Lenguas Iroquesas

A HISTORY OF THE IROQUOIAN LANGUAGES
by
Charles Julian
A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of the University of Manitoba

in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Linguistics
University of Manitoba
Winnipeg
Copyright © 2010 by Charles Julian

ABSTRACT
The Iroquoian language family is indigenous to eastern North America. It has both a
southern branch, represented by Cherokee, and a northern branch, represented by
Huron, Mohawk, and Tuscarora, among others. The languages are notable for their rich
inflectional morphology and complex patterns of allomorphy, as well as their small
numbers of consonant phonemes which nonetheless yield complex consonant clusters.
To date, the history of the Iroquoian languages has been limited to short summaries,
and formal reconstruction of the phonology and morphology of Proto-Iroquoian (PI) has
not been undertaken. This work represents the first systematic attempt to reconstruct PI
phonology and morphology and trace subsequent developments through to modern
languages. The comparative method has been used, but the theoretical disposition of
the work is otherwise neutral and should permit interpretation of the data by
researchers of any theoretical persuasion.
Chapter 1 outlines previous studies in Iroquoian historical linguistics and addresses
issues of time depth, subgrouping, borrowing, and inheritance. Chapter 2 presents the
phonemic inventory, phonology, and morphology of PI as reconstructed through
comparison of Cherokee and Proto-Northern Iroquoian (PNI). Fifteen chapters follow
that relate the phonological and morphological changes separating each descendant
ii
language from its parent stage. Evolution of Cherokee from PI is described in Chapter 3.
The descent of PNI from PI is detailed in Chapter 4. Development of Proto-Tuscarora-
Nottoway (PTN) from PNI is related in Chapter 5, and development of Tuscarora and
Nottoway from PTN in Chapters 6 and 7. Development of Susquehannock and
Laurentian from PNI is discussed in Chapters 8 and 9. Descent of Proto-Mohawk-Oneida
(PMO) from PNI is presented in Chapter 10, and the evolution of Mohawk and Oneida
from PMO in Chapters 11 and 12. Development of Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca, and
Huron from PNI is related in Chapters 13 through 16, and development of Wyandot
from Huron is described in Chapter 17. Chapter 18 discusses fragmentary languages:
Meherrin, Wenro, Erie, and Neutral.
Data for this study were gathered from primary sources (dictionaries, grammars,
word lists), and cognate sets upon which reconstructions in the study are based are
included in two appendices.
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This dissertation would not have been possible without the encouragement and
financial support of my family. For advice, inspiration, and insight during my formative
linguistic years I would like to thank my undergraduate mentors, John Colarusso, Anna
Moro, and George Thomas, and my M.A. supervisor, Sheila Embleton. I would like to
thank the University of Manitoba for awarding me a Faculty of Arts Graduate
Fellowship in the first year of my doctoral studies, and to thank the staff and faculty of
the Department of Linguistics, members of my advisory committee, and my advisor,
David Pentland, for offering helpful suggestions and valuable insight at all points.
Thanks are due also to the late Blair Rudes, who provided feedback on my earliest draft
versions of Proto-Iroquoian, and to John Steckley, who helped me track down Huron
manuscript sources. Finally I would like to thank all the authors, past and present, of
the grammars, dictionaries, and other forms of primary documentation upon which this
study is based. Anyone who has ever taken time out to record a few obscure words from
an Iroquoian language has helped to preserve vital clues from history that might
otherwise have been lost.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract ……………………………………………………………………………………... ii
Acknowledgements ……………………………………………………………………… .. iv
Table of Contents ………………………………………………………………………….. v
List of Maps ………………………………………………………………………………. xii
Language Abbreviations ………………………………………………………………... xiii
Grammatical Abbreviations ……………………………………………………………. xiv
Pronominal Prefix Abbreviations ………………………………………………………. xv
Chapter 1: Introduction …………………………………………………………………… 1
1.1 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………….. 1
1.2 The Iroquoian Language Family ………………………………………………… 3
1.3 Previous Studies in Iroquoian Historical Linguistics ………………………….. 4
1.4 Time Depth, Subgrouping, Borrowing, and Inheritance ……………………… 7
Chapter 2: Proto-Iroquoian ……………………………………………………………….19
2.1 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………… 19
2.2 Phonemic Inventory and Phonology ………………………………………….. 20
2.2.1 Vowels …………………………………………………………………….. 23
2.2.2 Single Consonants ……………………………………………………….. 29
v
2.2.3 Consonant Clusters ………………………………………………………. 36
2.3 Verb Morphology ……………………………………………………………….. 42
2.4 Prepronominal Prefixes ………………………………………………………… 44
2.5 Non-Singular Animate Prefix ………………………………………………….. 54
2.6 Pronominal Prefixes ……………………………………………………………. 55
2.7 Reflexive and Semireflexive Prefixes …………………………………………. 66
2.8 Incorporated Noun Stem ……………………………………………………….. 68
2.9 Verb Base ………………………………………………………………………… 72
2.10 Noun Morphology ……………………………………………………………… 74
2.11 Particles and Clitics ……………………………………………………………. 77
Chapter 3: Cherokee ……………………………………………………………………… 79
3.1 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………… 79
3.2 Phonemic Inventory …………………………………………………………….. 81
3.3 Phonological Changes …………………………………………………………... 82
3.4 Morphological Changes ………………………………………………………….93
Chapter 4: Proto-Northern Iroquoian …………………………………………………. 103
4.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………………….. 103
4.2 Phonemic Inventory and Phonology …………………………………………. 104
vi
4.2.1 Vowels ……………………………………………………………………. 107
4.2.2 Consonants and Clusters ………………………………………………... 109
4.3 Phonological Changes …………………………………………………………. 117
4.4 Morphological Changes ……………………………………………………….. 129
Chapter 5: Proto-Tuscarora-Nottoway ………………………………………………… 155
5.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………………….. 155
5.2 Phonemic Inventory …………………………………………………………… 156
Chapter 6: Tuscarora ……………………………………………………………………. 162
6.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………………….. 162
Chapter 7: Nottoway ……………………………………………………………………. 177
7.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………………….. 177
vii
Chapter 8: Susquehannock ……………………………………………………………... 182
8.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………………….. 182
8.2 Phonemic Inventory …………………………………………………………….183
Chapter 9: Laurentian …………………………………………………………………... 188
9.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………………….. 188
9.2 Phonemic Inventory …………………………………………………………….189
Chapter 10: Proto-Mohawk-Oneida …………………………………………………… 197
10.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………………… 197
10.2 Phonemic Inventory ………………………………………………………….. 197
10.3 Phonological Changes ………………………………………………………... 200
10.4 Morphological Changes ……………………………………………………… 204
Chapter 11: Mohawk ……………………………………………………………………. 209
11.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………………… 209
viii
Chapter 12: Oneida ……………………………………………………………………… 226
12.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………….... 226
Chapter 13: Onondaga ………………………………………………………………….. 242
13.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………….... 242
Chapter 14: Cayuga ……………………………………………………………………... 264
14.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………………… 264
ix
Chapter 15: Seneca ……………………………………………………………………… 284
15.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………………… 284
Chapter 16: Huron ………………………………………………………………………. 304
16.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………………… 304
Chapter 17: Wyandot …………………………………………………………………… 324
17.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………………… 324
Chapter 18: Fragmentary Languages ………………………………………………….. 334
18.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………………… 334
18.2 Meherrin ………………………………………………………………………. 335
x
18.3 Wenro ………………………………………………………………………….. 336
18.4 Erie ……………………………………………………………………………... 337
18.5 Neutral …………………………………………………………………………. 338
Appendix A: Functional Morphology …………………………………………………. 340
Appendix B: Particles and Lexical Roots ……………………………………………… 439
References ………………………………………………………………………………... 562
xi
LIST OF MAPS
1 Iroquoian Languages xvi
2 Cherokee xvii
3 The Coastal Plain xviii
4 Susquehannock xix
5 Laurentian xix
6 Iroquoia xx
7 Huronia xxi
8 Wenro, Erie, and Neutral xxi
xii
LANGUAGE ABBREVIATIONS
AkMo. Akwesasne Mohawk

AOo. Archaic Onondaga
Ca. Cayuga (Common Cayuga)
CaMo. Caughnawaga Mohawk
Ch. Cherokee (Common Cherokee)
CoHu. Cord Huron
Hu. Huron (Common Huron-Petun)
La. Laurentian
LoHu. Lorette Huron
Mo. Mohawk (Common Mohawk)
NBeHu. Northern Bear Huron
No. Nottoway
Oe. Oneida (Common Oneida)
OkMo. Oka Mohawk
OMo. Old Mohawk
Oo. Onondaga
OOo. Old Onondaga
PeHu. Petun Huron (Dialect)
PI Proto-Iroquoian
PMO Proto-Mohawk-Oneida
PNI Proto-Northern Iroquoian
PTN Proto-Tuscarora-Nottoway
RoHu. Rock Huron
SBeHu. Southern Bear Huron
Se. Seneca
SNMo. Six Nations Mohawk
Su. Susquehannock
Tu. Tuscarora (Common Tuscarora)
TyMo. Tyendinaga Mohawk
WaMo. Wahta Mohawk
Wy. Wyandot
xiii
GRAMMATICAL ABBREVIATIONS
ALPOSS alienable possession

ASRT assertive modal suffix
CHAR characterizer suffix
CLOC cislocative prefix
COIN coincident prefix
DEP dependent verb form
DUPL duplicative prefix
FACT factual prefix
FUT future prefix
FUTR future suffix
HAB habitual modal suffix
IMPF imperfective base
INDC indicative modal suffix
INDP independent verb form
INPOSS inalienable possession
JOIN joiner vowel
NSA non-singular animate prefix
NSAM masculine non-singular animate prefix
NSFX noun suffix
PART partitive prefix
PERF perfect base
PLUR pluralizer suffix
PPRF past perfect suffix
PRES present base
PUNC punctual base
REFL reflexive prefix
REP repetitive prefix
TLOC translocative prefix
xiv
PRONOMINAL PREFIX ABBREVIATIONS
1 first person
1DU first person dual number
1NS first person non-singular number
1PL first person plural number
1SG first person singular number
1+2DU first person inclusive dual number
1+2NS first person inclusive non-singular number
1+2PL first person inclusive plural number
1+3DU first person exclusive dual number
1+3NS first person exclusive non-singular number
1+3PL first person exclusive plural number
2 second person
2DU second person dual number
2NS second person non-singular number
2PL second person plural number
2SG second person singular number
3 third person
3A third person animate
3I third person indefinite
3DU third person dual number
3DUM third person dual number masculine
3M third person masculine
3NS third person non-singular number
3PL third person plural number
3PLM third person plural number masculine
3SGA third person singular number animate
3SGM third person singular number masculine
.DU at least one argument dual number, neither plural number
.IMP imperative verb
.M at least one male present
.PL at least one argument plural number
.SG both arguments singular number
(A):(B) (A) acting on (B)
(A)&(B) (A) and (B) interacting
xv
Map 1 The Iroquoian Language Family
xvi
Map 2 Cherokee
xvii
Map 3 The Coastal Plain
xviii
Map 4 Susquehannock
Map 5 Laurentian
xix
Map 6 Iroquoia
xx
Map 7 Huronia
Map 8 Wenro, Erie, and Neutral
xxi
xxii
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
1.1 INTRODUCTION
I have written this dissertation with the aim of addressing questions that I myself
had about the Iroquoian language family when I began my research, in particular
questions about Proto-Iroquoian, the ancestor from which all of the languages derive.
My hope is that it can serve as a basis for future diachronic inquiry, and as an
introduction to the developmental history of the language family as a whole for anyone
who might be interested. The bulk of the work consists of sixteen chapters, each
diachronically descriptive in nature, seven of which relate to living Iroquoian languages
( Cherokee, Tuscarora, Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, and Seneca ), five of
which relate to extinct Iroquoian languages for which some reasonable written record
has survived ( Nottoway, Susquehannock, Laurentian, Huron, and Wyandot ), and four
of which relate to unattested earlier stages in the Iroquoian family tree, which have
here been reconstructed by means of the comparative method ( Proto-Iroquoian, Proto-
Northern Iroquoian, Proto-Tuscarora-Nottoway, and Proto-Mohawk-Oneida ). With the
exception of the chapter on Proto-Iroquoian, each of the chapters 'descends' from
another ( e.g. Mohawk from Proto-Mohawk-Oneida, Proto-Mohawk-Oneida from Proto-
Northern-Iroquoian, and Proto-Northern Iroquoian from Proto-Iroquoian ), so that
1
innovations alone are noted, and continuity from mother language chapter to daughter
language chapter can otherwise generally be assumed. A final chapter provides
information relating to fragmentary Northern Iroquoian languages ( Meherrin, Wenro,
Erie, and Neutral ), and two appendices supply 498 cognate sets upon which
reconstructions in this dissertation are based; these cognate sets are referenced
throughout the work using superscript numbers that resemble footnotes
( e.g. PNI * { -õweh } 'authenticative suffix' ¹²⁴, PI * { -hsnuːɹiɁ } 'be fast' ²⁵⁸ ).
I have used IPA to represent phonological forms throughout the text, with a star
( * ) to represent reconstructed forms and x ( ˣ ) to represent non-existent forms. The
methodology I have employed in reconstructing the four proto-language stages is
related in introductions to these respective chapters. In reconstituting Susquehannock,
Laurentian, and Huron forms from orthographic sources, I have adhered to a 'principle
of conservative reconstruction', whereby phonological features of the reconstructed
mother language ( Proto-Northern Iroquoian ) that have not demonstrably changed in
orthographic forms are assumed to have been continued. Thus, for example, Huron
<i8at> 'il y a q.c. dedans' is taken to represent / ˈiːwaːt /, with lengthening of the
penultimate vowel and long / aː / in the final syllable ( cf. PNI * / ˈiːwaːt /
'it is within' ¹⁵⁹ ), since definitive change of these features in Huron relative to
2
Proto-Northern Iroquoian cannot be discerned from the orthography in which Huron
was recorded.
Three sections follow which provide background information relating to the
languages, previous diachronic studies relating to Iroquoian, and theoretical issues
relating to time depth, subgrouping, borrowing, and genetic inheritance.
1.2 THE IROQUOIAN LANGUAGE FAMILY
The Iroquoian language family is indigenous to eastern North America (see Map 1).
The southern branch of Iroquoian consists of a single language, Cherokee, which
historically was spoken in the Allegheny Mountains at the juncture of what are now the
states of North Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Tennessee. Cherokee differs
substantially from all other known Iroquoian languages, which, in contrast, belong to
the Northern branch of Iroquoian.
Attested Northern Iroquoian languages include Tuscarora, originally spoken in what
is now northeastern North Carolina; Nottoway, an extinct language once spoken in what
is now southeastern Virginia; Susquehannock, an extinct language once spoken in what
is now eastern Pennsylvania; Laurentian, an extinct language spoken along the northern
shore of the Saint Lawrence River prior to the seventeenth century; the languages of the
3
Five Nations Iroquois Confederacy ( Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, and Seneca ),
historically spoken in what is now New York State; Huron, the extinct common
language of the Huron and Petun Confederacies, originally spoken south and east of
Lake Huron in what is now Ontario; and Wyandot, a language that descends from the
Petun dialect of Huron and was spoken at the Wyandotte Reservation in Oklahoma until
the early twentieth century. Several other Northern Iroquoian languages are known to
have existed, but became extinct before they could be sufficiently documented
( see Chapter 18 ).
1.3 PREVIOUS STUDIES IN IROQUOIAN HISTORICAL LINGUISTICS
The most significant studies in Iroquoian historical linguistics to date are Chafe
(1977a) and Michelson (1988), in which the accent pattern of Proto-Lake Iroquoian is
reconstructed through comparison of accent patterns in the languages of the Five
Nations Proper ( note that the reconstructed pattern holds for Proto-Northern Iroquoian
even after evidence from Tuscarora and Huron has been introduced ) and Rudes (1995),
in which the vowel system of Proto-Iroquoian is reconstructed through comparison of
Cherokee and Northern Iroquoian lexical items, and 100 items of reconstructed
vocabulary are presented. Another, somewhat briefer study of Proto-Iroquoian is
4
Lounsbury (1961), which gives a glottochronological estimate of 3,500 to 3,800 years
for the separation of Proto-Iroquoian and Proto-Northern Iroquoian, and posits a set of
peripheral vs. inner Iroquoian isoglosses on the basis of five vocabulary items and one
shared morphological trait. Lounsbury (1978) and Mithun (1979) present summaries of
the family, as well as models for the subgrouping of the Northern Iroquoian languages
and sketches of characteristic sound changes that have occurred in some of the
languages, and Mithun (1999) also presents an overview of the family. Mithun (1982)
examines the diachronic development of particles and interjections across the family,
and Mithun (1986) examines the diachronic development of evidentials. Chafe (1984),
Chafe & Foster (1981), and Mithun (1985) examine internal relations among the
Northern Iroquoian languages.
Several works have investigated diachronic aspects of individual Iroquoian
languages. Allophonic and allomorphic properties of Seneca are accounted for using
language-internal reconstruction in Chafe (1959). Historical-comparative aspects of
Proto-Tuscarora-Nottoway phonology are discussed in Rudes (1976), and the
reconstructed phonology of Nottoway is presented in Rudes (1981a). The reconstructed
phonology of Susquehannock is presented in Mithun (1981a), and philological
comparison of Old Mohawk and Modern Mohawk is presented in Michelson (1981a).
5
Diachronic loss of the phoneme * / ɹ / in Onondaga is discussed in Woodbury (1981)
and in Michelson (1986). Diachronic development of Cayuga accent is investigated in
Foster (1982), and diachronic aspects of the phonology and morphology of Wyandot are
discussed in Kopris (2001).
Mithun (1984b) undertakes a linguistically-based study of Proto-Iroquoian and
Proto-Northern Iroquoian origins, in which potentially cognate lexical items from
different Iroquoian languages are assembled in order to discern what flora, fauna, and
other items may have been present in the Proto-Iroquoian and Proto-Northern Iroquoian
homelands. Several studies by Chafe (1964a, 1973, 1976) have examined possible deep
genetic links between the Iroquoian, Siouan, and Caddoan language families, and the
potential subgrouping of these into a Macro-Siouan stock. Rudes (1974) outlines
possible sound changes separating Proto-Siouan-Yuchi from Proto-Iroquoian-Caddoan.
Chafe (1977b) examines the evolution of third person pronominal prefixes in Proto-
Iroquoian and Proto-Northern Iroquoian within a Macro-Siouan paradigm.
Reconstructions in the latter study differ from those found in the present work, but do
present an interesting alternative reconstruction for third person pronominal prefixes.
Note that although marginally recoverable genetic links between Iroquoian and other
language families remain a real possibility, reconstructions in the present study have
6
been based only on evidence internal to the Iroquoian language family.
1.4 TIME DEPTH, SUBGROUPING, BORROWING, AND INHERITANCE
The approximate time depth at which Proto-Iroquoian may initially have broken
into Northern and Southern branches is difficult to assess due to uncertain rates of
lexical replacement and retention in descendant languages. Lounsbury (1961:11)
proposes a glottochronological estimate of 3,500 to 3,800 years before present on the
basis of 37.8% to 34.3% retention of core vocabulary between Cherokee and two
Northern Iroquoian languages ( Oneida and Tuscarora ). My own comparison of core
vocabulary across Iroquoian languages ( below ) suggests far lower rates of cognacy
between the two branches of Iroquoian, however, ranging from 24% between Cherokee
and Onondaga to just 19% between Cherokee and Cayuga.
Theoretical issues also arise in the subgrouping of the Northern Iroquoian
languages, where one must take into account the influence that areal innovation and
borrowing of vocabulary from neighbouring languages may have had on present rates
of cognacy among the languages. Generally speaking, the Northern languages have not
borrowed vocabulary from non-Iroquoian languages with the exception of a very few
recent loanwords from European languages, all of which are nouns ( e.g. Modern
7
Mohawk / ˈtsihs / 'cheese' from English, and / akʷaˈtə̃ht / 'my aunt', from French
'(ma) tante' ). In contrast to this marginal pattern of borrowing from non-Iroquoian
languages, however, borrowings from neighbouring Iroquoian languages may have been
frequent and unimpeded by restrictions of lexical class. For example, among the core
vocabulary of the Swadesh 100-word list, at least the following lexical items appear to
have been borrowed into Cayuga from Seneca or another Northern Iroquoian language:
{ -hsoht- } 'hand', { -ẽjõhs- } 'heart', { -hskwa- } 'stone', and { -nehs- } 'sand'. Examples
like these can be identified owing to irregular development of reflexes: in the event that
these items had been inherited by Cayuga directly from Proto-Northern Iroquoian, one
would expect to find reflexes ˣ { -Ɂsoht- }, ˣ { -enjahs- }, ˣ { -Ɂskwa- }, and ˣ { -Ɂnehs- },
but instead one finds slightly deviant forms. In still other cases, borrowed words may be
of so simple a structure to begin with that no evidence of borrowing, as distinct from
direct inheritance, can be recognized. In this way several Northern Iroquoian languages
may eventually have come to resemble their immediate neighbours more than their
closest genetic relatives ( see Chafe & Foster 1981 for discussion of potential Five
Nations areal influence on Cayuga ).
Previous subgroupings of the Iroquoian language family have not generally drawn a
sharp distinction between synchronic similarity arising from areal influences and
8
borrowing on the one hand, and similarities attributable to shared genetic inheritance
on the other. Two previous subgroupings of the family, as proposed by Lounsbury
(1978:336) and Mithun (1999:418), are presented in (1).
(1) Previous Subgroupings of the Iroquoian Language Family
I. After Lounsbury (1978:336) II. After Mithun (1999:418)
IROQUOIAN IROQUOIAN
SOUTHERN [IROQUOIAN] SOUTHERN IROQUOIAN
Cherokee Cherokee
NORTHERN [IROQUOIAN] NORTHERN IROQUOIAN
[TUSCARORA-NOTTOWAY] TUSCARORA-NOTTOWAY
Tuscarora Tuscarora
Nottoway * Nottoway *
[LAKE IROQUOIAN] PROTO-LAKE IROQUOIAN
Laurentian ? * Laurentian *
FIVE NATIONS & SUSQUEHANNOCK IROQUOIS PROPER
Susquehannock * Susquehannock *
[MOHAWK-ONEIDA] ONEIDA-MOHAWK
Mohawk Mohawk
Oneida Oneida
Onondaga Onondaga
Cayuga SENECA-CAYUGA
Seneca Cayuga
HURONIAN Seneca
HURON-PETUN Huron-Wyandot *
Lorette Huron * Laurentian *
Wyandot *
NEUTRAL ? [ * extinct at time of writing ]
9
The models in (1) are essentially correct in that those Northern Iroquoian languages
which bear the greatest synchronic resemblance to one another and which share the
largest amount of cognate vocabulary have been grouped together. Contrasting with
these models, albeit only to a minor extent, is the genetic model presented in (2), which
is employed in the present work.
(2) Genetic Subgrouping of the Iroquoian Languages in the Present Work
* Proto-Iroquoian (Chapter 2)
Cherokee (Chapter 3)
* Proto-Northern Iroquoian (Chapter 4)
* Proto-Tuscarora-Nottoway (Chapter 5)
Tuscarora (Chapter 6)
Nottoway (Chapter 7)
Susquehannock (Chapter 8)
Laurentian (Chapter 9)
* Proto-Mohawk-Oneida (Chapter 10)
Mohawk (Chapter 11)
Oneida (Chapter 12)
Onondaga (Chapter 13)
Cayuga (Chapter 14)
Seneca (Chapter 15)
Huron (Chapter 16)
Wyandot (Chapter 17)
The model in (2) differs from those in (1) primarily in its lack of a separate Proto-Lake
Iroquoian stage ( no shared phonological innovations, and arguably no morphological
innovations, appear to separate the remaining Northern Iroquoian languages from
10
Proto-Tuscarora-Nottoway, which would appear to make Proto-Lake Iroquoian formally
equivalent to Proto-Northern Iroquoian ), and its lack of a separate Proto-Five Nations
or Iroquois Proper stage ( no shared phonological innovations and no morphological
innovations seem to separate the Five Nations languages from Huron, which again
would appear to make Proto-Five Nations Iroquoian formally equivalent to Proto-
Northern Iroquoian ). Wyandot is here interpreted as a direct descendant of Common
Huron, and similarities between Seneca and Cayuga ( of which there are admittedly
many ) are interpreted as recent and the result of areal influence, since few regular
sound changes link them and a handful of significant morphological features separate
them ( including, for example, Cayuga's retention of the non-singular animate prefix,
which is absent from Seneca and all of the remaining Five Nations languages ).
Posing an additional theoretical problem for subgrouping of the Northern languages
are shared phonological innovations, relative to Proto-Northern Iroquoian, that are
present in more than one of the daughter languages, apparently owing to areal
influence or to chance rather than to genetic inheritance. Twelve such innovations that
are common to at least four of eight Northern Iroquoian languages are presented in (3),
where Δ indicates that the innovation is present in at least one dialect of the language
and ✓ indicates that the innovation is present in all dialects.
11
(3) Post-PNI Innovations Common to at Least Four Northern Iroquoian Languages
Innovation Tu. Mo. Oe. Oo. Ca. Se. Hu. Wy.
* h > Ø / _nh ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
* h > Ø / _sk, st Δ ✓ ✓ ✓
* h > Ø / #_w ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
* h > Ø / Vː_# ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
* j > Ø / ts_ ✓ Δ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
* n > Ø / _sh Δ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
* n > t / _k, kʷ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
* ns > ts / _k, kʷ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
* t > k / _j Δ Δ Δ ✓
* ts > (h)s / _k, kʷ Δ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
* ts > (h)s / _ɹ Δ ✓ ✓ ✓ Δ ✓ ✓ ✓
* w > Ø / _j Δ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓
From data in (3) one could theoretically posit that Tuscarora, Mohawk, Oneida, Seneca,
Huron, and Wyandot descend from the same ancestral language stage (Proto-Tuscarora-
Mohawk-Oneida-Seneca-Huron-Wyandot), from which they inherited loss of word-
initial Proto-Northern Iroquoian * / h / when * / w / followed; but since this change is
the only post-Proto-Northern-Iroquoian innovation common to this particular grouping
of languages, it is here interpreted as having more likely been areally-induced or
coincidental rather than genetically inherited. In contrast, two post-Proto-Northern-
Iroquoian stages that are accepted in the present work, Proto-Tuscarora-Nottoway and
Proto-Mohawk-Oneida, have been posited on the basis of the significant numbers of
12
post-PNI phonological innovations that are common to Tuscarora and Nottoway (six),
and to Mohawk and Oneida (thirteen), and which share a feeding order that allows
them to be placed at the beginning of the post-PNI developmental stage of both
languages in each respective subgrouping before subsequent, language-specific sound
changes apply ( note that the only instance in Iroquoian where rule re-ordering seems
to have resulted in developmental discrepancies relative to predictable phonological
derivation of attested forms from proto-forms involves sound changes WY-12 and
WY-13, related in Chapter 17 ).
It should be noted that my model of subgrouping, in particular my position that
Proto-Lake Iroquoian and Proto-Five Nations are formally indistinguishable from Proto-
Northern Iroquoian itself, is not a consensus in the field. Marianne Mithun (p.c.) notes
that, "[t]he case for an early separation of Northern Iroquoian into 8 parallel branches,
with subsequent convergence of the Iroquois Proper languages due to contact, would be
strengthened if we could see old, deep differences but new, superficial similarities. At
present, although we do have some evidence of contact, the differences do not appear to
be very old." However, I would contend that old, deep similarities among the Five
Nations languages would first need to be evident in order to allow grouping of the Five
Nations languages as a subgroup to the exclusion of Huron, and that old, deep
13
similarities among the Lake Iroquoian languages would first need to be evident in order
to allow the grouping of the Lake Iroquoian languages to the exclusion of Tuscarora-
Nottoway – that is, a set of early, shared innovations, of similar quality and quantity to
those that serve to distinguish Proto-Tuscarora-Nottoway (six changes) and Proto-
Mohawk-Oneida (thirteen changes) as subgroups within Northern Iroquoian. However,
no early shared phonological innovations relative to PNI, and arguably no
morphological innovations relative to PNI, appear to occur in the languages of the Five
Nations subgrouping or the languages of the Lake subgrouping that would serve to set
them apart from other Northern Iroquoian languages in general ( for discussion of the
development of PI * / u(ː) / in PNI and its implications for a Five Nations subgrouping,
see section 4.3, and for discussion of the development of non-singular third person
pronominal prefixes in PNI and its implications for a Lake Iroquoian subgrouping, see
section 4.4 ).
Although the current work is concerned with direct genetic inheritance ( e.g. the
chapter on Cayuga 'descends' directly from the chapter on Proto-Northern Iroquoian ),
figures relating to similarity of a subset of vocabulary ( 'core vocabulary' ), regardless of
whether this has been borrowed or inherited, may nonetheless provide an idea of how
long each has been isolated ( culturally or geographically ) from the other languages.
14
The percentage of core vocabulary shared between eight well-attested Iroquoian
languages, based on the Swadesh 100-word list, is presented in (4).
(4) Percentage of Shared Core Vocabulary Across Iroquoian Languages
Ch. Tu. Mo. Oe. Oo. Ca. Se. Hu.
Ch. --- 20 23 22 24 19 21 19
Tu. 20 --- 69 65 66 65 65 67
Mo. 23 69 --- 95 85 83 86 76
Oe. 22 65 95 --- 80 82 81 72
Oo. 24 66 85 80 --- 86 93 74
Ca. 19 65 83 82 86 --- 91 71
Se. 21 65 86 81 93 91 --- 76
Hu. 19 67 76 72 74 71 76 ---
It is intriguing to note that each Northern Iroquoian language in (4) shares roughly 20%
of its core vocabulary with Cherokee ( Cayuga and Huron the least at 19%, Onondaga
the most at 24% ), and that although Tuscarora was historically spoken in close
geographical proximity to Cherokee, it nevertheless shares roughly the same amount of
core vocabulary with Cherokee ( 20% ) as other Northern languages. The latter finding
15
would seem to suggest that Tuscarora has been culturally and geographically isolated
from Cherokee for roughly the same amount of time as all of the other Northern
languages have been. Within Northern Iroquoian, Tuscarora shares only about 65% of
its core vocabulary with Huron and the Five Nations languages, which suggests that
Tuscarora has been culturally and geographically isolated from both Huron and the Five
Nations languages for roughly an equal amount of time. Among the Northern languages
in the Great Lakes region, Huron stands apart in sharing only 71-76% of its core
vocabulary with the Five Nations Iroquois languages, which in contrast all share at least
80% and in some cases as much as 95% of their core vocabulary with each other. This
suggests that Huron has been isolated ( culturally, if not geographically ) from all of the
Five Nations languages for roughly the same amount of time.
The number of unique core vocabulary items ( that is, instances in which a core
vocabulary item from the Swadesh 100-word list has no known cognate in any other
Iroquoian language ) in eight well-attested Iroquoian languages may also provide some
idea of the degree of developmental isolation each language has had relative to others,
and this is presented in (5).
16
(5) Unique Core Vocabulary Items in Iroquoian Languages (Swadesh 100-word list)
language unique core vocabulary items
Cherokee 69
Tuscarora 16
Huron 12
Cayuga 4
Onondaga 4
Oneida 3
Mohawk 1
Seneca 1
Numbers in (5) are again in keeping with the chronological sequence of isolation
outlined above, in which Cherokee has been isolated from other Iroquoian languages for
the longest period of time, followed by Tuscarora, Huron, and finally by the Five
Nations languages, all of which fall in the single digit range.
Finally, the total amount of cognate lexical ( as opposed to functional ) vocabulary
shared by Cherokee and Proto-Northern Iroquoian can also provide some idea of the
potential age of the Proto-language, though figures in this regard will be lower than
those in (4), owing to the greater propensity of general vocabulary to be replaced over
time compared to core vocabulary. In the dictionary of North Carolina Cherokee
included in King (1975), which contains 2050 lexical roots, 100 entries (4.88%) have
identifiable Northern Iroquoian cognates. In Feeling and Pulte's (1975) dictionary of
17
Oklahoma Cherokee, which contains 2000 lexical roots, 98 entries (4.90%) have
identifiable Northern Iroquoian cognates. These figures suggest that just under 5% of all
lexical roots, or slightly less than 1 in 20 vocabulary items, remains cognate between
the two principal branches of Iroquoian.
18
CHAPTER 2: PROTO-IROQUOIAN
2.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes Proto-Iroquoian (PI), the reconstructed language from which
Cherokee and Proto-Northern Iroquoian (PNI) derive. PI is reconstructed on the basis of
cognate forms common to both daughter languages, but because there are many points
on which Cherokee and PNI do not agree, I have at times had to interpret a feature
found in one of the daughter languages as more archaic than a feature found in the
other. The second half of this approach is admittedly arbitrary, and other researchers
may certainly differ as to whether Cherokee or PNI is more likely to continue a feature
original to PI. In order that the more interpretive portion of my presentation of the
proto-language obscure only minimally the facts that are based on secure cognate forms
in both branches, however, I will here list the more theoretical of my assumptions.
Features of Cherokee ( but not of PNI ) that I have interpreted as archaic include a
distinction between independent verb forms ( verbs that occur in matrix clauses and
were characterized in the proto-language by word-initial glide retention and final
accent ) and dependent verb forms ( verbs that occur in subordinate clauses or as
deverbalized nouns and were characterized phonologically by word-initial glide loss
and penultimate accent ). I have also interpreted the animate vs. inanimate distinction
19
found in Cherokee pronominal prefixes ( as opposed to the feminine-indefinite vs.
neuter-zoic distinction found in PNI ) as the original semantic distinction found in PI
third person pronominal prefixes, and have interpreted Cherokee's lack of a third person
gender distinction as archaic, with PNI masculine gender pronominal prefixes reflecting
subsequent innovation, as also proposed previously by Chafe (1977b). Features of PNI
( but not of Cherokee ) that I have interpreted as archaic include lack of distinctive tone
on vowels, and lack of productive modal suffixes, with word-final presence of present,
punctual, imperfective, and perfect bases in PI verbs.
2.2 PHONEMIC INVENTORY AND PHONOLOGY
As noted previously by Lounsbury (1978:337), the Iroquoian languages are notable
typologically for their relatively small consonant phoneme inventories, a lack of labial
consonants, a lack of contrastive voicing in consonant phonemes, and for having
complex consonant clusters of considerable length ( cf. e.g. the cluster * / -Ɂtskhɹj- / in
PNI * / waɁtskhɹjeːnẽɁts / 'I fell over again' ⁰⁰⁶ ⁰¹¹ ⁰¹⁹ ²⁴⁵ ). The reconstructed phonemic
inventory of PI is presented in (1).
20
(1) Phonemic Inventory of Proto-Iroquoian
CONSONANTS
Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Plosive t k kʷ Ɂ
Nasal n
Fricative s h
Affricate ts
Approximant ɹ j w
VOWELS
Front Central Back
Close iː uː
i u
Mid eː ẽː oː õː
e ẽ o õ
Open aː
a
The consonants * / ts / and * / kʷ / are here analyzed as internally complex
consonants ( rather than as clusters of / t + s / and / k + w / ) primarily because their
reflexes in Cherokee pattern with reflexes of the plosives * / t / and * / k / in showing
phonetic voicing to [ dz ] and [ gʷ ] when they precede vowels, and because their
reflexes, like those of single not-glottal consonants, permit penultimate vowel
21
lengthening in PNI ( cf. Michelson 1988:55; see also Postal 1968 and Chafe 1970b for
arguments concerning / kʷ / vs. / k+w / ). Analyzing these segments as clusters rather
than phonemes is theoretically also possible, but makes fluid diachronic description of
certain sound changes, especially those that pertain to * / ts / but not * / s /, somewhat
more cumbersome.
The identity of PI phoneme * / ɹ / is somewhat uncertain, but it is here represented
by an alveolar approximant, and will also be represented as such in the daughter
languages where contrary evidence is lacking, as in the case of Huron and Old
Onondaga; Cayuga and Six Nations Mohawk have the alveolar approximant / ɹ /, as
apparently did Wyandot ( "corresponding to the English r" according to Barbeau
1960:57 ), while Tuscarora has an alveolar trill / r / (Rudes 1999:xxxviii),
Caughnawaga and Oka Mohawk have a retroflex lateral approximant / ɭ /, and
Akwesasne Mohawk and Oneida have a lateral approximant / l /; all surviving dialects
of Cherokee also have / l /, although Mooney notes that the extinct eastern dialect of
Cherokee had "r instead of l" (1900:188).
If any phonetic rules pertaining to consonants were present in PI, they are not
reconstructable. The fact that reflexes of PI plosives remain voiceless in all
environments in Huron and Wyandot suggests that phonetic voicing of obstruents, a
22
rule now common in some form to all of the surviving Iroquoian languages, is an areal
innovation that only later spread to both branches of Iroquoian following the separation
of Cherokee and PNI ( cf. Rudes 1976:17 ).
2.2.1 VOWELS
PI short * / a / is reconstructed based on a correspondence between Cherokee short
/ a / and PNI short * / a / in non-final syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:20), as in
PI * { -atawẽ- } 'swim' ¹⁶¹ ( cf. Ch. { -àtàwò- }, PNI * { -atawẽ- } ), PI * { -atkahthw- }
'look at' ¹⁷⁹ ( cf. Ch. { -àkàhth- }, PNI * { -atkahthw- } ), and PI * { -hskanẽ- } 'slow' ²⁵²
( cf. Ch. { -hskànò- }, PNI * { -hskanẽ- } ), and on the basis of a correspondence
between Cherokee long / aː / and PNI short / a / in final syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:28),
as in PI nouns such as * { tawiːhskaɹaɁ } 'flint' ⁴³⁷ ( cf. Ch. { tàwǐːhskála̋ː },
PNI * { tawihskaɹaɁ } ). PI long * / aː / is reconstructed on the basis of a
correspondence between Cherokee long / aː / and PNI short * / a / in non-final
syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:20), as in the PI reflexive morpheme * { -ataːt- } ⁰⁷⁶
( cf. Ch. { -àtàːt- }, PNI * { -atat- } ), as well as in PI * { -aːhs- } 'foot' ¹³⁹
( cf. Ch. { -àːhs- }, PNI * { -ahs- } ) and PI * { -aɹaːhsu- } 'shoe' ¹⁵⁶
( cf. Ch. { -àlȁːhsǔːl- }, PNI * { -aɹahso- } ), and on the basis of a regular correspondence
23
between Cherokee long / aː / and PNI long * / aː / in final syllables
(cf. Rudes 1995:28), as in PI * { koːhkaːɁ } 'crow' ³⁴³ ( cf. Ch. { khóːka̋ː },
PNI * { kahkaːɁ } ).
PI short * / e / is reconstructed where Cherokee short / e / corresponds to PNI short
* / e / in non-final syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:20), as in PI * { -e- } 'go' ²⁰⁹ ( cf. Ch. { -è- },
PNI * { -e- } ), PI * { -je- } 'wake up' ²⁹⁹ ( cf. Ch. { -jè- }, PNI * { -je- } ), and
PI * { -we- } 'speak' ⁴⁷⁵ ( cf. Ch. { -wè- }, PNI * { -we- } ), and where Cherokee long
/ eː / corresponds to PNI short * / e / in final syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:28), as in
PI * { aɹeɁ } 'about' ¹⁵⁸ ( cf. Ch. { àle̋ː }, PNI * { aɹeɁ } ) and PI * { kuːɹeh } 'acorn' ³⁴⁸
( cf. Ch. { kùːle̋ː }, PNI * { koɹeh } ). PI long * / eː / is reconstructed where Cherokee
long / eː / corresponds to PNI short * / e / in non-final syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:20), as
in PI * { -ateːhẽːh- } 'be ashamed' ¹⁶³ ( cf. Ch. { -àtèːhòːh- }, PNI * { -atehẽh- } ),
PI * { -eːɹ- } 'believe' ²¹¹ ( cf. Ch. { -èːl- }, PNI * { -eɹ- } ), and PI * { -nsteːɹ- } 'help' ³⁹¹
( cf. Ch. { -hstèːl- }, PNI * { -ansteɹihst- } ), and where Cherokee long / eː / corresponds
to PNI long * / eː / in final syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:28), as in PI * { -atseːɁ }
'be new' ¹⁸⁹ ( cf. Ch. { àtse̋ːɁ- }, PNI * { atseːɁ } ) and PI * { -kaweː- } 'paddle' ³³⁰
( cf. Ch. { -kàwèː- }, PNI * { -kaweː- } ).
PI short * / ẽ / is reconstructed on the basis of a regular correspondence between
24
Cherokee short / o / and PNI short * / ẽ / in non-final syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:20), as
in PI * { -ẽɁ- } 'fall' ²²¹ ( cf. Ch. { -òɁ- }, PNI * { -ẽɁ- } ), PI * { -kẽ- } 'see' ³³²
( cf. Ch. { -kò- }, PNI * { -kẽ- } ), and PI * { -nẽh- } 'grain' ³⁶⁶ ( cf. Ch. { -nòh- },
PNI * { -nẽh- } ), and on the basis of a regular correspondence between Cherokee long
/ aː / and PNI short * / ẽ / in final syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:20), as in PI * { awẽɁ }
'water' ¹⁹⁶ ( cf. Ch. { àma̋ː }, PNI * { awẽɁ } ), PI * { kanõːnowẽɁ } 'pipe' ³²³
( cf. Ch. { kànʌ̃ː̀ nòwa̋ː }, PNI * { kanõnawẽɁ } ), and PI * { kihɹjuɁkẽh } 'chipmunk' ³⁴⁰
( cf. Ch. { khìjûːka̋ː }, PNI * { tsihɹjoɁkẽh } ); occasionally, as in non-final syllables,
Cherokee shows long / oː / rather than long / aː / in the latter position, as in
PI * { tsiːjẽh } 'otter, seal' ⁴⁵⁵ ( cf. Ch. { tsìːjőː }, PNI * { tsijẽh } ), though this is less
common. Note that while Rudes (1995:20) also posits that correspondence of Cherokee
short / a / to PNI short * / ẽ / reflects PI short * / ẽ / on the basis of the reconstructed
roots meaning 'domesticate' and 'slow', the former root is probably not cognate, and the
latter is root is perhaps better reconstructed as PI * { -hskanẽ- } ²⁵²
( cf. Ch. / ùːhskànőːlîː / 'slow', Oe. / oskanʌ̃Ɂˈshũha / 'slowly' ) rather than
ˣ { -hskẽnõ- }, with the latter form likely reflecting a variant in the Northern Iroquoian
languages. PI long * / ẽː / is reconstructed on the basis of a correspondence between
Cherokee long / oː / and PNI short * / ẽ / in non-final syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:20), as
25
in PI * { -kẽːh } 'have seen' ³³² ( cf. Ch. { -kòːh- }, PNI * { -kẽh- } ), PI * { -nẽːhskʷ- }
'steal' ³⁶⁸ ( cf. Ch. { -nòːhsk- }, PNI * { -nẽhskw- } ), and PI * { -nẽːj- } 'sand, stone' ³⁶⁹
( cf. Ch. { -nòːj- }, PNI * { -nẽj- } ), and on the basis of a correspondence between
Cherokee long / aː / and PNI long * / ẽː / in final syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:20), as in
PI * { kahnaːwẽːh } 'butterfly' ³¹⁷ ( cf. Ch. { khàmàːma̋ː }, PNI * { kahnawẽːh } ).
PI short * / i / is reconstructed based on a correspondence between Cherokee short
/ i / and PNI short * / e / in non-final syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:20), as in PI * { ki- }
'1SG:3' ⁰¹⁹ ( cf. Ch. { tsì- }, PNI * { ke- } ) and PI * { hsi- } '2SG:3' ⁰²² ( cf. Ch. { hì- },
PNI * { hse- } ), and on the basis of a correspondence between Cherokee long / iː / and
PNI short * / e / in final syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:20), as in PI * { -hsnuːɹiɁ } 'be fast' ²⁵⁸
( cf. Ch. { -hsìnűːlîː }, PNI * { -hsnoɹeɁ } ), PI * { -koɁtiɁ } 'be a lot' ³⁴⁴
( cf. Ch. { -kȍːti ̋ː }, PNI * { -kaɁteɁ } ), and PI * { -õːtaɹiɁ } 'be a lake' ⁴¹²
( cf. Ch. { ʌ̃ː̀ tàli ̋ː }, PNI * { -õtaɹeɁ } ). Occasionally before consonant clusters beginning
in a glottal consonant both Cherokee and PNI appear to retain short / i /
(cf. Rudes 1995:32), as in PI * { hwihsk } 'five' ²⁷³ ( cf. Ch. { hi ̀hski ̋ː },
PNI * { hwihsk } ) and PI * { kihɹjuɁkẽh } 'chipmunk' ³⁴⁰ ( cf. Ch. { khìjûːka̋ː },
PNI * { tsihɹjoɁkẽh } ); an interesting example is found in PI * { tiɁɹ } 'skunk' ⁴⁴³
( cf. Ch. { -tíɁl- }, PNI * { -teɁɹ- }, * { -tiɁɹ- } ), in which both short * / e / and short
26
* / i / are reflected in Northern Iroquoian. PI long * / iː / is reconstructed on the basis
of a correspondence between Cherokee long / iː / and PNI short * / i / in non-final
syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:20), as in PI * { -nõːtsiː- } 'brain, head' ³⁸⁷ ( cf. Ch. { -nʌ̃ː̀ tsíː- },
PNI * { -nõtsi- } ), PI * { -tsiːɹ- } 'fire' ⁴⁵⁸ ( cf. Ch. { -tsìːl- }, PNI * { -tsiɹ- } ), and
PI * { -wiːnõːh } 'young person' ⁴⁷⁸ ( cf. Ch. { -wi ̋ːnâː }, PNI * { -winõːh } ), and on the
basis of a correspondence between Cherokee long / iː / and PNI long * / iː / in final
syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:28), as in PI * { -iː- } 'exist' ²⁷⁵ ( cf. Ch. { -ìː- }, PNI * { -iːh } ).
PI short * / o / is reconstructed where Cherokee short / o / corresponds to PNI
short * / a / in non-final syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:20), as in PI * { -oɁnj- } 'hand' ⁴⁰⁰
( cf. Ch. { -oɁj- }, PNI * { -aɁnj- } ), PI * { -ɹhok- } 'paternal aunt' ⁴²⁵ ( cf. Ch. { -lhòk- },
PNI * { -ɹhak- } ), and PI * { -tsoɁ- } 'daughter-in-law' ⁴⁶⁸ ( cf. Ch. { -tsòɁ- },
PNI * { -tsaɁw- } ); in accordance with reflexes of other PI short vowels, PI * / o / is
assumed also to have been preserved as Cherokee long / oː / and as PNI short * / a / in
final syllables, but no cognates are available. PI long * / oː / is reconstructed where
Cherokee long / oː / corresponds to PNI short * / a / in non-final syllables
(cf. Rudes 1995:20), as in PI * { -tsjoːɹ- } 'tobacco' ⁴⁶⁵ ( cf. Ch. { -tsòːl- },
PNI * { -tsjaɹ- } ). Again, in accordance with reflexes of other PI long vowels, PI * / oː /
is assumed also to have been preserved as Cherokee long / oː / and as PNI long * / aː /
27
in final syllables, though no cognates are available.
PI short * / õ / is reconstructed on the basis of a regular correspondence between
Cherokee short / ʌ̃ / and PNI short * / õ / in non-final syllables, as in PI * { -jeːɹõɁ- }
'body' ³⁰⁴ ( cf. Ch. { -jèːlʌ̃Ɂ̀ - }, PNI * { -jeɹõɁ } ), PI * { -nõhs- } 'house' ³⁸²
̀ s- }, PNI * { -nõhs- } ), and PI * { -nuːɹõ- } 'fail to do' ³⁹³

