this social change that was taking place in Spmi. By being
emotionally present in the text, Turi express his responsibility in narratives. The
stories he tells us are not only general information about the Smi, but also his
own opinion and attitude toward what is happening. A socio-ideological language
about land rights in relation to an indigenous discourse about traditional attitude
to land reveals the coexistence of two voices. This polyphony can be understood
as a strategy applied by Turi in order to enhance his mastering of the different
perspectives on the issue of land rights. By being emotionally present, he lets the
reader know where he stands in the discourse.
In a part entitled Duoddariid olmmo (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:61) (The people
of the mountains), he tells about the Smi tent, funeral care and Smi work
with the reindeer. In this section, Turi uses the present tense. He addresses a
direct - present - public. His style is descriptive. Here, the voice of the storyteller
is prominent. But Turi chooses to speak from the perspective of an indigenous
narrator, a community member referring to traditional knowledge.
82
His attempt is to provide all possible information, as he stresses in the subtitle

Muitalit visot mii gull smi bargui giat (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:63) (Here I will tell
about everything that is connected with the Smis spring work). In these texts,
he uses the third person plural and refers to the Smi as they. In other texts,
he uses the third person singular in an impersonal form. This impersonal form
is inclusive, which may imply that Turi feels closer or more comfortable with
some tasks than with others. At the time Turi wrote Muitalus, he was no longer a
reindeer herder, as we can read in Emilie Demant Hatts foreword to the English
edition:
Turi has age-old hunting blood in his veins. [] Some years ago
he gave up working with the herds, to follow his bent, which was
hunting and killing wolves, those deadly enemies of the reindeer;
and he has certainly killed an amazing number of wolves, and other
beasts of prey (Turi, 1931a:9).
We can then assume that Turi felt more comfortable and personally attached
when narrating about hunting than reindeer herding. His choice of pronoun
can be interpreted as a way of creating a certain distance from a topic which is
not any longer part of his daily life. He does not present the facts as personal
experience, but rather as general knowledge that every community member
possesses and that he wants to share with us. By referring to a remote authority
instead of his own experience, Turi minimizes the intertextual gap and comes
nearer the collective Smi storytelling tradition. The responsibility in these texts
is not as explicit as other narratives about the community. Turi rather refers to a
remote source of knowledge and thus evades the issue of authority.
By using adverbial deixis, he establishes contact with the audience. He refers
to dl (now), i.e. the time of narration in relation to the time of the narrated
event. This means that Turi is present as a narrator, but his stance remains within
this role.
One section of the book deals with hunting and fishing. As Demant informs
us in her prefatory note, Turi was a skillful hunter and it was his principal activity
after he left reindeer herding. In this chapter, he tells us about different hunting
methods, beginning with a general presentation and continuing with more
specific examples. The genre of this text follows the pattern of Smi storytelling,
muitalus. Dialogues and variation in rhythm reveal the voice and the technique
of an experienced narrator. He provides us with detailed information about the
origin of contemporary aspects of hunting and he remains emotionally present.
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Copplie Cocq
The source of his knowledge is obviously a remote authority. The mythical

aspects of the stories let us know that Turi has derived his information from
collective storytelling.
Turis narration about animals in this section is fascinating. The description
of the bear, for instance, is a personification of the animal as a being that
understands, loses his senses when he gets drunk, knows that brothers can
trust each other and that hunters who are not brothers should not be feared
(Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:92). Turi calls him ddj, grand-father, old man. Turis
personification of the bear is so convincing that the translator E. Gee Nash uses
the pronoun he when referring to the bear. This animal was traditionally a
central figure in Smi mythology and beliefs. The story told by Turi about how a
bear and a woman had a child together actually refers to a myth about the origin
of the Smi. The bear was considered holy; specific rites had to be fulfilled for
the hunt to succeed and afterwards, in order to manage the tremendous power
of the dead animal (Fjellstrm, 1755 [1981]).
Narratives about the wolf reflect the specific relation Turi and his people
had to the predator. Turi describes the wolf as a person, with shamanic powers,
preferences and will (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:55-56). Mythological accounts explain
the bond between the wolf and human beings.
The wolf and the bear were two significant animals for the Smi, and it is
not surprising that Turi devotes half of his section, About trapping, to them.
His authority as a Smi and a hunter is reflected by the use of different terms for
bear and wolf, showing how he masters the language and the nuances that
are required for a good hunter.
Ja go guhte ruopmasa galg riekta bivdit, dat galg diehtit visot

namaid smegillii stlpis dein bikkiin gos nvdi golg (Turi, [1910]
1987 -b:99).
And he who will hunt wolves skillfully, he must know all the wolf s
names in the Smi dialect of that tract where the wolves are.
In this way, various terms like gumpe, ruomas and nvdi are used in one and the
same text (Svonni, 2004). Similarly, he refers to the bear as bierdna, guova, muodd-
ddj (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:95). Noa words, culturally determined to be free from
any taboo, were commonly used during hunting, especially when hunting such a
powerful animal as the bear or such a predator as the wolf.
84
This variation in terms was nonetheless neglected in the 1965 edition of Muitalus
smiid birra, published at a time when efforts were taken to create a standard
language. A single official North Smi orthography was established in 1947, and
attempts were made to homogenize grammar and vocabulary. Nuances such as
the use of different terms designing the wolf or the bear were downplayed, and
only the standard terms guova (bear) and nvdi (wolf ) remains. Consequently,
Turis mastering of the richness of Smi vocabulary disappeared in 1965, but
fortunately reappeared in the 1987 edition.
Although the title of this section is Bivdooahpa birra (About trapping), it
does not only deal with animals hunted for survival, but also with other animals
central to Smi life. Johan Turi completes this section with a text about the dog,
and how it began to work with the Smi. Once a wild animal, the dog chose
to stay and work with the Smi instead of facing a hard life in the wild. Emilie
Demant Hatt added in the published edition a note about how she had heard
this tale before from other storytellers, and that Turi had modified it and added
details.
As regards minor details this story is the outcome of Turis own

imagination. [] I asked Turi to write down this tale of the dog
he too was familiar with it but, as, at that time, Turi had plenty of
leisure and was in the mood of it, he dresses up the tale with many
details that he had discovered himself (Turi, 1910:246).
If we interpret Demants comment in terms of intertextual gap, we could

say that Turi was maximizing this gap when he wrote this text. His subjective
perspective is, according to Demant, strongly affected by the content of the
narratives. She mentions having heard this tale from others, but we do not know
which aspects have been added by Turi. She does not reject Turis version of the
myth, but she does make the reader aware of the stretching of the gap. Her note
recontextualizes not only Turis narratives but also Smi narratives in general.
Johan Turi retells a piece of the collective storytelling tradition, but the process
also embraces his subjectivity.
Throughout this chapter, Turis description of animals often refers to a
human world: for instance, they used to speak.
Ja boares iggis leat hupman visot eallit ja muorat ja geaggit ja visot

mii gvdno eatnama nalde, ja nu galget hupmat manjimu duomu
igginai (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:105).
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Copplie Cocq
In the old days, all the animals and the trees and the stones and
everything there is on earth could talk, and just so will they talk on
the Day of Judgment.
They also have feelings and understanding as we have. The wolves can be
transformed human beings and Turi underscores the resemblance between Smi
and animals.
Vrrerievssat daihe giron, dat lea olu unit go vuovderievssat - dego

spmelaat leat maidd unnibut go visot dluorrut (Turi, [1910]
1987 -b:107).
The fell ptarmigan is much smaller than the forest ptarmigan - just
as the Smi are smaller than the folk who dwell in houses.
We can also read how Smi have the same nature as reindeer. In Turis narrative,
in accordance with the broader Smi storytelling tradition, human beings and
animals are closely related.
The section About trapping features much more information than the title
would have us believe. Turi begins this part of Muitalus as a manual about Smi
hunting methods, but we also find several texts about animals, their origin, their
relation to the world and to the Smi as well as pieces of the Smi storytelling
tradition. The topic of trapping seems to include for Turi a whole relation to
nature. Mythological and religious aspects are interwoven into this chapter. Turi
tells us myths about the bear and the wolf.
Nvddi lea Beargalat dahkan Ipmil bosdii heakka njunneriggiin

ja deinna nvdi hliida beare bahs dahkat dego Beargalat (Turi,
[1910] 1987 -b:99).
Beargalat (the Devil) made the wolf - Ibmel (God) breathed life
into him through his nostrils -. And therefore the wolf will only do
evil like Beargalat.
The religious discourse expressed in those narratives reflects the socio-ideological

language instituted by the strong presence of the Church in Turis community.
In this section of his book, he lets us know how the Smi, the animals
and even legendary and religious beings like the ulda, God and the Devil are
connected to each other.
86
Ja dakkriid shtte noaiddit lonuhit nvdin vel lkibut, guet leat

goddn vigihis olbmuid, nugo dolin golge dppe olu ruoauit ja
godde smiid ja vlde smiid opmodagaid, ruaid ja bohccuid, ja
borre deid nu olu go drbbae. Ja smit dale fertejedje iehkdallat
bktehoaluidenai. Ja dale sii manne dvj ulddaid stohpui. Ja go
ulddat dihte ahte smit leat bhtareame, de ledje sii hui buorit, ja
adde ri ahte dahket eatnama vuolli goai, vai eai ruoat gvnna,
ja mii shttit buhit din ja beassat boahtit sgaide, dadje ulddat. Ja
nuppi ri sii vel adde: Dii dl shttibehtet ruoaid bidjat nvdin,
go dat leat borran din bohccuid dego nvddit njuoskkasin (Turi,
[1910] 1987 -b:100).
And the noaide could still more easily change into wolves folk who
had killed innocent people, as often happened in the old days when
so many ruoauit wandered about up here and killed the Smi and
took their possessions, money and reindeer, and ate up as many
of the latter as they needed. And the Smi at that time had to hide
themselves in holes in the rocks. And they often went to uldas
houses, and as the ulda knew that the Smi were in flight, they were
very kind and gave them this advice: Put your tents under the
earth, so that the ruoat cant find them, and we can help you and
come to speech with you, said the ulda. And the ulda gave them this
advice too: You can turn the ruoat into wolves when they have
eaten your reindeer raw, like wolves do (Turi, 1931a:131).
Unexpectedly, Turi is not present as a protagonist in these stories about trapping.

Being a hunter, he must have had many accounts about hunting experiences.
He does not use the first person nor does he refer to himself; he does not tell
about his own experiences. The knowledge he conveys to the reader through his
muitalus as well as the legends he tells us are presented as part of the collective
Smi tradition, and not as subjective reports, even if the detailed narration of
skiing to catch a wolf gives no doubt to the reader that Turi has experienced this
hunting method. But he remains in the position of a narrator and lets the voice
of his collectivity speak up, playing down his subjectivity.
This aspect can be understood as a strategy of adaptation to the expectations
of the European reader (and to those of Emilie Demant). Collective storytelling
seemed to have been praised highly compared to personal experiences, as
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Copplie Cocq
Demants comment in the above mentioned footnote reveals. Turi presents the
stories in this section as general knowledge, thereby minimizing the intertextual
gap. Consequently, the chapter appears as a part of a collective tradition, thus
enhancing his authority as a bearer of traditional knowledge.
We can therefore notice a missing voice in Turis section about trapping: his own. It
might have been toned down somewhat under the process of recontextualization
in the publication of the book. But it is also a strategy that gives more emphasis
to Turis emotional and subjective voice when it is eventually allowed to emerge.
As we will see later, it is in these occasions that political issues are brought up,
and not within hunting stories.
Turis manual about traditional Smi knowledge goes on with a section
About doctoring. After a short introduction detailing the Smi peoples lack
of access to modernized medicine, Turi provides us information about common
diseases and remedies for each of them. The general introductory information
clearly confirms that his addressees are outsiders. In addition to pain, frostbite,
stoppage, swelling, bleeding, jaundice and cough, Turi tells also about less common
sicknesses like fear, devils or specters. Among the remedies Turi lists, the frog
appears to be a helpful animal in many cases, though it also can be poisonous.
Lice, quicksilver, incantations and the shamans drum are other helpful tools.
Turis acquaintance with the doctoring inherited from his community is part
of a long tradition and practice of healing. He underscores his mastery of these
methods, but refers nevertheless to a remote source of knowledge, limiting his
presence to that of a storyteller.
He uses the third person singular and plural; he is not taking open
responsibility for his knowledge but refers to a remote authority: the collective
traditional knowledge. At some point, though, he underscores that this knowledge
is a privilege:
Ja go dat, guhte dieht visot dan, mii lea dn girjji siste muhto
eai leat olu, guet dihtet did goansttaid ja go ii dovdda olbmo
vigi, dat guhte dieht did goansttaid-, de lget [sii] doaivut, ahte lea
jpmindvda dahe lea biddjojuvvon mnnelaat dahe jmehat, mat
leat noaiddes olbmuid bargu (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:130).
And when those who know all about everything that is described
in this book - and there are not many who know these arts - do not
recognize folks sickness, then they are apt to think this is a fatal
88
sickness, or that specters or ghosts have been set upon the sick
person, and that it is the work of noaide folk.
This sentence reveals Turi as a community member with specific knowledge and
skills. In his second publication Lappish texts, he confirms more explicitly his
extended knowledge about noaide (shamanic) art.
Samet doivu dale ja vha balli mus, ate mon lm noaide ja sattam
dakkat, maid siam. Ja dat li goit vaivve munnji, go dat dam jakkit
ja sittit, ja ii mus lm ila buorre vaibmo siin vuosta (Turi, 1918:144-
145).1
The Smi believed me at that time to be noaide, and able to perform

what I wished and they were a little afraid of me. It was troublesome
for me, though, that they believe that and ask [help] of me. Neither
had I had the very best disposition toward them.
He goes on to describe how he helped a woman, doctoring against devils and

ghosts. He does not let the reader know if he is a shaman, but illustrates that
he possesses required knowledge and occasionally practices shamanic methods.
Being a Christian, Turi could not have admitted that he was a shaman. As
mentioned in Chapter Two, Christianization in Spmi had been vehement and at
the time of Turis writing, shamanism was still strongly stigmatized.
We know that Turi chose not to include texts about noaidevuohta in his first
book, as Emilie Demant Hatt informs the reader in the preface of Lappish
Texts:
A large part of the present material has been in my possession

since 1908 when I collected the material for Johan Turis Muittalus
Smid Birra. This is the case with most of that which belongs to
noaide-art and medicine. I could not publish this at that time,
because Johan Turi had handed over to me his noaide-knowledge
as a gift which I personally might use, but with injunction not to
publish it, because then it would lose its power (Demant Hatt in
Turi, 1918:4).
She also tells how, nine years later, Turi agreed to let this manuscript be published
in Lappish Texts.
1
I have chosen to render the quotes in the orthography used in Lappish Texts (1918),
although different from the one used in Muitalus Smiid birra from 1987.
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The issue of noaidevuohta was, as illustrated above by the historical and religious
context, an uncomfortable topic to write about. Not all community members
were acquainted with noaide knowledge, which implies that Turi would inevitably
be ascribed personal responsibility for his statements. This kind of knowledge
was too far from common to be referred to as a part of the collective traditional
knowledge. In Muitalus, Turi chooses not to take great responsibility on certain
topics, as for instance noaidevuohta. Later, in 1918, he dares to step forward
personally in a more direct manner, agreeing to publish narratives on such a
delicate topic. This change of attitude may partly be explained by the fact that his
authority was, by then, established.
The chapter About doctoring is therefore the arena of polyphonic
utterances. Traditional knowledge is presented by an indigenous storyteller, but
is also nuanced by a broader European perspective. Turi explains for the outsider
that Smi knowledge of folk medicine was a necessity due to their life conditions
and the lack of access to medical care. In this way, he begins his chapter from
the perspective of the expected knowledge of an audience of outsiders. Here,
too, however, we can also discern a third, silent voice. The socio-ideological
language that could have been uttered by a noaide competent community member
is referred to, but does not get to speak. This silent voice is nevertheless present
and plays a significant part in the chapter. Such silence is a reflection of the
context of the time and of the taboos arising from it. In this case, the choice of
Turi not to let this voice speak up can be considered a case where he can not take
responsibility for his statements. Turi shows respect for the noaide knowledge,
but also expresses implicitly that the Christian voice is louder and does not allow
him to tell about noaidevuohta. This silence also reveals Turis personal dilemma
between two socio-ideological worlds.
The religious voice emerges every now and then throughout Muitalus. Johan
Turi was a Christian, and strains of Christianity in his narratives reveal that he
was well acquainted with the Bible. For instance, he refers to Cain and Abel,
to the Devil as Ipmila buoremus engel (Gods best angel.) Also, his narration of
a wedding in the section Spmela lvlluid (About Smi Songs) illustrates the
foreignness of the Christian socio-ideological language. Mhtte, the bridegroom,
misunderstands the priest when reading the ceremonial statement I take Marja,
and I will love her for better or for worse. He believes the priest means that he
wants to marry the bride himself and Mhtte leaves the church, weeping. Turi
adopts the perspective of an external narrator in this section, and comments that
Mhtte was making a fool of himself and that he had read terribly little in
90
books (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:172). Turis position does not only inform the reader
of the intricate relations between the Smi and the priests; it also confirms Johan
Turis acquaintance with such situations and with Christian socio-ideological
language.
Johan Turis writings also include narratives about the legendary figures of
the Stllu, ulda and uit. Stories about Stllu are widespread throughout Spmi,
and most Smi are still familiar with narratives about this evil ogre, who hunts
the Smi and eats human flesh. The ulda are underground or invisible beings who
can be both helpful and harmful to the Smi (Cocq, 2004). They have had a close
relation to the Smi from the beginning: Smi learned yoik and noaide knowledge
from them. Narratives about these beings commonly describe beautiful ulda-
girls and reindeer, and what to do when one sees one of them and wants to
approach them. The uit or ruoat, were plunderers, enemies of the Smi. Stories
about these characters can be found in most collections of Smi folklore. Those
narratives belong to the collective Smi storytelling tradition. Turi minimizes
the intertextual gap between genericity and his narratives, reproducing for the
audience stories he brings in from a collective repertoire of narratives.
We find a religious discourse in several of Turis narratives. In the text about
Christmas (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:43), elements of the storytelling tradition such as
the ogre Stllu and Christian elements coexist. This interdiscursivity and polyphony
clearly express the changes that had been going on in Spmi for decades. Turi,
like many storytellers, has incorporated religious elements into traditional ones.
In these narratives as well as in previously mentioned examples, religious and
traditional discourses coexist. The polyphony of the texts is a reflection of what
had been going on in the Smi community.
Stllu, the central figure in Smi storytelling, is mentioned already in the very
first texts of Muitalus, although Turi also devotes a later section of the book to
narratives concerning this being. He adapts his texts to an outsider audience and
gives the reader background information about Stllu as well as more specific
narratives about him. Stllu narratives are also the opportunity for Turi to tell the
reader about the origin of places names. Turi addresses both an outsider audience
lacking previous knowledge about Stllu and insiders when referring to specific
places. He describes his local environment through discussion of geographical
features and their mythological explanations.
The narratives about Stllu and ulda are directly adapted from the oral
tradition in which Turi takes part. Johan Turis style in this part of the book is
closer to an oral performance than a literary text.
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At some point, Turi leads the reader back to the time and place of the narration
by referring to the immediate context. This implies that he maximizes the gap
between genre and text, leaving the generic pattern and recontextualizing the
storytelling to the time and place of the narrating event. This can be seen in the
following example:
[J]a dolo iggiin ledje bohccot olu stuoribut go dl (Turi, [1910]

1987 -b:80).
And in the old times the reindeer were much bigger than they are now.
There, he refers both to the time of the narrated event and to the time of
narration, making a link between then and now. At different points in his text, he
refers to the temporal context of the event in relation to his immediate context.
He compares for instance the situation of the reindeer 40 jagi ds manjs (Turi,
[1910] 1987 -b:81) (40 years ago) or go rehkenastojuvvo 25 jagi manjs guvlui (Turi,
[1910] 1987 -b:81) (if you go back 25 years).
Turi is taking us back and forth between the time of the narrated event and
the time of narration. This does not only affect the storytelling process, but also
the relation to his addressees who turn into actors. By taking active control of
temporality, Turi calls attention to the narrators role and thus highlights himself
as the creator of the text. He establishes a dialogue with the audience, by referring
to its temporal and spatial context. This gives him greater authority as a person
and a storyteller, and enables him to express personal opinions.
In narratives closer to the oral tradition, we can observe shifts in rhythm,
in which background information is given in a slower rhythm, whereas a shorter
rhythm marks a specific important happening. Turi begins his text about
Riihmagllis, the biggest Stllu, with long descriptive sentences and clauses.
Ja son leai akto, ja son leai siivu, ii son vauhan smiid, iige dahkan
bahs geasage. Ja son leai maidd noaidi, muhto smit eai goit jhkkn
buori, ja hupme gaskaneaset, got galggalii oaut das heakka eret.
Ja dat shka manai guhks Smieatnama mielde, nuorttas ja oarjjs
gulaskuddama dihte, gos livo dakkrat, mat duosttale soahti
deinna Riihmgllin (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:144).
[A]nd he was alone but he was friendly, he did not hate the Smi,
and did not do them any harm, and he was noaide. But the Smi did
not believe any good of him, and they talked among themselves
92
as to how they should take his life. And this talk went out over the
whole Spmi, from the east to the west as to whether there was
anybody strong enough to fight Riihmagllis.
When it comes to the action, the narratives gain a faster pace:
Ja go dat bulii ruoksadin, hcagassii, de uggii aa guoktsa, Fali

ja Ruovdediehtti. Ja Gievrra guii eallit, due giea dojii gaskat.
Ja de Gievrra gohui dola bosdit, vi son oaidn, makkr dus
lea albmegaska. Ja go son oinnii, de dajai: Hoho, it don leatge
mu vearddeha, deinna [go] sus leai llanbealli albmegaska. Ja de
gohui dan Gievrra: Mana ruoktot ja bohtet de eanebut! (Turi,
[1910] 1987 -b:145).
And when it burnt a glowing white, then he stuck it through two

of them, the quick one and the iron-cunning one. But he let the
strong one live, only breaking his one arm. And then he ordered the
strong one: Blow up the fire, so that I can see what you are like,
between your eyes! And when he saw, he said: Ho, ho, you are
not like me! because it was twelve inches between his eyes. And so
Riihmagllis ordered the strong one: Go home and come back with
some more men!.
Shorter sentences and clauses as well as the use of dialogue contribute to the
elaboration of a faster rhythm in storytelling.
Another aspect of the oral muitalus genre can be noticed in the way Turi
begins and ends the narratives. When he introduces a story, he does so directly
with a titular device such as Muitalus dan birra, got geavai dan stllui [...] (Turi, [1910]
1987 -b:141) (The story of what happened to the Stllu...). Turi also ends
consistently in an abrupt way, such as when he tells about calving:
Ja dain ii leat olu at muitaleamus (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:64).
And about this there is not much more to tell.
This brevity in opening and closing features shows that the focus of the muitalus
genre is on the narrated event. Whether there are shorter or longer stories, they
consist in the narration of the event, with only a brief marking that the story
begins and a short coda closing it.
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Similarly, narratives about the ulda, in the same section of the book, are also
characterized by shifts in rhythm.
Ja ulddat atnet smi biktasiid, ja dat reainnidit bohccuid ja gilljot, ja

beatnagat cillet, ja biellut skillet, muhto ii oidno ii miige. Ja jos nubbi
nubbi dadj: gul, mii dat gullo!, de ii gullo ii miige (Turi, [1910]
1987 -b:156).
And the ulda are dressed like the Smi, and they watch their reindeer
and shout, and the dogs bark and bells clang, but you dont see
anything. And if one says to another: Listen, do you hear that?
Then you dont hear anything more.
The same stylistic strategies as in the text about Riihmagallis can be observed
here: a longer descriptive sentence followed by a shorter one with brief dialogues
creating a faster pace. Repetitions and parallelism are used to stress the action.
The present tense and the impersonal third person create a generalization,
presenting events in narration as commonly occurring events. For instance, he
tells us that sometimes, when you meet the ulda, ii oidno ii miige (nothing can be
seen). This creates a generalization: a happening is not presented as something
that happened once to someone, but as a common situation that can happen to
anyone. Turis use of present tense in his muitalusat about ulda compared to the
use of past tense in his muitalusat about Stllu can be understood as a way of
telling us that Stllu might not exist anymore, but ulda do.
Turi is not directly present in the narratives - not as the first person -, but
he establishes personal authority by referring to insider knowledge and textual
authority with repetitions. His use of modality here enhances his role as a
storyteller and source of knowledge.
By providing the reader backstage information, that to which protagonists
in the narratives do not have access, Turi establishes a point of contact with the
audience. These narratives are rather an oral performance than a literary work.
In this section, the voice of the collective tradition is prominent. Turis
subjectivity is toned down, he relates narratives he has heard probably already as a
child. Nevertheless, his narratives about Stllu are strongly locally contextualized.
Turi refers to his immediate physical environment. This aspect confirms his
already established identity as a community member, and hence reinforces his
authority.
94
Turi includes several yoiks in Muitalus: a yoik about the wild reindeer, about the
joy of coming to the mountains at spring (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:77), and about the
wolf (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:99). Traditional Smi singing is an important element
of the oral tradition, and it is not surprising that Turi devotes a chapter to it.
Much more than a song, yoiking is storytelling. It is a personal way of expressing
a relation, feelings or a remembrance of something. As in most of the sections
in Muitalus, Turi begins with a general presentation addressed to a reader who
lacks any knowledge about the topic. This section about yoik includes a text
about young boys and girls, two couples, and yoiks about their love, sorrow,
hate and happiness. The narratives are about these two couples and how they
get married and about their lives. Turi explains and exemplifies courting and
wedding traditions, where oral narratives and yoik songs are interwoven. The
story about these young persons and their weddings contains many details and
some reported speech. Nevertheless, Turi is not present in narration. He refers to
a remote authority; his narratives become thus part of the collective storytelling
tradition. The sequential device ja (and), the short sentences, the division of
action into episodes and the abrupt ending result in the same structure as is
found in the narratives about Stllu, ulda and the uit. As for these narratives,
Turi minimizes the intertextual gap and the yoik texts emerged as brought in
from the collective tradition. The predominant voice in this text is indigenous,
embracing songs and narratives with elements of legends also highlighting the
relation of the community to the environment. But a religious voice can also be
heard, expressing the encroaching role of the Church on Smi life.
Johan Turi was also a skilled illustrator, and the 1910 edition of Muitalus
includes 14 of his drawings. His representations of the nomadic life with the
reindeer, hunting, functional star maps, and social situations such as courting
and church meeting provide us dynamic illustrations of Smi life. Turis pictures
are actually narrations as much as his texts. For instance, his representation of a
migration with ink and paper renders such a movement that the pictures reveal
as much detail as the words of his narration do, with equal passion and beauty.
The reindeer caravan draws from and melds into the shapes of the landscape and
each character in the illustration contributes to the creation of a dynamic picture
(Turi, 1910: Picture I).
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Copplie Cocq
Figure 4 Illustration by Johan Turi in Muitalus smid birra. Picture 1 On

migration, Nordiska museet. Photographer Birgit Brnvall, Nordiska
museet
Picture IV, entitled An Autumn Camp, contains many details aspects of

Smi daily life. All actors are in motion, throwing a lasso, holding, milking, or
slaughtering reindeer or simply passing the time or playing. Clothes, tents and
bells around a reindeer neck give many useful details to the reader who wishes to
identify the different actors (Turi, 1910:Picture IV).
96
As I have demonstrated, Turis narratives are imbued with dexterity. But

he was not only a skillful artist: the topics he chooses and the strategies he uses
reveal his position as a community member. A further analysis of his narratives
enlightens his role as a social agent.
Social agent
Storytelling as a social practice provides narrators with a range of possibilities in
which to select, exclude, adapt and hence create. Narratives as events are both
part of a discourse at the intersection of a collective social practice as well as
a subjective expression of it. Johan Turi, as a storyteller, is here considered a
social agent taking a position in a context of social change. Muitalus articulates
discourses about social norms, relations and conflict, and illustrates other pressing
issues concerning the Smi.
The discourse articulated in Muitalus conveys moral norms. For instance, Turi
gives both good and bad examples of reindeer herders, and tells as well about
reindeer thieves. In these narratives, he describes for the reader characteristics
and behaviors. An angry and impatient reindeer herder would not be successful,
and an irascible hunter lacks understanding about animals. Examples of correct
behavior and negative character traits illustrated by specific cases are reflections
of the social norms prevalent in the community.
In the same way that he describs qualities of a good reindeer herder, he gives
us examples of hunters:
Muhto dat nvdebivdi, mii eanet godd nvddiid, son ii bealkke

nvddi iige garrut. Son dieht, ahte nvdi dahk dan mii lea su virgi
(Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:84).
But the wolf hunter who often kills wolves, he does not scold the
wolf, nor curses it either. He knows that the wolf only does what
he must.
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Copplie Cocq
Figure 5 Illustration by Johan Turi in Muitalus smid birra.

Picture 4 An autumn camp, Nordiska museet. Photographer
Birgit Brnvall, Nordiska museet
98
Turis comments are pieces of advice on how to behave. He expresses a social

ideal of the good hunter (and consequently a good community member) and
also the traits one would find in a hunter considered bad.
Such social norms become apparent in Turis narratives, and he lets us know
his attitude toward it. His report of the revolt in Guovdageaidnu in 1852 is an
example. He devotes a section of Muitalus to this significant event in the history
of the Smi. In a descriptive style, Turi gives us first background information
of the events from his perspective. He tells us about the preacher Lars Levi
Laestadius, who had a great influence on the Smi and who gave rise to a
religious movement. Turis voice in the first text of the Guovdageaidnu section,
Dat dhphus mii gohui Guovdageainnu villen, mii lea dphuvvan dan jagi 1852 (Turi,
[1910] 1987 -b:181) (The happening that is called the Guovdageaidnu error,
which took place in the year 1852) is rather religious. We can tell he has heard
preaching at Church. Telling about Lars Levi Laestadius, he writes:
[I]i sus lean Bassi Heagga, ovdal go oaui ovtta sminieidda bakte.
Ja ie som logai llagiid, ja oaui ielgasa gokko lea geaidnu albmi
daihe agla eallima rbmui (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:181).
[H]e had not the Holy Spirit before he got it through a Smi girl.
And he himself read the scriptures, and made clear which was the
way to Heaven, or to the grace of eternal life.
The second text, Muitalus daid birra, mat manne Guovdageidnui, go ledje addan
risttahassan Laestadiusa sniin (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:182) (The tale of those who
went to Guovdageaidnu, when they had become Christians, through the words
of Laestadius) relates the background and the beginning of the revolt, followed
very briefly by a report of what actually happened there as well as the outcome
of the revolt, the last part of which Turi dedicates the majority of this text. Turi
lets us know that his father was one of the men who interrupted the violence
and rescued the priest. Ole Olsen Turi becomes the hero of the story and Johan
Turi writes proudly
Mon lean gullan su ieastis mngga geardde, mon lean su brdni,

ja son lea daid muitalan mngga lohkameahttun gearddi, visot daid
dhhusaid (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:183).
I have heard that from him himself many times; I am his son, and
he has told this countless times, all these happenings.
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Copplie Cocq
Turi recounts discussions in direct speech, as if he had been there. We understand

that he reports the words of his father. The quotations do not only confer greater
authority to Johan Turis narration, but they also emphasize the role of his father
as a protagonist. A third text Lasi muitalus, got Guovdageainnu hearrt eai nagadan
vsttostit daid jallas smiid, mat sin cbme ja manjoassii godde (Turi, [1910] 1987 -
b:184) (Still more about how the Guovdageaidnu gentlemen could not stand out
against the simple Smi who struck them and finally killed them) finally relates
the revolt itself and the violence that occurred. Turi lets us know the gravity of
the acts without daring to reveal all of the details.
Ja bhpa sii biinidedje nu surgadit, ahte ii shte muitalit (Turi, [1910]

1987 -b:185).
And the priest was tortured so terribly that one cannot write of it.
He ends the section by naming himself as a protagonist, in the third person.
Dat bhppa attai nu ustit Thuurii, ahte siai bidjat su brdnsis

risthin. Ja dat bijai, ja dat lea dn lli risthi leama, dat bhppa
Foslet namalassi (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:185).
And the priest became such a good friend to Thuuri that he wished
to be god-father to his son. And so he came to be, and he was god-
father to this writer, namely this Pastor Hvoslef.
This statement does not only notify the audience of Turis relation to the
protagonists of this significant event, it also confirms here his position as a
Christian. In this text about the revolt, Turi clearly expresses his point of view.
A religious discourse tells about the actors as villeheagga (crazy-witted) and
Turi provides the reader with an interpretation of the event. He presents the
role of Lars Levi Laestadius as significant calls attention to how his words were
misunderstood. Other factors that have been pointed out as central to the revolt,
like communication problems because of language, drunkenness, and economic
problems as a consequence of the closing of the borders (Zorgdrager, 1997) are
toned down by Turi.
Sequential devices such as ja (and) at the beginning of many sentences,
and the use of dialogues and a faster rhythm when reporting an action follows
the genre of oral storytelling. But Turi maximizes the gap between genericity and
100
his narratives by referring to his father as the source of knowledge and by letting
him become a protagonist.
Turi seems particularly concerned by the issue of law. On several occasions,
he mentions that it is important to follow the law. Besides the message he
discusses about social norms and behavior - for instance with the example of
reindeer herders and hunters - he also refers to a broader judicial context, the one
uttered by the authorities. In the section about the revolt in Guovdageaidnu, for
instance, his interpretation of the reasons for the uprising gives both a religious
perspective and a judicial one - although he presents the latter with some irony.
In another text, he tells about the snake stone. The one who manages to
catch it, son ii vuoitthala lgas ii goasge (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:111) (he will never
be overcome by the law). He goes on:
Ja go lea oon, de lea gal lhkaolmmi agis (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:111).
And if he has the stone, then he is a law-cunning man all the days of his life.1
Law is considered something that cannot be ignored or avoided. In this context,

lhka (law) appears as something some possess while others do not, rather
a form of noaidevuohta or traditional knowledge than knowledge in the judicial
sense.
Accounts about the relations with settlers and other new arrivals in Spmi
often present the Smi as victims of injustice. In a text entitled Smiid vuostta
balln (The Smis first flight), Turi tells about the first encounter with the
other, i.e. with the settlers, referred to as they, a third person plural. He
relates in different episodes how Smi had to flee again and again. He is not
explicitly present but he lets us know on which side he stands despite the fact
that he also refers to the Smi as they. He does not include himself in the story
and it is only in the second half of the text that he expresses himself in the first
person and takes a step forward. He then refers to his source of knowledge. At
the end of the text, he is directly present and reinforces on this occasion his
authority by mentioning that he knows much more than he can write Ja livo olu
dhphusat, maid lean ie oaidnn, muhto in olle visot llit (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:20)
(And I could tell of many such happenings which I have seen myself, but I have
no time to write them all down). When Turi takes a place in the narratives with
the pronouns mon (I) and mii (we), he also speaks up in terms of emotion
1
Another storyteller, Per Br, interviewed in 1924 by Qvigstad, tells about a snake
stone that makes the one who gets it wise (Qvigstad, 1928:470).
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Copplie Cocq
and responsibility. He expresses his aversion to telling about certain events that
the Smi have experienced.
[M]uhto in mon gille muitalit eanet, go dat, gale lea fasti dakkriid
muitalit (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:19).
But I have no wish to write of any more, because it is ugly to speak

of such things.
He goes on writing that muhto go galg visot llit, de ferte llit visot, fasttiid ja bbid
(Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:19) (yet when you will tell of everything, you must write
both the ugly and the beautiful), notifying the reader of his idealist goal.
Turi expresses explicitly in his narratives his attitude to the events. He is
emotionally present and he takes a position. This emotional presence reveals the
subjectivity of the voice speaking in this text. Turi is not only reporting historical
events, he is also taking a position for his people against the injustice and the
violence they have suffered. The voice we discern utters an indigenous discourse
about the other. Outrage over injustice, fraud and murders are expressed by a
voice concerned about legal issues.
Narratives about reindeer also include a text dealing with conflicts between
settlers and Smi (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:45). Colonization implied an increased
competition for land, and it was not uncommon that Smi become involved
in quarrels, disagreements or judicial disputes when reindeer damaged hay
(Lundmark, 1998). Turi gives us examples of how quarrels took place. In his
narration of the events, he clearly presents his standpoint by depicting the Smi
as victims, in much the same way as in his text about the first flight. Turis
emotional presence and his explicit manner of letting us know where he stands
enhance the responsibility he takes in his narratives. At that point, he does not
write a manual of general knowledge about the Smi. His goal is to tell the reader
about the injustice his people has endured, and we can feel in the narratives his
revulsion about what has happened.
In another text about the settlers (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:52) we can read how
they learned hunting methods from the Smi. Turi is critical when telling about
the hunting and fishing techniques of these newcomers. He underscores the
advantage of Smi methods and tells of several occasions in the same text in
which settlers had gained methods and reindeer from the Smi. Turis critical
view of the settlers is confirmed by a comparison with Stllu.
102
Ja dat dhphuvva maidd, ahte shtt borrat dakkr ealiba bierggu

maid vauha, dego dolo stlut: sii vauhe smiid ja borre bierggu
(Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:52).
And it happens that they [the settlers] can eat the flesh of animals
that they hate, like old-time Stllu: they hated the Smi and they ate
their flesh.
Stllu, the mean ogre enemy of the Smi, is characterized in traditional narratives
as stupid and easy to dupe. He does not only eat human flesh, but other aspects
of his behavior are often also depicted as abnormal. A comparison of the settlers
with Stllu is therefore a subtle suggestion that the former would not be more
human than the latter. Turi goes on:
Ja gal Kainna varra lea vel dlnai veh soames bikkin, veh
dakkr bivdoolbmuin, mat shttet oktnaga rhkkistit ja vauhit
(Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:52).
And there is still a little of Cains blood here and there, and a little
in such trappers who can love and hate at the same time (Turi,
1931a:74).
In the Bible, we can read the story of Cain, the first murderer, and his brother
Abel, the first innocent victim. Turi compares here the settlers and the Smi with
these biblical characters, suggesting that crime and injustice is occurring. The
fact that Cain was a farmer and Abel a herder only reinforces the force of the
comparison.
Turi illustrates the conflict between settlers and Smi with two metaphors.
One originates from traditional Smi storytelling, the other from the Bible. These
two metaphors belong to two different socio-ideological languages, and therefore
represent two voices. The fact that Turi use both of them in an equal manner
reveals his position toward both of them. He is as much a tradition bearer as a
Christian. The double voiced discourse also yields Turis dilemma when writing
for two different audiences. The first illustration probably does not say much to
an outsider audience but is more pertinent for the community members who
know about Stllu. The second metaphor is thought to be explicit for all readers,
since Turi expects them to be acquainted with the Bible.
He refers indirectly to the reindeer by bahdahkkit (Turi, [1910] 1987 -
b:52) (evil-doers). In the light of what Turi has told us previously in Muitalus,
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we understand that the animals considered evil doers by the settlers are not
predators, but reindeer. Not naming the animals can be a strategy to avoid directly
accusing settlers of reindeer theft. Turi is clear in his statement, but by not using
the exact term, he keeps from employing a voice of direct confrontation. He
does not have to take direct responsibility for his accusations, since he does so
in an implicit way.
The same text also brings up the topics of drunkenness and swindling. It
happened that Smi were cheated out of reindeer when they were drunk. Turi
denounces here the swindling perpetrated by the settlers when offering strong
spirits to the Smi and duping them under drunkenness to hand over individual
reindeer or even entire herds. Turi expresses social criticism as he calls attention
to two problems that afflict his people: alcohol abuse, described by Turi as
influenced and exploited by the settlers, and swindling.
In this text, Turi makes use of strategies of non-agency and describes the
Smi as objects of accusative verbs:
Ja lddelaat leat oon bohccuid smiin, go leat buktn viinni,

maid sii ledje iea vuoan gortniin, ja leat jugahan smiid (Turi,
[1910] 1987 -b:52).
And the settlers have got reindeer from the Smi, when they have
come with snaps that they themselves have distilled out of grain,
and have made the Smi drunk.
The use of the causative verb jugahit emphasizes the passivity of the Smi, who
are not drinking, but made drunk.
Relations between settlers and Smi were not always antagonistic (Nordin,
2002), but Turis experience reveals the disputes going on in ohkkiras at that
time. He refers to the Smi in the third person, they, remaining in the position
of a narrator, not a protagonist. At the end of the text, he refers to his own words
with a passive phrase mat leat ovdalis llojuvvon (that has been written before),
which even refers to a broader source of information. Turi is nevertheless present
emotionally by describing the Smi as passive victims and the settlers as active
perpetrators.
Turi often chooses to subtly embed delicate subjects in his narratives.
In this way, a section called Bohima birra (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:30) (About
milking) is actually about reindeer thieves, the subject of which was a burning
issue at that time. The dislocation of the Smi from Guovdageaidnu further
104
south to the ohkkiras area not only meant that Smi families had to leave their
villages and grazing lands, it also resulted in conflicts between the Smi already
in ohkkiras and the new arrivals. Turis parents were among those who had
to leave Guovdageaidnu, to end up in ohkkiras. Turis text, About milking,
describes the tense atmosphere that developed between the two groups as a result
of ohkkiras Smi accusations that Guovdageaidnu Smi were reindeer thieves.
Turi defends the Guovdageaidnu Smi and provides clues as to the identities of
the true culprits. He uses a passive form, avoiding any reference to himself (or
anyone else) as the source of the story. In one example, he even gives the name
of the thief, whereas he chooses not to in a second example:
Ja jos muitaluvvo vela okta olmmo, nama ii soaba bidjat (Turi,