( cf. Ch. { -nʌ̃h
( cf. Ch. { -nùːlʌ̃-̀ }, PNI * { -noɹõ- } ), and on the basis of a correspondence between
Cherokee long / aː / and PNI short * / õ / in final syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:20), as in
PI * { iːnõh } 'far' ²⁸¹ ( cf. Ch. { iːnâː }, PNI * { inõh } ); Rudes (1995:20) also posits that
correspondence of Cherokee short / o / to PNI short * / õ / reflects PI short * / õ / on
the basis of the reconstructed root meaning 'slow', but see discussion under PI short
* / ẽ / above. PI long * / õː / is reconstructed on the basis of a regular correspondence
between Cherokee long / ʌ̃ː / and PNI short * / õ / in non-final syllables
(cf. Rudes 1995:20), as in PI * { -kõːhs- } 'face' ³⁴⁵ ( cf. Ch. { -kʌ̃ː̀ hs- }, PNI * { -kõhs- } ),
PI * { -õːnh- } 'be alive' ⁴⁰⁶ ( cf. Ch. { -ʌ̃ː̀ hn- }, PNI * { -õnh- } ), and PI * { -Ɂnjõːhs- }
'nose' ⁴⁹⁴ ( cf. Ch. { -Ɂjʌ̃ː̀ hs- }, PNI * { -Ɂnjõhs- } ), and on the basis of a correspondence
between Cherokee long / aː / and PNI long * / õː / in final syllables
(cf. Rudes 1995:20), as in PI * { -wiːnõːh } 'young person' ⁴⁷⁸ ( cf. Ch. { -wi ̋ːnâː },
PNI * { -winõːh } ).
28
PI short * / u / is reconstructed based on a correspondence between Cherokee short
/ u / and PNI short * / o / in non-final syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:20), as in reflexes of
PI * { kihɹjuɁkẽh } 'chipmunk' ³⁴⁰; PI * / u / is assumed also to have been preserved as
Cherokee long / uː / and as PNI short * / o / in final syllables, in accordance with
reflexes of other PI short vowels, but no cognates are available. PI long * / uː / is
reconstructed on the basis of a correspondence between Cherokee long / uː / and PNI
short * / o / in non-final syllables (cf. Rudes 1995:20), as in PI * { -htsuːhw- } 'dye' ²⁶⁸
( cf. Ch. { -hsùːhw- }, PNI * { -ahtsohw- } ), PI * { -nuːɹ- } 'corn husk' ³⁹²
( cf. Ch. { -nùːl- }, PNI * { -noɹ- } ), and PI * { -õːkuːh- } 'pass through' ⁴⁰³
( cf. Ch. { -ʌ̃ː̀ kùːh- }, PNI * { -õkoh- } ). Again, PI * / õː / is assumed also to have been
preserved as Cherokee long / uː / in final syllables and as PNI long * / oː / in final
syllables, in accordance with reflexes of other PI long vowels, though no cognates are
available.
2.2.2 SINGLE CONSONANTS
PI * / k / is reconstructed where Cherokee / k / corresponds to PNI * / k /
(cf. Lounsbury 1978:338, Rudes 1995:56), as in PI * { -k- } 'eat' ³¹⁶ ( cf. Ch. { -k- },
PNI * { -k- } ), PI * { -kaweː- } 'paddle' ³³⁰ ( cf. Ch. { -kàwèː- }, PNI * { -kaweː- } ), and
29
PI * { kuːɹeh } 'acorn' ³⁴⁸ ( cf. Ch. { kùːle̋ː }, PNI * { koɹeh } ), as well as where
Cherokee / ts / corresponds to PNI * / k / and a vowel * / i(ː) / follows, as in
PI * { ki- } '1SG:3' ⁰¹⁹ ( cf. Ch. { tsì- }, PNI * { ke- } ) and PI * { kiji- } '1SG:3A' ⁰²⁰
( cf. Ch. { tsìː- }, PNI * { khe- } ). Two cognates appear to show the opposite
correspondence, with Cherokee / k / and PNI * / ts / before * / i(ː) /:
PI * { kihɹjuɁkẽh } 'chipmunk' ³⁴⁰ ( cf. Ch. { khìjûːka̋ː }, PNI * { tsihɹjoɁkẽh } ) and
PI * { kiːɹ } 'dog' ³⁴¹ ( cf. Ch. { kìːlhi ̋ː }, PNI * { tsiɹ } ). In the latter cases a shift in
Cherokee of * / ki / to / tsi / may have been levelled, as initial * / k / seems to
represent an allomorph of the 3SG:3 pronominal prefix, and the 3SG:3 prefix of
Cherokee lacks an allomorph * / ts / before bases beginning in * / i /; in Northern
Iroquoian * / k / may have shifted to * / ts / in the same words due to semantic
association with other animal names ( cf. PNI * / tsihˈskoɁkoɁ / 'robin' ⁴⁵⁴,
PNI * / 'tsiːjẽh / 'seal' ⁴⁵⁵, PNI * / 'tsitshoɁ / 'fox, lynx' ⁴⁶⁰ ).
PI * / kʷ / is reconstructed on the basis of a regular correspondence between
Cherokee / kʷ / and PNI * / kʷ /, as in the prevocalic PI pronominal prefix allomorphs
* { wakʷ- } '3:1SG' ⁰²⁵ ( cf. Ch. { ȁːkʷ- }, PNI * { wakʷ- } ) and * { jõːkʷ- } '3A:1SG' ⁰²⁶
( cf. Ch. { ʌ̃ː̏ kʷ- }, PNI * { jõkʷ- } ). A significant number of cognates also show
Cherokee / ki(ː) / where PNI has * / kʷ /, * / kw / or * / ko /, as in PI * { -kʷ- }
30
'pick up' ³⁵⁰ ( cf. Ch. { -kì- }, PNI * { -kʷ- } ), PI * { -õːtakʷ- } 'remove from fire' ⁴¹¹
( cf. Ch. { -ʌ̃ː̀ tàkì- }, PNI * { -õtakw- }, * { -õtako- } ), and PI * { -uːkʷ- } 'remove from
water' ⁴⁷¹ ( cf. Ch. { -ùːkì- }, PNI * { -okw- }, * { -oko- } ); such sets are likewise
hypothesized to derive from original * / kʷ /, with a shift to / k / in Cherokee before a
following vowel / i(ː) /. Previous works (Mithun 1984b:260, Rudes 1995:56) have
noted a probable correspondence between Cherokee / w / or / hw / and PNI * / kʷ /,
as between Ch. / àh(à)wi ̋ː / and a PNI form * / ˈaːkʷ / 'deer' (cf. Rudes 1995:42),
between Ch. / àjʌ̃ː̀ wi ̋ː / and PNI * / ˈõːkʷeh / 'person' ⁴⁰⁵, and between Ch. / nʌ̃ː̀ wôːthi ̋ː /
and PNI * / oˈnõhkʷaɁt / 'medicine' ²⁷⁹. The pairs just noted should not be dismissed as
potential cognates, but show enough irregularities relative to correspondences found in
archaic functional allomorphs that their cognate status can be questioned ( e.g. from a
hypothetical PI form ˣ / õ(ː)kʷih / one would expect a Cherokee reflex ˣ / ʌ̃ː̀ ki ̋ː /, and
from a hypothetical PI form ˣ / ajõːkʷih / one would expect a PNI reflex
ˣ / aˈjõːkʷeh / ). Consequently the correspondence observed in archaic functional
allomorphs will here be interpreted as a regular pattern.
PI * / t / is reconstructed based on a correspondence between Cherokee / t / and
PNI * / t / (cf. Lounsbury 1978:338, Rudes 1996:56), as in PI * { -atawẽːhɹat- }
'climb over' ¹⁶² ( cf. Ch. { -àtàwòːhìlàt- }, PNI * { -atawẽhɹat- } ), PI * { -õːt- }
31
'put into fire' ⁴⁰⁹ ( cf. Ch. { -ʌ̃ː̀ t- }, PNI * { -õt- } ), and PI * { tawiːhskaɹaɁ } 'flint' ⁴³⁷
( cf. Ch. { tàwǐːhskála̋ː }, PNI * { tawihskaɹaɁ } ).
PI * / s / is unique in that it appears always to have been preceded by * / h / unless
preceded by another consonant; it is reconstructed where Cherokee / s / corresponds to
PNI * / s / (cf. Rudes 1995:56), as in PI * { -kõːhs- } 'face' ³⁴⁵ ( cf. Ch. { -kʌ̃ː̀ hs- },
̀ s- }, PNI * { -nõhs- } ), and

PNI * { -kõhs- } ), PI * { -nõhs- } 'house' ³⁸² ( cf. Ch. { -nʌ̃h
PI * { -Ɂnjõːhs- } 'nose' ⁴⁹⁴ ( cf. Ch. { -Ɂjʌ̃ː̀ hs- }, PNI * { -Ɂnjõhs- } ), as well as where
Cherokee / h / corresponds to PNI * / s / in word-initial position, as in PI * { hsi- }
'2SG:3' ⁰²² ( cf. Ch. { hì- }, PNI * { hse- } ) and PI * { hsiji- } '2SG:3A' ⁰²³ ( cf. Ch. { hìː- },
PNI * { hshe- } ).
PI * / ts / is reconstructed on the basis of a regular correspondence between
Cherokee / ts / and PNI * / ts / (cf. Rudes 1995:56), as in PI * { tsa- } '3:2SG' ⁰²⁸
( cf. Ch. * { tsà- }, PNI * { tsa- } ), PI * { -atseːɁ } 'be new' ¹⁸⁹ ( cf. Ch. { àtse̋ːɁ- },
PNI * { atseːɁ } ), PI * { -tsiːɹ- } 'fire' ⁴⁵⁸ ( cf. Ch. { -tsìːl- }, PNI * { -tsiɹ- } ), and
PI * { -tsoɁ- } 'daughter-in-law' ⁴⁶⁸ ( cf. Ch. { -tsòɁ- }, PNI * { -tsaɁw- } ).
PI * / n / is reconstructed based on a correspondence between Cherokee / n / and
PNI * / n / (cf. Lounsbury 1978:338, Rudes 1995:56), as in PI * { -hskanẽ- } 'slow' ²⁵²
( cf. Ch. { -hskànò- }, PNI * { -hskanẽ- } ), PI * { kanõːnowẽɁ } 'pipe' ³²³
32
( cf. Ch. { kànʌ̃ː̀ nòwa̋ː }, PNI * { kanõnawẽɁ } ), and PI * { -nuːɹ- } 'corn husk' ³⁹²
( cf. Ch. { -nùːl- }, PNI * { -noɹ- } ). In at least one cognate PNI * / n / appears to have
assimilated to / m / in Cherokee where / m / follows: PI * { kahnaːwẽːh } 'butterfly' ³¹⁷
( cf. Ch. { khàmàːma̋ː }, PNI * { kahnawẽːh } ).
PI * / ɹ / can be reconstructed where Cherokee / l /, which was still realized as "r"
in the extinct Eastern dialect (Mooney 1900:188), corresponds to PNI * / ɹ /
(cf. Lounsbury 1978:341, Rudes 1995:56), as in PI * { kuːɹeh } 'acorn' ³⁴⁸
( cf. Ch. { kùːle̋ː }, PNI * { koɹeh } ), PI * { -nuːɹõ- } 'be difficult' ³⁹³ ( cf. Ch. { -nùːlʌ̃-̀ },
PNI * { -noɹõ- } ), and PI * { -tsjoːɹ- } 'tobacco' ⁴⁶⁵ ( cf. Ch. { -tsòːl- }, PNI * { -tsjaɹ- } ).
PI * / w / is reconstructed on the basis of a regular correspondence between
Cherokee / w / and PNI * / w / (cf. Rudes 1995:56), as in PI * { kanõːnowẽɁ } 'pipe' ³²³
( cf. Ch. { kànʌ̃ː̀ nòwa̋ː }, PNI * { kanõnawẽɁ } ), PI * { -kaweː- } 'paddle' ³³⁰
( cf. Ch. { -kàwèː- }, PNI * { -kaweː- } ), and PI * { -wiːnõːh } 'young person' ⁴⁷⁸
( cf. Ch. { -wi ̋ːnâː }, PNI * { -winõːh } ), and on the basis of a correspondence in
word-initial position between Cherokee / Ø / followed by a long vowel with low falling
tone and PNI * / w /, as in PI * { wakʷ- } '3:1SG' ⁰²⁵ ( cf. Ch. { ȁːkʷ- }, PNI * { wakʷ- } )
and PI * { wantiː- } '3NS:3' ⁰⁵⁸ ( cf. Ch. { ȁːnì- }, PNI * { wati- } ). At least two cognates
show a correspondence of Cherokee / m / to PNI * / w / where a vowel * / ẽ(ː) /
33
followed: PI * { awẽɁ } 'water' ¹⁹⁶ ( cf. Ch. { àma̋ː }, PNI * { awẽɁ } ), and
PI * { kahnaːwẽːh } 'butterfly' ³¹⁷ ( cf. Ch. { khàmàːma̋ː }, PNI * { kahnawẽːh } ). The
latter correspondence is also attributed to PI * / w /, though exceptions to this
development can be seen, for example, in reflexes of PI * { -atawẽ- } 'swim' ¹⁶¹ and
* { kanõːnowẽɁ } 'pipe' ³²³.
PI * / j / is reconstructed based on a correspondence between Cherokee / j / and
PNI * / j / (cf. Rudes 1995:56), as in PI * { -je- } 'wake up' ²⁹⁹ ( cf. Ch. { -jè- },
PNI * { -je- } ), PI * { tsiːjẽh } 'otter, seal' ⁴⁵⁵ ( cf. Ch. { tsìːjőː }, PNI * { tsijẽh } ), and
PI * { -nẽːj- } 'sand, stone' ³⁶⁹ ( cf. Ch. { -nòːj- }, PNI * { -nẽj- } ), and on the basis of a
correspondence in word-initial position between Cherokee / Ø / followed by a long
vowel with low falling tone and PNI * / j /, as in PI * { jeːtsa- } '3A:2SG' ⁰²⁹
( cf. Ch. { ȅːtsà- }, PNI * { jetsa- } ), PI * { ju- } '3:3SG' ⁰⁵⁴ ( cf. Ch. { ȕː- }, PNI * { jo- } ),
and PI * { juːntiː- } '3:3NS' ⁰⁶¹ ( cf. Ch. { ȕːnì- }, PNI * { joti- } ). A correspondence
between Ch. / Ciː / and PNI * / Che / is here also reconstructed as * / Ciji / in light of
internal analysis of the PI animate pronominal prefixes * { kiji- } '1SG:3A' ⁰²⁰
( cf. Ch. { tsìː- }, PNI * { khe- } ) and * { hsiji- } '2SG:3A' ⁰²³ ( cf. Ch. { hìː- },
PNI * { hshe- }; see 2.6 for discussion of these prefixes ).
PI * / h / is reconstructed where Cherokee / h / corresponds to PNI * / h /, as in
34
PI * { -ateːhẽːh- } 'be embarrassed' ¹⁶³ ( cf. Ch. { -àtèːhòːh- }, PNI * { -ateːhẽːh- } ),
PI * { -nawẽːh- } 'be melted' ³⁵⁸ ( cf. Ch. { -nàwòːh- }, PNI * { -nawẽːh } ), and
PI * { -nẽh- } 'kernel' ³⁶⁶ ( cf. Ch. { -nòh- }, PNI * { -nẽh- } ), and where Cherokee / Ø /
corresponds to PNI * / h / in word-final position, as in PI * { iːnõh } 'far' ²⁸¹
( cf. Ch. { iːnâː }, PNI * { inõh } ), PI * { kuːɹeh } 'acorn' ³⁴⁸ ( cf. Ch. { kùːle̋ː },
PNI * { koɹeh } ), and PI * { tsiːjẽh } 'otter, seal' ⁴⁵⁵ ( cf. Ch. { tsìːjőː }, PNI * { tsijẽh } ).
Reflexes of PI * / Ɂ / are subject to glottal alternation in Cherokee ( see 3.4 ) so that
/ Ɂ / will be found in place of the first / h / of a verb base when certain pronominal
prefixes are present ( e.g. Ch. / ȁːtèːhǒːhska̋ː / 'she's embarrassed', but / kàtèːɁǒːhska̋ː /
'I'm embarrassed'; cf. also Rudes 1995:56 where Proto-Southern Iroquoian * / Ɂ / is
listed as the intervocalic reflex of PI * / h / ).
PI * / Ɂ / is reconstructed on the basis of a regular correspondence between
Cherokee / Ɂ / and PNI * / Ɂ /, as in PI * { -tsoɁ- } 'daughter-in-law' ⁴⁶⁸
( cf. Ch. { -tsòɁ- }, PNI * { -tsaɁw- } ) and PI * { -ẽɁ- } 'drop, fall' ²²¹ ( cf. Ch. { -òɁ- },
PNI * { -ẽɁ- } ), and where Cherokee / Ø / corresponds to PNI * / Ɂ / in word-final
position, as in PI * { aɹeɁ } 'about' ¹⁵⁸ ( cf. Ch. { àle̋ː }, PNI * { aɹeɁ } ), PI * { awẽɁ }
'water' ¹⁹⁶ ( cf. Ch. { àma̋ː }, PNI * { awẽɁ } ), and PI * { -koɁtiɁ } 'be a lot' ³⁴⁴
( cf. Ch. { -kȍːti ̋ː }, PNI * { -kaɁteɁ } ). Like reflexes of PI * / h /, reflexes of * / Ɂ / are
35
subject to glottal alternation in Cherokee ( see 3.4 ) so that / h / will be found in place
of the first / Ɂ / of a verb base when certain pronominal prefixes are present
( e.g. Ch. / kòɁòhskáː / 'I'm falling', but / kòhòhska̋ː / 'it's falling' ). Note that Rudes
(1995:56) has listed the Proto-Southern Iroquoian reflex of intervocalic PI * / Ɂ / as Ø,
but evidence to support this correspondence is not known to me.
2.2.3 CONSONANT CLUSTERS
Reflexes of PI consonant clusters are often predictable as normal developments of
two or more segments in sequence ( e.g. PI * / Ɂt / > Ch. / Ɂt /, PNI * / Ɂt / ), although
many are not. In nearly all of these exceptional cases PNI appears to have maintained
the original cluster, since a contrast exists in PNI that is not found in Cherokee
( e.g. PI * / Ɂnj / is reconstructed where Cherokee / Ɂj / corresponds to PNI * / Ɂnj /,
since PNI has both * / Ɂj / and * / Ɂnj /, whereas Cherokee contains only the former,
which thus suggests merger of the two reflexes ).
PI * / tk / can be reconstructed based on a correspondence between Cherokee / k /
and PNI * / tk /, as in PI * { -atkahthw- } 'look at' ¹⁷⁹ ( cf. Ch. { -àkàhth- },
PNI * { -atkahthw- } ) and PI * { -tkẽː- } 'spoil' ⁴⁴⁶ ( cf. Ch. { -kòː- }, PNI * { -tkẽː- } ).
PI * / tn / can be reconstructed where Cherokee / n / corresponds to PNI * / tn /, as in
36
PI * { tniː- } '1+2DU:3' ⁰³⁶ ( cf. Ch. { tìː- }, PNI * { tni- } ). PI * / tw / can be
reconstructed on the basis of a correspondence between Cherokee / t / and
PNI * / tw /, as in PI * { -neːhstwaɹ- } 'ice' ³⁶⁵ ( cf. Ch. { -nèːhstàl- },
PNI * { -nehstwaɹ- } ) and PI * { -hstwih } 'be small' ²⁶³ ( cf. Ch. { -hstih },
PNI * { -hstwih } ), and PI * / thw / can be reconstructed on the basis of a
correspondence between Cherokee / th / and PNI * / thw /, as in PI * { -atkahthw- }
'look at' ¹⁷⁹ ( cf. Ch. { -àkàhth- }, PNI * { -atkahthw- } ).
PI * / tsn / can be reconstructed based on a correspondence between Cherokee
/ hst / and PNI * / tsn /, as in PI * { tsniː- } '2DU&3' ⁰³¹ ( cf. Ch. { hstìː- },
PNI * { tsni- } ). PI * / tsj / can be reconstructed where Cherokee / ts / corresponds to
PNI * / tsj /, as in PI * { -tsjoːɹ- } 'tobacco' ⁴⁶⁵ ( cf. Ch. { -tsòːl- }, PNI * { -tsjaɹ- } ) and
PI * { -tsjõɁt- } 'fish' ⁴⁶⁷ ( cf. Ch. { -tsàɁt- }, { -tsʌ̃Ɂ̀ t- }, PNI * { -itsjõɁt- } ). PI * / nst /
may be reconstructed on the basis of a correspondence between Cherokee / hst / and
PNI * / nst /, as in PI * { -nsteːɹ- } 'help' ³⁹¹ ( cf. Ch. { -hstèːl- }, PNI * { -ansteɹihst- } ).
PI * / nh / can be reconstructed based on a correspondence between Cherokee / hn /
and PNI * / nh /, as in PI * { -õːnh- } 'be alive' ⁴⁰⁶ ( cf. Ch. { -ʌ̃ː̀ hn- }, PNI * { -õnh- } ).
PI * / hts / can be reconstructed where Cherokee / hs / corresponds to PNI * / hts /, as
in PI * { -ahtsõːh- } 'night' ¹⁴⁹ ( cf. Ch. { -ahsʌ̃ː̀ h- }, PNI * { -ahtsõh- } ) and
37
PI * { -htsuːhw- } 'colour' ²⁶⁸ ( cf. Ch. { -hsùːhw- }, PNI * { -ahtsohw- } ).
PI * / hw / can be reconstructed on the basis of a correspondence between Cherokee
/ h / and PNI * / hw / where a vowel * / i(ː) / follows, as in PI * { hwihsk } 'five' ²⁷³
( cf. Ch. { hi ̀hski ̋ː }, PNI * { hwihsk } ).
PI * / hnj / can be reconstructed based on a correspondence between Cherokee
/ hj / and PNI * / hnj /, as in PI * { -hnj- } 'neck' ²³⁹ ( cf. Ch. { -hj- }, PNI * { -hnj- } ),
and PI * / hɹj / can be reconstructed on the basis of a correspondence between
Cherokee / hj / and PNI * / hɹj /, as in PI * { kihɹjuɁkẽh } 'chipmunk' ³⁴⁰
( cf. Ch. { khìjûːka̋ː }, PNI * { tsihɹjoɁkẽh } ). PI * / Ɂnj / may be reconstructed where
Cherokee / Ɂj / corresponds to PNI * / Ɂnj /, as in PI * { -oɁnj- } 'hand' ⁴⁰⁰
( cf. Ch. { -òɁj- }, PNI * { -aɁnj- } ) and PI * { -Ɂnjõːhs- } 'nose' ⁴⁹⁴ ( cf. Ch. { -Ɂjʌ̃ː̀ hs- },
PNI * { -Ɂnjõhs- } ).
Several PI consonant clusters that end in a resonant consonant appear to have
developed an epenthetic / ì / in Cherokee, and in these cases PNI again seems to have
maintained the original cluster because a contrast exists in PNI that is not found in
Cherokee ( e.g. PI * / kn / can be reconstructed where Cherokee / kìn / corresponds to
PNI * / kn /, since PNI has both * / ken / and * / kn /, whereas Cherokee has the
sequence / kìn / but lacks a cluster ˣ / kn / ). PI * / sn / can be reconstructed on the
38
basis of a correspondence between Cherokee / sìn / and PNI * / sn /, as in
PI * { -hsnuːɹiɁ } 'be fast' ²⁵⁸ ( cf. Ch. { -hsìnűːlîː }, PNI * { -hsnoɹeɁ } ). PI * / kn / can
be reconstructed based on a correspondence between Cherokee / kìn / and PNI * / kn /
(cf. Lounsbury 1978:339), as in PI * { kniː- } '3:1DU' ⁰⁴⁴ ( cf. Ch. { kìnìː- },
PNI * { kni- } ) and PI * { hskniː- } '2:1.DU' ⁰¹⁷ ( cf. Ch. { hskìnìː- }, PNI * { hskni- } ).
PI * / kɹ / may be reconstructed where Cherokee / kìl / corresponds to PNI * / kɹ /
(cf. Lounsbury 1978:339), as in PI * { -nakɹ- } 'reside' ³⁵⁴ ( cf. Ch. { -nàkìl- },
PNI * { -nakɹ- } ). PI * / hr / may be reconstructed on the basis of a correspondence
between Cherokee / hìl / and PNI * / hɹ /, as in PI * { -atawẽːhɹat- } 'climb over' ¹⁶²
( cf. Ch. { -àtàwòːhìlàt- }, PNI * { -atawẽhɹat- } ). PI * / khj / can be reconstructed
based on a correspondence between Cherokee / khìj / and PNI * / khj /, as in
PI * { -khjuːhs- } 'elbow' ³³⁸ ( cf. Ch. { -khìjùːhs- }, PNI * { -khjohs- } ).
PI * / nt / can be internally reconstructed on the basis of a correspondence between
Cherokee / n / and PNI * / t / in preconsonantal allomorphs of the pronominal prefixes
* { wantiː- } '3NS:3' ⁰⁵⁸ ( cf. Ch. { ȁːnì- }, PNI * { wati- } ), * { juːntiː- } '3:3NS' ⁰⁶¹
( cf. Ch. { ȕːnì- }, PNI * { joti- } ), and * { kõːwantiː- } '3A:3NSA' ⁰⁶⁸
( cf. Ch. { kʌ̃ː̀ wànì- }, PNI * { kõwati- } ), and on the basis of a correspondence between
Cherokee / n / and PNI * / n / in reflexes of prevocalic allomorphs of the same
39
pronominal prefixes, * { want- } '3NS:3' ⁰⁵⁸ ( cf. Ch. { ȁːn- }, PNI * { wẽn- } ),
* { juːnt- } '3:3NS' ⁰⁶¹ ( cf. Ch. { ȕːn- }, PNI * { jon- } ), and * { kõːwant- } '3A:3NSA' ⁰⁶⁸
( cf. Ch. { kʌ̃ː̀ wàn- }, PNI * { kõwẽn- } ).
The precise phonotactic constraints of PI are difficult to determine owing to the
small amount of cognates shared by Cherokee and PNI. Consonant clusters that are
attested in reconstructed PI vocabulary have the shapes presented in (2), where G is
* / w / or * / j /, R is * / n / or * / ɹ /, K is * / k / or * / kʷ / or * / t /, S is * / s / or
* / ts /, and H is * / h / or * / Ɂ /.
(2) Shapes of Consonants Clusters in Reconstructed PI Vocabulary
Final C 2-consonant 3-consonant 4-consonant
G RG HRG
SKG HSKG
SG
HG KHG HKHG
R KR SKR HSKR
SR HSR
HR
K RK
KK
SK RSK, HSK
HK
S HS
H RH HRH
KH
SH
40
Since nearly all of the cluster correspondences established for PI show retention of the
cluster in PNI and reduction or epenthesis of the cluster in Cherokee, it is possible that
the phonotactic constraints of PI were relatively close to those still found in the
Northern Iroquoian languages.
Finally note that PI verbs, like Cherokee verbs, may have had independent and
dependent forms that were suprasegmentally distinct. The contrast between
independent and dependent verb forms can be illustrated through comparison of the
independent Cherokee verb form / ȕːjòːhlʌ̃ː̌ Ɂi ̋ː / 'he has shot it' with its corresponding
dependent form / ùːjòːhlʌ̃ː̋ Ɂîː / 'he who has shot it, him who shot it, his having shot it'
(cf. forms in Feeling & Pulte 1975:64, 354). The independent form, / ȕːjòːhlʌ̃ː̌ Ɂi ̋ː /,
occurs only as the verb in a matrix clause; it is characterized by low falling tone on the
initial syllable ( the reflex of a word-initial glide that has been lost – in this case
PI * / j / ) and by high rising tone ( the reflex of PI word accent – see 3.3 ) on the final
syllable. In contrast, the dependent form, / ùːjòːhlʌ̃ː̋ Ɂîː /, occurs only as a verb in a
subordinate clause ( e.g. "she saw him shoot it" ) or as a deverbalized noun
( e.g. "the shooter", "him who shot it" ); it is characterized by low level tone on the
initial syllable ( owing to the absence of an initial glide in PI ) and by high rising tone
on the penultimate syllable rather than the final syllable. Like Cherokee, PNI appears to
41
have maintained word-initial glide loss as an indicator of deverbalized nouns and of
nouns in general (cf. Michelson 1988:43 and 2.10 below), but has generalized PI
penultimate ( dependent ) accent to all word forms.
2.3 VERB MORPHOLOGY
PI had at least three lexical categories: verbs, nouns, and particles. These lexical
categories were continued in PNI, while Cherokee has added a fourth category,
adjectives, which are essentially stative verbs lacking the full range of inflection shown
by other verbs, and requiring the reflex of an existential auxiliary verb * { -iː- }
'be, be the one, exist' ²⁷⁵ in order to convey the full range of inflection associated with
active verbs ( see 3.4 ).
The verb was the most complex of the three lexical categories of PI and appears to
have had the morphological structure presented in (3).
(3) Morphological Structure of the PI Verb
1. Prepronominal Prefix(es) optional, more than one could occur

2. Non-Singular Animate Prefix optional
3. Pronominal Prefix obligatory
4. Reflexive or Semireflexive Prefix optional
5. Incorporated Noun Stem optional
6. Verb Base obligatory
42
Prepronominal prefixes, an optional component of the verb, conveyed a number of
different ideas ranging from temporal co-ordination ( e.g. the coincident prefix ) to
direction ( e.g. the translocative and cislocative prefixes ). Eight prepronominal prefixes
are found in Cherokee and ten can be reconstructed for PNI; the exact number of
prepronominal prefixes present in PI is difficult to determine, but at least seven can be
reconstructed on the basis of comparative evidence: the coincident, translocative,
partitive, duplicative, future, cislocative, and repetitive. Prepronominal prefixes are
described in 2.4.
The non-singular animate prefix, likewise an optional component of the verb, could
precede any pronominal prefix that had '3A' ( animate third person ) as one of its
arguments and make this argument non-singular. The non-singular animate prefix is
described in 2.5.
The pronominal prefix, an obligatory component, contained information about both
the agent and the patient involved in the action or state of the verb
( e.g. 'it acts on me', 'you act on it', 'it acts on them', etc ). PI had an inventory of at least
28 pronominal prefixes, which are described in 2.6.
The reflexive and semireflexive prefixes, optional and mutually exclusive
components of the verb, directed the effect or benefit of an action back on a pronominal
43
agent, somewhat like the reflexive and 'middle voice' of Indo-European languages. The
reflexive and semireflexive prefixes are described in 2.7.
PI verbs optionally contained an incorporated noun stem, which represented the
grammatical subject of an intransitive verb or the grammatical object of a transitive
verb. PI noun incorporation is discussed in 2.8.
The final component of the PI verb was the verb base, which had four lexically-
determined aspectual forms ( present, punctual, imperfective, and perfect ) and could
also contain one or more lexically-determined derivational elements. The verb base is
described in 2.9.
2.4 PREPRONOMINAL PREFIXES
The prepronominal prefixes of PI seem to have had a general preconsonantal
allomorph and a general prevocalic allomorph, and at least four of the prefixes
( the partitive, distributive, cislocative, and repetitive ) seem to have had two sets of
allomorphs, one of which was associated with independent verb forms, the other with
dependent forms. Reflexes of the prepronominal prefixes that can be reconstructed for
PI occur in a set order in both Cherokee and PNI, and this order differs only with regard
to the respective position of the translocative and partitive prefixes: in Cherokee the
44
translocative precedes the partitive, while in PNI the partitive preceded the
translocative. The order of the prefixes in Cherokee is here interpreted as the archaic
pattern, if only because the allomorphy of the partitive includes a separate set of
dependent allomorphs ( typical of those prepronominal prefixes nearer the verb base ),
whereas the allomorphy of the translocative does not seem to have differentiated
between independent and dependent forms. The probable order of PI prepronominal
prefixes is presented in (4).
(4) PI Prepronominal Prefixes
coincident * / ts / ⁰⁰²
| translocative * / wi / ⁰⁰⁵
| | partitive * / ijiː / ⁰⁰⁴
| | | duplicative * / teː / ⁰⁰⁷
| | | | future * / ẽː / ⁰⁰⁸
| | | | | cislocative * / t / ⁰¹⁰
| | | | | | repetitive * / tsiː / ⁰¹¹
| | | | | | |
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
The PI coincident prefix appears to have had a prevocalic allomorph * / ts / ⁰⁰², and
at least one of its grammatical functions can be reconstructed for PI, which was the
marking of temporal coordination; compare the examples from Cherokee and Mohawk
in (5), where reflexes of the PI coincident are underlined.
45
(5) Ch. / tsìtsìːkòːɁʌ̃ː̋ kîː tsìtsìːjɁkhěːhʌ̃Ɂ́ sʌ̃ː̌ ki ̋ː /
{ tsì-tsìː-kòːɁ-ʌ̃ː̋ kîː tsì-tsìːj-àhkhěːhʌ̃Ɂ́ s-ʌ̃ː̌ ki ̋ː }
COIN-1SG:3A-see.PERF-ASRT.DEP COIN-1SG:3A-chase.PERF-ASRT.INDP
'when I saw him, I chased him' (cf. Cook 1979:62)
Mo. / wakekhũˈnihneɁ ˈshâːraweɁ /

{ wake-khũnih-neɁ sh-aɁ-ra-weɁ }
3:1SG-cook.PERF-PPRF COIN-FACT-3SGM:3-arrive.PUNC
'I was cooking when he arrived' (cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:434)
Etymologically the coincident prefix was probably also the source of various relativizer
particles of Northern Iroquoian languages ( e.g. Mo. / tsi /, Oe. / tsiɁ /, Oo. / tshaɁ /,
Ca. / tshẽh /, Hu. / stiɁ / ), all of which precede relative clauses and carry a meaning
'who, which, when, where, that'. The coincident prefix shows a comparable relativizer
function in Cherokee subordinate clauses; compare the examples in (6).
(6) Ch. / àhskàja̋ː tsùːwőːhlâː /

{ à-hskàja̋ː ts-ùː-wőːhl-âː }
3SG:3-man COIN-3:3SG-sit.PRES-INDIC.DEP
'the man who is sitting' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:242)
Ch. / kìːlhi ̋ː tsùːjòːhlʌ̃ː̋ kîː tsǐːmi ̋ː /

{ k-ìːlhi ̋ː ts-ùː-jòːhl-ʌ̃ː̋ kîː tsǐːmi ̋ː }
3SG:3-dog COIN-3:3SG-shoot.PERF-ASRT.DEP Jim
'the dog that Jim shot' (cf. Cook 1979:61)
The PI translocative prefix had at least a preconsonantal allomorph * / wi / ⁰⁰⁵ and
a prevocalic allomorph * / w /. Its primary grammatical function was to indicate that
46
an action was taking place at a distance from, or in a direction leading away from, the
speaker or the location of a narrative; compare the examples from Cherokee and
Tuscarora in (7), where reflexes of the PI translocative are underlined.
(7) Ch. / wáːɁi ̋ː /

{ w-áːɁi ̋ː-âː }
TLOC-3SG:3-walk.PRES-INDC.INDP
'he's walking away' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:244)
Tu. / wɛhraɁnə̃ˈkohthaɁ /
{ wɛ-hr-aɁnə̃kohthaɁ }
TLOC-3SG:3-go.beyond.IMPF
'he goes beyond it' (cf. Rudes 1999:490)
It is possible that the translocative prefix was also used to indicate a superlative
meaning in connection with certain stative verbs ( i.e. 'the most X' ). Compare the
examples in (8) from Cherokee and Tuscarora.
(8) Ch. / wǔːhstîːkhʌ̃ː̋ Ɂîː /

{ w-ùː-hstîːkhʌ̃ː̋ Ɂîː }
TLOC-3:3SG-smallest
'smallest' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:337)
Tu. / wɛhˈrahsthə̃ /
{ wɛ-hr-ahsthə̃ }
TLOC-3SGM:3-be.small.PERF
'he is the smallest' (cf. Rudes 1999:489)
47
In independent verb forms the PI partitive prefix had at least a prevocalic allomorph
* / n / ⁰⁰⁴, and in dependent verb forms it seems to have had a preconsonantal
allomorph * / iːji /. The primary grammatical function of the partitive appears to have
been specification of quantity or quality. In both branches of Iroquoian the partitive
occurs when a number greater than two precedes a noun enumerating living things, in
which case it appears on an intermediary stative verb meaning 'be that many'; compare
the forms in (9) from Cherokee and Mohawk, where reflexes of the PI partitive are
underlined.
(9) Ch. / tsòɁi ̋ː ìjáni ̋ːɁîː tsùwěːtsi ̋ː /

{ tsòɁi ̋ː ìj-àni ̋ː-Ɂ-âː ts-ùw-ěːtsi ̋ː }
three PART-3NS:3-be.that.many.PERF-INDC.DEP DUPL-3SG:3-child
'three of his sons' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:21)
Mo. / ˈahsʌ̃ niˈhaːti ronaraɁseɁoˈkũ̂ːɁa /

{ ahsʌ̃ ni-hat-i ron-araɁseɁ-okũɁ-ha }
three PART-3PLM:3-be.PERF 3:3NS-be.cousins-PLUR-CHAR
'three cousins' (cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:178)
A comparable pattern may thus be posited for PI. The partitive prefix probably also
occurred in PI interrogative formulas, though the formulas cannot themselves be
reconstructed; compare the sets in (10) from Cherokee and Mohawk where reflexes of
the PI partitive are underlined.
48
(10) Ch. / hìla̋ː ǐːka̋ːɁîː / 'how much? how many?'
/ hìla̋ː ǐːkóːhi ̋ːtâː / 'how long?' (time)
/ hi ̀la̋ː ìkánʌ̃ː̀ hi ̋ːtâː / 'how long?' (distance)
/ hi ̀la̋ː ìjátànʌ̃ː̀ hi ̋ːtâː / 'how far'
/ kàtȍː ìjűːstîː / 'what kind?' (cf. forms in Feeling & Pulte 1975)
Mo. / toː ˈniːkũ / 'how much? how many?'

/ toː ˈnaheɁ / 'how long?' (time)
/ toː ˈniːjʌ̃s / 'how long?' (distance)
/ toː niˈjoːɹeɁ / 'how far?'
/ oh naˈhôːtʌ̃Ɂ / 'what kind?' (cf. forms in Maracle 1990)
Answers to the questions in (10), which will likewise specify quality or quantity, also
employ the partitive prefix ( e.g. Ch. / sǔːtáli ̋ː nìkáːɁa̋ː / 'there are six of them',
Mo. / ˈjâːjaɁk ˈniːkũ / 'there are six of them' ).
The PI duplicative prefix had at least a pre-vocalic allomorph * / t / ⁰⁰⁷ that
appeared before the future prefix; it may also have had a pre-consonantal allomorph
* / ti / in dependent verb forms, and had a preconsonantal allomorph * / teː / in
independent verb forms. Although reflexes of the duplicative are among the most
frequently employed prefixes in both Cherokee and PNI, the precise grammatical
function of the prefix in PI is difficult to discern; in Cherokee it is principally used to
pluralize adjectives referring to inanimate objects ( e.g. Ch. / ùwe̋ːthîː / 'old thing' Æ
/ tsùwe̋ːthîː / 'old things', cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:184 ), as well as to signal the
49
plurality of an object in transitive verbs that have a singular patient pronominal prefix
( e.g. Ch. / tsìkȍːwthi ́ha̋ː / 'I see it (one object)' Æ / tèːtsíkȍːwthi ́ha̋ː / 'I see them
(several objects)', cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:247 ), and to signal plural, individual acts in
intransitive verbs with a non-singular patient pronominal prefix
( e.g. Ch. / kàtsìːjàɁlʌ̃ː́ Ɂi ̀ha̋ː / 'I am tying them up [one act]' Æ / tèːkátsìːjàɁlʌ̃ː́ Ɂìha̋ː /
'I am tying them up [several acts]', cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:257 ). The Cherokee
duplicative also occurs obligatorily in certain verbs that share no easily definable
characteristic apart, perhaps, from a semantically subjective sense of distributivity
( e.g. Ch. / tȁːhlìhkéha̋ː / 'it is rocking [here and there, back and forth]',
cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:68; / tèːkálìɁthàtéːka̋ː / 'I am jumping [up off the ground]',
cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:69 ). In PNI, the duplicative is used to signal the presence or
involvement of two similar objects ( e.g. PNI * / tekaˈnõhsakeːh / 'two houses' ¹⁵² ³⁸²,
PNI * / teˈwatjaɁks / 'it breaks in two' ²⁹⁷ ), and occurs obligatorily in a number of verbs
that share no easily definable characteristic apart, perhaps, from a subjective sense of
duality or a change of state ( e.g. PNI * / tekwẽˈninkẽɁts / 'I speak [out against
the silence]' ²⁸⁰ ⁴⁷⁶, PNI * / teˈkehkhwaɁ / 'I pick it up [off the ground]' ³⁵⁰ ).
Consequently the meaning of the duplicative in PI is difficult to define, but in vaguest
terms it would seem to have expressed the presence or involvement of more than one
50
entity, more than one physical state, or more than one location.
The future prefix, which is present in all Northern Iroquoian languages but absent
from synchronic Cherokee grammar, is believed to have been present in PI on the basis
of unusual patterns of allomorphy associated with the cislocative and duplicative
prefixes in Cherokee future tense verb forms, as previously observed by Cook (1979:68).
In the forms in question, an otherwise unexplained segment / òː / surfaces between the
cislocative prefix ( which is used to form a periphrastic future construction ) and the
duplicative prefix; this is believed to be the reflex of a PI future prefix * / ẽː / ⁰⁰⁸, which
has a reflex in the same position in PNI. Cherokee and Oneida forms are presented in
(11) for comparison, with reflexes of an original duplicative-future-translocative
sequence underlined.
(11) Ch. / tòːtàtsíkòɁi ̋ː /

{ tòː-tà-tsì-kòɁ-ìː-a̋ː }
DUPL-CLOC-1SG:3-see.PERF-FUTR-INDC.INDP
'I will see them' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:248)
Oe. / tʌ̃ˈtjôːkalaweɁ /
{ t-ʌ̃-t-jo-aɁkalaɁweɁ }
DUPL-FUT-CLOC-3:3SG-become.night.PUNC
'it will get dark again' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:315)
51
Presumably the PI future prefix had a meaning and function similar to that found in
PNI, where co-occurrence with the cislocative and duplicative prefixes is not obligatory,
and the prefix places events in the future tense ( e.g. PNI * / ˈkheːkẽh /
'I see someone' ³³² Æ * / ẽˈkheːkẽɁ / 'I will see someone' ). Whether a punctual aspect
base was also required when the future occurred, as is the case in Northern Iroquoian, is
uncertain; Cherokee does not have this requirement.
The PI cislocative prefix seems to have had a basic preconsonantal allomorph
* / ta / ⁰¹⁰ in dependent verb forms, and an allomorph * / t / in most other
environments. An allomorph with the form * / k / or * / ka / seems to have occurred
with some common imperatives, perhaps on a lexically-determined basis
( cf. e.g. PNI * / ˈkaːtsih / 'come here!' ³²⁹, Ch. / khěːna̋ː / 'come here!' (King 1975:67) ).
The primary grammatical function of the cislocative was to indicate that an action was
taking place at a distance from, or in a direction leading toward, the speaker or the
location of a narrative, and it was thus the functional inverse of the translocative
morpheme; compare the examples from Cherokee and Mohawk in (12), where the reflex
of the PI cislocative is underlined.
52
(12) Ch. / tàjáːɁi ̋ː /
{ tàj-àːɁìː-a̋ː }
CLOC-3SG:3-walk.PRES-INDC.INDP
'she's coming this way' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:251)
Mo. / ˈtâːjʌ̃Ɂ /
{ t-aɁ-jʌ̃-eɁ }
CLOC-3I:3-walk.PUNC
'she's coming this way' (cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:351)
The PI repetitive prefix seems to have had a basic form * / tsiː / ⁰¹¹ before certain
pronominal prefixes that involve the second person in imperative verbs; PNI maintains
this allomorph only before the 1+2DU:3 and 1+2PL:3 prefixes, while Cherokee
maintains it before the 3:2SG prefix as well. In every other environment, however,
Cherokee has reshaped the repetitive prefix, making secure reconstruction of other
allomorphs difficult. The primary grammatical function of the repetitive was to indicate
that an action was repeated ( 'again' ) or that an action restored the original position of
an object ( 'back' ); compare the Cherokee and Cayuga forms in (13), where reflexes of
the PI repetitive are underlined.
(13) Ch. / tsǐːtsátûːka̋ː /

{ tsǐː-ts-àtùɁk-a̋ː }
REP-3:2SG-throw.PUNC-INDC.INDP
'throw it back, throw it again!' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:244)
53
Ca. / tsiˈtwahsheːt /
{ tsi-tw-ahsheːt }
REP-1+2PL:3-count.PUNC
'let's count it again!' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:681)
2.5 NON-SINGULAR ANIMATE PREFIX
The PI non-singular animate prefix * / ka / ⁰¹² could precede any pronominal prefix
( 2.6 ) having '3A' ( 'animate third person' ) as one of its arguments. The effect of the
non-singular animate prefix was to change the meaning of the '3A' argument to that of
non-singular animate (NSA). Compare the sets in (14) and (15), taken from Cherokee
(Feeling & Pulte 1975:268) and Cayuga (Froman et al. 2002:731), where a reflex of the
non-singular animate prefix, underlined, is added before the pronominal prefix in order
to alter the meaning; note that the '3I' or 'indefinite third person' pronominal prefix
series of Tuscarora is cognate with the '3A' pronominal prefix series of PI and Cherokee.
(14) Ch. / tsìːkȍːwthíha̋ː / / kàtsìːkȍːwthíha̋ː /

{ tsìː-kòhwthìh-a̋ː } { kà-tsìː-kòhwthìh-a̋ː }
1SG:3A-see.PRES-INDC.INDP NSA-1SG:3A-see.PRES-INDC.INDP
'I see someone' 'I see them'
Ch. / hìːkȍːwthíha̋ː / / kàhìːkȍːwthíha̋ː /

{ hìː-kòhwthìh-a̋ː } { kà-hìː-kòhwthìh-a̋ː }
1SG:3A-see.PRES-INDC.INDP NSA-2SG:3A-see.PRES-INDC.INDP
'you see someone' 'you see them'
54
(15) Ca. / ɁaˈkheːkẽɁ / / ɁakaːˈkheːkẽɁ /
{ aɁ-khe-kẽɁ } { aɁ-ka-khe-kẽɁ }
FACT-1SG:3I-see.PUNC FACT-NSA-1SG:3I-see.PUNC
'I saw someone' 'I saw them'
Ca. / ɁaˈsheːkẽɁ / / ɁakahˈsheːkẽɁ /

{ aɁ-she-kẽɁ } { aɁ-ka-hshe-kẽɁ }
FACT-2SG:3I-see.PUNC FACT-NSA-2SG:3I-see.PUNC
'you saw someone' 'you saw them'
PNI preserved the original range of the non-singular animate prefix intact, although
subsequent changes in many Northern Iroquoian languages have either altered its
functional range ( as in Huron ) or eliminated it ( as in Seneca ).
2.6 PRONOMINAL PREFIXES
PI pronominal prefixes were grammatically transitive, and each was capable of
referencing both a grammatical agent and a grammatical patient. In the present work
these core arguments are separated by a colon, with the grammatical agent preceding
the grammatical patient, e.g. * / ki / '1SG:3' ( 'I act on it' ), * / wakʷi / '3:1SG'
( 'it acts on me' ), * / jeːtsa / '3A:2SG' ( 'someone acts on you' ). Semantically
intransitive verbs employed prefixes having an inanimate / null third person
( here glossed as '3' ) in place of a semantically vacant agent or patient argument, so
that the verbs meaning 'I walk' and 'I am cold' might literally be translated as 'I walk it'
55
(1SG:3) or 'it colds me' (3:1SG). Note that while prefixes employed with semantically
intransitive verbs have traditionally been analyzed separately from transitive
pronominal prefixes, as subjective intransitive prefixes and objective intransitive
prefixes ( cf. e.g. Lounsbury 1978:337, Chafe 1967:13-19 ), all pronominal prefixes are
capable of bearing transitive meaning when paired with semantically transitive verbs,
and for purposes of diachronic description, particularly with regard to etymology and
grouping of formally similar prefixes, it is preferable to treat all traditional classes of
pronominal prefix ( agentive, patientive, transitive ) as inherently transitive.
PI appears to have had a grammatical rule whereby an inanimate or null third
person argument ( '3' ) could not occur as grammatical patient of a perfect aspect verb
base ( see 2.9 ), and instead occurred as grammatical agent; as a result, while e.g.
'I see it' (imperfective) was expressed with the prefix 1SG:3, the equivalent perfect form,
'I have seen it', was expressed with a prefix '3:1SG', yielding a form that also meant
'it has seen me'; this peculiarity is preserved in both branches of Iroquoian, and is
illustrated with examples in (16) and (17) from Cherokee (Feeling & Pulte 1975:268)
and Mohawk (Michelson 1973:69), where the relevant pronominal prefixes are
underlined.
56
(16) Ch. / tsìkȍːwhthìhskóɁi ̋ː /
{ tsì-kòHwàhthìhsk-óɁi ̋ː }
1SG:3-see.IMPF-HAB.INDP
'I see it'
Ch. / ȁːkìkòːhʌ̃ː̌ ki ̋ː /
{ ȁːkì-kòːh-ʌ̃ː̌ ki ̋ː }
3:1SG-see.PERF-ASRT.INDP
'I have seen it' ( also: 'it has seen me' )
(17) Mo. / ˈikkʌ̃hs /

{ k-kʌ̃hs }
1SG:3-see.IMPF
'I see it'
Mo. / ˈwakkʌ̃ /
{ wak-kʌ̃ }
3:1SG-see.PERF
'I have seen it' ( also: 'it has seen me' )
PI seems to have had an inventory of at least 28 pronominal prefixes, which marked
various semantic distinctions among grammatical agents and patients. For descriptive
purposes the prefixes can be divided into 5 pronominal prefix groups, which are
described below. The following conventions of parsing are used in the descriptions that
follow: numbers (1, 2, 3) in all cases designate person; an ampersand (&) designates
ambiguity of agent and patient ( the 2PL&3 prefix, for example, could mean '2PL:3' or
'3:2PL' ); 3A designates animate third person; the small capital letter sequences SG, DU,
57
PL, and NS in all cases designate singular, dual, plural, and non-singular number; where
the number categories SG, DU, PL, or NS are attached with a period to the prefix, they
designate the maximum number of people present in either group ( e.g. 1:2.DU signified
'first person acts on second person, where at least one group has two people, and
neither group has more than two people' ).
PI pronominal prefixes appear to have had two principal allomorphs, one of which
occurred before at least some consonants and clusters ( e.g. * / ki / '1SG:3' ), the other
of which occurred before vowels and possibly before certain other consonants and
clusters ( e.g. * / k / '1SG:3' ). Preconsonantal allomorphs ( e.g. * / ki / ) are presented
below as basic forms.
In PI pronominal prefix group 1, prefixes encoded interactions between first and
second persons; agents were distinguished from patients, and number was distinguished
as singular when both agent and patient were singular, dual when one or both were
dual and neither was plural, and plural when one or both were plural. The six
pronominal prefixes of group 1 are presented in (18).
58
(18) PI Pronominal Prefix Group 1
1:2.SG PI * / kõː / ⁰¹³ ( cf. Ch. / kʌ̃ː̀ /; PNI * / kõ / )

1:2.DU PI ? ( cf. Ch. / hstʌ̃ː̀ /; PNI * / kni / )
1:2.PL PI ? ( cf. Ch. / ȉːtsʌ̃ː̀ /; PNI * / kwa / )
2:1.SG PI * / hskʷi / ⁰¹⁶ ( cf. Ch. / hskì /; PNI * / hske / )
2:1.DU PI * / hskniː / ⁰¹⁷ ( cf. Ch. / hskìnìː /; PNI * / hskni / )
2:1.PL PI * / hskʷ… / ⁰¹⁸ ( cf. Ch. / hskìː /; PNI * / hskwa / )
Morphemes that can be identified in PI pronominal prefix group 1 are { k(i) } 'first
person singular agent', { hs(i) } 'second person agent', { kʷ(i) } 'first person patient',
{ õː } 'second person patient', and { niː } 'dual number'. The 1:2.SG prefix had an
allomorph * / kõːj / before vowels ( cf. Ch. / kʌ̃ː̀ j /; PNI * / kõj / ), the 2:1.SG prefix
had an allomorph * / hsk / before vowels ( cf. Ch. / hsk /; PNI * / hsk / ), and the
2:1.DU prefix had an allomorph * / hskn / before vowels ( cf. Ch. / hskìn /;
PNI * / hskn / ); the initial / h / of the 2:1 prefixes may have been lost word-initially
and when following a consonant. The forms of the 1:2.DU and 1:2PL prefixes differ in
PNI and Cherokee, but since the Cherokee forms are morphologically opaque, they may
represent reflexes of original PI forms ( perhaps * / tsnõː / and * / tswõː / ).
In pronominal prefix group 2, prefixes described interactions between singular first
or second person and third persons. Agents were distinguished from patients, and
animate third persons were distinguished from inanimate or unmarked third persons. PI
59
pronominal prefix group 2 is presented in (19).
1SG:3 PI * / ki / ⁰¹⁹ ( cf. Ch. / tsì /; PNI * / ke / )