[1910] 1987 -b:31).
And if it was to be told of another man, whose name shouldnt be

given.
Different voices coexist, one accusing directly, the other one providing more
general discussion on the sources behind this conflict. This polyphony reflects
negotiations for avoiding conflicts, but the voice of justice makes him on some
occasions choose to name the thief he is telling us about. Turi has to deal with
a dilemma, since it is his own people he his speaking of and they are part of the
audience. Since he is concerned with legal issues, however, he also wants to take
a stand and denounce illegal and immoral behaviors. Turi defends and condemns,
taking a clear position in the conflict between reindeer herders.
A discourse about threat and danger is recurrent in Turis Muitalus. He
mentions threatening situations in narratives about encounters with other people.
The enemy is represented in different shapes in Turis narratives: at times, it is the
mean giant Stllu. In other stories, uit or ruoat are the bad ones that persecute
the Smi while still others present the enemies as Norwegians. One characteristic
is that menacing figures come from outside the community. The Smi are the
ones who have to take flight and even run for their lives. The representation of
danger and threat to the community strengthens the message conveyed to the
in-group. The significance is that a threat, a danger is expressed to the group
as a whole and not to any one individual within. Narratives illustrate how the
group solves a problem and gets safely out of danger by cooperating and fighting
together. Consequently, such narratives stress the importance of solidarity and
the collective strength of the Smi community.
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Copplie Cocq
Turi does not only condemn and denounce the injustice the Smi suffer; his
narratives about injustice, enemies and danger are only a first step in his agenda
toward a political solution to the situation of the Smi. Johan Turi was also a
politically conscious community member, and the reader can recognize such
statements in the narratives. Particularly interesting in this respect is his position
on education for Smi youth. In a short text about Smi schools, he takes the
opportunity to present his arguments for and against education at school. Even
though he opens the text with a positive argument Via jagi skuvllat leat buorit
geafes smiide (Five years schooling is good for poor Smi), the sum of his
arguments appear to conclude that it is better for Smi children to participate
in Smi life than to go to school. In accordance with previous texts in which he
strives to present himself as educated, he states that it is necessary for children
to learn to read, write and count so that they will not be duped by tradesmen
and farmers. We have to remember that Turis father was a school teacher, and
even if Turi had to work at a young age instead of going to school, he must have
heard positive comments about institutional education. Perhaps surprisingly,
Turis arguments against school are reminiscent of those presented by Swedish
politicians as part of the Lapp-shall-be-Lapp ideology. At the beginning of the
twentieth century, influential politicians were convinced that it was not proper
for Smi to live in the same way as Swedes, whose lifestyle was considered more
civilized. These ideas had concrete consequences for the Smi in questions of
accommodation, education and reindeer husbandry. According to this logic, it was
considered inappropriate for Smi children to be taught in mainstream schools,
with more fitting accommodations found in a Smi style tent (Kvist, 1994). Turis
following statement is an echo of a contemporary political opinion.
Muhto go eai leat skuvllat smiid oami goiin, de fertejit bidjat

dohko, gos skuvllat gvdnojit, vaikko ii leat vuogas (Turi, [1910]
1987 -b:28).
And when there are no schools in the Smis own tent, then they
have to go to where there are schools, even if it isnt altogether
good.
He also mentions that school might change the nature of the Smi into that of
a peasant. The idea of a nature or temperament that must be preserved follows
also the perspective of Lapp-shall-be-Lapp proponents. Turis arguments for
and against school are an attempt to manage different voices: the school teachers,
106
the politicians and that of Turi himself: a Smi boy who grew up without much
formal education but who ends up as an author. This example of polyphony
reflects the intense context of social change going on at that time and his
management of these voices reveals Turis relation to the different influences.
At the end of the section Duoddariid olmmo, we find a text entitled Ds
vuollelis muitaluvvo smiid birra lassi, ja goase oaivei birra (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:80)
(Here is told something more about the Smi, and this is almost the most
important thing). This is one of the few texts in Muitalus where Turi mentions his
concern about the future of his people. He is quite pessimistic when discussing
the situation of the ohkkiras and Grasavvon reindeer herders. As he tells us:
go ruvdna lea vldn smiin eatnama ja lea addn lddelaaide, ja

dat ii leat at ruvnnas valdi daid eatnamiid nala ii miige (Turi, [1910]
1987 -b:81).
When the Crown has taken the ground from the Smi and given it
to the settlers, then the Crown no longer has any power over that
land.
Already in the late eighteenth century, Smi land was regarded as property of the
Crown. The historian Lennart Lundmark reports how Smi herders had to yield
to settlers the land they had inherited from their ancestors (Lundmark, 1998).
The problems of grazing rights and land ownership issues (still of immediate
interest 100 years later) arouse great concern in Turis mind.
Dl galg ruvdna rahpat smiide rabasin, maid lea bidjan gitta,

jos igu smiid ealihit sin ealhusgeainnuin, daihe addit smiide
soameslg ealhusgeainnu, vai eai atta smit biidnahuvvat liigs
sakka. Ja daid mon, gii aln, dovddan visot, in mon drbba jearrat
geasge daid, ja did shtn jehit duohtan, jos drbbaan (Turi,
[1910] 1987 -b:81).
Now the Crown must open for the Smi that which is shut, if it
intends to let the Smi go on living in their own way; or else it must
give them other means of making a livelihood, so that the Smi
shall not be too much oppressed. And I who write this know it all,
I do not need to ask anybody about it, and, I can prove that this is
true, if needed.
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Copplie Cocq
He refers to himself as the source of information, and emphasizes his responsibility

by using the first person. He begins the polemic by writing in a rather impersonal
manner, continues with the use of the third person, and finally steps forward in a
powerful way, as a storyteller, a source of knowledge and an authority. This text
is rather a political work than part of the Smi storytelling tradition.
Turi closes his book with a section that stands out from the rest of the
manuscript. His Muitalus smieatnama dovdameahttun elliid birra (Telling about the
unknown animals of Spmi) does not follow the same pattern as the other
stories, but is instead a political speech that denounces the way the Smi have
been treated as a minority. In this chapter, we meet Turi the politician. He tells
of the injustice suffered by his people and of his concern for their future. Turi
enables himself to take this position by establishing his authority throughout the
book, convincing the reader page after page that his knowledge and his place in
the community legitimate his political opinion.
In this section, he maximizes the gap between text and genre to an extreme
point, describing the present situation and ending with his expectations for the
future. If the structure of most texts follows the pattern of oral storytelling
(short orientation and closing coda, focus on the narrated event), the section
about the unknown animals of Spmi has a literary structure. The rhythm is
different, marked by longer sentences and clauses. He uses future expressions
and conditional mood and the text does not consist of different episodes but is
composed as an argument. In this specific text, Turi does not enter into dialogue
with the audience but presents his point of view to a reader.
A comparison between narratives in which he minimizes the gap and the
polemic texts clearly shows that Turi is changing style in the last text of his book.
He shifts from oral storytelling to literary argumentation. The use of different
strategies and genres reflect the various purposes of Turis writing. His management
of the elasticity of the intertextual gap and his relation to the collective tradition
are skillful ways of assuming different degrees of responsibility. He is more
careful in choosing his words when presenting his own point of view he does
not explicitly name the Smi and the Swedes or Norwegians, but talks about
unknown animals and human beings. The first-person elements decrease in
this section; his use of tense and mood is not the same as in other texts. Johan
Turi reports a quotation from these olbmot (the men), but without reference to
the source of this utterance. We understand that he relates arguments commonly
told to the Smi or those which he has interpreted as being the standpoint of
these men. He goes on with a response to this argument. There are consequently
108
two voices in the text, one that is related to the olbmot, and the other for which
Turi takes responsibility. The arguments presented by Turi follow a crescendo.
He starts by explaining the behavior of these men as a lack of knowledge about
the situation of the Smi but continues with a discourse of rejection, violence,
threat and finally a warning against the extinction of the Smi people. But he also
expresses a wish that his people may find a leader, and a prayer that God may
protect them. Thus, a religious voice closes this political speech.
This very special text was apparently not meant at first to close Muitalus.
In the original manuscript, it is placed in the section Bivdooahpa birra (About
trapping) (Turi, Notes and Manuscript). Turis metaphor of the unknown
animals was thus subtly placed among other texts about animals. The fact that
this text closes Muitalus creates a more powerful effect on the reader. The political
dimension of the pamphlet is enhanced by this position.
Concluding remarks
The presence of different voices in Turis Muitalus smiid birra and his management
of different narrative strategies is a reflection of diverse goals. The polyphony
in Turis first book is the result of a great ambition: to convey knowledge about
his community to the outside world and to deliver a message to the government.
But Turi might also have had a more personal aim: to establish his authority as
an indigenous writer in his community and for European readers. If Muitalus was
his first publication, it was not the last one and Turi kept writing travel books
and diaries.
The texts presented in Muitalus also reflect Johan Turis position at the
crossroads of many different influences: the context of social change in which
he was living as well as issues related to his personal background. Turi gives us to
understand that he was well acquainted with noaide skills, but a religious - Christian
- voice emerges simultaneously throughout the whole book. He addresses several
audiences and therefore juggles different discourses in order to reach a diversity
of readers.
Also, Turi expresses a double affiliation. In his foreword, he announced that
his book concerns mainly the Smi of ohkkiras, where he lived since 1883. He
originally came from Guovdageaidnu, and his affiliation to the Guovdageaidnu
community is apparent when he brings up topics such as theft and other conflicts
between different Smi groups. Relocation had implied conflicts between the
native group and the newcomers, and it was not uncommon that Guovdageaidnu
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Copplie Cocq
Smi were accused by the ohkkiras Smi to be reindeer thieves. In this context,
Turi defends the Guovdageaidnu Smi and expresses his affiliation with this
group.
Relocated Smi made proof of strong attachment to their roots and even
children several generations later used the same gkti, traditional Smi costume,
as their ancestors. As for storytelling tradition and variation, Turi was influenced
both by his parents from Guovdageaidnu and by the tradition of the ohkkiras
community where he spent most of his life. An example of Turis resultant
hybridized repertoire is the story of Riihmmagllis, introduced by Turi as the
biggest Stllu. The story of Riihmmagllis seems to originate from the ohkkiras
area, where he is not considered to be a Stllu, but is said to have been a Smi
(Svonni, 2006). Johan Turis narratives illustrate the existing heteroglossia in the
North Smi area at the beginning of the twentieth century. In the next chapter,
the study of three other repertoires presents other polyphonic strategies.
110
Chapter Four:
Silenced storytellers
Despite the impinging or competing demands of others, and the overwhelming force of that
which simply happens to us without our cognizance or choice, each of us expects to call some
of the shots, to resist being merely a piano key moved by the will of others or the inscrutable
workings of fate, and move as an equal among equals, in a world that is felt to be as much
ones own as it is beyond oneself (Jackson, 2002:126).
The second volume of Lappiske eventyr og sagn is composed of narratives by

39 informants, nine of whom originated from Guovdageaidnu. The three
Guovdageaidnu informants contributing the most narratives are Ellen Utsi,
Isak Eira and Per Br. This chapter presents an analysis of their repertoires as
published in Lappiske eventyr og sagn II. The study of the 80 stories they contributed
is placed in relation to the ethnographer and the context of production of the
narratives. The decontextualization and recontextualization of the texts imposed
by Qvigstad is taken into account when analyzing the corpus. As we will see, the
heteroglossia that surrounded the narrators emerge in the different repertoires in
various ways, witnessing of the individual strategies of each storyteller.
Apart from a few exceptions (e.g. Bolstad Skjelbred, 2001; Mathisen, 2000a),
storytellers interviewed by Qvigstad have until now remained almost anonymous.
Narratives, in accordance with Qvigstads aim and the ideology of his time,
are presented as autonomous texts arising from a cultural context defined
by the scholar. Narrators were perceived as passive tradition bearers and the
specificity of the narratives as well as the individual narrative strategies have been
underemphasized. The perspective adopted in this chapter breaks away from this
discourse of the past, by presenting and interpreting the narratives published
in Lappiske eventyr og sagn II as the production of specific narrators in relation to
specific contexts. Similar to our analysis of Johan Turis Muitalus smiid birra, the
concepts of intergenericity and polyphony are keys that enable us to approach
Ellen Utsi, Isak Eira and Per Brs attitude toward the socio-ideological context
of their time.
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Meeting Just K. Qvigstad

The exact circumstances of the interviews conducted by Qvigstad are unknown,
but the presentation of the sociocultural and political background in northern
Spmi and the contextualization of Lappiske eventyr og sagn (see Chapter Two)
enable us to approach the relation between Qvigstad and his informants.
In the foreword to Lappiske eventyr og sagn II, Just Qvigstad lists the names of
the persons he collected narratives from. One of the names on the list is Elen
Jonsdatter Ucce1, labeled nomadelapp, born in 1902. She contributed no less
than 40 narratives, more than any other informant in the volume. She is the only
woman from the Guovdageaidnu area that Qvigstad interviewed for Lappiske
eventyr og sagn.
Ellen Utsi was 24 years old when she was interviewed by Qvigstad. Besides
the narratives published in Lappiske eventyr og sagn II, several of her accounts can
also be found in other of Qvigstads publications (Qvigstad, 1932) as well as in
archives (Qvigstad, NFS, Notes).
The relation between the interviewer and the interviewee, especially with
regard to power relationships, has implications on the interview situation and
informants confidence in narrating (Kaivola-Bregenhj, 1989; Nyberg et al.,
2000). Ellen Utsis position as a young unmarried Smi woman meeting the 73
year old headmaster indicates an obviously imbalanced power relationship. The
age and position of Just K. Qvigstad accorded him an authority that must certainly
have influenced the young woman. Previous meetings with the headmaster may
have contributed to establishing a relationship with her interviewer. Already as a
child, she had to go to Romsa for medical care and she would have met Qvigstad
during one of her stays in Romsa (Bolstad Skjelbred, 2001). Such implies that
Ellen Utsi knew Qvigstad prior to the interviews that took place in 1926. We also
know that Qvigstad accorded her a certain authority by putting her in contact
with the Norwegian linguist Konrad Nielsen, and Utsi thus became an informant
for Nielsen in the creation of his North Smi dictionary (Bolstad Skjelbred,
2001).
Based on these aspects of the relation between Just Qvigstad and Ellen
Utsi, we can assume that a reciprocal trust contributed to a comfortable
interview situation for Utsi. The extensiveness of her material corroborates this
1
Qvigstad employs the orthography Elen Ucce. I have chosen to use the spelling Ellen
Utsi, that follows the more recent Smi orthography. It is also the way her name is
spelled in other publications.
112
assumption. She provided Qvigstad with numerous narratives, many of which

were quite lengthy.
Unfortunately, we find no indications about where the interviews took place,
or whether all contributions were documented orally. We know that Qvigstad
collected written material from some of his informants and we cannot neglect
the possibility that the lengthy narratives of Ellen Utsi were given to Qvigstad in
written form.
Among the main informants in Lappiske eventyr og sagn II, two men from
Guovdageaidnu provided Qvigstad with 20 narratives each. One of them is
Isak Isaksen Eira, presented in the foreword as a nomadelapp. Born in 1891
in Guovdageaidnu and interviewed by Qvigstad in 1921, Eira contributed
narratives that Qvigstad published not only in Lappiske eventyr og sagn, but also
in booklets about the diseases of the domesticated reindeer (Qvigstad, 1941),
healing (Qvigstad, 1932) and further general information about the situation of
the Smi (Qvigstad, 1954). His young age in relation to Qvigstad, who was by
then 68 years old, as well as his background as a reindeer herder, seems to indicate
that the relationship with the retired headmaster was imbalanced regarding their
negotiation of authority. The context of the interview, though, might have
contributed to empower his role as a storyteller. As a matter of fact, we know
from Qvigstads correspondence with the Swedish linguist K.B. Wiklund that
he conducted fieldwork in Finnmark in 1921 (Qvigstad, 12.8.1921). We can
assume that it was during this trip that he met Isak Eira and interviewed him,
which indicates that the interview took place in the storytellers environment,
and further implies that Eira was at the time of narration in the home milieu of
his narratives. The narration would therefore have occurred in a natural - not a
foreign - context.
The other male informant, who contributed twenty narratives of his own,
was Per Andersen Br. Born in Guovdageaidnu in 1847, he later settled in
Kvnangen and in 1884 in Kistrand (Porsanger) (Qvigstad, 1928:foreword). He
was interviewed in 1924, at the age of 77. Places like Kvngangen and Kistrand,
the storytellers home milieu, recur in his narratives. Details seem to indicate that
interviews were conducted in Porsgu. In a story about noaide, Br mentions that
the protagonist was dabbe Porsagost (Qvigstad, 1928:484) (here in Porsgu).
The deictic adverbial therefore implies that Per Br was in Porsgu when telling
this story.
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Copplie Cocq
Figure 6 Per Andersen Bhr, Photographer: Sophus

Tromholt. 1882-1883. Courtesy of University of
Bergen Library, Picture Collection
The brevity of his contributions, in comparison with those of Ellen Utsi and
Isak Eira, as well as his language and rhetorical strategies, are signs that the stories
were told orally to Qvigstad. Footnotes and explanations between brackets reveal
the editors difficulties in adapting the oral performance to a written form. The
clarifications noted by Qvigstad indicate that background information occurred
parallel to the main story. In a written form where no pitch of voice, gesture or
body language can underscore the different levels of narration and metanarration,
Qvigstad had to reformulate the story.
Per Br belonged to a different generation than Ellen Utsi and Isak Eira.
Changes regarding school and contacts with other groups had occurred after
he had grown up, meaning that he grew up in a different context than Utsi and
Eira. Another distinction is the fact that Per Br had lived a longer life than the
two other storytellers; his life history and experiences are other elements that
influence his storytelling. Further analysis of these three storytellers narratives
will show how these different influences affected their repertoires.
114
Regarding Per Brs age, he belonged to the kind of informants Qvigstad was
particularly interested in. At the time of the interviews, Qvigstad was 71 years
old, only a few years younger than his informant. The issue of positionality and
authority was therefore different in this case than for Ellen Utsi and Isak Eira.
The fact that Per Brs father had written an essay may also have enhanced the
authority Qvigstad accorded to his informant. Anders Br and his wife were
condemned for their involvement in the Guovdageaidnu Uprising of 1852,
and he wrote his memoires of the event and its background, probably on the
recommendation of the Norwegian writer and linguist Jens Andreas Friis, after
Br was reprieved in 1863 (Steen, 1986). Qvigstad had translated the essay into
Norwegian (Baer, 1926), and thus had some previous level of acquaintance with
Per Br.
A first look at the material Qvigstad collected reveals that the narrators acted
differently in their meetings with the schoolmaster. The narratives told by these
three informants differ in length. Ellen Utsis repertoire presents stories longer
than two pages, of which one was six. In the case of Per Br, on the other hand,
we find narratives shorter than a half page - only two are longer than one page -
and there are no long stories at all in his repertoire as published in Lappiske eventyr
og sagn. Isak Eiras repertoire includes a few long stories, of which one was six
pages long, but eleven of them are shorter than one page. Such considerations
may indicate that the interview situations affected the storytellers differently.
After a closer look at the material, I will discuss this aspect below in relation to
Qvigstads field method.
As for the sociocultural and historical background of these storytellers,
the lives of Utsi, Eira and Br present many similarities with Turis life. Like
Johan Turi and his family, they were affected by border issues and lived between
different countries and cultures. The Laestadian religious movement and the
revolt in Guovdageaidnu in 1852 were of concern for the inhabitants of the
region. Utsi and Brs parents were Laestadians (Steen, 1986). As for schooling,
Turi and Br grew up at a time when children of reindeer herders attended
school sporadically, if at all. Part of Ellen Utsi and Isak Eiras schooling occurred
at a time when Norwegian was the primary language of instruction (see Chapter
Two). As the study of their narratives will show, their repertoires had also been
influenced by published books and readings.
The narratives published in Lappiske eventyr og sagn II are presented by Qvigstad
under different headings. The three selected storytellers are representative of the
volume in that they bring up recurrent topics. Common themes characteristic of
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Copplie Cocq
Smi storytelling of the region and evidenced in the repertoires of Utsi, Eira and
Br are stories about ghosts (baldunas, vaiga), subterranean/invisible beings (G
1301-1400, M 401-500), haunting infants (C 1050), sacrificial stones, dangerous
diseases (Q 1-100) and enemies such as Stllu (E-1501-1600) or uit. Two of
the three storytellers told numbskull tales, accounts of omens of death (A 101),
hidden treasures (P 1-200), the smierghttu (creature theft of milk or butter) (C
333) and the noaide (shaman) (D 1031-1040)1.
The narratives compiled by Qvigstad also witness the extensiveness of
contacts between different ethnic groups in Northern Spmi, an aspect that
Reidar Th. Christiansen observed in Migratory legends (1958).
In Northern Norway, the influence of traffic along the coast

is still more evident [than in Western Norway]. At the great
seasonal fisheries storytelling was formerly the customary form of
entertainment during the many endorsed periods of idleness. Men
came to these fisheries not only from Norway but from neighboring
countries as well, from Sweden and Finland and even from the
northern districts of Russia. In spite of linguistic difficulties stories
easily passed between peoples and thus it is only inevitable that
Lapps, Finns, and North Russian tribes would soon come to possess
a common stock of folktales (Christiansen, 1958:8-9).
The fact that the Smi lived a semi-nomadic life increased the chances for coming
in contact with other groups and influences. These contacts naturally resulted in
exchanges, such as the borrowing of cultural elements from one group to another.
It is hazardous to attempt to touch upon the issue of origin and borrowing of
folklore elements; it is the reciprocity of contacts between the different groups in
Spmi that should be accentuated - a significant aspect that has been disregarded.
Collections of folklore often have focused on the national origin of narratives
and neglected their local and cultural source. Johan Hvedings Folketru og Folkeliv
p Hlogaland I-II (Hveding, 1935, 1944), for instance, has been considered a
collection of Norwegian folklore (e.g. Bolstad Skjelbred, 1998) though the
narratives were collected in Nordland and Troms regions where the extensive
Smi population cannot be neglected. On the other hand, Smi narratives have
often been considered to have borrowed elements from Norwegian folklore.
More recently, the influence of Smi mythological elements on, for instance,
1
Motifs classification refers to Marjatta Jauhiainens Suomalaiset uskomustarinat
(Jauhiainen, 1999).
116
Nordic mythology has been underscored (e.g. Kusmenko, 2006), questioning the
conventional idea of a one-sided influence.
An attempt to classify Smi narratives according to the Aarnes The Types of the
Folktale or Christiansens Migratory legends highlights the multiplicity of influences
on storytellers. Similarities with the broader European storytelling tradition can
be found in some of the repertoires, but it is nevertheless obvious that motifs
from Norwegian tales coexist with Smi ones and that the Finnish tradition also
has influenced storytellers. It would be restrictive and mistaken to consider Smi
storytelling to be a loan from neighboring cultures, as Qvigstad presents it to be.
Smi narratives are genuine insofar as they emerge as their own peculiar form
and are part of an interpretive tradition (see below, Chapter Five).
The repertoires of Ellen Utsi, Isak Eira and Per Br are characterized by a
broad range of narratives with regards to genre, theme, length and perspective.
We find folktales1 as well as traditional Smi narratives. Despite the presence of
many different subjectivities and influences, their narratives follow the pattern
of Smi storytelling we have observed in Johan Turis Muitalus smiid birra. The
structure follows an oral muitalus narrative style, with no specific codas, a quick
beginning and abrupt end.
The presentation of narratives in the following sections as Traditional
knowledge and Extended Repertoires emphasizes parts of the storytellers
repertoires that are common to the broader storytelling tradition and parts that
witness of an adaptation of narratives to Smi repertoires.
Traditional knowledge
Most of the texts included in Lappiske eventyr og sagn are traditional Smi narratives
in the sense that the narrated events take place in a Smi milieu and contain
elements that can easily be identified as Smi, as for instance the ogre Stllu, the
underground and invisible beings ulda2, eahpra (unbaptised dead children) or
baldunas (ghost). These accounts occur as variants in the repertoires of many
storytellers.
In a similar manner as Johan Turi, the three informants interviewed by
Qvigstad use different strategies in order to establish authority and give their
1
Folktales are to be understood in this context as narratives occurring in non-Smi
settings and evolving protagonists foreign to the Smi milieu.
2
Informants from the Guovdageaidnu-Krjohka area interviewed by Qvigstad have
reported about beings with similar characteristics by different names: ulda, halde or gufittar
(Cocq, 2004).
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Copplie Cocq
narratives credibility. Their positions as storytellers and community members

also are reflected by the way they narrate.
As highlighted in the previous chapter, generalization is one of the strategies
that Johan Turi uses in order to enhance the trustworthiness of his narratives.
Similar aspects can be observed in the repertoire of other storytellers. We find in
the narratives of Utsi, Br and Eira a strain of school manual style, as in Muitalus
smiid birra. Ellen Utsi, for instance, gives the audience recommendations about
what to do in specific situations. In a story about a vaiga (ghost), she ends with
general advice regarding a situation when one hears such a ghost.
Go gulla vaiga, de galga urvet orbma aa dasa; de i gullu at

(Qvigstad, 1928:358).
When one hears a vaiga, one must call it out through the fist; then,
you do not hear it anymore.
The text ends abruptly with this advice. This strategy enhances her authority by
presenting her statement as general traditional knowledge.
Generalization also can appear at the beginning of narratives. In a text
about courtship and relations between boys and girls, Ellen Utsi begins with the
statement Dat l malmis nu atte (Qvigstad, 1928:496) (It is such in this world,
that). She is not present as a protagonist or a storyteller in the narrative, but
her degree of commitment to the statement is not questioned. This also creates
a presentation of the narratives as truth. The use of present tense enhances
the generalization of the event, presented as a commonly occurring situation.
The narrators mastering of traditional knowledge positions her as a community
insider, thus increasing her authority.
The context of collection of the narratives must be considered here a factor
of influence on the structure of the narratives. The relation between Qvigstad
and his informants might have implied that they felt a need to demonstrate their
knowledge regarding traditions, those items which Qvigstad was particularly
interested in. Ellen Utsis narratives can also be understood as a strategy to
position herself in the community in the eyes of the interviewer.
In a similar way, Isak Eira also uses strategies of generalization when telling
about ghosts.
Go nokka amas baikidi awdin darfegoidi jawregaddin, gost lavijet

dawja baldunasat, ja jus heive dain algit ija orrot swdnjaden, de
galga nokkat alohi aive uksi oivid [] (Qvigstad, 1928:348).
118
When one lies down to sleep in an unknown place in an empty turf

tent by a lake, where there usually are baldunas (ghosts), and if it
happens that one has to spend the night there when it is dark, one
should always sleep with ones head toward the door [].
The use of the present tense and the third person singular verb of necessity
(galga) creates a generalization of the event. The third person singular is inclusive,
making the storyteller present in some degree within the narration itself. After
this general advice, Eira continues with a specific instance that happened to
someone who did not act as recommended. He ends the same story with a final
sentence in present perfect tense:
Muttu son balla dam goais, ja dal dast ballet vel rat nai, guet lt
gullan su frana (Qvigstad, 1928:352).
But he is afraid of this tent, and actually others are afraid too, those
who have heard what happened to him.
Narration in the present also enhances the pertinence of the event for the
listeners. Eira establishes a relation to the audience by creating a link between the
time of the narrated event and the time of narration. When referring to others
who have heard what happened to him, he also includes himself. He speaks
from an insider perspective; he is not present as a protagonist, but is emotionally
present. This is a strategy for taking responsibility: he lets us know where he
stands in the story. Doing this, he also ascertains himself as a credible spokesman
for other community members with similar experiences.
Ellen Utsi tells in Lappiske eventyr og sagn a number of narratives recurrent
in Smi oral tradition. Stories about eahpra, unbaptized dead children are
recurrent motifs in Smi storytelling (Pentikinen, 1968). When recounting
narratives in accordance with the broader storytelling tradition in an impersonal
manner, Utsi expresses the voice of the community. She establishes an authority
as a community member by demonstrating her knowledge, for example when
generalizing narrated events.
At some points, however, she chooses to perform her narratives in a
more personal manner, referring to a specific source of knowledge, naming
protagonists or reporting events she has personally experienced. She furnishes
the names of the persons involved within the narratives, as well as the places
where the events occurred. The same persons and places are mentioned in
several of her narratives. On some occasions, she identifies the source of her
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Copplie Cocq
knowledge. A note lets us know that she has heard a story about an eahpra from
her grandfather (Qvigstad, 1928:338).
Figure 7 Morten Clementsen, Ellen Utsis grandfather.

Photographer: Sophus Tromholt. 1882-1883. Courtesy of
University of Bergen Library, Picture Collection
This reference to a close source places her narratives in the tradition she is part
of. She emphasizes that her narration is about traditional knowledge: she knows
what to do in the case of an encounter with an eahpra and she has learned
it from her grandfather through storytelling. Her authority as a community
member is highlighted when referring to acquired knowledge. In a story about
a fight between two noaide, she refers to her father as the source (Qvigstad,
1928:490). The presence of her father and grandfathers voices testifies to a
strong storytelling tradition. As a child, she heard narratives that she included in
her repertoire. Also, through reference to her father, she distances herself from
responsibility for knowing and telling noaide tales. By referring to her father, she
identifies the man from whose repertoire she has acquired the narrative. Utsi
establishes an authority not only as a community member, but also as a storyteller
by maximizing and minimizing intertextual gaps. Referring to her father and
120
grandfather is also a manner of testifying to continuity: she presents herself

to the audience as a link in a tradition. But she also tells about events she has
experienced and steps forward as a subjective individual, as, for instance, in one
of her stories about encounters with ulda.
[D]e aicajin olbmu vllame nubbe blde roggi, ja mun doivun:

dat l albma olmu; dat l mu isit, gn lutte mun leggjin balvalusas,
ja mun vulgen dokko. Go ollejin dan roggai, de gaen, ja de im
bssan sagaide. De jawkai []. Mi gawnaheimet: dat i lt albma
olmu, muttu dat l muttin din Addama ikkun manain, guet
goujuvvujit uldan (Qvigstad, 1928:436).
Then I saw a man lying on the other side of a pit, and I believe it is a
real man; it is my master, for whom I was on duty, and I went there.
When I came to this pit, I fell and I could not get him to speak.
Then he disappeared []. We found out: it was not a real man, but
it was one of Adams hidden children, called ulda.
By telling us about her encounter with ulda, she takes a position and lets us
know where she stands in the tradition, establishing authority by highlighting her
knowledge as experienced.
The narrators communicate with the audience thanks to different techniques
and devices. In this way, the presence of Qvigstad as an audience member - and
consequently, his voice - can be observed in some of the narratives. This aspect
can be noticed in the case of Per Br. He told several narratives about ghosts
beginning with general advices.
Go olmu l vazzimen mrragaddist, swdnjaden renoamaet,

ja gulla juoida, maid dowda i lk rivtis, de galga bakkudet dam:
son adda dudnji rafi; adde donge sudnji rafi! De i gullu mikkige
(Qvigstad, 1928:390).
When one is walking on the shore, particularly when it is dark, and

hears something that does not feel real, one has to say: I give you
peace; you give me peace, too! Then there is no more [strange]
sound.
This explanatory introduction addresses an outsider. Br tells Qvigstad general

information that is not necessary to tell a community member but that an outsider
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Copplie Cocq
audience may not know. Narratives are adapted to the audience. This strategy
also emphasizes Brs knowledge and establishes consequently his authority.
Narratives about traditional knowledge are often placed in the temporal
context of the audience. When general pieces of advice are given for situations
that can occur at any time, present tense is employed and more specific examples
show the continuity of an event. Ellen Utsi adds comments that enhance the
aspect of immediate interest for the present audience. In narratives about the
mean ogre Stllu, she tells how, even today, we can observe physical evidence of an
event that is replayed through narration. Utsi relates the story of a family of Smi
children whose parents are not home one Christmas Eve. The children, relishing
the free time, pretend to be reindeer, engaging in noisy, boisterous play. The
activity turns to tragedy when one of the children is cruelly slaughtered by the
others. Shortly after, Stllu arrives and kills the rest of the children. The narrative
ends with the description of the place as it remains today, the protagonists being
transformed into stones that can be easily observed by passersby.
Durkihan-varis lt stuora ggit, mat lt dego guokte goai, ja

smavva ggit, mat lt dego boccut, mat livvadit macco oivid. Dat
lt sikke vilges ggit ja appes ggit (Qvigstad, 1928:670).
On Durkihan Mountain, there are two big stones that look like
two tents, and little stones that look like lying and resting reindeer
with their heads turned backwards. Those are white and beautiful
stones.
She establishes a relation with the audience by shifts in tenses. The narrated
event is told in past tense whereas the last sentence is in the present. She thereby
describes the present situation for the audience, relating the past event to the
time of narration. This control of temporality establishes her authority as a
storyteller.
This story about Stllu at Christmas Eve is a cruel version of a very similar
narrative in Muitalus smiid birra, added in a note in the second edition of the
book. Demant Hatt writes that at first, Turi found it unnecessary to include the
narrative, but upon hearing a more complete version later, he wished to report it
in the second edition of his book (Turi, 1910:241). The recurrent motif of Stllu
at Christmas Eve also emerges in one of Isak Eiras narratives.
122
Ruotta-kket galget alohi raddjujuvvut ja suoppalastujuvvut visut

rissigierragat ja buok smakkot oakkai, amas stallo, go ikku vuoddja,
buvahallat hergidis daida rissegeidi (Qvigstad, 1928:716).
On Christmas Eve, the tips of twigs and the wood chips must always
be carefully removed and swept up so that Stllu, when driving by at
night, would not have his reindeer suffocate in the branches.
The generalization represents the voice of the community conveying traditional

knowledge as it did to younger members.
Per Br tells about Stllu in a different sense. He describes how someone
can send a Stllu after ones enemy. This story is one of the narratives where
the lack of context renders more difficult an interpretation of what Qvigstad
wrote down. These narratives are part of noaide knowledge rather than Stllu lore.
Br is emotionally present by stating that this skill is employed by baha olmu
(Qvigstad, 1928:638), bad people. With this statement, he takes responsibility and
lets us know his position on the practice as he wants us to understand it.
Another recurrent motif in Smi storytelling, as evidenced by the three
informants, is that of subterranean/invisible beings. Qvigstad published six
narratives by Ellen Utsi about ulda. She reported narratives of their origin, a
marriage between men and ulda-girls, about uldas animals, about an encounter
with mystical girls - intertextuality lets us know they are ulda - and with an
unknown man who is finally identified as an ulda.
In Muitalus smiid birra, Turi gives us a version of the origin of the beings.
Ja dat leat dan sogas, maid vuostta vhnemat leat bidjan eatnama
vuolli (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:153).
And they are descended from the race that our first forefathers
bound under the earth.
In Ellen Utsis version, another socio-ideological language emerges through the

names of characters from the Bible. A religious voice is central, conveying social
norms and values:
Addames ja vas leggje ollo manat, ja de Ibmil boi oappaladdat

sodnu, ja vva doamai bassat daid manaides, muttu i ollen bassat
visut. [] (Qvigstad, 1928:392)
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Copplie Cocq
Adam and Eve had many children, and then God came to visit
them, and Eve hurries washing the children, but did not get all
finished.
She hides the children she had not washed, and God punishes her by declaring
that the children who are hidden will remain invisible. It ends with the short
sentence Ja das dat lt addan ulddat (Qvigstad, 1928:392) (and from this, the
ulda came to be) (jf AT 758/ F251.4).
Per Br reports a similar story about the origin of the halde (ulda) that he
had heard from a man from Brselv (Qvigstad, 1928:394). This man told Br
that he read in the Bible how Adam and Eve were ashamed for having so many
children and hid some of them. God declared that the ones who were hidden
would remain hidden.
While Turi tells the beings are under the earth, ulda are invisible
according to Utsi. Narratives about ulda and halde do not provide a homogeneous
explanation of the state of the beings. They have in common that they can only
be seen by people on rare occasions.
Smi elements blend together with religious ones. The strong presence of
the Church in the North Smi area is revealed by the tones of a religious voice
together with a more traditional Smi voice.
In a story told by Utsi about a marriage between a boy and an ulda-girl,
an event taking place in a Smi milieu, the narrator instructs us about relations
within the group and with others: reindeer herders and settlers, humans and other
beings. In a similar manner, an event surrounding two men who saw a fairy cow
also has strong normative implications. One of the protagonists takes the cow
but then gives it back to its owner. She (an old ulda woman) makes him rich as
a way of thanking him. This text contains elements in common with Migratory
Legend ML 5090 and ML 6055, though in a Smi milieu and with reference to
Smi circumstances. Isak Eira relates similar accounts about encounters between
Smi and ulda. The narrators convey information at different levels. They let us
know what to do in such a situation according to traditional knowledge they have
inherited from the community. Also, they convey the communitys social norms
and values. In Chapter Six, we take a closer look at the socializing aspects of
narratives about ulda and other beings.
Ellen Utsis narratives about ulda are based on her experience. She tells of an
encounter with an ulda-reindeer as well as two narratives relating contacts with
ulda in which she is a protagonist. This perspective confirms how she presents
124
herself as a link in the storytelling tradition she is part of. She completes her
repertoire and passes it on.
Per Br tells about how the beings can take children. The protagonists are
not named; solely the title given by Qvigstad indicates that the story is about
gufihtar, underground beings. Intertextuality, with the example of Johan Turi,
also gives the reader a hint about who the beings in question are. Narratives are
presented as illustrations of commonly occurring events and refer to traditional
knowledge about how to behave when ending up in such a situation.
[D]e fallagoi haldi akko duoida: Bottet gat daid! Dot guovtis
miluhallaba vuolgit gat; muttu dat goalmad duotta gardnjelin
duom guoktas atte i mannat gat (Qvigstad, 1928:406).
The halde woman invited them: Come and look!. The two of
them wanted to have a look, but the third one nudged them with
her elbow, so that they should not go.
The third girl knows that if they accept something such as food or cloth from the
halde, they will not be able to come back to their world. This information is not
given explicitly to the audience; there is no backstage information but that which
is to be understood through intertextuality.
Narratives about sieide, places of sacrifices, presented by the three informants
illustrate traditional knowledge and explain how to behave toward these sites.
Ellen Utsi gives us the example of Onneggi, a sacred stone. She tells the story of
different persons who asked the stone for help and describes the place in present
tense. In the narration of specific events, she gives the audience the name of the
protagonists and lets us know how each person thinks.
[S]on lei gafestallame; de jurdaa: son dat gal vuolga galit, jogo
l nwri haldui addujuvvun nu stuora fabmo, atte vddja juoidaid
(Qvigstad, 1928:514).
He was drinking coffee; then he thought: he is going to see if such

power has been given to the evil one that he is capable of realizing
something.
She adopts an insider perspective and leads the audience into the thoughts of
the protagonist. The voice of the narrator and that of the protagonist coexist in
these examples. Utsi not only informs us about the persons intentions, she also
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Copplie Cocq
takes responsibility and adopts a position toward the voice of the protagonist by
informing us of the consequences of his acts: his lies or lack of honesty result
in the failure.
Stories about sacrificial sites reveal another pedagogical strategy of Eira. He
told a story about a man who was helped by a sieide and acted with respect toward
this sacred place. The account is followed by general advice about how to behave
toward a sieide:
[S]ieidi vkkeha maga have, jus darbaha olmu vkkin; muttu

olmu galga oskot, ja olmu galga addit, jus loppida maidege
(Qvigstad, 1928:518).
The sieide helps many times, when someone asks for help; but one
has to believe, and has to give when he promises something.
Eira continues with a counterexample: the story of a man who took artifacts
from a sacred place and consequently got sick. Different voices create a dialogue
in the narrative. The voice of a believer answers one more skeptical; the narrator
is also present and takes a position by telling what one should do. He does not
employ the first person pronoun, but tells us in an impersonal manner what is
right or wrong. The voice of the community expresses norms for how to act
properly. At the end of the story, Qvigstads voice speaks up through a note
about the location of the stone, referring to his publication about sacred stones.
Another detail in this note is an explanation certainly furnished by Eira: we are
told that the man took the artifact in order to use the pattern for handicraft.
This detail does not appear in the Smi text, only in the Norwegian translation,
but it is highly relevant when trying to understand the narrators relation to the
narrated event. His knowledge about a personal aspect such as the intention of
the protagonist reveals that he stands close to this very person. Thus, Eira uses
the same strategy as Utsi: the audience is allowed to observe how the central
character thinks.
Narratives about sieide are common in Smi storytelling tradition. Per Br
tells the story - similar to that in the repertoires of Ellen Utsi and Isak Eira
- regarding a person who becomes sick after taking something that had been
given to the sieide. This story may also be part of family lore; the protagonist is
the brother of the narrators grandfather. In this case too, a footnote about the
location of the stone has been added by Qvigstad who was interested in sacred
stones and refers again to his publication on the topic (Qvigstad, 1926).
126
On some occasions, the storytellers reinforce the trustworthiness of their

narratives and consequently their authority by mentioning the names of the
protagonists. The names are generally given at the beginning, as in the following
example by Ellen Utsi:
Dat lei Guowdagino boares lukkar, gutte lei laggjeme

Njuikonjggis. Sus lei biiga, gn namma lei Alet (Qvigstad,
1928:334).
There was an old sexton in Guovdageaidnu who harvested at

Njuikonjggi. He had a maid whose name was Alet.
Later in the story, she mentions the name of the old sexton. Lukkara namma
lei Gudnar Lemet Morten (Qvigstad, 1928:334) (The sexton was called Morten,
son of Klemet Gunnersen). It appears that he is Ellens grandfather.
This indication lets the reader know that Ellen Utsi was well acquainted with
the persons in the event she is going to tell about. By naming her grandfather, she
reveals indirectly her source of information. In another story, she chooses to end
a story by referring to the names of the protagonists:
Dan nissuna namma lei Susanna; mannaguovto namma lei Mikkil

ja Maret (Qvigstad, 1928:336).
The name of this woman was Susanna and the children were Mikkel
and Marit.
Storytellers choose different strategies. While Ellen Utsi mentions names in

some of her narratives, Per Br chose a number of times not to include the
names of the protagonists. However, Qvigstad added at several occasions a note
at the end of the text, revealing the name of the person in question. The lack
of information concerning Qvigstads fieldwork methods does not allow us to
know if the notes correspond to answers to questions that he asked, or if they
are metanarrative devices by the storyteller.
Not mentioning the names in the body of the narratives is a way of
generalizing an event, whereas a story becomes more specific and bound to a
context when we are furnished with the names of the protagonist. In either
case, the footnotes suggest that Qvigstad did not show much consideration for
the narrators strategy. In some of the narratives, the notes containing additional
information appear only in the Norwegian translation. One of Ellen Utsis
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Copplie Cocq
narratives about ghosts is actually the account of something that happened to

her father (Qvigstad, 1928:352). His name and year of birth appear in an endnote
by Qvigstad, but not in the text. She might have chosen to present the event
as a general happening and not as a specific event. Her decision not to name
her father minimizes the intertextual gap and places the story in the broader
storytelling tradition.
In one of Per Brs narratives, the Norwegian text differs from the Smi one
in that the protagonists are not named explicitly in the original version (Qvigstad,
1928:474-475). However, in Qvigstads translation, the names of the protagonists
appear as soon as the narration begins. This discrepancy highlights Brs strategy.
In his version, the focus is on the event, whereas Qvigstads rendition makes it a
specific occurrence that concerned two specific persons. Brs illustration of a
situation that might occur at any time is transformed through the translation into
a onetime event. Names and point in time when the event took place are given in
a note, and we can assume that Br told Qvigstad this background information.
Qvigstad then decided to include it in the story without interfering with the main
body of the narrative in the Smi version. These discrepencies in translation can
be observed at several occasions: in another text, Per Br begins the story with
an anonymous protagonist:
Dat lei blleaddut nieida (guokte nub lokkai jakkasa) (Qvigstad,

1928:404)
There was a half grown up girl (twelve years old)
In the Norwegian text, Qvigstad provides in a note the name of the girl and of her
father and writes that the event happened 20 years earlier (Qvigstad, 1928:407).
Similarly, he writes at the end of another story that the event narrated happened
40 years previously and gives us the names of the protagonists and actual place
of settlement of one of them (Qvigstad, 1928:407). Br had chosen not to name
his characters in the main body of the narratives. However, he refers to specific
places, and thus to his experience and local knowledge.
Si leggje gse-aigi suidnime (suinid uoppame) dobbe Libe-

vuonast baggjin (Qvigstad, 1928:406).
They were reeping during the summer in Olderfjord valley.
128
He asserts his knowledge and competency by opting for an insider perspective.