1SG:3A PI * / kiji / ⁰²⁰ ( cf. Ch. / tsìː /; PNI * / khe / )
2SG:3 PI * / hsi / ⁰²² ( cf. Ch. / hì /; PNI * / hse / )
2SG:3A PI * / hsiji / ⁰²³ ( cf. Ch. / hìː /; PNI * / hshe / )
3:1SG PI * / wakʷi / ⁰²⁵ ( cf. Ch. / ȁːkì /; PNI * / wake / )
3A:1SG PI * / jõːkʷi / ⁰²⁶ ( cf. Ch. / ʌ̃ː̏ kì /; PNI * / jõke / )
3:2SG PI * / tsa / ⁰²⁸ ( cf. Ch. / tsà /; PNI * / tsa / )
3A:2SG PI * / jeːtsa / ⁰²⁹ ( cf. Ch. / ȅːtsà /; PNI * / jetsa / )
Morphemes that can be identified in pronominal prefix group 2 are { k(i) } 'first person
singular agent', { hs(i) } 'second person agent', { wa } 'third person agent', { kʷ(i) } 'first
person patient', and { tsa } 'third person agent acting on second person singular patient'.
A morpheme { ji } was added initially to signal an animate third person agent and
finally to signal an animate third person patient. The underlying combinations
{ ji + wakʷi } and { ji + tsa } appear to have yielded * / jõːkʷi / and * / jeːtsa /,
respectively. The 1SG:3 prefix had an allomorph * / k / before vowels ( cf. Ch. / k /;
PNI * / k / ), and the 1SG:3A prefix had an allomorph * / kijij / before vowels
( cf. Ch. / tsìːj /; PNI * / khej / ). The 2SG:3 prefix had an allomorph * / hs / before
vowels ( cf. Ch. / h /; PNI * / hs / ), and the 2SG:3A prefix had an allomorph * / hsijij /
before vowels ( cf. Ch. / hìːj /; PNI * / hshej / ). The 3:1SG prefix had an allomorph
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* / wakʷ / before at least some vowels ( cf. Ch. / ȁːkʷ / before all vowels;
PNI * / wakʷ / before bases beginning in * / a / ), and the 3A:1SG prefix had an
allomorph * / jõːkʷ / before at least some vowels ( cf. Ch. / ʌ̃ː̏ kʷ / before all vowels;
PNI * / jõkʷ / before bases beginning in * / a / ). The 3:2SG prefix had an allomorph
* / ts / before vowels ( cf. Ch. / ts /; PNI * / ts / ), and the 3A:2SG prefix had an
allomorph * / jeːts / before vowels ( cf. Ch. / ȅːts /; PNI * / jets / ).
In pronominal prefix group 3, prefixes described interactions between non-singular
second persons and a third person. Agents and patients were not distinguished, but
second person dual and plural number were distinguished. PI pronominal prefix group 3
is presented in (20).
2DU&3 PI * / tsniː / ⁰³¹ ( cf. Ch. / hstìː /; PNI * / tsni / )

2PL&3 PI * / ts… / ⁰³³ ( cf. Ch. / ȉːtsìː /; PNI * / tswa / )
Morphemes that can be identified in pronominal prefix group 3 are { ts } 'non-singular
second person' and { niː } 'dual number'. The final element of the 2PL&3 prefix is
unclear. The 2DU&3 prefix had an allomorph * / tsn / before at least some vowels
( cf. Ch. / hst / before all vowels; PNI * / tsn / before vowels other than * / a / ).
In pronominal prefix group 4, prefixes described interactions between non-singular
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first persons and a third person. Dual and plural number were distinguished in first
persons, agents were distinguished from patients, and inclusive and exclusive first
person agents were distinguished. The prefixes of group 4 are presented in (21).
1+2DU:3 PI * / tniː / ⁰³⁶ ( cf. Ch. / ȉːnìː /; PNI * / tni / )

1+2PL:3 PI * / t… / ⁰³⁸ ( cf. Ch. / ȉːtìː /; PNI * / twa / )
1+3DU:3 PI ? ( cf. Ch. / ȍːhstì /; PNI * / jakni / )
1+3PL:3 PI ? ( cf. Ch. / ȍːtsì /; PNI * / jakwa / )
3:1DU PI * / kniː / ⁰⁴⁴ ( cf. Ch. / kìnìː /; PNI * / jõkni / )
3:1PL PI * / kʷ… / ⁰⁴⁶ ( cf. Ch. / ȉːkìː /; PNI * / jõkwa / )
Morphemes that can be identified in pronominal prefix group 4 are { t } 'inclusive first
person agent', { kʷ(i) } 'first person patient', and { niː } 'dual number'. The reconstructed
forms of the 1+2PL:3 and 3:1PL prefixes are unclear, as are the forms of the exclusive
first person agent prefixes. The 1DU:3 prefix had an allomorph * / tn / before at least
some vowels ( cf. Ch. / ȉːn /; PNI * / tn / before vowels other than * / a / ) and the
3:1DU prefix had an allomorph * / kn / before at least some vowels ( cf. Ch. / kìn /;
PNI * / jõkn / before vowels other than * / a / ).
In pronominal prefix group 5, prefixes described interactions between two third
persons. Singular and non-singular number were distinguished in either the agent or
patient prefix, and unique 3A:3SGA and 3A:3NSA prefixes encoded interaction between
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two animate third persons. PI pronominal prefix group 5 is presented in (22).
3SG:3 PI * / ka / ⁰⁵¹ ( cf. Ch. / kà /; PNI * / ka / )

PI * / wa / ⁰⁵² ( cf. Ch. / ȁː /; PNI * / w / )
3:3SG PI * / juː / ⁰⁵⁴ ( cf. Ch. / ȕː /; PNI * / jo / )
3NS:3 PI * / wantiː / ⁰⁵⁸ ( cf. Ch. / ȁːnìː /; PNI * / wati / )
3:3NS PI * / juːntiː / ⁰⁶¹ ( cf. Ch. / ȕːnìː /; PNI * / joti / )
3A:3SGA PI * / kõːwa / ⁰⁶⁶ ( cf. Ch. / kʌ̃ː̀ wà /; PNI * / kõwa / )
3A:3NSA PI * / kõːwantiː / ⁰⁶⁸ ( cf. Ch. / kʌ̃ː̀ wànìː /; PNI * / kõwati / )
Morphemes that can be identified in pronominal prefix group 5 are { ka } 'third person',
{ wa } 'third person', { juː } 'third person patient', and { ntiː } 'non-singular number'.
The 3A:3SGA and 3A:3NSA prefixes appear to have underlying compositions
{ ka + wa + wa } and { ka + wa + wa + ntiː } respectively, and do not occur with
the non-singular animate prefix. The functional or semantic distinction between the
prefixes * / ka / ⁰⁵¹ and * / wa / ⁰⁵² is not clear (cf. Cook 1979:16) and they appear to
have been lexically-determined variants in PI; in Cherokee they continue to be
associated with certain verbs on a lexically-conditioned basis, while in PNI they merged
as allomorphs of a single morpheme. Note that though Chafe's (1977b) reconstruction of
Iroquoian third person pronominal prefixes does not project the last four prefixes in
(22) back to PI, I regard the Northern and Southern Iroquoian forms as probable
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cognates in light of their preconsonantal allomorphs in * / i(ː) / and prevocalic
allomorphs in * / n / ( cf. e.g. Ch. / ȕːnìː- /, / ȕːn- / and PNI * / joti- /, * / jon- /
'3NS:3' ).
The 3SG:3 prefix * / ka / had an allomorph * / k / before vowels ( cf. Ch. / k /;
PNI * / k / before certain verb bases beginning in a vowel ). The 3SG:3 prefix * / wa /
had an allomorph * / w / before vowels ( cf. Ch. / Ø / with low falling tone on a
following vowel; PNI * / w / before certain verb bases beginning in a vowel ), and the
3A:3SGA prefix * / kõːwa / had an allomorph * / kõːw / before vowels
( cf. Ch. / kʌ̃ː̀ w /; PNI * / kõw / ). The 3:3SG prefix * / juː / replaced at least the vowel
* / aː / of a following base, as do its reflexes in PNI and Cherokee. The 3NS:3 prefix had
an allomorph * / want / or * / wan / before vowels ( cf. Ch. / ȁːn /; PNI * / wan / or
* / wẽn / ), and the 3A:3NSA prefix * / kõːwantiː / has an allomorph * / kõːwant / or
* / kõːwan / before vowels ( cf. Ch. / kʌ̃ː̀ wan /; PNI * / kõwan / or * / kõwẽn / ). The
3:3NS prefix had an allomorph * / juːnt / or * / juːn / before vowels ( cf. Ch. / ȕːn /;
PNI * / jon / ).
Four pronominal prefixes whose forms in Cherokee and PNI are at least partially
cognate appear to end in the same plural morpheme, as presented in (23).
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(23) PI Pronominal Prefixes Ending in a Plural Morpheme
2:1.PL PI * / hskʷ… / ⁰¹⁸ ( cf. Ch. / hskìː /; PNI * / hskwa / )

2PL&3 PI * / ts… / ⁰³³ ( cf. Ch. / ȉːtsìː /; PNI * / tswa / )
1+2PL:3 PI * / t… / ⁰³⁸ ( cf. Ch. / ȉːtìː /; PNI * / twa / )
3:1PL PI * / kʷ… / ⁰⁴⁶ ( cf. Ch. / ȉːkìː /; PNI * / jõkwa / )
In PNI, the unknown suffix in (23) regularly corresponds to * / wa / before a consonant,
* / j / before * / o / and * / õ /, and * / w / before the other vowels, while in Cherokee
it regularly corresponds to / ìː / before a consonant and / Ø / before a vowel, except in
the case of * / hskʷ… / ⁰¹⁸ where it corresponds to / ìːj / before a vowel. A plural
morpheme with the form * / iwa / before consonants seems plausible, with reduction of
this sequence to / ìː / in Cherokee; lack of penultimate lengthening in PNI forms such as
* / waˈɁakweɁ / 'we go' ²⁰⁹ ( rather than ˣ / waˈɁaːkʷeɁ / ) could then be attributed to
the origin of a PNI cluster * / kw / in pre-PNI * / kʷew / or * / kʷw /
( e.g. pre-PNI * / waˈɁakʷweɁ / 'we go' ). Evidence from other reflexes that would
confirm or refute such a hypothesis is not presently at hand, however.
Another subset of pronominal prefixes is also worthy of note, due to the odd effect
that these prefixes have on allomorphy both in Cherokee and PNI. In Cherokee, reflexes
of the prefixes * { hsi } '2SG:3', * { tsniː } '2DU&3', * { ts… } '2PL&3', * { tniː }
'1+2DU:3', * { t… } '1+2PL:3' and * { kʷ… } '3:1PL' trigger certain preceding
65
prepronominal prefix allomorphs that show a vowel / e / rather than / a /
(cf. Cook 1979:83). Similarly in PNI, reflexes of the prefixes * { tsa } '3:2SG', * { tsniː }
'2DU&3', * { ts… } '2PL&3', * { tniː } '1+2DU:3' and * { t… } '1+2PL:3' trigger certain
preceding pronominal prefix allomorphs that show a vowel * / e / rather than * / a /,
as well as certain allomorphs that show a vowel * / i / rather than * / e /. The cause of
this variation is unclear, but it is conceivable that at least some of the prefixes, all of
which involve the second person, originally began in a vowel * / e / or similar segment
that has subsequently been lost ( i.e. * / (e)tsa /, * / (e)tsniː /, * / (e)tniː /, etc ); this
may additionally explain why the underlying combination * { ji + tsa } yields
* / jeːtsa / '3A:2SG' in PI. Although the vowel alternants preceding these prefixes almost
certainly have origins in the pronominal prefixes themselves, synchronic descriptions of
allomorphy in the daughter languages can be greatly simplified by analyzing these
alternants as part of preceding prepronominal prefixes, and consequently this is the
approach that will be adopted in subsequent chapters.
2.7 REFLEXIVE AND SEMIREFLEXIVE PREFIXES
The PI reflexive prefix had the basic form * / ataːt / ⁰⁷⁶ ( cf. Ch. / àtàːt /,
PNI * / atat / ), while the PI semireflexive prefix had the basic forms * / at / ⁰⁷⁷ and
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* / aɹ / ⁰⁷⁸, apparently on a lexically-determined basis ( cf. Ch. / àt /, / àl /;
PNI * / at /, * / aɹ / ). The reflexive prefix was fully productive in PI and consistently
rendered a meaning 'self'; compare the forms in (24) and (25) from Cherokee
(Feeling & Pulte 1975:296) and Old Mohawk (cf. Bruyas 1863:47).
(24) Ch. / ȁːkìkòːhʌ̃ː̌ ki ̋ː /

{ ȁːkì-kòːh-ʌ̃ː̌ ki ̋ː }
3:1SG-see.PERF-ASRT.INDP
'I have seen it'
Ch. / ȁːkʷàtàːkòːhʌ̃ː̌ ki ̋ː /
{ ȁːkʷ-àtàː-kòːh-ʌ̃ː̌ ki ̋ː }
3:1SG-REFL-see.PERF-ASRT.INDP
'I have seen myself'
(25) OMo. / ˈwakkʌ̃ /

{ wak-kʌ̃ }
3:1SG-see.PERF
'I have seen it'
OMo. / wakaˈtatkʌ̃ /
{ wak-atat-kʌ̃ }
3:1SG-REFL-see.PERF
'I have seen myself'
The semireflexive prefix did not always render a consistent meaning, though often
verbs containing it involved a part of oneself rather than the whole; in such cases it
might be translated as 'own', e.g. 'I wash my (own) hands', 'I cut my (own) hair', etc.
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Just as often, however, the semireflexive had become an integral part of the verb base,
no longer analyzed separately, as in e.g. PI * / wakʷataˈwẽːh / ¹⁶¹ 'I have swum',
consisting apparently of semireflexive * { at } ⁰⁷⁷ and a verb base related to the noun
root * { awẽɁ } ¹⁹⁶ 'water' ( cf. PNI * / joˈtaːwẽːh / 'she has swum'; Ch. / ȕːtàwóːɁʌ̃ː̌ ki ̋ː /
'she has swum, cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:8 ). Reflexes of semireflexive * { at } and
* { aɹ } are found in both branches of Iroquoian, although PNI has greatly generalized
the former at the expense of the latter.
2.8 INCORPORATED NOUN STEM
PI verbs could optionally incorporate a noun stem if the noun was the grammatical
subject of an intransitive verb or the grammatical object of a transitive verb
( e.g. 'the house is strong' Æ 'it house-strongs'; 'I build houses' Æ 'I house-build' ). Noun
incorporation remains extremely productive in all the Northern Iroquoian languages.
A detailed semantic and syntactic description of noun incorporation in Onondaga is
found in Woodbury (1975); with only minor semantic differences, it may be extended to
all of the Northern Iroquoian languages, and probably to PI as well. For purposes of
illustration, two examples of noun incorporation from Mohawk
(cf. Michelson 1973:72, 83) are presented in (26).
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(26) Mo. / kanũhsoˈwaːnʌ̃ / ( < PNI * / kanõhsoˈwaːnẽh / ²³⁷ ³⁸² )
{ ka-nũhs-owanʌ̃ }
3:3SG-house-JOIN-be.big.PERF
'the house is strong'
Mo. / kenũhˈsũːni / ( < PNI * / knõhˈsõːnih / ²⁶⁰ ³⁸² )

{ ke-nũhs-ũni }
1SG:3-house-build.PRES
'I am building a house'
As can be seen in the examples in (26), the incorporated noun stem is preposed to the
verb base, and a 'joiner vowel' * / a / ⁰⁷⁹ is inserted between the two if the noun stem
ends in a consonant and the verb root begins in a consonant (cf. Michelson 1988:157).
Residual traces of this process survive in Cherokee, although the number of verbs that
permit synchronic noun incorporation has decreased considerably in the language.
Among the few Cherokee verbs that do permit some degree of productive noun
incorporation is { -t- } 'lay down, put down', some reflexes of which are presented in
(27) with incorporated noun stems underlined.
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(27) Ch. / ȁːtíɁa̋ː /
{ ȁː-tìɁ-a̋ː }
3SG:3-lay.down.PRES-INDC.INDP
'she is laying it down' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:10)
Ch. / kànìːhslátíɁa̋ː / ( cf. / kànìːhsli ̋ː / 'bed' )

{ kà-nìːhsl-à-tìɁ-a̋ː }
3SG:3-ice-JOIN-lay.down.PRES-INDC.INDP
'she is setting up a bed' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:108)
Ch. / kàněːhstálàtìɁa̋ː / ( cf. / ùːněːhstála̋ː / 'ice' )

{ kà-nèːhstàl-a-tìɁ-a̋ː }
3SG:3-ice-JOIN-lay.down.PRES-INDC.INDP
'it is freezing' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:107)
Ch. / tȁːhskîːnáːtìɁa̋ː / ( cf. / àhskǐːna̋ː / 'demon' )

{ t-ȁː-hskìːn-àː-tìɁ-a̋ː }
DUPL-3SG:3-demon-JOIN-lay.down.PRES-INDC.INDP
'she is cursing' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:76)
More numerous in Cherokee than the examples in (27), however, are bound or
'fossilized' examples of noun incorporation. In a few cases, mainly involving items of
clothing, the noun stem exists independently in the language, but the accompanying
verb root is bound and does not occur elsewhere ( e.g. Ch. { -àlìhstùːlʌ̃Ɂ̀ k- }
'put on a cap', { -àhsùːlʌ̃Ɂ̀ k- } 'put on pants', { -àlìjèɁsùːlʌ̃Ɂ̀ k- } 'put on shoes';
Ch. { -àlìhstùːlàkìː- } 'take off a cap', { -àhsùːlàkìː- } 'take off pants', { -àlìjèɁsùːlàkìː- },
'take off shoes', cf. bases in Feeling & Pulte 1975 ). In other cases, involving what are
most often described as classificatory verbs (cf. King 1975:97, Cook 1979:185), a
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recurring incorporated noun stem no longer exists independently in the language, but
precedes a verb root that does occur independently ( e.g. Ch. { -nèːhwàhth- }
'find a liquid', { -jʌ̃ː̀ hwàhth- } 'find a long object', { -nàhwàhth- } 'find a flexible object';
Ch. { -nèːhwìːt- } 'take a liquid', { -jʌ̃ː̀ hwìːt- } 'take a long object', { -nàhwìːt- } 'take a
flexible object', cf. bases in Feeling & Pulte 1975 ). In still other cases, perhaps most
numerous, semantically related verbs clearly contain the same verbal element, but
neither the noun stem nor the verb base occurs independently in the language
( cf. Ch. { -àhskòːl- } 'dig', { -hnùːkòːl- } 'claw', { -àtlàkòːl- } 'scratch', { -hstʌ̃ː̀ kòːl- }
'grind corn', { -àtànhòːkòːl- } 'undergo scratch ritual'; Ch. { -ʌ̃ː̀ hskʷàlòɁts- } 'crack',
{ -nə̃ː̀ kʷàlòɁts- } 'hammer', { -hjə̃ː̀ tàkʷàlòɁts- } 'thunder', { -hnàhskʷàlòɁts- }
'stub one's toe', { -àtàːhskʷàlòɁts- } 'bump one's head', cf. bases in King 1975 ). Forms
such as these suggest that PI did indeed have productive noun incorporation, on a level
comparable to that found in PNI, and support previous studies asserting that productive
noun incorporation in Cherokee has been considerably reduced
(cf. Lounsbury 1978:337, Mithun 1984a:883).
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2.9 VERB BASE
Under the heading of the PI verb base I include everything that Lounsbury
(1978:337) treats as a verb root, followed optionally by various derivational suffixes,
followed obligatorily by an aspectual suffix. This is in part due to formal
unpredictability ( the form that derivational and aspectual suffixes have is determined
lexically by the verb base ), and in part due to a subsequent development in Cherokee,
whereby productive and predictable modal suffixes were affixed to the PI 'verb base' as
a whole.
The PI verb base appears to have had four principal forms, each of which reflected a
different tense or aspect. The present base, which has reflexes in the present base of
Cherokee and in the present base of certain verbs in Mohawk and Cayuga, signaled that
an event was taking place at the present time. The punctual verb base, which has
reflexes in imperative verbs in both Cherokee and Northern Iroquoian, signaled that an
event was taking place at any single point in time except the present. The imperfective
base, which has reflexes in the imperfective base of Cherokee and in the imperfective
base of certain verbs in Mohawk and Cayuga, signaled that the action of a verb was
incomplete and ongoing. The perfect verb base, which has reflexes in the perfect base of
Cherokee, and in the perfect base ( sometimes referred to as the stative base ) of
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modern Northern Iroquoian languages, signaled that the action of a verb was complete
or that a state existed.
Because relatively few verb bases remain cognate between Cherokee and PNI
( and the few that do have often been reshaped in Cherokee through addition of
derivational elements ), cognate status of the verb bases themselves is often difficult to
demonstrate, though their meanings remain essentially the same. Cherokee and PNI
reflexes for the verbs 'climb over' ( PI * { -atawẽːhɹat- } ¹⁶² ) and 'see'
( PI * { -kẽ(ː)- } ³³² ) are presented in (28) and (29) in their four basic forms.
(28) 'climb over' Cherokee PNI
present { -àtàwòːhìlàtìɁ- } * { -atawẽhɹathaɁ }

punctual { -àtàwòːhìlàt- } * { -atawẽhɹat }
imperfective { -àtàwòːhìlàtìhsk- } * { -atawẽhɹathsk }
perfect { -àtàwòːhìlàt- } * { -atawẽhɹatõh }
(29) 'see' Cherokee PNI
present { -kòhwàhthìh- } * { -kẽh }

punctual { -kòhwàhth- } * { -kẽɁ }
imperfective { -kòhwàhthìhsk- } * { -kẽhsk }
perfect { -kòːh- } * { -kẽːh }
Although the shapes of verb bases like those in (28) and (29) were lexically
determined and formally unpredictable, they nonetheless did often contain derivational
73
and aspectual morphemes with recurring forms that followed the constant form of the
verb root, occasionally with vowels and glottal consonants of uncertain meaning
interceding. Derivational morphemes that can be reconstructed at the level of PI include
a causative-instrumental morpheme that had the basic form * { -t- } ⁰⁸² or * { -hst- } ⁰⁸³
and the meaning 'make X, cause to X, use to X'; a reversive morpheme that had the basic
form * { -kʷ- } ⁰⁸⁵ and carried the meaning 'un-X', 'de-X'; and a dative-benefactive
morpheme that had the basic form * { -ts- } ⁰⁸⁸ and carried the meaning 'X to, X for, X
on behalf of'. No demonstrably cognate pairs can be given to illustrate these
morphemes, but their meanings and their placement at some point after the constant
form of the verb root is identical in both branches of Iroquoian.
2.10 NOUN MORPHOLOGY
Many PI nouns were probably dependent verb forms that functioned as noun
phrases – e.g. 'they hunt' (independent verb form) Æ 'they who hunt; hunters'
(dependent verb form/deverbalized noun); 'they are hunting again' (independent verb
form) Æ 'those who are hunting again; re-hunters' (dependent verb form/deverbalized
noun); 'one uses it to hunt' (independent verb form) Æ 'that which one uses to hunt;
hunting place' (dependent verb form/deverbalized noun). Deverbalized nouns had the
74
same form and morphological structure as verbs except that word-initial glides were
lost from pronominal prefixes so that, for example, the PI pronominal prefix
* { wakʷi- } '3:1SG' has become * { akʷi- } '3:1SG' in a deverbalized noun, and the
pronominal prefix * { juːntiː- } '3:3NS' has become * { uːntiː- } '3:3NS'. This distinction
has been retained in nouns both in Cherokee and in PNI, so that one finds
e.g. Ch. / àkèːhjűːtsâː / '(she is a) girl' rather than / ȁːkèːhjùːtsa̋ː / and Mo. / aˈkũːkʷeh /
'(she is a) woman' rather than / jaˈkũːkʷeh /.
In addition to deverbalized nouns, PI had simple nouns, which consisted of a noun
stem optionally preceded by a noun prefix and optionally followed by a noun suffix.
The two basic forms of the noun prefix were based on the 3SG:3 pronominal prefix
( both * / ka / ⁰⁵¹ and * / wa / ⁰⁵² ) and the 3:3SG pronominal prefix ( * / juː / ⁰⁵⁴ ).
These were lexically conditioned: some nouns took the former while others took the
latter. As in deverbalized nouns, word-initial glides were lost in simplex noun prefixes,
so that, for example, the allomorph * / w / has become * / Ø /, the allomorph * / wa /
has become * / a /, and the allomorph * / juː / has become * / uː / ( cf. Ch. / Ø- /,
/ à- /, and / ùː- /; PNI * / Ø- / before bases beginning in * / a /, * / o- / ). The basic
form of the noun suffix may have been a glottal stop preceded by * / a / when a root
ended in a consonant ( cf. PNI * / -aɁ / ¹²³ ). Some examples of simple nouns in PI
75
include * { kanõːnowẽɁ } 'pipe' ³²³ ( cf. Ch. / kànʌ̃ː̀ nòwa̋ː /; PNI * / kaˈnõnawẽɁ / ) and
* { ukiɁɹhaɁ } 'hair' ³⁴² ( cf. Ch. / ùkìɁlha̋ː /; PNI * / uˈkeɁɹhaɁ / ).
Possession of nouns was indicated in PI by replacing the noun prefix of a simple
noun with a prefix from one of two sets of possessive pronominal prefixes. One of the
sets seems to have been used to mark inalienable possession ( the soul and body parts ),
and was cognate with pronominal prefixes where the possessor was agent and '3' was
patient ( e.g. * / ki / '1SG:3' Æ * / ki / '1SG.INPOSS' ). The second set of possessive
prefixes seems to have been used to mark alienable possession of objects
( e.g. 'my house' ), and was cognate with pronominal prefixes where '3' was agent and
the possessor was patient ( e.g. * / wakʷi / '3:1SG' Æ * / akʷi / '1SG.ALPOSS' ). The
only formal difference between pronominal prefixes and their possessive counterparts
again seems to have been loss of initial glides: cf. Mo. / wakeˈnũhsajʌ̃Ɂ / 'I have a house'
(verb), but / akeˈnũhsaɁ / 'my house' (noun); Mo. / jũkwaˈnũhsajʌ̃Ɂ / 'we have a house',
but / ũkwaˈnũhsaɁ / 'our house' (cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:198). There appears also to
have been a tendency, if not a rule, whereby inalienably possessed body parts occurred
with a locative suffix ( cf. PNI * / kjeˈɹõɁkeh / '(on/at) my body' ³⁰⁴ and
Ch. / tsìjèːlʌ̃ː̋ Ɂîː / '(on/at) my body', Cook 1979:193 ).
Relationships between people were expressed using prepronominal prefixes on
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dependent stative verbs, e.g. * { akʷi-ɹhok } 'my paternal aunt' ⁴²⁵
( lit. 'it is a paternal aunt to me' ), * { tsa-ɹhok } 'your paternal aunt'
( lit. 'it is a paternal aunt to you' ), * { kõː-ɹhok } 'I am your paternal aunt'
( lit. I am a paternal aunt to you )', etc. As in the first two examples, pronominal
prefixes with an argument '3' appear to have been used in place of prefixes that
employed an argument '3A' when a third person was involved in a relationship
( cf. PNI * / aˈkeɹhok / 'my paternal aunt' ⁴²⁵, rather than ˣ / jõˈkeɹhok /;
̀ i ̀lhòːki ̋ː /, cf. Cook 1975:185 ).

Ch. / àkìlhòːki ̋ː / 'my paternal aunt', rather than ˣ / ʌ̃k
2.11 PARTICLES AND CLITICS
The third lexical category of PI consisted of particles, which were small, generally
monomorphemic function words that served to quantify, emphasize, or clarify the
relationship between other words in an utterance. Due to a high rate of lexical
replacement, even among sub-branches of Northern Iroquoian, only a few particles have
cognates in both branches of Iroquoian; among those that can be projected back to PI
are a temporal particle * { nẽh } 'now, then, at this or that time' ³⁶⁷ ( cf. Ch. / nǒːkʷʌ̃ː̋ /;
PNI * / ˈoːnẽ / ), * { iːnõh } 'far, distant' ²⁸¹ ( cf. Ch. / i ̋ːnâː / 'far', / ìːnʌ̃ː̀ hi ̋ː / 'too far';
PNI * / ˈiːnõh / 'far' ), and * { aɹeɁ } 'about, approximately' ¹⁵⁸ ( cf. Ch. / àle̋ː /;
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PNI * / ˈaːɹeɁ / ). PI seems also to have had a particle of the form * { nV(H) } ³⁵²
( cf. Ch. / náː /; PNI * / neɁ / ) that preceded nouns and may have served a deictic
function ( 'the', 'this', 'that' ) or been used to mark out deverbalized nouns. Iroquoian
numbers, which are invariably preposed to their referent, are invariable
morphologically, and are thus also effectively particles; due to lexical replacement,
however, only one number is reconstructable at the level of PI: * / hwihsk / 'five' ²⁷³.
PI may also have had clitics: small morphemes, perhaps originally derived from
verbs, which were suffixed to their referents rather than preceding them. A clitic of the
form * { -hnõɁ } may have signified 'and' ( cf. Ch. * / -hnʌ̃ː̋ / 'also, and, moreover';
PMO * / ˈtahnũɁ / 'and, besides' ⁴³⁴ ). PI probably also a locative clitic or suffix that
followed nouns, although its exact form is unclear; Cherokee has * { -îː } 'at, on, in'
where PNI had * { -keh } 'at, on, in' ¹²⁸.
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CHAPTER 3: CHEROKEE
3.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes the language of the Cherokee ( / ànìːtsàlàki ̋ː /, a name of
uncertain etymology ), whose territory in the early seventeenth century appears to have
ranged north to the foot of the Great Smoky Mountains, bordering on the territory of
the Yuchi, west to the foot of the Appalachian Plateau, bordering on the territory of the
Koasati, south to the Georgian Piedmont, bordering on the territory of the Creek, and
east to the foothills of the Blue Ridge Mountains, bordering on the territory of the
Catawba (cf. village locations in Mooney 1900:507-548; see Map 2). Today speakers of
Cherokee are located primarily on the Eastern Cherokee Indian Reservation in western
North Carolina and on the lands of the Cherokee Nation in eastern Oklahoma.
The earliest record of the Cherokee language appears to be a list of vocabulary
recorded at some point between 1751 and 1771 by the early American surveyor
William Gerard De Brahm, entitled Compendium of the Cherokee Indian Tongue in English,
which is reproduced in De Vorsey (1971). De Brahm's vocabulary contains a handful of
archaisms, but is essentially in keeping with the modern language. Another list of
Cherokee vocabulary published in Castiglioni (1790) likewise appears to reflect the
modern language.
79
Within modern Cherokee there exists a wide array of dialects and idiolects that
have yet to be charted and described. My preliminary analysis of early Cherokee sources
has suggested there may have been as many as ten dialects, which differ primarily with
regard to reflexes of Common Cherokee consonant clusters; e.g. Common Cherokee
* / hsl / has become dialectal Cherokee / hs /, / thl /, or / lh /; Common Cherokee
* / tsl / has become dialectal Cherokee / ts /, / tl /, / thl /, and so on. Because differing
developments of Common Cherokee reflexes cannot yet be tied to definite geographic
locations, nor even generally to the two Cherokee settlements in North Carolina and
Oklahoma, Cherokee dialectal developments are not addressed in the present work, but
rather require further investigation. Cherokee forms presented in this chapter are
intended to represent pre-dialectal Cherokee forms, in so far as these can at present be
ascertained.
A late eighteenth-century glossary of Cherokee is in Mooney (1900), and modern
grammars are in King (1975), Feeling & Pulte (1975), Cook (1979), and Montgomery-
Anderson (2008). A teaching grammar is in Holmes and Smith (1977), and dictionaries
are in King (1975) and Feeling & Pulte (1975); unless otherwise stated, Cherokee forms
in this chapter are based on data in King (1975) and Feeling & Pulte (1975).
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3.2 PHONEMIC INVENTORY
The phonemic inventory of Common Cherokee is presented in (1).
(1) Phonemic Inventory of Common Cherokee
CONSONANTS
Bilabial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Plosive t k kʷ Ɂ
Nasal m n
Fricative s h
Affricate ts
Approximant j w
Lateral Approximant l
VOWELS
front central back
close iː uː
i u
mid eː ʌ̃ː oː
e ʌ̃ o
open aː
a
Reflexes of PI * / ẽ(ː) / and * / o(ː) / have merged as / o(ː) / in most environments
in Cherokee, while reflexes of PI * / õ(ː) / have shifted to / ʌ̃(ː) / in most environments.
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Cherokee / m / appears to have developed from reflexes of PI * / w / in the vicinity of
a nasal vowel. PI * / ɹ / appears to have been preserved in the extinct Eastern dialect of
Cherokee (cf. Mooney 1900:188), but has undergone a shift to / l / in all surviving
dialects of Cherokee; I here represent the reflex of PI * / ɹ / as Common Cherokee / l /,
in part to make the formal relationship between pre-dialectal Cherokee and modern
Cherokee forms more transparent for the reader.
All Cherokee vowels carry one of six tones: low level ( e.g. / àː / ), low falling
( / ȁː / ), low rising ( / ǎː / ), high level ( / áː / ), high falling ( / âː / ), or high rising
( / a̋ː / ) (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:xi); falling and rising tones occur only on long vowels
(cf. Wright 1996:11). The plosives / t /, / k /, and / kʷ / have voiced allophones [ d ],
[ g ], and [ gʷ ] respectively before vowels, and / ts / has an allophone [ dz ] or [ dʒ ]
in the same environment (cf. King 1975:19).
3.3 PHONOLOGICAL CHANGES
The complete, and probably vast, inventory of sound changes separating Cherokee
from PI is imperfectly understood at present due to the scarcity of secure PNI and
Cherokee cognates. Sound changes that do appear to be secure are described below as
CH-1 through CH-29. Where morphological disparity between PNI and Cherokee forms
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has made comparison of whole words impossible, only morphological roots have been
given and cognate segments underlined. Where ordering of two changes appears to be
necessary in order to produce a correct output in Cherokee, this has been noted.
By CH-1, * / k / has become * / ts / before * / i / ( e.g. PI * { ki- } '1SG:3' ⁰¹⁹ >
Ch. { tsì- }; PI * { kiji- } '1SG:3A' ⁰²⁰ > Ch. { tsìː- } '1SG:3A' ). This change seems to
have been levelled out in the 3SG:3 prefix * { ka- } ⁰⁵¹, which has the allomorph / k /
before all vowels, including / i / ( e.g. PI * { k-ihɹjuɁkẽh } '(it is a) chipmunk' ³⁴⁰ >
Ch. / khìjûːka̋ː /; PI * { k-iːɹ } '(it is a) dog' ³⁴¹ > Ch. / kìːlhi ̋ː / ); it must precede CH-2
and CH-22.
By CH-2, * / kʷ / has become * / k / before * / i / ( e.g. PI * { wakʷi- } '3:1SG' ⁰²⁵
> Ch. { ȁːkì- }; PI * { jõkʷi- } '3A:1SG' ⁰²⁶ > Ch. { ʌ̃ː̏ kì- }; PI * { -kʷ- } 'pick up' ³⁵⁰ Æ
Ch. / hìki ̋ː / 'pick it up!' ). This change must follow CH-1.
By CH-3, * / w / has been lost after * / h / before * / i / ( e.g. PI * / hwihsk /
'five' ²⁷³ > Ch. / hi ̀hski ̋ː / ). This change must precede CH-22.
By CH-4, * / w / has been lost after * / t / and * / th / ( e.g. PI * { -neːhstwaɹ- }
'ice' ³⁶⁵ Æ Ch. / ùněːhstála̋ː /; PI * { -atkahthw- } 'look at' ¹⁷⁹ Æ Ch. / hàkhthǒːhsta̋ː /
'look at it!' ). This change must precede CH-22.
By CH-5, the approximant * / w / has been lost word-initially and the following
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vowel has been lengthened and has acquired low falling tone ( e.g. PI * { wakʷi- }
'3:1SG' ⁰²⁵ > Ch. { ȁːkì- }; PI * { wantiː- } '3NS:3' ⁰⁵⁸ > Ch. { ȁːnìː- } ). This change does
not appear to have affected the translocative morpheme ( cf. PI * { wi- } ⁰⁰⁵ >
Ch. { wì- } ) or words of onomatopoeic origin ( cf. PI * { waɁkuhɹiːɁ } 'whippoorwill' ⁴⁷⁴
> Ch. / wàɁkùːli ̋ː / ). Similarly, by CH-6, the approximant * / j / has been lost word-
initially and the following vowel has been lengthened and has acquired low falling tone
( e.g. PI * { jõːkʷi- } '3A:1SG' ⁰²⁶ > Ch. { ʌ̃ː̏ kì- }; PI * { jeːtsa- } '3A:2SG' ⁰²⁹ >
Ch. { ȅːtsà- }; PI * { juː- } '3:3SG' ⁰⁵⁴ > Ch. { ȕː- }; PI * { juːntiː- } '3:3NS' ⁰⁶¹ >
Ch. { ȕːnìː- } ).
By CH-7, vowels have been lost after a consonant when they preceded * / hC /
( e.g. PI * { -atkahthw- } 'look at' ¹⁷⁹ Æ Ch. / hàkhthǒːhsta̋ː / 'look at it!' ). The
synchronic effect of this change can be seen in Cherokee verbs bases containing / h /
( like the example above ), which alternates with / Ɂ / on a pronominally-determined
basis ( cf. / hìːjàkȁːthǒːhsta̋ː / 'look at her!', in which vowel deletion has not applied,
owing to underlying { -àkàɁth- } occurring in place of { -àkàhth- } whenever the
2SG:3A pronominal prefix is present; this phenomenon is discussed further in 3.4 ). This
change must precede CH-22.
By CH-8, * / Ɂ / has been lost before a consonant and the preceding vowel has been
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lengthened and acquired low falling tone ( e.g. PI * { -koɁtiɁ } 'be a lot' ³⁴⁴ Æ
Ch. / ǔːkȍːti ̋ː / 'a lot' ). Note that low rising tone, rather than low falling tone, has
typically appeared if another syllable has been added by CH-12 ( cf. PI * { -nõɁt- }
'milk' ³⁸⁸ Æ Ch. / ùnʌ̃ː̌ ti ̋ː / ).
By CH-9, glottal consonants have been lost word-finally and a preceding vowel has
been lengthened ( e.g. PI * { kuːɹeh } 'acorn' ³⁴⁸ > Ch. / kùːle̋ː /; PI * { aɹeɁ } 'about' ¹⁵⁸
> Ch. / àle̋ː / 'and'; PI * { -hsnuːɹiɁ } 'be fast' ²⁵⁸ Æ Ch. / ùhsìnűːlîː / 'it is fast' ).
By CH-10, the sequence * / a(ː)wẽ(ː) / has become * / a(ː)ma(ː) /
( e.g. PI * { awẽɁ } 'water' ¹⁹⁶ > Ch. / àma̋ː /; PI * { kahnaːwẽːh } 'butterfly' ³¹⁷ >
Ch. / khàmàːma̋ː /, the first / m / arising by regressive assimilation ). This change
seems to have been confined to the final two syllables of nouns and has not taken place
in verbs; it must precede CH-11 and CH-27.
By CH-11, nasal vowels have become * / aː / in final syllables ( e.g. PI * { iːnõh }
'far' ²⁸¹ > { i ̋ːnâː }; PI * { kanõːnowẽɁ } 'pipe' ³²³ > Ch. / kànʌ̃ː̀ nòwa̋ː /;
PI * { kihɹjuɁkẽh } 'chipmunk' ³⁴⁰ > Ch. / khìjûːka̋ː / ). This change must follow CH-9
and CH-10 and precede CH-12 and CH-27. (cf. also Rudes 1995:20).
By CH-12, a long vowel with high rising tone has been added to the end of words
ending in a consonant; typically this vowel is / a̋ː /, / i ̋ː / or / ʌ̃ː̋ /, but with variation by
85
dialect ( e.g. PI * { tsiːɹ } 'fire' ⁴⁵⁸ Æ Ch. / àtsǐːla̋ː / [ also: / àtsǐːlʌ̃ː̋ / ]; PI * { tiɁɹ }
'skunk' ⁴⁴³ > Ch. / tíɁli ̋ː / [ also: / tiɁla̋ː / ] ). As in the examples given, a previously
accented vowel has typically acquired low rising tone after this change has applied. This
change must follow CH-11.
By CH-13, * / iji / has become * / iː / ( e.g. PI * { kiji- } '1SG:3A' ⁰²⁰ > Ch. { tsìː- };
PI * { hsiji- } '2SG:3A' ⁰²³ > Ch. { hìː- } ).
By CH-14, * / tsn / has become * / hst / ( e.g. PI * { tsniː- } '2DU&3' ⁰³¹ >
Ch. { stìː- } ). This change must precede CH-22.
By CH-15, * / n / has become * / h / before * / st / ( e.g. PI * { -nsteːɹ- }
'get involved' ³⁹¹ Æ Ch. / hìhstěːla̋ː / 'help!' ).
By CH-16, the resonant consonant * / n / has been lost before * / j /
( e.g. PI * { -oɁnj- } 'hand' ⁴⁰⁰ > Ch. / àkʷȍːje̋ːnîː / 'my hand'; PI * { -Ɂnjõːhs- } 'nose' ⁴⁹⁴
Æ Ch. / tsȉːjʌ̃ː̀ hsőːlîː / 'my nose' ), and similarly, by CH-17, the resonant consonant
* / ɹ / has been lost before * / j / ( e.g. PI * / kihɹjuɁkẽh / 'chipmunk' ³⁴⁰ >
Ch. / khìjûːka̋ː / ). Both changes must precede CH-22.
By CH-18, * / t / has been lost before * / k / ( e.g. PI * { -atkahthw- } 'look at' ¹⁷⁹ Æ
Ch. / hàkhthǒːhsta̋ː / 'look at it!'; PI * / wakʷataːtkẽːh / 'I have seen myself' ⁰⁷⁶ ³³² >
Ch. / ȁːkʷàtàːkòːhʌ̃ː̌ Ɂi ̋ː / ).
86
By CH-19, * / t / has been lost before * / n / ( e.g. PI * { tniː- } '1+2DU:3' ⁰³⁶ >
Ch. { ȉːtìː- } ). This change must precede CH-22.
By CH-20, * / t / has been lost after * / n / ( e.g. PI * { wantiː- } '3NS:3' ⁰⁵⁸ >
Ch. { ȁːnìː- }; PI * { juːntiː- } '3:3NS' ⁰⁶¹ > Ch. { ȕːnìː- } '3:3NS' ).
By CH-21, * / j / has been lost after * / ts / ( e.g. PI * { -tsjoːɹ- } 'tobacco' ⁴⁶⁵ Æ
Ch. / tsòːla̋ː /; PI * { -tsjõɁt- } 'fish' ⁴⁶⁷ Æ Ch. / àtsàɁti ̋ː / ). This change must precede
CH-22.
By CH-22, * / i / has been inserted between clusters of a consonant and a resonant
consonant ( e.g. PI * { -khjuːhs- } 'elbow' ³³⁸ Æ Ch. / àkhìjùːhske̋ː /; PI * { -hsnuːɹiɁ }
'be fast' ²⁵⁸ Æ Ch. / ùhsìnűːlîː / 'it is fast'; PI * { -nakɹ- } 'dwell' ³⁵⁴ Æ Ch. / ùnàkìlʌ̃ː̏ ti ̋ː /
'for it to dwell'; PI * { -atawẽːhɹat- } 'climb over' ¹⁶² Æ Ch. / hàtàwòːhìlàta̋ː /
'climb over!' ). Contrasting with the last example is onomatopoeic PI * { waɁkuhɹiːɁ }
'whippoorwill' ⁴⁷⁴ > Ch. / wàɁkùːli ̋ː /, which is apparently unaffected. The Common
Cherokee cluster / hsl /, which has different dialectal outcomes, seems also to have
been an exception to epenthesis. This change must follow CH-1, CH-3, CH-4, CH-7,
CH-14, CH-16, CH-17, CH-19, and CH-21, and precede CH-26.
By CH-23, * / s / has been lost after * / h / at the beginning of a word when a
vowel followed, as illustrated by the development of prefixes involving the second
87
person singular ( PI * { hsi- } '2SG:3' ⁰²² > Ch. { hì- }; PI * { hsiji- } '2SG:3A' ⁰²³ >
Ch. { hìː- } ).
By CH-24, * / ts / has become * / s / after * / h / ( e.g. PI * { -ahtsõːh- } 'night' ¹⁴⁹
Æ Ch. / ùhsʌ̃ː̋ Ɂîː /; PI * { -htsuːhw- } 'colour' ²⁶⁸ Æ Ch. / hìhsǔːhwa̋ː / 'paint!' ).
By CH-25, * / ks / has become * / ts / before a vowel. There are no definitive PI
cognates illustrating this sound change except perhaps for * { -ksin- } 'cedar, stump'
(Rudes 1995:39); Cherokee / àtsìna̋ː / 'cedar' is more likely a borrowing from
Muskogean, however, as noted by Mooney (1900:511). The change is nonetheless
posited on the basis of internal reconstruction; cf. Ch. / hìhnéːka̋ː / 'you're speaking',
/ hìhnéːkóːɁi ̋ː / 'you speak', and / hìhnȅːki ̋ː / 'speak!' as against / hìhnéːtsʌ̃ː̌ Ɂi ̋ː / 'you
spoke'. In this and other Cherokee verb roots ending in / k /, alternation to / t /
regularly occurs where a perfect verb base ends in / s /.
By CH-26, * / nh / has metathesized to * / hn / ( e.g. PI * { -õːnh- } 'be alive' ⁴⁰⁶ Æ
Ch. / kʌ̃ː̀ hna̋ː / 'he is alive' ). This change must follow CH-22.
By CH-27, * / ẽ(ː) / has become * / o(ː) / ( e.g. PI * { -atawẽ- } 'swim' ¹⁶¹ >
Ch. / hàtàwǒːtsa̋ː / 'swim!'; PI * { -ateːhẽːh- } 'be embarrassed' ¹⁶³ > / hàtèːhǒːhi ̋ː /
'be embarrassed!'; PI * { -nawẽːh- } 'be melted' ³⁵⁸ > Ch. / hʌ̃ː̀ nàwǒːhi ̋ː / 'melt!';
PI * { -nẽːhskʷ- } 'steal' ³⁶⁸ > Ch. / hìnǒːhski ̋ː / 'steal it!' ). This change must follow
88
CH-10 and CH-11. (cf. also Rudes 1995:20).
By CH-28, * / õ(ː) / has become * / ə̃(ː) / ( e.g. PI * { kanõːnowẽɁ } 'pipe' ³²³ >
Ch. / kànʌ̃ː̀ nòwa̋ː /; PI * { õːtariɁ } 'lake' ⁴¹² > Ch. / ʌ̃ː̀ tàli ̋ː /; PI * { -Ɂnjõːhs- } 'nose' ⁴⁹⁴
Æ Ch. / tsȉːjʌ̃ː̀ hsőːlîː / 'my nose' ). (cf. also Rudes 1995:20).
By CH-29, * / ɹ / has become * / l / ( e.g. PI * { -hsnuːɹiɁ } 'be fast' ²⁵⁸ Æ
Ch. / ùhsìnűːlîː / 'fast'; PI * { kuːɹeh } 'acorn' ³⁴⁸ > / kùːle̋ː /; PI * { -ɹhok }
'be paternal aunt' ⁴²⁵ Æ Ch. / ùlhòki ̋ː / 'her paternal aunt' ).
Phonological changes that have occurred during the transition from PI to Cherokee
are recapitulated in (2).
(2) Phonological Changes in the Transition from PI to Cherokee
CH-1 k > ts / _i
CH-2 kʷ >k / _i
CH-3 w > Ø / h_i
CH-4 w > Ø / t, th_
CH-5 wV¹ > V̏¹ː / #_
CH-6 jV¹ > V̏¹ː / #_
CH-7 V > Ø / C_hC
CH-8 V¹ɁC² > V̏¹ːC²
CH-9 V¹H > V¹ː / _#
CH-10 a(ː)wẽ(ː) > a(ː)ma(ː)
CH-11 Ṽ > aː / _#
CH-12 Ø > V̋ː / C_#
CH-13 iji > iː
CH-14 tsn > hst
CH-15 n > h / _st
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CH-16 n > Ø / _j
CH-17 ɹ > Ø / _j
CH-18 t > Ø / _k
CH-19 t > Ø / _n
CH-20 t > Ø / n_
CH-21 j > Ø / ts_
CH-22 Ø > i / C_R
CH-23 s > Ø / #h_V
CH-24 ts > s / h_
CH-25 ks > ts / _V
CH-26 nh > hn
CH-27 ẽ(ː) > o(ː)
CH-28 õ(ː) > ə̃(ː)
CH-29 ɹ>l
In addition to the sound changes in (2), additional sound changes seem to have
taken place in one or more Cherokee dialects affecting various consonant clusters,
whose reconstructed identity in Common Cherokee can often only be guessed at, and
whose identity in PI is in most cases uncertain. Some cognate examples from the
dialects recorded by King (1975), Feeling & Pulte (1975), and Holmes & Smith (1977),
are presented in (3) as Dialect 1, Dialect 2, and Dialect 3, respectively, with variant
segments underlined.
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(3) Some Dialectal Developments in Cherokee
Common Cherokee Dialect 1 Dialect 2 Dialect 3
Ch. / kànìhsli ̋ː / 'bed' / kànìhsi ̋ː / / kànìːlhi ̋ː / / kànìːthlʌ̃ː̋ /

Ch. / àkìlhòki ̋ː / 'my aunt' / àkìlhòki ̋ː / / àkìlhòki ̋ː / / àkìthlòki ̋ː /
Ch. / [?]àːnúːhsi ̋ː / 'leech' / tsàːnúːhsi ̋ː / / tlàːnúːhsi ̋ː / / thlàːnúːhsi ̋ː /
Ch. / [?]ʌ̃ː̀ tàtsi ̋ː / 'panther' / tsʌ̃ː̀ tàtsi ̋ː / / lhʌ̃ː̀ tàtsi ̋ː / / thlʌ̃ː̀ tàtsi ̋ː /
Ch. / ùjhʌ̃ː̀ [?]a̋ː / 'cold' / ùjhʌ̃ː̀ tsa̋ː / / ùːjhʌ̃ː̀ tla̋ː / / ùjhʌ̃ː̀ tla̋ː /
In surveying cluster correspondences among ten dialects of Cherokee, Julian (2008),
found at least twelve sets of reflexes like those in (3), and many modern dialects might
even be distinguished according to the regular outcome of Common Cherokee cluster
correspondence sets. Further study and classification of Cherokee dialects would be
necessary in order to assemble an exhaustive inventory of such reflexes and to
reconstruct their probable forms in Common Cherokee.
Before moving on it should be noted that the process by which tonogenesis has
arisen in Cherokee remains imperfectly understood due to scarcity of cognate forms in
Cherokee and PNI. Reflexes of pronominal prefixes suggest that Cherokee low level tone
( e.g. * / àː / ) is 'neutral', and occurs in reflexes of unaccented PI syllables in the
majority of environments. Cherokee high rising tone ( e.g. * / a̋ː / ) probably
corresponds to primary word accent in PI, as its occurrence is limited to either the
penultimate or final syllable, and it occurs at least once, and only once, in every
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Cherokee word. Cherokee low falling tone ( e.g. * / ȁː / ) seems to result diachronically
from pre-vocalic loss of a glide ( e.g. PI * / ju / > Ch. * / ȕː / ) and from post-vocalic
loss of a glottal consonant following a vowel ( e.g. PI * / uːɁ / > Ch. / ȕː / ). The
origins of Cherokee high level tone ( / áː / ), high falling tone ( / âː / ), and low rising
tone ( / ǎː / ) are less clear. Some cases of low rising tone appear to correlate with
diachronic addition of syllables to a word, and perhaps reflect earlier primary word
accent that has since moved to another syllable ( e.g. PI * { tsiːɹ } 'fire' ⁴⁵⁸ >
Pre-Cherokee * / (à)tsi ̋ːl / > Ch. / àtsǐːla̋ː / [ also: / àtsǐːlʌ̃ː̋ / ] ). Level high tone is
often associated with short vowels in the same context, perhaps due to a restriction that
limits contour tones to long vowels (cf. Wright 1996:11).
Of interest from an etymological standpoint is the tonal pattern found in Cherokee
imperative verbs, which appears to represent a continuation of the PI punctual base. In
imperative verbs that do not contain prepronominal prefixes, all vowels except those in
the last two syllables have low level tone ( àː ) unless a glottal stop follows the vowel, in
which case there is etymologically predictable low falling tone ( ȁː ) with loss of the
glottal stop ( by CH-8 ). If the vowel of the penultimate syllable is followed by a glottal
stop it also has predictable low falling tone ( ȁː ) with loss of the glottal stop
( by CH-8 ); if not, it has neutral low level tone ( à ) if short, and low rising tone ( ǎː ) if
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long. The vowel of the final syllable will then have high rising tone ( a̋ː ). The pattern
just described suggests that the language may earlier have had neutral tone ( àː ) on all
vowels except those in the penultimate and ultimate syllables, one of which
( in independent verb forms, the final syllable ) received primary word accent,
represented by high rising tone ( cf. / hìnèːhstàlàta̋ː / 'freeze! [lit. lay down the ice!]',
containing a reflex of the PI root * { -neːhstwaɹ- } 'ice' ³⁶⁵ with associated neutral tone:
{ -nèːhstàl- } ). Subsequently, with the addition of productive modal suffixes to all non-
punctual verbs bases, and with the loss of glottal stops in coda and compensatory low
falling tone ( by CH-8 ), more complex patterns of tone appear to have developed
( cf. / kàněːhstálàtìɁa̋ː / 'it's freezing [lit. it's putting down the ice]', containing the same
PI root, now with associated high rising and level high tones rather than neutral tone:
{ -něːhstál- } ). Understanding patterns of tone development in Cherokee relative to PI
is a promising area for future research.
3.4 MORPHOLOGICAL CHANGES
The morphological structure of Cherokee seems to be essentially unchanged from
that of PI apart from the apparent addition of a new set of modal suffixes to the verb
base, and the probable creation of a formal class of adjectives as a result.
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The principal verb bases posited for PI appear no longer to occur in their radical
forms in Cherokee active verbs and are always equipped with one of eight regular, fully
productive modal suffixes, each with a distinct meaning; the PI punctual verb base
appears to continue to occur in its radical form in Cherokee imperative verbs, though
typically with addition of an overt word-final vowel / a̋ː / by CH-12, which is also
analyzed below as an indicative suffix. For example, the reflex of the PI perfect base
* { -kẽːh } 'have seen', in Cherokee { -kòːh- }, seems no longer to occur word-finally as it
may have in PI and must now be followed by a modal suffix, such as the assertive suffix
{ -ʌ̃ː̌ ki ̋ː }: Ch. { ȁːkì+kòːh+ʌ̃ː̌ ki ̋ː } 'I have seen it [this is a fact]'. The independent and
dependent forms of the eight modal suffixes of Cherokee are listed in (4) along with the
bases with which each occurs.
(4) Cherokee Modal Suffixes
Suffix Independent Dependent Bases
INDICATIVE { -a̋ː } { -âː } present, perfect

HABITUAL { -óːɁi ̋ː } { -őːɁîː } imperfective, perfect
REPORTATIVE { -éːɁi ̋ː } { -e̋ːɁîː } imperfective, perfect
ASSERTIVE { -ʌ̃ː̌ ki ̋ː } --- imperfective, perfect
POSITIVE GERUND --- { -ʌ̃ː̋ Ɂîː } imperfective, perfect
NEGATIVE GERUND --- { -ʌ̃ː̋ nâː } imperfective, perfect
FUTURE { -éːhsti ̋ː } { -e̋ːhstîː } imperfective, perfect
INFINITIVE { -i ̋ː } { -i ̋ːjîː } infinitive
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The approximate meaning of the modal suffixes can be gathered from the following
examples, all but the first and last of which employ the perfect base { -kòːh- }
'have seen': { ȁː-kòwhthíh-a̋ː } 'she sees it'; { ȕː-kòːh-óːɁi ̋ː } 'she has seen it (habitually)';
{ ȕː-kòːh-éːɁi ̋ː } 'she has seen it (apparently)'; { ȕː-kòːh-ʌ̃ː̌ ki ̋ː } 'she has seen it
(I was a witness)'; { ùː-kòːh-ʌ̃ː̋ Ɂîː } '(her) having seen it'; { nùː-kòːh-ʌ̃ː̋ nâː } '(her) not
́ t-i ̋ː } '(for her) to

having seen it'; { ȕː-kòːh-éːhsti ̋ː } 'she will have seen it'; { ùː-kòwhthʌ̃h
see it'. The infinitive suffix, seen in the last example, appears to follow the PI causative-
instrumental morpheme * { t } ⁰⁸² / * { hst } ⁰⁸³, which forms a fifth version of the verb
base, unique to Cherokee, here called the infinitive.
The new modal bases in (4) do not appear to have been added to inherently perfect
bases designating states rather than actions ( e.g. 'be old', 'be good', etc ), and this may
have led to the creation of a formal class of adjectives in Cherokee. Cherokee adjectives,
like Cherokee nouns, use the prefixes associated with dependent verb forms to inflect
for person and number ( e.g. { h-őːstâː } 'you are good', { àn-őːstâː } 'they are good',
etc. ), but lack suffixes with which to indicate tense, mood, negation, and other
grammatical information. Consequently, a reflex of the PI verb * { -iː- } 'be, be the one,
exist' ²⁷¹ seems to have been adopted as an auxiliary in order to show such distinctions,
e.g. / őːstâː / 'it is good'; / tláː őːstâː jìki ̋ː / 'it is not good'; / őːstâː kȅːsʌ̃ː̌ ki ̋ː /
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'it was good'; / őːstâː kȅːséːhsti ̋ː / 'it will be good'; / őːstâː ji ̀ke̋ːsâː / 'if it were good', etc.
( cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:305, Cook 1979:125 ). The auxiliary always bears the 3SG:3
prefix allomorph / k- / and does not otherwise inflect to show person or number.
To the prepronominal prefix inventory Cherokee appears to have added an irrealis
prefix { jì- } ( allomorphs: / j / before vowels and before / h /; / jì / before remaining
consonants ), which precedes all other prefixes; in dependent verb forms it carries a
meaning 'if' ( e.g. { j-ȕː-kőːh-âː } 'if she has seen it' ), and when preceded by a negative
particle in independent verb forms it carries a meaning 'not' ( e.g. { tláː j-ȕː-kòːh-ʌ̃ː̌ ki ̋ː }
'she has not seen it' ) (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:241). Cherokee appears also to have
added a negative prepronominal prefix / kà / ( allomorphs: / kʌ̃ː̀ /, / kȅːɁ /, and
/ kʌ̃ː̀ wà / replacing the initial vowel of roots beginning in / ȁː /, / ȉː /, and / ȕː /
respectively; / kè / before / h /; / kajèː / before / kìn /; / kàj / before remaining
vowels; / kà / before remaining consonants ), which carries a meaning 'not since'
( e.g. / kʌ̃ː̀ wàkòːhʌ̃ː̋ kîː / 'she has not seen it since' ), among several others
(cf. Cook 1979: 82-87). The Cherokee negative prefix follows the cislocative and
repetitive prefixes (cf. Cook 1979:58), which suggests that the prefix may be archaic,
although no known correlate exists in PNI.
Cherokee has a 1:2.DU pronominal prefix { stʌ̃ː̀ } ( allomorphs: / hstʌ̃ː̀ / before a
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consonant and / hstʌ̃ː̀ j / before a vowel with loss of / h / word-initially or following a
consonant ) and a 1:2.PL pronominal prefix { ȉːtsʌ̃ː̀ } ( allomorphs: / ȉːtsʌ̃ː̀ / before
consonants; / ȉːtsʌ̃ː̀ j / before vowels ). Cherokee pronominal prefix group 1 is
presented in (5).
(5) Cherokee Pronominal Prefix Group 1
1:2.SG Ch. { kʌ̃ː̀ } ⁰¹³ ( < PI * { kõː } )

1:2.DU Ch. { stʌ̃ː̀ }
1:2.PL Ch. { ȉːtsʌ̃ː̀ }
2:1.SG Ch. { skì } ⁰¹⁶ ( < PI * { skʷi } )
2:1.DU Ch. { skìnìː } ⁰¹⁷ ( < PI * { skniː } )
2:1.PL Ch. { ȉːhskìː } ⁰¹⁸ ( < PI * { skʷ… } )
Cherokee seems to have inherited reflexes of PI pronominal prefix group 2 intact, as
can be seen in (6).
1SG:3 Ch. { tsì } ⁰¹⁹ ( < PI * { ki } )

1SG:3A Ch. { tsìː } ⁰²⁰ ( < PI * { kiji } )
2SG:3 Ch. { hì } ⁰²² ( < PI * { hsi } )
2SG:3A Ch. { hìː } ⁰²³ ( < PI * { hsiji } )
3:1SG Ch. { ȁːkì } ⁰²⁵ ( < PI * { wakʷi } )
3A:1SG Ch. { ʌ̃ː̏ kì } ⁰²⁶ ( < PI * { jõːkʷi } )
3:2SG Ch. { tsa } ⁰²⁸ ( < PI * { tsa } )
3A:2SG Ch. { ȅːtsà } ⁰²⁹ ( < PI * { jeːtsa } )
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To the third pronominal prefix group Cherokee seems to have added a 3A:2DU
prefix { ȅːhstìː } and 3A:2PL prefix { ȅːtsìː }, evidently formed by affixing { ȅː } 'animate'
to the 2DU&3 and 2PL&3 prefixes { stìː } ⁰³¹ and { ȉːtsìː } ⁰³³. There are no equivalent
2DU:3A and 2PL:3A prefixes in group 3 and the animate argument occurs only in a role
of grammatical agent. Cherokee pronominal prefix group 3 is presented in (7).
2DU&3 Ch. { stìː } ⁰³¹ ( < PI * { tsniː } )

3A:2DU Ch. { ȅːhstìː }
2PL&3 Ch. { ȉːtsìː } ⁰³³ ( < PI * { ts… } )
3A:2PL Ch. { ȅːtsìː }
The number of prefixes in pronominal prefix group 4 may have expanded
significantly in Cherokee relative to PI: here Cherokee makes a distinction between
inclusive (1+2) and exclusive (1+3) first person pronominal prefixes in both agent and
patient; inclusive first person prefixes additionally mark the third person argument as
animate or inanimate. The result is the inventory presented in (8).
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1+2DU:3 Ch. { ȉːnì } ⁰³⁶ ( < PI * { tniː } )

1+2DU:3A Ch. { ȅːnìː }
1+3DU:3(A) Ch. { ȍːhstìː }
1+2PL:3 Ch. { ȉːtìː } ⁰³⁸ ( < PI * { t… } )
1+2PL:3A Ch. { ȅːtìː }
1+3PL:3(A) Ch. { ȍːtsìː }
3:1+2DU Ch. { kìnìː } ⁰⁴⁴ ( < PI * { kniː } '3:1DU' )
3A:1+2DU Ch. { ȅːkìnìː }
3(A):1+3DU Ch. { ȍːkìnìː }
3:1+2PL Ch. { ȉːkìː } ⁰⁴⁶ ( < PI * { kʷ… } '3:1PL' )
3A:1+2PL Ch. { ȅːkìː }
3(A):1+3PL Ch. { ȍːkìː }
The prefixes in (8) may be analyzed as consisting of { nìː } 'first person inclusive dual
agent', { tìː } 'first person inclusive plural agent', { hstìː } 'first person exclusive dual
agent' ( formally identical to the 2DU&3 prefix ), { tsìː } 'first person exclusive plural
agent' ( formally identical to the 2PL&3 prefix ), { kìnìː } 'first person dual patient',
{ kìː } 'first person plural patient', { ȉː } 'inclusive', and { ȍː } 'exclusive'. Inclusive
pronominal prefixes replace { ȉː } with animate { ȅː } to signal animate third person,
while exclusive prefixes make no formal change.
In pronominal prefix group 5, reflexes of the PI 3A:3SG and 3A:3NS prefixes seem
to have shifted in meaning to '3NS:3SG' and '3NS:3NS' respectively, and a 3A:3SG
pronominal prefix { ȁːtsì } ( allomorphs: / ȁːtsìː / before / ȁː / with loss of / ȁː /,
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/ ȁːtsì / before consonants, and / ȁːk / before remaining vowels ) appears to have been
added. Curiously the initial vowel / ȁː / of this prefix becomes / ȅː / following the
cislocative, negative, and non-singular animate prefix (Cook 1979:75); the origin of the
3A:3SG prefix is unclear. Cherokee seems to have retained reflexes of PI * { ka } and
* { wa } as lexically-determined variants of the 3SG:3 prefix. Pronominal prefix group 5
is presented in (9).
3SG:3 Ch. { kà } ⁰⁵¹ ( < PI * { ka } )

Ch. { ȁː } ⁰⁵² ( < PI * { wa } )
3:3SG Ch. { ȕː } ⁰⁵⁴ ( < PI * { ju } )
3NS:3 Ch. { ȁːnì } ⁰⁵⁸ ( < PI * { wantiː } )
3:3NS Ch. { ȕːnì } ⁰⁶¹ ( < PI * { juːntiː } )
3NS:3SG Ch. { kʌ̃ː̀ wà } ⁰⁶⁶ ( < PI * { kõːwa } '3A:3SG' )
3NS:3NS Ch. { kʌ̃ː̀ wànìː } ⁰⁶⁸ ( < PI * { kõːwantiː } '3A:3NS' )
3A:3SG Ch. { ȁːtsì }
A morphophonological phenomenon of unknown origin that is associated with
prepronominal prefixes in Cherokee is glottal alternation, whereby the first underlying
glottal consonant of a verb root is realized as / Ɂ / when certain pronominal prefixes
( e.g. 1SG:3 ) are present, and as / h / when other pronominal prefixes ( e.g. 3SG:3 ) are
present ( cf. { k-àlɁìkíːɁa̋ː } 'I have a nightmare', but { ȁː-lhìkíːɁa̋ː } 'she has a nightmare';
́ ska̋ː } 'I am born', but { ȁː-tèːhʌ̃h

{ k-àtèɁʌ̃h ́ ska̋ː } 'she is born'; { k-àtɁʌ̃h
̀ ska̋ː } 'I grow',
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̀ ska̋ː } 'she grows' ). About a third of the pronominal prefixes condition / Ɂ /
but { ȁː-thʌ̃h
rather than / h / (cf. Cook 1979:40), but no unifying element, diachronic or synchronic,
semantic or phonological, has yet been found among the pronominal prefixes in
question that explains why they induce this change.
To the causative-instrumental ( Ch. { -t- } ⁰⁸² / { -hst- } ⁰⁸³ ), reversive
( Ch. { -kìː- } ⁰⁸⁵ ), and dative-benefactive ( Ch. { -Ɂsìː- } ⁰⁸⁷ ) derivational suffixes,
which have cognates in PNI, Cherokee seems to have added ambulative { -ìːt- },
andative { -ùːk- }, ventive { -hìːk- }, reiterative { -hìɁs- }, repetitive { -hìlòːts- },
completive { -òhn- }, facilitative { -àth- }, future { -ìː- }, and preinceptive { -ìːtìː- }
suffixes, the last three of which occur only in punctual and perfect verb bases. The
etymological origin of these derivational morphemes is unclear. The forms presented
here are punctual base allomorphs; remaining allomorphs can be found in
Feeling & Pulte (1975:282-289) and Cook (1979:137-143).
The noun morphology of Cherokee seems to be the same as that posited for PI
except that alienable and inalienable possessive prefixes no longer apply to body parts
and possessions, respectively; both now apply to body parts, some of which appear to
take the historically inalienable possessive prefixes ( e.g. 1SG:3 ), while others take the
historically alienable possessive prefixes ( e.g. 3:1SG ). There is no clear semantic
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reason determining which set is associated with which body parts, cf. { tsȉː-jʌ̃ː̀ sőːlîː }
'my nose' and { tsȉː-nìːke̋ːnîː } 'my knee', but { àkì-nʌ̃ː̌ tsíːta̋ː } 'my brain' and
{ àkì-ne̋ːkàɁlʌ̃ː̋ Ɂîː } 'my skin' (cf. Cook 1979:193). Alienable possession in Cherokee is
expressed by adding reflexes of the set of alienable prefixes to a dependent form of the
verb { -àtsèːli ̋ːɁîː } 'be a possession to', which follows the possessed object, e.g.
{ kòːhwèːli ̋ː àkʷ-àtsèːli ̋ːɁîː } 'my book', { kòːhwèːli ̋ː ù-tsèːli ̋ːɁîː } 'her book', etc.
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CHAPTER 4: PROTO-NORTHERN IROQUOIAN
4.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes Proto-Northern Iroquoian, henceforth PNI, the reconstructed
language from which Proto-Tuscarora-Nottoway, Susquehannock, Laurentian, Proto-
Mohawk-Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca, and Huron derive. PNI itself derives from
PI, and is reconstructed on the basis of cognate forms found among its daughter
branches. Because forms among the numerous daughter languages do not always agree
( or sometimes agree due to areal diffusion or borrowing rather than due to genetic
inheritance ), I have adopted the following theoretical assumptions and approaches.
First, forms that are common to Cherokee and at least one Northern Iroquoian language
can be projected back to PI, and I thus assume them to have been present in PNI as well
( the habitual suffix { -hsk } ¹¹³ of Old Mohawk, which has a cognate in Cherokee
imperfective bases, is an example ). Second, in an attempt to control against the effects
of areal diffusion and potential borrowing among the Northern Iroquoian languages, I
have divided the better-attested Northern Iroquoian languages into three geographic
regions: the Coastal Plain ( Tuscarora, with supplemental data from Nottoway ),
Iroquoia ( Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, and Seneca ), and Huronia
( Huron and Wyandot ). If a form is found in any two of these regions I have projected
103
it back to PNI, but if a form is confined to only one of them I have not. Exceptions to
the latter approach, which I note as they arise, include a handful of pronominal prefixes
and derivational suffixes that are limited to Iroquoia, and have been noted as such in
the appendices; in part I have made an exception in these cases so that the relevant
forms do not have to be cited as independent innovations in four daughter language
chapters.
Finally, note that my theoretical assumption that forms present in at least Iroquoia
and Huronia can be projected back to PNI without a Tuscarora or Nottoway cognate is
contingent upon my proposed subgrouping ( which does not recognize Lake Iroquoian
as formally distinct from PNI itself ), and that researchers who do consider Lake
Iroquoian to have been formally distinct from PNI will require a cognate in Tuscarora or
Nottoway to be available before a given form can be projected back to PNI
(Marianne Mithun p.c.).
4.2 PHONEMIC INVENTORY AND PHONOLOGY
The reconstructed phonemic inventory of PNI is presented in (1).
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(1) Phonemic Inventory of PNI
CONSONANTS
Plosive t k kʷ Ɂ
Nasal n
Fricative s h
Affricate ts
Approximant ɹ j w
VOWELS
Front Central Back
Close iː
i
e ẽ o õ
Open aː
a
The phonemic inventory of PNI seems to have been essentially the same as that of
PI except that * / u(ː) / shifted to * / o(ː) / following the merger of reflexes of
PI * / o(ː) / with reflexes of PI * / a(ː) /. PNI appears to have had predictable vowel
length in penultimate syllables and unpredictable vowel length in final syllables
(cf. Michelson 1988:52, Rudes 1995:23); underlying short vowels were lengthened in
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accented open penultimate syllables before single non-glottal consonants
( e.g. PNI * { tsjatahk } / ˈtsjaːtahk / 'seven' ⁴⁶⁴, PNI * { õkʷeh } / ˈõːkʷeh / 'person' ⁴⁰⁵,
PNI * { o-ɹẽn-aɁ } / oˈɹẽːnaɁ / 'incantation' ⁴²² ), and contrastive vowel length was
retained in final syllables ( e.g. PNI * { wak-kẽh } / ˈwakkẽh / 'it sees me' ³³² vs.
PNI * { wak-kẽːh } / ˈwakkẽːh / 'it has seen me' ³³² ; cf. also Rudes 1995:22 ). Note that
henceforth unpredictable vowel length in Northern Iroquoian languages will be
indicated in both phonological forms ( e.g. PNI * / ˈwakkẽːh / 'it has seen me' ³³²,
* / weˈtninjaːk / 'we got married' ³⁷², * / kaˈnõhsoːt / 'a house stands' ³⁸² ³⁹⁷ ) and
morphological forms ( e.g. PNI * { wak-kẽːh }, * { we-tni-njaːk }, * { ka-nõhs-oːt } ),
but predictable vowel length will be indicated only in phonological forms
( e.g. PNI * { tsjatahk } / ˈtsjaːtahk / 'seven' ⁴⁶⁴ ).
No allophonic distinctions appear to be reconstructable with certainty at the PNI
stage, though the affricate * / ts / may have had a unique pronunciation before
consonants and vowels other than * / h /, * / i /, and * / j /, in light of the deaffrication
it underwent in daughter languages ( to / θ /, / s /, or / hs / ) in this environment.
Lounsbury (1978:338) has conjectured that the change of PNI * / n / to * / t / before
non-nasal vowels in Proto-Tuscarora-Nottoway may have been linked to the
development of [ nd ] as an allophone of / n / before non-nasal vowels in Huron, and
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so conceivably PNI * / n / may also have had an allophone [ nd ] before non-nasal
vowels.
4.2.1 VOWELS
Vowel reconstructions in this chapter are from Rudes (1995:18, 28), unless
otherwise stated. Reflexes of the 12 vowels reconstructed for PNI are relatively
consistent across the daughter languages, as can be seen in (2).
(2) The Most Common Reflexes of PNI Vowels in Northern Iroquoian Languages
PNI Tu. Mo. Oe. Oo. Ca. Se. Hu. Wy.
*/a/ a a a a a a a a
*/e/ ɛ e e e e e e e
*/ẽ/ ə̃ ʌ̃ ʌ̃ ẽ ẽ ɛ̃ ẽ ɛ̃
*/i/ i i i i i i i i
*/o/ o o o o o o o u
*/õ/ ə̃ ũ ũ ũ õ ɔ̃ õ ɔ̃
* / aː / aː a a ˈa aː aː aː ˈa
* / eː / ɛː e e ˈe eː eː eː ˈe
* / ẽː / ə̃ː ʌ̃ ʌ̃ ˈẽ ẽː ɛ̃ː ẽː ˈɛ̃
* / iː / iː i i ˈi iː iː iː ˈi
* / oː / oː o o ˈo oː oː oː ˈu
* / õː / ə̃ː ũ ũ ˈũ õː ɔ̃ː õː ˈɔ̃
Exceptions to the correspondence sets presented in (2) are few but, as noted by
Rudes (1995:18), include creation of a vowel phoneme / æ(ː) / from * / a(ː) / in
107
Onondaga and Seneca when * / r / preceded, fronting of PNI * / o(ː) / and * / õ(ː) / to
/ e(ː) / and / ẽ(ː) / respectively in Onondaga when * / ɹ / preceded, change of
PNI * / a(ː) / to / ɔ̃(ː) / in Seneca where * / n / preceded, and change of PNI * / a(ː) /
to / ɛ̃(ː) / in Seneca when * / nɹ / preceded. The PI nasal vowels * / ẽ(ː) / and * / õ(ː) /
have merged as / ə̃(ː) / in Tuscarora, while reflexes of PNI long vowels have merged
with reflexes of short vowels in Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga and Wyandot, and have
acquired primary word accent in the latter two languages (cf. Rudes 1995:23).
PNI * / e(ː) / appears to have undergone a phonetic shift to / ɛ(ː) / in Tuscarora, while
PNI * / o(ː) / appears to have undergone a phonetic shift to / u(ː) / in Wyandot;
PNI * / ẽ(ː) / seems to have undergone a phonetic shift to * / ə̃(ː) / in Mohawk and
Oneida, and to / ɛ̃(ː) / in Seneca and Wyandot; PNI * / õ(ː) / appears to have undergone
a phonetic shift to * / ũ(ː) / in Mohawk, Oneida and Onondaga, and to / ɔ̃(ː) / in Seneca
and Wyandot. In addition Mohawk and Oneida have developed epenthetic instances of
/ e / and / i / which break up certain PNI consonant cluster reflexes involving
resonants.
PNI * / aː / is found in * { -aːt } 'be inside' ¹⁵⁹ ( cf. Tu. { -aːt }, Ca. { -aːt },
Se. { -aːt } ) and PNI * / a / is found in PNI * { tsjatahk } 'seven' ⁴⁶⁴
( cf. Tu. { tʃaɁnahk }, Ca. { tsatahk }, Se. { tsatak } ). PNI * / eː / is found in * { -akeːh }
108
'be a number' ¹⁵² ( cf. Tu. { -akjɛː }, Ca. { -akeː }, Se. { -akeːh } ) and PNI * / e / is found
in * { -õkʷeh } 'be a person' ⁴⁰⁵ ( cf. Tu. { -ə̃kʷɛh }, Ca. { -õkʷeh }, Se. { -ɔ̃kʷeh } ).
PNI * / ẽː / is present in * { -ahnshẽːh } 'be ten' ¹³⁵ ( cf. Tu. { -ahθhə̃ː }, Ca. { -ahshẽː },
Se. { -ashɛ̃ːh } ) and PNI * / ẽ / is found in * { ahsẽh } 'three' ¹⁴⁰ ( cf. Tu. { ahsə̃ },
Ca. { ahsẽh }, Se. { sɛ̃h } ). PNI * / iː / is present in * { tekniːh } 'two' ⁴³⁸
( cf. Tu. { nɛktiː }, Ca. { tekniː }, Se. { tekniːh } ) and PNI * / i / is exemplified in
* { hwihsk } 'five' ²⁷³ ( cf. Tu. { wisk }, Ca. { hwihs }, Se. { wis } ). PNI * / oː / is found
in * { -ijoːh } 'be good' ²⁷⁹ ( cf. Tu. { -ijoː }, Ca. { -ijoː }, Se. { -ijoːh } ) and PNI * / o / is
present in * { -ɁtskoɁ- } 'drown' ⁴⁹⁷ ( cf. Tu. { -ɁθkoɁ- }, Ca. { -ɁskoɁ- }, Se. { -ɁskoɁ- } ).
PNI * / õː / is found in * { -õːt } 'be attached' ⁴¹⁰ ( cf. Tu. { -ə̃ːt }, Ca. { -õːt },
Se. { -ɔ̃ːt } ) and PNI * / õ / is found in * { inõh } 'far' ²⁸¹ ( cf. Tu. { inə̃ }, Ca. { inõh } ).
4.2.2 CONSONANTS AND CLUSTERS
PNI * / k / can be reconstructed where Tuscarora / k / and Mohawk / k /
correspond to Huron / x / (cf. Lounsbury 1978:338, Mithun 1979:180, Rudes 1995:56),
as in PNI * { -atekaɁt- } 'burn' ¹⁶⁵ ( cf. Tu. { -aɁnɛɁkaɁt- }, Mo. { -atekaɁt- },
Hu. { -atexaɁt- } ). Huron has retained * / k / when it is preceded by the reflex of
consonant other than * / Ɂ / or * / n /, as in PNI * { -ahkaɹ- } 'bark' ¹³⁴
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( cf. Tu. { -ahkar- }, Mo. { -ahkaɹ- }, Hu. { -ahkaɹ- } ), and has lost * / k / where / n /
follows, as seen in PNI * { tekniːh } 'two' ⁴³⁸ ( cf. Tu. { nɛktiː }, Mo. { tekeni },
Hu. { teniːh } ). * / k / appears to have become / h / in Huron before reflexes of
PNI * / t / and * / s /, as in PNI * { -nõhwakt- } 'be sore' ³⁸³ ( cf. Tu. { -nə̃hwakn- },
Mo. { -nũhwakt- }, Hu. { -nõhwaht- } ) and PNI * { -aksẽːh } 'be bad' ¹⁵³
( cf. Tu. { -aksə̃ː }, Mo. { -aksʌ̃ }, Hu. { -ahʃẽːh } ).
PNI * / kʷ / can be reconstructed where Tuscarora / kʷ / and Mohawk / kʷ /
correspond to Huron / xʷ / (cf. Mithun 1979:180, Rudes 1995:56), as in
PNI * { -õkʷeh } 'be a person' ⁴⁰⁵ ( cf. Tu. { -ə̃kʷɛh }, Mo. { -ũkʷe }, Hu. { -õxʷeh } ).
Huron has retained original * / kʷ / where it is preceded by the reflex of a consonant
other than * / Ɂ / or * / n /, as in PNI * { -itjohkʷ- } 'group' ²⁸⁸ ( cf. Tu. { -iɁnjohkʷ- },
Mo. { -itjohkʷ- }, Hu. { -itjohkʷ- } ).
PNI * / t / can be reconstructed where there is a correspondence between Mohawk
and Huron / t / and Tuscarora / Ɂn / (cf. Lounsbury 1978:338, Mithun 1979:180,
Rudes 1995:56), as in PNI * { atokẽɁ } 'axe' ¹⁸² ( cf. Tu. { aɁnokə̃Ɂ }, Mo. { atokʌ̃Ɂ },
Hu. { atoxẽɁ } ), although Tuscarora has an outcome / n / word-initially or where
another consonant precedes, as in PNI * { -akanst- } 'be durable' ¹⁵¹ ( cf. Tu. { -akaθn- },
Mo. { -akatst- }, Hu. { -axast- } ), and an outcome / Ɂ / before * / ɹ /, as in
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PNI * { -atɹe- } 'grandchild' ¹⁸⁸ ( cf. Tu. { -aɁrɛ- }, Mo. { -ateɹe- }, Hu. { -atɹe- } ).
PNI * / t / has been lost in Huron before reflexes of * / k / and * / kʷ /, as in
PNI * { -atkahtho- }, { -atkahthw- } 'look at' ¹⁷⁹ ( cf. Tu. { -atkahtho- },
Mo. { -atkahtho- }, Hu. { -akahkw- } ), and has become / k / before reflexes of * / w /
and * / hw /, as in PNI * { twa- } '1+2PL:3' ⁰³⁸ ( cf. Tu. { Ɂnwa- }, Mo. { tewa- },
Hu. { kwa- } ).
PNI * / s / can be reconstructed where Tuscarora / s / and Mohawk / s /
correspond to Huron / ʃ / (cf. Mithun 1979:180, Rudes 1995:56), as in PNI * { -nõhs- }
'house' ³⁸² ( cf. Tu. { -nə̃hs- }, Mo. { -nũhs- }, Hu. { -nõhʃ- } ). Huron has also retained
* / s / when a non-glottal plosive follows, as in PNI * { -nẽhskʷ- } 'steal' ³⁶⁸
( cf. Tu. { -nə̃hskʷ- }, Mo. { -nʌ̃hskʷ- }, Hu. { -nẽhskʷ- }, while Tuscarora has inserted
/ t / between reflexes of * / s / and * / ɹ /, as in PNI * { -ohsɹ- } 'winter, year' ³⁹⁴
( cf. Tu. { -ohstr- }, Mo. { -ohseɹ- }, Hu. { -ohʃɹ- } ). Reflexes of PNI * / s / and * / ts /
have merged to a considerable extent in Northern Iroquoian languages, and the
distinction remains clearest in Tuscarora and Archaic Onondaga: Tuscarora / s / and
Archaic Onondaga / ʃ / reflect PNI * / s /, whereas Tuscarora / θ / and / tʃ /, and
Archaic Onondaga / s / and / ts /, reflect PNI * / ts /; apparent exceptions to this
generalization involve reflexes of a cluster * / ns /, discussed below. For comparison,
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intervocalic reflexes of PNI * / hs /, * / hts / and * / ts / before high and non-high
vowels are presented in (3).
(3) Reflexes of PNI * / hs /, * / hts / and * / ts / Before High and Non-High Vowels
PNI Tu. Mo. Oe. Oo. Ca. Se. Hu.
* / hs / hs hs hs hs hs hs hʃ e.g. * { -ahsiɁt- } 'foot' ¹³⁹

* / hts / htʃ hts hts hts hts hts hts e.g. * { -htsiɁ } 'older sibling' ²⁶⁷
* / ts / tʃ ts ts ts ts ts ts e.g. * { -tsihkʷ- } 'club' ⁴⁵³
* / hs / hs hs hs hs hs hs hʃ e.g. * { ahsẽh } 'three' ¹⁴⁰

* / hts / hθ hs hs hs hs hs hs e.g. * { -ahtseht- } 'hide' ¹⁴⁶
* / ts / θ s s hs s s s e.g. * { -atseːɁ } 'be new' ¹⁸⁹
PNI * / ts / can be reconstructed where Tuscarora / tʃ / corresponds to Mohawk
/ ts / and Huron / ts / before reflexes of * / i(ː) / or * / j /, as in PNI * { -hwatsiɹ- }
'family' ²⁶⁹ ( cf. Tu. { -hwatʃir- }, Mo. { -hwatsiɹ- }, Hu. { -hwatsiɹ- } ), and where
Tuscarora / θ / corresponds to Mohawk / s / and Huron / s / before reflexes of
remaining vowels, as in PNI * { -atseːɁ } 'be new' ¹⁸⁹ ( cf. Tu. { -aθɛːɁ }, Mo. { -aseɁ },
Hu. { -aseːɁ } ) (cf. Mithun 1979:180, Rudes 1995:56). Correspondence of Tuscarora
/ tʃ / to Mohawk / ts / and Huron / s / where a reflex of * / h / follows can also be
reconstructed as * / ts /, as in PNI * { -nẽtsh- } 'arm' ³⁷⁰ ( cf. Tu. { -nə̃tʃh- },
Mo. { -nʌ̃tsh- }, Hu. { -nẽsh- } ), as can a correspondence of Tuscarora / θ / to Mohawk
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/ hs / ( where a vowel precedes ) or / s / ( where a consonant precedes ) and Huron
/ s / before reflexes of remaining consonants, as in PNI * { -ɁtskoɁ- } 'drown' ⁴⁹⁷
( cf. Tu. { -ɁθkoɁ- }, Mo. { -ɁskoɁ- }, Hu. { -ɁskoɁ- } ).
PNI * / n / can be reconstructed where there is a correspondence between Mohawk
and Huron / n / and Tuscarora / t / (cf. Lounsbury 1978:338, Mithun 1979:180,
Rudes 1995:56), as in PNI * { -nat- } 'town' ³⁵⁶ ( cf. Tu. { -taɁn- }, Mo. { -nat- },
Hu. { -nat- } ), although Tuscarora has retained * / n / before reflexes of nasal vowels
and before * / h /, as in PNI * { -Ɂnhõhs- } 'egg' ⁴⁹⁰ ( cf. Tu. { -nhə̃hs- },
Mo. { -Ɂnhũhs- }, Hu. { -Ɂnhõhʃ- } ). PNI * / n / has become / t / in Huron following
reflexes of * / s / or * / ts /, as in PNI * { -hsnoɹeɁ } 'be fast' ²⁵⁸ ( cf. Tu. { -hstorɛɁ },
Mo. { -hsnoɹeɁ }, Hu. { -hstoɹeɁ } ), and is absent in both Tuscarora and Huron
following reflexes of * / t /, as in PNI * { tni- } '1+2DU:3' ⁰³⁶ ( cf. Tu. { ti- },
Mo. { teni- }, Hu. { ti- } ). I have reconstructed a cluster * / ns / where Tuscarora / θ /
corresponds to Mohawk / s / and Huron / s / before reflexes of * / h /, as in
PNI * { -Ɂnonsh- } 'be envious' ⁴⁹⁵ ( cf. Tu. { -Ɂtoθh- }, Mo. { -Ɂnosh- }, Hu. { -Ɂnosh- } ),
and where Tuscarora / θ / corresponds to Mohawk / ts / and Huron / s / before
reflexes
of remaining consonants, as in PNI * { -Ɂnshanst- } 'be powerful' ⁴⁹⁶
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( cf. Tu. { -Ɂθhaθn- }, Mo. { -Ɂshatst- }, Hu. { -Ɂshast- } ). Reflexes of PNI clusters
beginning in * / ns / have merged with reflexes of PNI clusters beginning in * / ts / in
many of the Northern Iroquoian languages, including Tuscarora, where in most cases
the former seem to be differentiated from the latter only by penultimate lengthening of
a preceding vowel; for clarity, intervocalic reflexes of some PNI clusters beginning in
* / ts / and * / ns / are presented in (4).
(4) Reflexes of Some PNI Consonant Clusters Beginning in * / ts / and * / ns /
PNI Tu. Mo. Oe. Oo. Ca. Se. Hu.
* / tsh / tʃh tsh tsh tsh tsh sh sh e.g. * { -nẽtsh- } 'arm' ³⁷⁰
* / tsk / θk hsk sk sk hsk sk sk e.g. * { -Ɂnitsko- } 'be late' ⁴⁹²
* / tskʷ / θkʷ hskʷ skʷ skʷ hskʷ skʷ skʷ e.g. * { -Ɂnitskʷ- } 'delay' ⁴⁹²
* / tst / θn hst st st hst st st e.g. * { -atst- } 'dry up' ¹⁹¹
* / nsh / (ː)θh sh sh sh sh sh sh e.g. * { -Ɂnonsh- } 'be jealous' ⁴⁹⁵

* / nsk / (ː)θk tsk tsk tsk tsk sk sk e.g. * { -inskaɹ- } 'mattress' ²⁸²
* / nskʷ / (ː)θkʷ tskʷ tskʷ tskʷ tskʷ skʷ skʷ e.g. * { -kenskʷ- } 'lift' ³³¹
* / nst / (ː)θn tst tst st hst st st e.g. * { -inst- } 'fish scale' ²⁸⁵
PNI * / ɹ / is reconstructed where Tuscarora has / r / and Mohawk and Huron have
/ ɹ / (cf. Lounsbury 1978:341, Mithun 1979:180, Rudes 1995:56), as in PNI * { -ɹẽn- }
'incantation' ⁴²² ( cf. Tu. { -rə̃t- }, Mo. { -ɹʌ̃n- }, Hu. { -ɹẽn- } ). Reflexes of PNI * / ɹ /
have been lost before * / j / in Huron, as in PNI * { -ɹjoːɁ } 'animal' ⁴²⁹
114
( cf. Tu. { -rjoːɁ }, Mo. { -ɹjoɁ }, Hu. { -joːɁ } ).
PNI * / w / is reconstructed where Tuscarora, Mohawk, and Huron all show / w /
(cf. Mithun 1979:180, Rudes 1995:56), as in PNI * { -wẽn- } 'word' ⁴⁷⁶ ( cf. Tu. { -wə̃t- },
Mo. { -wʌ̃n- }, Hu. { -wẽn- } ). Huron has inserted / k / before reflexes of * / w / when
a fricative or affricate precedes, as in PNI * { tswa- } '2PL&3' ⁰³³ ( cf. Tu. { θwa- },
Mo. { sewa- }, Hu. { skwa- } ), and has lost * / w / before reflexes of * / ɹ / or * / j /, as
in PNI * { -wɹ- } 'wind' ⁴⁸⁷ ( cf. Tu. { -wr- }, Mo. { -weɹ- }, Hu. { -ɹ- } ) and
PNI * { -wj- } 'arm, wing' ⁴⁸⁰ ( cf. Tu. { -wj- }, Mo. { -wej- }, Hu. { -j- } ). A cluster
* / wjh / can be reconstructed where Tuscarora shows / jh /, Mohawk shows / hj /, and
Oneida shows / wjh /, as in PNI * { -wjhõh- } 'river' ²⁷⁸ ( cf. Tu. { -jhə̃h- },
Mo. { -hjũh- }, and Oe. { -wjhũh- } ), and a cluster * / whj / can be reconstructed where
Mohawk shows / wej /, Oneida shows / whj /, and Seneca shows / j /, as in
PI * { -whjõhkaɹ- } 'thumb' ⁴⁷⁷ ( cf. Mo. { -wejũhkaɹ- }, Oe. { -whjũhkal- }, and
Se. { -jɔ̃hkaR- } ).
PNI * / j / can be reconstructed where there is a correspondence between Tuscarora
and Mohawk / j / and Huron / Ø / (cf. Mithun 1979:180, Rudes 1995:56), as in
PNI * { -ihej- } 'be dead' ²⁷⁶ ( cf. Tu. { -ihɛj- }, Mo. { -ihej- }, Hu. { -ihe- } ). Huron has
retained * / j / when the reflex of another consonant precedes, as in PNI * { -ɹõhj- }
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'sky' ⁴³⁰ ( cf. Tu. { -rə̃hj- }, Mo. { -ɹũhj- }, Hu. { -ɹõhj- } ). Both Tuscarora and Huron
have lost * / j / when a reflex of * / ts / precedes, as in PNI * { -itsj- } 'fish' ⁴⁶⁷
( cf. Tu. { -itʃ- }, Mo. { -itsj- }, Hu. { -its- } ).
PNI * / h / can be reconstructed where Tuscarora, Mohawk, and Huron all show
/ h / (cf. Mithun 1979:180, Rudes 1995:56), as in PNI * { -aɁtaɹihẽːh } 'be hot' ²⁰⁴
( cf. Tu. { -aɁnarihə̃ː }, Mo. { -aɁtaɹihʌ̃ }, Hu. { -aɁtaɹihẽːh } ). As in the example just
given, * / h / has been lost word-finally in Mohawk and word-finally after long vowels
in Tuscarora, but remains in Onondaga and Seneca ( cf. Oo. { -aɁtaihẽh },
Se. { -aɁtaiɛ̃ːh } ). Tuscarora and Mohawk preserve virtually all reflexes of non-final
* / h /, though a handful of exceptions exist. PNI * / ths / can be reconstructed where
Tuscarora / tʃ / corresponds to Mohawk / ths /, as in PNI * { -athsɁaht- }
'be used up' ¹⁷³ ( cf. Tu. { -atʃɁahn- }, Mo. { -athsaɁaht- } ), and PNI * / hnh / can be
reconstructed where Tuscarora / nh / corresponds to Mohawk / hnh /, as in
PNI * { -hnhaɁ- } 'command' ²³² ( cf. Tu. { -nhaɁ- }, Mo. { -hnhaɁ- } ). PNI * / h / has
been lost word-initially before * / w / in Tuscarora and Mohawk but can be
reconstructed where Onondaga and Cayuga show / h /, as in PNI * / ˈhwihsk / 'five' ²⁷³
( cf. Mo. / ˈwihsk /, Oo. / ˈhwíks /, Ca. / hwihs / ).
PNI * / Ɂ / can be reconstructed where Tuscarora, Mohawk, and Huron all show
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/ Ɂ / (cf. Mithun 1979:180, Rudes 1995:56), as in PNI * { -aɁawj- } 'dew' ¹⁹⁹
( cf. Tu. { -aɁawj- }, Mo. { -aɁawej- }, Hu. { -aɁaj- } ). Reflexes of PNI * / Ɂ / are among
the most stable and remain unchanged in most of the languages.
The precise phonotactic constraints of PNI are difficult to determine due to the large
number of consonant clusters that occur and limitation of certain clusters to single
vocabulary items that lack cognates outside of the Coastal Plain, Iroquoia, or Huronia.
Clusters with the following shapes are attested in the six living Northern Iroquoian
languages, where G is / w / or / j /, H is / h / or / Ɂ /, K is / k / or / kʷ / or / t /, R is
/ n / or / r / or / l /, and S is / s / or / ts / or / θ / or / tʃ /: G, GG, GH, GHG, GHR,
GK, GKH, GKG, GR, GRG, GS, GSK, GSKH, GSR, H, K, KG, KH, KHG, KHGG, KHK, KHR,
KHRG, KHS, KHSG, KHSK, KK, KKG, KKH, KKHG, KKHR, KKK, KKR, KR, KRG, KS, KSG,
KSH, KSK, KSKG, KSKH, KSKR, KSR, KSRG, R, RG, RGH, RH, RHG, RHR, RK, RKG, RR,
RSR, S, SG, SH, SHG, SHR, SHRG, SK, SKG, SKH, SKHG, SKHRG, SKK, SKR, SKRG, SR,
SRG, SS, SSH, SSR; these shapes can normally also be preceded by H. (cf. also clusters
presented in Michelson 1988:11-23).
PNI appears to have undergone fewer sound changes relative to PI than Cherokee,
117
and most of the changes seem to involve vowels rather than consonants; note that if
further changes to consonants did occur in PNI, they are unlikely to be recoverable from
data in Cherokee, which in turn already shows significant changes to consonants and
clusters relative to forms in PI. Phonological changes that have occurred during the
transition from PI to PNI are described below as PNI-1 through PNI-12. Where
morphological disparity between PNI and Cherokee makes comparison of entire
reconstructed words impossible, only roots have been given with cognate segments
underlined. Where ordering of two or more changes seems to be necessary in order to
produce a correct output in PNI, this has been noted.
By PNI-1, * / o(ː) / has become * / a(ː) / ( e.g. PI * { kanõːnowẽɁ } 'pipe' ³²³ >
PNI * / kaˈnõnawẽɁ /; PI * { jukoɁtiɁ } 'there is a lot' ³⁴⁴ > PNI * / joˈkaɁteɁ /;
PI * { -oɁnj- } 'hand' ⁴⁰⁰ Æ PNI * / ˈaɁnjaɁ /; PI * { -tsjoːɹ- } 'tobacco' ⁴⁶⁵ Æ
PNI * / kaˈtsjaːɹaɁ / ). This change, which has merged all reflexes of PI * / a(ː) / and
* / o(ː) / in PNI, must precede PNI-2 and PNI-6. ( cf. also Rudes 1995:35)
By PNI-2, * / u(ː) / has become * / o(ː) / ( e.g. PI * { juhsnuːɹiɁ } 'it is fast' ²⁵⁸ >
PNI * / johˈsnoːɹeɁ /; PI * { kihɹjuɁkẽh } 'chipmunk' ³⁴⁰ > PNI * / tsihˈɹjoɁkẽh /;
PI * { kuːɹeh } 'oak' ³⁴⁸ > PNI * / ˈkoːɹeh /; PI * { -nuːɹ- } 'corn husk' ³⁹² Æ
PNI * / oˈnoːɹaɁ / ), and this change must follow PNI-1. Marianne Mithun (p.c.) notes
118
that change of PI * / u / to * / o / might instead distinguish languages of the traditional
Five Nations or Iroquois Proper subgrouping from other Northern Iroquoian languages,
and may thus potentially constitute a phonological innovation sufficient to group the
languages as a separate branch, rather than a change that should be projected back to
PNI. However, occurrence of a reflex * / o(ː) / in all three traditional branches of
Northern Iroquoian, including Tuscarora-Nottoway ( cf. <o> rather than <oo> or
<u> in e.g. No. <Otkum> 'Devil' ¹⁸¹, <Coree> 'A red oak' ³⁴⁸, and <Goshera>
'Winter' ³⁹⁴, as well as retention of a pronunciation [ o ] for the reflex of this vowel in
Western Tuscarora when short and unaccented, cf. Rudes 1999:xxxvii ) suggests the
change was already present in PNI. (cf. also Mithun 1979:180, Rudes 1995:35).
By PNI-3, * / iji(ː) / has become * / hi(ː) / after at least * / k / and * / s /, and
perhaps after all non-glottal, non-resonant consonants ( e.g. PI * { kiji- } '1SG:3A' ⁰²⁰ >
PNI * { khe- } '1SG:3I'; PI * { hsiji- } '2SG:3A' ⁰²³ > PNI * { hshe- } '2SG:3I' ).
Interaction between PNI-3 and PNI-4 may be responsible for the discrepancy in form
between Proto-Mohawk-Oneida { ɹi- } '1SG:3M' ⁰²¹ and the form { he- } '1SG:3M', found
in other Northern Iroquoian languages, with both deriving from a hypothetical
antecedent * { hɹiji- } or * { hɹeje- }. This change must precede PNI-4, PNI-7, and
PNI-9.
119
By PNI-4, short * / i / has become * / e / ( e.g. PI * { ki- } '1SG:3' ⁰¹⁹ >
PNI * { ke- }; PI * { hsi- } '2SG:3' ⁰²² > PNI * { hse- }; PI * { juhsnuːɹiɁ } 'it is fast' ²⁵⁸ >
PNI * / johˈsnoːɹeɁ /; PI * { jukoɁtiɁ } 'there is a lot' ³⁴⁴ > PNI * / joˈkaɁteɁ /;
PI * { õːtaɹiɁ } '(there is a) lake' ⁴¹² > PNI * / ˈõtaɹeɁ / ). Rudes (1995:32) notes some
exceptions in which this change appears not to have occurred before the cluster
* / hst /; the clusters * / hɹj / in * { kihɹjuɁkẽh } 'chipmunk' ³⁴⁰ and * / hsk / in
* { hwihsk } 'five' ²⁷³ likewise seem not to have been subject to the change, which must
follow PNI-3, and precede PNI-5 and PNI-8. (cf. also Rudes 1995:35).
By PNI-5, initial * / i / ( or perhaps * / iː / ) has been added to non-imperative
verbs containing only one syllable ( e.g. PI * { ki-k- } 'I eat' ³¹⁶ Æ PNI * / ˈiːkeks /;
monosyllabic verb stems demonstrably deriving from PI are limited, but other examples
from PNI include * / ˈiːkeɁts / 'I go' ²⁰⁹, * / ˈikhsɁahs / 'I finish it' ²⁶⁶, and * / ˈiːwaːt /
'it is inside' ¹⁵⁹ ). As rendered here, this change must follow PNI-4 and precede PNI-7.
(cf. also Chafe 1977a:170).
By PNI-6, antepenultimate accent has been applied to words in which the vowel of
the penultimate syllable was short * / a / followed by a single non-glottal consonant
( e.g. PI * { kanõːnowẽɁ } 'pipe' ³²³ > PNI * / kaˈnõnawẽɁ /; PI * { õːtaɹiɁ } '(there is a)
lake' ⁴¹² > PNI * / ˈõtaɹeɁ /; PI * { tawiːhskaɹaɁ } 'flint' ⁴³⁷ > PNI * / taˈwihskaɹaɁ / ).
120
This development has created the PNI antepenultimate accent as described in Michelson
(1988:52) and Rudes (1995:31); it must follow PNI-1 and PNI-3, and precede PNI-7 and
PNI-8. (cf. also Chafe 1977a:170). Subsequently, by PNI-7, penultimate accent has been
applied to all words that did not receive antepenultimate accent by PNI-6
( e.g. PI * { iːnõh } 'far' ²⁸¹ > PNI * / ˈiːnõh /; PI * { kihɹjuɁkẽh } 'chipmunk' ³⁴⁰ >
PNI * / tsihˈɹjoɁkẽh /; PI * { jukoɁtiɁ } 'there is a lot' ³⁴⁴ > PNI * / joˈkaɁteɁ / ), and this
change must follow PNI-6 and precede PNI-9. Marianne Mithun (p.c.) suggests an
alternative scenario for the development of PNI accent: "Pre-Proto-Northern Iroquoian
had penultimate stress, and when a noun stem was incorporated into a verb before a
stem beginning in a consonant, a short epenthetic -a- was added to break the consonant
cluster. This epenthetic vowel did not affect the already well-established stress pattern.
As the vowel became stronger and took on the status of a regular vowel, in just these
situations, stress actually occurred on the antepenultimate syllable. The developments
outlined by Julian above will not actually yield the correct modern forms. A regular,
inherited, penultimate short a (not the linking vowel) did receive stress, and such
vowels continue to do so in the languages that have preserved the original pattern."
However, as illustrated by examples under PNI-6 ( PI * { kanõːnowẽɁ } 'pipe' ³²³ >
PNI * / kaˈnõnawẽɁ /; PI * { õːtaɹiɁ } '(there is a) lake' ⁴¹² > PNI * / ˈõtaɹeɁ /;
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PI * { tawiːhskaɹaɁ } 'flint' ⁴³⁷ > PNI * / taˈwihskaɹaɁ / ), penultimate short * / a /,
even in cases like these where it is not a reflex of the joiner vowel, does not appear to
have received accent when a single non-glottal consonant followed, and nor does it
appear to have received accent in this environment in languages such as Mohawk and
Oneida, which preserve the original pattern (Michelson 1988:52),
cf. Mo. / shaˈwihskaɹaɁ / 'flint', Oe. / taˈwiskalaɁ / 'devil or the Evil twin' ⁴³⁷
(Rudes 1995:45); short penultimate * / a / does appear to have received accent,
regardless of its etymological origin, when a consonant cluster followed, however
( cf. e.g. Oe. / kajaɁˈtalhaɁ / { ka-jaɁt-(a)-l-haɁ } 'it is pictured' ⁴¹³, where the joiner
vowel * / a / has received accent in a penultimate syllable before a consonant cluster ).
By PNI-8, inherited vowel length has been lost in all non-final syllables
( e.g. PI * { wakʷataːtkẽːh } 'I saw myself' ⁰⁷⁶ ³³² > PNI * / wakʷaˈtatkẽːh /;
PI * { õːtaɹiɁ } '(there is a) lake' ⁴¹² > PNI * / ˈõtaɹeɁ /; PI * { tawiːhskaɹaɁ } 'flint' ⁴³⁷ >
PNI * / taˈwihskaɹaɁ / ). This change must follow PNI-4 and PNI-6.
(cf. also Rudes 1995:29).
By PNI-9, accented vowels in open penultimate syllables have been lengthened
when they preceded a single non-glottal consonant ( e.g. PI * { atseːɁ } 'new' ¹⁸⁹ >
PNI * / ˈaːtseːɁ /; PI * { kijikẽːh } 'I saw someone' ⁰²⁰ ³³² > PNI * / ˈkheːkẽːh /;
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PI * { kahnaːwẽːh } 'butterfly' ³¹⁷ > PNI * / kahˈnaːwẽːh / ). This change must follow
PNI-3 and PNI-7. (cf. also Chafe 1977a:171).
By PNI-10, * / h / has been lost before * / s / word-initially ( e.g. PI * { hsi- }
'2SG:3' ⁰²² > PNI * / se- / word-initially; PI * { hsiji- } '2SG:3A' ⁰²³ > PNI * / she- /
'2SG:3I' word-initially ). Though reflexes cannot be projected back to PI, the same loss
of word-initial * / h /may have applied to masculine pronominal prefixes containing the
sequence * / hr /.
By PNI-11, * / n / has been lost before * / t / when the vowel / i / followed
( e.g. PI * { wantiː- } '3NS:3' ⁰⁵⁸ > PNI * { wati- }; PI * { juːntiː- } '3:3NS' ⁰⁶¹ >
PNI * { joti- } ). This change must precede PNI-12.
By PNI-12, * / t / has been lost after * / n / ( e.g. PI * { want- } '3NS:3' ⁰⁵⁸ >
PNI * { wan- } '3NS:3' ⁰⁵⁸; PI * { juːnt- } '3:3NS' ⁰⁶¹ > PNI * { jon- } ). This change must
follow PNI-11.
Phonological changes that have occurred during the transition from PI to PNI are
recapitulated in (5).
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(5) Phonological Changes in the Transition from PI to PNI
PNI-1 o(ː) > a(ː)