With this strategy, he enhances the credibility of the narratives. References to
specific places recreate the natural milieu in which the narrated event is said to
have occurred. It is an effective way of convincing the audience of the storys
veracity. Isak Eira also uses this technique when telling about how a wise man
manages to defeat a disease.
De li okta boareslagan viisis, jierbmas sabmela, mi lei vuoggjime

Bossogoppai gukkes raidoin (Qvigstad, 1928:522).
There was an old wise, intelligent Smi who was going to

Bossogoppi with a long caravan.
This storyteller furnishes details and communicates backstage information to

the audience. Also, by appraising adjectives such as wise and intelligent,
the narrator is foregrounding an opinion, stance. This is not only relevant for
the credibility of the storyteller, but also for the effect of the narratives on the
audience. This very story deals with an important matter: the protection of the
community from contagious diseases. Motifs from the Migratory Legend ML
7080 emerge here in a Smi milieu with reference to Smi circumstances. Spmi
had been struck with contagious diseases including smallpox and the bubonic
plague in a similar way as the rest of the Fennoscandinavian peninsula, but
demographic studies have shown how regions were hit differently depending
on both means of contagion and cultural patterns (Skld, 1996). Diseases have
left historical traces that are reflected in storytelling. While assembling material
about healing, Qvigstad collected many narratives about diseases, their origin,
symptoms and remedy (Qvigstad, 1932). Diseases were often depicted in Smi
narratives as supernatural spirits, human beings and other creatures (Rathje,
1991:95) which can be observed in the narratives of Eira, Br and Utsi.
Eira describes how the plague hides, as if it was a person or an animal, such
as when the protagonist dumps the sledge in a torrent.
Ja njoammo-dawda, mi lei naahme daid dulljid siste, addai

maida mannat dam gorai, ja dina lagin son duadi ja goddi dan
rottodawda (Qvigstad, 1928:524).
And the contagious disease, who was huddled up between the fells,
ended also in the rapids and in this way, he destroyed and killed the
pest.
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Copplie Cocq
Per Br also tells about how to defeat contagious diseases.
Ruobba-dawda (boakko-dawda) uovvo olbmuid faro mield dihe

galvo siste gerres siste. Go olbmuk fuomaek dam, de si vuggjek
suddegaddai ja askit dam gerresa luovos hrgis ja hoigadek
suddai (sudderaigai); de i dat bsa viidanit (Qvigstad, 1928:522).
Childhood diseases follow people or goods in a sleigh. When people

notice it, they go to a hole in the ice, take off the sleigh from the
reindeer and sink it in the hole. In this way, the disease cannot go
any further.
His knowledge is presented as a general truth. When teaching about such a

significant topic, the narrators authority is crucial.
Ellen Utsi also tells a story about a contagious disease, the Spanish flu:
Nubbi logai nubbin: son dat manna Guowdageidnui ja

godda dobbe visut daid nuorra olbmuid. Daina buro-
rukses-varagin dat logai: Mana don doares belid; don dat
bivat mannat sami siidaid mielde. De logai dat nubbi: son
dat i godde gal visut. De soai rranaddaiga, ja nubbi manai
Guowdagino guwlui ja nubbi rrani nuortas guowloid.
Dat akko logai: Dal boatta dagger dawda, mi godda Guowdagino
nuoraid. Muttu daida, mat samigoais lt, daida dat i lt nu garas
dat dawda. De boi dat spanska dawda (Qvigstad, 1928:528).
The one said to the other: I am going to Guovdageaidnu to kill all

the youth. He said to the one with a bloated red face: You go to
the remote villages, you are able to go to the Smi villages. Then the
other one said: He would probably not kill all of them. Then they
parted, and the first one went in the direction of Guovdageaidnu
and the other went eastwards. The old woman [who witnessed the
dialogue] said: A disease is coming now that will kill the youth in
Guovdageaidnu. But it will not be as severe for those who live in
Smi tents. Then the Spanish flu arrived.
Ellen Utsis narration was written down by Qvigstad in 1926, about eight years after
the Spanish flu hit Spmi. According to Lindow (1978), narratives about diseases
- such as the great plague in Swedish legends - illustrate both folk beliefs about
130
disease, retention of historical events in oral narrative, and traditional attitudes

toward catastrophe (Lindow, 1978:31). The fact that diseases are personified
serves as a metaphor for the process of infection. The progress of the contagion
is explained by patterns of human migration (travel and visits), rendering the
uneven penetration of the disease in towns and in Smi villages as the result of
human intentions and behaviors.
In Utsis text, we can discern a double-voiced discourse. Traditional
knowledge puts in plain words the propagation of the disease with a distinction
between two persons and two routes. Medical discourse is also expressed about a
contagion by two protagonists who represent carriers of the contaminant.
Traditional knowledge is also expressed in reference to historical events.
Narratives about ruoat refer to historical conflicts between Smi and another
ethnic group. In storytelling tradition, this motif has become a symbol for
enemies (cf Johan Turis narratives in the previous chapter). The repertoires of
the three selected narrators do not provide exceptions to this tradition. Isak Eira,
for instance, told Qvigstad a story about how ruoat were killed by a man and
his wife. The place is named and the narratives refer to an event that would have
occurred in a past time, when ruoat were arriving and competing with Smi for
land and goods.
Per Br relates the historical background and conflicts with ruoat as an
explanation for hidden treasures:
Dalle go vainot leggje, de lt ruoat rievidam ollo ruaid ja silba ja

golli, atte vitta logi olbma guoddimnoai lei, ja dat l oarjablde
Guowdagino varri, maid goudek Raisduoddar-haldi, ja lk dam
varrai iekkam (Qvigstad, 1928:466).
Back in wartimes, the ruoat stole a lot of money and silver and
gold, they were in bands of 50 men. And west of Guovdageaidnu
there is a mountain called Risduottarhldi, and they have hidden it
[the stolen goods] on that mountain.
The term vainot (wartimes) may refer to as far back as the eighteenth century
(Laestadius, 2002). Br conveys knowledge he has inherited from the community
and passes it on through storytelling. This piece of his repertoire is part of the
collective tradition.
We find three stories in Ellen Utsis repertoire about how enemies are
defeated. One is a version of the Pathfinder (ML 8000), which details how a
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single man manages to lure and defeat a band of uit1. In two other narratives
about enemies, she tells about heroes who defeat many ruoat and consequently
protect their village. The narrators are not directly present in the narration; they
do not refer to a source of knowledge but let the audience understand that the
narratives are part of the broader collective tradition.
Narratives about noaide, the shaman, or about noaidevuohta, shamanic
knowledge, are also reported in Lappiske eventyr og sagn by the three selected
informants. As presented in Chapter Three in the case of Johan Turi, this topic
was, to some extent, taboo. Ellen Utsi and Per Br nonetheless told Qvigstad
stories about noaide. The study of these specific narratives reveals the use of
strategies meant to nuance this sensitive topic.
Per Br tells two narratives about how a noaide can transform someone
into a wolf, and how wolves can be transformed back into humans. In one of
the texts, he gives us the name of the protagonist who was turned into a wolf.
Br refers to his father as the source of the telling. The noaide has a minor role
in the story and the focus remains on the man who became a wolf and then
human again (Qvigstad, 1928:468). A second story about a similar topic does not
mention any names. Br does not refer to any noaide in the text, but tells how a
wolf turned into a man after eating cooked meat (Qvigstad, 1928:470). In these
examples, he is relying on intertextuality, assuming that a Smi audience would
nonetheless be able to recognize the events as noaidevuohta. In both narratives, he
avoids describing the actual act of transformation. He lets the audience presume
to know what happened without taking responsibility for explicitly relating the
part played by the noaide in the event.
Br also reported stories about two specific noaide known in the community.
In one of these, his uncle is a protagonist. The noaide named in the text lived
during the nineteenth century (Qvigstad, 1928:726) and was dead at the time
Qvigstad collected the narratives. In the same way, we can suppose that a similar
reason lies behind Turis choice to publish texts about noaide in 1918, whereas he
had asked Demant Hatt not to publish them eight years earlier (Svonni, 2001).
The distance in time explains why narrators may tell about these persons, whereas
it would be taboo to bring up narratives about living noaide. Nevertheless, Per Br
does not explicitly describe the event: the story about his uncles tour with a
noaide is ambiguous.
1
The legend became internationally known thanks to Nils Gaups film Ofela, The
Pathfinder (1989).
132
De muttimin i oidnu geres ige ie, muttu due hrgi manna owdas;
de muttimin fastaih i oidnu hrgi, muttu due geres ja ie, ja dat
manna ie aldes dokku (Qvigstad, 1928:480).
Then sometimes neither the sledge nor himself can be seen, but
only the reindeer before him; then sometimes the reindeer cannot
be seen, but only the sledge and himself; and it goes by itself.
The use of the passive verb oidnot (to be seen) is a non-agency strategy that
allows Per Br to avoid telling what is going on and the roles of the protagonists
in the event. He ends the story with the voice of his uncle.
Muttu i son daggar ammat sia gal (Qvigstad, 1928:480).
But he did not care about such a duty.
This last statement lets the audience understand the position of the uncle and of
the narrators voice about noaide knowledge. Br chose to highlight his attitude
toward such a taboo topic by implicitly joining the voice of his uncle.
In another text about a Norwegian noaide, Goven, the man in question, is
not presented as a powerful shaman; his tricks are easily rendered inoperative by
another man:
De goit li biddjam ruoktot Goveni dam muddui: go son li fawlist,

de bosso boi nu lakka, atte gosi gomihi, ja uovoi gidda gaddai
sullui (Billavuon-sullui). (Qvigstad, 1928:486).
Then he [the man from Balsfjord] had sent back the evil to Goven:
when he was at sea, a whale came so close that it almost overturned
the boat, and it followed up to the shore of the isle (the Isle of
Billefjord).
Qvigstad also recorded from Br a story about a fight between three young
noaide, two boys and a girl, all of them flying noaide. The narrator describes
the milieu and situates the event in space. Dialogues and details create the
impression that the narrator is well acquainted with the event. But the storyteller
has situated the text in another geographical environment; the protagonists,
originally from Grasavvon, travel throughout the text, flying to the sea and
then to Guovdageaidnu. The remoteness of the narrated event is a strategy that
allows Br to tell about a topic that, if occurring in his home milieu, would be
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taboo. This example as well as the stories in which Turi and Br choose not to
mention the name of living noaide indicate that remoteness in time and space is a
significant aspect of storytelling taken into account by the narrators.
One of Per Brs texts about the ruoat enemies is also imbued with noaide
lore (Qvigstad, 1928:574). He reports how a band of ruoat was killed thanks
to a priest who, by writing a letter and walking into a lake, creates a strong wind
which blows away the ruoat. The narratives apparent inconsistencies indicate
that the events described are metaphors. Narratives about the ruoauit refer
to a time long past and the character of the priest would have appeared in the
story at a more recent stage. The protagonist is more likely to have been a noaide.
The power of the letter written by the protagonist could symbolize words, kind
of magic formulae of a shaman. Considering the religious climate at that time,
with the rise of Laestadianism and the Guovdageaidnu Uprising in mind, Brs
attitude toward religion and Norwegian authorities may have been implicated1.
It could be a reason why he employed vagueness in all narratives concerning
noaide lore; he chose to employ ambiguity when telling of taboo subjects. He gave
neither interpretations nor explicit information in any case and left interpretive
responsibility with the audience. However, this choice is in accordance with Turis
attitude to the same topic, and is also to some extent related to the sociocultural
context they lived in.
The other storytellers also contributed narratives about noaide and noaidevuohta.
Ellen Utsi reported a fight between two noaide (Qvigstad, 1928:490). She does
not situate the event in time and space, asserting authority by referring to her
father without taking responsibility. In another text, she tells about the ability
to kill someone by sending evil/ill will (baha bidjagat) (Qvigstad, 1928:498). She
recounts examples of people killed in this way, but does not explicitly tell the
nature of this ability. The elusiveness of the narratives is a strategy for avoiding
responsibility.
Smierghttu is another phenomemon that can be associated with noaide lore.
Ellen Utsi and Isak Eira told Qvigstad narratives about how people have seen
smierghttu, a creature created and sent by someone to steal milk or butter. In
both cases, the storytellers do not give details about the protagonists. Utsi tells
us it happened to Okte olmai Guowdaginos (Qvigstad, 1928:500) (a man
from Guovdageaidnu), and Eira refers to something that muttin dalos Laddis
muittaluvvun l owdal (Qvigstad, 1928:502) (has been recounted before about
1 Per Brs parents were Laestadians who were condemned for their involvement in
the Guovdageaidnu revolt (Steen, 1986:63).
134
a farm in Kvnland). As in the previous example, non-agency and lack of

details in those narratives can be interpreted as strategies for distancing the teller
from narrative responsibility. The storytellers similar choices of such strategies
in connection with narratives concerning noaide and noaidevuohta should be
understood in the cultural and ideological context of the time. For the same
reason that Johan Turi did not want his texts about noaide lore to be published in
1910, Utsi, Eira and Br opted for strategies that nuance a delicate topic.
Among other topics in Lappiske eventyr og sagn, Per Br told Qvigstad three
short stories about the sea snake that attacks boats and sailors. He does not refer
to any source of information, but mentions the names of places and protagonists.
He is not present as a first-person witness or a protagonist in the narratives.
His sailing experiences and the contacts with other fishermen must have been
sources of inspiration for many narratives. The importance of contacts indicates
that different voices coexist in the repertoire of Br, particularly in narratives
about the sea. The encounters with the sea snake are told as three different
events experienced by different protagonists. Nevertheless, the consistency of
the narratives does not let strong influences from definable sides emerge. Br
does not refer to any source of information, but presents his narratives as directly
taken from his private repertoire.
Isak Eira, for his part, uses different strategies to express his relation to
the source of his narratives. When telling about the land of Barbmoriika, where
small people with great respect for birds live, he refers vaguely to l muitalus
(Qvigstad, 1928:711) (there is a story). This form allows him to refer to a
remote source of knowledge without revealing it more specifically. The broader
storytelling tradition he is part of appears here as the natural milieu of inspiration
for his repertoire. At some point, he refers to the source of his narratives by mon
lean gullan (Qvigstad, 1928:476) (I have heard), but is otherwise not present in
the narration. By using this strategy, he presents himself as a second source of
information. He refers to a broader source of knowledge, which allows him to
establish an authority as a storyteller and community member without taking full
responsibility for the content of his narratives.
While narrators minimize intertextual gaps in impersonal narratives,
following a generic pattern of narration, Utsi, for instance, maximizes the
intertextual gap when she refers to events she personally experienced. We find a
higher degree of presence in narratives based on her own experience. She uses
devices in order to emphasize the credibility of the narratives. Her authority as
a community member and storyteller is a more important issue in these kinds
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of stories than when telling pieces of an extended repertoire (see below). By

referring to specific places and periods of time, she also establishes a relation
with the audience. She begins one of her narratives with Smma aigi (Qvigstad,
1928:362) (at the same period of time). The preceding account in the volume
is told by another informant and the reader does not get to know what she refers
to due to the decontextualization Qvigstad imposed the material. In a similar
way, a protagonist is named in two different texts found in the book (Qvigstad,
1928:362, 498), but no time deixis gives us a hint about the temporal context.
Similarly, Isak Eira begins a text with De lei smma olmai (Qvigstad, 1928:358)
(It was the same man). He refers to the protagonist of a story we have not
been told. Qvigstad has, in a footnote, reported the name of this very person and
referred to the protagonist of a later story.
Eiras repertoire in Lappiske eventyr og sagn includes only one personal
experience narrative. In one of the texts, he reports how he lost his voice after
he had tried to shout when he heard bells presumably from an ulda reindeer herd
(Qvigstad, 1928:352). The narration of this experience follows narratives about
baldunas of more general character. With this personal narration, he maximizes the
gap and steps forward. But in the context, among other accounts of encounters
with ghosts, he positions himself as a part of the storytelling tradition.
The study of the elasticity of the intertextual gaps also reveals that the
narrator often opts for a higher degree of presence in narratives taking place in
a home milieu, whereas his/her presence in a folktale is not as significant. We
can understand the viewpoint of a storyteller even when he/she is not obviously
present in narration. As we will see in the next section about the storytellers
narratives of folktale types, they may also follow a pattern but swing between
different genres.
Extended repertoires
We find in Lappiske eventyr og sagn II narratives that take place in a non-Smi milieu.
Utsi and Eira let Qvigstad write down stories about, for instance, kings and
princesses in a fairy world. These renditions of folktale types are slightly different
in structure and longer than other narratives in the informants repertoires.
Qvigstad referred to Antti Aarnes Verzeichnis der Mrchentypen (Aarne,
1910)(translated and enlarged in 1973 by Stith Thompson as The types of the
Folktale (Aarne, 1973)) in the case of nine narratives by Utsi and Eira. This
reference to a folktale classification scheme confirms Qvigstads devotion to
136
the historic-geographic method. He was looking for similarities between Smi

storytelling traditions and those of other cultures. This perspective also seems
to have affected his interpretation of the Smi material. He gave titles to most
of the narratives in the Norwegian translation. No title appears in the Smi text,
but those chosen by Qvigstad seem to have been influenced by Aarne. The
heading The brother and the faithless sister, for instance, creates a context
for interpretation of the narratives that undermines the Smi elements of the
text. This title refers to a folktale in Aarnes classification content that does not
match Utsis narration. As a matter of fact, the extended part of the informants
repertoire is a polyphonic arena where Smi voices speak along with those of
others.
In The girl who jumped in the water and became a golden wild duck, the
protagonists illustrate this polyphony.
Naven-nieida gawnadi gonagasbardnin, ja gonagasbardni liikui

dasa saga, go dat lei nu fiinis ja abbat ja sivvui oaidnit (Qvigstad,
1928:62).
Naven-nieida met the son of a king, and the kings son liked her,
because she was nice and beautiful and pleasant to look at.
Navennieida and heeannieida are Smi characters that occur in different kinds
of storytelling. They symbolize an opposition between positive and negative
values, where Navennieida stands for the positive and heeannieida for the
negative. Kings and princes, on the other hand do not appear as often in Smi
storytelling. Motifs from the Smi tradition and from the world of the folktale
coexist, reflecting the intersection of different traditions.
A similar example is illustrated in the story The brother and the faithless
sister. A rather long story told by Ellen Utsi gives an explicit illustration of the
broadness of the collective store of narratives available to storytellers in the
North Smi area at the beginning of the twentieth century. The story begins in
a Smi milieu.
Dat lei muttin addja ja akko; sudnus lei okta bardni ja okta nieida
ja goddesarvis ja aldo. Si orru darfegoais gukkin eret olbmuin
(Qvigstad, 1928:142).
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Copplie Cocq
There was an old man and an old woman; they had a son and a
daughter and a wild reindeer bull and a wild reindeer cow. They
lived in a turf tent far away from people.
After the death of their parents, the brother and the sister leave their home. At
one point in the story, while the boy is taking water from a lake, the story turns
unexpectedly into a folktale by its content.
De algi hubmat dat guolli; guolli logai: Jus luoitat luvvos su, de
son nvvo, movt don galgat. Bardni loppidi luovos luoitit.
Guolli muitali bardnai: dan jawris lei okta miekki, maid leggje
golbma uoi olbmu biwdan; muttu i oktage ln oun. Muttu
don galgat mannat ja struvvestit golma grdi ja njamistit juokke
go struvvestat, de dat gppo du gitti dego subi lasta. (Qvigstad,
1928:142).
The fish started talking; the fish said: If you let me go, I will give
you advice about what you have to do. The boy promised to let it
go. The fish told the boy: In the water there is a sword that 300
men have tried to get, but nobody got it. But you will go there and
spin it three times and suck every time you spin; then it will become
light as an aspen leaf.
The fishs speech indicates to the audience that the narrated event takes place in
another world. The story continues in the same vein. When they arrive at a house
occupied by thieves, the Smi milieu has completely disappeared. The sister who
pretends to be sick asks her brother to bring her lion milk that would cure her. As
the story progresses, the brother meets a talking lion, a talking bear and a princess;
the story has evolved into a folktale. An obvious intergenericity manipulates the
frames of two storytelling traditions. The Smi voice dialogues with the one of a
European tale telling tradition. Utsi was influenced by different traditions, which
is reflected both in the form and in the content of her narratives.
The story of The boy and the Lamp (Aladdin) contains elements common
to the folktale AT 5611 to which Qvigstad refers. The son of a poor woman
falls into a hole and finds three stones, a ring and a lamp whose spirit turns his
wishes into reality. Thanks to the objects and the spirit of the lamp, the boy
becomes richer than the king. In terms of intergenericity, Utsi minimizes the
1
Though Qvigstad refers to Aarne Verzeichnis der Mrchentypen (1910), I refer here to the
English translation The types of the folktale ([1928] 1973).
138
intertextual gaps and renders this narrative faithfully as a folktale. It begins with
an underprivileged family and ends with a marriage to the kings daughter. In this
narrative, the Smi milieu and motifs are not salient at all.
In The Seven Sleepers, Ellen Utsi tells the story of seven girls who fall
asleep for as long as the world exists (Ja oet nu gukka go malbmi uoo
(Qvigstad, 1928:174)). The text is short and the lack of context in Lappiske
eventyr og sagn makes it almost incomprehensible. The title, The Seven Sleepers,
appears in Aarnes classification of folktales, but does not help us to understand
the content or the message in Utsis text. The only motif in common with AT
766 is the protagonists extended state of slumber. Qvigstad refers in an endnote
to his own publication about names of the starry sky (Qvigstad, 1921:8). The
story refers thus to the Firmament and describes the Pleiades. Johan Turi has
an illustration in Muitalus smiid birra depicting the constellations. He designates
Rovkot (skin rugs) (Turi, 1910:269) as the Pleiades, which correspond to the
story told by Ellen Utsi. A study of the Smis conception of the sun, the moon
and the stars by the Swedish scholar Bo Lundmark (Lundmark, 1982:103) shows
in the same vein that Rovkot or Ruko can be considered a noa word for the
Pleiades. The placement of Utsis text in Qvigstads volume, among folktales, and
the title are therefore misleading: she recounts a piece of traditional knowledge
about astral lore, not a folktale. Qvigstads voice dominates over his informants
when he imposes the context in the publication.
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Copplie Cocq
Figure 8 Illustration by Johan Turi in Muitalus smid birra. Picture 13. Star map (detail). On this
detail of Turis rendering of the night time sky, one can discern Kuovso-nasti [Guovssunsti]
(Morning star), Sarva (Bull Moose), constellation comprising Cassiopeia and other
stars (Emilie Demant in Turi, 1910:265), Kala-bardnit [Gll brtnit] (Orion), uoigahaegit
[uoiggaheaddjit] (the skiers, reindeer herdsmen, i.e. Castor and Pollux) and Rovkot
[Rougot], miese-ora (a small herd of reindeer calves, i.e. the Pleiades). Photographer
Birgit Brnvall, Nordiska museet.
140
Ellen Utsi related for Qvigstad the story of The wandering Jew (Qvigstad,
1928:174). A man in America meets a wanderer who presents himself as the
shoemaker of Jerusalem. Qvigstad refers to Moltke Moe in an endnote. A similar
text is presented by Emilie Demant Hatt in her collection of narratives Ved ilden
(Demant Hatt, 1922:53), but no references are made to the storyteller. The story
is also a mediaeval legend listed in The Types of the Folktale (AT 777). Different
voices can be heard in the Smi version: religious elements and traces of contacts
with other storytelling traditions emerge. It reflects the heteroglossia at work in
Ellen Utsis Spmi and expresses the context of social change in which she grew
up. Even though the first-person element does not appear and the narrator is
not present emotionally, responsibility in Utsis narration is observable in the
polyphony of the texts and in the fact that she performed those folktales in her
mother tongue for Qvigstad and included them in her repertoire.
The story of Anders Buhara is also polyphonic. Utsi tells about a boy
who is predicted to become king and therefore is abandoned on the kings order
to a certain death (Qvigstad, 1928:204-210). He is rescued and the prophecy
is eventually realized. Qvigstad refers to Aarnes classification of folktales (AT
930) and to a Finnish version. The Finnish tale was published in 1920 by Eero
Salmelainen in his collection Suomen Kansan satuja ja tarinoita (Salmelainen, 1955)
(The Finnish peoples folktales and legends), and the author specifies that
the story was collected in Tuukos and Kuorevesi, Hme in 1850. Polyphony is
manifest in the Smi version not only in terms of socio-ideological languages;
the story is symptomatic of the polyphonic Spmi in which Ellen Utsi and her
contemporaries lived. The name of the protagonist in Finnish, Puuhaara, means a
forked branch or cleft in a tree. The boy received his name from the place where
he was abandoned. The name has remained in the original tongue, though the
story was documented in Smi. Another Smi version is related by Per Turi in
Lappish texts (Turi, 1918:204). The versions share the Uriah letter motif, episodes
of action and the outcome for the boy, but there are remarkable discrepancies
regarding the protagonists. Utsi tells about a king who wants the boy to be killed,
and robbers who rewrite the letter he carries and consequently change the boys
fate. In Per Turis narratives, however, there is neither a king nor robbers. The
evil character is instead a fox skin trader and people switch the letter the boy
is carrying. This version is closer to that collected and published in Salmelainens
Suomen Kansan satuja ja tarinoita. The story recounted by Utsi downplays the
traditional milieu, and the protagonists - the king and the robbers - go with a
folktale type.
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Copplie Cocq
Among the folktales told by Isak Eira, we can read stories classified in Aarne
and Thompsons The Types of the Folktale and that for instance H.C. Andersen
and Asbjrnsen and Moe have published. The story of the Boy who catches
the Princess with her own words (Qvigstad, 1928:174) is a Smi version of a
narrative edited by the Danish author H.C. Andersen under the title Klods-Hans
(Jack the fool) (Andersen, 1855) and by the Norwegian writers Peter Christen
Asbjrnsen and Jrgen Moe (Norske Folkeventyr) (Asbjrnsen and Moe, 1843).
Likewise Big Lars and Little Lars (Qvigstad, 1928:288) was published in 1835
in Eventyr fortalte for Brn (Fairy tales for children) (Andersen, 1835). The books
of these three authors were based on collected material from oral tradition,
which implies that contacts between their field of study and the Smi storytelling
tradition cannot be excluded. Eira does not refer to the source of his knowledge
of these narratives. Similarly as when reading Utsis folktales, we notice a shift in
perspective in comparison to narratives of traditional knowledge character; he
narrates from an outsiders perspective.
Similarly, the story Birches that grow together over the lovers graves
(Qvigstad, 1928:224) does not take place in a Smi milieu. Eira tells us about two
young people whose love for each other was not accepted by the boys father.
They kill themselves but the father refuses to bury them in the same grave.
Two birches grow on each grave together from each side of the church. The
father cuts them down with an axe, hurts himself and dies. The birches grow
together again. The narrative takes place in a non-Smi milieu and is told from
an outsider perspective. However, the birches might be a partial localizing of the
tradition (cf AT 970). Eira ends the story by stepping forward with metanarrative
comments.
Dat soagit leggje mrkan dasa, ate soai lba rakkistan nu saga
goabbag guoimiska (Qvigstad, 1928:228).
The birches were the sign that they had loved each other so much.
By ending with this clarification, the storyteller places himself outside the narrated
event. This foreign perspective of the narrator creates a link with the audience,
whom he addresses in this metanarrative comment. He maximizes the gap and
steps forward as a storyteller.
Other stories of the folktale genre have been adapted to a Smi context,
such as The Soup in the Spring (Qvigstad, 1928:278). Qvigstad refers by an
endnote to AT 1260, which is actually entitled The Porridge in the Ice Hole
142
and the characters of the protagonists are not significant motifs. In Eiras version,
however, the story is about the ruoat, enemies of the Smi. The Smi voice is
predominant in this account, where the numbskulls are the ruoat. This example
shows how folktales classified as part of a broader European tradition are
rendered more specifically Smi through explicit cultural localization. The fact
that ruoat are the enemies in the story gives the narratives an aura of historical
legend. Thus, the folktales related by a Smi storyteller in Smi language become
part of the Smi storytelling tradition.
In The man in the Moon (Qvigstad, 1928:322), Eira tells of a thief
who while painting the moon with tar, gets stuck and still can be seen there.
Qvigstad refers to a folktale classified by Aarne (U 8). A similar text can be read
in Nomadskolans lsebok, a school manual for the instruction of Smi children at
nomadic school (Wiklund, 1917-1929). In this version, the son of a thief was
caught by the moon and still today, can be seen there with his bucket. The short
story told by Eira does not depict the stage of the event and consequently does
present an adaptation to a Smi milieu. In this text, the narrator is not present in
narration.
Per Brs repertoire of narratives as it appears in Lappiske eventyr og sagn
differs from that of Utsi and Eira mainly through its lack of folktales. Narratives
which he told Qvigstad present Smi motifs and events that took place in a Smi
milieu. We know that Ellen Utsi read a great deal (Bolstad Skjelbred, 2001) and
we can assume that she came in contact with many folktales. In the beginning
of the twentieth century, there were many different influences in Northern
Spmi but things were different when Per Br grew up. One reason why he did
not include folktales in his repertoire may have been that he had not come into
contact with items of European literature or storytelling to the same extent as
his younger counterparts.
Social change appears in Brs repertoire in a different manner: reflecting
his life experiences, motifs of the sea or fishing appear in seven of his twenty
narratives in Lappiske eventyr og sagn. He extended his repertoire in terms of local
tradition, from Guovdageaidnu to Kvnangen.
Ellen Utsi came into contact with different storytelling traditions both at
home and at school. She widened her repertoire with stories she had read and
traditional narratives she had heard from her father, grandfather and probably
other relatives. Isak Eira was a few years older than Utsi but grew up in a similar
context. Home and school were certainly sources of information and inspiration
for his repertoire. He was in contact with different storytelling traditions, and
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Copplie Cocq
versions of European folktales are presented alongside more traditional Smi

narratives.
The repertoires of Smi narratives have been broadened, thanks to
storytellers like Ellen Utsi and Isak Eira. The coexistence of elements from
various traditions bears witness to the specificity of Smi storytelling. They
are examples of a multicultural, polyphonic Spmi, situated at the intersection
of different countries and cultures. Their repertoires are expressions of the
management of this diversity.
Intergenericity reveals that the intertextual gaps are tangibly broadened.
The storyteller is not present in the narration and the narrated events are by no
means personally experienced events. They are told from an outsider perspective
differentiated from the pieces of the repertoire that are marked as traditional
knowledge.
We must keep in mind that Qvigstad wrote down the texts and therefore,
specific devices might have been neglected during the process from performance
to print, consequently remaining inaccessible to us today. In the next section, I
attempt to approach these devices based on hints that occasionally emerge from
the narratives.
From performance to publication

The publication of Lappiske eventyr og sagn implied an adaptation of the material
into a written form. Qvigstad had chosen not to normalize the narratives to a
large extent, and narratives strategies of oral storytelling appear in the printed
material.
A mix of direct and indirect speech in dialogues occurs in many narratives.
Qvigstad has, in the foreword to Lappiske eventyr og sagn I, called attention to the
problematic use of pronouns he came up against when translating the material
collected. When commenting on his translation into Norwegian, he mentions that
in the Smi text, a blending of direct and indirect speech often occurs (I den
lappiske tekst forekommer ofte sammenblandning av direkte och indirekte tale (Qvigstad,
1927:foreword)).
In the story of The Boy and The Lamp, for instance, Ellen Utsi makes use
of indirect speech in dialogues, as when the king addresses the boy. At this stage
of the story, the farmyard created for the boy by the spirit of the lamp had been
stolen by another man who had taken the lamp.
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Gonagas suttai bardnai ja logai bardni nu gielisin ja beitulaan ja

dajai bardnai: Jus dat gardin i lt fas ittin smma sajis go l lma,
de son godda bardni (Qvigstad, 1928:138).
The King became angry with the boy and called him a liar and
impostor and told him: If the yard is not back here tomorrow like
it was before, then he will kill the boy.
In this example, the third person in the quotation refers to the king, the character
who is actually speaking. The pronoun he is employed where an I is expected.
The recurrence of such a use of personal pronouns indicates that the first person
element does not occur unless the narrator is the protagonist in the event.
Per Brs narratives as published in Lappiske eventyr og sagn seem to indicate
that they were collected orally. A number of explanations, synonyms and
repetitions let us imagine how he told Qvigstad his narratives and what different
pitches of voice and gestures may have communicated nuances to his listener.
Qvigstads attempt to render these aspects in a written form results in a number
of brackets and notes.
De ali goalmad breve, ja dina gali nu gukkas go vuovsoi (raddi

raddjai), ja luiti dokku merri (Qvigstad, 1928:574).
Then he wrote a third letter and walked into the water with it as far
as he could reach the bottom (up to his chest), and dropped it in
the sea.
The clarification between brackets can be understood as a gesture that Br used

in narration. Also, on several occasions, Br used synonyms and repetitions. This
aspect occurs for instance in a story about encounter with an ulda.
De dat mid falla sudnji borrat; muttu i son garo borrat, dainago
som moaita (vikko), atte i dat l rivtes dallo (Qvigstad, 1928:404).
The housewife invited her to eat; but she did not want to eat because
she suspected (had a feeling) that it was not a real house.
The terms moaita and vikko are synonyms. This redundance indicates a
strategy of oral character. With these details, the narrator reflects a concern for
the audience and for being understood. Qvigstad was an outsider; despite his
knowledge of the Smi language, the informant may have perceived that he
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as an audience needed additional explanations. Also, this clarification could

have had expressive purposes which Qvigstad did not recognize. Information
in footnotes and between brackets indicates that Qvigstad received background
details alongside the main story. In a written form where no pitch of voice or
other device can highlight the different levels of narration and metanarration,
Qvigstad had to reformulate the story. Therefore, in most of the narratives told
by Per Br, there are explanations between brackets in the text as well as notes
at the end of the narratives.
In the repertoires of Utsi, Eira and Br, we find stories that appear awkward
at first sight. The lack of context and the shortness of some of the narratives
may reflect the collection method. As presented in Chapter Two, we know that
Qvigstad used a fieldguide. Many topics in the questionnaire correspond to
headings in the classification of the Smi storytellers narratives. The shortness
of some stories seems to indicate that they could be answers to questions. For
instance, Eira told three short narratives about Christmas. The structure as well
as the perspective point toward responses to Qvigstads fieldguide. The texts
consist of three short paragraphs of one to two sentences, all about the same
theme but without direct connection to each other. The use of the pronoun
they, a non-inclusive third person plural, indicates that the narrator tells us
there what others do, and not about himself.
Similarly, a look at Qvigstads Veiledning til undersgelse af Lappernes Forhold
(Qvigstad, 1896), (Fieldguide for the study of the situation of the Smi) reveals
that he was also interested in collecting information and narratives about what
he called superstitions. Topics brought up by the informants are listed in the
Veiledning, and we can assume that the storytellers answered the ethnographers
inquiries. One of the aspects of the question list is precisely asking about
superstitions in relation to Christmas (IX.10 Superstition about Christmas Eve,
Christmas Night and some days of the year (Qvigstad, 1896:15)).
In an account of a nightmare, Br reports a story without context and obvious
relevance to the volume. In Qvigstads field guide, the question IX.15 concerns
dreams and nightmares. In a similar way, a text about smierghttu (Qvigstad,
1928:500-502) is probably an answer to IX.12. Superstitions about smieragatto
(Qvigstad, 1896:15). In another instance, a short story about the thunder and two
brothers is presented without context. When taking into account the question
IX.7 Superstition about the Northern Light, the Sun, the Moon, the Stars, the
Thunder, the Lighting, the Rainbow, Falling Stars, the Meteors, the Comet, the
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story in itself acquires new meaning in the volume. The question list sets a new
context for interpretation the one established by Qvigstad.
Storytelling is a social interaction between the narrator and the audience.
As illustrated in Chapter Three, different addressees could be identified in Johan
Turis Muitalus smiid birra. As for the situation in which Eira, Br and Utsi
presented their repertoires, the audience the selected storytellers addressed is
reflected in the narratives. Per Br, for instance, addresses himself evidently to
an outsider, as his explanations and choices of terms reveal.
Must li siessa, aerokki oabba (Qvigstad, 1928:468).
I have an aunt, the sister of my deceased father.
Kinship terms are precise and explicit in North Smi, and the term siess means
specifically paternal aunt. The clarification that siess is his fathers sister is a
redundancy that indicates that Br is addressing an outsider. In the context of
collection of the material as we assume it took place, this aspect seems to indicate
that Per Br was addressing Qvigstad alone. Unlike Johan Turi who addresses
different audiences, Per Brs narratives are context-specific. This also indicates
that Br, unlike Turi, did not expect to be read by a Smi audience.
Some of Per Brs narratives can seem awkward to the reader. In his narratives
about ghosts, a story that is expected to illustrate encounters with ghosts turns
out to be a joke, and is not a story about ghosts after all (Qvigstad, 1928:392).
Similarly, a story about the snake stone begins with a general presentation of this
specific stone but goes on with an account about someone who is bitten by a
snake, but has nothing to do with the snake stone in question. These examples,
as well as the shortness of Brs narratives in comparison to those of other
storytellers, indicate an unwillingness to tell Qvigstad about the topics the
headmaster is asking about.
Qvigstads voice is present throughout the whole volume, speaking through
titles, footnotes, endnotes, and also through the strategies of the storytellers
for clarifying or hiding aspects and topics. By imposing his standards upon the
narratives, the storytellers have been, to some extent, silenced. Nevertheless,
their preferences in repertoires and strategies reveal their choice of responsibility
in narration and their relation to the heteroglossia of their society and day.
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Concluding remarks
Analysis of the repertoires of Ellen Utsi, Isak Eira and Per Br highlights the
coexistence of different socio-ideological languages. In traditional narratives
as well as in folktales derived from other sources, they express their subjective
positions as community members.
The different voices bear witness to the strong presence of the Church
alongside the traditional beliefs expressed in narratives. A story told by Ellen Utsi
about the origin of the wolf includes mention of both God and nwre, a Smi
character that represents the Evil One (Qvigstad, 1928:330). Ulda are presented
as characters from the Bible (Qvigstad, 1928:392). Anachronistic contexts such
as the central role of the priest in Per Brs narratives about the ruoat reveal the
coexistence of recent and ancient elements in Smi storytelling. Social norms and
values are also explicit in narratives, as seen when Utsi tells us about the potential
marriage between a Smi boy and an ulda (Qvigstad, 1928:412).
The variations within the repertoires also witness the influences of different
languages and of the existence of different voices in the contexts of Utsi, Eira
and Br. Narratives told in North Smi show elements from a Finnish tale -
such is the case of Anders Buhara - and linguistic influences from Norwegian.
The coexistence of Smi motifs and European themes in some of Utsi and
Eiras stories confirm that they were at the intersection of different traditions.
Narratives that follow the form of a folktale often combine different motifs.
Kings and princesses meet Smi figures such as nwre or heeannieida; a lion
appears in a Smi environment. This coexistence of motifs characteristic of
different traditions shows to what extent Smi storytelling and its practitioners
were at the junction of different socio-ideological languages.
The lack of contexts in which the narratives are presented imply a certain
intricacy. Some of the narratives have suffered of the process of decontextualization
inflicted by Qvigstad. As pointed out in Chapter Two, Contextualizing Lappiske
eventyr og sagn, Qvigstad had elaborated his own frame of narrative interpretation,
classifying them according to his own criteria, to which geographical origin was
central. For instance, it is the frame imposed by Qvigstad that lets us understand
that an account by Br actually is about gufihtar (Qvigstad, 1928:404-406). The
narrator himself does not give any name to the protagonists. In the light of other
similar stories, Qvigstad has reconstructed a context and places the narratives
under the category Govetterna tar barn (Gufihtar take children). The narrative
strategy used by Br in order to mystify the beings is consequently destroyed.
148
Objectification is a step in the process of recontextualization that is accomplished

by setting off each text with a title [] (Bauman, 1999:114). A further dimension
of objectification, as Bauman states, is represented by the rendering of each
text as a unitary narrative with a single plot (Bauman, 1999:115). Qvigstads role
in that process has meant that his voice speaks loudly and at some occasions
louder than the ones uttered by the narrators.
The study of the narratives gives us leads concerning the missing context.
When the storyteller refers to protagonist of a previous story, presented later
in the volume, we gain insight into the detextualization process that took place
between the performance and the publication. Details reveal that Qvigstad has
modified the order in which the stories were told when publishing Lappiske eventyr
og sagn. He cut and pasted narratives in the volume irrespective of the contexts in
which they were told. These details also confirm the consistency and continuity
of the stories, which has been neglected by the process of publication. When
reading Lappiske eventyr og sagn today, we can easily get the impression that these
are unconnected narratives, sometimes difficult to understand because of the
lack of consistency. In order to be understood and fully appreciated, narratives
must be considered in their contexts, i.e. in relation to their authors.
Alongside Qvigstads omnipresence in the material, the heteroglossia present
in Spmi at the time of the interviews is clearly expressed in the repertoire of
the chosen storytellers. Despite Qvigstads effort to put forward the stability of
folklore, an analysis of the narratives of Smi storytellers exposes the multiplicity
of influences and discourses in Spmi at the beginning of the twentieth century.
The polyphony of the storytellers repertoires bears witness without a doubt to
the social transformation taking place at the time. Each of the narrators expresses
in a different way a relation to this context, allowing some voices to speak louder
than others. These choices partly reveal their subjective relation to the changes
occurring around them.
The individual repertoires should nonetheless be viewed in the context of
the tradition they belong to. In the next chapter, we approach Turi, Utsi, Eira and
Brs relations to the collective storytelling tradition.
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Chapter Five:
Subjective Narration and Collective
Tradition
Truth does not make sense. (Trinh, 1989:123)
In Chapters Three and Four, we focused attention on the repertoires of four

Smi storytellers, studying their peculiarities and individual strategies. In this
chapter, the specific repertoires are approached in relation to the North Smi
storytelling tradition at the turn of the twentieth century - the tradition to which
the narrators Turi, Utsi, Eira and Br belonged. If each repertoire expresses
individual narrative interests, choices and strategies, they are also part of a
collective tradition.
Tradition and Variation in Narration

Turi, Utsi, Eira and Br originate from the same geographical area of
Guovdageaidnu. Semi-nomadism, dislocations and other circumstances meant
that they spent their lives in different places. Consequently, in addition to the
storytelling tradition they grew up with, they were influenced through the years
by different traditions they came in contact with.
The geographical delimitation of a folklore item was one of the concerns of
the Finnish school. The point of departure of this historic-geographic method
is, however, problematic and even inaccurate when dealing with Smi material.
Many community members - and storytellers - did not spend their whole lives
in their native region and the adaptive character of narration runs counter to
the static criterion of geographic localization aimed at by the scholars of the
Finnish school. As observed in the study of the different repertoires, North Smi
narrators had been in contact with other storytelling traditions, thus broadening
their personal repertoires.
Narratives are expressions of personal variation and adaptation. The
Swedish folklorist Ulf Palmenfelt has shown how collective storytelling tradition
150
and subjective repertoires are related and influence each other. The relation
between collective and personal storytelling must be seen as following a cycle,
in which elements are borrowed, adapted and reinjected (Palmenfelt, 1993b).
Central European narratives, for instance, may contribute to the broadening
of Smi narrative tradition. So, too, one finds the presence of Smi elements
in Norwegian storytelling. Bearing in mind that, as Honko has pointed out,
variation does not take place in a vacuum; a change in one integer may induce
changes in others (Honko, 2000:17), we find that adaptation and the borrowing
or lending of elements that occurs in narration contributes to the modification
and development of a collective store of narratives.
The immediate context in which a folklore item emerges should be viewed
as the crucial point of departure for its understanding. Dan Ben-Amos (1971;
1984) underscores that the existence of folklore depends on its social context
(Ben-Amos, 1971:5). Folklore is a communicative process (ibid.:9), he states,
that should be considered a sphere of interaction in its own right (ibid.:15).
The concept of tradition has often been discussed in relation to variation
(Ben-Amos, 1971, 1984; Glassie, 1995; Hampat-B, 1981; Handler and
Linnekin, 1984). Handler and Linnekin view tradition as an interpretive process
that embodies both continuity and discontinuity (Handler and Linnekin,
1984:273). From this perspective, the traditional is not an objective property
of phenomena but an assigned meaning (ibid.:286).
Such views on tradition illustrate a shift in focus. In the field of folklore
research, tradition had previously been considered invariable and autonomous.
Elias Lnnrot (1802-1884), author of the Finnish epic Kalevala, represents this
standpoint:
In Lnnrots view, individual ideas and impressions pass from one

person to the next like water vapor in the air, until, at last, they
coalesce, falling to the earth, like rain, in the form of a completed
song. (DuBois, 2006:20-21)
Lnnrots metaphor pictures the somehow nave and romantic perception of

tradition that imbued his era. With Alan Dundes, I reject the tendency to treat
lore as though it were totally separate from folk and submit that the folk
should be put back into folklore. I am interested in folklore, he says, because it
represents a peoples image of themselves (Dundes, 1980:viii).
In 1985, the Danish folklorist Bengt Holbek observed that folklorists were
leaving behind the conception of the storyteller as a mere bearer of tradition
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(an expression that always reminded me of carrier of contamination ), he says.