PNI-2 u(ː) > o(ː)
PNI-3 iji(ː) > hi(ː) / k, s_
PNI-4 i > e ( except before hCC )
PNI-5 Ø > i / #_(C)(C)CVC(C)(C)#
PNI-6 V¹ > ˈV¹ ( in certain antepenultimate syllables; see description )
PNI-7 V¹ > ˈV¹ ( in penults not preceded by an accented antepenult )
PNI-8 V¹ː > V¹ ( in all non-final syllables )
PNI-9 ˈV¹ > ˈV¹ː / _kV, kʷV, tV, sV, tsV, nV, ɹV, wV, jV ( open penults )
PNI-10 h > Ø / #_s
PNI-11 n > Ø / _ti
PNI-12 t > Ø / n_V
In addition to the phonological changes in (5), prevocalic allomorphs of PNI
pronominal prefixes suggest that additional sound changes may have occurred relative
to PI, although conceivably such patterns may actually have been inherited from PI,
having been replaced in Cherokee by generic prevocalic allomorphs. Regular
morphophonemic alternations that occur at the end of prevocalic allomorphs of PNI
pronominal prefixes are presented in (6); the initial vowel of a following base is lost
where the final vowel of an alternant is underlined.
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(6) Morphophonemic Alternations in Allomorphs of PNI Pronominal Prefixes
_C _a _e, ẽ _i _o, õ
i. * …ati- * …ẽn- * …ẽn- * …at- * …ẽn-

* …oti- * …on- * …on- * …ot- * …on-
ii. * …e- * …Ø * …Ø * …Ø * …Ø
* …ke- * …kʷ- * …k- * …k- * …k-
iii. * …e- * …ej- * …ej- * …e- * …ej-

* …i- * …ij- * …ij- * …i- * …ij-
* …õ- * …õj- * …õj- * …õ- * …õj-
iv. * …o- * …o- * …aw-/-o- * …o- * …a-
v. * …a- * …Ø * …Ø * …ẽ- * …Ø
* …wa- * …w- * …w- * …wẽ- * …j-
* …wa- * …w- * …w- * …wẽ- * …waj-
vi. * …ni- * …j- * …n- * …n- * …n-
vii. * …e- * …õ- * …ẽ-/-ak- * …e-/-a- * …ak-
Pronominal prefixes belonging to the first group in (6), such as PNI * { wati- }
'3PL:3' ⁰⁵⁸ and * { joti- } '3:3NS' ⁰⁶¹, have alternants that show only the effects of regular
sound change, albeit with a shift of * / a / to * / ẽ / before * / n /. Prefixes belonging
to the second group, which include PNI * { ke- } '1SG:3' ⁰¹⁹ and { jõke- } '3I:1SG' ⁰²⁶,
descend from PI prefixes that appear to have had a preconsonantal allomorph ending in
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* / i /, and have alternants that likewise show the effects of regular sound change;
however, prefixes having a final element * { kʷ(i) } 'first person patient' seem to have
lost the rounding of * / k /, both in their preconsonantal allomorph and before all
vowels except * / a / ( possibly rounding was retained also before * / e / and * / ẽ /, as
allomorphy in Mohawk and Oneida suggests ). Loss of rounding in this case was
probably due to analogy with prefixes containing reflexes of PI * { k(i) } 'first person
agent', and perhaps also to the presence of PNI final * / w / in allomorphs of plural
number pronominal prefixes ( cf. forms in group v ).
Prefixes belonging to the third group of alternants in (6), such as * { kõ- }
'1:2.SG' ⁰¹³, * { khe- } '1SG:3A' ⁰²⁰, and * { jetshi- } '2NS&3I' ⁰³⁵, have alternants that
essentially replace initial * / i / of a following base. The latter pattern suggests a
possible sound change whereby reflexes of PI * / jiː / were lost in PNI following certain
vowels ( although apparently not all vowels – cf. alternants occurring before * / i /
in group v ).
Pronominal prefixes belonging to the fourth group in (6), such as PNI * { jo- }
'3:3SG' ⁰⁵⁴, are cognate with PI forms that ended in * / uː /, after which bases in * / aː /
appear to have lost their initial vowel, and this pattern seems also to have occurred in
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PNI. Certain PNI bases in * / ẽ /, and all following bases in * / i /, likewise seem to
have lost their vowel after these prefixes in PNI, which suggests possible sound changes
whereby reflexes of PI * / uwiː / and * / uwẽ / were reduced to * / o / in PNI. Reflexes
of PI allomorphs ending in * / uw / appear to have been retained in PNI as * / aw /
before certain bases in * / ẽ /, and before all following bases in * / e /, * / o / and
* / õ /, with loss of * / w / before bases beginning in the rounded vowels
( i.e. pre-PNI * / awo / and * / awõ / > PNI * / ao / and * / aõ / ).
Pronominal prefixes belonging to the fifth group in (6), which include * { tsa- }
'3:2SG' ⁰²⁸, * { tswa- } '2PL&3' ⁰³³, and * { kõwa- } '3I:3SG' ⁰⁶⁶, regularly lost their final
vowel * / a / before bases beginning in vowels, except before * / i /, where a final
vowel * / ẽ / appears to have occurred instead and the * / i / of the following base is
lost. The latter pattern suggests a possible sound change whereby PI * / ajiː / became
PNI * / ẽ /. Alternants in * / j / that occur before bases beginning in * / o / and * / õ /
suggest a possible sound change whereby PI * / aj / and * / iw / became * / j / in PNI
before rounded vowels. The exceptional alternant * / waj / that occurs before bases
beginning in * / o / and * / õ / has perhaps been preserved so that the PNI prefix
127
* { kõwa- } '3I:3SG' ⁰⁶⁶ does not have an allomorph * / kõj / before rounded vowels,
since PNI * { kõ- } '1:2.SG' ⁰¹³ appears to have had an allomorph * / kõj / in the same
environment.
Pronominal prefixes belonging to the sixth group in (6), such as * { tsni- }
'2DU&3' ⁰³¹, end in reflexes of the PI dual number morpheme * { niː }, which seems to
have had a prevocalic allomorph * / n / in PI. The alternant * / j / that occurs in PNI
before bases beginning in * / a / may be linked to an allomorphic pattern in Cherokee
where cognate prefixes end in / niː / before bases beginning in long / aː / and the
vowel of the base is subsequently lost. PI may have had * / niːj / before bases in * / aː
/, with loss of the resulting syllable * / jaː / in Cherokee and loss of the syllable * / ni /
in PNI, though this is not certain.
The seventh set of alternants in (6) pertains only to the pronominal prefix * { je- }
'3I:3' ⁰⁶³, which appears to be cognate with the element * { ji } that appears to have
marked animate third person in some PI pronominal prefixes. The alternants in * / õ /,
* / ẽ /, and * / e / that seem to have occurred before PNI bases in * / a /, * / e / and
* / i / suggest possible sound changes whereby reflexes of PI sequences * / ija(ː) /,
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* / ije(ː) /, and * / ijiː / became * / õ /, * / ẽ /, and * / e / respectively in PNI, the third
of which changes bears resemblance to sound change PNI-3. Alternants in * / ak / have
no obvious parallels in PI but may have been influenced formally by the related prefix
* / jako / '3:3I' ⁰⁶⁴. The alternant in * / a / that occurs before some bases beginning in
* / i / is unexplained, though the unusual diphthong probably represents an earlier
alternant * / aj / with loss of * / j / before * / i / in PNI ( cf. loss of * / w / before
rounded vowels in alternant group iv ).
A final morphophonemic alternation in PNI prefix morphology that may reflect an
additional sound change is occurrence of the PNI vowel * / õ / whenever a
prepronominal prefix ending in * / (w)a(Ɂ) / precedes a pronominal prefix
( or a pronominal prefix plus base ) beginning in * / wa /; for example, PNI * { waɁ }
'factual' ⁰⁰⁶ + { wak } '3:1SG' ⁰²⁵ + { kẽɁ } 'see (punctual base)' ³³² = PNI * / ˈõkkẽɁ /
'it saw me' ( cf. Chafe 1996:557 for discussion of this pattern in Seneca ). If indeed the
PI pronominal prefixes * { kõːwa- } '3A:3SGA' ⁰⁶⁶ and PI * { kõːwantiː- } '3A:3NSA' ⁰⁶⁸
have an initial underlying composition { ka + wa + wa } then a similar
morphophonemic rule may already have been present in PI ( but cf. Michelson 1988:40
for exceptions to this alternation in Northern Iroquoian languages ).
129
The morphological structures of the PNI noun and verb seem to have been
essentially the same as those posited for PI, although no phonological distinction was
retained between independent and dependent forms ( assuming, as I have here, that
such a distinction was present in PI ). Whereas Cherokee and PI seem to have had a
strictly linear order in which prepronominal prefixes occurred, PNI and all of its
daughter languages seem to have position classes, which likewise occur in a set order,
but can include more than one prefix, only one of which may occur in the same verb;
for example, the PNI negative, coincident, contrastive, and partitive prefixes all seem to
have belonged to position class 1, and only one of them seems to have been able to
occur in a given word. The reconstructed position class template for PNI prepronominal
prefixes is presented in (7).
(7) Position Class Template for PNI Prepronominal Prefixes
negative * / teɁ / ⁰⁰¹

coincident * / tshi / ⁰⁰²
contrastive * / thi / ⁰⁰³
partitive * / ni / ⁰⁰⁴
| translocative * / j(a)hwe / ⁰⁰⁵
| | factual * / waɁ / ⁰⁰⁶
| | | duplicative * / te / ⁰⁰⁷
| | | | future * / ẽ / ⁰⁰⁸
| | | | optative * / aɹa / ⁰⁰⁹
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| | | | | cislocative * / t / ⁰¹⁰
| | | | | repetitive * / ts / ⁰¹¹
| | | | | |
1 2 3 4 5 6
To the putative prepronominal prefixes of PI have been added the negative,
contrastive, factual, and optative prefixes. The negative prefix appears simply to have
negated a verb ( e.g. PNI * / ˈkheːkẽh / 'I see someone' ³³² Æ * / teɁˈkheːkẽh / 'I don't
see someone' ). The contrastive prefix seems to have implied that the verb reflects
something that is unusual or not to be expected ( e.g. PNI * / ˈkheːkẽh / 'I see someone'
Æ * / thiˈkheːkẽh / 'I see someone, unexpectedly or unusually' ). Like the future prefix,
the factual and optative prefixes seem to have indicated grammatical moods, and
because they always occur with a punctual verb base, are often referred to as modal
prefixes ( among other accounts, cf. Chafe 1967:15 ); their approximate respective
meanings may be gathered from the following examples: PNI * / ẽˈkheːkẽɁ / 'I will see
someone (in the future)'; * / waɁˈkheːkẽɁ / 'I saw someone (at a single point in time,
and that is a fact)'; * / aɹaˈkheːkẽɁ / 'I would, should, could, might or may see someone
(at some point, now or in the future, but I am not entirely sure)'. Like the translocative
and cislocative prefixes, the factual, future, and optative prefixes seem to have had
mutually exclusive meanings and for semantic reasons did not co-occur.
131
Reflexes of the negative and coincident prefixes have probably been lost in
Tuscarora but are present throughout Iroquoia and Huronia. In all of the remaining
Northern languages except Seneca, Huron, and Wyandot, the negative prefix can co-
occur only with the cislocative and repetitive prefixes; elsewhere the contrastive prefix
must be substituted ( which suggests e.g. PNI * / ˈthaɁkkẽɁ / 'I did not see it' and
* / ˈthẽkkẽɁ / 'I will not see it', with the contrastive ). Note, however, that Onondaga,
like Seneca, Huron and Wyandot, allows a negative prefix allomorph / taɁ / ⁰⁰¹ before
the duplicative prefix (cf. Woodbury 2003:41), and perhaps maintains the pattern that
was originally present in PNI.
The coincident, contrastive, and partitive prefixes of PNI position class 1 appear to
have shared a common allomorphy, with basic forms * / tsh / ⁰⁰², * / th / ⁰⁰³ and
* / n / ⁰⁰⁴ respectively before vowels and glides, and basic forms * / tshi /, * / thi / and
* / ni / respectively before remaining consonants; in imperative verbs ( except those
containing the cislocative or repetitive prefix and the 1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3
pronominal prefixes ), all three prefixes appear to have had allomorphs ending in a
'fossilized' allomorph of the factual prefix: * / tshõ /, * / thõ / and * / nõ / before
* / wa / with loss of * / wa /; * / tshe /, * / the / and * / nwe / before certain
pronominal prefixes involving the second person ( enumerated below in connection
132
with the factual prefix ); * / tshaɁ /, * / thaɁ / and * / nwaɁ / before * / j / with loss of
* / j /, and before remaining consonants. Occurrence of the vowel * / i / ( rather than
* / e / ) in the basic pre-consonantal form of the coincident and partitive prefixes is
unexpected in light of Cherokee cognates, as are initial * / tsh / ( rather than * / ts / )
in the coincident and the membership of both prefixes in the same position class.
Possibly the three prefixes are etymologically comprised of a reflex of the dependent
form of the PI partitive ( * / ijiː / ⁰⁰⁴ ) preceded by coincident * / ts- / ⁰⁰², partitive
* / n- / ⁰⁰⁴, and an unknown contrastive element * / t- /; regular sound change from
speculative proto-forms * / tsijiː /, * / tijiː /, and * / nijiː / would then have yielded PNI
* / tshi /, * / thi /, and * / ni / ( cf. PNI-3 ), with resulting prefixes sharing both their
position class and their pattern of allomorphy. A reflex of the PNI partitive without
initial * / n / has possibly been preserved in Huron ( see 16.4 ).
The translocative prefix, which appears to have followed the coincident and
preceded the partitive in PI, had the form * / j(a)hwe / ⁰⁰⁵ in PNI, perhaps through
addition of a free-standing directive particle of the shape * / jah / to the reflex of
PI * / we / in order to better distinguish it from allomorphs of the PNI factual prefix
( PNI * / waɁ /, * / we / ). The PNI translocative had a basic form * / j(a)hw / before
vowels and a basic form * / j(a)hwe / before consonants. Like the coincident,
133
contrastive, and partitive prefixes of position class 1, the PNI translocative appears to
have had allomorphs containing a 'fossilized' allomorph of the factual prefix in
imperative verbs: * / j(a)hõ / before * / wa / with loss of * / wa /; * / j(a)hwe / before
certain pronominal prefixes involving the second person ( enumerated below in
connection with the factual prefix ); and * / j(a)hwaɁ / before * / j / with loss of * / j /,
and before remaining consonants. In non-imperative verbs the translocative appears
also to have had an allomorph * / jah / before the factual prefix and an allomorph
* / jaɁ / before the duplicative prefix.
The PNI factual prefix seems to have had a zero allomorph word-initially before the
cislocative and repetitive prefixes, while an allomorph * / õ / ⁰⁰⁶ appears to have
occurred both before * / wa /, with loss of * / wa /, and before the cislocative and
repetitive prefixes elsewhere. An allomorph * / we / seems to have preceded the second
person pronominal prefixes * { tsa } '3:2SG' ⁰²⁸, * { tsni } '2DU&3' ⁰³¹, * { tswa }
'2PL&3' ⁰³³, * { tni } '1+2DU:3' ⁰³⁶, and * { twa } '1+2PL:3' ⁰³⁸, and an allomorph
* / waɁ / seems to have preceded the duplicative prefix and all remaining pronominal
prefixes, with loss of a following * / j / in prefix allomorphs beginning with * / j /. Why
the five pronominal prefixes listed should condition a unique allomorph of the factual
relative to other pronominal prefixes is unclear, but they also condition unique
134
allomorphs of the duplicative, optative, cislocative, repetitive, and non-singular animate
prefixes ( see 2.6 for discussion of the forms of these prefixes in PI ).
The PNI duplicative prefix seems to have had an allomorph * / tõ / ⁰⁰⁷ following the
factual before the cislocative or repetitive prefixes, and before the cislocative or
repetitive prefixes in imperative verbs ( except those containing the cislocative or
repetitive prefix and the 1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 pronominal prefixes ), and before the
2:1 imperative pronominal prefixes ( PNI * / take / '2:1.SG.IMP' ⁰⁷² etc. ), whose initial
element appears etymologically to be derived from the cislocative prefix. An allomorph
* / ti / seems to have occurred following the factual prefix before five second person
pronominal prefixes ( see details of the factual prefix above ). An allomorph * / t /
appears to have preceded vowels elsewhere and an allomorph * / te / appears to have
preceded consonants elsewhere.
The PNI future prefix was * / ẽ / ⁰⁰⁸ in all environments. The PNI optative prefix
appears to have had an allomorph * / aɹe / ⁰⁰⁹ before five second person pronominal
prefixes ( enumerated above in connection with the factual prefix ), an allomorph
* / aɹõ / before * / wa / with loss of * / wa /, an allomorph * / aɹ / before glides, and
an allomorph * / aɹa / before remaining consonants. The * / ɹ / of the optative seems to
have been lost entirely in most of the daughter languages, and has been preserved only
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in certain environments in Old Mohawk and Tuscarora; its earlier presence in Huron
can be inferred from preservation of the initial * / j / of a following pronominal prefix
in intervocalic position ( PNI * / V¹ɹjV² / > Hu. / V¹jV² /; cf. HU-19 in 16.3 ).
The PNI cislocative prefix seems to have had an allomorph * / ka / ⁰¹⁰ in at least
some imperative verbs ( cf. PNI * / ˈkaːtsih / 'come here!' ³²⁹ ), and an allomorph * / ti /
that regularly preceded the pronominal prefixes * { tni } '1+2DU:3' ⁰³⁶ and * { twa }
'1+2PL:3' ⁰³⁸ in imperative verbs. An allomorph * / te / appears to have occurred
following the factual or optative prefix before five second person pronominal prefixes
( enumerated above in connection with the factual prefix ), an allomorph * / tõ / seems
to have occurred following the factual or optative prefix before * / wa / with loss of
* / wa /, and an allomorph * / ta / seems to have occurred in imperative verbs
elsewhere, as well as following the factual or optative prefixes elsewhere. Elsewhere,
before the five second person pronominal prefixes, an allomorph * / ti / seems to have
occurred, and an allomorph * / t / seems to have occurred in all remaining
environments.
The allomorphy of the PNI repetitive prefix appears to have mirrored that of the
repetitive prefix: an allomorph * / tsi / ⁰¹¹ seems to have preceded the pronominal
prefixes * { tni } '1+2DU:3' ⁰³⁶ and * { twa } '1+2PL:3' ⁰³⁸ in imperative verbs, an
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allomorph * / tse / seems to have occurred following the factual or optative prefix
before five second person pronominal prefixes ( enumerated above in connection with
the factual prefix ), an allomorph * / tsõ / seems to have occurred following the factual
or optative prefix before * / wa / with loss of * / wa /, and an allomorph * / tsa /
seems to have occurred in imperative verbs elsewhere, as well as following the factual
or optative prefixes elsewhere. Elsewhere, before the five second person pronominal
prefixes, the allomorph * / tsi / seems to have occurred, and an allomorph * / ts /
seems to have occurred in all remaining environments.
The non-singular animate prefix of PNI appears to have had a single allomorph
* / ka / ⁰¹², as in Tuscarora and Cayuga. Allomorphs that reflect antecedents * / kae /
and * / kõ / have developed in Huron before five second person pronominal prefixes
( see details of the factual prefix above ) and before * / wa / with loss of * / wa /,
respectively, perhaps as a consequence of reassigning non-singular animate marking to
pronominal prefixes with an argument '3' rather than '3I' ( see 16.4 ).
PNI seems to have had a 1:2.DU pronominal prefix * { kni } ⁰¹⁴ and a 1:2.PL
pronominal prefix * { kwa } ⁰¹⁵ in pronominal prefix group 1, which mirror the dual
and plural number 2:1 forms * { hskni } ⁰¹⁷ and * { hskwa } ⁰¹⁸. PNI pronominal prefix
group 1 is presented in (8).
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(8) PNI Pronominal Prefix Group 1
1:2.SG PNI * { kõ } ⁰¹³ ( < PI * { kõː } )

1:2.DU PNI * { kni } ⁰¹⁴
1:2.PL PNI * { kwa } ⁰¹⁵
2:1.SG PNI * { hske } ⁰¹⁶ ( < PI * { hskʷi } )
2:1.DU PNI * { hskni } ⁰¹⁷ ( < PI * { hskniː } )
2:1.PL PNI * { hskwa } ⁰¹⁸ ( < PI * { hskʷ… } )
In other pronominal prefix groups, PNI appears to have expanded considerably the
number of prefixes, in part through introduction of the category masculine ( 'M' ),
which signals that a third person was male, or that a group of third persons ( 'they' )
contains at least one male. The meaning of the third person animate ( '3A' ) argument in
prefixes also appears to have shifted to third person feminine-indefinite ( '3I' ), which
refers collectively to human females ( 'she' ), people in general ( 'one, they' ), or
unknown individuals ( 'someone' ). The meaning of the third person inanimate appears
to have become in PNI a neuter-zoic ( '3' ), which equally refers to animals, inanimate
objects, and null third person.
To pronominal prefix group 2, PNI appears to have added a third person masculine
gender ( '3M' ) prefix variant to all four pre-existing pairs of 3/3I prefixes, as seen in
(9).
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1SG:3 PNI * { ke } ⁰¹⁹ ( < PI * { ki } )

1SG:3I PNI * { khe } ⁰²⁰ ( < PI * { kiji } '2SG:3A' )
1SG:3M PNI * { he } or { hɹi } ⁰²¹
2SG:3 PNI * { hse } ⁰²² ( < PI * { hsi } )
2SG:3I PNI * { she } ⁰²³ ( < PI * { hsiji } '2SG:3A' )
2SG:3M PNI * { hehse } ⁰²⁴
3:1SG PNI * { wake } ⁰²⁵ ( < PI * { wakʷi } )
3I:1SG PNI * { jõke } ⁰²⁶ ( < PI * { jõːkʷi } '3A:1SG' )
3M:1SG PNI * { hɹake } ⁰²⁷
3:2SG PNI * { tsa } ⁰²⁸ ( < PI * { tsa } )
3I:2SG PNI * { jetsa } ⁰²⁹ ( < PI * { jeːtsa } '3A:2SG' )
3M:2SG PNI * { hja } ⁰³⁰
The composition of the 1SG:3M and 3M:2SG prefixes of group 2 is unclear, although
they share patterns of allomorphy with their 3I counterparts. The 2SG:3M prefix
appears to have been comprised of a masculine gender element * / he / prefixed to the
2SG:3 prefix, while the 3M:1SG prefix has replaced initial * / w / of the 3:1SG prefix
with masculine gender * / hɹ /, the * / h / of which was probably lost in word-initial
position, much like the * / h / of second person * / hs /.
To pronominal prefix group 3 PNI again seems to have added third person
masculine gender (3M) variants, as well as a third person indefinite (3I) variant, as can
seen in (10).
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2DU&3 PNI * { tsni } ⁰³¹ ( < PI * { tsniː } )

2DU&3M PNI * { shetsni } ⁰³²
2PL&3 PNI * { tswa } ⁰³³ ( < PI * { ts… } )
2PL&3M PNI * { shetswa } ⁰³⁴
2NS&3I PNI * { jetshi } ⁰³⁵
The 2NS&3I prefix * { jetshi } appears to contain a reflex of * { je }
( PI animate / PNI indefinite ) and an element * { tshi }, which carries a meaning '2NS'
( cf. Tu. / tʃhi / '2NS:3.IMP' ). The masculine gender prefixes seem to have had an
initial masculine gender element * { sh- } which occurred in the fourth and fifth
pronominal prefix groups as well; the vowel * { -e- } that followed appears to result
from the fact that * { tsni } and * { tswa } were among five second person pronominal
prefixes that seem to have taken a preceding vowel * { -e- } where other prefixes took
variants in * { -a(Ɂ)- } ( see discussion of the factual prefix above ), as also were
* { tni } and * { twa } of PNI pronominal prefix group 4, which had third person
masculine gender variants * { shetni } and * { shetwa } ( rather than ˣ { shatni } and
ˣ { shatwa } ).
In pronominal prefix group 4 PNI appears to have begun making a distinction
between inclusive and exclusive first person agents ( if such a distinction was not
already present in PI ), as well as adding a third person masculine gender equivalent for
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each existent prefix and a set of three indefinite third person prefix variants in which
inclusive and exclusive agents were not distinguished, as can be seen in (11).
1+2DU:3 PNI * { tni } ⁰³⁶ ( < PI * { tniː } )

1+2DU:3M PNI * { shetni } ⁰³⁷
1+2PL:3 PNI * { twa } ⁰³⁸ ( < PI * { t… } )
1+2PL:3M PNI * { shetwa } ⁰³⁹
1+3DU:3 PNI * { jakni } ⁰⁴⁰
1+3DU:3M PNI * { shakni } ⁰⁴¹
1+3PL:3 PNI * { jakwa } ⁰⁴²
1+3PL:3M PNI * { shakwa } ⁰⁴³
3:1DU PNI * { jõkni } ⁰⁴⁴ ( < PI * { kniː } )
3M:1DU PNI * { shõkni } ⁰⁴⁵
3:1PL PNI * { jõkwa } ⁰⁴⁶ ( < PI * { kʷ… } )
3M:1PL PNI * { shõkwa } ⁰⁴⁷
1+2NS:3I PNI * { jethi } ⁰⁴⁸ ( limited to Iroquoia )
1+3NS:3I PNI * { jakhi } ⁰⁴⁹
3I:1NS PNI * { jõkhi } ⁰⁵⁰
The 1+2NS:3I prefix * { jethi } again appears to contain a reflex of * { je }
( PI animate / PNI indefinite ), but its remaining composition is unclear, as are those of
the other indefinite prefix variants. Remaining novel morphemes may be analyzed as
* { ja } 'exclusive first person agent', * { jõ } 'first person patient', and * { sh } 'third
person masculine', the latter of which replaced initial * / j / of the former elements
when it preceded them. Note that reflexes of * { jethi } are limited to Iroquoia; the
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function of the latter prefix is subsumed under * { jakhi } in Huron, and the function of
all three indefinite prefixes is subsumed under the reflex of * { jõkhi } in Tuscarora.
Pronominal prefix group 5 may have expanded considerably in PNI through
additional distinctions of dual and plural number, masculine and feminine gender, and
indefinite third person, as can be seen in (12).
3SG:3 PNI * { ka } ⁰⁵¹ ( < PI * { ka } ⁰⁵¹, * { wa } ⁰⁵² )

3SGM:3 PNI * { hɹa } ⁰⁵³
3:3SG PNI * { jo } ⁰⁵⁴ ( < PI * { juː } )
3:3SGM PNI * { hɹo } ⁰⁵⁵
3DU:3 PNI * { kni } ⁰⁵⁶
3DUM:3 PNI * { hni } ⁰⁵⁷
3PL:3 PNI * { wati } ⁰⁵⁸ ( < PI * { wantiː } '3NS:3' )
3PL:3 PNI * { kõti } ⁰⁵⁹
3PLM:3 PNI * { hɹati } ⁰⁶⁰
3:3NS PNI * { joti } ⁰⁶¹ ( < PI * { juːntiː } )
3:3NSM PNI * { hɹoti } ⁰⁶²
3I:3 PNI * { je } ⁰⁶³
3:3I PNI * { jako } ⁰⁶⁴
3SGM:3I PNI * { shako } ⁰⁶⁵
3I:3SG PNI * { kõwa } ⁰⁶⁶ ( < PI * { kõːwa } '3A:3SG' )
3I:3SGM PNI * { hɹõwa } ⁰⁶⁷
3I:3NS PNI * { kõwati } ⁰⁶⁸ ( < PI * { kõːwantiː } '3A:3NS' )
3I:3NSM PNI * { hɹõwati } ⁰⁶⁹
3NS:3I PNI * { jakoti } ⁰⁷⁰ ( limited to Iroquoia )
3NSM:3I PNI * { shakoti } ⁰⁷¹ ( limited to Iroquoia )
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The 3SG:3 prefixes * { wa } and * { ka } of PI appear to have merged in PNI as
allomorphs of a single prefix * { ka }, and although only one prefix * { wati } or
* { kõti } is found in any Northern Iroquoian language with a meaning '3NS:3', the two
forms appear to have been in competition or at some point to have been independent
prefixes, perhaps signifying feminine versus neuter-zoic gender ( Huron has merged
allomorphs of the two prefix as a single 3NS:3 prefix * { wati } ). The elements * { ni }
'dual number', * { je } 'third person indefinite' ( the third person animate morpheme in
PI ), * { hɹ } and * { sh } 'third person masculine', also occur in other pronominal prefix
groups. The elements * { k } and * { h } preceding the dual number forms appear to be
reductions of third person singular * { ka } and masculine * { hɹ }, and the element
* { jak } that appears in indefinite forms appears to be an allomorph of * { je } 'third
person indefinite' occurring before bases beginning in * { o }. Note that reflexes of
* { jakoti } '3NS:3I' and * { shakoti } '3NSM:3I' are limited to Iroquoia, and that Huron
and Tuscarora express the same agent-patient interaction with constructions employing
the non-singular animate prefix.
Marianne Mithun (p.c.) notes that Tuscarora's lack of distinct masculine gender
forms in non-singular pronominal prefixes involving the third person, its lack of reflexes
for the third person dual number prefixes * { kni } '2DU:3' and * { hni } '2DUM:3', and
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its lack of reflexes of third person plural number prefixes containing a plural marker
* { ti } ( e.g. * { wati } '3PL:3', * { hroti } '3:3NSM', etc ) suggest that these elements
may constitute an innovation shared by Huron and the languages of the Iroquois
Proper, and that a Lake Iroquoian subgrouping might thus be established on
morphological grounds. While such an analysis is certainly possible, I nonetheless
contend, prompted in part by lack of any apparent joint phonological innovations
having taken place among the Lake Iroquoian languages during their hypothetical
period of common development to the exclusion of Tuscarora, that the morphological
distinctions in question may equally have been present in PNI only to be levelled in
Tuscarora. Evidence that may support such a hypothesis in fact includes absence in
Tuscarora of non-singular third person pronominal prefixes in * { ti }, which have
cognates in Cherokee and in other Northern languages ( e.g. PI * { wantiː } '3NS:3' ⁰⁵⁸
and * { juːntiː } '3:3NS' ⁰⁶¹ ), as well as absence in Tuscarora of reflexes of PI * { kõːwa }
'3A:3SG' ⁰⁶⁶ and PI * { kõːwantiː } '3A:3NS' ⁰⁶⁸, which have cognates in Cherokee and all
of the other Northern Iroquoian languages except Cayuga, as well as the consideration
that pronominal relationships that traditionally appear to have been expressed using the
absent pronominal prefixes are in Tuscarora expressed by means of a system that is
strikingly simpler than that found in any other Northern Iroquoian language; Tuscarora
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equivalents for pronominal prefix forms whose reflexes occur in other Northern
Iroquoian languages ( here reconstructed as PNI on the basis of cognates in Iroquoia
and Huronia, though this is debatable ) are presented in (13).
(13) A Comparison of Non-Singular Third Person Pronominal Prefixes
PNI * / kni- / '3DU:3' Tu. / nɛ-jɛ- / 'DUPL+3I:3'

PNI * / hni- / '3DUM:3' Tu. / nɛ-jɛ- / 'DUPL+3I:3'
PNI * / wati- / '3PL:3' Tu. / ka-jɛ- / '3NSA+3I:3'
PNI * / hrati- / '3PLM:3' Tu. / ka-jɛ- / '3NSA+3I:3'
PNI * / joti- / '3:3NS' Tu. / nɛ-jako- / 'DUPL+3:3I' (when dual),
Tu. / ka-ko- / '3NSA+3:3I' (when plural)
PNI * / hroti- / '3:3NSM' Tu. / nɛ-jako- / 'DUPL+3:3I' (when dual),
Tu. / ka-ko- / '3NSA+3:3I' (when plural)
PNI * / kõwa- / '3I:3SG' Tu. / nɛ-jə̃-ɁnaɁn- / 'DUPL+3I:3+REFLEXIVE'
PNI * / kõwati- / '3I:3NS' Tu. / ka-jə̃-ɁnaɁn- / '3NSA+3I:3+REFLEXIVE'
The Tuscarora pronominal forms in (13) are uniformly composed of a third person
indefinite pronominal prefix ( PNI * { je- } '3I:3' ⁰⁶³ or * { jako- } '3:3I' ⁰⁶⁴ ) combined
with either the duplicative prefix / nɛ- / ( PNI * { te- } ⁰⁰⁷ ) to mark dual number or the
non-singular animate prefix / ka- / ( PNI * { ka- } ⁰¹² ) to mark plural number, and/or
the reflexive morpheme / -aɁnaɁn- / ( PNI * { -atat- } ⁰⁷⁶ ) to signal interaction between
at least two animate/indefinite third persons. While the Tuscarora system is certainly
simpler, its lack of four out of six Group 5 pronominal prefixes that can be
reconstructed for PI ( * { wantiː } ⁰⁵⁸, * { juːntiː } ⁰⁶¹, * { kõːwa } ⁰⁶⁶, and
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* { kõːwantiː } ⁰⁶⁸ ) raises questions about whether it is necessarily archaic, or whether
Tuscarora has simply replaced all non-singular third person gender distinctions
( both masculine and feminine-neuter-zoic forms, the latter forms having cognates in
Cherokee ) with forms involving the third person indefinite ( 'someone, people' ). The
case for the simpler system of Tuscarora being archaic would be more compelling if a
similar system were employed in Southern Iroquoian, but in fact the non-singular third
person pronominal prefixes of Cherokee are cognate with forms found in other Northern
Iroquoian languages rather than with forms found in Tuscarora. Although this
consideration does not in itself prove that other Northern Iroquoian languages have
maintained the archaic PNI pronominal prefix system while Tuscarora has innovated a
system employing gender third person indefinite forms throughout the non-singular,
this seems to me the best morphological interpretation in light of a corresponding lack
of apparent joint phonological innovations among the traditional Lake Iroquoian
languages that would formally set them apart from Tuscarora-Nottoway.
In addition to the five groups of pronominal prefixes just discussed, PNI also seems
to have had a sixth group of prefixes consisting of imperative forms that differed from
their non-imperative counterparts; these are presented in (14).
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2:1.SG.IMP PNI * { take } ⁰⁷²

2:1.DU.IMP PNI * { takni } ⁰⁷³
2:1.PL.IMP PNI * { takwa } ⁰⁷⁴
2SG:3.IMP PNI * { tse } ⁰⁷⁵
The 2:1 prefixes in (14) appear to be modelled on their indicative counterparts
( PNI * { hske } ⁰¹⁶, * { hskni } ⁰¹⁷, * { hskwa } ⁰¹⁸ ); initial * / ta / had its etymological
origin in the cislocative prefix, judging from the duplicative prefix allomorph * / tõ / ⁰⁰⁷
that preceded it ( cf. OMo. / tũtaˈkekhaɁs / 'join these for me', / tũtakʷahshaˈɹũthaɁs /
'put the handle back on for me' ). The prefix * { tse } '2SG:3.IMP' seems to have had the
same final allomorphy as non-imperative * { hse } '2SG:3' ⁰²² ; etymologically it may
also have consisted of the non-imperative form preceded by a cislocative prefix
allomorph * / t /.
A number of PNI pronominal prefixes seem to have had an allomorph ending in
'epenthetic' * / e / before certain consonants and clusters ( a continuation of PI short
* / i / ), and the consonants and clusters before which a reflex of * / e / occurs vary in
each of the daughter languages. The consonants and clusters before which the 1SG:3
pronominal prefix allomorphs * / k / and * / ke / ⁰¹⁹ are predicted to have occurred in
PNI are presented in (15).
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(15) Distribution of Prefix Allomorphs with Epenthetic / e / in PNI (1SG:3)
/k/ _hV, hjV, hnV, hnjV, hɹV, hɹjV, hsV, hsCV, htsV, hwV, jV, kV, kʷV,
nV, ɹV, tV, tsV, wV, ɁV, ɁnV¹ ( Æ nV¹ ), ɁrV¹ ( Æ rV¹ ),
ɁtV¹ ( Ɂ Æ tV¹ ), ɁwV¹ ( Æ wV¹ ).
/ ke / before all remaining consonants and clusters.
Note that the environments in (15), and those presented in subsequent chapters, reflect
distribution of allomorphs of the 1SG:3 pronominal prefix; the conditioning
environments associated with other prefixes that have allomorphs in * / e /, such as the
2SG:3 prefix ( PNI * / hs / and * / hse / ⁰²² ), may differ slightly from those associated
with the 1SG:3 prefix, but conclusions about these differences are difficult to draw
owing to attestation of these prefixes before far fewer bases than the 1SG:3 prefix.
Noun incorporation was continued in PNI, and the language seems additionally to
have had a pair of lexically-determined nominalizer affixes * { -hsɹ- } ⁰⁸⁰ and
* { -Ɂtshɹ- } ⁰⁸¹ that were used to from abstract nouns from verbs, and to incorporate
nominalized verbs into other verbs ( cf. Mo. / joɁtaˈɹihʌ̃ / 'it is hot', / joɁtaɹiˈhʌ̃hseɹaɁ /
'it-is-hot-ness; heat', / wakaɁtaɹihʌ̃hseɹaˈnohsthaɁ / 'I have a cold', lit. 'my heat is made
cold', from Maracle 1990 ).
The derivational morphemes of PNI seem frequently to have been connected to their
base by lexically determined ( and morphologically unanalyzable ) elements such as
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* { -h- }, * { -ah }, * { -Ɂ- }, * { -aɁ- }, or * { -a- }, and consequently only the uniform or
radical element of each derivational morpheme is presented and underlined in examples
that follow. The lexically-determined causative-instrumental morphemes * { t } ⁰⁸² and
* { hst } ⁰⁸³ were continued in PNI, and an instrumental morpheme * { hkw } ⁰⁸⁴
appears to have been added ( cf. PNI * / jõteˈkaɁthaɁ / 'one makes it burn' ¹⁶⁵,
* / jõtekaɁˈtahkhwaɁ / 'one uses it to make it burn' ¹⁶⁶ ; as in this example, the
instrumental seems mainly to have served to form causatives or instrumentals from
roots already ending in a causative-instrumental morpheme ). The PI reversive
morpheme * { kʷ } ⁰⁸⁵ was continued in PNI as * { ko }, with an allomorph * / kw /
before vowels, and a second, lexically determined reversive morpheme * { hsi } ⁰⁸⁶,
with an allomorph * / hsj / before vowels, has been added ( cf. PNI * / waɁˈehnɹẽːɁ /
'someone tied it' ²⁴⁰, * / waɁehˈnɹẽhsiɁ / 'someone untied it' ). PNI seems to have had an
inchoative morpheme with the form * { Ɂ } ⁰⁸⁷ ( cf. PNI * / waˈtjeːtsẽh / 'it is easy' ¹⁷⁸,
* / waˈtjeːtsaɁts / 'it becomes easy' ), and to have continued the PI dative-benefactive
morpheme * { ts } ⁰⁸⁸ ( cf. PNI * / katũnˈhoɁkthaɁ / 'I end my life' ³⁹⁸ ⁴⁰⁶,
* / õkatõˈnhoɁkthahts / 'my life ends on me' ). A second, lexically-determined dative-
benefactive morpheme * { ẽ } ⁰⁸⁹ seems to have been introduced in punctual and
imperative verbs ( cf. PNI * / waɁˈkõːniɁ / 'I made it' ²⁶⁰, PNI * / kheˈjõnjẽɁ / 'I made it
149
for someone' ), and a third, lexically-determined dative-benefactive morpheme
* { ni } ⁰⁹⁰ appears to have been introduced in non-punctual, non-imperative verbs
( cf. * / ˈkõːnihsk / 'I make it' ²⁶⁰, PNI * / khejõˈnjẽːnihsk / 'I make it for someone' ).
PNI appears to have had a number of lexically-determined dislocative morphemes
which carried the meaning 'go, go in order to' ( cf. Mo. / kaˈtoːɹaths / 'I hunt',
/ katoˈɹatheɁs / 'I go to hunt, I go hunting' ). Dislocative morpheme variants that can be
projected back to PNI are * { -n- } ⁰⁹¹, * { -h- } ⁰⁹², * { -ts- } ⁰⁹³, and * { -tsɹ- } ⁰⁹⁴;
reflexes of a fifth variant, * { -ɹ- } ⁰⁹⁵, seems to be limited to Iroquoia. PNI seems also to
have had a number of lexically-determined distributive allomorphs which bore a
meaning 'several', 'on several occasions', or 'all over the place' ( cf. Mo. / kaˈtoːɹaths /
'I hunt', / katoˈɹathũhs / 'I hunt several animals' or 'I hunt on several occasions' or 'I hunt
all over the place' ). Distributive morpheme variants that can probably be projected
back to PNI are * { -njõː- } ⁰⁹⁶, * { -nõː- } ⁰⁹⁷, * { -hõː- } ⁰⁹⁸, * { -õː- } ⁰⁹⁹, * { -ɹõː- } ¹⁰⁰,
* { -ɹjõː- } ¹⁰¹, * { -tsõː- } ¹⁰², and * { -tsɹõː- } ¹⁰³. Finally, PNI seems to have had a
progressive morpheme * { -tjeɁ } ¹⁰⁴, which carried the meaning 'along' or 'go along
doing' ( cf. Mo. / kaˈtoːɹaths / 'I hunt', / wakatoɹatũˈhatjeɁ / 'I go along hunting' ).
The four principal bases of the PI verb ( present, punctual, imperfective, and
perfect ) appear to have been continued in PNI; because verb bases show only a handful
150
of endings in Northern Iroquoian languages, however, they are more often analyzed as
consisting of a verb base plus a lexically-determined aspect suffix ( among other works
cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:15, Woodbury 2003:23 ), and such an analysis here will
permit useful generalizations to be made regarding the most common endings of PNI
verb bases.
Lexically-determined endings of the present base ( 'present suffix' ) which can
probably be projected back to PNI include * { -hs } ¹⁰⁵, * { -ts } ¹⁰⁶, * { -haɁ } ¹⁰⁷, and
* { -h } ¹⁰⁸, while reflexes of the imperfective base appear mainly to have ended in
* { -hsk } ¹⁰⁹ ( 'imperfective suffix' ) in PNI. Reflexes of the present and imperfective
bases have since fallen together as a generic habitual base ( 'habitual suffix' or
'serial suffix' ) in all of the Northern Iroquoian languages except Mohawk and Cayuga,
however, and even these preserve a present vs. imperfective distinction in only a
handful of verbs ( e.g. Mo. / ˈkũːni / 'I am making it right now' vs. / ˈkũːnihs / 'I make it
habitually' ). Reflexes of both the present and imperfective bases could evidently be
followed by a past habitual suffix that had the form * { -kʷ } or * { -kʷVɁ } ¹¹⁰ and
carried the meaning 'used to' ( cf. Mo. / kaˈtoːɹaths / 'I hunt', / kaˈtoɹathskʷeɁ /
'I used to hunt' ).
The PNI punctual base seems to have occurred in both modal and imperative verbs,
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and to have had the same ending in both except that word-final * / Ɂ / of a modal
punctual base ( 'punctual suffix' ) automatically alternated with * / h / in the
corresponding imperative ( cf. Oo. / waɁkéˈktũɁ / 'I examined it', but / séˈktũh /
'examine it!'; Oo. / ẽhahsoˈtsjoːtẽɁ / 'he will pile it up', but / soːˈtsjoːtẽh / 'pile it up!' ).
Etymologically imperative forms ending in * / h / probably reflect the original punctual
base, with * / Ɂ / having been added consequently to mark modal verbs. Lexically-
determined endings of the punctual base ( 'punctual suffix' ) which can be projected
back to PNI include * { -Ɂ } ¹¹¹, * { -ẽɁ } ¹¹², * { -Ø } ¹¹³, and * { -n } ¹¹⁴.
Lexically-determined endings of the perfect base ( 'perfect suffix' or 'stative suffix' )
that can probably be projected back to PNI include * { -õh } ¹¹⁵, * { -ẽh } ¹¹⁶,
* { -Ø } ¹¹⁷, * { -eɁ } ¹¹⁸, and * { -ih } ¹¹⁹. To the perfect base PNI could apparently add
a past perfect suffix, which had the form * { -n } or * { -nVɁ } ¹²⁰ and carried the
meaning 'had' rather than 'have' ( cf. Mo. / wakatoˈɹaːtũ / 'I have hunted',
/ wakatoɹaˈtũhneɁ / 'I had hunted' ). PNI also seems to have had a facilitative suffix
* { -nskõːh } ¹²¹ that was typically added to the perfect base and carried the meaning
'often', 'easily' or 'frequently' ( cf. Se. / oˈnɔ̃Ɂnɔ̃wɛ̃ːh / 'it has melted', / onɔ̃Ɂnɔ̃ˈwɛ̃skɔ̃ːh /
'it melts easily' ); etymologically the facilitative suffix appears to consist of past perfect
* { -n }, habitual * { -hsk }, and perfect * { -õːh }. PNI also seems to have had a
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modalizer suffix * { -k } ¹²² that allowed perfect bases to occur with modal prefixes such
as the future and factual ( cf. OMo. / johˈsnoːɹeɁ / 'it is fast', / ʌ̃johˈsnoːɹek /
'it will be fast' ).
Unincorporated PNI nouns seem most often to have ended in a noun suffix
* { -aɁ } ¹²³ ( e.g. PNI * / kaˈnõhsaɁ / 'house' ³⁸² ), although some nouns seem to have
been exceptions in having freestanding forms that were shorter than their incorporating
forms ( e.g. PNI * / ˈkẽtsjõh / 'fish' ⁴⁶⁷, incorporating form * { -itsjõɁt- };
PNI * / ˈõːkʷeh / 'person' ⁴⁰⁵, incorporating form * { -õkʷeɁt- } or * { -õkʷehsɹ- } ).
Several suffixes could evidently follow the noun suffix; those that can probably be
projected back to PNI include an authenticative suffix * { -õweh } ¹²⁴ meaning 'real,
genuine, original'; a characterizer suffix * { -haːɁ } ¹²⁵, meaning 'that which is associated
with'; a decessive suffix of the form * { -kẽh } ¹²⁶ or perhaps * { -kẽhVH }, meaning 'the
late, the former, the deceased' ( perhaps derived from the PNI verb * / kẽˈheːjõh / 'it is
dead' ²⁷⁶ ); an intensifier suffix * { -tsih } ¹²⁷, meaning 'very much, really'; a locative
suffix * { -keh } ¹²⁸, meaning 'at, in, on'; a populative suffix * { -ɹonõɁ } ¹²⁹, meaning
'person of, people of, nation of', and a second, lexically-determined populative suffix
* { -kaːɁ } ¹³⁰, with the same meaning.
Where semantically compatible the noun suffixes of PNI could apparently be
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compounded, e.g. * { X-kehaːɁ } 'that which is associated with (what is done) at
place X', representing a combination of the locative and characterizer suffixes.
Additional noun suffixes whose reflexes are confined to Iroquoia include an
augmentative suffix * { -konah } or * { -kowaɁ } ( from the PNI verb * / koˈwaːnẽh /
'it is big, large, great' ³⁴⁹ ); a second, lexically-determined locative suffix of the shape
* { -neh }, also with a meaning 'at, in, on'; and a pluralizer suffix, generally of the shape
* { -shõɁ }, with a meaning 'many, several, more than one'.
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CHAPTER 5: PROTO-TUSCARORA NOTTOWAY
5.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes Proto-Tuscarora-Nottoway, henceforth PTN, the
reconstructed language from which Tuscarora and Nottoway derive. PTN itself derives
from PNI, and is reconstructed on the basis of cognate forms shared by Tuscarora and
Nottoway. Where forms in the two languages disagree, but cognate forms in other
Iroquoian languages agree with one of the languages, the form that agrees has been
interpreted as archaic, and is projected back to PTN. Where forms in the two languages
disagree, and where cognate forms in no other Iroquoian language agree with either
Tuscarora or Nottoway, the forms in question have been interpreted as subsequent
independent developments in Tuscarora and in Nottoway, and are not projected back to
PTN.
PTN as an independent subgrouping within Northern Iroquoian has been posited by
Rudes (1976, 1981a) on the basis of shared phonological changes and the large number
of Tuscarora cognates for vocabulary items in surviving Nottoway wordlists. My
comparison of the Nottoway vocabulary items against vocabulary in seven well-attested
Northern Iroquoian languages, independent from an earlier tally in Rudes (1976:57),
suggests that Nottoway shared the greatest number of cognates with Tuscarora (138),
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followed, at considerable distance, by Onondaga (75), Mohawk (70), Cayuga (68),
Seneca (67), Oneida (65), and Huron (60). The lexical similarity, in conjunction with a
significant number of shared sound changes ( see 5.3 ), supports the status of PTN as a
subgrouping within Northern Iroquoian.
The reconstructed phonemic inventory of PTN is presented in (1).
(1) Reconstructed Phonemic Inventory of PTN
CONSONANTS
Alveolar Palato-Alveolar Palatal Velar

Glottal
Plosive t ˀt k kʷ Ɂ
Nasal n
Fricative s h
Affricate ts tʃ
Approximant ɹ j w
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VOWELS
Front Central Back
Close iː
i
e ẽ o õ
Open aː
a
The preglottalized alveolar plosive * / ˀt / ( cf. Rudes 1981a:33-34 ) has developed
from PNI * / t /, and contrasted phonemically with PTN * / t /, which in turn appears
to have had both PNI * / t / and certain instances of PNI * / n / as antecedents
( see 5.3 ). The palato-alveolar affricate * / tʃ / has originated as an allophone of
PNI * / ts / in certain environments that underwent phonemic split as a result of
subsequent sound changes, including loss of * / j / after * / tʃ / and change of the
cluster * / ths / to * / tʃ /. Note that although Rudes (1976:73, 1981a:32) has argued
that the PNI nasal vowels * / ẽ(ː) / and * / õ(ː) / had already merged as a mid-central
nasal vowel * / ə̃(ː) / in PTN, the vowels appear still to be distinct in Nottoway
vocabulary, where reflexes of the former are most often rendered using orthographic
<e>, <en>, <ain> or <a>, and reflexes of the latter are most often rendered using
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orthographic <um>, <un>, <oon> or <oo> (Marianne Mithun, p.c.).
Phonological changes that appear to have occurred during the transition from PNI
to PTN are described below as PTN-1 through PTN-6. Where ordering of two changes
appears to be necessary to produce a correct output in PTN, this has been noted.
By PTN-1, * / ts / has become * / tʃ / before * / h /, * / i /, and * / j /
( e.g. PNI * / ohˈnitshaɁ / 'thigh' ²³⁸ > PTN * / ohˈtitʃhaɁ /; PNI * / ˈtsiɁtẽɁ / 'bird' ⁴⁶² >
PTN * / ˈtʃiɁˀtẽɁ /; PNI * / ˈtsjaːtahk / 'seven' ⁴⁶⁴ > PTN * / ˈtʃaːˀtahk / ). This change
must precede PTN-3 and PTN-6. (cf. Rudes 1976:32).
By PTN-2, * / ths / has become * / tʃ / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈjõːnoːths / 'it is raining' ⁴⁰⁷ >
PTN * / ˈjõːtoːtʃ /; PNI * / wathsɁˈahtõh / 'it is used up' ¹⁷³ > PTN * / watʃˈɁahˀtõh / ).
This change must precede PTN-3.
By PTN-3, * / j / has been lost after * / tʃ / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈtsjaːtahk / 'seven' ⁴⁶⁴ >
PTN * / ˈtʃaːˀtahk /; PNI * / ˈkẽtsjõh / 'fish' ⁴⁶⁷ > PTN * / ˈkẽtʃõh / ). This change must
follow PTN-1 and PTN-2.
By PTN-4, * / t / ( except in the unit affricates * / ts / and * / tʃ / ) has become
* / ˀt / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈtsiɁtẽɁ / 'bird' ⁴⁶² > PTN * / ˈtʃiɁˀtẽɁ /; PNI * / ahˈtsõːtaɁ /
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'night' ¹⁴⁹ > PTN * / ahˈtsõːˀtaɁ /; PNI * / ˈkõːteh / 'eel' ³⁴⁶ > PTN * / ˈkõːˀteh /;
cf. 'bird' and 'night' for non-application of the change to * / t / in a unit affricate ). This
change must precede PTN-6.
By PTN-5, accented vowels in penultimate syllables have been lengthened before
* / n / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈkankõɁ / 'blood' ³⁷⁶ > PTN * / ˈkaːtkõɁ /; PNI * / waɁˈkkenskoɁ /
'I raised it' ³³¹ > PTN * / waɁˈkkeːtskoɁ /; PNI * / rawẽˈninkẽɁts / 'he speaks up' ²⁸⁰ ⁴⁷⁶
> PTN * / rawẽˈtiːtkẽɁts / ). PTN may have lengthened penultimate vowels before
certain other clusters, as in Tuscarora, but the latter cannot be inferred implicationally
from Nottoway data. This change must precede PTN-6.
By PTN-6, * / n / has become * / t / except before nasal vowels, before * / kʷ /,
and before * / h / ( e.g. PNI * / oˈnaːtaɁ / 'village' ³⁵⁶ > PTN * / oˈtaːˀtaɁ /;
PNI * / kaˈnaɁtaɹaɁ / 'bread' ³⁶¹ > PTN * / kaˈtaˀtaɹaɁ /; PNI * / oɁˈnjõhsaɁ / 'nose' ⁴⁹⁴
> PTN * / oɁˈtjõhsaɁ /; PNI * / ˈkankõɁ / 'blood' ³⁷⁶ > PTN * / ˈkaːtkõɁ /; but
PNI * / oˈnõhsaɁ / 'house' ³⁸² > PTN * / oˈnõhsaɁ /; PNI * / waɁˈkankʷẽɁn /
'it began to snow' ³⁷⁸ > PTN * / waɁˈkaːnkʷẽɁt /; PNI * / kẽˈnhaɁkeh / 'summer' ³³⁴ >
PTN * / kẽˈnhaɁkeh /; cf. also Rudes 1981a:33 ). As a result of this change, the PI
cluster * / ns / has become the unit affricate * / ts / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈwahnshẽːh / 'ten' ¹³⁵
> PTN * / ˈwahtshẽːh /; PNI * / waˈkansteɁ / 'it is hard' ¹⁵¹ > PTN * / waˈkaːtsˀteɁ /;
159
PNI * / keɁˈnonshahs / 'I envy it' ⁴⁹⁵ > PTN * / keɁˈtoːtshahs / ). PTN-6 must follow
PTN-4, and PTN-5.
However, note that in at least two cases in Nottoway, PNI * / n / has failed to
change to * / t / before * / i(ː) / ( PNI * / ˈtekniːh / 'two' ⁴³⁸ > No. / ˈˀtekniːh /
<Dekanee>; PNI * / niˈwahnshẽːh / 'that many tens' ⁰⁰⁴ > No. / niˈwahshə̃ːh /
<neewarsa> ). The change does take place in other Nottoway vocabulary items,
however ( cf. PNI * { -hweɁnõniːh } 'be round' ²⁷⁰ Æ No. <Tatowenente> 'round';
PNI * { -tshẽnõniːh } 'be happy' ¹⁹⁰ Æ No. <Thatchanunte> 'happy';
PNI * / ohˈnitshaɁ / 'thigh' ²³⁸ > No. / ohˈtitʃhaɁ / <Otitchag> ). Rudes (1981a:34)
notes several instances where PNI * / n / has failed to become / t / before * / o(ː) / in
Tuscarora ( e.g. PNI * / teˈtsnoːɹẽh / 'you split it' ³⁹⁶ > Tu. / nɛˈθnoːrə̃h / ), but the
change is attested in other vocabulary items ( e.g. PNI * / oˈnoɁtsaɁ / 'tooth' ³⁸⁰ >
Tu. / oˈtoɁθɛh /; PNI * / keɁˈnonshahs / 'I envy it' ⁴⁹⁵ > Tu. * / kjɛɁˈtoːθahs / ).
Phonological changes that have occurred during the transition from PNI to PTN are
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(2) Phonological Changes in the Transition from PNI to PTN
PTN-1 ts > tʃ / _h, i, j

PTN-2 ths > tʃ
PTN-3 j > Ø / tʃ_
PTN-4 t > ˀt
PTN-5 ˈV¹ > ˈV¹ː / _n ( penultimate syllables only )
PTN-6 n > t ( except before nasal vowels, kʷ, and h )
Little can be discerned of morphological changes in PTN owing to scarcity of
morphological data in surviving Nottoway word lists; what can be discerned from these
( see 7.4 ) suggests that Nottoway was somewhat more conservative than Tuscarora, so
that PTN must have been as well. Nottoway morphology does not demonstrably share
any innovative traits with Tuscarora to the exclusion of other Northern Iroquoian
languages, and so no morphological innovations ( of which there are several in
Tuscarora ) can be projected back to PTN with certainty.
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CHAPTER 6: TUSCARORA
6.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes the language of the Tuscarora ( / kajə̃tʃkaˈroːrə̃Ɂ /, a name of
ranged from the Blue Ridge Mountains in the west, bordering on the territory of the
Catawba, to the mouth of the Tar River in the east, bordering on the territory of three
Carolina Algonquian tribes ( Chowan, Pamlico, and Neuse ), north to the Roanoke
River, bordering on the territory of the Meherrin, and south to the Neuse River Basin,
bordering on the territory of the Woccon (cf. Binford 1967:116, Boyce 1978:282;
see Map 3). Today Tuscarora speakers are located on the Six Nations of the Grand River
Reserve in southwestern Ontario and on the Tuscarora Indian Nation Reservation in
western New York State.
The earliest record of the Tuscarora language appears to be a vocabulary recorded
by John Lawson (1674-1711) during a 1701 exploration of the Carolinas and published
in London a few years later (Lawson 1709). This earliest record of the language differs
little from modern Tuscarora, but appears to lack sound changes TU-15 and TU-16,
which are related in 6.3. Tuscarora has developed an eastern dialect, spoken at Six
Nations of the Grand River Reserve, and a western dialect, spoken on the Tuscarora
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Indian Nation Reservation (Rudes 1999: xix-xxi). Phonological developments that
differentiate the two dialects are presented in 6.3. Unless otherwise stated, forms
presented in the current chapter represent Common Tuscarora, a reconstructed form of
the modern language that existed prior to the separation of the two dialects.
Treatment of the developmental phonology of Tuscarora is in Rudes (1976), while
texts are in Crouse & Rudes (1987) and a grammar is in Williams (1976). Dictionaries
are in Rudes (1987) and Rudes (1999). Tuscarora forms in this chapter are based on
data from Rudes (1999) unless otherwise stated.
The phonemic inventory of Tuscarora is presented in (1).
(1) Phonemic Inventory of Tuscarora
CONSONANTS
Interdental Alveolar Palato-Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Plosive t k kʷ Ɂ
Nasal n
Trill r
Fricative θ s h
Affricate tʃ
Approximant j w
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VOWELS
Front Central Back
Close iː
i
Mid ɛː ə̃ː oː
ɛ ə̃ o
Open aː
a
Reflexes of PTN * / ˀt / have merged with / t /, / n /, / Ɂ /, and the clusters / tɁ /
and / Ɂn / in various environments. PTN * / ɹ / has shifted to / r /, PTN * / ts / has
shifted to / θ /, and PTN * / e(ː) / has shifted to / ɛ(ː) /. Reflexes of PTN * / ẽ(ː) / and
* / õ(ː) / have merged as / ə̃(ː) / in Tuscarora, which is realized as [ ɨ ̃(ː) ] except where
the short variant occurs in stressed syllables; the vowels * / a(ː) / and * / o(ː) / have
shifted phonetically to [ ɔ(ː) ] and [ u(ː) ], respectively, except where the short variants
occur in unstressed syllables, and in this case the pronunciations [ a ] and [ o ] have
been retained (cf. Rudes 1995:xxxvii); for the sake of etymological continuity I continue
to use / a(ː) / and / o(ː) / to render these respective phonemes in Common Tuscarora,
though the latter is most often rendered / u(ː) / in synchronic descriptions
(cf. Mithun 1979:164, Rudes 1999:xxxvii). The plosives / t /, / k / and / kʷ / have
164
voiced allophones [ d ], [ g ] and [ gʷ ] in Tuscarora before vowels and resonants, and
for at least some speakers are preglottalized in all environments (cf. Rudes 1976:84);
the resonants / n /, / r /, / w / and / j / have voiceless allophones [ n̥ ], [ r̥ ], [ w̥ ] and
[ j ̥ ] that occur word-finally and before non-resonant consonants. Accented long vowels
have developed falling tone when they occur before a resonant consonant
( e.g. Tu. / waɁkaɁˈriːjoɁ / 'I fought' Æ [ waɁgaɁˈrîːjoɁ ] ).
Phonological changes that have occurred during the transition from PTN to
Tuscarora are described below as TU-1 through TU-19. Where ordering of two changes
appears necessary in order to produce a correct output in Tuscarora, this has been
noted.
By TU-1, an accented vowel in a penultimate syllable has been lengthened before a
cluster having the shape Ks, KR, KH, or RR, where H is a glottal consonant, R is a
resonant consonant, and K is * / k /, * / kʷ /, * / t /, or * / ˀt / ( e.g. PTN * / ˈwaksẽːh /
'it is bad' ¹⁵³ > Tu. / ˈwaːksə̃ː /; PTN * / jeˈtakɹeɁ / 'one resides' ³⁵⁴ > Tu. / jɛˈtaːkrɛɁ /;
PTN * / ɹaˈjẽthohs / 'he plants it' ³¹¹ > Tu. / raˈjə̃ːthohs /; PTN * / ˈowjaɁ / 'wing' ⁴⁸⁰ >
Tu. / ˈoːwjɛh / ). This change must precede TU-6 and TU-7.
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By TU-2, the nasal vowels * / ẽ(ː) / and * / õ(ː) / have merged as * / ə̃(ː) /
( e.g. PTN * / oˈnẽtʃhaɁ / 'arm' ³⁷⁰ > Tu. / oˈnə̃tʃhɛh /; PTN * / joɁˀtaˈɹihẽːh /
'it is hot' ²⁰⁴ > Tu. / joɁnaˈrihə̃ː /; PTN * / oˈnõhsaɁ / 'house' ³⁸² > Tu. / oˈnə̃hsɛh /;
PTN * / ˈõːkʷeh / 'person' ⁴⁰⁵ > Tu. * / ˈə̃ːkʷɛh / ). (cf. also Mithun 1979:164).
By TU-3, * / ts / has become * / θ / ( e.g. PTN * / ˈiːts / ²⁸⁹ > Tu. / ˈiːθ /;
PTN * / waˈkaːtsˀteɁ / 'it is hard' ¹⁵¹ > Tu. / waˈkaːθnɛɁ /; PTN * / ˈwahtshẽːh / 'ten' ¹³⁵
> Tu. / ˈwahθhə̃ː / ). (cf. also Mithun 1979:163).
By TU-4, * / ˀt / has become * / tɁ / before * / ˀt / ( e.g. PTN * / ˀtejoˀtˈˀtihẽh /
'the two of them differ' ⁴⁴² > Tu. / nɛjotɁˈnihə̃ / ), and by TU-5, * / ˀt / has been lost
before * / t / ( e.g. PTN * / ˈˀttiːkẽh / 'we see it' ⁰³⁶ > Tu. / ˈtiːkə̃h / ). TU-5 may have
already been present in PTN following the change of * / n / to * / t / ( by PTN-7 ), but
Nottoway data relating to reflexes of this cluster are lacking. TU-4 and TU-5 must
precede TU-8 and TU-9.
By TU-6, * / ˀt / has become * / Ɂ / before * / ɹ / ( e.g. PTN * / ˈkʷaˀtɹeɁ /
'my grandchild' ¹⁸⁸ > Tu. / ˈkʷaːɁrɛh /; PTN * / ˈɹẽɁˀtɹõɁ / 'he dwells' ²⁸² >
Tu. / ˈrə̃Ɂrə̃Ɂ /; PTN * / waɁkaˈˀtɹiːjoɁ / 'I fought' ⁰⁷⁷ ⁴²⁸ > Tu. / waɁkaɁˈriːjoɁ / ), and as
with the first example, accented vowels in penultimate syllables have remained long in
Tuscarora where the cluster / Ɂr / derives from PTN * / ˀtɹ / ( < PNI * / tɹ / ). This
166
change must follow TU-1 and precede TU-9. (cf. also Mithun 1979:164).
By TU-7, * / ˀt / has become * / Ɂn / when preceded by a vowel and followed by a
vowel or a glide ( e.g. PTN * / ˈtʃaːˀtahk / 'seven' ⁴⁶⁴ > Tu. / ˈtʃaːɁnahk /;
PTN * / ˈkõːˀteh / 'eel' ³⁴⁶ > Tu. / ˈkə̃ːɁnɛh /; PTN * / ahˈtsõːˀtaɁ / 'night' ¹⁴⁹ >
Tu. / ohˈθə̃ːɁnɛh /; PTN * / ə̃hˈɹaˀtjẽɁ / 'he will sit' ⁰⁷⁷ ³⁰⁶ > Tu. / ə̃hˈraːɁnjə̃Ɂ / ).
As in all of the examples, accented vowels in penultimate syllables have remained long
in Tuscarora where etymologically the cluster / Ɂn /, / Ɂnj / or / Ɂnw / derives from
PTN * / ˀt /, * / ˀtj / or * / ˀtw / ( < PNI * / t /, * / tj /, * / tw / ); this change must
follow TU-1 and precede TU-9. Similarly, by TU-8, * / ˀt / has become * / n / when
preceded by a consonant or word boundary and followed by a vowel or glide
( e.g. PTN * / ˈˀtekɹõɁ / 'eight' ⁴³⁹ > Tu. / ˈnɛːkrə̃Ɂ /; PTN * / ohˈˀtahkʷaɁ / 'shoe' ¹⁴² >
Tu. / ohˈnahkʷaɁ /; PTN * / oˈtaɁˀtaɹaɁ / 'bread' ³⁶¹ > Tu. / oˈtaɁnarɛh /;
PTN * / waˈkaːtsˀteɁ / 'it is hard' ¹⁵¹ > Tu. / waˈkaːθnɛɁ / ). TU-8 must follow TU-4 and
TU-5 and precede TU-9. (cf. also Mithun 1979:164).
By TU-9, * / ˀt / became * / t / ( e.g. PTN * / ˈoˀtkõɁ / 'inherent power' ¹⁸¹ >
Tu. / ˈotkə̃Ɂ /; PTN * / ˈaˀthoɁ / 'cold' ¹⁷⁰ > Tu. / ˈaːthoɁ / ). TU-9 must follow TU-4,
TU-5, TU-6, TU-7, and TU-8. (cf. also Mithun 1979:164).
By TU-10, * / h / has been lost before * / nh / ( e.g. PTN * / ɹahˈnhõˀthohs /
167
'he feeds it' ²³⁶ > Tu. / raˈnhə̃ːthohs /; PTN * / waɁˈkhehnhaɁn / 'I hired someone' ²³² >
Tu. / waɁˈkhɛnhaɁ /; PTN * / ɹahˈtskehnhaɁ / 'he is competing for it' ¹⁴⁷ >
Tu. / rahˈθkjɛnhaɁ / ), and by TU-11, * / h / has been lost before * / w / at the
beginning of a word ( e.g. PTN * / ˈhwihsk / 'five' ²⁷³ > Tu. / ˈwisk / ). By TU-12,
* / h / has been lost when preceded by * / k / and followed by * / s /, * / ts / or
* / tʃ / ( e.g. PTN * / ˈakhsoːt / 'my female ancestor' ²⁵⁹ > Tu. / ˈaksoːt /;
PTN * / ˈakhtʃiɁ / 'my older maternal female cousin' ²⁶⁷ > Tu. / ˈaktʃiɁ /;
PTN * / koˈɹokhsjõhs / 'I uncover it' ⁰⁸⁶ ⁴⁷² > Tu. / koˈroksjə̃hs / ). By TU-13, * / h / has
been lost word-finally after long vowels ( e.g. PTN * / joɁˀtaˈɹihẽːh / 'it is hot' ²⁰⁴ >
Tu. / juɁnaˈrihə̃ː /; PTN * / ˈwahtshẽːh / 'ten' ¹³⁵ > Tu. / ˈwahθhə̃ː /;
PTN * / waknõhˈsõːtiːh / 'I have built the house' ²⁶⁰ ³⁸² > Tu. / waknə̃hˈsə̃ːtiː / ), but has
been retained after short vowels ( cf. PTN * / knõhˈsõːtih / 'I build the house' ²⁶⁰ ³⁸² >
Tu. / knə̃hˈsə̃ːtih / ).
By TU-14, * / w / has been lost before * / jh / ( e.g. PTN * / oˈwjhõhaɁ / 'creek,
river' ²⁷⁸ > Tu. / oˈjhə̃hɛh / ).
By TU-15, * / n / has become * / t / before * / kʷ / ( e.g. PTN * / waɁˈkaːnkʷẽɁt /
'it began to snow' ³⁷⁸ > Tu. / waɁˈkaːtkwə̃Ɂ / ). Rudes (2002:191) notes that this change
had not yet occurred in Lawson's (1709) vocabulary of Tuscarora.
168
By TU-16, * / t / has been inserted between * / s / and * / ɹ / in the cluster
* / hsɹ / ( e.g. PTN * / ˈohsɹaɁ / 'year' ³⁹⁴ > Tu. / aˈwohstrɛh /; PTN * / oˈhohsɹaɁ /
'basswood' ²⁴¹ > Tu. / oˈhohstrɛh /; PTN * / oɁˀtaɹiˈhẽhsɹaɁ / 'heat' ²⁰⁵ >
Tu. / oɁnariˈhə̃hstrɛh / ). Rudes (2002:191) notes that this change also had not yet
occurred in Lawson's (1709) vocabulary of Tuscarora.
By TU-17, * / j / has been inserted between * / k / and a following * / e(ː) /
( e.g. PTN * / ˈiːkeɁ / 'I am walking' ²⁰⁹ > Tu. / ˈiːkjɛɁ /; PTN * / ˈkeɹhiɁ / 'tree' ³²⁸ >
Tu. / ˈkjɛrhiɁ / ). This change must precede TU-18. (cf. also Mithun 1979:164).
By TU-18, * / e(ː) / has shifted to * / ɛ(ː) / ( e.g. PTN * / ˈkeɹhiɁ / 'tree' ³²⁸ >
Tu. / ˈkjɛrhiɁ /; PTN * / ˈkõːˀteh / 'eel' ³⁴⁶ > Tu. / ˈkə̃ːɁnɛh /; PTN * / ˈˀtekɹõɁ /
'eight' ⁴³⁹ > Tu. / ˈnɛːkrə̃Ɂ / ). This change must follow TU-17.
By TU-19, * / ɹ / has shifted to / r / ( e.g. PTN * / ˈˀtekɹõɁ / 'eight' ⁴³⁹ >
Tu. / ˈnɛːkrə̃Ɂ /; PTN * / ˈtʃiɹ / 'dog' ³⁴¹ > Tu. / ˈtʃir /; PTN * / ˈkoːɹeh / 'red oak' ³⁴⁸ >
Tu. / ˈkoːrɛh / ).
Phonological changes that have occurred during the transition from PTN to
Tuscarora are recapitulated in (2).
169
(2) Phonological Changes in the Transition from PTN to Tuscarora
TU-1 ˈV¹ > ˈV¹ː / _Ks, KR, KH, RR ( penultimate syllables only )
TU-2 Ṽ(ː) > ə̃(ː)
TU-3 ts > θ
TU-4 ˀt > tɁ / _ˀt
TU-5 ˀt > Ø / _t
TU-6 ˀt > Ɂ / _ɹ
TU-7 ˀt > Ɂn / V_V, w, j
TU-8 ˀt > n / #, C_V, w, j
TU-9 ˀt > t
TU-10 h > Ø / _nh
TU-11 h > Ø / #_w
TU-12 h > Ø / k_s, ts, tʃ
TU-13 h > Ø / Vː_#
TU-14 w > Ø / _jh
TU-15 n > t / _kʷ
TU-16 Ø > t / hs_ɹ
TU-17 Ø > j / k_e(ː)
TU-18 e(ː) > ɛ(ː)
TU-19 ɹ>r
In addition to the sound changes in (2), additional sound changes have taken place
in the modern dialects of Tuscarora (Rudes 1999: xix-xxi). Seven such changes are
described below as TU-D1 through TU-D7.
By TU-D1, * / θ / has merged with * / s / ( e.g. Tu. / ˈoɁθrɛh / 'axe' Æ
Western Tu. / ˈoɁsrɛh /; Tu. / ˈθahɛɁ / 'beans' Æ Western Tu. / ˈsahɛɁ /; Tu. / ˈθriht /
'boil it!' Æ Western Tu. / ˈsriht / ). This change occurred in the western dialect.
By TU-D2, * / w / has been lost before * / j / ( e.g. Tu. / ˈoːwjɛh / 'wing' Æ
170
Western Tu. / ˈoːjɛh /; Tu. / oˈwjahsɛh / 'cross' Æ Western Tu. / oˈjahsɛh /;
Tu. / oˈwjə̃ːnɛh / 'manner, skill' Æ Western Tu. / oˈjə̃ːnɛh / ). This change occurred in
the western dialect.
By TU-D3, word-final * / jɁ / has metathesized to * / Ɂj / ( e.g. Tu. / onə̃hsɛˈhojɁ /
'big house' Æ Western Tu. / onə̃hsɛˈhoɁj /; Tu. / wahˈrə̃hɛjɁ / 'he died' Æ
Western Tu. [ wahˈrə̃hɛɁʃ ] ). This change occurred in the western dialect, although it is
also attested among some speakers of the eastern dialect (cf. Rudes 1999:xxii).
By TU-D4, * / r / has been lost after * / st / ( e.g. Tu. / aˈwohstrɛh / 'year' Æ
Eastern Tu. / ɔˈwuhstɛh /; Tu. / oɁnariˈhə̃hstrɛh / 'heat' Æ
Eastern Tu. / uɁnɔriˈhɨ ̃hstɛh /; Tu. / oˈhohstrɛh / 'basswood' Æ
Eastern Tu. / uˈhuhstɛh / 'basswood' ). This change has occurred in the eastern dialect.
By TU-D5, * / ə̃(ː) / has become * / ɨ ̃(ː) / ( e.g. Tu. / oˈnə̃hsɛh / 'house' Æ
Eastern Tu. / uˈnɨ ̃hsɛh /; Tu. / oˈrə̃ːtɛh / 'magic' Æ Eastern Tu. / uˈrɨ ̃ːtɛh /;
Tu. / ˈə̃ːkʷɛh / 'person' Æ Eastern Tu. / ˈɨ ̃ːkʷɛh / ). This change has occurred in the
eastern dialect (cf. Rudes 1999:xxxvi-xxxvii).
By TU-D6, * / a(ː) / has become * / ɔ(ː) / ( e.g. Tu. / ˈaːthoɁ / 'cold' Æ
Eastern Tu. / ˈɔːthuɁ /; Tu. / ˈahsə̃ / 'three' Æ Eastern Tu. / ˈɔhsɨ ̃ /; Tu. / ˈwahθhə̃ː / 'ten'
Æ Eastern Tu. / ˈwɔhθhɨ ̃ː / ). This change has occurred in the eastern dialect
171
(cf. Rudes 1999:xxxvi-xxxvii).
By TU-D7, * / o(ː) / has become * / u(ː) / ( e.g. Tu. / aˈwohstrɛh / 'year' Æ
Eastern Tu. / ɔˈwuhstɛh /; Tu. / oˈtoːrɛh / 'corn husk' Æ Eastern Tu. / uˈtuːrɛh /;
Tu. / kaˈnoːrə̃Ɂ / 'it is dear' Æ Eastern Tu. / kɔˈnuːrɨ ̃Ɂ / ). This change has occurred in
the eastern dialect (cf. Rudes 1999:xxxvi-xxxvii).
Sound changes that have occurred in Tuscarora dialects are recapitulated in (3).
(3) Phonological Changes in Tuscarora Dialects
TU-D1 θ>s Western Tuscarora

TU-D2 w > Ø / _j Western Tuscarora
TU-D3 jɁ > Ɂj Western Tuscarora
TU-D4 r > Ø / st_ Eastern Tuscarora
TU-D5 ə̃(ː) > ɨ ̃(ː) Eastern Tuscarora
TU-D6 a(ː) > ɔ(ː) Eastern Tuscarora
TU-D7 o(ː) > u(ː) Eastern Tuscarora
In addition to the phonemic changes in (3), the western dialect of Tuscarora has
undergone a phonetic change whereby short accented / ɛ / is realized as [ æ ], and
short unaccented / i / is realized as [ ɪ ]. Other phonetic shifts have also occurred, many
of which appear to be associated with individuals and idiolects rather than the two
main dialects (Rudes 1999: xxxvii-xxxix). Three changes that appear in the speech of all
speakers of the western dialect, along with some speakers of the eastern dialect, can be
172
noted here. First, word-final / r / is realized phonetically as long [ sː ]
( e.g. Tu. / ˈtʃir / 'dog' Æ Western Tu. [ ˈtʃisː ] ). Second, / j / is realized phonetically as
[ ʃ ] when it occurs in syllable coda ( e.g. Tu. / oˈjhə̃haːkt / 'Lewiston, New York' Æ
Western Tu. [ oʃˈhə̃hɔːkt ] ). Third, / w / is realized as [ f ] when it occurs in syllable
coda ( e.g. Tu. / ˈwaɁkhaɁw / 'I brought it' Æ Western Tu. [ ˈwɔɁkhaɁf ] ).
Tuscarora appears to have lost the negative and coincident prepronominal prefixes
of PNI but has added a 'generic' prefix / tʃwɛ / which carries the meaning 'all kinds'
( e.g. / tʃwɛkatʃiɁnə̃Ɂˈtʃraːkɛː / 'all kinds of birds' ); it does not occur with other
prepronominal prefixes. Outside of imperatives the translocative prefix * / j(a)hw / ⁰⁰⁵
has become / j / in Tuscarora before vowels and / wɛ / before consonants, with the full
form / jah / being preserved only before the factual prefix. The Tuscarora duplicative
prefix * { nɛ } ⁰⁰⁷ is used to make the '3I' argument of a pronominal prefix dual
( e.g. Tu. { shɛ- } 'you act on her'; { nɛ-hshɛ- } 'you act on them two'; { jɛθa- }
'she acts on you'; { nɛ-jɛθa- } 'they two act on you' ). The optative prepronominal prefix
( PNI * { aɹa } ⁰⁰⁹ ) has lost * / ɹ / in Tuscarora except when it occurred before a glide
or in the onset of a stressed syllable.
173
To the 1:2.DU and 1:2.PL pronominal prefixes Tuscarora appears to have added an
element { kjɛ } to yield { kjɛkti } ⁰¹⁴ and { kjɛkwa } ⁰¹⁵. The language lacks reflexes of
the PNI third person masculine prefixes * { ri } '1SG:3M', * { hehse } '2SG:3M', and
* { hja }, in place of which prefixes with the third person indefinite occur instead
( e.g. Tu. / ˈkhɛːkə̃h / 'I see him, her, someone' ), and all non-singular prefixes involving
masculine or feminine-zoic gender appear to have been replaced by combinations of
third person indefinite prefixes with the duaplicative ( Tu. { nɛ- } ), non-singular
animate ( Tu. { ka- } ), and reflexive ( Tu. { -aɁnaɁn- } ) prefixes ( see 4.4 for
discussion ). The PNI prefix * { jetshi } '2NS&3I' ⁰³⁵ has become { jə̃tʃhi } in Tuscarora,
while the prefix * { jakhi } '1+3NS:3I' ⁰⁴⁹ has merged with the reflex of PNI * { jõkhi }
'3I:1NS' ⁰⁵⁰ to yield Tuscarora { jə̃khi } '1NS:3I'. In the imperative Tuscarora has a 2NS:3
pronominal prefix { tʃhi } ( with an allomorph { tʃhij } before vowels ) which is perhaps
archaic ( cf. PNI * { jetshi } '2NS&3I' ⁰⁰⁰, in which * { tshi } carries the meaning '2NS' ).
Pronominal prefixes with allomorphs in / w / before certain vowels seem in all cases to
have extended this allomorph to include bases beginning in / ə̃ / and / o /
( e.g. PNI * { j-õnoːths } 'it is raining' ⁴⁰⁷ > PTN * { j-õtoːtʃ } Æ Tu. { w-ə̃toːtʃ } ).
The consonants and clusters before which a reflex of epenthetic * / e / appears in
Tuscarora seem to be unaltered relative to PNI except for the effects of regular sound
174
change. Consonants and clusters before which the 1SG:3 pronominal prefix allomorphs
/ k / and / kjɛ / occur in Tuscarora are presented in (4).
(4) Distribution of Prefix Allomorphs with Epenthetic / ɛ / in Tuscarora (1SG:3)
/k/ _hV, hjV, hrV, hnV, hrjV, hsV¹ ( Æ sV¹ ), hsC¹V¹ ( Æ sC¹V¹ ),
hθV¹ ( Æ θV¹ ), htʃV¹ ( Æ tʃV¹ ), hwV, hwjV, jV, kV, kʷV,
nV, rV, θV, tV, tjV¹, tʃV, wV, ɁV, ɁnV¹ ( Æ nV¹ ), ɁrV,
ɁtV¹ ( Æ tV¹ ), ɁtjV¹ ( Æ tjV¹ ), ɁwV.
/ kjɛ / before all remaining consonants and clusters.
The aspectual and derivational morphology of Tuscarora seems to be relatively
conservative, though the language no longer makes a distinction between present and
imperfective forms and instead has habitual forms. Tuscarora seems to have replaced
the PNI punctual suffix * { -n } ¹¹⁴ with * { -Ø } ¹¹³, probably because the former
became indistinguishable from causative * { -t } ⁰⁸² in PTN
( e.g. PTN * / waɁˈkhehnhaɁt / 'I hired someone' ²³² > Tu. / waɁˈkhɛnhaɁ /;
PTN * / waɁˈkaːnkʷẽɁt / 'it began to snow' ³⁷⁸ > Tu. / waɁˈkaːtkwə̃Ɂ / ), and likewise
seems to have replaced the PNI past perfect suffix * { -n } ¹²⁰ with { -k }
( cf. Tu. / raˈhə̃stʃi / 'he is black', / raˈhə̃stʃihk / 'he was black' ), probably for the same
reason. Etymologically the past perfect is identical in form to the modalizer { -k } ¹²²,
which continues to be found in Tuscarora modal verbs ( cf. Tu. / aˈrjoːrihk /
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'that it be cooked', / naɁkahˈsɁahnahk / 'it used it up' ).
The morphology of the Tuscarora noun seems to be the same as that of PNI and
PTN except that inalienably possessed body parts no longer require a locative suffix,
and the noun suffix { -aɁ } ¹²³ has been replaced by an innovative form { -ɛh }
( e.g. PTN * / oˈnõhsaɁ / 'house' ⁰⁰⁰ > Tu. / oˈnə̃hsɛh / ), a change which may still have
been underway in the twentieth century (cf. Williams 1976:202, Rudes 1976:87).
Tuscarora has maintained the noun suffixes of PNI and has added an augmentative
suffix { -ojɁ }.
176
CHAPTER 7: NOTTOWAY
7.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes the language of the Nottoway ( Tu. / tʃiroɁə̃ˈhaːkaːɁ /,
No. <Cherohakah>, a name of uncertain etymology ), whose territory in the early
seventeenth century appears to have ranged from the Blue Ridge Mountains in the west,
bordering on the territory of the Catawba, to the Blackwater River in the east, bordering
on the territory of the Nansemond, north to the Appomattox River, bordering on the
territory of the Powhatan Confederacy, and south to the Nottoway River, bordering on
the territory of the Meherrin (cf. Binford 1967:116, Boyce 1978:282; see Map 3). The
Nottoway language is extinct, but is known from a list of over 200 items of vocabulary
recorded by John Wood in 1820 from Edie Turner. A small amount of additional
vocabulary occurs in the notes of ethnologist J. N. B. Hewitt (n.d) along with the
contents of Wood's (1820) original list. These additional items have probably been
collated from a list of vocabulary gathered by James Tresevant, who was mentioned by
Gallatin (1836:82) as having collected a second vocabulary of Nottoway. All attested
Nottoway vocabulary is reproduced in Rudes (1981a), which is the source of Nottoway
forms in this chapter unless otherwise stated.
177
The reconstituted phonemic inventory of Nottoway is presented in (1).
(1) Reconstituted Phonemic Inventory of Nottoway
CONSONANTS
Alveolar Palato-Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Plosive t ˀt k kʷ Ɂ
Nasal n
Fricative s h
Affricate tʃ
Approximant ɹ j w
VOWELS
Front Central Back
Close iː
i
e ẽ o õ
Open aː
a
Contrastive vowel length was probably preserved in final syllables, as it is in
Tuscarora, but this cannot be determined from orthography; in accordance with the
178
principle of conservative reconstruction I have assumed that vowel lengths did not
change. In accordance with the same principle, reflexes of PTN * / ˀt / are assumed to
be preserved, though conceivably these may have merged with reflexes of * / t /.
PTN * / ts / merged with * / s / in Nottoway.
Wood's orthography suggests that Nottoway had a phonetic system of voicing
similar to that of other Northern Iroquoian languages ( except Huron and Wyandot ),
whereby voiceless non-glottal plosives were phonetically voiced when followed by
vowels or resonants ( cf. No. <Geree> 'tree' from PTN * / ˈkeɹhiɁ / ³²⁸;
No. <Gotatera> 'bread' from PTN * / kaˈtaɁˀtaɹaɁ / ³⁶¹; No. <Gatkum> 'blood' from
PTN * / ˈkaːtkõɁ / ³⁷⁶; No. <Dekra> 'eight' from PTN * / ˈˀteːkɹõɁ / ⁴³⁹ ). Virtually all
examples of such voicing occur in word-initial position, however, and even here there
are some exceptions ( cf. No. <Kunte> 'eel' from PTN * / ˈkõːˀteh / ³⁴⁶; No. <Coree>
'red oak' from PTN * / ˈkoːɹih / ³⁴⁸; and No. <Tawrettig> 'chicken', which has a
cognate in Tu. / tahoˈrɛːtik / ).
The only clearly phonological change that Nottoway has undergone ( NO-1 ) is
merger of the PTN phoneme * / ts / with * / s / ( e.g. PTN * / waˈkaːtsˀteɁ /
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'it is hard' ¹⁵¹ > No. / waˈkaːsˀteɁ / <Wokoste> and <Wakaste>; PTN * / oˈtoɁtsaɁ /
'tooth' ³⁸⁰ > No. / oˈtoɁsaɁ / <Otosag>; PTN * / ahˈtsõːˀtaɁ / 'night time' ¹⁴⁹ >
No. / ahˈsõːˀtaɁ / <Asunta> ). Additional phonological changes cannot be discerned
from Wood's orthography.
From what little can be discerned from surviving vocabulary, Nottoway appears to
have inherited the morphology of PTN and PNI intact, and differed from its sister
language Tuscarora mainly in exhibiting greater retention of archaic traits from PNI and
PTN, such as continued use of the noun suffix * { -aɁ } ¹²³. Another archaic trait that
Nottoway appears to share with other Northern Iroquoian languages except Tuscarora,
is obligatory use of the locative suffix * { -keh } ¹²⁸ with inalienably possessed body
parts, cf. No. / shõhˈˀtaɁkeh / <Suntunke> 'your ear' ( cf. Tu. / ˈshə̃hnɛh / );
No. / sahˈsiɁkeh / <Saseeke> 'your foot' ( cf. Tu. / ˈsahsɛh / ); No. / s(e)taɁˈɹaɁkeh /
<Setarakē> 'your head' ( cf. Tu. / ˈstaɁrɛh / ). (cf. Rudes 1981a). Nottoway also
exhibits a 3SG:3 pronominal prefix allomorph / j / that occurs before bases beginning in
etymological * / õ / ( e.g. No. / ˈjõːtoːtʃ / <Yountouch> 'rain', Tu. / ˈwə̃ːtoːtʃ /, both
from PNI * / ˈjõːtoːths / 'it is raining' ⁴⁰⁷ ), whereas Tuscarora appears to have levelled
180
this allomorph to / w /.
181
CHAPTER 8: SUSQUEHANNOCK
8.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes the language of the Susquehannock
( Hu. / xanahstoɁxehˈɹoːnõɁ / 'People at the post in the water' ), whose territory in the
early seventeenth century may have ranged south to the mouth of the Susquehanna
River, bordering on the territory of the Piscataway, east to the Schuylkill and Lehigh
Rivers, bordering on the territory of the Delaware, north to the Wyoming Flats, at that
time uninhabited, and west to the Appalachian Plateau, bordering on the territory of
lesser-known nations of the interior (cf. Jennings 1968:17, Pendergast 1991:44-45;
see Map 4). The Susquehannock language is extinct, but is known from a list of 80
vocabulary items recorded in the 1640s by the Swedish missionary Johann Campanius
as an appendix to his Delaware translation of Martin Luther's catechism (Campanius
1696). The list was reprinted by his grandson Thomas Campanius Holm (1702) with 9
additional vocabulary items, which presumably were in the original notes of Campanius
but not included in the previous publication. To these items of vocabulary one can also
add <Connadago> 'city', which occurs in the narrative of George Alsop (1666).
Laurentian forms in this chapter are based on data from these three sources.
Mithun (1981a:23) finds that Susquehannock cannot be subgrouped with any of the
182
Five Nations Iroquoian languages since it does not share joint innovations with any of
them, and her comparison of Susquehannock vocabulary against the vocabulary of other
Iroquoian languages (Mithun 1981a:5) suggests that the language shared the greatest
number of cognates with its closest geographic neighbours: Onondaga (59), Mohawk
(57), Oneida (57), Cayuga (50), Seneca (49), Tuscarora (48), Huron-Wyandot (44), and
Cherokee (18). My own comparison of Susquehannock vocabulary against vocabulary
from seven well-attested Northern languages yields lower numbers, but the order of
languages is broadly similar: Mohawk (48), Oneida (45), Onondaga (43), Seneca (38),
Cayuga (37), Tuscarora (36), and Huron (34). In general, Susquehannock phonology
and morphology appear to have been fairly conservative, and only a few changes
relative to PNI can be discerned ( see 8.3 ).
The reconstituted phonemic inventory of Susquehannock is presented in (1).
183
(1) Reconstituted Phonemic Inventory of Susquehannock
CONSONANTS
Plosive t k kʷ Ɂ
Nasal n
Fricative s h
Affricate ts
Approximant ɹ j w
VOWELS
Front Central Back
Close iː
i
e ẽ o õ
Open aː
a
Contrastive vowel length may have been preserved in final syllables, but this cannot
be determined from the Swedish orthography; Campanius' writing of <Hiss>
( rather than <Hijs> ) for the reflex of PNI * / iːts / 'you' ²⁸⁹ suggests that it may have
been lost, but in accordance with the principle of conservative reconstruction I have left
184
contrastive vowel length intact.
As Mithun (1981a:2) notes, orthographic trends suggest that Susquehannock had a
system of phonetic voicing similar to those found in other Northern Iroquoian languages
( except Huron and Wyandot ), whereby non-glottal plosives were phonetically voiced
when preceded and followed by vowels or resonants, cf. Su. <Adwgen> 'axe'
( PNI * / aˈtoːkẽɁ / ¹⁸² ), Su. <Oneegha> 'water' ( cf. PNI * / ohˈneːkaɁ / 'water' ³⁶⁴ ),
Su. <Cannadago> ( cf. PNI * / kaˈnatakõːh / 'in the village' ³⁵⁶ ); the appearance of
orthographic <l> in a few words containing * / r / suggests that the realization of this
phoneme was closer to [ l ], as is also the case in Akwesasne Mohawk and Oneida
( cf. Su. <Khaalis> from PNI * / ˈkaːɹihs / 'stocking, leggings' ⁴²⁶ ).
Few phonological changes seem to be demonstrable in Susquehannock relative to
PNI. Like Old Mohawk and Old Onondaga, Susquehannock shows an epenthetic vowel,
orthographic <e>, separating clusters of a consonant plus resonant, as seen in
<Tiggene> 'two ( PNI * / ˈtekniːh / ⁴³⁸ ), <Tickerom> 'eight' ( PNI * / ˈtekɹõɁ / ⁴³⁹ ),
and <Wáderom> 'nine' ( PNI * / ˈwaɁtɹõh / ²²² ), but as in Old Onondaga,
Old Mohawk, and Proto-Mohawk-Oneida, this vowel was likely phonetic rather than
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phonemic ( see 10.2 and 13.2 ).
By SU-1, * / h / has been lost word-initially before * / w / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈhwihsk /
'five' ²⁷³ > Su. <Wisck> ). This development is also found in Tuscarora, Mohawk,
Oneida, Seneca, Huron, and Wyandot.
By SU-2, * / ts / has become * / s / word-finally ( e.g. PNI * / iːts / 'you' ²⁸⁹ >
Su. <Hiss> ) as well as before * / k /, if Su. <Skajaano> 'fisher' and <Skáirwha>
'turkey' begin with the same characterizer construction involving the repetitive prefix
( PNI * / tska- / ) found in Oo. / skáːˈjanis / 'fisher (lit. the long-tracked one)' and
Mo. / skaweˈɹowaneɁ / 'turkey (lit. the big-winded one)'. PNI * / ts / has failed to
become * / s / in Susquehannock before at least * / h /, * / i / and * / j /
( cf. PNI * / ˈtsjaːtahk / 'seven' ⁴⁶⁴ > Su. <Tzadack>; PNI * / ˈkatsheɁ / 'gourd, jar' ⁴⁵²
> Su. <Kaatzie>; PNI * / ˈkaːtsih / 'come here!' ³²⁹ > Su. <Kaatzie>;
PNI * / ˈtsitshoɁ / 'fox, lynx' ⁴⁶⁰ > Su. <Tzídtze> 'cat'; PNI * / ˈɹaːtsin / 'he is male' ⁴⁵⁷
> Su. <Ræætsin>; cf. also Su. <Katzha gaije?> 'what do you have?' and
Oe. / ˈkatshaɁ kaːˈjʌ̃ː̂ / 'which place?' from Michelson & Doxtator 2002:463 ).
By SU-3, * / n / has been lost before * / sh / in Susquehannock, as in all the other
Northern Iroquoian languages except Tuscarora ( e.g. PNI * / ˈwahnshẽːh / 'ten' ¹³⁵ >
Su. <Wásha> ).
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The partial description of deaffrication presented by SU-2 and SU-3 is true also of
Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, and Cayuga, but not of Tuscarora, Seneca, Huron, or
Wyandot, which again suggests that Susquehannock most resembled its closest
geographic neighbours.
What little can be discerned of Susquehannock morphology seems to be unchanged
from PNI except perhaps, as noted by Mithun (1981a:19), for a single perfect verb form
in * / -ih / in the Susquehannock verb <Serwquácksi> 'you are bad'
( cf. OMo. / saɹihˈwaksʌ̃ / 'you are malicious' ). While this example might suggest the
language was closer to Onondaga or Huron, which also tend to show perfect bases in
* { -ih } ¹¹⁹, it is worth noting that both Onondaga and Huron in this case show reflexes
of * / -aksẽh / 'be bad' ¹⁵³, rather than ˣ / -aksih / ( attested in no language ); the
Susquehannock form may simply be anomalous, or final <i> may represent
<e>, [ ẽ ].
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CHAPTER 9: LAURENTIAN
9.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes the language of the Laurentians, the Iroquoian-speaking
peoples whom Jacques Cartier found inhabiting a number of villages along the north
shore of the Saint Lawrence River between Ajoaste ( perhaps near modern Saint-Tite-
des-Caps, Quebec ) and Hochelaga ( now the Island of Montreal ) during three voyages
in the years 1534, 1535, and 1541 (see Map 5). These villages and their inhabitants had
vanished by the time Samuel de Champlain reached the Saint Lawrence River in 1603,
and their fate remains unknown.
Cartier, or perhaps his contemporaries, recorded two vocabularies of Laurentian,
most probably from speakers from the village of Stadacona ( now part of Quebec City )
during his first and second voyages. In all over 200 items of vocabulary are represented
in the two lists, both of which are presented in Biggar (1924) and analyzed in Barbeau
(1961), though only about a third of the items have identifiable cognates in other
Northern Iroquoian languages. My own comparison of Laurentian vocabulary against
vocabulary in seven well-attested Northern Iroquoian languages suggests that Huron,
Mohawk, and Onondaga shared the greatest number of cognates with Laurentian
( all three having 47 ), followed by Oneida (41), Seneca (36), Tuscarora (34), and
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Cayuga (32). Impressionistically, Laurentian phonology does not seem to have been
nearly as conservative as that of, for example, Susquehannock, though only a handful of
changes relative to PNI can be discerned from the forms that are recorded. Note that
Lounsbury (1978:335) and Mithun (1981b:241) posit that the Cartier vocabularies
contain words taken from several Iroquoian languages, owing to variant phonological
features like loss or retention of PNI * / ɹ /, but I regard the vocabularies as capable of
reflecting a single language exhibiting regular sound changes. Unless otherwise stated,
Laurentian forms in this chapter are based on data from the vocabulary lists in Biggar
(1924).
The presumed phonemic inventory of Laurentian is presented in (1).
(1) Phonemic Inventory of Laurentian
CONSONANTS
Plosive t k kʷ Ɂ
Nasal n
Fricative s ʃ h
Affricate ts
Approximant ɹ j w
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VOWELS
Front Central Back
Close iː
i
e ẽ o õ
Open aː
a
Contrastive vowel length may have been preserved in final syllables, but this cannot
be determined from the French orthography; in accordance with the principle of
conservative reconstruction I have left contrastive vowel length intact. A segment / ʃ /
( orthographic <ch> ) appears to have developed from PNI * / s / and likely became
phonemic following deaffrication of PNI * / ts / ( LA-2 in 9.3 ).
Like other Northern Iroquoian languages ( apart from Huron and Wyandot )
Laurentian / t / and / k / appear to have had voiced allophones [ d ] and [ g ] when
they occurred between vowels or between a vowel and resonant consonant
( cf. La. <Addogué> 'hatchet' from PNI * / aˈtoːkẽɁ / 'axe' ¹⁸²; La. <Asquenondo> 'doe'
from PNI * / ohskẽˈnõːtõɁ / 'deer' ²⁵⁴; La. <Canada> 'village' from
PNI * / kaˈnaːtaɁ / ³⁵⁶ ). Laurentian / ts / appears to have represented by <z> or <j>
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and may have had a pronunciation [ dz ] or [ dʒ ] before voiced segments
( cf. La. <Azista> 'fire', from PNI * / oˈtsistaɁ / ⁴⁵⁹; La. <Quejon> 'fish', from
PNI * / ˈkẽtsjõh / ⁴⁶⁷ ). As in some dialects of Huron, Laurentian / w / appears to have
been realized as [ m ] when followed by a nasal vowel, cf. La. <Ame> 'water'
( PNI * / ˈaːwẽɁ / ¹⁹⁶ ). Pronunciation of Laurentian / ɹ / seems to have approached [ ɭ ]
or [ l ] in some cases, cf. La. <Aiagla> 'night' ( PNI * { -aɁkɹaɁ- } 'become night' ²⁰¹ ).
Like Susquehannock, Proto-Mohawk-Oneida, and Old Onondaga, Laurentian seems to
have had an epenthetic phonetic vowel, orthographic <e>, that was in some instances
used to break up clusters involving a consonant and resonant ( cf. La. <Tigueny> 'two',
from PNI * / ˈtekniːh / ⁴³⁸ ; La. <Wadellon> 'nine', from PNI * / ˈwaɁtɹõh / ²²² ;
La. <Agochinegodascon> 'knee, thigh', remade from PNI * / (a)kohsinkoɁˈtaɁkeh /
'[on] somebody's ankle, knee' ²⁵¹ ).
A list of seven phonological changes that separate Laurentian from PNI are
described below as LA-1 through LA-7.
By LA-1, * / s / has become * / ʃ / at least after * / h / and before a vowel
( e.g. PNI * / ˈahsẽh / ¹⁴⁰ 'three' > La. / ˈahʃẽh / <Asche>; PNI * / kaˈnõhsaɁ /
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'house' ³⁸² > La. / kaˈnõhʃaɁ / <Canocha>; PNI * / ohˈsiɁtaɁ / 'foot' ¹³⁹ Æ
La. / ohʃiɁˈtahkõ / <Ochedasco> '[on the] foot' ). This change has not applied to the
unit affricate * / ts /.
By LA-2, * / ts / has become * / s / at least before * / a / and perhaps before other
non-high vowels as well ( cf. PNI * / ˈtsaheɁ / 'beans' ⁴⁵¹ > La. / ˈsaheɁ / <Sahé> ).
Note that, as in other Northern Iroquoian languages, reflexes of the unit affricate * / ts /
appear to remain before * / i / and * / j / in Laurentian ( e.g. PNI * / oˈtsistaɁ / 'fire' ⁴⁵⁹
> La. / aˈtsistaɁ / <Azista>; PNI * / ˈkẽtsjõh / 'fish' ⁴⁶⁷ > La. / ˈkẽtsjõh /
<Quejon> ).
By LA-3, * / n / has been lost before * / s / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈwahnshẽːh / 'ten' ¹³⁵ >
La. / ˈahshẽːh / <Assem>; PNI * / aõˈnonskõːh / 'it rains often' ¹²¹ ⁴⁰⁷
( cf. Huron / aõˈnoskõːh / 'il pleut toujours' ) > La. / (a)õˈnoskõːh / <Onnoscon> ).
By LA-4, * / ɹ / has been lost between vowels ( e.g. PNI * / joɁtaˈɹihẽːh /
'it is hot' ²⁰⁴ > La. / oɁtaˈihẽːh / <Odaian>; PNI * / tsjoˈtaːɹeɁ / 'six, seven' ⁴⁶⁶ >
La. / tsjoɁˈtaːeɁ / <Judayé> 'six'; PNI * / kaˈɹõhjaɁ / 'sky' ⁴³⁰ > La. / kaˈõhjaɁ /
<Quemhya> and <Quenhia>; PNI * / kaˈɹõːtaɁ / 'log, tree' ⁴³¹ > La. / kaˈõːtaɁ /
<Conda> 'wood' ). Note that in other environments ( except before * / j /, cf. LA-5 )
the phoneme has apparently been retained ( cf. e.g. La. <Carraconny> 'bread', from
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PNI * / kahɹahˈkõːniːh / 'the bread has been made' ²⁴² ²⁶⁰, La. <Aiagla> 'night', from
the PNI root * { -aɁkɹaɁ- } 'become night' ²⁰¹ ).
By LA-5, the approximant * / ɹ / has been lost before * / j /
( e.g. PNI * / kahˈɹjoɁkẽh / 'chipmunk' ³⁴⁰ > La. / kahˈjoɁkẽh / <Caioguen> 'squirrel';
PNI * / (aɁ)ˈkaɹjoːɁ / 'animal' ⁴²⁹ > La. / aɁˈkajoːɁ / <Aggayo> 'dog' ), and similarly,
by LA-6, the approximant * / w / has been lost before * / j / ( e.g. PNI * / aˈkewjaɁ /
'my arm, my wing' ⁴⁸⁰ Æ La. / akeˈjahkõ / <Agaiascon> '[on] my arm' ).
By LA-7, * / j / has been lost word-initially ( e.g. PNI * / joɁtaˈɹihẽːh / 'it is hot' ²⁰⁴
> La. / oɁtaˈihẽːh / <Odaian> ).
Like Mithun (1981b:239), I interpret sporadic lack of * / h / in Laurentian
vocabulary items as being potentially the result of the influence of French orthography
and not an actual sound change ( e.g. PNI * / joɁtaˈɹihẽːh / 'it is hot' ²⁰⁴ >
La. / oɁtaˈihẽːh / <Odaian>, but PNI * / ˈtsaheɁ / 'beans' ⁴⁵¹ > La. / ˈsaheɁ /
<Sahé> ), though I do not interpret Laurentian <Quahetan> 'arrow' as necessarily
being cognate with PNI * { -hɹaɁt- } 'feather' ²⁴³ (cf. Mithun 1981b:240); the Laurentian
word <Angau> 'evening' may be cognate with PNI * / ẽˈkaːɹaːk / ˈthe moon will be
out' ⁴¹⁴ rather than with PNI * / ẽˈjoɁkɹaɁn / 'it will become night' ²⁰¹
( cf. La. <Aiagla> ), and as such the form may reflect loss of * / ɹ / intervocalically, or
193
perhaps word-finally, rather than post-consonantally (cf. Mithun 1981b:241). Several
other changes may potentially have occurred in Laurentian, such as loss of * / j / after
* / ts /, but these cannot be determined definitively from the French orthography.
Secure phonological changes that occurred during the transition from PNI to Laurentian
(2) Some Phonological Changes in the Transition from PNI to Laurentian
LA-1 s > ʃ / h_V