We are instead beginning to see him or her as a fellow human being (Holbek,
1985:22). Holbek discusses further this shift in perspective and underscores how
we have begun to realize that storytellers are people just like ourselves. They
have feelings, intentions, artistic ambitions, etc.; they intend what they say to mean
something, not just to be samples or pieces of evidence (Holbek, 1985:23). The
metaphor of a bearer of tradition was formulated by the Swedish folklorist Carl
von Sydow in 1931 (Ben-Amos, 1984; Sydow and Bdtker, 1948) in an attempt
to argue for the significance of the narrator and contexts (Dgh, 1969:48). The
concept has nonetheless been used in a manner that proves inappropriate to
the extent that the performer is relegated to the background and specificities
of this performers knowledge and performative competence are neglected. A
bearer of tradition gives a static representation of tradition, not a living one.
Furthermore, this concept is imbued with connotations such as passivity and
unawareness.
This approach has affected folklore research (DuBois, 2006:169).
The anonymity of the storytellers who provided lappologists and other
ethnographers with narratives has resulted in the negligence of variation and
subjective strategies. This bias endured longer in the study of narratives than in
research on lyrics; it was easier to acknowledge that songs had an artist, whereas it
was perceived that narratives could be uttered by anyone as part of a tradition.
Although some folklorists had adopted a performance oriented perspective
previously, they did not receive attention in Western Europe and North America
before the 1970s. The Russian scholar Mark Azadovskii is a striking example: his
essay A Siberian Tale Teller, written in 1926, emphasized the relationship between
the backgrounds and experiences of storytellers and their repertoires. First
published in Russian and in an extended version in German, it was translated into
English as late as 1974. In the 1920s, Azadovskii pointed to the problems and
negative effects of the research on Mrchen in Western Europe, which neglected
the dependence of the stories on the narrator and its environment. Among
Russian folklorists, on the other hand, the relation between narratives and their
performers was already an issue of significance (Azadovskii, 1974). According to
Dgh, Azadovskiis monograph has had a significant impact on folklore research
internationally (Dgh, 1969:55). Nowadays, this perspective has gained more
consideration. Performance centered approaches focus attention on context
and variation and highlight the role of the performer, his/her preferences and
choices.
152
The issue of variation has also long been recognized by folklorists. The Finnish
scholar Lauri Honko writes:
The need to distinguish between intercultural and intracultural

variation in folklore is obvious. Only the latter represents living
tradition and real culture. The former is applicable for orientative
purposes, especially for delineating folklore phenomena, i.e.
for showing what kind of narratives exist in different cultures,
for example. That is why I have called such variation tradition-
phenomenological []. Phenomenological comparison may reveal
basic features of folklore, but they are transcultural and unable to
inform about intracultural variation. The comparisons by the early
folklorists and more recent symbolists may be too optimistic in this
respect (Honko, 2000:15).
Honko has studied the factors of variation that influence the pool of tradition.
Components such as the internalization of traditions, individual selections,
adaptation, situation of performance, strategies of performance and publication,
the audience or the context of collection determine the shaping and wording of
narratives (Honko, 2000:20). Variation is in fact the evidence of folklore: where
there is no dynamics and no variation, there is no folklore.
While scholars from the Finnish school focused on intercultural variants,
the study of intracultural variations has the capacity to reveal individual strategies
and subjective aspects. From this perspective, storytellers are perceived as active
artists - not passive bearers of tradition. The relation between narratives,
narration and context in terms of heteroglossia, intertextuality, interdiscursivity
and intergenericity should be taken into account, as well as the narrators relation
to these contextual elements.
Considerations of folklorists on tradition and variation make obvious that
folklore has to be defined in context. The contextual aspects always differ to
some extent, as does the folklore item. Once again, any attempt to understand
a narrative or a performance should take into account the context in which it
emerged.
From a similar perspective, Gun Herranen has studied a blind storytellers
repertoire (Herranen, 1989) and underscored the adaptation of narratives to the
immediate environment and the emergence of folk tales. Tradition and creativity
characterize the repertoire of a blind Finnish storyteller, who adapted folktales
he heard to his home milieu (Herranen, 1989:68) thanks to strategies of what
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Honko would call milieu-morphological adaptation (Honko, 1981:20). An

adaptation of the repertoire to the milieu turns foreign narratives into familiar
ones. Narratives can thus become part of the lore about a specific place, person
or character. We have observed numerous parallel examples in the narratives of
Utsi, Br and Eira described in previous chapters.
In her study Ten Traditional Tellers, Margaret Read MacDonald has observed
how narrators extend their repertoires by including narratives that become part
of the traditional store.
We can assume that a traditional teller is sharing tales passed on

within his own culture. Yet tales cannot be confined. If a teller
hears a good tale from another culture, his storytelling instinct may
well be to add that tale to his repertoire (MacDonald, 2006:203).
There is no hermetic partition between living cultures. Interchange is a natural

component in the constant process of elaboration taking place in culture and
tradition. It is not the origin of a legend or a tale that is significant, but rather its
adaptation and incorporation into a repertoire.
Tarkka points to the intrinsic relation between variation and intertextuality,
when variation is not interpreted as a sequence, a genealogy or a hierarchy, but
as a network (Tarkka, 1993). Consequently, texts should not be approached as
isolated items; in order to make use of the analytical concept of intertextuality in
a fruitful way, we should focus on the study of repertoires.
Variation and Authenticity

The issue of variation in narration also brings up the question of authenticity.
Ethnographers such as Qvigstad and Demant Hatt sought access to tradition by
collecting samples that could be considered true to it. As mentioned in Chapter
Three, Emilie Demant Hatt commented on Turis narration and presented in
notes her attitude toward the variation she found in some of the stories, more
specifically in the case of the story about the dog. It is the outcome of Turis
own imagination, she writes, because Turi had plenty of leisure and was in
the mood of it, he dresses up the tale with many details that he had discovered
himself (Turi, 1910:246). Despite this comment, she does not reject the version
given by Turi and considers that [a]s all these details are so truly Smi in spirit,
they cannot be said to detract from the value of the tale (Turi, 1910:246). Her
note nevertheless reflects both her attitude to folklore as well as Turis relation
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to the collective tradition of which he was part. We also understand clearly from
the comment that Demant was interested in the collective Smi storytelling
tradition rather than in Turis personal narratives. Indirectly, she states that he
acts as an artist, and not as a tradition bearer when writing this tale. She feels a
need to inform the reader about the variations Turi imposes on the text, as if
it would be misleading to present it as part of tradition without warning about
the subjective details found in Turis version. She also makes assumptions about
what a typical story is. In another ethnographic work, she published a short
story of the how the Smi acquired the dog (Demant Hatt, 1922:28-29). A
note indicates that she collected the text in Pite Lappmark, but she does not
refer to the storyteller. Demant Hatts attitude toward the storytelling tradition
is expressed in the foreword of her ethnographic publication Ved Ilden (By the
fireside):
Den fulstndige publication af hele stoffet vil let blivet tynget af de

mange detaljer, forskellige varianter af den same historie, noter og
lignende, som ikke kan have interesse for den lser, der kun sger
at faa billede af lappisk tankegang og nyde den charme, der kan
vre over eventyr og gamle tiders tro. (Demant Hatt, 1922:forord)
The complete publication of the whole material would become too

weighty due to many details, different variants of the same story,
notes and such, that cannot be of interest to the reader who only
tries to get a picture of Smi mode of thought and enjoy the charm
that can be found in tales and beliefs of the old times.
As an ethnographer at the beginning of the twentieth century, Emilie Demant

Hatts attitude toward tradition saw variation as present but extraneous to the
heart of the tradition. But this perception may have a negative effect: the effort
to focus on authenticity may threaten tradition, rather than preserve it as the
claimers of authenticity often advocate. Scholars and readers may actually neglect
variation and thereby contribute to the creation or reinforcement of stereotypes.
As Handler and Linnekin (1984) argue, one of the major paradoxes of the
ideology of tradition is that attempts at cultural preservation inevitably alter,
reconstruct, or invent the traditions that they are intended to fix (Handler and
Linnekin, 1984:288).
This perception has been challenged in modern folklore research. Variations
in narration no longer raise questions about the authenticity of narratives. A
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successful adaptation, that follows the interpretive tradition, does not jeopardize
the authenticity of a performer, as DuBoiss example illustrates. Writing of the
repertoire of the Finnish kantele player and singer Kreeta Haapasalo, DuBois
notes:
Performing a published song did not mark Haapasalo as inauthentic

[]. By doing so, she demonstrates her unity with the canon of
Finnish songs as then known and also met the aesthetic tastes and
expectations of the paying audience. (DuBois, 2006:109)
The interpretive tradition significant to the understanding of a song or a text

includes, among other aspects, a generic axis of interpretation, a constellation
of formal and contextual features that permit a knowledgeable audience member
to recognize, categorize and appreciate a lyric performance as an exemplar of
tradition (DuBois, 2006:142). In the case of Smi narratives, an adjustment to
the muitalus genre recognized by the audience is a form of successful adaptation.
In the four repertoires presented in the previous chapters, certain adjustments
in response to the addressee are noticeable. While writing Muitalus, Johan Turi
had in mind two audiences and adapted his narration to their often divergent
expectations. The polyphony of his texts demonstrates his ability to address both
insiders and outsiders. In the case of the storytellers interviewed by Qvigstad,
the blending of genres is also an indicator of adjustment of the narratives to the
headmaster, an outsider with the expectations of an insider.
Individual repertoires and

collective store of narratives
Johan Turi, Ellen Utsi, Isak Eira and Per Br were part of the North Smi
storytelling tradition, which implies that they were acquainted with recurrent Smi
topics and stories as well as with the existing generic frames of Smi narration
and interpretive tradition. A narrator may then choose within a pool of tradition,
in negociation with various influences and factors that affect the storyteller and
the narrative event.
A collective storytelling tradition is characterized by specific frames. There
is a reservoir of narratives where each storyteller finds inspiration. Similar
narratives can thus be found in different repertoires, expressing the local situation
(Palmenfelt, 1993a). Concordant contributions from different persons within a
community confirm the existence of a collective store of accessible topics and
156
elements in the storytelling tradition. In the repertoires of Turi, Utsi, Eira and
Br and in other collections of Smi narratives, we find concordant stories about
encounters with enemies: Stllu, ulda and uit. Such stories take place in a Smi
milieu such as the mountains or the forest and follow a specified pattern of
narration.
Stllu is one of the main characters in Smi storytelling. He resembles a
person, although he is taller and larger than common human beings. According
to some accounts, he is part-human, part-demon. Stllu is the enemy of the
Smi: he wrestles them, kidnaps children and eats human flesh. In narratives, the
human being usually wins, often thanks to ruse. Stllu has a dog, which must also
be killed; otherwise, he can revive his master. Stllu readily captures Smi girls
for wives, but the human being can fool the stupid ogre. Several narratives end
by tricking Stllu into falling into a hole in the ice covered with snow or leading
him to the forest or the mountains naked to freeze to death. In some narratives,
Stllu has a wife, whose name is Luhtak or Ruhteke. She uses an iron pipe to suck
life or blood from her enemies (Itkonen, 1963). Stllu is often depicted as mean
and cruel, but his foolishness is interpreted through the nuanced feelings of
the audience. In some narratives, the audience is led to feel sorry for him and
he becomes almost likeable. In other stories, his cruelty and deviance causes
repulsion.
This ambiguity in the representation of characters in storytelling can also
be observed in narratives about underground/invisible beings. The ulda, also
called hlde or gufihttar are helpful to the Smi but narrators also caution against
extensive contact with them. They have a lot in common with the Smi and have
transmitted knowledge to them about for instance, yoik, noaide art and healing,
but we are told that they can be harmful if illtreated or disrespected.
A third group of characters frequently represented in Smi storytelling
tradition is the uit. They usually attack the Smi in groups. The terms ruoat
(Russians) or garjilat (Karelians) suggest a relation to an ethnic group
from Russia. However, narratives by Kola Smi storytellers identify these
enemies as Swedes or Finns (Alymov in Rantala, 2006). Bearing in mind
these variations within Spmi, any conclusions on a factual ethnic affiliation of
the uit seem hazardous. Nonetheless, such narratives could be reflections of
conflicts experienced by the Smi in contact with other ethnic groups in the past
(Laestadius, 2002:253-254).
These attributes of the central characters, based on their occurrence in Smi
storytelling tradition, imply that the audience would have a set of associations
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when hearing the names Stllu, ulda or uit. A range of variables exists concerning
the beings that the storyteller may play with. The generic frame is perceived as
a tacit understanding between the storyteller and the audience. When he/she
introduces the character Stllu, ulda or the uit in a narrative, the knowledgeable
audience expects the event to take place in a certain milieu. From the perspective
of typical Stllu lore, for instance, we can imagine that a story about Stllu in an
urban milieu would feel jarring and not necessarily be accepted by a traditional
audience.
Such a collective tradition also includes social norms and values. Relations
between people, perceptions of proper and inappropriate behavior as well as
attitudes toward social norms are cultural patterns that are reflected in the Smi
storytelling tradition and repertoires. As Palmenfelt has underscored, the local
situation is another component of a collective store of narratives. In the case of
North Smi storytelling at the turn of the twentieth century, issues such as the
theft of reindeer and relations between herders and settlers are significant topics
brought up in narratives by Turi, Eira, Br, and others.
The collective storytelling tradition also implies some limits to what can
be narrated and how it may be expressed (Palmenfelt, 1993b:222). Taboos and
inappropriate subjects are defined by social norms imposed on any storyteller as
a community member and a social actor. Things that cannot be told and stories
considered deviant in a specific context are implicitly defined by the collective
tradition. Turi chose, for instance, not to publish his texts about noaidevuohta in
1910. In the same way, we can assume that the storytellers Qvigstad met avoided
certain topics. As mentioned in the previous chapter, the brevity and seeming
incoherence of some narratives may indicate an unwillingness to elaborate on
certain subjects.
The collective tradition also includes a set of expectations about how to tell a
story. We have shown in the previous chapters how an oral pattern of the muitalus
genre remained in written form, characterized by a quick beginning, an abrupt
end and no specific coda. In the case of narratives closer to a folktale genre,
there are few recurring devices that could be paralleled with Central European
formulae such as once upon a time1. Nevertheless, in the repertoires under
focus, devices characteristic of the Smi storytelling tradition are more obvious
in narratives about Stllu, ulda or the uit. Turis narratives about these characters,
for instance, follow a traditional pattern, whereas sections about historical events
1
However, a closer study of the linguistic structure of Smi folktales would be necesserary
in order to highlight characteristics specific to the genre.
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or facts about the Smi are written in a distinctive way. Sentences are longer, the
structure of the texts is more explicit, the use of verbs, tenses and moods is more
various than in the previously mentioned narratives.
Folktales and narrative events that clearly are not presented as reality,
featuring no truth value in them, allow a narrator to talk more freely. Ellen Utsis
text The faithless sister, for instance, brings together elements from various
genres and influences. The coexistence of imaginary protagonists and speaking
animals would not have been allowed by the set pattern of a typical Stllu story,
for instance.
An approach focusing on narrative strategies reveals the negotiations
taking place between a storyteller and the collective tradition of which he is
part. Folklore - and in this case storytelling - is constantly changing, and each
performance contributes to this transformation, as the Norwegian folklorist Ann
Helene Bolstad Skjelbred observes:
Folklore pner p den mten for stadig nya og skiftende meninger of

holdninger. Den enkelte fortelling inngr i et kulturelt og kollektivt
repertoar, men aktualiseres i samspill med hver enkelts individuelle
repertoar av kunnskap og erfaringer (Bolstad Skjelbred, 1998:20).
In this way, folklore creates openings for constant new and varied
opinions and attitudes. Every narrative is part of a cultural and
collective repertoire, but is brought to the fore in interplay with
every individuals repertoire of knowledge and experience.
Every storytelling event implies for the narrator an adaptation from the collective
tradition he/she is part of to a personal subjectivity. Different factors determine
this adaptation between collective and personal storytelling. First, narratives are
personal comments about the historical context (Palmenfelt, 1993b). They express
social change and bring up phenomena and problems of immediate interest for
the narrator. The study of the four selected Smi storytellers has underscored
how the specific context in which they lived emerges in the texts. Turi brings
up on several occasions relations with settlers, a topic of significance for the
herder of the area subsequent to the colonization of Spmi. Relations are also
brought up by Utsi, in terms of relationships between youth in the multicultural
community she lived in. Attitudes toward the religious discourse that imbued the
tellers community are also expressed through narration.
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The interests and life history of the storyteller are other factors that influence
the repertoire. The narratives which Per Br told Qvigstad illustrate this point.
In seven of the twenty narrated events, boats and fishing experiences occur.
This reflects Brs own milieu, since he had lived by the sea and was involved in
maritime livelihoods. In a similar manner, Turi, a hunter and a former reindeer
herder, devotes a significant part of his book to these topics. The opinions,
feelings and personality of the narrator also play a role in his/her choice and
elaboration of narratives. As observed in Chapter Three, in some sections of his
book, Johan Turi expresses his disagreement and fears about the policies imposed
upon the Smi by the state. Narration is a way of making a statement and of
taking position. Turis role in the community as a raiser of political consciousness
explains the social criticism in several of his narratives.
An active community member and storyteller develops a repertoire through
stylistic and rhetorical strategies, and through the adaptation of the collective
tradition to reflect interests and subjectivity and to respond to the immediate
context. The youngest storytellers Utsi and Eira included, for instance, folktales
with kings and princesses as protagonists. These elements are missing in the
repertoire of Br, who had less familiarity with folktales published in school
books and who thus relied more centrally on the traditional narrative repertoire
of the community. Often, such personal shaping becomes clear when we compare
different versions of the same narrative or topic told by different individuals, as
discussed in earlier chapters. Generational and gender factors can be seen when
comparing tale content and emphasis.
Specificities also lie in the strategies used by the narrators to engage in
dialogue with the audience. Turi, for instance, plays toward the reader on different
degrees of responsibility and takes positions on specific issues. A few texts can
be considered as polemics and are written as argumentation with a balanced
degree of emotionality and responsibility. In these texts, he communicates to
the audience his point of view. In others, he refers to previous narratives with
the phrase, got lea ovdalis muitaluvvon (as it had been told before). Using a
passive form allows him to keep a degree of anonymity and to refer to a broader
collective source of knowledge for justification. By using this strategy, he appears
as a link in a chain of knowledge transmission, and not as its direct source.
Shifting perspective is another strategy that reveals the narrators relation to
the narrative event. A storyteller may opt for a different perspective in narratives
taking place in a non-Smi milieu. Whereas she is involved in several narrated
events as a protagonist, Utsi is impersonal when telling folktales and legends.
160
She is not present either as a narrator or in terms of emotional investment.

The sparing use of the personal pronoun I in her narratives indicates that
the storyteller only opts for the perspective of the first person when she is the
protagonist in the narrated event. This characteristic is shared by the other
narrators as well.
As for the structure of the narratives, Isak Eira follows the same pattern as
observed in other narrators stories: he does not make use of any introductory
device and only a short coda may conclude the narration, such as De nogai
(And it ended/that was the end) (Qvigstad, 1928:428). The narratives have,
nevertheless, a didactic structure insofar as the audience or the reader can easily
distinguish where in the story the narrator stands. The storyteller can be part of
the event as a protagonist and recount an experience, or the narration can be
accounted from the perspective of a central character. In Isak Eiras narrative
about a man who falls ill after borrowing artifacts from a sacred stone, the
audience is informed of the intention of the protagonist, thus taking us into the
characters psyche (Qvigstad, 1928:521).
The issue of responsibility in narration has great relevance in the study
of social change. The storyteller expresses through narration his/her attitude
toward the sociocultural context. The way Turi, for instance, chooses to relate
cultural and social aspects reveals his opinion about what is going on in his
community. The text concerning Smi schools reflects different attitudes toward
the educational system, and Turis narratives about conflicts with the settlers aim
at increasing the readers awareness of the issue of land rights in Spmi. In the
case of the narratives in Lappiske eventyr og sagn, the degree of responsibility in
narration may have faded away through the process of decontextualization. Some
narrative strategies might not appear in the material, which renders the question
of responsibility difficult to determine. Nevertheless, a comparative approach to
the different repertoires reveals such storytelling strategies. As mentioned earlier,
Per Br makes use of variation in transitivity in narratives about noaide where
his uncle is involved. Awkward or oblique answers to Qvigstads questions can
also be interpreted as strategies for not telling the headmaster about specific
topics. In the case of Ellen Utsi, her narratives in themselves are a means of
taking position. In the context of her time, telling stories about noaidevuohta
and supernatural beings was a manner of positioning herself in relation to the
Laestadian discourse in practice around her. Despite a strong normative religious
frame, she provides Qvigstad, himself a representative of the religious authority,
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with narratives that are considered inappropriate by others (Bolstad Skjelbred,

2001).
Storytelling is, I argue, a means of taking position in a specific context.
Turi, Utsi, Eira and Br were at the intersection of different influences. Johan
Turis repertoire expresses in an explicit manner his attitude toward the political
background. The circumstances and processes prior to the publication of
these different repertoires partly explain the variation. Interviews conducted
by a Norwegian teacher were less likely to take up subjective opinions about
the political context than Turis texts to be published in a book for a European
audience.
These examples illustrate how a pool of tradition is embodied in individual
repertoires as well as how a narrators repertoire is reciprocally a contribution to
the collective tradition.
Interplay and Reciprocity

When considering the narrator as a social actor, narratives become expressions
of a context. The storytellers individual background as well as the tradition he/
she is part of are factors that influence the repertoire. Therefore, the approach
of storytelling as the illustration of a broad tradition expressed by undefined
tradition bearers is misleading. The repertoires of Johan Turi, Ellen Utsi, Isak
Eira and Per Br are the result of interplay between the adaptation of the
collective tradition and the storytellers subjectivity and personal preferences.
From this perspective, Palmenfelt underscores the dynamic and cyclic process
of storytelling:
The inherited text (or, to use another word, tradition) is picked out
of the collective store by the individual meaning but still within a
collective frame. Telling a legend means at one and the same time
actualizing an existing story, updating its load of meaning, and
restoring it to collective memory. Tradition is at one and the same
time the starting point, the act, and the result of the act (Palmenfelt,
1993a:166).
His perspective on tradition as an act presents the narrator as an actor. The active
contribution of the storyteller underscores the role played by the community
members in the elaboration, change and maintenance of tradition. In the case
of the selected storytellers, we have seen how interplay and reciprocity with the
162
collective store have contributed to the elaboration of specific repertoires. But

these factors also contribute to the extension of the pool of narratives. Narrative
events do not only have significance for the immediate audience; they also have
an impact on the collective store.
In the case of the North Smi storytelling tradition, the stories written by
Turi and those collected by Qvigstad involved an adaptation of a living oral
tradition to a written form, but they also sought to help maintain the muitalus
genre by putting in print stories that were originally told orally. Thus, the vibrant
oral Smi storytelling tradition is materialized in a written - long-lasting - form,
which may serve as a pattern for other storytellers.
Today, in the early 2000s, we can observe that Muitalus smiid birra has had
a tremendous significance for Smi literature. Turi the storyteller is referred to as
the first Smi writer, and he has demonstrated that Smi language was as valuable
as Swedish, Norwegian or Finnish for writing a book. At a time when the Smi
were considered inferior, the publication of Muitalus in itself was a political
statement.
Turi and Demant met fortuitously in 1904, and this would be a decisive
turn not only for the Smi hunter and the Danish artist, but also for the Smi
community. It is not a matter of chance that Muitalus emerged at that time and
that Turi became a writer. He wanted to write a book about his people and
he took the opportunity to do it with the help of Demant. As for the Smi
community, early political organizing taking place in Spmi made apparent the
need for a spokesman, a role Turi was pleased to assume. In Europe, an interest
in the unknown, exotic and the folkloric in general had created a perfect context
for the reception of such a book.
As for the narratives in Lappiske eventyr og sagn, they have been republished
on different occasions, and Qvigstads work remains a major reference in Smi
folklore research. Selected pieces of the collection have been reedited in 1993
in North Smi (Svonni, 1993), in Norwegian in 1997 (Pollan, 1997) and recently
once more in North Smi (Gaski, Solbakk and Solbakk, 2004); parts of the
volumes have also inspired publications on Smi legends and folktales (Birkeland,
1988; Stalder, 1972). Hence, the significance of his work is certain. The multiple
editions of Qvigstads material represent an acknowledgement of the value of
the narratives. The titles chosen by Gaski and Solbakk, Min njlmmla rbevierru
(Our oral heritage) and Pollan, Samiske Beretninger (Smi stories) define the
narratives collected by Qvigstad as part of the collective tradition. The active role
of the informants and the voice of Qvigstad have been downplayed, but thanks
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to these publications, the contributions by the storytellers belong nowadays to

the pool of tradition of the North Smi community.
The Smi storytelling tradition from the beginning of the twentieth century
was principally characterized by its spoken form. The pattern of muitalus narration
can be observed in texts by Turi, Utsi, Eira and Br. In his book, Turi follows the
standard of the collective Smi storytelling tradition while writing his narratives
for the first time in order to establish his authority as a community member and
a storyteller. His muitalusat incorporate all aspects of this collective tradition: not
only the content such as descriptions of the characters Stllu, ulda and uit, but
also the genres typical narrative patterns, such as the use of sequential devices,
reference to contemporary time and place, and enumeration of the consequences
of the narrated events for contemporary readers. The adaptation of oral
storytelling to a written form and a printed book has given the narratives a new
status. As Turi knew, a written report was considered more trustworthy than an
orally told story among the broader European society (Turi, 1910:1). His Story
about the Smi reached an immense audience and gave him a central position in
the history of Smi literature, notwithstanding - or thanks to? - the oral character
of the original material. In a similar way, the publication of the narratives of Utsi,
Eira, Br and Qvigstads many other informants have turned these community
members into central storytellers whose repertoires are preserved.
Thus, the role of a narrator goes far beyond a performance. When the
narration is over, the dynamic process of elaboration and renewal of the tradition
is still going on, a process which print can augment in powerful ways. The effect
of a storytelling event on the audience continues long after the voice of the
narrator has fallen silent.
Receptionalist approach
Elisabeth Fines discussion of the folklore text (Fine, 1984) gives topical interest
to the concept of restitution, i.e. the prospect for transcribed and translated texts
to be turned again into performance for the native group, and to the concept
of projection: the text, if a successful projection of performance, should be
able to provide the professional audience the perspective of the native audience.
According to Fine, goals are central in folklore research:
Folklorists have made the important contribution of distinguishing

between emic and etic knowledge of performance, insisting that
analysis should begin with understanding the emic features deemed
164
significant by members of the performing community. (Fine,

1984:73)
The emic should be brought to the fore when interpreting narratives. In the
same way that Fine underscores the importance of a faithful transcription and
translation of a folklore item attentive to audience concern (Fine, 1984), I believe
that the scholarly examination of narratives should keep sight of the same goals.
A scholars interpretation should be based on the perspective of the audience.
From the perspective of such a receptionalist approach (Dundes, 1966;
Foley, 1991), the four repertoires at focus are interpreted based on the interpretive
tradition of the community. The reception of the narratives as published reflects
their significance. Despite initial Smi misgivings about the texts contents and
accessibility to outsiders, Johan Turis book is recognized today as a seminal work
in the community, and the author is remembered as the first Smi writer. As
for Qvigstads publication, we lack information about the initial reception of
Lappiske eventyr og sagn by the Smi community at the time it was first published,
but the repeated publications of the collected stories and the many references to
the scholars work indicate that the four volumes are central in Smi storytelling
today.
Considering the central role of the selected repertoires in the North Smi
tradition, their analysis should be advantageously completed by an approach on
the communitys storytelling on the collective level, as Palmenfelt indicates:
The most significant characteristic of all folklore, which separates

it from every other kind of historical source, is its dual quality
of being at the same time collective and individual. (Palmenfelt,
1993a:157)
The analysis in the two foregoing chapters has underscored the individual
quality of folklore. In accordance with Palmenfelts comment, the analysis of
the individual repertoires will be completed in the next chapters by the study of
narratives at the collective level with a focus on the implications of storytelling
for the community in a context of social change.
The preceding chapters focused attention on the storytellers repertoires
according to an analytical framework of composition where the narratives are
the focal point. Muitalus smiid birra and Lappiske eventyr og sagn were not performed
for any attending audience apart from Emilie Demant Hatt and Just K. Qvigstad.
The analysis of the narratives as part of a collective tradition and in terms of
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intertextuality, on the other hand, allows us to adopt a receptionalist approach,

since we know the addressed audience, i.e. the community. Therefore, the following
chapters focus on the perspective of the audience and the analytical framework
shifts to one of reception, where the traditional audience can be seen as an
active participant in the achievement of meaning (DuBois, 1996a:236).
While the second part of this dissertation (Chapters Three, Four and Five)
focused on subjective storytelling with the example of four repertoires and
their relation to the broader storytelling tradition, Part Three (Chapters Six and
Seven) will approach the implications of the narratives for the community from a
perspective which is complementary to the one emphasized in Part Two. Chapters
Six and Seven will focus attention on the normative and defensive aspects of
Smi folklore with particular reference to the North Smi storytelling tradition at
the turn of the twentieth century.
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Part III
Chapter Six: Normative Folklore.

Narratives as a guide to social
relationships
If you dont know the trees you may be lost in the forest, but if you dont know the stories you
may be lost in life. - Siberian proverb
Aspects of social change in narratives have been highlighted by the study of

polyphony in the performance of subjective storytellers. Also, social change
is reflected at the level of the community by the elaboration and maintenance
of discourses about social norms and values. With the four previously studied
repertoires as a point of departure and other Smi narratives as comparative
material, we now shift focus toward the possible effects and implications of this
discourse for the community.
These are approached with consideration of the three aspects of the
constitutive effects of discourse distinguished by Fairclough: identity, the
relational and the ideational (Fairclough, 1992:64). This chapter focuses on
the construction of social relationships facilitated by discourse, while the focal
point in Chapter Seven is on the construction of social identities. The third aspect,
the construction of systems of knowledge and belief through the narratives, is
related to the two preceding ones and emerges in both chapters.
In this chapter, we focus on narrative expressions of social relations and
examine the ways in which social norms emerge in storytelling, with emphasis on
relationships and ownership - topics of significance for any community which
come to expression in Smi narrative tradition in particular. The key aim here is
to explore how norms of ownership and relationships within the group and with
outsiders are expressed in narratives and to discuss the implications of these for
the discourse of the community.
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Comparative material enables us to appreciate the extent of topics and motifs

in Smi storytelling. Lars Levi Laestadius (1800-1861) a minister of Smi origin,
wrote in 1838-1845 Fragmenter i lappska mytologien (1959) (Fragments of Lappish
Mythology), in which he combines already published materials with his own
observations and fieldwork. Most of his sources remain anonymous, but he
refers in most cases to the geographic origin of the narratives he reports. His
views on folklore were influenced by his background as a pastor and by his
interest in the religious aspects of what he defined as mythology: a general
popular belief in supernatural beings and forces (Laestadius, 2002:62). Also,
Eliel Lagercrantz (1894-1973), a professor in Smi languages at the University
of Helsinki, collected Smi narratives and yoik. A significant part of his material
is published in Lappische Volksdichtung I-IV (1957-1966). Comparative material
has also been published by Jens Andreas Friis (1821- 1896), author and linguist,
professor at the University of Kristiania in Smi languages and mythology. His
work Lappisk Mythologi. Lappiske Eventyr og Folkesagn. (Friis, 1871) remains a classic
on the topic, referring to other classics including Laestadius. The narratives in
these publications bear witness to the extensiveness and distribution in time and
space of narratives such as those collected by Qvigstad. In this and the following
chapters, examples will be drawn from a number of different narrators, although
primarily from the four repertoires discussed in previous chapters.
The meaning of folklore

Many Smi narratives exemplify relations. Richard Bauman has underscored the
relationship between storytelling and life.
Oral narrative provides an especially rich focus for the investigation

of the relationship between oral literature and social life because
part of the special nature of narrative is to be doubly anchored in
human events. (Bauman, 1986:2)
Since narratives and social life are closely related, we can argue that folklore in
general and storytelling in particular must be regarded as a significant part of the
reality in which people live.
Storytelling emerges from social life and is constructed, reproduced and
adapted by social actors. Social change implies a need to talk about new situations
and phenomena, to form discourse. Narratives are consequently imbued with
topics of concern for the community.
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This perspective has immediate implications for our receptionalist interpretation

of the narratives. As the Finnish scholar Lotte Tarkka observes:
The borderline between the text and the world is a mirror that
reflects on both its sides. Metaphorically speaking, the space of
interpretation lies on this very zone. (Tarkka, 1993:168-169)
The issue of meaning in the folklore text has been debated by Lauri Honko
(1984). According to Honko, a folklore text is empty; it only acquires meaning
in context, in use (Honko, 1984:99). He allocates great significance to the
performance context and observes that the chances of extracting the meaning
of contextless texts are weak (Honko, 1984:100). The importance of the
recording and documentation of the context of performance as well as the
performance itself does not leave any doubt. Nevertheless, this does not imply
that recorded texts from the past, lacking documentation about the context in
which they were performed, are valueless. Even when we lack the context of
performance, it is still possible to access the meaning of the folklore text - for
instance, by identifying the performer, the author, the audience and taking into
consideration intertextuality. These possibilities to recontextualize the texts
should not be underestimated.
However, whenever striving to interpret the meaning of a text, a genre or
a repertoire, we have to keep in mind the dynamism and the variations of the
material, as the Finnish scholar Lotte Tarkka points out:
The idea of original and fixed meanings makes no sense in a context

that sees meaning as relational, not substantial. One must contend
with the fact that we have no unmediated access to the text as a
universe of meanings that existed for the folk: it is only available
to us as written traces of their representations - or, in Martti
Haavios (1961:4) words, as reminiscences of their shadows. The
constructed text is not an exhaustive presentation of the intertextual
universe, but it is all we have. (Tarkka, 1993:172-173)
Taking into account these precautions concerning interpretation, I make use of

the analytical concept of intertextuality and focus my analysis on the interplay
between context and narratives in order to approach part of the meanings of the
folklore texts for the community in which they emerged.
As regards a receptionalist interpretation of North Smi storytelling,
specificities in folklore communication should be taken into account. Previous
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research in Smi folklore has underscored the secretive aspects of performances

and texts. Harald Gaski has observed this characteristic in yoik texts and
performances:
A subtle use of double meaning in the yoik poetry made it possible

to communicate on two levels at the same time, so that one type of
message was conveyed to a Sami audience and quite a different one
to outsiders. (Gaski, 2000:196)
In a similar manner, aspects in narratives indicate that folklore can function at

many different levels in the community (Mathisen, 1993:40). Turis text about
the unknown animals of Spmi remarkably illustrates how the use of metaphor
allows a narrator to tell something and mean something else at the same time,
as discussed in Chapter Three. Also, the use of noa words, discussed in Chapter
Three allow one to avoid taboo words like the name of the animal while hunting
and is an instance of indirectness. Furthermore, a high degree of intertextuality
that requires the reader to be well acquainted with other narratives, is another
aspect of the continual transmission of information in an oral tradition. This
characteristic indicates that Smi folk narratives express messages on an implicit
level.
The sociocultural and political context must also be taken into account in the
frame of interpretation. Connections between Smi narratives and factual context
have been observed by the Finnish scholar Lassi Saressalo. His interpretation of
legends from the Kadja-Nilla corpus views narratives as reflecting the social
conflict prevailing in the community (Saressalo, 1989:134), i.e. those occurring
between rival fishermen or between cattle breeders and reindeer breeders. As
for our corpus, the previous chapters have highlighted the emergence of factual
issues in the texts, such as social conflicts and political issues described by Johan
Turi. Other recurrent topics may be interpreted in this sense as well. The nature
of ownership, the problem of theft, and the issues of social relations between
youth as well as mixed marriage are topics of significance that emerge in the
material from the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries.
Such recurrent topics are the products of social contacts and illustrations of a
community discourse on these important concerns.
Following Faircloughs model, we approach the consequences of the
narratives at the level of social practice. This highlights the fact that the
implications of the discourse for the community members are the focal point
of the study. Therefore, the analysis of discourse expressed in the narratives
170
is followed by a discussion of the implications that those discourses might

have had or been intended to have. The framework of interpretation follows a
receptionalist approach which strives to focus on how the addressed audience
- the community - would have interpreted the narratives.
Changelings and close encounters

Many narratives express the vulnerable position of children and youth. In the
second volume of Lappiske eventyr og sagn, we find 26 narratives about this topic.
Qvigstad published six variants of texts about changelings and seven about
haunting dead children. About thirteen other texts relate situations where children
or youth are seduced and endangered.
We can read in different repertoires how ulda take Smi children. They
exchange them for their own people, often elders. A text on the topic, documented
by Qvigstad in his discussion with Johan Kitti, a Smi storyteller from Loppa,
gives an example of such a case.
dni fuomai, atte su manna l lonohuvvum; son valdi golbma

stuora rissi ja rissegoi manas nu arbmohmit, atte son bargogoi
jabma gilli. Go goalmad rissi nokkagoi, de boi akka ja boadnji
sisa ja dajaiga: Ale givsed monnu boares ai; da l mannad; valde
ruoktot, maid son maidai dagai stuora iloin. (Qvigstad, 1928:410)
The mother noticed that her child had been exchanged; she took
three big branches and started to beat the child without mercy, so
that he started to scream as fit to die. When she was going to beat
him with a third branch, a woman and a man came in and said:
Dont torment our old father; here is your child, take him back,
which she did with great joy.
Kitti does not furnish any reason as to how or why the child has been replaced.
Rather he tells us how to act in order to retrieve the child. Turi reports in a general
way that children are endangered when left alone without adequate protection.
[L]ea vel bahmus guoit akto mn, go eai leat steampilsilbbat

mns gitta (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:156).
And the worst is to leave a child alone if it has no stamped silver

about it. (Turi, 1931a:194)
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Beautiful Smi children can be exchanged when they are left alone. As it appears
in Turis text, the most important preventative measure is to place an object of
silver in the cradle. Silver had great value for the Smi, not only economic, but
also symbolic. Certain silver artifacts were intended to protect people. At birth
or baptism, objects of silver remain a common gift (Fjellstrm, 1986:504-505).
Laestadius, true to his role as a minister, emphasizes the importance of baptism
as a means of protecting children.
The greatest danger of children being switched is before they are

baptized, since the underground beings [ulda] do not tolerate the
sign of the cross or its name (Laestadius, 2002:130).
A comparison with other narratives such as Johan Turis, makes evident the
different frames of explanation and understanding of the phenomena based
on elements of the common tradition. The minister Laestadius emphasizes the
religious interpretation of the folk belief, with baptism as the ultimate protection.
Turi, Christian and well acquainted with Smi traditional beliefs, presents silver as
the ultimate protection for children against exchange.
Turi also describes the appearance of the changeling in comparison with the
other Smi children.
Ja go son lea lonuhan, de lea mns goit seamm hpmi, muhto

de ii atta, iige huma, nu got lve mnn addat, iige vcce iige
leat seamm luondu mns, go lea oami mnsnai. Ja dat leat olu
fasttibutnai, ja almmit leat fasttit. (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:157)
And when the child is exchanged it still looks the same, but it does
not grow or talk as a child ought to grow, and it does not walk, and
it does not have the same nature as an ordinary child; and it is much
uglier too, and its eyes are uglier.
Despite the fact that the child has been replaced by another or by an old person,
he/she does not look drastically different. The baby in question will grow up, but
in a different way than other children.
Narratives about changelings indicate that some people succeed in making
contact with underground/invisible beings. These beings live in a different world
but can cross the frontier to come into ours, whereas we cannot actively decide
to go into their world. When Smi people meet ulda in the stories, the encounter
occurs through the initiative of the beings or by mistake. For instance, youth can
172
suddenly be transported to another dimension, as Mattis Isaksen in Krjohka

told G. Balke:
Gufittri gsks l midai muttomk buorep j muttomk bhap.