LA-2 ts > s / _a
LA-3 n > Ø / _s
LA-4 ɹ > Ø / V_V
LA-5 ɹ > Ø / _j
LA-6 w > Ø / _j
LA-7 j > Ø / #_
All of the sound changes in (2) except LA-4 are reflected in Huron, though all
except LA-5 and LA-6 apply to other Northern Iroquoian languages as well. Sound
changes LA-5 and LA-6 ( which reduce PNI * / wj / and * / ɹj / to / j / ) are the most
suggestive evidence of a Huron-Laurentian subgroup within Northern Iroquoian, but
diffusion of these changes from one language into the other cannot be ruled out. Other
considerations speak against a Huron-Laurentian subgroup, including numerous
linguistic hallmarks of Huron that are not found in Laurentian, such as apparent
194
maintenance of PNI * / k / in all environments in Laurentian ( without a shift to / x / ),
and lack of [ nd ] as an allophone of / n / before non-nasal vowels. Factors suggesting
that Laurentian is as closely related to the languages of the Five Nations as it is to
Huron include loss of intervocalic * / ɹ / by LA-4 ( common to Modern Onondaga,
Cayuga, and Seneca, but absent from Huron ), presence of voiced allophones of non-
glottal plosives in Laurentian between vowels and resonants ( present also in all of the
Northern Iroquoian languages except for Huron and Wyandot ), and presence of an
epenthetic vowel, orthographic <e>, in Laurentian, used to break up certain clusters
consisting of a stop plus resonant ( present also in Susquehannock, Old Mohawk and
Old Onondaga as orthographic <e>, but not in Huron or Wyandot ). Due to these
considerations, and to the equal amount of cognate vocabulary shared by each of
Huron, Mohawk, and Onondaga with Laurentian, the language is here considered to
constitute an independent subgroup within Northern Iroquoian
( cf. a similar assessment in Lounsbury 1961 ).
What little can be discerned of the morphology of Laurentian from Cartier's
vocabulary lists appears to be unchanged from Proto-Northern Iroquoian. At least one
195
novel development involves a locative suffix with the form <sco> or <scon>,
reconstituted by Lounsbury (1978:340) as / -hkõ /, that occurs with body parts:
<Agaiascon> 'arm', <Ahontascon> 'ear', <Hogouascon> 'face', <Ochedasco> 'foot',
<Hochosco> 'hair', <Aignoascon> 'hand', <Anoudasco> 'leg', etc.
196
CHAPTER 10: PROTO-MOHAWK-ONEIDA
10.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes Proto-Mohawk-Oneida, henceforth PMO, the reconstructed
language from which Mohawk and Oneida derive. PMO itself derives from PNI, and is
reconstructed on the basis of cognate forms shared by Mohawk and Oneida. Where
forms in the two languages disagree, but cognate forms in other Iroquoian languages
agree with one of the languages, to the exclusion of the other, the form that agrees has
been interpreted as archaic, and is projected back to PMO. Where forms in the two
languages disagree, and where cognate forms in no other Iroquoian language agree with
either Mohawk or Oneida, the forms in question have been interpreted as subsequent
independent developments in Mohawk and in Oneida, and are not projected back to
PMO.
The phonemic inventory of PMO is presented in (1).
197
(1) Phonemic Inventory of Proto-Mohawk-Oneida
CONSONANTS
Plosive t k kʷ Ɂ
Nasal n
Fricative s h
Affricate ts
Approximant ɹ j w
VOWELS
Front Central Back
Close iː ũː
i ũ
Mid eː ʌ̃ː oː
e ʌ̃ o
Open aː
a
PNI * / ẽ(ː) / and * / õ(ː) / have undergone a shift to PMO * / ʌ̃(ː) / and * / ũ(ː) /
respectively. Although vowel length seems to have been almost entirely predictable in
PMO, as it is in Mohawk and Oneida, unpredictable instances of vowel length
nonetheless appear to have been present ( e.g. PMO * { aː- } 'optative prefix' ⁰⁰⁹,
* { toːh } 'how many?' ⁴⁴⁷ ), and consequently distinctive long and short vowels have
198
been retained in the phonemic inventory.
As in Mohawk and Oneida, PMO * / t /, * / k /, and * / kʷ / may have had voiced
allophones [ d ], [ g ], and [ gʷ ] before vowels and resonants ( e.g. PMO * / kaˈnaːtaɁ /
'village' Æ [ gɐˈnaːdɐɁ ]; PMO * / twaˈnakɹeɁ / 'we reside' Æ [ dwɐˈnagɪɹɛɁ ];
PMO * / ˈkʷatɹe / 'grandchild!' Æ [ ˈgʷadɪɹɛ ]; PMO * / ˈũːkʷe / 'person' Æ [ ˈũːgʷɛ ] ),
and PMO * / s / may have had an allophone [ z ] that occurred word-initially before
vowels and resonants, as well as word-internally between vowels and resonants
( e.g. PMO * / swaˈnũhsaɁ / 'your house' Æ [ zwɐˈnũhsɐɁ ]; PMO * / ˈisiɁ / 'over there'
Æ [ ˈiziɁ ]; PMO * / ˈsêːsɹeɁ / 'you drag it' Æ [ ˈzêːzɪɹɛɁ ] ). The affricate * / ts / may
have been realized as [ dʒ ] before * / i / and * / j / and as [ tʃ ] before * / hi / and
* / hj /; the fricative * / s / may have been realized as [ ʃ ] before * / hj / and * / j /.
Phonetically, the short vowels * / a /, * / e /, and * / o / may have been realized as
[ ɐ ], [ ɛ ], and [ ʊ ] in unaccented syllables ( e.g. PMO * / tehseˈkhahsjũhs /
'you separate it' Æ [ dɛhsɛˈkhahʃjũhs ]; PMO * / oˈtsîːtsjaɁ / 'flower' Æ [ ʊˈdʒîːdʒjɐɁ ] ).
PMO appears to have had an epenthetic phonetic vowel * [ ɪ ] that was used to
separate non-glottal consonants from a following * / n / or * / ɹ /, e.g. PMO * / ˈtekni /
Æ [ ˈdegɪni ] 'two'; PMO * / ˈknakɹeɁ / 'I dwell' Æ [ gɪˈnagɪɹɛɁ ]; this vowel later seems
to have phonemicized as / e / in Mohawk and in the penultimate syllables of pre-pausal
199
word forms in Oneida. Epenthetic * [ ɪ ] likewise appears to have been used to separate
* / n / from * / k / and * / kʷ / ( e.g. PMO * / oˈtsîːnkʷaɹ / 'bile' Æ [ ʊˈdzîːnɪgʷɐɹ ];
PMO * / oˈnkʷʌ̃hsaɁ / 'blood' Æ [ ʊnɪˈgʷʌ̃hsɐɁ ] 'blood'; PMO * / oˈnkôːɹhaɁ / 'wampum'
Æ [ ʊnɪˈgôːɹhɐɁ ] 'wampum' ); in this environment the vowel seems to have
phonemicized as / e / in Mohawk, and as / i / in select environments in Oneida. PMO
also appears to have developed falling tone on penultimate vowels that were lengthened
when they preceded a glottal consonant ( e.g. PNI * / kaˈnaɁtsjaɁ / 'pot, kettle' ³⁶³ >
PMO * / kaˈnâːtsjaɁ /; PNI * / oˈkahɹaɁ / 'eye' ³¹⁹ > PMO / oˈkâːɹaɁ / ).
Phonological changes that have occurred during the transition from PNI to PMO are
described below as PMO-1 through PMO-13. Where ordering of two changes seems to
be necessary in order to produce a correct output in PMO, this has been noted.
By PMO-1, the nasal vowel * / ẽ(ː) / has shifted to * / ʌ̃(ː) / ( e.g. PNI * / oˈɹẽːnaɁ /
'song' ⁴²² > PMO * / oˈɹʌ̃ːnaɁ /; PNI * / aˈkʷaːwẽh / 'my possession' ¹⁹⁴ >
PMO * / aˈkʷaːwʌ̃ /; PNI * / jeˈjẽthohs / 'someone plants it' ³¹¹ > PMO * / jeˈjʌ̃thohs / ),
and similarly, by PMO-2, the nasal vowel * / õ(ː) / has shifted to * / ũ(ː) /
( e.g. PNI * / kaˈɹõːtaɁ / 'log, tree' ⁴³¹ > PMO * / kaˈɹũːtaɁ /; PNI * / ˈkiɁtɹõɁ /
200
'I reside' ²⁹² > PMO * / ˈkîːtɹũɁ /; PNI * / kaˈnõhsaɁ / 'house' ³⁸² >
PMO * / kaˈnũhsaɁ / ).
By PMO-3, * / ts / has become * / hs / when preceded by a vowel and followed by
* / t /, * / k /, or * / kʷ / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈwatstẽhs / 'it dries out' ¹⁹¹ >
PMO * / ˈwahstʌ̃hs /; PNI * / ɹoɁˈnitskʷahs / 'he is late' ⁴⁹² > PMO * / ɹoɁˈnihskʷahs / ).
This change must precede PMO-4 and PMO-5.
By PMO-4, * / ts / has become * / s / except before * / h /, * / i /, or * / j /
( e.g. PNI * / oˈtsɹẽhtaɁ / 'dream, sleep' ⁴⁶⁹ > PMO * / oˈsɹʌ̃htaɁ /;
PNI * / tswaɁˈtswahthaɁ / 'you extinguish it' ²⁰⁸ > PMO * / swaɁˈswahthaɁ /;
PNI * / ˈɹaɁtskoɁts / 'he drowns' ⁴⁹⁷ > PMO * / ˈɹaɁskoɁs /; but PNI * / ohˈnitshaɁ /
'thigh' ²³⁸ > PMO * / ohˈnitshaɁ /; PNI * / oˈtsiɁnkʷaɹ / 'yellow, bile' ⁴⁶¹ >
PMO * / oˈtsîːnkʷaɹ /; PNI * / ˈtsjaːtahk / 'seven' ⁴⁶⁴ > PMO * / ˈtsjaːtahk / ). This
change must follow PMO-3.
By PMO-5, * / ns / has become * / ts / before * / t /, * / k /, or * / kʷ /
( e.g. PNI * / joɁˈnshansteɁ / 'it is strong' ⁴⁹⁶ > PMO * / joɁˈshatsteɁ /; PNI * / ˈansteh /
'outside' ¹⁵⁵ > PMO * / ˈatste /; PNI * / ɹaˈkenskʷahs / 'he lifts it' ³³¹ >
PMO * / ɹaˈketskʷahs / ). This change must follow PMO-3 and precede PMO-6.
By PMO-6, * / n / has been lost before * / s / ( e.g. PNI * / keɁˈnonshahs /
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'I am envious' ⁴⁹⁵ > PMO * / keɁˈnoshahs /; PNI * / joɁˈnshansteɁ / 'it is strong' ⁴⁹⁶ >
PMO * / joɁˈshatsteɁ /; PNI * / teˈwahnshẽːh / 'twenty' ¹³⁵ > PMO * / teˈwahshʌ̃ / ).
This change must follow PMO-5.
By PMO-7, an accented vowel has been lengthened and acquired falling tone when
followed by a glottal stop or by * / h / plus a resonant consonant
( e.g. PNI * / niˈwaɁah / 'it is small' ¹⁹⁷ > PMO * / niˈwâːɁa /; PNI * / ohˈnjaɁsaɁ /
'neck' ²³⁹ > PMO * / ohˈnjâːsaɁ /; PNI * / oˈkahɹaɁ / 'eye' ³¹⁹ > PMO * / oˈkâːɹaɁ / ).
For some lexical exceptions to lengthening in this environment, see Michelson
(1988:61-66). This change must precede PMO-8 and PMO-9.
(cf. also Chafe 1977a:171-172, Michelson 1988:58,63).
By PMO-8, * / Ɂ / has been lost after an accented long vowel whenever a consonant
followed ( e.g. PNI * / oˈjẽɁkʷaɁ / 'tobacco' ³¹⁴ > PMO * / oˈjʌ̃ː̂ kʷaɁ /; PNI * / oˈjaɁtaɁ /
'body' ²⁹⁸ > PMO * / oˈjâːtaɁ /; PNI * / kaˈnaɁtsjaɁ / 'pot, kettle' ³⁶³ >
PMO * / kaˈnâːtsjaɁ / ), and similarly, by PMO-9, * / h / has been lost after an accented
long vowel when a resonant consonant followed ( e.g. PNI * / oˈkahɹaɁ / 'eye' ³¹⁹ >
PMO * / oˈkâːɹaɁ /; PNI * / kaˈɹõhjaɁ / 'sky' ⁴³⁰ > PMO * / kaˈɹũ̂ːjaɁ /;
PNI * / oˈɹihwaɁ / 'matter' ⁴²⁷ > PMO * / oˈɹîːwaɁ / ). Both changes must follow PMO-7.
By PMO-10, long vowels have been shortened in final syllables
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( e.g. PNI * / ˈɹahɹaːths / 'he counts it' ¹³⁷ > PMO * / ˈɹâːɹaths /; PNI * / ˈtekniːh /
'two' ⁴³⁸ > PMO * / ˈtekni /; PNI * / teˈwahnshẽːh / 'twenty' ¹³⁵ >
PMO * / teˈwahshʌ̃ / ). Some exceptions to this change include the particle * / toː /
'how much' and the imperative verb * / ˈkaːts / 'come here!' ( < PNI * / ˈkaːtsih / ³²⁹ ).
By PMO-11, clusters consisting of a consonant plus a glottal stop have been
separated by inserting an epenthetic copy of the vowel that followed the cluster
( e.g. PNI * / ˈɹaɹɁokhs / 'he chops' ⁴³² > PMO * / ˈɹaɹoɁokhs /; PNI * / atˈɁẽhraɁ /
'palisade' ¹⁹³ > PMO * / atʌ̃ˈɁʌ̃ː̂ ɹaɁ /; PNI * / knõhˈsihsɁahs / 'I finish the house' ²⁶⁶ ³⁸²
> PMO * / knũhˈsihsaɁahs / ).
By PMO-12, * / h / has been lost word-finally ( e.g. PNI * / aˈkʷaːwẽh / 'my
possession' ¹⁹⁴ > PMO * / aˈkʷaːwʌ̃ /; PNI * / joɁtaˈrihẽːh / 'it is hot' ²⁰⁴ >
PMO * / joɁtaˈɹihʌ̃ /; PNI * / knõhˈsõːnih / 'I am building a house' ²⁶⁰ ³⁸² >
PMO * / knũhˈsũːni / ), and by PMO-13, * / h / has been lost before * / w / at the
beginning of a word ( e.g. PNI * / ˈhwihsk / 'five' ²⁷³ > PMO * / ˈwihsk / ).
By PMO-13, * / e / has been inserted between * / w / and * / ɹ /
( e.g. PNI * / ˈowɹaɁ / 'air, wind' ⁴⁸⁷ > PMO * / ˈoweɹaɁ / ).
Phonological changes that have occurred during the transition from PNI to PMO are
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(2) Phonological Changes in the Transition from PNI to PMO
PMO-1 ẽ(ː) > ʌ̃(ː)

PMO-2 õ(ː) > ũ(ː)
PMO-3 ts > hs / V_t, k, kʷ
PMO-4 ts > s ( except before h, i, j )
PMO-5 ns > ts / _t, k, kʷ
PMO-6 n > Ø / _s
PMO-7 ˈV¹ > ˈV̂ː¹ / _ɁV, ɁC, hR
PMO-8 Ɂ > Ø / ˈV̂ː_C
PMO-9 h > Ø / ˈV̂ː_R
PMO-10 V¹ː > V¹ / _(C)(C)(C)#
PMO-11 C¹ɁV¹ > C¹V¹ɁV¹
PMO-12 h > Ø / _#
PMO-13 Ø > e / w_ɹ
PMO has lost the non-singular animate prefix of PNI, and pronominal prefixes with
a feminine-indefinite argument '3I' have taken on the scope of earlier non-singular
forms ( e.g. PMO * { khe } '1SG:3I, I act on someone or them' ), as has occurred also in
Onondaga and Seneca. As in Cayuga and Onondaga, the negative prefix could not occur
with modal prefixes in PMO and the contrastive prefix was substituted. The initial
sequence * / j(a)h / of the PNI translocative prefix * / j(a)hwe / ⁰⁰⁵ appears to have
been simplified to * / j / in a majority of environments in PMO, but a series of extended
allomorphs ( with epenthetic vowels copied from a following syllable ) also seems to
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have developed, and occurred in environments where the prefix would originally have
occupied the onset of a stressed syllable ( e.g. PNI * / j(a)hˈwâːkeɁ / 'I went' >
PMO * / jaˈhâːkeɁ /; PNI * / j(a)ˈhwẽːkeɁ / 'I will go' > PMO * / jʌ̃ˈhʌ̃ːkeɁ / ); Old
Mohawk had a translocative allomorph / he / that occurs before pronominal prefixes
beginning in / j /, and which perhaps was also present in PMO with subsequent
levelling to / je / in Mohawk and Oneida ( cf. OMo. / hejakaˈweːnũ / <heïaga8ennon>
'one has gone there' and / hejothaˈhiːnũ / <heioθahinnon> 'the road leads there', both
from MS58:22 ). The PNI factual prefix allomorph * / waɁ / ⁰⁰⁶ has become * / aɁ / in
all but word-initial position in PMO, and the glottal stop has been lost before * / h /, as
is also the case in Tuscarora, Seneca, and Cayuga. The distinction between the PNI
duplicative allomorphs * / ti / ⁰⁰⁷ and * / t /, both of which seem to have occurred
following the factual prefix, was lost in PMO and appears to have been replaced by a
distinction between allomorphs * / t / and * / te /, the former occurring before
* / hV /, * / jV /, and the 1SG:3 pronominal prefix allomorph * / k / ⁰¹⁹, the latter
occurring elsewhere. The * / ɹ / of the optative prefix ( PNI * { aɹa } ⁰⁰⁹ ) has been lost
in PMO, leaving lexicalized long * / aː /.
The inventory of pronominal prefixes in PMO seems to have been essentially the
same as that of PNI except that the prefix * { wati } '3PL:3' ⁰⁵⁸ was apparently absent,
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having been replaced by reflexes of PNI * { kũti } '3PL:3' ⁰⁵⁹. The PNI 2SG:3M prefix
* { hehse } ⁰²⁴ has become PMO * { hetshe }, and compound PNI pronominal prefixes
beginning in the element * { she } have also added an element * { het } to the
beginning to yield PMO * { hetshesni } '2DU&3M' ⁰³², * { hetshetwa } '1+2PL:3M' ⁰³⁹,
and so forth, which appear to have become Mo. { hetshiseni }, { hetshitewa } and
Oe. { hetsni }, { hethwa }. PNI pronominal prefixes have lost * / r / in non-word-initial
position before bases beginning in vowels other than * / a / or * / i / (cf. Woodbury
1981:109). The PNI prefix * { hni } '3DUM:3' ⁰⁵⁷ has lost * / h / word-initially in PMO,
and the '3:3I' and '3NS:3I' pronominal prefixes * { jako } ⁰⁶⁴ and * { jakoti } ⁰⁷⁰ have
generalized initial * / ja / in all environments. PMO has extended the allomorphs of
pronominal prefixes in * / kʷ / before bases beginning in * / a / to bases beginning in
* / e / and * / ə̃ /, although the reflex of 3:1SG prefix allomorph * / wakʷ / ⁰²⁵ was
apparently replaced by * / wak / in PMO before bases beginning in all vowels unless
preceded by the factual prefix.
The consonants and clusters before which 'epenthetic' * / e / appeared in
pronominal prefix allomorphs in PMO were apparently unchanged relative to PNI apart
from the effects of PMO-11. Consonants and clusters before which the 1SG:3
pronominal prefix allomorphs * / k / and * / ke / ⁰¹⁹ likely occurred in PMO are
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presented in (3).
(3) Distribution of Prefix Allomorphs with Epenthetic * / e / in PMO (1SG:3)
/k/ _hV, hjV, hnV, hnjV, hɹV, hɹjV, hsV, hsCV, htsV, hwV, jV ( < PNI * jV ),
kV, kʷV, nV, ɹV ( < PNI * ɹV ), tV ( < PNI * tV ), tsV, wV.
/ ke / _jVɁ ( < PNI * jɁ ), ɹVɁ ( < PNI * ɹɁ ), tVɁ ( < PNI * tɁ ),

and all remaining consonants and clusters.
The aspectual and derivational morphology of PMO seems to have been relatively
conservative. The present and imperfective appear to have remained distinct in a
handful of verbs ( cf. PMO * / ˈkũːnihsk / 'I make it' vs. * / ˈkũːni / 'I'm making it' ²⁶⁰,
PMO * / ˈkheːkʌ̃hsk / 'I see someone (habitually)' vs. * / ˈkheːkʌ̃ / 'I see someone
(right now)' ³³² ), but generally these bases appear to have merged as general habitual
bases. A punctual suffix * / eɁ / appears to have been added to verbs ending in a
resonant consonant ( e.g. PNI * / õˈkiːtaɁw / 'I fell asleep' ²⁸⁷ > PMO * / ũˈkiːtaɁweɁ / ).
Note that while this suffix was later extended to all punctual verbs formerly ending in a
consonant in both Mohawk and Oneida, forms in Old Mohawk lack the suffix after non-
resonant consonants, cf. OMo. / waɁˈtehshɹiht / <8atesrit> 'you broke it'
(Bruyas 1863:93).
Unique to PMO are pronominal prefixes designating alienable possession that
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differed formally from their verbal counterparts, both in their apparent lack of initial
glides and in having * / ao / in place of * / o /: PMO * / ao / '3SG.ALPOSS', * / aoti /
'3NS.ALPOSS', * / ɹao / '3SGM.ALPOSS', * / ɹaoti / '3NSM.ALPOSS', * / akao /
'3I.ALPOSS' ( e.g. PNI / ɹoˈnũhsaɁ / 'his house' ³⁸² Æ PMO * / ɹaoˈnũhsaɁ / >
Mo. / ɹaoˈnũhsaɁ /, Oe. / laoˈnũhsaɁ / ). PMO seems to have retained the noun suffixes
of PNI and, like other Five Nations languages, added an augmentative
( PMO * { -kowaɁ } or * { -koɁ } ), a second locative ( PMO * { -ne(h) } ), and a
pluralizer ( PMO * { -shũɁ } ), as well as a second pluralizer ( PMO * { -okũɁ }, typically
but not always used in reference to people ) and a second populative
( PMO * { -ɹoɹũɁ }, apparently a lexically-determined variant of the original populative
suffix * { -ɹonũɁ } ¹²⁹ ).
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CHAPTER 11: MOHAWK
11.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes the language of the Mohawk ( / kanjʌ̃ɁkeˈhaːkaɁ / 'People
of the flint' ), whose territory in the early seventeenth century seems to have ranged
roughly from Trenton Falls in the west, bordering on the territory of the Oneida, to the
Hudson River Valley in the east, bordering on the territory of the Mahican, north to the
Adirondack Mountains, bordering on the territory of the Algonquin, and south to the
Catskill Mountains, bordering on the territory of the Delaware (cf. Engelbrecht
2003:124, village locations in Swanton 1968:34; see Map 6). Today speakers of
Mohawk reside at Tyendinaga Mohawk Territory and on Six Nations of the Grand River
Reserve in southwestern Ontario, at Wahta Mohawk Territory in central Ontario, at
Kahnawake Mohawk Territory and Kanesatake Mohawk Territory in southwestern
Quebec, and on the Akwesasne Reserve or Saint Regis Mohawk Reservation, located on
the Saint Lawrence River at the juncture of Quebec, Ontario, and New York State.
Records of the Mohawk language date back to the early seventeenth century. The
earliest such record appears to be a short list of numbers and months recorded by
Nicolaes Janszoon Van Wassenaer (1571-1630) and published in the February 1624
edition of his newspaper (Van Wassenaer 1624). The earliest work of any length in the
209
language is the late seventeenth century grammar and dictionary of Jesuit father
Jacques Bruyas (1635-1712), entitled Radices Verborum Iroquaeorum, later published by
John Gilmary Shea (Bruyas 1863).
Three stages of Mohawk can be recognized. The first stage, Old Mohawk, represents
the earliest attested form of the language and is preserved, for example, in the
dictionary by Bruyas and MS 58. Old Mohawk differs from later forms of the language
in that it exhibits only six of the thirteen sound changes that lead from PMO to
Common Mohawk ( e.g. the consonant clusters / kn / and / tn / are still present in Old
Mohawk, but become / ken / and / ten / respectively in Common Mohawk ), and it
retains a handful of archaic reflexes that are not present in Common or Modern
Mohawk ( e.g. imperfective aspect forms ending in / hsk / ).
Common Mohawk is an internally-reconstructed stage of the language from which
all modern Mohawk dialects can be derived. Phonological and morphological changes
which are present in all modern dialects of Mohawk ( e.g. the shift of the consonant
clusters / kn / and / tn / to / ken / and / ten / ) are assumed to have been present in
Common Mohawk, while phonological changes which are evident in some modern
dialects of Mohawk but not others ( e.g. the shift of the consonant cluster / tj / to / kj /
in Akwesasne Mohawk ) are assumed not to have been present in Common Mohawk,
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and are interpreted as dialectal developments which have occurred at some point after
the six Modern Mohawk speech communities separated. Note that, unless otherwise
stated, Mohawk words presented in this chapter represent Common Mohawk.
Modern Mohawk refers to the six modern dialects of the Mohawk language:
Akwesasne Mohawk (abbreviated AkMo.), spoken at the Saint Regis Mohawk
Reservation; Caughnawaga Mohawk (CaMo.), spoken at Kahnawake Mohawk Territory;
Oka Mohawk (OkMo.), spoken at Kanesatake Mohawk Territory; Wahta Mohawk
(WaMo.), spoken at Wahta Mohawk Territory; Tyendinaga Mohawk (TyMo.), spoken at
Tyendinaga Mohawk Territory; and Six Nations Mohawk (SNMo.), spoken at the Six
Nations of the Grand River Reserve. The six dialects differ only slightly on points of
phonology and vocabulary; all are mutually intelligible. Sound changes that separate
the six modern dialects from Common Mohawk will be presented in 11.3.
Modern Mohawk texts are in Mithun (1976). Discussion of dialects is in Bonvillain
(1984), while discussion of morphology is in Beatty (1972), and discussion of syntax is
in Postal (1979). A grammar of Akwesasne Mohawk is in Bonvillain (1973) and a
teaching Grammar of Caughnawaga Mohawk is in Deering and Delisle (1976).
Dictionaries of Old Mohawk are in Bruyas (1863) and MS 58, and dictionaries of
Modern Mohawk are in Cuoq (1882), Michelson (1973), and Maracle (1990). Common
211
Mohawk forms in this chapter are based on data from Michelson (1973), Deering &
Delisle (1976), and Maracle (1990).
The phonemic inventory of Common Mohawk is presented in (1).
(1) Phonemic Inventory of Common Mohawk
CONSONANTS
Plosive t k kʷ Ɂ
Nasal n
Fricative s h
Affricate ts
Approximant ɹ j w
VOWELS
Front Central Back
Close iː ũː
i ũ
Mid eː ʌ̃ː oː
e ʌ̃ o
Open aː
a
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The phonemes / t /, / k /, and / kʷ / have voiced allophones [ d ], [ g ], and [ gʷ ]
respectively before vowels and resonants. The phoneme / s / has an allophone [ z ]
word-initially before vowels and resonants other than / j /, as well as word-internally
between vowels and resonants other than / j /. In Common Mohawk the affricate / ts /
was realized as [ dʒ ] before / i / and / j / and as [ tʃ ] before / hi / and / hj /. The
fricative / s / was realized as [ ʃ ] before / hj / and / j /. Phonetically, the short vowels
/ a /, / e /, and / o / are realized as [ ɐ ], [ ɛ ], and [ ʊ ] in unstressed syllables.
Penultimate vowel lengthening does not occur in a handful of Mohawk forms due to
etymological origin, e.g. / ˈkeɹoɁkhs / 'I chop' ⁴³², from PMO * / ˈkeɹoɁokhs /
(bearing antepenultimate accent), from PNI * / ˈikɹɁokhs / (with closed penult).
(cf. also Michelson 1988:56).
Phonological changes that have occurred during the transition from PMO to
Mohawk are described below as MO-1 through MO-13. Where ordering of two or more
changes appears to be necessary in order to produce a correct output in Mohawk, this is
noted.
By MO-1, the vowel in a final syllable has been lost if the vowel of the penultimate
213
syllable was identical, the two vowels were separated by a glottal stop, and the word
had antepenultimate stress ( e.g. PMO * / ˈkeɹoɁokhs / 'I chop it' ⁴³² >
Mo. / ˈkeɹoɁkhs /; PMO * / ˈikhsaɁas / 'I finish it' ²⁶⁶ > Mo. / ˈikhsaɁs /;
PMO * / jaɁteˈkojaɁakhs / 'I throw it' ³⁹⁵ > Mo. / jaɁteˈkojaɁkhs / ). This change was
already present in Old Mohawk, cf. <Garógon>, <roks, rok, roχe> 'bûcher, faire du
bois' (Bruyas 1863:93).
By MO-2, epenthetic * / e / has been inserted between * / h / and * / ɹ / in the
cluster * / tshɹ / ( e.g. PMO * / atə̃ˈnâːtshɹaɁ / 'provisions' ¹⁶⁸ > Mo. / atʌ̃ˈnâːtsheɹaɁ /;
PMO * / swatoˈkwâːtshɹat / 'one spoon' ¹⁵⁹ ¹⁸³ > Mo. / sewatoˈkwâːtsheɹat /;
PMO * / kanũhkʷaɁˈtshɹiːjo / 'good medicine' ²⁷⁹ ³⁸¹ > Mo. / kanũhkʷaɁtsheˈɹiːjo / ).
This change was already present in Old Mohawk, cf. <Atennatsera> 'provision'
(Bruyas 1863:33). Similarly, by MO-3, epenthetic * / e / has been inserted between
* / s / and * / ɹ / ( e.g. PMO * / ʌ̃hˈnisɹaɁ / 'day' ²¹⁶ > Mo. / ʌ̃hˈniseɹaɁ /;
PMO * / ˈohsɹaɁ / 'winter, year' ³⁹⁴ > Mo. / ˈohseɹaɁ /; PMO * / ahˈsɹiːjeɁ / 'string' ¹⁴¹ >
Mo. / ahseˈɹiːjeɁ / ), and this change was also already present in Old Mohawk,
cf. <Ennisera> 'jour' (Bruyas 1863:109). (cf. also Michelson 1981a:99). By MO-4,
epenthetic * / e / has been inserted between * / n / and * / ɹ /
( e.g. PMO * / oˈnɹahsaɁ / 'mushroom' ³⁸⁹ > Mo. / oneˈɹahsaɁ /; PMO * / teˈkkâːnɹeɁ /
214
'I look at it' ³¹⁸ > Mo. / teˈkkâːneɹeɁ /; PMO * / kajaˈnɹʌ̃hsɹaɁ / 'law' ²⁹⁶ >
Mo. / kajaneˈɹʌ̃hseɹaɁ / ), and this change was likewise already present in Old Mohawk,
cf. <Onnerasa> 'champignons' (Bruyas 1863:72). (cf. also Michelson 1981a:99).
By MO-5, * / w / has been lost before * / jh / ( e.g. PMO * / kaˈwjhũhaɁ / 'river' ²⁷⁸
> OMo. / kaˈjhũhaɁ / ). This change seems already to have been present in Old
Mohawk, cf. <Gaihonha> 'rivière, ruisseau' (Bruyas 1863:63), and must precede MO-7.
By MO-6, * / h / has been lost from the cluster * / whj /
( e.g. PMO * / oˈwhjũhkaɹ / 'thumb' ⁴⁷⁷ > Mo. / oweˈjũhkaɹaɁ / ). This change appears
to have been present in Old Mohawk ( cf. <oionkara> 'Pouce' from MS 58:968 ) and
must precede MO-8.
By MO-7, * / jh / has become * / hj / ( e.g. PMO * / kaˈwjhũhaɁ / 'river' ²⁷⁸ >
Mo. / kahˈjũhaɁ / ). This change was not present in Old Mohawk, cf. <Gaihonha>
'rivière, ruisseau' (Bruyas 1863:63). It must follow MO-5.
By MO-8, epenthetic * / e / has been inserted between * / w / and * / j /
( e.g. PMO * / owjaˈhũtshaɁ / 'wing' ⁴⁸¹ > Mo. / owejaˈhũtshaɁ /;
PMO * / katwjʌ̃ˈtehtaɁs / 'I learn how' ⁴⁸⁵ > Mo. / katewejʌ̃ˈtehtaɁs /;
PMO * / wakewjʌ̃nʌ̃ˈtâːɁũ / 'I am ready' ²²⁰ ⁴⁸⁴ > Mo. / wakewejʌ̃nʌ̃ˈtâːɁũ / ). This
change was not present in Old Mohawk, cf. <Ga8iahontsa> 'Aisle' (MS 58:21). It must
215
follow MO-5 and MO-6.
By MO-9, epenthetic * / e / has been inserted between * / n / and * / k / or
* / kʷ / ( e.g. PMO * / oˈtsîːnkʷaɹ / 'bile, green, yellow' ⁴⁶¹ > Mo. / oˈtsîːnekʷaɹ /;
PMO * / oˈnkôːɹhaɁ / 'wampum' ³⁷⁵ > Mo. / oneˈkôːɹhaɁ /; PMO * / ohsiˈnkôːtaɁ /
'ankle' ²⁵¹ > Mo. / ohsineˈkôːtaɁ / ). This change phonemicized the phonetic vowel
* [ ɪ ] that was used to break up the clusters * / nk / and * / nkʷ / in PMO. The change
does not appear to have been present in Old Mohawk, since the vowel between * / n /
and * / k / or * / kʷ / was still being rendered variously as <i> or <e> in vocabulary
items, cf. <Otsinnig8ar> 'couleur verte, bile' (Bruyas 1863:106), <otsinnig8are>
'Jaune, idē qd Verd' (MS 58:568), <Onnegorha> 'porcelaine' (Bruyas 1863:70),
<onnegorha> 'Porcelaine' (MS 58:952), <Osinnigota> 'cheville du pied'
(Bruyas 1863:97).
By MO-10, epenthetic * / e / has been inserted between a non-glottal plosive and
* / r / ( e.g. PMO * / ˈknakɹeɁ / 'I dwell' ³⁵⁴ > Mo. / keˈnakeɹeɁ /; PMO * / ˈôːkɹaɁ /
'snowflake' ²⁰² > Mo. / ˈôːkeɹaɁ /; PMO * / ˈkʷatɹe / 'grandchild!' ¹⁸⁸ > Mo. / ˈkʷateɹe /;
PMO * / ˈtɹîːtɹiɁ / 'bluejay' ⁴⁵⁰ > Mo. / teˈɹîːteɹiɁ / ). This change was not present in Old
Mohawk, cf. <Gannagre> 'demeurer, y avoir, etre' (Bruyas 1863:66), <K8atre>
'mon petit fils ou p. fille' (Bruyas 1863:88). Similarly, by MO-11, epenthetic * / e / has
216
been inserted between a non-glottal plosive and * / n / ( e.g. PMO * / ˈtekni / 'two' ⁴³⁸
> Mo. / ˈtekeni /; PMO * / aˈknũhsaɁ / 'my house' ³⁸² > Mo. / akeˈnũhsaɁ /;
PMO * / tshaɁˈtetnaɁ / 'we are the same size' ¹⁹⁷ > Mo. / shaɁˈtetenaɁ /;
PMO * / ˈwetneɁ / 'we went, we are going' ²⁰⁹ > Mo. / ˈweteneɁ / ), and this change
was not present in Old Mohawk, cf. <Tegni> 'deux' (Bruyas 1863:39), <satetna>
'[we two are the same size]' (Bruyas 1863:21).
By MO-12, epenthetic * / e / has been inserted between * / t / and * / w /
( e.g. PMO * / twaˈɹâːseɁ / 'we are cousins' ¹⁵⁷ > Mo. / tewaˈɹâːseɁ /; PMO * / ˈwetweɁ /
'we went, we are going' ²⁰⁹ > Mo. / ˈweteweɁ /; PMO * / katwʌ̃ˈtehthaɁ /
'I abandon it' ¹⁹² > Mo. / katewʌ̃ˈtehthaɁ / ). This change was not present in Old
Mohawk, cf. <t8arase> '[we are cousins]' (Bruyas 1863:25).
By MO-13, epenthetic * / e / has been inserted between * / s / and * / n / or
* / w / when a word boundary or vowel preceded ( e.g. PMO * / tshaɁˈtesnaɁ / 'you are
the same size' ¹⁹⁷ > Mo. / shaɁˈtesenaɁ /; PMO * / ˈsnakɹeɁ / 'you reside' ³⁵⁴ >
Mo. / seˈnakeɹeɁ /; PMO * / swatɹakeˈwâːthaɁ / 'that which is used to erase it' ⁴¹⁶ >
Mo. / sewateɹakeˈwâːthaɁ /; PMO * / ˈwesweɁ / 'you went, you are going' ²⁰⁹ >
Mo. / ˈweseweɁ / ). This change was not present in Old Mohawk, cf. <satesna>
'[you are the same size]' (Bruyas 1863:21), <S8atrage8aθa> 'Ce qui fait effacer'
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(Bruyas 1863:33).
Mohawk are recapitulated in (2).
(2) Phonological Changes in the Transition from PMO to Mohawk
MO-1 V¹ > Ø / ˈVC(C)(C)V¹Ɂ_C

MO-2 Ø > e / tsh_ɹ
MO-3 Ø > e / s_ɹ
MO-4 Ø > e / n_ɹ
MO-5 w > Ø / _jh
MO-6 h > Ø / w_j
MO-7 jh > hj
MO-8 Ø > e / w_j
MO-9 Ø > e / n_k, kʷ
MO-10 Ø > e / t, k_ɹ
MO-11 Ø > e / t, k_n
MO-12 Ø > e / t_w
MO-13 Ø > e / #s, Vs_n, w
Several changes additional to those in (2) have since taken place in various Modern
Mohawk dialects. Seven such changes are described below as MO-D1 through MO-D7,
with hierarchical ordering of changes noted where necessary.
By MO-D1, * / ɹ / has shifted to * / l / ( e.g. Mo. / ɹaˈtoːɹaths / 'he hunts' >
AkMo. / laˈtoːlaths /; Mo. / tjaweˈɹũːko / 'eel' > AkMo. / kjaweˈlũːko /;
Mo. / tjotjeˈɹʌ̃htũ / 'first' > AkMo. / kjokjeˈlʌ̃htũ / ). This change occurs in the
218
Akwesasne dialect (cf. Mithun 1979:178, Bonvillain 1984:315).
By MO-D2, * / t / has become * / k / before * / j / ( e.g. Mo. / ˈtjohtũ / 'nine' >
AkMo. / ˈkjohtũ /; Mo. / ˈohstjʌ̃Ɂ / 'bone' > AkMo. / ˈoskjʌ̃Ɂ /; Mo. / wakahˈtʌ̃tjũ /
'I've left' > AkMo. / wakahˈtʌ̃kjũ / ). This change occurs in the Akwesasne dialect
(cf. Mithun 1979:178, Bonvillain 1984:315, Mithun 1985:505).
By MO-D3, * / ɹ / has shifted to * / ɭ / ( e.g. Mo. / ɹaˈtoːɹaths / 'he hunts' >
CaMo. / ɭaˈtoːɭaths /; Mo. / kaˈɹʌ̃ːnaɁ / 'song' > AkMo. / kaˈɭʌ̃ːnaɁ /;
Mo. / oˈɹîːwaɁ / 'business' > AkMo. / oˈɭîːwaɁ / ). This change occurs in the
Caughnawaga, Oka, and Wahta dialects.
By MO-D4, * / k / has become * / t / before * / j / ( e.g. Mo. / ˈkjʌ̃thohs / 'I plant'
> CaMo. / ˈtjʌ̃thohs /; Mo. / aˈnôːkjʌ̃ / 'muskrat' > CaMo. / aˈnôːtjʌ̃ /;
Mo. / waˈkjoɁteɁ / 'I work' > CaMo. / waˈtjoɁteɁ / ). This change occurs in the
Caughnawaga, Oka, and Wahta dialects (cf. Mithun 1979:178, Bonvillain 1984:315).
By MO-D5, the sequence * / wʌ̃ / has become * / ũ / when * / h / or * / s /
precedes ( e.g. Mo. / ˈikhswʌ̃hs / 'I hate it' > CaMo. / ˈikhsũhs /; Mo. / ũhˈwʌ̃tsjaɁ /
'earth' > CaMo. / oˈhũtsaɁ /; Mo. / ohˈswʌ̃ː̂ kaɹeɁ / 'board' > CaMo. / ohˈsũ̂ːkaɭeɁ / ).
This change occurs in the Akwesasne, Caughnawaga, Oka, and Wahta dialects.
By MO-D6, * / j / has been lost after * / ts / ( e.g. Mo. / ˈkʌ̃tsjũɁ / 'fish' >
219
CaMo. / ˈkʌ̃tsũɁ /; Mo. / oˈtsîːtsjaɁ / 'flower' > CaMo. / oˈtsîːtsaɁ /; Mo. / kaˈnâːtsjũɁ /
'kettle' > CaMo. / kaˈnâːtsũɁ / ). This change occurs in the Akwesasne, Caughnawaga,
Oka, and Wahta dialects (cf. Mithun 1979:178, Bonvillain 1984:316, Mithun 1985:506).
By MO-D7, accented vowels in antepenultimate syllables have been lengthened
before the sequences * / keɹ /, * / seɹ /, * / teɹ /, * / neɹ / and * / nek /
( e.g. Mo / kajaɁˈtakeɹaɁs / 'goat' > TyMo. / kajaɁˈtaːkeɹaɁs /; Mo. / oˈtsiseɹaɁ / 'glass'
> TyMo. / oˈtsiːseɹaɁ /; Mo. / ˈkʷateɹe / 'grandchild!' > / ˈkʷaːteɹe /; Mo. / joˈjaneɹeɁ /
'it is good' > TyMo. / joˈjaːneɹeɁ /; Mo. / kewʌ̃ˈninekʌ̃Ɂs / 'I speak out' >
TyMo. / kewʌ̃ˈniːnekʌ̃Ɂs / ). This change occurs in the Tyendinaga dialect of Mohawk,
and may reflect the retention of an older, dialectal sound change whereby vowels in
penultimate syllables were lengthened when they preceded / Cɹ / clusters and / nk /
( i.e. before / e / was inserted into these clusters by MO-3, MO-4, MO-9, and MO-10 ).
Phonological changes that have occurred in Mohawk dialects are recapitulated in
(3).
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(3) Phonological Changes in Mohawk Dialects
MO-D1 ɹ>l AkMo