Guokte nieid liga vazzemen Jawraluokka ld Assebavtest. De
fakkistg jawkehi nubbe nieid, gn nmm li Magga, j ae
li Erke.[] Nubbe bive boi nieid din ae sobbin ruoktot;
muttu Magga, gutte li olles drvs ja abb nieid, li saga
bileduvvum gufittrin, atte illa son satti sardnot j vazzi nu arket,
ate olbmuk illa matte oaidnet su vazzem. Magga muitli uccan
su diles birr gufittri lut. Son li oaidnam, go olbmuk occe su j
muttomin vazze aibs lkk mdda su. (Qvigstad, 1928:398-400)
Among the gufihtar, there are some good ones and some bad ones.
Two girls took a walk on Jawras hill at Assebakte. Then one of
the girls suddenly disappeared, whose name was Magga and whose
father was called Erik. [] The next day, the girl came home with
her fathers stick; but Magga, who had been a fully healthy and
beautiful girl, had been badly injured by the gufihtar, so that she
could hardly speak and walked so miserably that people could hardly
bear to see her walk. Magga told a little about her situation at the
gufihtars. She had seen when people looked for her and sometimes
walked quite close to her.
The sudden disappearance of the girl and the fact that she could see but not be
seen by humans intimate that she would have been confined in a world to which
people do not have access unless the underground/invisible beings allow them
to. The kidnapped girl is not only in the world of the gufihtar, beings that have
much in common with ulda, she also stands outside the human world and is
prevented from returning. Her disappearance and vulnerability is concretized by
the confirmation of the existence of another world that is linked to the human
one but that is out of our control. The topic of kidnapping and disappearance into
another world has been observed elsewhere in folklore in relation to perceptions
of space and time (Asplund Ingemark, 2006; Bolstad Skjelbred, 1998). In most
narratives, such situations are about young women getting lost and running a risk
of remaining in the world of the underground/invisible beings. They appear
more vulnerable than men or older women, and the narratives about the risk
they run enhance their value for the community. The discourse emerging from
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these texts indicates that the loss of children and young women has serious
consequences for the community.
Narratives about danger posed to children become part of a discourse about
need to protect the youngest members of the community. The status of children
also becomes expressed in narratives about the eahpra, the spirit of a dead baby
that takes contact with living people. Stories tell us the cases of unbaptized,
murdered or abandoned children that became eahpra (Qvigstad, 1928:51, 89).
Muttomin gl dda, go naitlkttes nieid mana vuostai l, tte

mccai mnna ikkuses riegadttek j manas dobbe sorbmek.
Dggar nieid i goassege buoz riegadttem-dawd. Dt
sorbmejuvvum manna dda pparn. (Qvigstad, 1928:332)
It happens sometimes, when an unmarried girl is expecting, that

she goes in the woods secretly to give birth and kill her child. Such
a girl is never sick when she gives birth. The killed child becomes
an eahpra.
Juha Pentikinen has observed how ritual actions or charms were described in
eahpra material, of which the greater part [] consists of rite description
(Pentikinen, 1968:320). The narratives tell the ritual solution to the haunting of
dead children: one must go close to a church and baptize the child by saying the
Lords Prayer backwards or by giving it a name (Qvigstad, 1928:332-344).
pparas l daggar mi rio ja baldal olmuit, ja dat sitta nama

allases. Go olmus gulla, de galga ristadet. Gerrek muitali: dat lei
vaimen muttin jawregaddin; de gulai go rieogodi dego njuorak
manna. De son harvedi, att dat l pparas, ja de manai dokk lakka
ja ristadi Ae ja Barhne ja Bassehgga nammi ja namman bijai
Kjersti dihe Nils. (Qvigstad, 1928:340)
Eahpra is one that screams and scares people, and desires a name.
When people hear it, they must baptize it. A woman related that
once she was walking by a lake, when she heard [something that]
started screaming like a young child. Then she recognized that it
was an eahpra, and she went close to it and baptized it in the name
of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost and gave it the name
Kjersti or Nils.
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In this version, baptism is presented as giving access to the other world, without
which dead children cannot leave our world.
Friis interprets the eahpra tradition as having a specific function:
Denne Overtro, skabt af den brdefulde Samvittighed, har maaske

ofte netop virket til at hindre Barnemord i hine demarker, hvor
det saa let kan skjules. Moderen vover ikke at ombringe Barnet, da
hun er overbevist om, at dette vil rbe hende. Lstadius forteller,
at det har hndt, at man har fundet et ombragt Barn, hvis Tunge
var afskaaret, for at det ikke skulde skrige som Appara. (Friis,
1871:105)
This superstition, generated by a guilty conscience, must have often

had the effect of preventing infanticide in the wilderness, where it
could easily be hidden. The mother does not dare to kill the child,
since she is convinced that it would expose her. Laestadius relates
that it has happened that a murdered child has been found whose
tongue had been cut, so that it could not scream as an eahpra.
Friis does not specify if his interpretation is based on a factual problem with
infanticides or on a factual need to warn against and prevent them.
Taking into account other narratives about kidnapped children and
changelings, it is my opinion that the eahpra stories should rather be considered
part of the discourse about the vulnerability and the value of children. The
occurrence in significant proportion of narratives about changelings, endangered
youth and haunting dead children in the repertoires of different storytellers
indicates that children were a topic of importance. These stories can be interpreted
as filling an explanatory function, characterizing situations in which the social
order was perceived as jeopardized. Children that look or behave differently are
explained as changelings, while our frame of interpretation today might explain
their difference with a medical diagnosis (Lindow, 1978:12). Yet in either case,
the concern for children as a valued resource for the community remains the
same. Narratives possess in such cases an explanatory function; they give people
a possibility to explain what happens in a situation that deviates from the norm
and they underscore the value of the norms to the community at large.
In the Smi case, the vulnerability of children refers to factual dangers of living in
an environment where the landscape and the weather can be hostile - dangers that
are also pedagogically articulated in narratives. Perils related to the environment,
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Copplie Cocq
such as the risk of getting lost in the forest, falling from a cliff or drowning in
a river are topics that are brought up by the narrators (Balto, 1997:97). Lindow
proposes that the Swedish folk belief in bergtagning, taking into the mountain
would explain why or how a person was lost, which was not an uncommon
occurrence among a rural population whose density was among the smaller in
Europe and who lived in a land rich in thick forests, with occasional forbidding
mountains (Lindow, 1978:34). Lindow refers to legends about bergtagning in
Sweden in general, but his description applies to the landscape of Spmi as well.
Moreover, child mortality was high at a time when medical care was precarious
and large inaccessible, in Spmi. Childhood diseases and death in childbirth were
common. Narratives achieve the materialization of a danger. The value conferred
to children and young women in the narratives can be seen as an expression of
their vulnerability (Lindow, 1978:12-14). The concern for community members
and especially for children is also articulated in narratives about relations between
youth and potential marriages, as we discuss below.
Courting and marriage

As illustrated in the repertoires of Johan Turi, Ellen Utsi and Isak Eira, social
relations between youth was a topic frequently discussed in storytelling. Ellen
Utsis repertoire includes several narratives about youth and courting. On several
occasions, she tells how dangerous such activities can be. She gives an example
of a girl who was killed by a suitor she refused.
Dat lei muttin nieida, gn namma lei Owle Elle; sus leggje ollo
irgit ja son i valdan daid. De lei muttin irgi Suomas ere, gutte bijai
bahaid nieida ala, ja nieida buoccai ja buozai gsi; akat jami.
(Qvigstad, 1928:498)
There was a girl whose name was Elen Olsdatter; she had many
suitors and she did not accept their suits. There was a man from
Finland, who put the evil on her, and she got sick and was ill during
the summer; she died in the autumn.
To put the evil on someone is a power that noaide - and, according to this
narrator, deceived suitors can use to make someone sick. In the case of the girl
mentioned by Utsi, she died as a result of the revenge of the suitor from Finland
who had been turned down.
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Besides the narratives recorded in Lappiske eventyr og sagn II, another text told by
Ellen Utsi was published in 1953 in a Festschrift for Qvigstad (Qvigstad, 1953).
In this particular story, Utsi tells about a girl and two boys and the process
of proposal, engagement and rejection of the engagement. Utsi tells about a
specific event but passes on to tell about the customs and consensus concerning
proposal:
Moarsi ajehi ieas vaimo datto ja olgus ilmohi su rakkisvuoa

daggo bokte, atte luiti irgi vuojana lkain, dego virulavuotta leige
samid gaskas. (Qvigstad, 1953:7)
The bride showed her mood and love (to the other) by undoing the
harness on her fiancs reindeer, as is the custom among the Smi.
This significant symbolic act in the process of proposal has also been underscored
by Turi.
Ja smiid vierru lea juo dolo iggis leama, ahte go brdni boaht
soadnjuide, de galg nieida boahtit ovddal ja luoitit irggi hearggi
luovos, ja dat lea mearka ahte igu vldit. (Turi, [1910] 1987 -
b:165)
And in the old days it was already customary, when a young man
came courting, for the girl to go to meet him and unharness
his reindeer, and that was a sign that she would take him. (Turi,
1931a:205)
Utsi also mentions sharing as a way to express openness to a marriage proposal:
Dat gaf fe galgai maksit dan: gi jugai, dat lei mielastis; mutto gutte
i juga, dat lae vuosta. (Qvigstad, 1953:7)
The coffee would mean: the one who drinks is willing; but the one
who does not drink is against it.
Traditional knowledge of behaviors and social norms plays a significant role

in ritual aspects of life. Community members have to learn social norms of
behavior in specific situations. From this perspective, storytelling is part of the
central process of socialization. Telling a story about couples, as Utsi and Turi
do, is a way to teach the youngest community members about expected conduct.
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Copplie Cocq
Narratives teach ritual actions and cultural patterns - central aspects of social
communication - in a pedagogically effective manner.
Turi completes his narration with a pictorial rendering of the courting
process. His depiction presents a young man coming by sledge to the goahti
(Smi tent) of his fiance, who is coming toward him as sign of acceptance.
Relatives and other members of the community are gathered by the tent to assist
in the process. Among the crowd, Turi has written a character marked with the
letter B. It is Beargalat, the devil:
The devil is always around at such a feast because at a betrothal

there are always so many folk ready to do ill and spoil the luck with
their evil tongues. (Turi, 1931a:283)
Figure 9 Illustration by Johan Turi in Muitalus smid birra. Picture 10 Courting,

Nordiska museet. Photographer: Birgit Brnvall, Nordiska museet.
178
Courting is often associated with danger in narratives. The peril is not necessarily
represented by external characters or factors. The state of mind in itself is,
according to Turi, a risk factor. He warns his readers about this delicate phase in
another text.
Ja dat lave dvj nitalanigge veh seahkanit jierbmi juohkehaas,

geat leat dan varas. ilgehus dasa, manne lea muhtun olbmos dakkr
leaves varra, ahte vigg veh addat seahkanussii. Dat lea muhtun
olmmo nu rhkislunddot, ahte ii son jurdda ie iid birra dan
ige ii vehge. Ja deinna lgiin lea dego livui jierbmi seahkanan.
(Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:166)
And in courting times the mind is often a little wild, especially in

those who have that sort of blood. There is a reason why some
folk have such weak blood that it is easy to upset them. They are
of such an amorous nature that they cannot think of anything else
at the time. And that is why it is as if they lose their wits. (Turi,
1931a:206)
Here, loss of self-control and composure is the main danger. Social norms
ritualize the process, perhaps in an attempt to limit the risks run by the youth at
that stage of their lives. Bringing up the perilous aspects of courting in narratives
is an element of socialization that enhances the significance of social norms. Not
acting according to the rules means taking risks.
Narratives about relations between youth emphasize to a great extent the
danger the situation represents when telling about social relations between Smi
youth and non-Smi. Some narrators tell more implicitly about relations and
courting between Smi youth and other beings.
The beings of superhuman power - ulda, gufihtar - are said to be very beautiful
girls. Many stories tell about how young boys become charmed by their beauty.
Gufittrk l obbnssi abb olbmuk, j nieidk l dawja

aibs fillejddje j vuostauoomttom abbak. (Qvigstad,
1928:396)
The gufihtar are at all times beautiful persons, and the girls are often
seductive and irresistibly beautiful.
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Copplie Cocq
Loss of control is underscored by the power of the beings whose beauty can
bewitch the boys. Turi also mentions this risk.
Ja ulddat leat hui bbt, dat maid olbmot leat oaidnn. Brtnit leat
oaidnn soames hve ulddanieidda, ja dat lea nu ppat, ahte son
hliidii beassat lagabui. Ja go son beasai lagabui, de son jurddaii:
vare dat munnje! Ja de dat nieida jvkkai, ja de dat brdni bzii akto,
ja sutnje attai ahkit. Ja son manai nuppi beaivve seamm biki,
ja de son gulai go ulddanieida juoiggadii, ja dat lea su mielas dego
livui seamm nieida. (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:157-158)
And ulda are very handsome, those that folk have seen. Now and
again a boy has seen an ulda girl, and she was so beautiful that he
wanted to get nearer to her, and when he got nearer he thought,
If only she were mine! Then the girl disappeared, and the young
man stood alone, and was very unhappy. And the next day he went
back to the same place, and then he heard an ulda girl joiking and it
seemed to him that it was the same girl. (Turi, 1931a:196)
They are so beautiful and irresistible that it is difficult for boys not to try to get
close to them. Such a tendency is illustrated in the following example, recounted
by Erik Mikkelsen, interviewed by Qvigstad in 1893, in which a boy sees two
beautiful girls and wants to kiss them.
De njakka slge duoge, doppe birra ppat dm, goabba

oakkamen li. [] De [nieid] ierrogoi: billidik su, go
giea biddjik su l; i t dokke dokku mbu. Bardne midai
ierro.(Qvigstad, 1928:416)
Then he snuck up behind them and hugged the one who was
seated. Then [the girl] began to cry: you shamed her, when you
put your hand on her; she is not able to be there anymore. The
boy also cried.
Eira also gives the example of an ulda girl who cannot go back home as long as
she has not got her belongings back:
De bardni valdi dan liini ja dan boakkana ja manai ruoktot goae

lusa ja nokkai. Go addai mannjel gaskija, de boi dat smma nieida
ja riemai uoot bardni goatte-uksa-gaskas; muttu goattai i gal
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boattan nieida, ja son anohi ruoktot dan silkeliini ja dan boakkana.

[] (Qvigstad, 1928:426)
Then the boy took the scarf and the belt and went home and went to bed.
When midnight had passed, the same girl came and stood by the
doorway; but the girl did not come in, and she kept asking for her silk
scarf and her belt. When he refuses the third time, she tells him:
[Son] muitali, Ai ja dni lba mu blkan juo golbma bivi

damditti go ln lappan silkeliini ja boakkana, ja don fertet addit
ruoktot, dinago ai ja dni goihge blkiba mu dal vel bahabut,
jus mun in gawna liinan ja boakkanan. (Qvigstad, 1928:428)
She told: Father and mother have scolded me for three days,
because I have lost my silk scarf and my belt, you have to give
them back, otherwise father and mother are going to scold me even
worse, if I dont find my scarf and my belt.
When he finally gives back her belongings, she goes back to her family. Her
contact with the boy and the symbolic fact that he keeps items of womans
clothing implies that she is trapped between the two worlds. Her parents would
not allow her to give part of her femininity, in the guise of a scarf and a belt, to
the boy.
Touching a young girl thus has serious consequences for youth: it would
presuppose marriage. Moreover, marriage between a Smi and an ulda requires an
adjustment between the two different worlds. In another text, Utsi tells us how
the ulda girl has to leave her world and stay in the human one:
De cikci bardni dan nieida gitti, nu atte varra vel ii, ja go varra itta
uldas, de adda ulda albma olmuen (Qvigstad, 1928:412).
Then the boy pinched the girl hard, so that blood appeared, and
when blood appears on an ulda, then she becomes human.
This story - and several other similar ones as well - ends with the marriage of
the couple. The act of touching the girl and her bleeding can be interpreted as
metaphors for intercourse. Once touched, the girl is caught in the world of
the boy and they would have to marry. This indirectness allows the storyteller to
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Copplie Cocq
play on a double level of intimation where a younger audience member would

not have the same understanding of the metaphor as (young) adults might.
Such narratives provide guidelines for young people. Consequences of
relations are illustrated with ulda as protagonists. Such stories can be understood
as an oblique manner of bringing up a delicate topic. Narratives about courting
and relations between youths in which non-human beings are involved enabled
narrators to tell about intimacy in a different way than in narratives about factual
persons. Norms and values are expressed on a general level in a subtle manner.
The discourse emerging in narratives about courting and relationships
between youth indicates a need to tell about this particular phase of life and to
warn about the risks that courting and sexual contacts might entail. The examples
and advice that emerge from the texts also articulate a discourse concerning
exogamic relationships and their risks. Narratives do not only express the
consensus for how to act in courtship; they also express norms and values about
whom to engage in such relations. The topic of exogamy surfaces in many texts
in a powerful way, which can be understood in the light of the context in which
the narratives emerged. As presented in Chapter Two, the colonization of Spmi
started already in the seventeenth century. By the end of the nineteenth century,
the consequences of this process were obvious. One of its many effects was the
increase of contacts between different ethnic groups. Settlers of Norwegian,
Finnish, Swedish origin and non-herding Smi shared the natural and cultural
landscape with Smi reindeer herders. The socioeconomic consequences of
the immigration and presence of other groups in Spmi in modern times have
been discussed in studies about herding (e.g. Nordin, 2002). The colonization
of Spmi had further noticeable social implications. Close contacts with other
groups brought up ineluctably the increased occurrence of mixed marriage.
In many narratives, relations between youth are approached in terms of
exogamy. Utsis report of a marriage between a young boy and an ulda girl does
not only focus on the fact that they are from two different worlds. The story
begins with the encounter between two boys and two girls, and the question
arises about who could marry whom.
[D]e hoiga nubbi nubbi nieida dan bardni guwlui ja lokka: Die
l du irgi. Nubbi lokka: I dat l mu irgi. Dat l samibardni
ige dat fuola mus, gi ln dalo-nieida; muttu du dat l irgi, gs lt
bowcut. (Qvigstad, 1928:412)
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[T]hen one girl pushes the other one and says: There is your beau.
The other one says: He is not my beau. He is a Smi and he does
not care about me, a farmers daughter; hes yours, since you have
reindeer.
Endogamy is thus articulated as a norm. After the boy has touched the girl and
she has become human, the divergence of their livelihoods appears to be a
potential hindrance to their marriage:
De lokka bardni: Alma moai naitaledne. De lokka nieida: Alma

don lt sabmela. De vastida bardni: In mun lt sabmela; mun
ln dalo-olmu. De iettaiga soai naitalit. (Qvigstad, 1928:412)
Then the boy says: Surely, we should get married. Then the girl
says: But you are a Smi. Then the boy answers: I am not a Smi;
I am a farmer. Then they agreed to get married.
Finally, once it turns out that both are farmers, they can get married. Interestingly,
narratives about courting or marriage with ulda concern Smi boys. As for Smi
girls, cases of intercourse with an outsider involve Stllu and are not as joyful
as the relations of Smi young men with ulda. In these Stllu courtship cases,
exogamy is described as dangerous for the young people in question and for the
whole community. Drastic situations and cruelty are not uncommon in narratives
about Stllu and Smi girls. The relationship between a Stllu and a Smi girl
begins most of the time when Stllu takes her prisoner, or in some cases, seduces
her into a relationship. The father is sometimes forced to marry off his daughter
against his will. In any case, he will do whatever is in his power to prevent a
wedding or a further sexual relation. The narratives illustrate the devastating
consequences of such a relation or marriage, and murder is often the solution
portrayed.
One obvious danger which can affect the group is the disappearance of a
community member. Daughters are stolen, captured and taken away by Stllu.
They have not been warned about these strangers and unconscious of the danger,
they are lured away. The disappearance as such is already a problem that must be
solved with the help of the family or the group. But the greatest danger is that
Stllu marries the daughter and that they live as husband and wife. Insinuations
about sexuality and fertility indicate that it is childbirth which is the greatest
threat to the community. In one of the stories, Stllu dies in consequence of
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Copplie Cocq
burns to his genitals on the night of his wedding. Turi tells of a brides spilling
of a cookpot:
Ja go son lggii luoitit, de moarsi dohppii gievdnevuossi, ja lggii

loktet veahkkin, ja loktii nu bajs, ahte leaiksii irggi ohcii duoldi
liepma, ja bulii oavji ja visot bllut (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b).
But when he was about to lift it, the bride seized hold of the handle,
as if she would help him, but she lifted it so high that the boiling
fat poured down inside the bridegrooms furs, and his stomach and
testicles were burnt (Turi, 1931a:177).
A similar account, from Ofoten, is reported by Friis. The bridegroom is seriously

burned on his genitals and dies from his injuries (Friis, 1871:101).
Another story ends with Stllu freezing to death. The father of Stllus Smi
fiance fools the ogre and disappears with the girl. Out of his mind with rage,
Stllu runs out naked in the cold and dies. The girl and the other members of the
siida find him later.
Ja de sii gvdne, go leai galbmon, ja bierggasriehpu leai galbmon

skiht, ja dat su moarsi gal ii liikon go oinnii, ahte lea galbmon su
irgi. Ja go son oinnii dan biergasa, got dat lea galbmon, de son dajai:
Vuoi, vuoi, got lea galbmon bierggasriehpu! Ja son goase ierru.
(Turi, [1910] 1987 -b)
So they found him where he was frozen to death and his tool was
frozen stiff. And his darling didnt like it at all when she saw her
betrothed lying there frozen, and she said, Oh my, oh my, how his
tool is frozen! and she nearly cried.
Through the depiction of the girls reaction, focus is not laid on the death of
the Stllu fianc, but on his loss of sexual potency. The use of unspecific terms
such as bierggasriehpu (wretched tool ) in this example can be understood as a
strategy that allows the teller to talk about sensitive topics even though children
might be listening. In a similar manner as with the metaphor of blood mentioned
above, the narrator manages to address different audiences (children and adults)
and convey appropriate messages to both of them at the same time.
The consequences that a marriage could have for the community become
more obvious in narratives about a child born of such a relationship. In a story
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recorded by Qvigstad in 1882, Ole Naustnes tells about a tragic event experienced
by a Smi girl married to a Stllu. Chased by Stllus dog, which eats human flesh,
the Smi mother must cut her child, Stllus son, in two parts:
De oaina, go bna boatta manjin ruotta. De i adman ea rai;

de ferti dan manas gaskat uoppat ja balkistet nubbi lakki dan
bdnagen, atte bna dina addjanegoatta. [] Das oaina niso, go
vast bna boatta manjin ruotta. De balkesti dan nubbi lakki dan
manastis. (Qvigstad, 1928:640)
Then she sees that the dog is running after her. She has no choice;
she has to cut the child and throw one half to the dog, in order to
keep away from the dog. [...]. Then the woman sees that the dog
is once again coming after her. So she threw the other half of her
child.
When the Smi woman comes back to the Smi community, no one seems to
grieve for the child. The peculiar ending of the womans escape underscores in
a symbolic way the notion that a child born of a relationship with a Stllu was
considered only half-human.
A similar text is reported by Laestadius in his Fragments, based on a story he
had heard in Lule Lapland. In contrast to the former text, this narrative focuses
on a Stllu girl who marries a Smi man. When Stllus daughter hears her parents
planning to eat her up for dinner, she escapes and goes to a Smi camp. Years
later, the girl, now married to a Smi man, goes back to her parents with her
husband and their baby. They are welcomed by the Stllu family, composed of
Stllu, his wife Lutak - known for sucking life out of her enemies with an iron
pipe - and their son.
The mother-in-law [i.e. Stllus wife] also seemed pleased of their

arrival. She embraced her grand-child, who was lying in a birch-bark
basket or komsio (Smi cradle), and said to the mother Dear child!
May I take care of this one while you are setting up the goahti?
The babys mother could not deny a grandmother the happiness
of taking care of her grandchild although she had a foreboding
that something bad would happen. The bloodsucking Lutak now
went to her own tent with the baby, immediately broke its neck, and
started eating. (Laestadius, 2002:248)
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The young couple nevertheless stays at the Stllu camp for the night. The Stllu
family prepares to kill them at night.
When the sky was turning red, the Stllu came along, together
with his older son armed with a spear, for he planned to stab both
daughter and son-in-law to death. They ran at the son-in-laws
goahti, which was still standing, striking wherever they thought the
sleepers were lying. The boy even said, as he struck with his spear,
Taale maaka tskkai taale bba tskkai, that is, [Here is to the heart
of my brother-in-law, here is to the heart of my sister]. Soon
the bloodsucking Lutak came with her pipe and shouted lloti ti
maanatja malatjit klktallo! [Dont let the childs blood leak out!].
The hag was probably planning to make blood sausage. (Laestadius,
2002:249)
The cruelty and cannibalism underscore the Stllus lack of humanity. They intend
to eat their own daughter and grandchild. The daughter who has married a Smi
man has human feelings. Her affiliation with the Smi community seems to have
rendered her humane. Such tales also underscore, by way of contrast with Stllu,
the proper relations between family members.
Although this last text originates from another area, similarities with the
Stllu lore of the North Smi tradition corroborate the message that stories
about relationships between Smi and Stllu communicates, i.e. the danger such
relations imply for the community. We can read in another story that there still
exist people that are partly Stllu.
Stlut leat nohkan dl goase visot, muhto leat goit soames smit vel
stllui sohka. Ja dat lea addan deinna lgiin, go stlut leat nitalan
sminieiddaiguin, ja de lea addan soames olbmot bealli stllu ja
bealli olmmo. Ja sii leat vehs ielgat go ie olbmot, hmis ja
luonddus. (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:148)
Now, almost all the Stllu are gone; but there are still some Smi
who are of Stllu ancestors. And that happened in this way, when
a Stllu married a Smi woman, then some folk became half Stllu
and half human-being. And they are a little different from other
folk in looks and nature.
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The story tells us that this is the result of marriage between Smi women and
Stllu, and suggests that such narratives are considered to have truth value.
Murders and cruelty are often the solution to problems caused by a
relationship between a Smi girl and a Stllu. The legend discussed above, in
which the mother must kill her child and give it to Stllus dog, continues this
way:
De niso aski doina stuora niibin suorbmait gaskat. De bagi stallo

mannjai ja urvo: Niso, buvte deke mun suormalakkit! Daddja
niso: Mon im buvte galle. (Qvigstad, 1928:640)
The woman cut his [Stllus] fingers with the big knife. Then Stllu
came back and shouted: Woman, come here with my fingers! The
woman said: I wont.
Cruelty, mutilation and murders are recurring topics in Stllu stories. The
discourse seems to be that violence within a family is perverse and destructive,
while violence directed at some threat to a family member, or to the family as a
whole, is justified.
In almost all cases, exogamous relations involve Smi boys and ulda girls,
while the relationships with Stllu concerned Smi girls. A noticeable difference
is also the fact that while the relationship with a Stllu is characterized by danger
and cruelty, relations with an ulda girl often have a happy ending. A noticeable
reflection of gendered norms lies also in the fact that the girl who marries a Smi
becomes human through her attachment to the Smi community. The ulda cannot
return to their world and have to remain in the Smi world. In the few narratives
where Stllu is said to have a daughter, she also becomes human when affiliated
with the Smi. She does not hesitate to mutilate (Laestadius, 2002:249) or even
kill her father (Lars Jonsen in Qvigstad, 1928:42) in the interest of protecting her
new family. On the other hand, a Stllu marrying a Smi girl does not change in
nature and remains the same. The discourse about the status of men and women
in the community indicates reference to a model where the woman would be
expected to change loyalties and adjust to the mans relatives once married.
Although these narratives deal with beings with superhuman powers, the
discourses about ulda and Stllu differ significantly from each other; and represent
different degrees of otherness. Stllu is presented as an outsider whose behavior
is in many aspects directly opposed to the norms and values of the Smi, but the
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ulda have much in common with the Smi and represent a parallel rather than an
opposed lifestyle.
Intertextuality gives us information about common aspects and variations
in narratives about the underground or invisible beings. Johan Turi writes that
we do not know who they are. He uses both terms olbmot (persons, humans)
and eallit (animated things) to describe them. He makes use of the pronouns
sii, applied to animated beings or dat, both used for animals and things, when
referring to ulda.
Their origin is told to be the same as that of the Smi. Turi explains that they
belong to the family that the first parents put underground (Ja dat leat dan sogas,
maid vuostta vhnemat leat bidjan eatnama vuolli. (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:153)(And
they are descended from the race that our first forefathers bound under the
earth (Turi, 1931a:193)).
As pointed out in Chapter Four, the repertoires of Utsi and Br include
texts about the origin of ulda: they were children of Adam and Eve that God
made invisible since Eve had hidden them. The origin of ulda, be it based on a
biblical explanation or a less explicit one as in Muitalus smiid birra, indicates that
they are of the same origin as the Smi. Ulda have a lot more in common with
the Smi, as Turi tells us:
Ja sii [smit] leat oahppan maidd ulddain juoigama. (Turi, [1910]

1987 -b:156)
And they [the Smi] first learned joiking from the ulda.
Not only is the traditional Smi song of superhuman origin.
Ja soames smit leat oahppan olu noaidegoansttaid ulddain. (Turi,

[1910] 1987 -b:158)
And some Smi have learned many noaide arts from the ulda.
The valuable knowledge of noaide, the shaman, has been transmitted by the ulda.
It is unique knowledge, a privilege that not all Smi possess. The noaide occupied
a central position in the siida (Mebius, 2003); his relation to the ulda indicates that
they held a significant status for the Smi. Their appearance is also reminiscent
of the Smi.
Din l sikke boccuk, gusk j sawk, demielde go si l

jogo bddje-olbmuk dhje asse-olbmuk. Si vaddjolek Same-
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aednmes same-biktsi siste j nuvtgo bddje-olbmuk suoppnin

j lawzehakin vlhes. Dak borrek dubbak nugo lbm-olbmuk.
They have reindeer, cows and sheep, depending on whether they are
either reindeer herders or farmers. They go about in Smi clothes
in Smiland, with a lasso and reins slung over the shoulder like
reindeer herding Smi. They use tobacco like ordinary people.
Smi ethnic markers, aspects highlighted as representing Smi identity, can also
be found among ulda. The gkti, traditional Smi clothing, is strongly connected
to origins, since the pattern, shape and details provide information about the
wearers geographical origin, among other cues, for knowing viewers. Reindeer
herding and consequently the ownership of reindeer has always been associated
with the Smi. The narrator also tells that there are different kinds of ulda, just as
there are different groups in Spmi. Some are settlers and farmers, other reindeer
herders. The ulda world is thus presented as a reflection of the Smi world -
comprehensible but inaccessible to us.
These aspects indicate that ulda are not outsiders. Therefore, a marriage
between Smi and ulda can be accepted, whereas relationships with a Stllu must
be prevented. Stllu is described as an enemy and characteristics define him as
the Other.
If these narratives exemplify relations to other beings or people, the corpus
also express and illustrate relations within the community, as we discuss below.
Respect
Narratives that bring up examples of relations with beings of superhuman
power often include rules that pertain to relations within the group. They tell
about respect and social norms. The identity of the other does not always emerge
clearly; it is often ambiguous. The being can in such cases be understood as a
metaphor for anyone within or outside the group.
We are told for instance about a distant kingdom, Barbmoriika, where the
birds fly in autumn. This is the home as well of the people of Barbmoriika, whom
few have visited. The narrator Isak Eira tells us how these people show great
respect for the animals, do not break the bones of the birds they eat, and gather
all of them after they are consumed. He also tells how these people welcome
their visitors, eat carefully, and thank each other (Qvigstad, 1928:710). The
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narrator presents in his text this secret, far-off place as a model for ideal social
encounters.
In a similar way, the same storyteller tells us in another text about how
to behave toward animals. One should never mistreat an animal; or else the
stem mother of this animal could retaliate. Eira as well as Utsi begins with
the example of the frog, which, according to Turi, plays a significant role in
healing. But Eira also illustrates the way to treat animals with the example of
the rat, an animal without specific significance (Qvigstad, 1928:476). The bear
ceremonial practiced by the Smi in former times after bear hunting (Fjellstrm,
1755 [1981]), as well as Turis accounts of wolf hunting corroborate that Smi
showed great respect to all animals, even predators that could cause the loss of
the herd and jeopardize the familys means of subsistence. Through narratives,
we are given general rules about how to behave with didactic illustrations. The
stories exemplify the consequences of cruelty toward animals. They indicate that
all beings - frogs, rats, animals, humans - should be treated respectfully, otherwise
we could also be treated badly in retaliation.
In one of the narratives in Lappiske eventyr og sagn, we find an example of
what happened when reindeer were mistreated. In The origin of wild reindeer,
we are told the story of two persons who had reindeer. The animal which was
cared for well became a tame reindeer, whereas the one which was mistreated fled
and became wild (Qvigstad, 1928:328). This illustration presents to the audience
the consequences of mistreating animals. In this specific case, the way the evil
person acts has consequences for the ecosystem and subsequent generations.
Similarly, the account of the origin of ulda also expresses strong social norms
about behavior. Ulda were created as Gods punishment after Eve had hidden
some of her children for Him (Qvigstad, 1928:392). Storytelling is a means
of expressing social norms as regards relations with one another. Animals or
supernatural characters, - God, Eve or ulda - are didactic devices that illustrate
relations and respect on a more general level. Norms of right and wrong are
communicated while avoiding an authoritative tone.
Verbal behavior is also important. Several narratives emphasize the value
of words. Turi mentions, for instance, that ulda like people who speak in an
appropriate way.
Ja eai ulddat liiko juoke olbmui, sii liikojit dakkrii, geas leat hppes
vuovttat ja leat rehalaat, ja mhttet humahallat nu ahte sii liikojit.
(Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:156)
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The ulda do not like all kinds of folk, they like those who have black
hair and are honest and can talk well, so that it pleases them.
Ulda might prefer a certain way of talking, but this comment also emphasizes the
significance of knowing when to talk and when to remain silent. In the same text,
Turi tells how one should remain silent when one hears ulda.
Ja jos nubbi nubbi dadj : gul, mii dat gullo!, de ii gullo ii miige.
(Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:156)
And if one says to another: Listen, do you hear that? Then you
dont hear anything anymore.
Ulda disappear as soon as they hear a voice, which indicates that they give
attention to words. Speech appears as having a significant role in social relations.
When Turi tells about how one has to talk in a way that is appreciated by ulda, he
might also refer to a rule of conversation among Smi. This can also indicate a
preference of language - Smi - or a way to speak and behave. Turi underscores
the importance of words at specific occasions. When sacrifices are performed,
giving and wording are both central. One should think about the ulda and give
them something, stating Mon attn dan didjiide (I give you this) or Jugis don nai
mu gfes ja veahket mu ain (Drink of my coffee and keep helping me).
Several stories underscore the significance of keeping ones word. To
not respect what one has agreed to, as well as to tell lies, would have serious
consequences. As mentioned previously, informants told Qvigstad narratives
about how to behave toward a sieidi and illustrated what could happen if one
did not show proper respect. Qvigstad collected twelve texts about sacred places
which he published in Lappiske eventyr og sagn II. The storytellers emphasize the
significance of proper behavior in these places, both in terms of acts, thoughts
and words. Anders Larsen is one of the narrators reporting the case of someone
who got in trouble because he lied to the stone:
Muttomin loppedi okta olmai, go mdda sugai: Jos mon goddam

balda, de glgak oaot olit. Son goddi stuora balda; muttu go
boi grge buotta, de djja: Bika mon dunnji ddan, muttu im
baldaolit. J de ddai nu grra dalki, tte illa son birgihi jeas,
viku lei dst owdala nu goalki j buorre dalki. Dm oaoi son,
go betti sieidi. (Qvigstad, 1928:508-510)
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Once a man promised, when he passed by [the sieidi ]: If I get a

halibut, then you will get the intestines. He caught a big halibut;
but when he came before the stone, he said: I give you some
shit, but no intestines. And then came a storm, so that he barely
survived, although the weather had been calm and nice just before.
This misfortune he received because he swindled the sieidi.
Telling the truth and keeping promises can be interpreted as different ways
of showing respect. We are told that ulda can be both helpful and harmful to
people. One has to make proof of respect through sacrifices and by taking into
account their potential presence when setting up camp (e.g. Friis, 1871:41; Turi,
[1910] 1987 -b:157). Just like the sieidi, they are part of the environment that we,
people, must adapt to. Narratives can be viewed, in this sense, as part of the
socialization process of community members, and articulations of social norms
for the group.
Words have certain power. Spoken words are said to have great significance
when encountering or addressing the ulda as highlighted by invocational and ritual
aspects. Narratives about how speech defeats enemies also indicate that written
words are powerful as well. One such story is the report of a man who defeated
the ruoat thanks to the letters he wrote. Lars Levi Laestadius gives us an account
from Finnmark of this event that he dates from the sixteenth century:
When the Russian ship was spotted, the preacher wrote something
on three successive slips of paper and threw the papers into the sea.
After he had done this a third time, a storm rose from the west and
tossed the boat back onto a steep, craggy shore off Sverholt. From
there the men were hurled into a cavern in the mountainside from
which they could not escape. (Laestadius, 2002:262)
The written words stand in this story for a powerful weapon against the enemies.
An account of the event was recorded by Qvigstad from Per Br (Qvigstad,
1928:574) as discussed in Chapter Four. The Swedish scholar Harald Grundstrm
also collected a similar story in Lule Lapland (Grundstrm: archives).
In all these examples, the main focus lies on respect. One message articulated
is that making proof of respect brings with it the chance of benefitting from the
help of others. In this way, group cohesion and collaboration are presented as the
norm or ideal. Storytelling also warns of the consequences of acts of disrespect,
such as lies or swindling. As in the following examples about theft, narratives
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illustrate through other beings ideal human behavior, elaborating a discourse

about morals and expected behavior.
To take and to give

Ownership becomes a theme in Smi storytelling through narratives of gifts,
wealth, swindling or stealing. The topic of theft has been observed in the study
of Turis texts. Reindeer theft occurred, causing great suspicion between the
Smi groups. The issue of responsibility in storytelling has noted the delicacy
of this topic. Turi uses metaphors and various degrees of responsibility when
approaching the subject, as discussed in Chapter Three. The difficulty of bringing
up such a sensitive matter would explain the use of secretive strategies, expressing
a message in covert terms.
Property and its eventual loss is articulated in other repertoires, in a more
indirect way. Isak Eira, for instance, told the story of a man who saw an ulda cow.
His friend tells him what to do in order to appropriate the animal.
Moai vulge dan gusa lusa, ja don galgat gat alohi aive dan gusa
nala, ja go moai botte nu lakka, atte moai nagudedne balkestit
niibi, nu atte manna baggjel dan gusa ielgi gidda nubbe bllai, de
mun diean, atte jus l uldaid gussa, de moai ou dan alcesme,
go ledne nu dakkan. (Qvigstad, 1928:428-430)
We go to this cow, and you must look only at this cow, and when we
come so close that we can throw a knife over the back of the cow
to the other side, then I know that if it is an ulda cow, we will get it
for ourselves, once we have done this.
Doing so, they obtain the cow and milk it. Later, an old woman comes asking for
her cow back.
De oaoi boares akko dan gusa, ja dina lagin oaoi uldaid-akko

ieas gusa, go divai daggar burid olbmuid guowdo, mah addiga
ruoktot burin mielain.(Qvigstad, 1928:430)
Then the old woman got her cow back, and this is why she got
it: because she had met good people who gave it back to her
willingly.
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The event and its outcome are described with a certain valuation in term of right
and wrong. Value is put in the designation of the men as burid olbmuid (good
people) and of the mans act when giving back the animal with burin mielain
(with good will). The orientation toward the issue of ownership in terms of
norms and morals indicates that the narrator, Eira, expresses the same message
as Turi. He avers indirectly that it would be wrong to keep an animal that belongs
to someone else, and that what has been taken should be given back.
Utsi told Qvigstad a similar story about a man who finds an ulda cow. The
protagonist is rewarded when giving the cow back to its owner, an old ulda
woman. He first lies and says he does not have the cow, but changes his mind
when the ulda tells him he will receive a gold ring if he gives it back (Qvigstad,
1928:432). In this narrative, the greediness of the protagonist contrasts with the
act of giving back the animal to the owner. The narrative actually ends with the
protagonist becoming as poor as he originally was because of his greed and
pride.
These narratives bring up this topic of animal theft in a different manner.
They provide an explanation to the disappearance or finding of cattle, and
legitimate a possible appropriation of animals without making it appear as an act
of stealing. At the time the texts were recorded, reindeer theft was clearly an issue
and caused conflicts between Smi groups and between Smi and settlers. The
story of the ulda and the cow can be interpreted as a metaphor for the herding
Smi and their reindeer. The fact that the narratives feature an ulda woman and
a cow - an animal that is not related to the Smi as strongly as the reindeer - is
a way to bring up the delicate issue of theft in the community in an implicit
way. Examples illustrated in a metaphoric way may serve as models for proper
behavior and articulate norms and values about how to act with other persons
property.
Other forms of theft are reported in Smi narratives. Smierghttu, for instance,
steals milk or butter. Utsi is one of the narrators who tell of a specific instance
when someone discovered a smierghttu. The character in the account decided to
exterminate the creature which intended to steal.
De njagahi muoraa gitti ja manai ja aski jamas dan. Dat lei

smiergatto. Ja bijai dolli, ja jur daggavii buoccai nubbi dalo mit
ja addai hui hitot. (Qvigstad, 1928:502)
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Then she came stealthily and took a piece of wood and went to
beat it to death. It was a smierghttu. And she put it in the fire and
suddenly the woman in the other farm became ill and very sick.
The thieving woman is thus punished for her wrongdoings. The consequences
of stealing are told in an explicit manner. In narratives where the owner of the
smierghttu is found, he/she gets sick or dies. An evaluation is thus formulated
which sets values in terms of right or wrong.
The motif of the smierghttu is mentioned by Lars Levi Laestadius. He reports
that a smierghttu is created out of drops of blood with the help of the devil
(Laestadius, 2002:131). The involvement of the devil in the process enhances the
Christian values condemning stealing. The theme of the smierghttu or buttercat
in folk beliefs can also be found in other traditions where stock farming plays a
central role (Sydow, 1935:127; Tatr, 1987). The protagonists, the environment
and the religious values in different narratives about the smierghttu witness the
heteroglossia that existed in the spatial and temporal context of emergence of
these narratives. Smi narrators lived at the crossroads of different cultures and
influences, and the socio-ideological languages related to Smi beliefs and the
natural milieu coexist with other socio-ideological languages related to settlers,
Norwegian farmers and Christianity.
Another, more drastic, example where wealth and property motivates
immoral acts is reported by Utsi.
Mi lt gullan: das owde aigi siste lt adnan olbmut ollo goanstaid

riggostuvvan varas. Dat lt adnan girkosadduid, maiguin jugahit
olbmuid, vai bissut riggisin, ja dat galga fuolki lt, gsa jugahit.
We have heard that in the old times, people have used many tricks
to become rich. They have given people sand from the churchyard
to drink in order that they might remain rich; it has to be a relative
to whom the drink is given.
The potion made of churchyard sand is meant to kill the one who drinks it.
The explanation given of the act is the intention to take someone elses property.
The narrator does not refer to any specific protagonist, time or place, and remains
vague in the description, avoiding responsibility for the information detailed in
the text. This imprecision could indicate that the narratives are more about the
eagerness to become rich than the means of achieving it.
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Longing and hope for wealth become expressed in narratives about hidden
treasures in Spmi. According to Br, treasures that originally belonged to the
Smi have been hidden by ruoat.
Dalle go vainot leggje, de lt ruoat rievidam ollo ruaid ja silba ja

golli, atte vitta logi olbma guoddim-noai, lei, ja dat lt oarjablde
Guowdagino varri, maid goudek Raisduoddar-haldi, ja lk
dam varrai iekkam, ja hirbmad stuora ggi lae nalde. (Qvigstad,
1928:466)
Back in war times, the ruoat stole a lot of money and silver and gold,
so much that it took fifty men to carry it, and there is a mountain
west of Guovdageaidnu, which is called Risduottar-haldi, and they
hid [the goods] on that mountain, and there is a terribly big stone
on it.
According to Br, many are those who have seen or heard about these treasures,
and only a few have succeeded in obtaining one. By stating that the treasures
originally belonged to the Smi, Br justifies treasure hunting as recovery of
stolen property.
The correlation between taking and giving - reciprocity - becomes expressed
explicitly in narratives about sieidi, sacred stones or sites of sacrifice. Several
narratives report how someone who took an artifact from a sieidi became seriously
ill but recovered after having replaced the stolen object, like in the following
example by Br.
Mattis Mattisen Htta (dat lei mu addjarokki viellja) vazzi muttimin

dam guora ja valdi orvid. De son gosi raimahalla daiguim; de riemai
dego mnahuvvat, ja almek sewnjude. Son ferti maccat doalvot
ruoktot smma gge gurri. (Qvigstad, 1928:512)
Mattis Mattisen Haetta (he was the brother of my deceased

grandfather) was once walking there [by a stone] and took some
horns. Then he became almost scared of them; he began to fall into
a swoon, and it went dark before his eyes. He had to go back and
return the horns to the same stone.
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Similarly, Eira told how a man who took a buckle and a spoon from a sieidi site
could not sleep. He had to return them to the stone so that he could sleep again
(Qvigstad, 1928:520). Utsi told of a woman who made the same mistake:
I son masan; de valdi son baste ja vulgi. Go leiga ollen ruoktot,

de buoccai ja addai hui hitot. (Qvigstad, 1928:516)
She could not resist; she took the spoon and went home. When
they had come home, she became sick and very ill.
The sieidi and their power make clear that it is wrong to take something from
sacred places. Consequences are articulated tangibly through illness. These
examples illustrate socially condemned behavior such as theft and the importance
of respecting sacred ground, even if it belongs to the old religion of the pre-
Christian past.
In a similar fashion as in narratives about ulda animals, the behavior of the
protagonists in the texts about sieidi sites can be understood as metaphors for
social relations. They illustrate a relationship in which one takes from one another
and does not show respect, and consequently ends up in a difficult position. The
major difference between narratives about ulda and smierghttu compared to those
about sieidi regards the forms of respect they illustrate. Taking, borrowing or
stealing from a sieidi site point to respect toward the former religion rather than
toward other community members.
Lappologists and scholars in history of religion have documented and
analyzed such a conception of exchange with specific reference to the bear
ceremonial (e.g. Bckman and Hultkrantz, 1978; Fjellstrm, 1755 [1981]). Bear
hunting was practiced by the Smi, but the bear itself was considered as a loan
from nature, and its bones had to be buried and positioned in the grave in the
same order as they would in the corpse. This ritual act aimed at the reconstitution
and restitution of the animal after its consumption. The act of returning the bear
through its burial articulates the Smis traditional conception of property. In a
time of intense social change such as when the narratives under focus emerged,
various discourses on property were articulated, and may variously express the
same discourse.
Narratives where ownership and theft are illustrated express a view of
the concept of property. Characters like smiergahttu and ulda as well as objects
such as sieidi provide examples of proper behavior when giving or taking. The
characters and specific situations in the texts illustrate relationships that can, in
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a metaphorical way, be understood as advice and guidelines for social relations

between community members. Views of property are to some extent culturally
determined, and the transformations occurring in the Smi community at the time
the narratives were collected can be considered as factors influencing relations
toward property. At the end of the nineteenth century, significant changes that
affected the Smi at different levels were taking place: industrialization hastened
reindeer herders in their shift toward a monetary economy; in northern Sweden,
the construction of the railway contributed to the increase of sedentary life. Bad
winters in the 1930s resulted in the loss of major portions of herds (Ruong,
1982a:116ff). These changes in economic systems can also be considered as
triggers for social changes in the community, for instance concerning gender
relations (Amft, 2000) or values regarding property. Legislation over reindeer
herding, for instance, inscribed a new approach to the concept. In Sweden, the
Reindeer Grazing Act of 1886 entailed a collectivization of grazing lands, formerly
specific areas for family groups. Therefore, a transition from open land access
to a judicially regulated collective access occurred. Although the Smi may have
been familiar with the concept of private property regarding land (Korpijaakko-
Labba, 1994), the traditional relationship to nature was nevertheless not based
on the concept of ownership. Game or water were not considered to belong to
anyone other than nature itself. Property appeared as an imposed value that came
with the settlers along with laws governing land ownership and payment for land
and resource exploitation.
The Smi multimedia artist Nils-Aslak Valkeap (1943-2001) describes in
an exceptional and expressive way the meeting between different approaches
to nature and property. His famous poem in the anthology Ruoktu Vimmus
(1985) (My home is in my heart (1994)) gives us indications of the emotional
implications of this meeting for the Smi.
Mu ruoktu lea mu vimmus My home is in my heart

ja dat joht mu mielde [] it migrates with me []
ja don uout mu seaggas You are standing in my bed

mu hivsset lea duoid miestagiid duohkin my privy is behind the bushes
beaivi lea mu lmpu the sun is my lamp
jvri lvgunlihtti the lake my wash bowl
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Mot ilget How can I explain

ahte vibmu lea mu ruoktu that my home is in my heart
ja dat sirdsa mu mielde and it moves with me
Mot ilget How can I explain
ahte doppe orrot maiddi eart that others live there too
mu vieljat ja oappt my brothers and sister
Dat bohtet They come

ja jerret gos du ruoktu lea and ask where is your home
Dat buktet bhpiriid they come with papers
ja dadjet and say
dt ii leat geange this belongs to nobody
dt lea Riikka eanan this is government land
Riikka visot everything belongs to the State
Dat ohcet asss duolva girjjiid They bring out dingy fat books
ja dadjet and say
d lea lhka this is the law
ja dt guosk dunai it applies to you too
(Valkeap, 1985) (Valkeap, 1994a)
This poem, written in 1985, refers to the issue of land rights legislation that had
weakened the rights of the Smi. The question was of immediate relevance at
the time Valkeap wrote his poem in the context of the Skattefjll affair (1966-
1981), a longstanding trial centered on the issue of land rights. The Smi did not
win the case, but their position was strengthened nonetheless (Ruong, 1982a:209-
211). The poem remains of immediate interest at the beginning of the twenty
first century, as a trial between land owners and reindeer herders in the province
of Vsterbotten attests1. Also, it witnesses the historical aspects of the issue in
the aftermath of the Reindeer Grazing Act of 1886.
Discourse about ownership and theft most likely did not emerge for the
first time in Smi narratives at the time when Qvigstad made his collections as a
direct consequence of the previously mentioned changes concerning the Smi
community. But the extent of the occurrence of the motif in Smi storytelling
tradition at the beginning of the twentieth century indicates a need to articulate
and reproduce discourse on this issue.
1
A judgment in favor to the reindeer herders was established at the second instance in
September 2007.
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Besides the political consequences of property rights, the relational aspects of

the increase of contacts between different social and ethnic groups must also
have influenced the views of the Smi on property in everyday life. Storytelling
helps produce and reproduce discourse about ownership and theft. Problems of
reindeer theft as well as other forms of swindling intensified tensions between
Smi groups and individuals. Relations in Spmi did not only concern majority
and minority groups or farmers and reindeer herders. Different Smi groups had
to share the land as a result of coercive translocations. Border regulations forced
Smi from the northern part of Spmi to move southward. As illustrated in
Turis Muitalus smiid birra, friendly relationships between the Smi groups could
be jeopardized because of theft and suspicion.
The Smi were also sometimes victims of swindling on the part of settlers
(e.g. Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:28), which had consequences on their attitudes toward
property. In Smi narratives such as the examples previously cited, we can discern
a discourse about delimitations of what is mine and what is yours. This
discourse expresses a need to articulate relationships in the community regarding
ownership. For the North Smi community, such a discourse would implicitly
refer to the traditional means of relating to nature - like hunting and the bear
burial - in terms of borrowing rather than owning.
Implications
As regards the implications of this discourse on social practice, we can assume
that storytelling in its content and didactic effects must have exercised a noticeable
influence on community members. Narratives as illustrations of behavior, for
instance in relation to property, encourage certain practices and condemn others.
Norms become clearly expressed in the texts in terms of right and wrong. This
dichotomy, also expressed in religious discourse, takes shape in a didactic and
appealing way through storytelling. The normative aspect of folklore, and more
specifically narratives, becomes evident in narratives about social relations,
protection of the youngest community members, respect and ownership.
The analysis of narratives that depict relations between youth highlights
different ways of bringing up the topic of intergroup contacts through storytelling.
Texts about social norms within the community emphasize the significance
of being acquainted with the process and the rules to follow when courting,
proposing and marrying. The illustration of a relation with an ulda teaches the
consequences of premarital sex. As for the stories reporting relationships with
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Stllu, they metaphorically illustrate exogamy. Youth and marriage are of concern
since they have implications for the future of the community (Kvist, 1988). The
texts have to be understood in the context of their time, when exogamy was an
uncommon phenomenon.
Mixed marriage did occur in Spmi, and other data let us know how it
was perceived. A Smi informant, Anders Bergqvist from the Smi village of
Offerdal, born in 1901, reports in an interview the view about such relationships
when he grew up:
Lapp skulle gifta sig med en lapp, att gifta sig med en svensk/
svenska ansgs som mycket opassande. Det ansg i varje fall de
gamla. Men nd fanns det bondflickor som gifte sig med lappojkar
och blev de bsta husmdrar man kan tnka sig i ett samiskt hushll
(Andersson, 2000:40).
A Smi should marry a Smi; to marry a Swedish man/woman

was considered very inappropriate. That is at least what the elders
considered. But anyway, there were peasant girls who married Smi
boys and became the best housewives one can imagine in a Smi
household.
Ellen Utsi, who expresses in her narratives mistrust about relations between
youth of reindeer herding families and settlers, articulated many years later her
stance on the topic in relation to her own life. In an interview in 1981, she tells
about a Swedish man who proposed to her.
Han ville at vi skulle gifte oss. Jag tvilte p om det kunne g bra, han
var ikke same.(Berg, 1981:77)
He wanted us to marry. I hesitated about whether it would work

out, he was not Smi.
It happened about 20 years after Qvigstad recorded her narratives. In 1946, she
married this man and they moved to Guovdageaidnu (Berg, 1981:77).
Based on interviews conducted with reindeer herders born at the beginning
of the last century in the North Smi area, Amft draws the conclusion that
endogamy was the norm among reindeer herders and that exogamy was looked
upon with disapproval (Amft, 2000:148ff). The material she collected from Smi
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informants indicates that exogamy was still rather uncommon at that time; it is
only in the late 1900s that the phenomenon became more widespread.
Through storytelling, a discourse about relationships is articulated. Norms
of right and wrong in terms of taking or stealing as well as the ideal of endogamy
emerge from the texts. The problem of theft and the phenomenon of exogamy
created a need to tell - and produce discourse - about these experiences which
threatened the social order.
The influence of the Church in the expression of discourse about social norms
and values concerning stealing, lying and related themes is not to be neglected.
The norms and values expressed in narratives reveal a heteroglossia of different
socio-ideological influences. Religion and traditional folk beliefs both become
expressed in storytelling. The polyphony expressed by the narrators and the high
degree of interdiscursivity witness social change regarding norms and values that
had been going on in Spmi at that time.
Concluding Remarks
The study of normative discourse in narratives underscores the social aspects of
storytelling. Legends, when approached in terms of intertextuality and collective
tradition, draw attention to topics of significance for the group in which they
emerged. Concern for children and youth, issues of marriage and choice of a
partner as well as relation to property appear as central topics in the discourse of
the community. The effects of this discourse concern moral and proper behavior
within the group. Narratives are illustrative guidelines for community members.
The interdiscursivity that emerges in the narratives witnesses the coexistence of
different discourses at the same time, which expresses change.
Narratives express values of significance for the group; embodied norms are
illustrated pedagogically in narratives. Social relationships within the group and
with others are exemplified in the stories, emphasizing the role of storytelling in
the education and the socialization of community members. This also confirms
the didactic role of storytelling. In a pedagogical way, narratives teach a social
language and generate membership in the community.
However, storytelling does not necessarily correspond to factual reality.
With Dundes, I believe that Folklore furnishes a socially sanctioned outlet for
cultural pressure points and individual anxieties (Dundes, 1980:x). Significant
topics can emerge in allegorical or even speculative ways. A story still has to be
entertaining; it is not only meant to teach or provoke. Skillful narrators play with
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the borders between fiction, narration and reality. The statements and messages
expressed in narratives create a discourse about a norm, an ideal-type that does
not necessarily mean a single alternative, but rather a reference to keep in sight.
In the next chapter, other social aspects of folklore are analyzed, more
precisely discourses about the Other and their implications for Smi identity.
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Chapter Seven: Defensive Folklore.

The enemy as factor of cohesion in Smi
narratives
Speech may create peace, as it may destroy it. It is like fire. - (Hampat-B, 1981:171)
While the previous chapter was concerned with social norms and relations in
narratives, the present one centers on narratives about enemies with focus on
hostility and danger and their effects on Smi identity. The extensiveness of
narratives about enemies and the extreme violence expressed in certain texts
make the choice of a specific chapter dedicated to the topic obvious. A discourse
about hostile beings and violence is produced and reproduced, expressing a need
to define the group and the Other. This chapter investigates the construction
of collective identity through discourse and highlights the implications that
narratives can have on the creation and preservation of a group identity.
Narratives comprise a defensive discourse that enhances the need of the group
to protect itself - literally and metaphorically - and emphasizes the importance
of solidarity and cohesion.
With the intention of avoiding the academic clich of the Other (Conrad,
2000), i.e. the generalization of a character, for instance Stllu, and interpretation
of this representation as the ethnic Other, the variation in characters should be
taken into account. Hence, we rather view narrative enemies as roles rather than
predetermined protagonists. Ambiguity and variation are two components of
folklore, therefore the approach of a discourse about membership and otherness
in narratives should be based on discourse analysis and not on a genre study.
Folklore and Identity

Violence and cruelty in storytelling are not specific to Smi folklore. As Barbro
Klein observes, evil is a prominent theme in folklore:
Folkloren r full av ondska. Myter, sgner, sagor, snger, vitsar

och gtor vrlden ver r skrckkataloger fulla av kannibalism,
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barnamord, tortyr och rasism i vldsamma former. Samtidigt

associeras ofta folklitteraturen till det som r vackert, bra och
identitetsskapande i en positiv bemrkelse. (Klein, 1993:129)
Folklore is filled with evil. Myths, legends, tales, songs, jokes and
riddles all over the world are catalogues of horror filled with
cannibalism, infanticide, torture and racism in violent forms. At
the same time, folk literature is often associated with something
beautiful, good and shaping identity in a positive sense.
Despite cannibalism, infanticide, torture and racism, or rather thanks to these

themes, violent narratives can be viewed as shaping identity in a positive sense
when approached as a defense strategy.
Many traditional North Smi narratives focus on how the Smi managed
to face difficult situations and defeat strong enemies. The ogre Stllu and the
plunderers uit are recurrent characters in Smi storytelling. Storytellers report
how Smi were plundered and even murdered, and how the protagonists had
to fight to survive and protect the group. Narratives also paint a portrait of the
Smi and of their enemies.
Previous research has underscored how folklore produces discourse about
the Other. External relationships become apparent in storytelling, in the case
of the Smi through hostile characters. According to DuBois, some narratives
create a native discourse of insider/outsider conflicts. The minority status of
the Smi in northern Scandinavia, northern Finland and the Kola Peninsula has
meant an imbalanced relationship with the majority, with a consequential need
to defend and protect itself as a culture and as an ethnic group (DuBois, 1995).
The emergence of historical events and aspects in Smi narratives has also been
approached by Stoor. In his study of narratives about a church set on fire by
Swedes, causing the death of the Smi congregation within, Stoor proposes that
the story may express the relationship between the Smi and the empowered
majority (Stoor, 2004). It is certain that aspects of significance in the history of a
minority, power relations, and its management have left traces in the storytelling
tradition.
Accounts of relations can be based on factual or fictional situations. The
description as such gives us a report of how Smi have experienced, worded
and transmitted knowledge about encounters with others. Regardless of whether
these encounters actually took place as described in the narratives, they give us
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important information about the way the Smi constructed a response to the
Other.
The role of storytelling in the formation of cultural identity has been
observed elsewhere (Arvidsson, 1999:32; Mathisen, 1993). The conception of
identity, Mathisen states, has two major connotations: the feeling of continuity
and the implication of being different from others (Mathisen, 1993:37). The
elaboration of a discourse about contrasting identities and dichotomization of
values plays a significant role in the marking of symbolic boundaries between
us and them. (Ibid.)
Research on ethnicity has emphasized the role of contacts in the elaboration
of ethnic identity.
Ethnicity emerges and is made relevant through social situations

and encounters, and through peoples ways of coping with the
demands and challenges of life. (Eriksen, 1993:1)
Storytelling expresses social situations and encounters and illustrates ways

of coping with the demands and challenges of life. Therefore, processes of
elaboration of ethnicity can be observed in narration.
In the corpus under focus, the elaboration of a Smi identity in narratives is
achieved through a presentation of the enemy as an outsider and of the Smi as
a homogeneous united group.
The Enemy
The enemy is represented in North Smi storytelling in different forms. In some
narratives, it is the mean giant Stllu. In other stories, an ethnic group called
uit embodies the evil persecuting the Smi. Other stories present the enemy as
Norwegians.
The factual origin of the characters in Smi narratives has been discussed by
various scholars. The character of Stllu has been given an historical explanation
(e.g. Kjellstrm, 1976:76); according to some it could refer to the Vikings
(Laestadius, 2002:252); a psychoanalytical interpretation of the character has also
been given (Lagercrantz, 1950). According to Saressalo, the staalo represents an
outside threat that cannot be directly concretized (Saressalo, 1987:256).
As for the uit, also called ruoat (Russians) or garjilat (Karelians), their
connection to an ethnic group from Russia is unclear. Laestadius points to a
historical background for these characters.
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The Lapps Tjudeh- and Karjel-stories have the firmest basis in

history. The Lapps have had skirmishes with these people, and
there are still signs of them everywhere in Lapland. The Tsuuds and
the Karelians were enemy raiders who came to Lapland in groups
of hundreds and robbed the Lapps property. Because of these
enemies Lapps had to crawl into earth excavations and live in them
(Laestadius, 2002:253-254).
Laestadius is careful in his affirmations but believes that uit was a general name
used by the Smi that covered different enemy groups such as Karelians, Finns
and Russian groups (Laestadius, 2002:254). According to DuBois (1995), these
enemies are the expression of the historical struggle for land among Saami,
Russians, Finns, Karelians and Scandinavians (DuBois, 1995:68).
If we can agree that history leaves traces in storytelling, it would nonetheless
be hazardous and difficult to draw any conclusion about the factual origin of
the enemies present in storytelling. In an analysis of the discourse expressed in
narratives, the emergence of the characters is actually not of immediate interest.
Regarding the historical value of legends, folklorist Lindow (1978) points out
that the facts behind the construction of a legend are less interesting than the
relevance it has for the community in which this legend is told.
Today no one would doubt that legends sometimes do contain

material that is anomalous because retained from an earlier cultural
stage; but the legends themselves are told because they are relevant
to the culture of the storyteller and his listeners. (Lindow, 1978:25)
In accordance with this perspective, a receptionalist approach focusing on what

the stories meant for the North Smi community in the early 1900s allow us
to understand their implications in context. The ethnic or national identity of
the enemy is therefore of less significance than what it might represent for the
audience. The Other is not an explicitly identified ethnic other. Furthermore,
the ethnic other is not always an enemy. Narrators also tell the case of Smi
and Norwegians who collaborate and defeat the uit together (see e.g. Qvigstad,
1928:566). Stllu, uit and other protagonists represent a danger and are described
as enemies because of their behaviors.
In the case of Smi storytelling, common traits of character facilitate the
identification of the enemy. One peculiarity of the enemy is that he is always
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Copplie Cocq
someone from outside the community, and he speaks a foreign language. As

Johan Turi puts it:
Smit gulahalle visot, maid ruoat hupme. Ja dat leat leama

manjimu ruoat. (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:152)
And the Smi understood everything the ruoat said. And those
were the last ruoat.
The outcome of the narratives indicates that Turis use of the term ruoat
does not refer to people living in Russia. We can not really know which language
they spoke, but Russian and Smi are not linguistically closely related, and
the comprehension of each others languages would require special acquired
knowledge and prolonged contact.
In another story by Ole Naustnes in Qvigstads publication, we can read:
De gulla duot niso dan guovto sagait, go dak sardnuigan suomagilli.

The [Smi] woman understood what they were talking about, since
they [the Stllu family] were speaking Finnish.
The multilingual context of the narrator and his context are reflected in this
text.
Lagercrantz reports a story where Stllu is said to speak his own language
(Lagercrantz, 1959:40-41), without further information about the language
in question. The fact that Stllu speaks a different language than the Smi is
emphasized, underscoring that he is an outsider.
Also the uit are described as speaking Finnish by Anders Nilsen (Qvigstad,
1928:562). An anonymous storyteller interviewed by G. Balke, one of Qvigstads
coworkers, makes use of code switching, reporting the speech of the enemy
in Finnish (Qvigstad, 1928:558). He illustrates how his character can cross
over between the world of his people and that of his enemies. Code switching
also places the narrator and the group he represents in a dominant position by
demonstrating how the character manages the language of the enemy, while
nothing indicates that the enemy understands Smi language. This aspect places
the Smi character in an advantageous position in terms of power relations.
The fact is that multilingualism was, and still is, quite common among Smi,
who mastered not only their own language, but also languages of the majority.
208
Smi living at the junction of the northernmost borders could master Swedish,
Norwegian and Finnish in addition to North Smi. In narratives, multilingualism
is portrayed as a positive quality, reversing the attitude of condemnation toward
minority languages found commonly in the political discourse at the time,
discussed in Chapter 2.
There are, however, exceptions to this multilingualism in narratives. In the
following example told by Ole Tappio, two brothers do not understand the
language of the enemy:
okkadeddinska gullv, go olbmuk hallek lkk, vage adde,

mid gielaid halek; mnnv suoli lgbuidi oaidnim ditti, gk dk
lk, josgo mid bahalaid. uek okknm stuorr or ovt
sddjai bordit. (Qvigstad, 1928:556)
While they were there sitting, they hear people talking near to them,
and they do not understand what language they speak; they go
closer in secret to look who is there, whether it was some evil ones.
The uit, a big herd, had stayed to sit and eat at this same place.
The unknown language, as well as the ones who speak it, is perceived as a
danger.
This distinction defines a difference between the groups, and thus an ethnic
boundary. Therefore, marking the difference reinforces membership within the
Smi group by emphasizing what they have in common. From this standpoint,
the identity of the enemy is of minor significance. It can be considered a single
role, since it has the same characteristics and is depicted similarly in the different
legends, that is, as the personification of extrinsic danger.
A common characteristic is that this enemy is an intruder. He fishes and
settles down in the Smis traditional areas.
Stllu orui dan seamm Stlojvregttis. Ja sus leai hkk ja brdni ja

nieida. Jas sii bivde guliid ja gottiid ja spmelaaid bohccuid. (Turi,
[1910] 1987 -b:138)
Stllu lived by that same Stallojaure. And he had a wife and a son
and a daughter, and they caught fish and wild reindeer and the
Smis reindeer.
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Copplie Cocq
Turi tells us in another legend how newcomers settle down in Smi areas, forcing
Smi away from their dwelling places (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:18). The Smi must
retreat, or become drawn into a fight where at least one person loses his life.
Ja go eai drrolaat ahten oon [sin] ballt guhkibui, de lge

rievvut visot maid gvdne, vuosttid, milkkiid ja duljiid ja gusaid. Ja
soames smi godde maidd. (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:18)
And when the Norwegians could not frighten them any farther
away they began to steal everything they could find: cheese, milk
and skins and cows. And one and another Smi they killed.
The enemy is described specifically, and it is noticeable how different from the
Smi he is in his behavior.
The intrusion and persecution by the enemy cause the Smi to hide, as several
accounts in Qvigstads Lappiske eventyr og sagn II report. Smi families go into
hiding underground for fear of the uit, as in this example by Ole Johnsen:
Boares aike muitale dak buorrasak, makka leddjen dan aike

llemen, go garjelak botte svnska baddjel hui Norji: de ballagotte
sabmelaak hggainasak ja battaresgotte Orruhi dan aske nala, ja
si balle godit allasasak dnaman sisa, nuvt att sisamanno sin goade
sisa li jawregadden aarajen, nuvt att garjelak i gawnam sin.
In the old days, the old ones who lived at the time when the
Karelians came from Sweden to Norway used to tell: then the Smi
got scared for their lives and fled to Oros up on the plain between
two mountains, and they dig themselves tents on the ground, such
as the entrance to the tent was at the edge of the water by the shore
of the lake, so that the Karelians did not find them.
The enemys behavior is also repellent. In one of the stories, we are told how
Stllu suggests that his wife use meat to clean the babys excrement, while they
are eating. The mother of the child, a Smi woman Stllu has managed to seduce,
decides then to escape and returns to her own people (Qvigstad, 1928:638).
A similar story is reported in Lagercrantzs Lappische Volkdichtung (Lagercrantz,
1958:218). Lagercrantzs publications also contain a text where Stllu urinates in
the cooking pot (Lagercrantz, 1959:27).
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The deviant behavior of Stllu and the revulsion his manners incur highlights
clearly that he belongs to another community or world. Simple hygiene rules are
unknown to the being, who consequently cannot be considered a peer.
Deviance in behavior is not only related to Stllu, but also to other enemies.
In another legend, this time about the ruoat, the enemy is presented as repulsive
and violating normality.
Ja de okta ruoa algii baiket, ja de soitii baiket jur goae nala. Ja de

manat oidni, atte olmu baika rppenis vulus; de manat urvut, ate
ale baike siin malesgieudnai!. (Turi, 1918:95)
And then a ruoa began to defecate; and then he happened to

defecate right upon the goahti. And when the children saw that a
person was defecating down through the smokehole they shouted
Dont crap in our cook-pot!
The characteristics of the Other provide an inverse image of the characteristics

that a normal community member is expected to possess. By pointing out what
is wrong or distasteful, the opposite qualities are reinforced.
The Smi and Stllu are described positively or negatively in turn through
certain characteristics. Intertextuality underscores that a subject the Smi and
a subject the enemy are created in narratives through recurrent characteristics.
The elaboration of these subjects contributes to the articulation of a discourse
about the community members and others - consequently about the Other.
The Stllu tradition is characterized by a narrative outcome to the advantage
of the Smi and the defeat of the evil ogre. In most of the narratives, Stllu is
overcome by Smi ruse. The foolishness and ignorance of Stllu become evident
in narratives with recurrent motifs such as when he mistakes a dressed tree stump
for his girlfriend or in texts where a smart Smi boy convinces him to pour
melted tin in his eyes so that he would have better sight. Similarly, the uit are
easily fooled by the Smi. A lonesome anti-hero (a young boy or an older woman)
lures a band of enemies to follow a torch down a hill in the dark, causing them to
plunge to their death (Qvigstad, 1928:528ff; Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:150-151).
The subject constructed in narration, the Smi, is presented as possessing
different qualities that make them able to overcome the enemy. First of all, they
are clever. Although outnumbered, they manage to defeat all the enemies, who
are depicted as ignorant and nave. The Smi possess something that the enemy
lacks and which is priceless: knowledge. Many narratives refer to the knowledge
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of the elders. The father is the one in possession of the knowledge about what
has happened to the disappeared daughter and about how to defeat Stllu. Stllu,
on the other hand, is always depicted as stupid, ignorant and unaware of what
is going on. The wisdom of the older Smi is emphasized in comparison to
the stupidity of the enemy and the navet of the younger Smi. Knowledge is
presented as something exclusive that some possess while others do not. In one
of the legends, Peter Nilsen tells us:
Ja nieita ahip arvadalla: Stallo l ma da vuolkatam; val barhne

arvida maidak. (Qvigstad, 1929:538)
The girls father thought: Stllu is gone with her; but the boys do
not understand anything.
As soon as he notices that the girl is missing, he understands what has

happened.
There is a didactic aspect in the emphasis on the value of knowledge. It is
presented in narration as something needed and useful. Many narratives bring up
elements of traditional knowledge, which are necessary to the membership in the
community. The storyteller, too, is a source of knowledge in this context, and the
audience, by listening, gains access to this valuable commodity.
In the narratives, the Smi know who the enemy is, where he is and how to
overcome him/them.
Ja go ruoat bohte deidda bikkiide, de sii gue ovtta gvvilis

noaiddes gerega, jur dakko gokko dihte boahtime. (Turi, [1910]
1987 -b:152)
And when the ruoat came to that spot, the Smi left a wise old
noaide woman, just where they knew that the ruoat would come.
The stories intimate that the Smi can overcome the enemy thanks to the
knowledge they possess.
In contrast to the enemy, the Smi are not aggressive and evil, but rather
frightened and wishing to avoid conflicts:
De bohte meara mielde deike dn nuortadavveihkii ja de balde

smiid eret mearragttiin. Ja de smit bhtare vuovdegierragiidda.
(Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:17)
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The settlers began to come along the sea-coast up to this north-

east corner, and they frightened the Smi away from the sea-coast
and the Smi fled up into the highest forests. (Turi, 1931a:23)
Narratives report how Smi had to compete for land, or more exactly how they
had to forfeit their land to newcomers. In another text, we are told:
Ja sii rvale lgit soahtat, muhto eai dat duostan. (Turi, [1910] 1987
-b:18)
And they consulted together as to whether they could start to make

war [on the Norwegians], but they didnt dare.
Thus, Smi become refugees and victims. But eventually, they have to face the
conflict, and most of the time, they manage to overcome the enemy.
The fight against enemies can be considered an educational process in order
to access knowledge. The role of legends in the process of learning is also meant
to have significance. They warn through examples of the consequences of a lack
of knowledge.
In order to overcome Stllu and save the daughter, the young Smi men
must fulfill certain criteria, such as showing courage. In a story by Peter Nilsen,
we are told how a father tests his sons in order to find which of them is the most
courageous:
De bieddja ahip baldim-ridagau ahe-rudni-guorrai, maina

ghalet galga gaika barhnit, guhtel so dal buoemus, ja de raddja
vuorrasamus barhneu ai vieat; malistet galge ehkides. Ballai
vuorrasamus barni ja bodi aitaga. De raddja gaskalabmusau;
sbma dahta dagai, ballai. De raddja nuoramusau; de dat apmi
giepneu dan baldim-ridui; vuossi vel giehtai bai. De ahipavvusi.
And the father puts a scarecrow next to the water hole that was
made in the ice, with which he wanted to test all his sons, to see
who was bravest, and so he sends the oldest one to go get water;
they were to cook dinner in the evening. The oldest son was scared
and came back without any water. So the father sends the middle
son; he did the same, he was scared. So he sends the youngest one;
and that one hit the scarecrow with the water bucket. He rammed
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the water bucket into the scarecrow; but the handle was left in his
hand. And then the father rejoiced.
The most courageous will assist his father in the rescue of the captured daughter.
Strength is another quality that the Smi and Stllu compete over. One of the
legends tells about a wedding between Stllus son and a Smi girl. During the
ceremony, the girls brother and the young Stllu compete to determine who is
strongest. The contest eventually leads to the death of Stllus son. A recurrent
topic in narratives is the competition between Stllu and his farmhand to prove
who is strongest. The farmhand is victorious thanks to his ruse, while Stllu is
duped (see e.g. Qvigstad, 1928:242, 246, 250, 634).
In most stories, Stllu is described as irritable and ill-tempered. Rage, and
above all lack of self-control, is presented as a negative quality. It is rage that
leads to Stllus death, as when he forgets to dress and runs away in the bitter cold
chasing the Smi. Turi writes:
Ja de son suhtai nu, go stlut leatge leama hilbadat; go suhtte, de eai

diehtn, maid galggai vuohan dahkat (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:148).
And then he grew angry, as Stllu did whenever enraged; when they
grew angry they didnt know what they ought to do.
Rage seems to be deplored since it implies a lack of self-control, which holds

fatal consequences. These examples indicate that great value is attached to
qualities such as unity, courage, strength and wisdom by experience, whereas
deviant behavior is part of the enemys character.
The Other is not only different in character and behavior. Several aspects
in the narratives indicate that the enemy - be it Stllu, the uit or others - does
not belong to the human world. Consumption of human flesh occurs in Stllu
narratives, presenting Stllu as an animal rather than a human being. He is known
for kidnapping and eating Smi children.
Ja stlut godde olbmuid ja borre olbmuid, ja olbmot balle stlluin.

(Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:138)
And Stllu killed human beings and ate human beings, and human
beings feared Stllu. (Turi, 1931a:174)
In some texts, we can read how Stllu wants to eat his/her own children or
grandchildren. Also, Stllu is often lured into eating repulsive sorts of food
214
but does not notice it, for instance, a sausage made of Stllus own dogs blood
(Qvigstad, 1928:258-260) or of ashes (Qvigstad, 1928:252, 254). The use of
different types of food to characterize the protagonists and antagonists indicates
a distinction between human and non-human (Lvi-Strauss, 1979).
The topic of food in relation to the human and the beastly also occurs in
other narratives. The person who is kidnapped by the ulda, for instance, should not
eat their food, otherwise he/she will be unable to return (Qvigstad, 1928:408ff).
However, according to Qvigstads informant Erik Mikkelsen, some have tasted
their food and thought that it tasted like dirt (Qvigstad, 1928:418).
A dividing line between human and non-human also seems to be related
to Christianity. In a text about giants, the children of the giants are promised to
get to eat the flesh of a Christian (Samuelsen in Qvigstad, 1928:478), making
clear that the giants and the Christians belong to opposing worlds. As mentioned
in the previous chapter, the ulda do not take baptized children. Baptism and
Christianity in general mark a boundary between the human world and others
- supernormal beings, animals, enemies.
John Lindow (1978) presents an interesting analysis of the different
characters in Swedish legends in terms of unknown and familiarity, where the
key word is stranger (Lindow, 1978:55-56). In Smi legends, we can likewise
distinguish degrees of otherness. The ulda share common characteristics and
origin with the Smi, they live on familiar grounds. Stllu, on the other hand, lived
at undefined places and could be encountered anywhere in forest or mountains.
As for the uit, it is unclear where they come from and belong to. The level of
danger and fear described in narratives seems to be proportional to this degree
of otherness.
The elaboration of the subject the enemy in narratives is reinforced by the
construction of a discourse about violence and fear, as we discuss below.
Violence and Fear

Mutilation, impostures, pillaging, theft, persecution, murder: many narratives
present a form of violence as a prime element of the story. The victims of this
violence can be the Smi or their reindeer.
Ja go smit bohte dan vrri, de stlut dahke ein soames bah

smiide, muhtumin godde bohccuid, ja muhtumin skihpphalle
smit dan vris. (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:138)
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Copplie Cocq
And when the Smi came to that mountain, then Stllu always
did some harm to the Smi, sometimes they killed reindeer, and
sometimes Smi fell sick on that mountain. (Turi, 1931a:175)
The risks for injuries caused by Stllu represent a threat to the community. To
kill reindeer is a highly significant act, since the animals are essential to the Smi
livelihood.
Cruelty against the Smi is expressed in many narratives, in various ways.
A text recorded by Balke illustrates the brutality expressed in narratives. The
storyteller accounts for the outcome of a fight between Stllu and a man.
[D]e oppiti son vuoitalai, j de goddi stallo dm olbmu j valdi

j njuovai sust nakki j valdi su ham mieldis j manai ruoktut.
Then again he was defeated, and then Stllu killed that man and
took and flayed his skin and took his skin and went home.
This example, which is not the only text about Stllu flaying the skin of a man in
Qvigstads publications, inverts the social order that regulates relations between
men and animals. Here, the man - the victim - is hunted, caught and slaughtered
as an animal. Stllu behaves like a man would do with his prey. The story is a
frightening expression of an encounter with Stllu: the Smi are cast in the role
of a hunted animal.
Most narratives end with the death of the enemies, killed by the Smi as a
final expedient. Turi tells the story of an impostor who swindled Smi families.
Once the villain is exposed, the deceived families gather and confer with each
order to reach a solution.
Ja sii gvde buoremus ri ahte harccastit murrii. (Turi, [1910] 1987

-b:153)
And they found that the best thing to do was to hang him on a tree.
(Turi, 1931a:191)
The best thing is here an extreme means to extricate the community from a
dangerous situation. In another legend, cruelty does not end with the death of
the enemy, it goes further:
216
[S]on dagai dola ja basii das Stalo biergoid, ja de anadii

bessudagaiguim gidda. Ja de guoddaii Bolno-jauraii ja vuoggjodii
gegiiguim. (Turi, 1918:92)
Then he made a fire and there he roasted Stllus flesh. And then he
tied it together with twined birch branches; and after this, he carried
it to the little Bolno lake and lowered it with stones. (Turi, 1918:186)
The task is not only to kill Stllu, but also to make it impossible for him to come
back to life again, since he has supernatural powers and cannot be easily killed.
In another legend, the whole Stllu family has to be destroyed. Once Stllu
has been killed, it is his wifes turn to die.
De uggii Laura geriga accagas saitiin odda-raige. [] Ja manjemus

li bna goddet. (Turi, 1918:93)
Then Laura pushed the red-hot spear down in the old womans
throat. [] And finally there was the dog to kill. (Turi, 1918:187)
Violence is looked upon neither positively nor negatively. There are no adjectives
or descriptions of reactions that tell us what attitude to take toward the violence.
In the legends, murder, manslaughter and mutilation are presented as normal.
This can be a way of accentuating how serious the situation is.
Danger is not always articulated. Some legends tell about how Smi had to
kill the Other (ruoat, uit, Stllu) without any explanation of the reason why
they have to be killed or why they represent a danger.
Go smit dihte ahte ruoat leat lahka, ja sii ledje juo ovdal dahkan
ovtta gorsii dakkr luovi guosai- [ja] beziiguin, ja geggiid nala
bordn olu ja stuorraid, ja dakkr bhcahaga, mii lea nu geahpas
dego bissu bahcahit. (Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:151)
Once when the Smi knew that the ruoat were in the neighborhood,
they prepared a trap across a crevasse, they made it of fir branches,
and put many big stones on them, and it was as easy to fire as firing
a gun.
We get the impression that it is established that the others are dangerous and
therefore have to be killed. In these legends, the focus is on the means of
preservation, not on the threat. The unexpressed threat can also be interpreted as a
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Copplie Cocq
message addressed exclusively to community members. In this way, intertextuality

gives the explanation to those who need to be warned. The audience is expected
to already know why the outsiders are dangerous and must be killed. Given the
abundance of narratives about these enemies in North Smi storytelling tradition,
a Smi audience would possess this knowledge.
Enemies are presented as purely evil. As Anders Nilsen told Qvigstad, the
uit kill for the sake of killing:
De buoi garjelutti; de occek olmuit hvahik. (Qvigstad,

1928:600)
Then the uit came; they looked for people to kill.
This theme is found in other narratives, likening the uit to a predator rather
than a human being with motive and purpose.
De li dolu aigest okta ruoautti, mi manai birra mailmi ja goddi

olbmuid juokke baikest, gosa son boi. De boi dat ruoautti
ovta gawpugai, mi li sierra sajest, ja goddi buok olbmuid dam
gawpugist. (Qvigstad, 1928:546).
In the old days there was a ruoauhti, who roved around the world
and killed people everywhere he went. Then this ruoauhti came to
a small town that was isolated, and killed all people in that town.
The representation of danger and threat to the community strengthens the

message expressed in narratives. The significance is that a threat, a danger exists.
No matter how it is related to reality, this discourse is crucial for the construction
of the groups identity and constitutes a unifying process.
Warning about danger can be interpreted as a way to underscore the
importance of solidarity as a strategy for survival. The legends illustrate how the
group solves a problem and gets safely out of danger by cooperating and fighting
together. Resorting to violence portrays the Smi as strong, tough and dangerous
themselves. All are united for a final expedient, no matter how extreme it might
be, underscoring the preeminence of solidarity.
Few narratives end with the death of the Smi protagonists. If they usually
manage to defeat and kill all enemies, storytellers have told cases where Stllu or
the uit are the victors. Peder Steinnes told Qvigstad the story of two brothers
who were killed by the ruoat.
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Ruoak, liddje nu gavvilak, ja dat buotte juowl-ija, maga uoi, ja

leiga jukkamaak vielljaguovtis. De buotte sisa; de nubbi viellja
(boarrasbo) huomehii, ja i adnam iea vrjo go klumpabli.
Dina cabmi maga uoi jamas, ja nubbi i bittam likkadet. De
ruoat besse goddik ja godde goabbait ja buolde vel da baiki.
The ruoat were so sly and came at Christmas Eve, many hundreds,
and the two brothers were drunk. They came in; one of the brothers
(the older one) noticed it and did not have any other means of
defense than a clog. He hit to death many hundreds with it, and the
other one did not manage to get up. Then the ruoat managed to
kill him and killed them both and also burned down the place.
In this episode, it is the enemy who is sly and clever, and the brothers are tricked
because they are drunk. In another text, cowardice is given as the cause of the
defeat and consequently of the death of the protagonists.
Nuvt saddai dat vuoe boanta, dinago son i ballam vuoemen

dan halla olma njalmai. (Qvigstad, 1928:566)
In this way, the shooter became rich, because he was not afraid to
shoot the big man in the mouth.
The story tells us how the Smi protagonist who was afraid of shooting is killed,
while his courageous counterpart has victory through action.
Narratives create discourse by portraying the enemy and by depicting
violence and danger in narration. The elaboration of a second subject, the
Smi, also contributes to this process.
Group cohesion
The subject the Smi emphasizes the preeminence of the group in contrast
with individuals. One example is the story of the Pathfinder that can be found in
14 variants in Qvigstads collection, told by different Smi storytellers from the
area of Troms and Finnmark. The narrators tell in different ways how one person,
in most of the cases a Smi boy, manages to kill a group of uit/ruoat by having
them follow a burning torch in the dark down a steep hill. In some versions, the
protagonist is an old woman or an old man. The enemies fall and almost all of
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them die immediately, but a few are still alive when the Smi character comes
to ascertain the outcome of their fall. They recognize him and threaten him by
shaking their fists. The Smi group is rescued thanks to the protagonist, who
prevents the enemies from reaching the Smi camp. This hero is never a strong
protagonist, but an inexperienced boy or an elder. He is unproven or weak, but
he rescues the group. This underscores that it is not physical strength that defeats
the enemy, but ruse and cunning. The stupidity and simplicity of the enemies
enhance the cleverness and wisdom of the Smi.
The story of the Pathfinder is internationally known thanks to the Oscar
nominated film by Nils Gaup (1989). Besides Qvigstads informants, other variants
can be found in different publications, for instance in Lagercrantzs Lappische
Volksdichtung (Lagercrantz, 1958:170-171, 1959:102-103). Lars Levi Laestadius
refers to a story published in the Norwegian Budsticken-periodical (1824) according
to which a Lapp guided 150 Swedes to Tysfjord during the time of Fredrik III;
he had deceived them into falling off the cliff and all had been killed. A note
by Deinfll refers to a mountain, Qvaenflovet, which is said to have been named
after this event (Laestadius, 2002:260). He also mentions other similar stories
from other areas. No matter what actually happened historically and the location
of the event, the theme of the Pathfinder is central in Smi storytelling. The
significance of these narratives and their recurrence emphasize the need to tell
about a hero whose cleverness and courage prevent the community from being
plundered and possibly killed. Mathisen (1988) interprets the story as a north
Norwegian traditional narrative. A young Smi man is the hero, and there are
no uit but Swedes and Kvens in the north Norwegian examples. The story
defines an ethnic boundary between the Smi and the settlers. Mathisen suggests
a multiplicity of possible historical episodes that actualized and reactualized the
story of the Pathfinder (Mathisen, 1988:86).
The heroes in Stllu and uit stories achieve and express group cohesion. The
characters and the community are presented in a specific way, not as individuals,
but as a closely united group. In the stories about how to overcome Stllu, there
are no singular heroes. The father, his sons and other members of the community
help each other in order to rescue the kidnapped daughter. All participants have
different important roles. The account is reported from the perspective of the
enemies and not from the perspective of the main character, as we might
expect. In the narratives, the Smi community is characterized by cohesion and
solidarity. In case of danger in general, or on a specific occasion like the assault
of the uit or a marriage with Stllu, the entire community becomes involved
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and solves the problem together. This view on cooperation and solidarity can be
interpreted as a reference to the siida, the traditional form of social organization
characterized by a strong degree of cohesion and cooperation between all
members (Ruong, 1982a:38-39). This reference might be viewed as the expression
of a discourse about cohesiveness and a call for the significance of that value.
In fact, the representation of the Smi in storytelling refers most of the time
to a closely united group. In the uit stories where one person kills a band of
enemies, the main character takes risks in order to save or protect the community.
Solidarity is emphasized by the gratitude of the group and it goes without saying
that everyone helps when it comes to the rescue of a community member. In the
Pathfinder stories and many other uit stories, the central protagonist is thanked
or expects to receive the gratitude of the group for his courage. In several texts,
the hero is angry at the community members who are not conscious of the
danger he spared them from, as in this text from an anonymous storyteller from
Talvik:
De celki son: Illodekkek di in vela, go jammin l din oaivi bajjel?

Then he said: Do you still only rejoice, while death hangs over
your heads?
This comment highlights the fact that the protagonist acts in order to protect
the group. It also expresses the expectation from the main character that the
group shares the fear caused by the threat. The community members who are
celebrating display a lack of solidarity, which irritates the young boy who took the
risks in order to protect the group.
In Smi narratives, solidarity is often described as a solution. The
heterogeneity of the Smi society is not emphasized in the legends. There are few
stories from the North Smi area that report relations and contacts with other
Smi communities. Discussion of strained relations between Smi communities
may also have been constrained by taboo and self-censuring, particularly in
narratives performed for outsiders or intended for publication. This apparent
homogeneity in narration portrays the Smi as a united group, and does not
take into account the huge linguistic, cultural and social variations that exist
within Spmi. Community, solidarity and cohesion are emphasized. The Smi
are presented as a group rather than as individuals and community members
are depicted as dependent on one another. They complement each other with
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Copplie Cocq
different characteristics and qualities. Some are courageous, others are strong; the
oldest ones are wise and possess useful knowledge. All these qualities are required
in order to overcome Stllu, who represents a threat. The construction of such
a subject underscores in the discourse the significance of solidarity within the
society. The narratives have a happy ending thanks to everyone working together
in order to prevent a destructive relationship from forming or continuing.
The subject of the enemy presented in the legends is not only a cruel
being that eats people and has to be killed by ruse. Whoever Stllu or the uit
were, they explicitly personify danger. As we will see in the next section, the
implications of the discourse in narratives are manifold. Socialization of the
community members, strategy of defense and empowerment are some of the
effects of the discourse.
Implications
Stories about defeating enemies express several messages to the audience.
They articulate social rules, norms and values of the society in which they were
performed. The discourse is mainly defensive, even if sometimes the characters
seem to act before receiving major provocation.
The didactic aspects of narration should not be neglected. Telling about
the Other, danger and fear also plays a role in the education of the youngest
community members. According to the storyteller Isak Eira, stories about how
Stllu comes to take children if the place is not quiet and tidy at Christmas, have
an effect on children.
Lavijet manaid baldalit juowlaid aige atte: Jus dal it svte valljit
muottaga, de boatta stallo ikku ja lubista vara oaivis, ja dale
lave vel laikes manaid oaot sktit muottaga, ja dale si lt
hui jegulaat. - i lave duostat manat stoakkat juowlaid aige.
They usually scare the children at Christmas time: If you do not

collect a lot of snow to melt, Stllu will come at night and suck
the blood from your head. Then, one usually gets even the lazy
children to collect and melt snow, and they are very obedient. The
children usually do not dare make noise at Christmas time.
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This metanarration gives us insight both into how the community would have
used and received such narratives.
The norms communicated to the community members are often illustrated
by examples of bad behavior and their consequences. By doing so, narratives also
contribute to another significant aspect of storytelling, that is warning against
dangers. Situations when the ulda harm the Smi by exchanging children, are
obvious examples. This aspect highlights the didactic and explanatory function
of storytelling, as observed by Linda Dgh.
The reason for telling a legend is basically not to entertain but to

educate people, to inform them about an important fact, to arm
them against danger within their own cultural environment. (Dgh,
1972:73)
The role of fear and threat in education has also been underscored by Jochum
Stattin (1993). In the pre-industrial society, he states, child care was often a
problem to be solved by the household. The methods that were used for child
education were fright and threat. The repertoire of diverse invented beings and
forms of threat rooted in tradition, which have a didactic function, was abundant
(Stattin, 1993:63). As for the role of Smi storytelling in education, Asta Baltos
research on Smi childrens upbringing has pointed out the significance of
narration.
Det [berttandet] brukes nemlig mye og ganske systematisk i

oppdragelse og kunnskapsoverfring mellom generasjoner (Balto,
1997:92).
Narration is used a lot and in a rather systematic manner in

upbringing and knowledge transmission between generations.
Storytelling, and more specifically narratives about enemies, express messages

that are central for the community. The texts played a significant role by telling
about the Other. They express a discourse about the Smi as a group and thus
contribute to the articulation of an ethnic identity. This process has been observed
e.g. by Eugeen E. Roosens.
By its own nature, [ethnicity] offers a broad field for the use and
manipulation of symbols. To begin with, the ingredients used in
ethnic discourse seem quite natural: descent, biological origin,
belonging together, land, culture and history all seem eminently real
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and constitute what many people consider to be palpable realities.

At the same time, they are all extremely vague in their definition.
Nobody can deny that a given group of people has ancestors, that
they have a past, a culture, a biological origin, or that they have been
living somewhere, on some piece of land. These facts constitute
the eminently solid, genuine, irreducible side of ethnicity, ethnic
identity, and ethnic feelings. But who exactly these ancestors were,
where they lived, what type of culture they transmitted, and the
degree to which this culture was an original creation, and what their
relationships were with other, similar ethnic groups in the past-all
these are frequently open questions for the open mind. (Roosens,
1989:160)
These very topics of descent, biological origin, belonging together, land, culture
and history are brought up in storytelling, as the characteristics of the enemy in
narratives confirm: he is an intruder speaking a foreign language and challenging
cultural norms of behavior. This aspect corroborates the significance of these
elements for the community, also expressing a need to relate and articulate a
discourse about ancestors and history, to define the group in its meeting with
other groups. This need can be explained by the intensification of contacts at
the time the legends were collected that called into question what had previously
been considered natural and obvious.
In the corpus, the Smi group is presented in the legends as threatened and
scared but also clever, experienced and unified. The enemy is presented as evil
and cruel but also nave and repulsive through its deviant behavior. The most
important condition of possibility of the discourse is the representation that the
society is threatened. The stories articulate a problem and a solution, based on
the discourse and its assumptions.
The stories articulate social rules, norms and values of the society in which
they were performed. Legends do not only articulate a situation of threat and
danger, they also propose and exemplify a solution to the problem the encounter
may represent. The Smi group manages most of the time to defeat the enemy
thanks to their solidarity. In those cases when the enemy triumphs, it is usually
due to the isolation of the Smi protagonists and thus the inability of the group
to come to the rescue. The sharing of a common culture figures as a means of
preventing the danger.
224
A significant implication of the discourse expressed in the narratives is the

indication of the groups boundaries. Research on ethnic identity has underscored
the significance of boundaries and relations to others in the process of articulating
an ethnic identity (Barth, 1969; Eriksen, 1993; Roosens, 1989). While a boundary
can be understood as a rigid, well-defined line, I understand the concept of
ethnic boundary rather as a zone, a kind of no-mans-land where two groups
may experience differences that define them. In this case, the boundary is not a
marking of the foreign and the Other. The boundary is, rather, a description of
the experience of a confusion of identity. It is, from my point of view, within this
zone that a discourse about us and them is created and that ethnic identity is
defined. Many narratives are enacted within this zone, as regards such entities
as relationships, marriages, abnormal behavior, and the like. Narratives about
enemies bear witness to social contacts and express the need to define oneself
and the other as distinct groups. This need was actualized, although not for the
first time, at the beginning of the twentieth century, when the closing of the
borders, the colonization process, and the influences of other cultural and ethnic
groups increased in Spmi.
Concluding Remarks
The connection between folklore and social life ensures that the context in which
these narratives emerged played a role in the elaboration of the discourse observed
in them. Social change should be considered a catalyst for the assertion of a social
and ethnic identity, and storytelling a collective expression of an attitude toward
changes going on. From this perspective, narratives contribute to ethnogenesis,
the development and presentation of a self-conscious ethnic group (Roosens,
1989:141). Narratives define the Other by specific characteristics, and thus define
us.
The first fact of ethnicity is the application of systematic

distinctions between insiders and outsiders; between Us and Them.
If no such principle exists there can be no ethnicity, since ethnicity
presupposes an institutionalised relationship between delineated
categories whose members consider each other to be culturally
distinctive. (Eriksen, 1993:18)
In narratives, the description of the enemy as different in behavior fulfills this

function. A consequence of this discourse is the construction of group identity.
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Copplie Cocq
In Smi legends, members are told in a subtle way: you are first a community
member, then an individual. The description of the Other, the enemy,
demarcates a boundary between us and them. Everyone who is told the
stories is taught at once on which side of this boundary to stand. The deviant
behavior exemplified in the narratives underscores the difference.
The Smi, as a minority, have had to protect themselves from the incursion
of the majority. Narratives contribute to this achievement by articulating a
discourse about ethnic identity that is strongly related to the issue of power
relations (Roosens, 1989:158). In storytelling, power relations emerge in terms
of dominance and disadvantage - with respect to knowledge, strength, or the
outcome of an encounter. The position of the Smi group is defined in relation
to other groups. Cultural aspects that had been stigmatized can be turned into
positive qualities and strengths. As exemplified earlier in this chapter, having the
command of another language other than the majoritys language becomes an
advantage in narratives. The Smi, in fact an oppressed minority, appear in a
dominant position toward the Other in narratives. This inversion of the power
relationships between ethnic groups - uniquely possible in narration - enhances
the strength of the Smi ethnicity.
The role of storytelling in the elaboration of discourse about identity
indicates that folklore can be used as a defense strategy (cf Saressalo, 1987).
Narratives about enemies are part of a strategy to protect the group. Smi
storytelling rather focuses on the experience of the community in its encounter
with others in terms of feelings such as doubts and fear. The discourse which
emerges from the texts is a warning about the Other, illustrating contacts with
outsiders through extreme examples. Smi narratives contain many reports of
cruel means of defeating the enemy, but they are mainly defensive. We are told,
through legends, that the subject the Smi is mostly scared and that they want to
flee from their enemy. But also, we are told how they defeat him. Narratives warn
against outsiders to the community. At a time when contacts between different
groups were increasing, it is understandable that there was a need to warn against
the potential consequences of such contacts.
In an article about changing codified symbols of identity, Kristin Kuutma
has observed the defensive aspects of the articulation of boundaries.
The discursive process of heritage identification, the negotiation

and constitution of past and present selfhood for insider and
outsider purposes, appears intently under the conditions of cultural
226
and political marginalization when a community feels endangered

from without and sets out to define its cultural boundaries as a
strategy of self-defence. (Kuutma, 2006:7-8)
Smi folklore, and more specifically narratives, can be defined as defensive

in the sense that a dominant discourse about group protection prevails. The
defense strategies established in narratives depict endeavors to defend the group
physically. This aspect can be interpreted as an allegory of defense of the group
as an ethnic entity. Focus is placed on the articulation of who we are. Even if
the discourse also includes offensive aspects - enemies are killed, sometimes by
cruel means - the dominant discourse is still about protecting the group, both
physically and in terms of social and ethnic identity.
The redefinition of an ethnic identity in response to external factors has
been qualified by OBrien (1986) as defensive adaptation. In a similar way,
the significance of ethnic identity in a context of fear has been underscored by
Eriksen:
Ethnic identity becomes crucially important the moment it is

perceived as threatened. Since ethnicity is an aspect of relationship,
the importance of boundaries may thus be said to be conditional
on the pressure exerted on them. On the other hand, we have seen
that expressions of ethnic identity may also be regarded, rather than
as psychological responses to threats from the outside or attempts
to create order in the social universe, as symbolic tools in political
struggles. (Eriksen, 1993:76)
With reference to North Smi storytelling, discourse about ethnic identity can be
regarded as a means of empowerment in a challenging political context.
Thus, more than a defense strategy, these narratives contribute to
empowerment. These examples illustrate how the Smi, a challenged minority,
managed to articulate a discourse that allowed them to define themselves as a
strong, united and empowered group. To have a language different from the
Other is a strength, since the Smi can understand the enemy, while he does not
understand them. Also, the characters possess a knowledge that enables them to
defeat the enemy. In the Pathfinder stories, the acquaintance of the characters
with the landscape or the potential dangers is the key to the survival of the group.
The Smi were also empowered by the representation of a homogeneous united
group; the multiplicity of Smi groups is downplayed in narratives. Strengths are
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Copplie Cocq
highlighted; weaknesses are downplayed or turned into advantages. But most of

all, the Smi are presented as active agents in control of their situation.
The social processes that generate and maintain ethnic groups are one factor
in the elaboration of narratives. Contacts with other groups give rise to a stronger
need to define the group as an entity. Many peoples folklore includes stories
about enemies, motivated by the occurrence of contacts with other people. In the
case of the Smi, storytelling expresses a situation of conflict and expresses the
threat they experienced. It can therefore be considered a part of this process of
developing a group identity. Thus, social processes of exclusion and incorporation
and narratives should not be considered a cause and a consequence, but as having
a dynamic reciprocal relation.
From this perspective, the study of folklore shows that storytelling plays
a significant role in identity management. Folklore research, when taking into
account the dynamic relations between groups as they are described in narratives,
reaches a level of interpretation where the complex process of preservation and
elaboration of an ethnic identity becomes apparent.
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Chapter Eight:
Discussion and Concluding Remarks
The interrelation between personal repertoires and collective tradition is evident
when considering the elaboration of narratives in relation to their contexts
and to the tradition they are part of, as well as to the narrators own subjective
experiences and preferences. The sociocultural and political context and the
particular context of emergence of the repertoires have proven to be of great
importance in the elaboration, significance and interpretation of folk narratives.
But also, storytellers and their narratives have an effect on the collective tradition
and on the community, as the study of repertoires and collective storytelling
tradition in Part 3 illustrates. The roles and implications of narration in the
individual processes of adaptation and resistance to social change as well as the
central role of storytelling in the processes of socialization and ethnogenesis
should not be underestimated.
Revoicing storytelling
Many collections of folklore have dispossessed the narratives of their authors.
Material amassed in archives or early publications have often neglected reference
to their sources. In Qvigstads collections, we find the names and brief biographical
details of the storytellers he met. This is more than his colleagues did: most of
them only provided the location where the narrative was recorded, while the
informant remains anonymous. Even though Qvigstad named his informants, he
did not allocate significance to the source of the narratives when he edited the
texts. Instead, he opted for a geographical and topical classification. In this sense,
the storytellers have been silenced. My attempt in this study has been to refurnish
North Smi storytelling from the turn of the twentieth century with the voices
of their narrators.
As I have argued above, narratives - though collected 100 years ago - should
not be considered as museum artifacts, but as components of a dialogue. The
voices of the narrators are utterances and expressions in a specific context.
Storytellers express personal attitudes as well as their relation to traditions. It is
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Copplie Cocq
therefore inaccurate to approach narratives as expressions of a tradition without

taking into account the individual who voiced the story.
The study of intertextuality reveals the interrelations and interaction between
the different repertoires and the dialogic character of the Smi storytelling
tradition. Narratives are not monologues: they are embedded in a context of
dialogue. Texts are elaborated in response to previous narratives and according
to an expected audience.
From this perspective and with a recontextualization of the corpus as
the point of departure of the analysis, I have underscored the great value of
narratives, even when lacking information about the context in which they were
performed.
Folklore and tradition

Contrary to what Emilie Demant Hatt and Just Qvigstad intended to prove,
North Smi storytelling tradition at the turn of the twentieth century was far from
static and homogeneous. The variations observed in the repertoires under focus
show how adaptation to individuality and contexts imbue narratives. Moreover,
Spmi was - and is - a multicultural landscape, a crossroad of cultures, traditions
and influences. Johan Turi, Ellen Utsi, Per Br and Isak Eira are some of the
many narrators who illustrate the heteroglossia, the multiplicity of influences and
the strong relation to tradition that existed in Spmi at the turn of the twentieth
century.
Heteroglossia and polyphony observed in North Smi storytelling witness
not only of the multiplicity of socio-political influences. They witness also of
interethnic relations within Spmi as a cultural landscape. Spmi, as the home
of a strong storytelling tradition, should advantageously be considered in global
terms as a geographical multicultural area rather than an ethnic area. Narratives
should not be labeled as genuine Smi, Norwegian, Swedish or Finnish. Focus
should rather lay on the skillfulness in adaptation that storytellers at the junction
of cultural diversities have proved.
Moreover, narratives as texts compose repertoires and should not be
considered isolated items. They are individual expressions as well as part of a
collective tradition. The study of narrative strategies, polyphony and responsibility
in narration by Turi, Eira, Utsi and Br has shown the significance of contexts in
the elaboration of narratives. An approach toward the texts as part of a collective
tradition indicates that topics of importance for the community in which they
230
took place emerge metaphorically and that narratives play a central role in the
articulation of social norms and the elaboration of identity. This approach has
provided a comprehensive perspective on storytelling that places the narrator in
a central position - as a social agent, a source of knowledge and a community
member. This perspective has highlighted the multiple implications of the North
Smi storytelling tradition.
Multiple implications of storytelling

Social norms
Through storytelling, narrators express their attitude toward the context they
lived in. In the case of Br, Eira and Utsi more specifically, social change led to
a questioning of the norms and values of the community they lived in. Through
their repertoires, the role of Qvigstad and the influence of the Norwegian
majority emerge. But also, the study of the narratives reveals the storytellers
ability to adapt and transmit traditional narratives. Turis relation to this context is
expressed through the polyphony of his repertoire as published in Muitalus smiid
birra. The collaboration with the Danish ethnographer had influenced some of
Turis choices in narration, but his authority as a community member, a storyteller
and a politically conscious actor dominates the repertoire.
For the storytellers, narration is a means of expressing oneself as an
individual and a community member. Narrators express their relation to the social
order of the community they belong to. All four repertoires are representative
of the North Smi storytelling tradition and of the dynamism and continuity of
folklore. But also, the analysis of these repertoires highlights the close relation
that exists between folklore and social life. Topics of significance in the actual
context are brought up in narratives. Relationships within the group, attitude
toward property, and recommendations regarding relations to outsiders are some
areas of socialization that emerge in narratives.
Group identity
As highlighted in this study, narratives play a role in the elaboration of a group
identity. The sense of belonging to a cultural group is enhanced by the sharing
of a tradition, consisting among other things of a common storytelling tradition.
Representations and discourses about relations to others contribute to the
construction and maintenance of identity. In the case of North Smi storytelling
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Copplie Cocq
at the turn of the twentieth century, the process of ethnogenesis appears to be

connected to narration. Narratives are productive in the sense that they contribute
to the elaboration of a coherent discourse about the Other, the unknown, a
source of fear. Through allegories and metaphors, we are told in storytelling
how to manage and deal with this otherness. The articulation of a united group
as the adversary of this Other provides a means of identity management for a
challenged ethnic group.
The elaboration of a hostile Other in discourse is a recurrent strategy in the
attempt to create cohesion within a group. Narratives in media discourse, for
instance, illustrate on a daily basis aspects of ethnogenesis through the expression
of a need to define us and them. Aspects observed in North Smi narratives
at the turn of the twentieth century can thus be generalized to other forms of
narration. Ethical issues are also brought up in narratives and discourses about
threat and danger that we may hear whenever we turn on the television or radio.
The need to create an enemy in order to reassert a precarious cohesion is a
strategy widely employed.
Empowerment
A shift of focus from tradition bearers to subjective narrators enables us to perceive
the storyteller as an empowered social actor. Considering Faircloughs statement
that discourse contributes to the reproduction and to the transformation of
society (Fairclough, 1992:65), we may thus consider storytelling as an arena of
reproduction and transformation for community members.
The role of storytelling in the process of empowerment has been highlighted
by Jackson on an individual level.
I propose to focus on the ways in which storytelling [provides]

strategies and [generates] experiences that help people redress
imbalances and correct perceived injustices in the distribution of
Being, so that in telling a story with others one reclaims some sense
of agency, recovers some sense of purpose, and comes to feel that
the events that overwhelmed one from without may be brought
within ones grasp. (Jackson, 2002:36).
Collective storytelling, as well as personal narratives, is also, I posit, a means for

empowerment. The communicative quality of narration entails the spreading of
the strength developed by specific narrators through their narratives.
232
The significance of Muitalus for Smi literature is already established. But this
seminal work can also, from the perspective presented above, be considered a
milestone in the political organization of the Smi community.
The relation between Qvigstad and his informants was imbalanced. The
retired headmaster, representative of the Norwegian majority, was by his authority
and positionality dominating the interview situation. The process of elaboration
of stories, though, adapted from a collective store of traditional narratives to
individual interests, preferences and standpoints, meant for Utsi, Br, Eira and
the many other storytellers an inversion of roles. In their meeting with Qvigstad,
the storytellers knowledge was at focus and they were placed in a situation where
their voices were heard. Not only the process of narration, but also their choices
and the strategies they adopted implied an adjustment of the initial imbalanced
relationship. From this perspective, storytelling is a means for empowerment
that has significance not only for the individuals, but also for the community.
Revoicing narratives means highlighting this empowerment.
Social practice
Interdiscursivity in the narratives at focus underscores the dynamism of
storytelling. Narratives express a discourse that is both normative and innovative:
the continuity in systems of knowledge and beliefs is expressed paralleled with
new influences and by the coexistence of different frames of interpretation.
Discourse is also both conventional and creative. Muitalus is a conventional form
of storytelling, but personal discrepancies and extension of repertoire express
creativity (cf Fairclough, 1992:237).
Ideological and political effects of discourse (Fairclough, 1992) can be
noticed as regards construction and transmission of identities, social relationships,
and systems of knowledge and belief through the narratives. Social, cultural
and ethnic aspects of identity are articulated in narratives, in terms of relations,
belonging, differentiations and identification. As for systems of knowledge,
including traditional knowledge and medical knowledge, or references to origins,
for instance, witness of the coexistence of several systems of knowledge. A
high degree of interdiscursivity can be observed regarding systems of beliefs:
Christian traditions and beliefs are mentioned side by side with beliefs in beings
and power that refer to another tradition.
These aspects of discourse and social practice confirm the intense processes
of social change going on in Spmi at the time the narratives were collected. But
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Copplie Cocq
also and not least, they confirm the dynamism and capacity of adaptation of
storytelling.
The continuity of storytelling

The narratives mentioned above were collected at the end of the nineteenth
and the beginning of the twentieth centuries. Yet, they refer to a time long past
and are components of a long tradition that keeps going on. This part of the
storytelling tradition is still of immediate relevance today. Over a century later,
similar stories are told and repeated.
The capacity of adaptation of legends has been observed elsewhere,
emphasizing the broad range of possible applications of narratives in different
contexts (Ingwersen, 1995; Stoor, 2004). The persistence of North Smi
traditional narratives through time has included modification and adaptation.
Today, they occur in different shapes. The medium as well as the contents have
been adapted to new forms of storytelling and a new audience. In the case of the
Stllu lore, for instance, terrible parts of narratives have been censured in order
to adapt them for children. In books for children (e.g. Birkeland, 1988), murders,
death and cruelty have been replaced by an unclear and unsure ending; language
use has also been adapted to a contemporary audience (Cocq, 2005).
Topics in storytelling emerge in different temporal contexts; thus narratives
similar in content can express different discourses modified and adapted to
contemporary circumstances. Traces of historical events emerge in narratives told
at different periods of time. The Stllu and uit narratives, for instance, report a
time long past, and we can assume that stories such as the Pathfinder have been
told from generation to generation long before the informants Qvigstad met told
their versions of the story. Legends about the uit and other narratives about
enemies might not have the same warning functions that they had in the past;
nevertheless they play a significant role for the contemporary Smi community.
The persistence of these narratives demonstrates their significance.
Narratives may change in content; the enemies may represent different
dangers at different periods of time, the context may differ, yet narratives about
the Other always draw a boundary between insiders and outsiders. Today, there
might be other enemies, but the community might have the same attitudes and
same goal in telling todays legends, anecdotes and jokes (Saressalo, 1987:255).
In the legends about the uit, for instance, the focus does not lay principally on
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the threat, but refers to a common past. Therefore, these narratives still play a
central role to the extent that they are part of a common history.
DuBois (1995) has underscored the role of landscape in the uit stories. The
hero in the Pathfinder manages to dupe the enemies thanks to his knowledge
about the topography. The persistent attachment to the land is a key element of
the storytelling tradition.
Koskimiess Anar narratives help us understand why contemporary

pan-Saami identity continues - and can continue - to look to the
land as a central unifying and meaning making element (DuBois,
1995:75).
Land and landscape are significant issues for Smi ethnicity with reference to
origin, ancestors and rights. The continuity of this topic can also be observed,
for instance, in the numerous legends that provide us an explanation about the
name of a place or why a specific landscape looks the way it does. The shape of
a lake is the opportunity to tell about Stllu; a red colored cliff gives us still an
occasion to tell about the uit (Stoor, 2004; Turi, [1910] 1987 -b:151) and how
the Smi defeated them.
Narratives describing the landscape and the origin of place names create
a reference to a common history, and to ancestors. It is observable that the
immediate geographic context plays a significant role in the corpus of narratives.
Among the texts about the uit, we can observe two main differences in the
outcomes of the accounts. One ending tells how the enemies are killed by falling
down from a precipice while the other outcome entails their being drowned.
These differences in narratives correspond to different areas, landscapes and
danger. Thus, the articulation of a danger and an implicit warning are included
in the narratives, at the same time as it enhances the relevance and attraction of
the narration for the audience.
The normative functions of storytelling illustrated in the narratives at focus
can be observed in collective forms of narration elsewhere. Folk narratives
express norms and values, ethics and morals. In contemporary legends and tales,
principally adapted and addressed to children, aspects of socialization are explicit.
A further study of contemporary Smi narratives would be necessary in order
to identify to what extent the ambiguity in traditional Smi narratives has been
downplayed by the adaptation of narration to a specific audience.
The didactic functions of storytelling with reference to the Smi tradition
have been observed by Asta Balto (1997, 1999). In her study of the upbringing
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of Smi children, she emphasizes the role of storytelling. Cultural transmission

takes place through narration, where the atmosphere and excitement may be
as important as the story itself (Balto, 1997:92). Narratives illustrate relation to
nature and give bad and good examples of behavior. Baltos research based on
fieldwork conducted in the mid 1980s confirms the continuity of the normative
aspects of storytelling.
As for discursive and social practices, the effects defined by Fairclough as
construction of social identities, social relationships, and of systems of beliefs and
knowledge (Fairclough, 1992:64) can be observed in many narratives in different
times and places. Storytelling articulates discourses, and as such contributes to
the elaboration of these aspects. Since we always are part of an ongoing process
of social change, our needs to redefine our social identities, social relationships,
and systems of beliefs and knowledge are constant.
Contemporary Narratives
The storytelling tradition has been preserved and today, still, we can hear about
the enemies of the Smi in new forms and adaptations. Smi children are well
acquainted with, for instance, Stllu who is present in narration, in Smi television
shows for children, childrens literature and also at exhibitions, for instance at the
Smi museums in Jokkmokk, Sweden and Inari, Finland. Storytelling events are
also organized at the Smi museum jtte in Jokkmokk in the Stllu exhibition
room during the winter market, a central annual event in Spmi.
Aspects observed in the repertoires under focus in this dissertation may be
discerned in contemporary storytelling as well. Narrative strategies, polyphony,
normative and defensive or aggressive aspects of folklore can be observed in
the narratives that surround us today. A further study of North Smi storytelling
today would reveal how storytellers may choose to relate to tradition and create
innovations as artists or writers, how the contemporary global and multicultural
context in Spmi - the heteroglossia - might come to expression in narration,
and if normative and defensive aspects of folklore emerge in a contemporary
context.
Manifold functions of storytelling

A shift of focus in Smi storytelling tradition seems to have occurred. Cruel and
salacious details in narratives indicate that some stories were not always intended
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for children, but for a broader public. All generations used to be involved in
storytelling events. Today, folk narratives are aimed principally to children. Books,
readings of traditional legends on radio and television shows featuring storytelling
are organized and intended chiefly for a younger audience. Therefore, these cruel
and sometimes salacious details have been suppressed (Barnradion, 2003; Cocq,
2005). Given an increasingly narrowed definition of childhood and a shift of
focus toward children in the Western world, storytelling has been considered
a tool for entertainment and education. In oral societies, on the other hand,
storytelling was part of everyones life. Narration did not concern the youngest
members alone, all community members were involved in listening and telling
stories. A further analysis of Smi oral literature at the turn of the twenty first
century would be necessary to approach the new functions of storytelling in the
community today.
Nevertheless, a first look at folklore expressions and at the practice of
storytelling in contemporary contexts indicates the continuity of the role of
narration. The importance of narratives in politics has been established (e.g.
Maek, 2000; Stokker, 1997) and deserves further study with respect to Smi
contexts in particular. Also, the role of narration in the process of coping with
life crises has been observed (e.g. Jackson, 2002).
In another context, the importance of the spoken word and the validity of
narration have received a new light. A trial in Ume, Sweden, pitting land owners
against reindeer herders on the issue of right of pasturage, has implied a shift
of priority and indirectly acknowledged the importance of the spoken word as
a source of historical evidence, compensating for the impossibility of providing
written proofs of the land use patterns among Smi in former times.
Methodological considerations
The framework presented in this dissertation offers a solution to the challenge
the folklorist faces when dealing with narratives recorded in the past - archived or
published. Decontextualized material must be problematized before any attempt
to interpret it is offered. The analysis of the contexts as a first step allows us to
approach and recover contextually embedded meanings of narratives.
The study of material collected by Qvigstad shows that a further
recontextualization back to the communitys and performers original context is
possible to some extent, and enables us to interpret the narratives in their context
of emergence. The receptionalist study of narratives in relation to the storyteller
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Copplie Cocq
and to the broader collective tradition provides us insight into individual attitudes
as well as adaptive qualities of storytelling in relation to the performers ambient
community and tradition.
Rather than a context of emergence of production of a repertoire, we
should talk about contexts in plural. The sociopolitical context, the immediate
surrounding context of the narrator, the storyteller him/herself, the context
of narration and the addressed audience (in attendance or projected) are all
components in the frame of interpretation. These contexts are productive and
constitutive (cf Mathisen, 2007). Rather than an influence on passive bearers of
tradition, the condition of existence of the narratives is the interplay between
contexts, social actors, discourses and tradition. Therefore, these aspects should
all be components in a frame of interpretation.
The concepts of polyphony, authority and responsibility appear valuable
in narrative research given that they enable us to identify storytellers different
socio-ideological languages, narrative strategies and relation to statements or
facts. The interpretation of personal narratives in terms of intertextuality and
polyphony, for instance, can prove successful. Thus, the application of such a
methodology is not limited to folklore items. Narrative research in general is
concerned with similar methodologies; contributions to one field can easily, and
fruitfully, be adapted to others (Johansson, 2005; Skott, 2004). Media discourse
is a further arena of intertextuality and polyphony where the analysis of these
aspects can provide productive considerations.
As for folklore aspects, other cultural expressions such as yoiking or the use
of traditional dress, may also be interpreted as arena for the interplay of subjective
positions and collective tradition, discourse and social practices. Kristin Kuutma
has recently described the yoik as a signifier of a cultural heritage, but yet
performed to express subjectivity at the same time (Kuutma, 2006:11). The
established ethnic collective identity forms a common cultural estate on which
individual performers base their artistic interpretation (Ibid). She interprets the
use of codified symbols of identity as related to ethnicity.
A story to tell, a world to change

The role of narration in general, considering its extensiveness, is obviously
significant. In the case of communities where the spoken word prevailed and
involved all community members, storytelling becomes a central issue. The North
Smi community maintained an extensive storytelling tradition, and a look back
238
100 years makes obvious the central role of its practice within the community.
Folk narratives have been recorded and written down, bearing witness to that
time.
In the North Smi area, intensive social change was under way at the turn
of the twentieth century. Previous research has underscored the implications of
these changes on economy (reindeer herding, changes in systems of economy),
patterns of settlement, religion and other aspects of Smi life. When shifting
focus on to people rather than on the external forces that contributed to these
changes, the main question becomes how the social actors experienced these
changes. Storytelling gives us insight into the way people experienced this
process. Narratives describe reality and stories become fragments of life histories,
worldviews.
With Ingwersen, I see narratives as a response to history (Ingwersen
1995:77). It is always complex to determine the historical verities in legends and
folktales, but there is no doubt that they express a need to tell and evaluate
experiences. Telling a story is a way to take a stand, to position oneself in the
surrounding context of discourses and influences.
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Sammanfattning
I denna avhandling (Revoicing Smi narratives) har jag analyserat nordsamisk
berttartradition kring sekelskiftet 1900. Trots att det finns vrdefulla berttelser
i bcker och arkiv, har dessa sagor och sgner inte uppmrksammats utan har
snarare betraktats som museifreml och i stor utstrckning ignorerats. Man har
inte alls beaktat berttarnas skicklighet och inte tagit hnsyn till deras vittnesml i
egenskap av sociala aktrer under en tid av intensiv social frndring.
Avhandlingens syfte har varit att underska frhllandet mellan berttare,
kontext och kollektiv tradition ur olika perspektiv. En berttare r en aktiv
samhllsmedlem och en artist som utformar sin repertoar i relation till kontexten
och traditionen och bygger den p subjektiva erfarenheter och intressen. Enskilda
personers berttelser kan i sin tur pverka den kollektiva traditionen och ven
samhllet. Underskningen har haft fokus p fyra nordsamiska berttare och
deras repertoarer och min strvan har varit att ge tillbaka dessa bortglmda
berttare sina rster.
I den frsta delen av avhandlingen presenteras den teoretiska och
metodologiska ramen fr analysen samt materialets bakgrund. Underskningen
belyser tre aspekter: kontexten berttelserna uppstod i, narrativerna och deras
implikationer. Detta trestegsperspektiv fljer en modell utvecklad av Fairclough
(Fairclough, 1992) och hmtar verktyg ur kritisk diskursanalys. Ett folkloristiskt
perspektiv med fokus p berttaren kompletterar analysen. Begrepp som genrer,
intertextualitet (Briggs and Bauman, 1992) och polyfoni (Bakhtin, 2004) r ngra
av de verktygen som studien av narrativa strategier har grundat sig p.
Den kontextuella bakgrunden i vilken berttelserna uppstod r ett viktigt
element fr frstelsen av texterna och deras implikationer. De ideologiska
attityderna samt politiska tgrder och relaterade historiska hndelser som
prglade den sociopolitiska situationen i brjan av 1900-talet innebar mnga
utmaningar fr minoriteterna i Spmi (Elenius, 2006; Kvist, 1992; Lundmark,
1998; Svonni, 2007). Aktuella frgor och problematik frn 1900-talet dyker upp
i berttelserna; dessa ger oss en inblick i hur individer upplevde de frndringar,
mten och konflikter som gde rum i Spmi. Drfr r kontextualiseringen
av materialet centralt, innan vi kan fresl en tolkning av narrativerna utifrn
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ett receptionalistiskt perspektiv. Det politiska klimatet vid sekelskiftet 1900

innebar att den samiska kulturen och fljaktligen den samiska etniciteten blev
ifrgasatt som en konsekvens av koloniseringsprocessen samt av nationalism och
assimileringstgrder.
I denna kontext uppstod Muitalus smiid birra (Turi, 1910), som r den frsta
repertoaren under fokus i andra delen av avhandlingen. Johan Turi r knd som
den frsta samiska frfattaren, och han har i sin bok lmnat en beskrivning dr
historiska, politiska, juridiska, traditionella och ven subjektiva aspekter mts.
Boken fljer ett berttarmnster inhmtat frn den samiska berttartraditionen
och genren muitalusat. Utarbetandet och utgivningen av Turis bok 1910 var ett
resultat av ett samarbete mellan den samiska berttaren och Emilie Demant Hatt,
som var en dansk artist och etnograf. Turis ambition var att ge ut en bok som
skulle informera om hans folk och ven medvetandegra lsaren. Han skildrar
samernas liv och uppmrksammar det orttvisa som drabbat hans folk samt den
svra situationen samerna befann sig i. Analysen av Muitalus smiid birra pekar
p invecklade narrativa strategier dr han vxlar mellan olika perspektiv bde
samiskt och europeiskt samt tonlgen - frn ironi till allvar fr att genom
berttandet ta stllning i en kontext dr den samiska minoritetens situation var
ifrgasatt. Turis berttelse ger ocks bevis p hur sprkliga nyanser kan anvndas
fr att positionera sig: han vxlar mellan aktiv och passiv form, och han vljer
olika pronomen och verbformer fr att uttrycka nrvaro och ansvar eller fr att ta
avstnd frn vissa pstenden. I Turis verk kan olika rster, dvs. socio-ideologiska
sprk (Bakhtin, 2004), urskiljas. Muitalus r p s stt ett polyfoniskt uttryck fr
en kontext dr politik, religion, tradition och nya influenser samexisterade. Turis
skrivande terger dessa influenser. Genom skickliga berttarstrategier varierar
han graden av instmmande eller ifrgasttande. Han etablerar en auktoritet som
samhllsmedlem och innehavare av traditionella kunskaper, men lyckas ven
frmedla sin politiska stllning.
Materialet till denna avhandling har ven inhmtats ur Lappiske Eventyr og Sagn
(Qvigstad, 1928). Intresset fr samiskt sprk och kultur bland en del akademiker
gav upphov till lappologin. En av dessa lappologer var norrmannen Just K.
Qvigstad. Hans verk Lappiske Eventyr og Sagn r en omfattande samling av samiska
berttelser frn nstan hela Spmi. De tre huvudinformanter som bidrog med
sammanlagt 80 berttelser i Band 2: Troms og Finnmark, Ellen Utsi, Isak Eira och
Per Br utgr de andra berttare som avhandlingen har haft fokus p.
Qvigstad var ett barn av sin tid. Hans frhllningsstt till det insamlade
materialet terspeglar dtidens attityd gentemot minoriteter och ven folklore.
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Copplie Cocq
Hans ml var att dokumentera ett sprk och en kultur som han och hans samtida
betraktade som dende. Under processen frn insamling till publikation har
materialet genomgtt en dekontextualisering, dvs. sagor och sgner har skiljts
frn den kontext i vilken de skapades och dessutom har berttarens roll tonats
ned. Qvigstads publikationer frgas av den historisk-geografiska metoden,
som var utformad av den s.k. finska skolan, som lade tonvikten p de muntliga
traditionernas stabilitet. De individuella variationerna har frsummats. P s stt
kan man sga att han har bervat informanterna deras rster.
Utsis, Eiras och Brs repertoarer innefattar berttelser med s vl traditionella
som innovativa inslag. Deras narrativer ger, p samma stt som hos Turi, uttryck
fr en polyfoni, som speglar deras relation till den sociala kontexten och till de
frndringar som omgav dem. Ellen Utsi var 24 r gammal nr hon mtte den
73-rige Qvigstad 1926. I sin repertoar frenar hon samiska traditioner med
mngfaldiga influenser bde vad gller sprk och genrer. Per Brs narrativer
visar p en stark frankring i traditionen. Hans berttelser r resultatet av ett
samspel med Qvigstad, och utgr en frhandling och anpassning mellan Brs
egen vilja och Qvigstads frvntningar. Isak Eira, den tredje informanten som
bidragit med flest berttelser i Lappiske Eventyr og Sagn II, frmedlar genom sina
texter traditionella kunskaper och han har mngfaldiga inspirationskllor. Studien
av dessa huvudinformanters repertoarer pvisar olika stt att frhlla sig till
kontexter och influenser.
Dessa fyra berttare hrstammade frn samma geografiska omrde,
Guovdageaidnu (Kautokeino). Analysen av Turis, Utsis, Brs och Eiras
repertoarer visar p deras skickliga anpassning inom en stark berttartradition. Ett
flertal rster mts i narrativerna, och de ger uttryck fr den komplexa kontexten
nordsamiska berttare levde i.
Berttelser och teman som hmtas ur ett kollektivt frrd mter subjektiva
element, kommentarer och vrderingar och ger oss indikationer p hur olika
personer tar stllning i en viss kontext. I avhandlingen beaktas och synliggrs
narrativa aspekter som tyder p anpassning och frndring. Berttarna frhandlar
mellan tradition, subjektivitet och aktuella frgor i dtidens kontext.
Analysen av nordsamiska berttelser vid sekelskiftet 1900 omfattar ocks
berttelsernas implikationer p en kollektiv niv ur ett receptionalistiskt perspektiv.
dvs. med utgngspunkt i det samhllet berttelserna var mnade fr. Tredje delen
av avhandlingen har gllt diskursens sociala och ideologiska konsekvenser som
utformas via narrativer och har fokus p konstruktionen av sociala relationer och
242
av identitet (Fairclough, 1992:64). Bland de mest framtrdande aspekterna kan

normativa och defensiva diskurser srskiljas.
Berttelserna kan tolkas som betydelsefulla i utformningen av diskurser om
relationer inom och utanfr samhllet. I narrativerna artikuleras aktuella frgor som
kande kontakter inom Spmi vid sekelskiftet 1900 hade gett upphov till och ger
indikationer p hur samhllsmedlemmarna upplevde och vrderade situationen.
Normer om frhllandet till egendom samt om relationer inom samhllet
uttrycks i berttelserna och illustreras ofta metaforiskt. Stlder och inkrktande
p annans egendom exemplifieras. Barn och ungdomar spelar en central roll i
mnga narrativer dr faror och hot beskrivs. En frvarnande diskurs frmedlas
p det sttet, samtidigt som socialiseringen av unga samhllsmedlemmar ger
rum. Berttelser r illustrationer p hur en handling som anses vara avvikande
bemts samt dess konsekvenser. Normer om endogami och respekt fr varandra
uttrycks p en implicit niv.
Diskurser om den andra, fienden, och drigenom om den egna gruppen
kan tolkas som en defensiv strategi. Berttelserna uttrycker en diskurs som
understryker behovet av att skydda gruppen - bokstavligt och metaforiskt - samt
betydelsen av solidaritet och sammanhllning. Berttartraditionen kan p s stt
vara identitetsstrkande och ven ha betydelse fr utvecklingen och bevarandet
av hela gruppens identitet. Vid sekelskiftet 1900 befann sig samerna som en
kulturell och etnisk grupp i en situation dr mtet med andra folkgrupper blev
en utmaning,. Behovet av att skapa en diskurs om dessa andra blev i denna
kontext akut. Berttelser utgr ven ett forum fr att uttrycka maktfrhllanden.
Samerna, i realitet en minoritet i Norden, framstlls i narrativerna inte sllan som
verordnade och de som har vertaget. P det viset ger berttartraditionen en
mjlighet till att ifrgastta och omvandla rdande maktfrhllanden.
ven om nordsamisk berttartradition frn brjan av 1900-talet har varit
utgngspunkt och fokus fr avhandlingen, br kontinuiteten av en stark tradition
understrykas. Traditionella berttelser lever n idag och har anpassats till en ny
kontext och en ny publik. Dessa omfattar nya diskurser, men deras betydelse
fr socialisering och uttryck av den samiska identiteten frefaller alltjmt vara
aktuell.
En kritisk diskursanalys av repertoarerna, dvs. en studie som tar hnsyn
till kontexten d berttelserna uppstod, till textanalysen av narrativerna samt till
deras sociala och ideologiska implikationer, visar att berttandet r en dynamisk
process som bidrar till upprtthllande, produktion och ndring av diskurser. Ett
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Copplie Cocq
folkloristiskt perspektiv p materialet synliggr berttartraditionens individuella

drag.
Genom att analysera repertoarerna med berttaren i fokus har avhandlingen
visat hur folkloristisk forskning kan uppn en strre frstelse av en kontext
p det stt som samhllsmedlemmarna kan ha upplevt den. Underskningen
har ven strvat att ge ter rster till de bortglmda berttare, sledes till dessa
artister, individer och sociala aktrer vars subjektivitet negligerats.
Med denna studien har jag velat visa hur ldre material, trots bristande
information kring insamlingsprocessen och trots dtida forskares vinklade
perspektiv, utgr en oersttlig och ovrderlig klla.
244
oahkkigeassu
Dn nkkosgirjjis (Revoicing Smi narratives) lean mon guorahallan davvismegiela
muitalanrbevieruid ovddit jahkeuoi lgogeais. Vaikko leat gvdnon olu
mvssola muitalusat girjjiin ja arkiivvain, de leat dt cukcasat ja midnasat
adnon vuorkdvvirin ja goasii oalat hilgojuvvon. Muitaleddjiid ehppodat ja sin
ilgehusat servodatolmmoin dalle go servodat sakka rievddai eai leat vldojuvvon
vuhtii.
Nkkosgirjji ulbmil lea leama guorahallat dan gaskavuoa mii gvdno
muitaleaddji, konteavstta ja oktasa rbevieruid gaskkas sierra perspektiivvas.
Muitaleaddji lea aktiiva servodatlahttu ja maid artista mii rhkada su muitalusaid
dakkr oktavuhtii masa gullet konteaksta ja rbevierru ja man vuoun leat su ieas
vshusat ja berotumit. Oktonas olbmuid muitalusat vikkuhit maid kollektiivva
rbevieruid ja maid servodaga. Dn dutkama vldodeaddu lea biddjojuvvon
njealji davvismegiela muitaleaddji ja sin muitalusaide dainna ulbmiliin ahte dt
vajlduvvon muitaleaddjit fas ooe ruovttoluotta sin muitalusaid.
Nkkosgirjji vuostta oasis ielggaduvvo teoriija ja dutkanvuohki ja maiddi
dutkanteavsttaid duog. Guorahallan ielggada golbma geahanguovllu: muita-
lusaid, muitalusaid konteavstta ja muitalusaid mearkkaumi. Dt golmmasuorat
oaidninvuohki uovvu dutkanvuogi maid Fairclough lea ovddidan (Fairclough,
1992) ja vld veahki drkilis diskursasuokkardallamis. Folkloristtala (dahje
lbmotdieala) perspektiiva mas muitaleaddji lea guovddis dievasmahtt
guorahallama. Dakkr doahpagat go stiilaldja (genre) ja gaskatekstualitehta
(intertextuality) (Briggs and Bauman, 1992) ja polyfoniija (polyfony) (Bakhtin,
2004) geavahuvvojit veahkkin muitaleaddji strategiijaid dutkamis.
Konteavstta duog gos muitalusat ihte lea deala oassi das mo deavsttaid
galggaii ddet ja maid dat mearkkait. Ideologala jurddaanvuogit ja politihkala
doaibmabijut ja guoskeva historjjlas dhpahusat mat bidnet mearkkaumi
sosiopolitihkala dilli 1900-logu lggus mielddisbukte olu hstalusaid veahdat-
lbmogiidda Smis (Elenius, 2006; Kvist, 1992; Lundmark, 1998; Svonni, 2007).
it ja gaaldagat mat ledje igeguovdilat 1900-logus ihtet muitalusain; addet
midjiide gova das mo oktonas olbmuide dovdojit nuppstuhttin, gvnnadeamit ja
riiddut mat ledje Smis. Danin lea muitalusaid konteakstualiseren guovddis
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ovdal go lea oba vejolage evttohit mo daid galggaii dulkot resepuvnnalisttala

perspektiivvas. Politihkala dilli 1900-logu lggus mearkkaii ahte smiid
kultuvra ja maid etnisitehta uhkiduvvui koloniserenproseassa, nationalismma ja
assimilerendoaimmaid geail.
Dn konteavsttas iii Muitalus smiid birra (Turi, 1910), mii lea vuosttas
muitalusoakkldat masa lea biddjojuvvon deaddu dn nkkosgirjji nuppi oasis.
Johan Turi lea dovddus danin go leai vuosttas smi girjealli ja su girjjis bohtet oktan
historjjla, politihkala, juridihkala, rbevirola ja subjektiivva geahanguovllut.
Girji uovvu muitalanminstara mii gvdno smiid muitalanrbevierus ja gull
stiilaldjii muitalusat. Turi girjji doaimmaheapmi ja olggosaddin leai boaus dan
ovttasbarggus mii leai su ja Emil Demant Hatt gaskkas, guhte leai dnskala artista
ja etnogrfa. Turis leai miella addit olggos girjji, mas leat dieut su lbmoga birra
ja mii uvge lohkki. Son govvida smiid eallima ja fuomahtt vearrivuoaid
mat uhcet su lbmogiid vuost ja maid smiid vrtnuhis dili. Muitalus smiid
birra-girjji guorahallan jeha mo lli lea geavahan mohkks muitalanstrategiijaid
go vurrolaga geavaha sierralgn perspektiivvaid sihke smi ja europala ja
sierralgn muitalanvugiid bilkku rjes duohtavuhtii muitalemiin vld beali
dakkr konteavsttas gos smi veahdatlbmoga dilli uhkiduvvui. Turi muitalusain
boaht maid ovdan mo smvva gielala erohusat shttet geavahuvvot saji
vldimis; son vurrolaga geavaha aktiivva ja passiivva hmiid, geavaha sierralgn
pronomeniid ja vearbahmiid ielggadettiin lahkavuoa ja ovttasvstdusa dahje
jus hliida vuostlastit uouhusaid. Turi girjjis shttet sierra suopmanat, mat
leat sosio-ideologala gielat (Bakhtin, 2004) earuhuvvot. Muitalus leage danin
polyfonala ielggadanvuohki dakkr kontekstii, gos politihkka, osku, rbevierut
ja oa vikkuhusat doibmet buohtalaga. Turi ll daid oa vikkuhusaid
birra. eahpes muitalanvugiiguin son shtt molsauhttit dsi man muddui son
doarju dahje vuosttilda. Son nanne su auktoritehta servodatlahttun ja rbevirolas
mhtuid oamasteaddjin, muhto lihkostuvv maid buktit ovdan su politihkala
oainnu.
Dn nkkosgirjji materila lea maid vldojuvvon girjjis Lappiske Eventyr og Sagn
(Qvigstad, 1928). Berotupmi smegillii ja kultuvrii akademihkriid gaskkas leai
vuoun lggahit lappologiija. Okta daid lappologaid gaskkas leai norgala
Just K. Qvigstad. Su bargu Lappiske Eventyr og Sagn lea stuora muitalusoakkldat
goasii oba Smis. Golbma vldoinformnttas leat oktiibuot 80 muitalusa nuppi
girjjis (Band 2: Troms og Finmnmark): Ellen Utsi, Isak Eira ja Per Br, ja sii leat ear
muitaleaddjit geaidda lea biddjojuvvon deaddu dn nkkosgirjjis.
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Qvigstad leai dallo olmmo. Su oaidnu dan ohkkejuvvon muitalusaide

speadjalast dallo vuoodovdduid minoritehtaide ja maid lbmotdiehtagii.
Su ulbmil leai dokumenteret giela ja kultuvrra maid son ju su igsa olbmot
jhkke leat jpmime. ohkken- ja lmmuhanproseassa gaskkas leat muitalusat
earuhuvvon konteavsttas: midnasat ja muitalusat leat sirrejuvvon dan konteavsttas
gos leat muitaluvvon ja dasa lassin lea muitaleddjiid oassi uhciduvvon. Qvigstada
almmuhemiid lea historjjla-geogrfala vuohki bidnan, dakkr maid n.g.
suoma skuvla leai rhkadan ja dan vuohki biddjojuvvui stuorimus deaddu
muitalanrbevieruid stisvuohta. Oktonas variauvnnat leat hilgojuvvon ja
danin shtt dadjat ahte son lea gidden informanttaid njlmmiid.
Utsi, Eirra ja Bra muitalusoakkldat sisttisdoall sihke rbevirola ja
oaigsa muitalusaid. Dt muitalusat buktet ovdan, seammldje go Turi
muitalusat, polyfoniija, mii speadjalast gaskavuoa mii gull sosila kontekstii
ja daidda nuppstusaide mat ledje dalle. Ellen Utsi leai 24 jagi boaris go oaidnalii
73 jahksa Qvigstadain. Su muitalusoahkkldagas son ovttastahtt smiid
rbevieruid ja moanaid oa vikkuhusaid, sihke giela ja stiilaljaid dfus. Per
Bra muitalusat ajehit nana gullevavuoa rbevirrui. Su muitalusat leai boadus
su ja Qvigstada ovttasbarggus, ja das lea iehtadallan ja heivehallan su ieas dhtu
ja Qvigstada vuordmuaid gaskka. Isak Eira lea dat goalmmt informntta, ja sus
leat eanamus muitalusat girjjis Lappiske Eventyr og Sagn II. Son bukt su muitalusain
ovdan rbevirolas mhtuid ja sus leat olu inspirauvdnagldut. Vldoinformnttaid
muitalusoakkldagaid dutkan lea jehan sierra oaidninvugiid konteavsttaide ja
vikkuhusaide.
Buot njeallje muitaleaddji ledje eret seamma geaogrfala birrasis, namalassii
Guovdageainnus. Turi, Utsi, Bra ja Eirra muitalusoahkkldagaid dutkan ajeha
sin eahpes heiveheami nana muitalanrbevirrui. Olu jienat leat mielde muitalusain
ja dt govve dan mnggadfot birrasa gos smi muitaleaddjit elle.
Muitalusat ja fttt, mat leat viojuvvon oktasa vuorkks ja leat seaguhuvvon
subjektiivva elemeanttaiguin, dajahusaiguin ja rvvotallamiiguin, addet midjiide
soameslgn gova mo leai olbmuid miella visses konteavsttas. Dn nkkosgirjjis
vldojuvvojit vuhtii ja oidnosin dhkkojuvvojit geahanguovllut mat orru
jeheamin heiveheami ja nuppstuhttima. Muitaleaddjit iehtadallet rbevieruid,
subjektivitehta ja igeguovdilis iid birra dllo konteavsttas.
Davvismegiela muitalusat 1900-logu lggus siskkildit maid muitalusaid
implikauvnnat kollektiivva dsis resepuvnnalisttala perspektiivvas, mii
mearkkaa ahte vuolggasadji lea servodat masa muitalusat ledje jurddauvvon.
Goalmmt oasis dn nkkosgirjjis gihallojuvvojit diskurssa sosiala ja ideologala
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Copplie Cocq
vikkuhusat mat leat boahtn ovdan muitalusaid bokte ja vldodeaddu lea

biddjojuvvon sosila gaskavuoaid ja identitehta konstrukuvdnii (Fairclough,
1992:64). Dealeamos geahanguovlun shtt oaidnit normatiivva ja defensiiva
diskurssaid.
Muitalusat shttet dulkojuvvot dealaan go lea huksemin diskurssaid
gaskavuoaid birra servodaga siskko- ja olggobealde. Muitalusain muitaluvvojit
igeguovdilas it maid lassneaddji oktavuoat Smis 1900 lggus ledje
mielddisbuktn ja mii shttit vatit mo servodatlahtuide dovdui dilli ja mo
sii arvvotalle sin dili. Norpmat mat gullet opmodagaid hlddaeapmi ja
servodateallima gaskavuoaide gvdnojit muitalusain ja govviduvvo dvj
metaforalaat. Suolavuoas ja nuppid olbmuid opmodaga rievvumis addojuvvojit
ovdamearkkat. Mnt ja nuorat leat guovddis mnggain muitalusain gos
muitaluvvo vralavuoaid ja uhkdusaid birra. Vrreheaddji diskursa buktojuvvo
ovdan dan vuogi mielde, seamms go nuorra servodatlahtut sosialiserejuvvojit.
Muitalusat govvidit mo oidnet bahs daguid ja maid dat mielddisbuktet. Norpmat
mat gullet endogamii ja gaskasa gudnevuollegavuhtii muitaluvvo implisihta
dsis.
Diskursa nuppid birra, vala birra, ja seamms maid dan ieas joavkku
birra shtt dulkojuvvot defensiiva strategiijan. Muitalusat buktet ovdan diskurssa
mas deattuhuvvo drbu suodjalit ieas joavku bustvalaat ja metaforalaat
ja solidaritehta ja soabalavuoa dealavuoa. Muitalanrbevierru shtt danin
nannet identitehta ja das shtt maid leat mearkkaupmi joavkku identitehta
ovddideapmi ja seailluheapmi. 1900 jahkeuoi molsaumis ledje smit dakkr
kultuvrralas ja etnala dilis ahte eara lbmotjoavkkut adde hstalussan. Drbu
rhkadit nuppiid birra diskurssa attai dan dilis deala. Muitalusat shtte maid
leat sadjin gos bohtet ovdan fpmogaskavuoat. Smit, geat rievtti mielde gullet
minoritehtajovkui Davviriikkain, muitaluvvojit muitalusain leat bajbealde ja
leamen fmolaat. Dainna bokte add muitalanrbevierru vejolavuoa moaitit
ja nuppstuhttit fpmodilalavuoa.
Vaikko davvismi muitalanrbevierru 1900-logu lggos lea leama
vuolggasadji ja masa lea biddjojuvvon vlddeaddu, de ferte deattuhit dn nana
rbevieru joatkevavuoa. rbevirolas muitalusat ellet ain otne ja leat heivehuvvon
oa kontekstii ja oa publihkkii. Dt siskkildit oa diskurssaid, muhto daid
mearkkaupmi sosialiseremis ja smi identitehta ovdanbuktimis orru ain leamen
deala.
Muitalanoakkldagaid drkilis diskursaguorahallan, mii mearkkaa ahte
dutkan vld vuhtii konteavstta gos muitalusat leat muitaluvvon, muitalusaid
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teakstaguorahallama ja daid sosila ja ideologala implikauvnnaid, jeha ahte

muitaleapmi lea dynamala proseassa mii veahkeha diskurssaid bisuheami,
buvttadeami ja nuppstuhttima. Folkloristtala perspektiiva dahk oainnusin
muitalanrbevieruid individula beliid.
Nkkosgirjjis lean maid jehan ahte go guorahall muitalanoakkldagaid dan
vuogi mielde ahte muitaleaddji lea guovddis, de dakkr folkloristtala dutkama
bokte shtt oaut buoret ipmrdusa dan konteavsttas nu got servodatlahtut
vedjet leat vsihan dan. Dn dutkama bokte lean maid viggan addit ruovttoluotta
muitalusaid vajlduvvon muitaleddjiide, namalassii daidda artisttaide, oktonas
olbmuide ja sosila oassevldiide geaid subjektivitehta lea hilgojuvvon.
Dinna dutkamiin lean maid hliidan jehit mo boarrset materila, vaikko
leat vileva dieut mo lea ohkkejuvvon ja dallo dutkiid oiadniniehka lea
leama vuoun, liikk shtt leat rvvola gldun.
Translation: Mikael Svonni
249
Copplie Cocq
Rsum
Revoicing Smi narratives sintresse la tradition narrative des smis (lapons) du
nord au dbut du 20me sicle. Malgr une collection considrable de contes et
lgendes publis et en archives, ces rcits ont t considrs comme des objets de
muse, ou ignors. Le talent des conteurs et leur tmoignage en tant quacteurs
sociaux une poque de changement social intense na pas t pris en compte.
Cette thse se propose dexaminer la relation entre conteur, contexte et
tradition collective. Les contextes dans lesquels des rpertoires sont crs sont
centraux pour linterprtation et la comprhension des rcits. Un conteur est un
agent social et un artiste qui forme son rpertoire en relation avec le contexte, la
tradition, ainsi que ses propres expriences et intrts. Des rcits labors par une
personne peuvent aussi influencer la tradition collective et la communaut.
Cette tude sintresse quatre conteurs smis du nord et leur rpertoire,
dans un effort pour redonner ces artistes oublis et ngligs leurs voix. Les
personnes interviewes ont longtemps ts considres comme des porteurs
de tradition plus ou moins anonymes dont les talents et stratgies narratives ont
t ngligs.
La premire partie de cette thse dfinit le cadre thorique et mthodologique
dans lequel notre recherche sinscrit ainsi que le contexte des rcits. Lanalyse se
place sur trois aspects: le contexte dans lequel la narration a eu lieu, les rcits, et
leurs implications. Cette perspective sinspire dune tude du folklore plaant le
conteur au centre et intgre une analyse critique du discours selon un modle
dvelopp par Fairclough (Fairclough, 1992). Une attention porte ces trois
plans nous permet dapprhender la tradition narrative des smis du nord au
dbut de 20me sicle en prenant en compte les aspects contextuels, textuels et
discursifs.
Aprs un premier aperu sur les contextes dapparition spcifiques du corpus
ltude dans cette thse, nous passons une analyse des textes o les concepts
de genres et relations entre diffrents genres, intertextualit (Briggs and Bauman,
1992) et polyphonie (Bakhtin, 2004) constituent les outils que nous nous donnons
pour approcher les stratgies utilises par ces conteurs. Troisimement, une tude
des aspects discursifs de la narration pour la communaut complte lanalyse.
Le contexte dmergence des rcits est un point important pour la
comprhension des textes et de leurs implications. Le contexte sociopolitique
250
du dbut du 20me sicle prsentait de nombreux dfis pour les minorits de

Spmi (Laponie) comme une consquence dattitudes idologiques, de mesures
politiques et dvnements historiques lis celles-ci (Elenius, 2006; Kvist, 1992;
Lundmark, 1998; Svonni, 2007).
Des questions dactualit et la problmatique de lpoque mergent des
rcits. Ces lments nous laissent apercevoir comment ces conteurs vivaient le
changement social qui les entourait ainsi que les rencontres et conflits qui avaient
lieu en Spmi cette poque. Une contextualisation des textes savre donc
centrale, avant que nous puissions proposer une interprtation des rcits selon
une perspective rceptionaliste.
Le climat politique du dbut du 20me sicle se caractrisait par une
priode de changement social intense en Spmi du Nord. La culture smie et
en consquence lidentit ethnique smi taient remis en question en suite du
processus de colonisation, de nationalisme et de mesures dassimilation. Cest
dans ce contexte que Muitalus smiid birra (Turi, 1910) (traduction franaise: Rcit
de la vie des lapons (Turi, 1997)) fut publi en 1910. Johan Turi, reconnu comme le
premier crivain Smi, rend par son uvre une description o aspects historiques,
politiques, juridiques et traditionnels se rejoignent. Le livre suit un modle de
narration propre la tradition orale smi et le genre muitalus.
Llaboration et la publication du livre de Turi en 1910 est le rsultat dune
collaboration entre le conteur Smi et lethnographe et artiste danoise Emilie
Demant Hatt. Lambition de Turi, dcrire un livre pour informer de la situation
de son peuple, est double dun projet dappel la conscience du lecteur. Il dcrit
la vie des smis et attire attention sur linjustice dont son peuple est victime et
sur lurgence de la situation. Ltude de Muitalus smiid birra met en vidence les
stratgies de narration de Turi, o il alterne perspectives (europenne et smie)
et tons (ironie et srieux). Ces stratgies lui permettent de prendre position
en rapport au contexte dans lequel la minorit smie se trouvait. Son rcit est
aussi une vidence de la faon dont il manie les nuances de langages pour se
positionner: il passe de la voix passive la voix active, choisit diffrents pronoms
et conjugaisons pour exprimer tantt prsence et responsabilit, tantt distance
avec ses affirmations et discours.
Diffrentes voix ou langages socio-idologiques (Bakhtin, 2004)peuvent
tre discerns dans luvre de Turi. Muitalus est ainsi une expression polyphonique
dun contexte o politique, religion, tradition et nouvelles influences coexistent.
Grce son talent de conteur, il varie ses degrs daccord et de remise en
question. Il tablit une autorit en tant que membre de la communaut smie et
251
Copplie Cocq
possesseur dun savoir traditionnel, tout en exprimant au lecteur son point de vue.
Trois rpertoires publis dans Lappiske Eventyr og Sagn (Qvigstad, 1928) composent
galement le corpus sur lequel cette tude se base. Un intrt particulier pour la
culture et la langue smie la fin de 19me et le dbut du 20me sicle donna
naissance la Lappologie. Lun de ces lappologues tait le norvgien Just K.
Qvigstad. Son uvre Lappiske Eventyr og Sagn est une collection impressionnante de
contes et lgendes de Spmi. Les trois informateurs principaux qui contriburent
avec 80 rcits dans le volume 2 Troms og Finnmark, Ellen Utsi, Isak Eira et Per Br
constituent les autres conteurs auxquels cette tude sintresse.
Le travail de Qvigstad sinscrit dans lhistoire idologique et thorique
de son poque, et son attitude envers le corpus de rcits documents reflte
lopinion envers les minorits et le folklore en vigueur cette poque. Son but
tait de documenter une langue et une culture quil croyait en voie de disparition.
Le rsultat de son travail de terrain et dentretiens avec des conteurs smis a
ensuite subi des modifications au long du processus de collection et publication.
Les rcits ont t dcontextualiss, cest--dire que les contes et lgendes sont
dissocis de leur contexte de narration et que le rle du conteur est effac. La
mthode historico-gographique de lcole finlandaise a laiss son empreinte sur
les publications de Qvigstad, qui mettent laccent sur la stabilit des traditions
orales. Les variations individuelles ont t ngliges. De cette manire, on peut
considrer que Qvigstad a dpossd ses informants de leurs voix.
Les rpertoires dUtsi, Eira et Br comprennent des histoires traditionnelles
aussi bien que des rcits de caractre innovatif. Ces rcits, de mme que ceux de
Johan Turi, expriment la polyphonie qui reflte leur relation au contexte social
et aux changements qui les entouraient. Ellen Utsi, 24 ans lors de sa rencontre
avec Qvigstad (73 ans) en 1926, tait un conteur talentueux qui associe dans son
rpertoire traditions smies et influences varies autant en tant que langues que de
genres. Les rcits de Per Br font preuve dun ancrage profond dans la tradition
de sa communaut. Son rpertoire est le rsultat dune interaction avec Qvigstad,
une ngociation et adaptation entre sa volont et les attentes du norvgien. Isak
Eira, le troisime informant qui a contribu avec le plus grand nombre de rcits
dans Lappiske Eventyr og Sagn II, transmet par son rpertoire des lments de
savoir traditionnel smi et fait rfrence diverses sources dinspiration. Ltude
de ces trois informants principaux met en vidence diffrentes attitudes et choix
envers contextes et influences.
Ces quatre conteurs viennent de la mme rgion de Guovdageaidnu
(Kautokeino). Lanalyse des rpertoires de Turi, Utsi, Br et Eira montre une
252
possibilit dadaptation tonnante de la tradition narrative. Plusieurs voix se

rencontrent, exprimant la complexit du contexte dans lequel ces conteurs
vivaient.
Rcits et caractres prenant leur origine dans un magasin collectif
rencontre des lments subjectifs, des commentaires, des valeurs qui nous
indiquent comment diffrentes personnes se positionnent dans un contexte donn.
Dans cette thse, les aspects narratifs indiquant adaptation et changements sont
pris en compte. Les conteurs ngocient entre tradition, subjectivit et questions
dactualit dans le contexte de leur poque.
Ces rpertoires sinscrivent, daprs linterprtation propose dans cette
thse, dans le cadre de lhistoire sociale de Spmi marque par la colonisation
et une politique assimilationniste lgard des minorits. Mais aussi, lanalyse
des rcits met en lumire des stratgies narratives et une tradition de techniques
narratives et politiques de dissimulation de critique sociale.
Lanalyse de conteurs smis du dbut du 20me sicle inclut ltude de
limplication de leurs narrations au niveau collectif en partant dune perspective
rceptionaliste, cest--dire ayant son point de dpart dans la communaut
laquelle ces rcits sadressaient. La troisime partie de cette thse sintresse ainsi
aux implications sociales et idologiques dun discours labor dans les rcits. Ces
discours et implications sont multiples. Parmi les discours principaux, ceux au
caractre normatif et dfensif sont prominents. Les rcits peuvent tre interprts
comme essentiels dans la formation de discours sur les relations sociales. Des
questions dactualit qui se sont poses en consquence de laugmentation
de contacts en Spmi la fin du 19me sicle sont articules dans les contes et
lgendes et nous indiquent comment les membres de la communaut vivaient et
valuaient la situation. Les normes concernant la relation la proprit ainsi que
les relations dans la communaut sont exprimes dans la narration et sont illustres
mtaphoriquement. Vols et autres atteintes la proprit sont exemplifis. Les
enfants et la jeunesse jouent un rle central dans les rcits o dangers et menaces
sont dcrits. Un discours davertissement est ainsi transmis, en mme temps quil
contribue la socialisation des jeunes membres de la communaut. Les histoires
sont des illustrations de ractions une manire dagir dviant de la norme et de
ses consquences. Normes dendogamie et respect sont exprimes un niveau
implicite.
Les discours sur lAutre, lennemi, et par consquent sur le propre groupe
peuvent tre interprts comme une stratgie de dfense. Les rcits articulent
un discours qui souligne un besoin de protger le groupe - dans le sens propre
253
Copplie Cocq
du terme et mtaphoriquement - ainsi que limportance de la solidarit et de la

cohsion. La tradition narrative peut de cette manire contribuer un renforcement
de lidentit et jouer un rle important dans le dveloppement et la prservation
de lidentit dun groupe. Les smis en tant que groupe culturel et ethnique se
trouvrent au dbut du 20me sicle face un dfi dans leur rencontre avec dautres
groupes. Un besoin de former un discours sur le propre groupe et sur laltrit
savra alors ncessaire. Les rcits forment aussi un forum pour larticulation
de relation de pouvoirs. Les smis, en ralit en minorit, sont prsents dans
les rcits comme suprieurs et ayant lavantage. De cette manire, la tradition
narrative savre tre une possibilit de remettre en question et de transformer les
relations de pouvoir. Ainsi, cette tude souligne le rle du folklore dans la gestion
de lidentit de groupes minoritaires dfis par des majorits dominantes.
La tradition narrative smie du dbut du 20me sicle constitue le point
central de cette thse. Toutefois, la continuit et la vivacit de cette tradition ne
doit pas tre nglige. Les rcits traditionnels constituent encore aujourdhui une
part importante de la culture smie et ont t adapts un nouveau contexte et
un nouveau public. Ils embrassent et constituent de nouveaux discours, mais
leur importance dans la socialisation et larticulation de lidentit smie semble
toujours actuelle.
Une analyse critique du discours, cest--dire une tude o le contexte
dmergence des rcits, une analyse de texte des rcits et de leurs implications
sociales et idologiques sont pris en compte, a permis de mettre jour que
la narration est un processus dynamique qui contribue la prservation, la
production et la modification de discours. Une approche intgrant une tude du
folklore souligne les aspects individuels et subjectifs de la tradition narrative dans
le corpus.
Cette thse donne lexemple dune recherche sur le folklore qui, par lanalyse
de rpertoires plaant le conteur au centre, atteint une comprhension dun
contexte tout comme les membres dune communaut le vivaient. Lanalyse
sefforce de rendre une voix ces conteurs mis sous silence par un discours
scientifique en soulignant les aspects subjectifs, politiques et artistiques de leur
narration.
Cette tude espre aussi fournir un exemple de lutilisation possible de
matriel darchives, malgr le manque dinformation concernant le contexte de
documentation et malgr lattitude des chercheurs de lpoque.
254
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Revoicing Smi narratives

Doctoral Dissertation in Smi Studies, Ume University, 2008.

Copplie Cocq 2008

Revoicing Smi narratives

Smi Studies Ume University

Tryck: Print&Media 2008 :2004285

Copplie Cocq 2008

Chapter Two: Texts and Contexts 29

Positionality and authority 58

Chapter Four: Silenced storytellers 111

Chapter Five:Subjective Narration and Collective Tradition 150

The meaning of folklore 168

Chapter Seven: Defensive Folklore. The enemy as factor of

Folklore and Identity 204

Chapter Eight: Discussion and Concluding Remarks 229

Ume, February 2008

Chapter One: Introduction

Theory and method

consists of critical discourse analysis from a folkloristic perspective. Fairclough

to be understood as the surrounding situations and the set of conditions which

which speakers, and within which social relationships (Foucault,

From this perspective, the elaboration of a certain discourse is to be considered

Emergence of the narratives

Intertextuality and Polyphony

Intertextuality as manifest intertextuality is integrated in my analytical

Change leaves traces in texts in the form of co-occurrence of

The concepts of heteroglossia and polyphony developed by Mikhail Bakhtin

Relation of the narrators to the collective storytelling tradition

Stories as a way of communication in a specific social context hold implications

perspective, attention is centered in Chapters Six and Seven on the implications

Discourse and empowerment

Smi folklore material

Folklore collections and research

Folklore archives are nothing but collections of dead artifacts,

Chapter Two: Texts and Contexts

Socio-Cultural and Political Context

monoculture; the Smi, reindeer herding and Laestadianism - all characterized

Muitalus Smiid birra, Johan Turi and

Figure 1 Johan Turi, 1909. Photographer: Borg Mesch.

Story about the Smi

writer (ibid.). Nevertheless, the original manuscript of Muitalus consists of

It is in part the uniqueness of Emilie Demant Hatts relation to Turi

Turi wanted at first to write in Finnish such adespised language

The successful collaboration behind Muitalus is the result of negotiating authorities.

His fate is part of the history of the Lappish people: he lived at

Being at the crossroads of different influences, Turis writings are characteristic

politicians. In 1918, he participated in the second political meeting which gathered

Reactions to Turis seminal work

Turis effort was quite unique and stood out as a conscious

Turis Bog er et Bnskrift! En breendende Bn fra Laplands Hjerte,

Muitalus smiid birra became a literary success this was art,

It is perhaps stressing the obvious to say that Turis stories

The special attractiveness of their [the tales] presentation here lies

Muitalus smiid birra was not received in a friendly manner by his

In spite of the criticism that followed the publication of Muitalus, Turi

Figure 2 Johan Turis tombstone in ohkkiras. Photographer: Risto Koskinen.

Contextualizing Qvigstads Lappiske eventyr og

narratives, and scarcely any about his informants. The decontextualisation of

Figure 3 Just K. Qvigstad in his office, ca 1931. Photographer: Samuli Paulaharju.