MO-D2 t > k / _j AkMo
MO-D3 ɹ>ɭ CaMo, OkMo, WaMo
MO-D4 k > t / _j CaMo, OkMo, WaMo
MO-D5 wə̃ > ũ / h, s_ AkMo, CaMo, OkMo, WaMo
MO-D6 j > Ø / ts_ AkMo, CaMo, OkMo, WaMo
MO-D7 ˈV¹ > ˈVː¹ / _CeɹV, nekV TyMo
In addition to the phonemic changes in (3), certain phonetic changes have occurred
in Mohawk dialects as well. In the Akwesasne dialect, / ts / is realized as [ dʒ ] before
vowels ( e.g. Mo. / oˈtsîːtsjaɁ / 'flower Æ AkMo. / oˈtsîːtsaɁ / [ ʊˈdʒîːdʒɐɁ ] ). In the
Caughnawaga, Oka, and Wahta dialects, / ts / is realized as [ dz ] before vowels
( e.g. Mo. / oˈtsîːtsjaɁ / 'flower Æ CaMo. / oˈtsîːtsaɁ / [ ʊˈdzîːdzɐɁ ] ), while / t / is
realized as [ dʒ ] before / j / and as [ tʃ ] before / hj / ( e.g. Mo. / ˈsatjʌ̃ / 'sit!' Æ
CaMo. [ ˈzadʒjʌ̃ ]; Mo. / ˈthjʌ̃ː̂ Ɂa / 'your son' Æ CaMo. [ tʃhjʌ̃ː̂ Ɂɐ ] ). In the Six Nations
and Tyendinaga dialects, / hs / is realized as [ hʃ ] before / i / ( e.g. Mo. / ohˈsîːtaɁ /
'foot' Æ SNMo [ ʊhˈʃîːdɐɁ ] 'foot' ). In the Akwesasne, Caughnawaga, Oka, and Wahta
dialects, the cluster / wh / is realized as [ f ] ( e.g. Mo. / oɁˈwhahsaɁ / 'skirt' Æ
AkMo. [ ʊɁˈfahsɐɁ ] ).
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The position class template of Mohawk prepronominal prefixes appears to be the
same as that of PMO, though the partitive and coincident prefixes ( both belonging to
position class 1 ) are attested together in Old Mohawk in at least one instance as
/ naɁshaɁ /: OMo. / ˈtekni waɁthaˈɹiːjoɁ ohˈkʷaːɹiɁ kə̃Ɂ naɁshaɁˈteːwaɁ / <Tegni 8atario
ok8ari kennasate8a> 'il a tué deux ours d’égale grandeur' (Bruyas 1863:21). The initial
cluster * / tsh / of the PMO coincident prefix has unexpectedly become / sh / in
Mohawk, a change that was evidently already present in Old Mohawk
( cf. OMo. <Sate8a> 'aussi grand l’un que l’autre' (Bruyas 1863:21), modern
Mo. / shaɁˈteːwaɁ / 'they are the same size' ). An overt factual prefix allomorph / ũ /
occurred word-initially before the cislocative and repetitive prefixes in at least some
dialects of Old Mohawk, cf. / ũtahaˈjâːtʌ̃ɁneɁ / <Ontahajatenne> 'il est tombé d’en
haut' (Bruyas 1863:110); / ũsahaɁˈnjaːkʌ̃ɁneɁ / <Onsahanniagenne> 'il s’est enfuy,
il est guéri' (Bruyas 1863:75); curiously most dialects of Huron had an allomorph / õ /
that occurred in the same environment, while Modern Mohawk has an allomorph / Ø /,
in keeping with PNI and PMO. Also in common with dialectal Huron, at least some
dialects of Old Mohawk had a cislocative allomorph / et / that occurred word-initially
before a following consonant, cf. / ethojaɁˈtʌ̃ː̂ Ɂũ / <Eθojaten̈on> 'il est tombé
222
d’en haut' (Bruyas 1863:110); / eˈtjôːkaɹaɁs / <Etiogaras> 'il fait nuit'
(Bruyas 1863:21). Modern Mohawk has / t / in this environment, again in keeping with
PNI and PMO.
Several changes have occurred in the pronominal prefix inventory of Common
Mohawk relative to PMO. The first of these is the change of the 3PLM:3 allomorphs
* / ɹʌ̃n / and * / hʌ̃n / ⁰⁶⁰ to / ɹũn / and / hũn / respectively, likely by analogy with
the 3PL:3 allomorph / kũn /, which occurs in the same environment. Second is the
apparent change of the PMO sequence * / hetshe / to / hetshi / in four pronominal
prefixes, yielding Mohawk { hetshiseni } '2DU&3M' ⁰³², { hetshisewa } '2PL&3M' ⁰³⁴,
{ hetshiteni } '1+2DU:3M' ⁰³⁷, and { hetshitewa } '1+2PL:3M' ⁰³⁹. Change of the vowel
/ e / to / i / in these forms may be linked to allomorphy associated with the basic
prefixes { seni } '2DU&3', { sewa } '2PL&3', { teni } '1+2DU:3', and { tewa } '1+2PL:3',
which constitute four of the five pronominal prefixes normally preceded by cislocative
and repetitive prefix allomorphs / ti / ⁰¹⁰ and / tsi / ⁰¹¹ rather than / te / and / se /.
In the Caughnawaga dialect of Mohawk the initial element / he / has been lost in
pronominal prefixes, e.g. Mo. / hetsheˈnũ̂ːweɁs / 'you (singular) like him' Æ
CaMo. / tsheˈnũ̂ːweɁs /; Mo. / hetshiseniˈnũ̂ːweɁs / 'you (dual) like him' Æ
CaMo. / tshiseniˈnũ̂ːweɁs / (Deering & Delisle 1976:384). In the Caughnawaga, Oka,
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and Wahta dialects, imperative pronominal prefix allomorphs are now regularly used
even in non-imperative verbs, e.g. Mo. / skwaˈjʌ̃ː̂ Ɂa / 'you are our father' Æ
OkMo. / takwaˈjʌ̃ː̂ Ɂa / (Cuoq 1873:15); Mo. / ˈsiːtʌ̃hɹeɁ / 'you (singular) feel pity' Æ
CaMo. / ˈtsiːtʌ̃hɭeɁ / (Deering & Delisle 1976:25).
Old Mohawk prefix allomorphs appear to have been unchanged relative to PMO
( see 10.4 ). Consonants and clusters before which the 1SG:3 pronominal prefix
allomorphs / k / and / ke / occur in modern Mohawk are presented in (4).
(4) Distribution of Prefix Allomorphs with Epenthetic / e / in Mohawk (1SG:3)
/k/ _hV, hjV ( < PMO * hjV ), hnV, hnjV, hɹV, hɹjV, hsV, hsCV, htsV, hwV,
jV ( < PNI * jV ), kV, kʷV, ɹV, tV ( < PNI * tV ), tsV.
/ ke / _hj ( < PMO * wjh ), jVɁ ( < PNI * jɁ ), tVɁ ( < PNI * tɁ ),
The imperfective suffix / hsk / ¹⁰⁹, still present in Old Mohawk (cf. Bruyas 1863),
has been reduced to / hs / in Common Mohawk ( e.g. PMO * / ˈkũːnihsk / 'I make it' ²⁶⁰
Æ Mo. / ˈkũːnihs /; PMO / kkaˈɹhathohsk / 'I turn it over' ³²⁷ Æ Mo. / kkaˈɹhathohs / ).
An aspectual suffix / eɁ / has been added to virtually all perfect and punctual verb
forms that still end in a non-glottal consonant ( e.g. PMO / aːjũˈteːkaɁt /
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'she would light a fire' ¹⁶⁵ Æ Mo. / aːjũˈteːkaɁteɁ /; PMO * / ʌ̃ˈjoːtek /
'it will be burning' ¹⁶⁴ Æ Mo. / ʌ̃ˈjoːtekeɁ /; PMO * / kaˈnũhsot / 'there is a house' ³⁸² ³⁹⁷
Æ Mo. / kaˈnũhsoteɁ / ).
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CHAPTER 12: ONEIDA
12.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes the language of the Oneida ( / onʌ̃jotaɁaːˈkâː / 'People of
the standing stone' ), whose territory in the early seventeenth century appears to have
ranged from Oneida Lake in the west, bordering on the territory of the Onondaga, to
Trenton Falls in the east, bordering on the territory of the Mohawk, north to the Black
River, and south into what is now northern Pennsylvania (cf. Engelbrecht 2003:122,
village locations in Swanton 1968:35; see Map 6). Today speakers of Oneida are located
primarily on the Oneida Nation of the Thames Reserve in southwestern Ontario and on
the Oneida Nation of Wisconsin Reservation in eastern Wisconsin.
The Oneida were in contact with the Jesuits and other Europeans beginning in the
mid-seventeenth century, but the names of Oneida chiefs and settlements are invariably
given in Huron or Mohawk in early sources; the earliest missionary publications written
for the Oneida, which date from 1810, are actually written in Mohawk, owing to the
fact that the Anglican missionary who wrote them, Eleazar Williams (1787-1858), was a
Mohawk from Caughnawaga. The first publication in authentic Oneida seems to be
A Collection of Hymns in the Oneida Language (Sickles 1855), written by the Wesleyan
missionary Abraham W. Sickles (1810-1884), an Oneida from New York State who had
226
relocated to the Thames community in Upper Canada in 1840.
Because virtually all of the 28 sound changes that separate Oneida from PMO
involve accent, glottal consonants, or devoiced vowels ( which are not rendered
systematically in older orthographies, if at all ), it is difficult to determine how many of
these changes were already present in nineteenth-century Oneida; the shift of
PMO * / ɹ / to Oneida / l / does not appear to have been complete until relatively
recently, as documents from Ontario and Wisconsin continue to show both <r> and
<l> into the late nineteenth century. The modern Ontario and Wisconsin dialects of
Oneida are differentiated to some extent by vocabulary, and by a single sound change
involving accent, which will be described in 12.3.
Oneida texts are in Michelson (1981b), and grammars are in Lounsbury (1953) and
Abbott (2000). Dictionaries are in Abbott (1996) and Michelson and Doxtator (2002).
Unless otherwise stated, Oneida Forms in this chapter are based on data from Michelson
& Doxtator (2002).
The phonemic inventory of Oneida is presented in (1).
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(1) Phonemic Inventory of Oneida
CONSONANTS
Plosive t k kʷ Ɂ
Nasal n
Fricative s h
Affricate ts
Approximant j w
Lateral Approximant l
VOWELS
Front Central Back
Close iː ũː
i ũ
Mid eː ʌ̃ː oː
e ʌ̃ o
Open aː
a
The PMO phoneme * / ɹ / has shifted to / l / in Oneida. The plosives / t /, / k /,
and / kʷ / have voiced allophones [ d ], [ g ], and [ gʷ ] respectively before vowels and
resonants. The phoneme / s / has an allophone [ z ] word-initially before vowels and
resonants other than / j /, as well as word-internally between vowels and resonants
228
other than / j /. The affricate / ts / is realized as [ dʒ ] before / i / and / j / and as
[ tʃ ] before / hi / and / hj /. The fricative / s / is realized as [ ʃ ] before / hj / and
/ j /. The short vowels / a /, / e /, and / o / are realized as [ ɐ ], [ ɛ ], and [ ʊ ] in
unstressed syllables.
Common Oneida are described below as OE-1 through OE-28. Unique to Oneida are
twelve phonological changes that have applied to words only in pre-pausal position,
and which are characterized primarily by the devoicing of one or more segments at the
end of a word. Pre-pausal phonological changes have been described in considerable
detail by Michelson (1988:80-89), and at least some of the changes are lexically
conditioned; twelve pre-pausal (PP) sound changes which can account for remaining
forms in Michelson & Doxtator (2002) are presented as OE-17 through OE-28 below.
Where ordering of any two changes appears to be necessary in order to produce a
correct output in Oneida, this has been noted.
By OE-1, accent has shifted from a long vowel without falling tone to the vowel of
the following syllable ( e.g. PMO * / othahˈjũːni / 'wolf' ¹⁶⁹ > Oe. / othahjũːˈni /;
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PMO * / aɁˈnoːwaɹ / 'turtle' ²⁰³ > Oe. / aɁnoːˈwal /; PMO * / ohˈneːkaɁ /
'water, liquid' ³⁶⁴ > Oe. / ohneːˈkâː / ). This change must precede OE-2, OE-3, OE-12,
OE-13, OE-14, and OE-16. (cf. also Chafe 1977a:172, Michelson 1988:68).
By OE-2, accented vowels immediately followed by a glottal stop have been
lengthened and acquired falling tone ( e.g. PMO * / oˈkaːɹaɁ / 'story' ³²⁵ >
Oe. / okaːˈlâː /; PMO * / oˈɹaːtaɁ / 'heel' ⁴¹⁹ > Oe. / olaːˈtâː /; PMO * / ohˈneːkaɁ /
'water, liquid' ³⁶⁴ > Oe. / ohneːˈkâː / ). This change must follow OE-1, and precede
OE-3 and OE-16. (cf. also Michelson 1988:72).
By OE-3, * / Ɂ / has been lost after an accented long vowel ( e.g. PMO * / ˈôːɁaɹeɁ /
'net' ¹⁹⁸ > Oe. / ˈôːaleɁ /; PMO * / johˈtũ̂ːɁũ / 'it has vanished' ¹⁴⁵ > Oe. / johˈtũ̂ːũ /;
PMO * / waˈknîːɁũ / 'I am stingy' ³⁷¹ > Oe. / waˈknîːũ / ). This change must follow OE-1
and OE-2, and precede OE-16. (cf. also Michelson 1988:75).
By OE-4, * / i / has been inserted between * / n / and * / k / or * / kʷ / when the
cluster occurred intervocalically, was preceded by a vowel, or was preceded by * / t /
and followed by a vowel ( e.g. PMO * / oˈnkôːɹhaɁ / 'wampum' ³⁷⁵ >
Oe. / oniˈkôːlhaɁ /; PMO * / oˈnkʷʌ̃hsaɁ / 'blood' ³⁷⁶ > Oe. / oniˈkʷʌ̃hsaɁ /;
PMO * / jũtnkʷʌ̃htaˈɹaɹhohs / 'she coats herself with red' ³⁷⁷ ⁴²⁴ >
Oe. / jũtnikʷʌ̃htaˈlalhos / ). This change represents phonemicization in select
230
environments of the phonetic vowel * [ ɪ ] that was apparently used to break up
instances of the cluster * / nk / in PMO and which has become / e / throughout in
Mohawk ( cf. Mo. / oneˈkôːɹhaɁ / 'wampum', / oneˈkʷʌ̃hsaɁ / 'blood' ).
By OE-5, * / ths / has become * / tsh / ( e.g. PMO * / aˈthsinhaɁ / 'garter' ¹⁷² >
Oe. / aˈtshinhaɁ /; PMO * / kathsaˈɁahthaɁ / 'I burn it' ¹⁷³ > Oe. / katshaˈɁathaɁ / ).
This change must precede OE-11.
By OE-6, the cluster * / hs / has metathesized to * / sh / before * / n / or * / w /
( e.g. PMO * / johˈsnoːɹeɁ / 'it is fast' ²⁵⁸ > Oe. / joshnoːˈlêː /; PMO * / ohˈsnũhsaɁ /
'hand' ²⁵⁷ > Oe. / oˈshnũhsaɁ /; PMO * / ˈohswaɁ / 'back' ²⁶⁴ > Oe. / ˈoshwaɁ / ).
By OE-7, * / h / has been lost when it occurred before another consonant plus
* / h / ( e.g. PMO * / kahˈsehthaɁ / 'I hide it' ¹⁴⁶ > Oe. / kahˈsethaɁ /;
PMO * / jũtekaɁˈtahkhwaɁ / 'battefeu' ¹⁶⁶ > Oe. / jũtekaɁˈtakhwaɁ / 'lighter';
PMO * / teˈwahshʌ̃ / 'twenty' ¹³⁵ > Oe. / teˈwashʌ̃ / ) (cf. also Michelson 1988:18), and
by OE-8, * / h / has been lost when it occurred after * / k / and before * / s / or
* / ts / ( e.g. PMO * / ˈikhsaɁas / 'I finish it' ²⁶⁶ > Oe. / ˈiksaɁas /; PMO * / aˈkhtsîːɁa /
or / aˈkhtsiha / 'my older sister' ²⁶⁷ > Oe. / aˈktsiha / ). (cf. also Michelson 1988:19).
By OE-9, * / h / has been lost when it occurred before the clusters * / sk / and
* / st / ( e.g. PMO * / ˈwihsk / 'five' ²⁷³ > Oe. / ˈwisk /; PMO * / teˈkjehsthaɁ /
231
'I mix it' ³⁰⁰ > Oe. / teˈkjestaɁ /; PMO * / ˈknʌ̃hskʷahs / 'I steal it' ³⁶⁸ >
Oe. / ˈknʌ̃skʷas / ), and by OE-10, * / h / has been lost when it occurred after * / st / or
* / tst / ( e.g. PMO * / katjenaˈwahsthaɁ / 'I keep it' ¹⁷⁷ > Oe. / katjenaˈwastaɁ /;
PMO * / teˈkjehsthaɁ / 'I mix it' ³⁰⁰ > Oe. / teˈkjestaɁ / ).
(cf. also Michelson 1988:18-19).
By OE-11, * / h / has been lost between * / ts / and * / ɹ /
( e.g. PMO * / atʌ̃ˈnâːtshɹaɁ / 'provisions' ¹⁶⁸ > Oe. / atʌ̃ˈnâːtslaɁ /;
PMO * / swatoˈkwâːtshɹat / 'one spoon' ¹⁵⁹ ¹⁸³ > Oe. / swatoˈkwâːtslat /;
PMO * / kanũhkʷaɁˈtshɹiːjo / 'good medicine' ²⁷⁹ ³⁸¹ > Oe. / kanũhkʷaɁtsliːˈjo / ),
though note that this change has not occurred in pre-pausal forms of words.
By OE-12, * / h / has been lost in post-tonic syllables when it occurred before a
resonant consonant ( e.g. PMO * / ˈkêːjahɹeɁ / 'I remember' ²¹⁰ > Oe. / ˈkêːjaleɁ /;
PMO * / waɁˈkahsohweɁ / 'I painted it' ²⁶⁸ > Oe. / waˈkahsoweɁ / ). Similarly, by
OE-13, * / Ɂ / has been lost in post-tonic syllables when it occurred before a resonant
consonant ( e.g. PMO * / waˈkêːskoɁneɁ / 'I'm drowning' ⁴⁹⁷ > Oe. / waˈkêːskoneɁ /;
PMO * / waɁˈkêːskoɁweɁ / 'I fell in' ⁴⁹⁷ > Oe. / waɁˈkêːskoweɁ / ). Both changes must
follow OE-1, and OE-13 must precede OE-14. (cf. also Michelson 1988:76).
By OE-14, * / Ɂ / has become * / h / in post-tonic syllables when it occurred before
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a consonant ( e.g. PMO * / ˈwâːsʌ̃Ɂs / 'it fell' ²²¹ > Oe. / ˈwâːsʌ̃hseɁ /; PMO * / ˈʌ̃kjaɁk /
'I will cut it' ²⁹⁷ > Oe / ˈʌ̃kjahkeɁ /; PMO * / waɁkhejaˈtetsjʌ̃Ɂt / 'I healed her' ¹⁶⁷ >
Oe. / waɁkhejaˈtetsjʌ̃hteɁ / ). This change must follow OE-1 and OE-13.
(cf. also Chafe 1977a:173, Michelson 1988:76).
By OE-15, * / ɹ / has become * / l / ( e.g. PMO * / aɁˈnoːwaɹ / 'turtle' ²⁰³ >
Oe. / aɁnoːˈwal /; PMO * / oˈkaːɹaɁ / 'story' ³²⁵ > Oe. / okaːˈlâː /; PMO * / oˈɹaːtaɁ /
'heel' ⁴¹⁹ > Oe. / olaːˈtâː / ). (cf. also Mithun 1979:176).
By OE-16, accented long vowels with falling tone have been shortened and have lost
falling tone when they occurred before * / n / or * / w /
( e.g. PMO * / waɁˈkjaːkʌ̃ɁneɁ / 'I went out' ⁰⁰⁰ > / waɁkjaːˈkʌ̃ː̂ neɁ / >
Oe. / waɁkjaːˈkʌ̃neɁ /; PMO * / ũˈkiːtaɁw / 'I fell asleep' ⁰⁰⁰ > / ũkiːˈtâːweɁ / >
Oe. / ũkiːˈtaweɁ / ). This change must follow OE-1, OE-2, and OE-3. (cf. also Michelson
1988:79-80).
By OE-17, pre-pausal word forms ending in a sequence * / CnV(H) / have inserted
* / e / before * / n / ( e.g. / ˈtekni / 'two' Æ PP / ˈtekeni ̥ /; / ˈisneɁ / 'you are going' Æ
PP / ˈisen̥eɁ̥ ̥ / ), and by OE-18, pre-pausal word forms ending in a sequence * / ClV(H) /
have inserted * / e / before * / l / ( e.g. / ohˈtsîːklaɁ / 'cloud' Æ PP / ohˈtsîːkel ̥ḁɁ ̥ /;
/ oˈnekliɁ / 'grass, straw, hay' Æ PP / oˈnekel ̥i ̥Ɂ ̥ /; / tehũtaˈtkâːnleɁ / 'they look at each
233
other' Æ PP / tehũtaˈtkâːnel ̥e̥Ɂ ̥ /; / tehsahˈsũtlə̃ / 'plug it in!' Æ PP / tehsahˈsutelə̥̃ / ).
Both changes must precede OE-21, OE-23, and OE-24. (cf. also Michelson 1988:85).
By OE-19, pre-pausal word forms ending in a sequence * / CwV(H) / have inserted
* / o / before * / w / ( e.g. / ˈitweɁ / 'we are going' Æ PP / ˈitow̥ e̥Ɂ ̥ / ), and by OE-20,
pre-pausal word forms ending in a sequence * / CjV(H) / have inserted * / i / before
* / j / ( e.g. / ˈkatjeɁ / 'it's flying' Æ PP / ˈkatije̥̥ Ɂ ̥ /, subsequently / ˈkatiɁ ̥ / by OE-26;
/ tajohtsiɁˈklatjeɁ / 'it's getting cloudy' Æ PP / tajohtsiɁˈklatije̥̥ Ɂ ̥ /, subsequently
/ tajohtsiɁˈklatiɁ ̥ / by OE-26; / waˈtaljũɁ / 'there are many inside' Æ PP / waˈtaliju

̥ ̥̃Ɂ ̥ /,
subsequently / waˈtaliɁ ̥ / by OE-26 ). Both changes must precede OE-21, OE-23, and
OE-24, and OE-20 must also precede OE-26.
By OE-21, pre-pausal word forms ending in a sequence * / V̂ːC(C)V(H) / have
devoiced all segments from the falling tone of the long vowel to the end of the word
( e.g. / skôːna / 'go get it!' Æ PP / skô̥ːn̥ḁ /; / shneˈkîːla / 'drink!' Æ PP / shneˈkiːl̥̂ ̥ḁ /;
/ keˈshnũ̂ːke / 'my hand' Æ PP / keˈshnũ̥̂ːk̥e ̥ /; / ˈôːswʌ̃Ɂ / 'coal' Æ PP / ˈôː̥ s̥w̥ʌ̃Ɂ̥ ̥ /;
/ aˈtshôːktaɁ / 'hoe' Æ PP / aˈtshô̥ːk̥t ̥ḁɁ ̥ /; / ʌ̃wakiˈtâːwhaɁ / 'I will go to bed' Æ
PP / ʌ̃wakiˈtâː̥ w̥ h̥aɁ̥ ̥ / ). This change must follow OE-17, OE-18, OE-19, and OE-20, and
precede OE-23, OE-24, and OE-25.
By OE-22, pre-pausal word forms ending in a sequence * / CV̂ː / have devoiced all
234
segments from the consonant to the end of the word ( e.g. / johjoɁthiːˈjêː / 'it is sharp'
Æ PP / johjoɁthiːˈjê̥ ː̥ /; / wahatekhũːˈnîː / 'he would eat' Æ PP / wahatekhuːˈn̥iː̥̂ /;
/ ʌ̃jewʌ̃nahnoːˈtʌ̃ː̂ / 'she will read' Æ PP / ʌ̃jewʌ̃nahnoːˈt ̥ʌ̃̂ː̥ / ).
By OE-23, pre-pausal word forms ending in a sequence * / CVɁ / have devoiced all
segments from the consonant to the end of the word ( e.g. / joˈtekhaɁ / 'it burns' Æ
PP / joˈtekh̥aɁ̥ ̥ /; / jũknaɁˈtũkhwaɁ / 'she called me' Æ PP / jũknaɁˈtũkhw̥ ḁɁ ̥ /;
/ tahanhoˈtũkʷahteɁ / 'he threw the door open' Æ PP / tahanhoˈtũkʷaht ̥e̥Ɂ ̥ / ). Lexically
conditioned exceptions to OE-23 include the particles / ˈkiɁ / 'though' and / ˈjahtʌ̃Ɂ /
'not'. This change must follow OE-17, OE-18, OE-19, OE-20, and OE-21.
By OE-24, pre-pausal word forms ending in a resonant consonant plus a short vowel
have devoiced the final vowel ( e.g. / akaːˈjũ / 'it is old' Æ PP / akaːˈjũ̥ /; / jothahiːˈnũ /
'the road goes' Æ PP / jothahiːˈnũ̥ /; / jũkjatatʌ̃ːˈlʌ̃ / 'we have some left over' Æ
PP / jũkjatatʌ̃ːˈlʌ̥̃ / ). This change must follow OE-17, OE-18, OE-19, OE-20, and OE-21,
and precede OE-25.
By OE-25, pre-pausal word forms ending in a non-resonant consonant plus a short
vowel have devoiced both the consonant and the vowel ( e.g. / saˈtketsko / 'get up!' Æ
PP / saˈtketsk̥o̥ /; / nijoɁtaˈrihʌ̃ / 'it is that hot' Æ PP / nijoɁtaˈrih̥ʌ̥̃ /; / satnaɁtalũːˈtʌ̃ /
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'put the bread in the oven!' Æ PP / satnaɁtalũːˈt ̥ʌ̥̃ / ). This change must follow OE-21
and OE-24, and precede OE-26. (cf. also Michelson 1988:82).
By OE-26, pre-pausal word forms ending in a sequence * / CijV(H) / have dropped
* / jV / ( e.g. PP / ˈkatije̥̥ Ɂ ̥ / 'it's flying' Æ / ˈkatiɁ ̥ /; PP / tajohtsiɁˈklatije̥̥ Ɂ ̥ /
'it's getting cloudy' Æ / tajohtsiɁˈklatiɁ ̥ /; PP / waˈtalijũ

̥ ̥Ɂ ̥ / 'there are many inside' Æ
/ waˈtaliɁ ̥ / ). This change must follow OE-20, OE-21, OE-23, OE-24, and OE-25.
By OE-27, pre-pausal word forms ending in a sequence * / ɁC / have changed
* / Ɂ / to * / h / ( e.g. / joˈtetshaɁt / 'it is scary' Æ PP / joˈtetshaht /; / tasaˈtawjaɁt /
'come in!' Æ PP / tasaˈtawjaht /; / ahˈsʌ̃hatũɁt / Æ PP / ahˈsʌ̃hatũht / 'Wednesday' ).
By OE-28, pre-pausal word-forms ending in a resonant consonant have devoiced it
( e.g. / ˈsahsow / 'colour it!' Æ PP / ˈsahsow̥ / ).
Phonological changes that have occurred during the transition from PMO to Oneida
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(2) Phonological Changes in the Transition from PMO to Oneida
OE-1 ˈV¹ːC²V³ > V¹ːˈC²V³

OE-2 ˈV¹ > ˈV̂¹ː / _Ɂ
OE-3 ˈV̂¹ːɁ > ˈV̂¹ː
OE-4 Ø > i / Vn_kV, Vn_kʷ, tn_kV
OE-5 ths > tsh
OE-6 hs > sh / _n, w
OE-7 h > Ø / _Ch
OE-8 h > Ø / k_s, ts
OE-9 h > Ø / _sk, st
OE-10 h > Ø / st, tst_
OE-11 h > Ø / ts_ɹ ( except in pre-pausal forms )
OE-12 h > Ø / _R ( in post-tonic syllables )
OE-13 Ɂ > Ø / _R ( in post-tonic syllables )
OE-14 Ɂ > h / _C ( in post-tonic syllables )
OE-15 ɹ>l
OE-16 ˈV̂¹ː > ˈV¹ / _n, w
OE-17 Ø > e / C_nV(H)# ( pre-pausal forms only )
OE-18 Ø > e / C_lV(H)# ( pre-pausal forms only )
OE-19 Ø > o / C_wV(H)# ( pre-pausal forms only )
OE-20 Ø > i / C_jV(H)# ( pre-pausal forms only )
OE-21 V̂ː¹C²(C³)V⁴(H⁵) > V̥̂ ː¹C̥²(C̥³)V̥ ⁴(H̥ ⁵) / _# ( pre-pausal forms only )
OE-22 C¹V̂ː² > C̥¹V̥̂ ː² / _# ( pre-pausal forms only )
OE-23 C¹V²Ɂ > C̥¹V̥ ²Ɂ ̥ / _# ( pre-pausal forms only )
OE-24 V¹ > V̥ ¹ / R_# ( pre-pausal forms only )
OE-25 C¹V² > C̥¹V̥ ² / _# ( non-resonant C only, pre-pausal forms only )
OE-26 jV > Ø / Ci_(H)# ( pre-pausal forms only )
OE-27 Ɂ > h / _C# ( pre-pausal forms only )
OE-28 R¹ > R̥ ¹ / _# ( pre-pausal forms only )
An additional phonological change, OE-D1, appears to have taken place in the
Ontario dialect of Oneida whereby an unaccented penultimate long vowel has
237
automatically been shortened before a syllable containing an accented short vowel
( e.g. Oe. / akʷeːˈkũ / > Ontario Oe. / akʷeˈkũ / 'all'; Oe. / kwaːˈnʌ̃ / >
Ontario Oe. / kwaˈnʌ̃ / 'it is big'; Oe. / wakatolaːˈtũ / > Ontario Oe. / wakatolaˈtũ /
'I have hunted' ). The effect of OE-D1 has been that it eliminates the occurrence of long
vowels in words whenever the accented vowel itself is not long. OE-D1 does not apply
to pre-pausal forms.
A number of unpredictable changes have occurred in the pronominal prefix
inventory of Oneida relative to PMO. First, the 2:1PL prefix allomorph * / kwʌ̃ / ⁰¹⁵ has
added a syllable / ja / to yield / jakwʌ̃ / in Oneida; the analogical source of the added
syllable is unclear and it does not appear in other allomorphs of the prefix. The PMO
pronominal prefixes * { hetshesni } '2DU&3M' ⁰³², * { hetsheswa } '2PL&3M' ⁰³⁴,
* { hetshetni } '1+2DU:3M' ⁰³⁷, and * { hetshetwa } '1+2PL:3M' ⁰³⁹ have been
shortened in Oneida to { hetsni }, { hetswa }, { hethni } and { hethwa }, respectively.
The PMO pronominal prefixes * { jo } '3:3SG' ⁰⁵⁴, * { ho } '3:3SGM' ⁰⁵⁵, * { jako }
'3:3I' ⁰⁶⁴, and * { shako } '3SGM:3I' ⁰⁶⁵ appear to have developed allomorphs / joj /,
/ hoj /, / jakoj /, and / shakoj /, which occur before bases in / o / and / ũ / when both
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the agent and the patient of a verb are animate ( e.g. / waɁoːˈjũ̂ː / 'she gave it to her',
/ waɁshakoˈjũːni / 'he made it for them' ).
Reflexes of PMO pronominal prefixes that begin with * / h / or * / j / have lost this
consonant word-initially in Oneida ( cf. PMO * / jesa / '3I:2SG' ⁰²⁹ Æ Oe. / esa /
word-initially; PMO * / hetshe / '2SG:3SGM' ⁰²⁴ Æ Oe. / etshe / word-initially ).
Word-initial loss of * / j / in cognates of the pertinent prefixes has also occurred in
Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca, Huron, and Wyandot, and has likely spread from one or
several of these into Oneida; word-initial loss of * / h / seems to be unique to Oneida.
The PMO reflexive prefix allomorph * / atʌ̃n / ⁰⁷⁶ and semireflexive prefix allomorph
* / ʌ̃n / ⁰⁷⁷ have become / atan / and / an / in Oneida.
Oneida prefix allomorphs seem to be essentially unchanged from PMO apart from the
effects of regular sound change, although bases beginning in / sC / ( < PMO * / hsC / )
have apparently been added (cf. Michelson 1988:144). Consonants and clusters before
which the 1SG:3 pronominal prefix allomorphs / k / and / ke / occur in Oneida are
depicted in (3).
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(3) Distribution of Prefix Allomorphs with Epenthetic / e / in Oneida (1SG:3)
/k/ _hV, hjV, hlV, hljV, hnV, hnjV, hsV¹ ( Æ sV¹ ), htsV¹ ( Æ tsV¹ ),
hwV, jV ( < PNI * jV ), kV, kʷV, lV ( < PNI * ɹV ), nV,
tV ( < PNI * tV ), tsV, wV.
/ ke / _jVɁ ( < PNI * jɁ ), lVɁ ( < PNI * ɹɁ ), tVɁ ( < PNI * tɁ ),

No distinction is made in Oneida between present and imperfective bases and the
language instead has habitual bases. The PMO present suffix * / hs / ¹⁰⁵ and
imperfective suffix * / hsk / ¹⁰⁹ have become / s / in Oneida following / a /, / o / or a
consonant and have become * / heɁ / elsewhere ( e.g. PMO * / ˈkhɹeːnahs / 'I cut it' ²⁹⁷
Æ Oe. / khleːˈnas /; PMO * / kkaˈɹhathohsk / 'I turn it over' ³²⁷ Æ Oe. / kkaˈlhathos /
'I'm plowing'; PMO * / kaˈtoːɹaths / 'I'm hunting' ¹⁸⁴ Æ Oe. / katoːˈlats /;
PMO * / kaˈtaːtihsk / 'I speak' ¹⁶⁰ Æ Oe. / kataːˈtiheɁ /; PMO * / ˈkatjʌ̃hsk / 'I sit' ³⁰⁶ Æ
Oe. / ˈkatjʌ̃heɁ / ). An aspectual suffix / eɁ / has been added to virtually all
non-imperative verb forms ending in a non-glottal consonant, including forms with final
/ Ɂs / and / hs /, but excluding other forms ending in / s / ( e.g. PMO. * / aːjũˈteːkaɁt /
'she would light a fire' ¹⁶⁵ Æ Oe. / ajũteːˈkâːteɁ /; PMO * / ʌ̃ˈjoːtek / 'it will be
burning' ¹⁶⁴ Æ Oe. / ʌ̃joːˈtekeɁ /; PMO * / waˈkjʌ̃ːtaɁs / 'I obtain it' ³⁰⁹ Æ
Oe. / wakjʌ̃ːˈtâːseɁ /; PMO * / tejaˈkjatɹaɁs / 'we meet' ¹⁸⁷ Æ Oe. / tejaˈkjatlahseɁ / ).
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The augmentative suffix of Oneida has the form { -kôː } rather than { -koːwaɁ }, the
decessive suffix has the form { -kʌ̃ }, and the intensifier suffix has a form { -tsiɁ } rather
than { -tsi }.
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CHAPTER 13: ONONDAGA
13.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes the language of the Onondaga ( / onũtaɁkéˈhaɁ / 'People
of the hill' ), whose territory in the early seventeenth century appears to have ranged
from Skaneateles Lake in the west, bordering on the territory of the Cayuga, to Oneida
Lake in the east, bordering on the territory of the Oneida, north to Lake Ontario, and
perhaps south to the Chenango Forks (cf. Engelbrecht 2003:121, village locations in
Swanton 1968:35; see Map 6). Today speakers of Onondaga are located on the Six
Nations of the Grand River Reserve in southwestern Ontario and on the Onondaga
Nation Reservation in central New York State.
Following Mohawk, Onondaga is the earliest of the Five Nations languages to be
attested. The earliest surviving vocabulary of Onondaga is an anonymous seventeenth-
century Jesuit dictionary, reproduced in Shea (1860). The Shea dictionary contains an
extremely conservative stage of the language, here referred to as Archaic Onondaga,
which is characterized both by the presence of a phoneme / ɹ / and by the presence of a
contrast between / ʃ /, the reflex of PNI * / s /, and / s /, the reflex of PNI * / ts /, in
most environments. The next sources available are a mid-eighteenth-century manuscript
dictionary, written by the Moravian missionary David Zeisberger (1721-1808) and
242
published in 1887, and a grammar by Zeisberger, published in 1888. The Zeisberger
material contains a stage of the language here referred to as Old Onondaga, in which
the phoneme / ɹ / is still present, but the earlier contrast between / ʃ / and / s / has
been lost, both reflexes having merged as a single phoneme / s /. Modern Onondaga,
which dates from the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century, is in turn
characterized by loss of the phoneme / ɹ /.
Two dialects of Modern Onondaga exist, one at Six Nations of the Grand River
Reserve in Ontario and the other at Onondaga Nation Reservation in New York State.
The Ontario and New York dialects differ mainly with regard to vocabulary
(cf. Woodbury 2003:1) rather than general phonology; forms presented in this chapter
reflect Common Modern Onondaga, a reconstructed form of the language that predates
separation of the two dialects.
A text in Modern Onondaga is in Woodbury (1992), and a grammatical sketch of
the modern language is in Chafe (1970a). A dictionary of Archaic Onondaga is in Shea
(1860), a dictionary of Old Onondaga in Zeisberger (1887), and a dictionary of Modern
Onondaga in Woodbury (2003). Unless otherwise stated, Modern Onondaga forms in
this chapter are based on data in Woodbury (2003).
243
The phonemic inventory of Modern Onondaga is presented in (1).
(1) Phonemic Inventory of Modern Onondaga
CONSONANTS
Plosive t k kʷ Ɂ
Nasal n
Fricative s h
Affricate ts
Approximant j w
VOWELS
Front Central Back
Close iː ũː
i ũ
Mid eː ẽː oː
e ẽ o
Open æː aː
æ a
The phonemic inventory of Archaic Onondaga appears to have differed from that of
Modern Onondaga in having the additional phonemes / ʃ / and / ɹ /, and lacking the
244
phonemes / æː / and / æ /. Jesuit orthography suggests that the phoneme / ts /
( orthographic <tz>, <dz> or <tg> before / i / and / j /; <tch> elsewhere ) was
realized as [ tʃ ] in most environments. Old Onondaga seems to have lost the / ʃ / : / s /
contrast of Archaic Onondaga but retained the phoneme / ɹ /; Modern Onondaga has
lost / ɹ /, and the phonemes / æː / and / æ / have developed from other vowels as a
result of r-loss.
The phonemes / t /, / k / and / kʷ / have voiced allophones [ d ], [ g ], and [ gʷ ]
respectively in Modern Onondaga before vowels and resonant consonants. The affricate
/ ts / is realized as [ dʒ ] before / i / and / j / and as [ tʃ ] before / hi / and / hj /; the
fricative / s / is realized as [ ʃ ] before / hi / and / hj / (cf. Woodbury 2003:7).
The short vowels / a / and / e / have allophones [ ɐ ] and [ ɛ ] in unaccented syllables
(cf. Woodbury 2003:7).
Forms in Archaic and Old Onondaga suggest that the language formerly employed
an epenthetic phonetic vowel, represented orthographically by <e> or <i>, to break
up / Cr / clusters, cf. PNI * / ˈtekɹõɁ / 'eight' ⁴³⁹, AOo. <tegueron> (Shea 1860:6),
OOo. <Tèkiro> (Zeisberger 1888:8), modern Oo. / ˈtéːkẽːɁ /; PNI * / ˈwaɁtɹõh /
'nine' ²²², AOo. <8aderon> (Shea 1860:6), OOo. <Watiro> (Zeisberger 1888:8),
modern Oo. / ˈwáɁtẽːh /. As noted by Woodbury (1981:112) and Michelson (1988:180),
245
the presence of the epenthetic vowel likely accounts for phonemic vowel length in
resultant reflexes, via a developmental sequence of the type * [ dɹẽ ] > [ dɪɹẽ ] >
[ dɪẽ ] > [ dẽː ], * [ sɹi ] > [ sɪɹi ] > [ sɪi ] > [ siː ], (cf. OO-26 below). The former
presence of an epenthetic phonetic vowel between consonants and resonants may also
account for the fact that a sequence / CRV / at the beginning of a word counts as two
syllables in determining odd-numbered versus even-numbered syllables in modern
Onondaga ( cf. Michelson 1988:96 and OO-19 below ).
Phonological changes that have occurred during the transition from PNI to Modern
Onondaga are described below as OO-1 through OO-32. Where ordering of any two
changes appears necessary in order to produce a correct output in Onondaga, this has
been noted.
By OO-1, * / s / appears to have become * / ʃ / except after * / n / or when it was
part of the unit affricate * / ts /. This change cannot be illustrated in the modern
language due to subsequent merger of the phoneme / ʃ / with / s /, but was present in
Archaic Onondaga ( cf. PNI * / ˈahsẽh / 'three' ¹⁴⁰ > AOo. / ˈahʃẽh / <achen>
(Shea 1860:7); PNI * / ˈsɹõtjaɁks / 'you fell a tree' ²⁹⁷ ⁴³¹ > AOo. / ˈʃɹõtjaɁkʃ /
246
<chrontiakch> (Shea 1860:10); PNI * / ˈsnẽhskʷahs / 'you steal it' ³⁶⁸ >
AOo. / ˈʃnẽhʃkʷahʃ / <chnenchk8ach> (Shea 1860:58); but PNI * / ɹaˈkenskʷahs /
'he lifts it' ³³¹ > Oo. / háˈketskʷas /, rather than ˣ / haˈkeʃkʷahʃ / and eventually
ˣ / háˈkeskʷas / by OO-21; PNI * / otsaˈheɁtaɁ / 'beans' ⁴⁵¹ > Oo. / ohsáˈheɁtaɁ /, rather
than ˣ / otʃaˈheɁtaɁ / and eventually ˣ / otsáˈheɁtaɁ / by OO-21 ). This change must
precede OO-2, OO-3, OO-4, OO-5, OO-11, and OO-12.
By OO-2, * / ts / has become * / hs / intervocallically except before * / i /
( cf. PNI * / ˈatsõh / 'not yet, still' ¹⁴⁸ > Oo. / ˈáhsũh /; PNI * / ˈatseːɁ / 'new' ¹⁸⁹ >
Oo. / áhˈseɁ /; PNI * / otsaˈheɁtaɁ / 'beans' ⁴⁵¹ > Oo. / ohsáˈheɁtaɁ /; but cf.
PNI * / otsiˈkheɁtaɁ / 'salt' ⁴⁵⁶ > Oo. / otsíˈkheɁtaɁ / ). This change was already present
in Archaic Onondaga, cf. <àson> 'pas encore' (Shea 1860:8); it must follow OO-1 and
precede OO-3, OO-17, OO-18, and OO-30.
By OO-3, * / ts / has become * / s / except when followed by * / h /, * / i /, or
* / j / ( e.g. PNI * / oɁˈnitskʷẽh / 'it is late' ⁴⁹² > Oo. / óɁˈniskʷẽh /;
PNI * / ɹaˈjẽtsɹõhs / 'he skins it' ³¹² > Oo. / háˈjẽshæːs /; PNI * / ɹoɁˈtskoɁõh /
'he has drowned' ⁴⁹⁷ > Oo. / hóɁˈskoɁih /; but cf. PNI / ohˈnitshaɁ / 'thigh' ²³⁸ >
Oo. / óhˈnitshaɁ /; PNI * / otsiˈkheɁtaɁ / 'salt' ⁴⁵⁶ > Oo. / otsíˈkheɁtaɁ /;
PNI * / ˈtsjaːtahk / 'seven' ⁴⁶⁴ > Oo. / ˈtsjáːtak / ). This change seems already to have
247
been present in Archaic Onondaga, cf. / skeɁˈnjaːkẽɁs / <skeniaguens> 'je me sauve'
(Shea 1860:93), from PNI * / tskeɁˈnjaːkẽɁts / ⁴⁹³ ; it must follow OO-1 and OO-2.
By OO-4, * / ns / has become * / ts / before * / k / or * / kʷ /
( e.g. PNI * / ɹẽniˈnskɹõtjeɁts / 'he spits' ¹⁷⁴ ²⁸⁴ > Oo. / hẽníˈtskẽːtjeɁs /;
PNI * / ɹaˈkenskʷahs / 'he lifts it' ³³¹ > Oo. / háˈketskʷas /; PNI * / -nskõːh /
'facilitative' ¹²¹ > Oo. / -tskũh / ). This change seems already to have been present in
Archaic Onondaga, cf. / hẽniˈtskɹõtjeɁs / <hanitchkrondies> 'il crache' (Shea 1860:37);
/ haˈketskʷahʃ / <haguetchk8ach> 'il eleve en l’air' (Shea 1860:59). It must follow
OO-2 and OO-3, and precede OO-5.
By OO-5, * / n / has been lost before * / s / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈansteh / 'outside' ¹⁵⁵ >
Oo. / ˈásteh /; PNI * / ˈwahnshẽːh / 'ten' ¹³⁵ > Oo. / wáˈshẽh /; PNI * / joɁˈnshansteɁ /
'it is strong' ⁴⁹⁶ > Oo. / jóɁˈshatsteɁ / ). This change was already present in Archaic
Onondaga, cf. <asté> 'Dehors' (Shea 1860:41). It must follow OO-1 and OO-4.
By OO-6, word accent has shifted from the penult to a long vowel in the final
syllable and subsequently vowels in both syllables have been shortened
( e.g. PNI * / ˈwahnshẽːh / 'ten' ¹³⁵ > Oo. / wáˈshẽh /; PNI * / ohaˈhiːjoh /
'good road' ¹³¹ ²⁷⁹ > Oo. / ohahíˈjoh /; PNI * / jõˈkjõːniːh / 'we have made it' ²⁶⁰ >
Oo. / ũkjṹːˈnih / ). There are some exceptions to this change that remain unexplained
248
( e.g. PNI * / ɹaˈtoːɹaːths / 'he hunts' ¹⁸⁴ > Oo. / háˈtoːwæts /; PNI * / ˈkaɹjoːɁ /
'animal' ⁰⁰⁰ > Oo. / ˈkáːjoɁ / ). This change must precede OO-7 and OO-19, and would
thus appear already to have been present in Archaic Onondaga; its presence in Old
Onondaga is suggested by Zeisberger's diacritics, cf. <Wasshè> 'ten'
(Zeisberger 1888:8). (cf. also Chafe 1977a:175).
By OO-7, * / aɹa / has become * / aː / when neither vowel was accented
( e.g. PNI * / oˈnõtaɹaɁ / 'corn soup' ³⁸⁶ > Oo. / óˈnũːtaːɁ /; PNI * / oˈtsiɁnkʷaɹaɁ /
'green, yellow, bile' ⁴⁶¹ > Oo. / óˈtsiɁtkʷaːɁ /; PNI * / oˈnaɁkaɹaɁ / 'horn, antler' ³⁵⁹ >
Oo. / óˈnaɁkaːɁ /; but cf. PNI * / ohˈkaːɹaɁ / 'wood chips' ¹³⁴ > Oo. / óhˈkaːæɁ / ). This
change was already present in Archaic Onondaga, cf. <onontaa> 'Soupe'
(Shea 1860:95). It must follow OO-6, and precede OO-11 and OO-29.
(cf. also Woodbury 1981:107).
By OO-8, * / jh / has become * / hj / ( e.g. PNI * / kẽˈjhõhwaɁ / 'river' ²⁷⁸ >
́ ˈjũhwaɁ / ). This change appears already to have been present in Archaic

Oo. / kẽh
Onondaga, cf. / skẽhˈjũhwateɁ / <skenhion8ate> 'Rivierre' (Shea 1860:91).
By OO-9, * / n / became * / t / before * / k / or * / kʷ / except when * / Ɂ /
preceded ( e.g. PNI * / oˈnkʷẽhtsaɁ / 'blood' ³⁷⁶ > Oo. / óˈtkʷẽhsaɁ /;
PNI * / oˈnkoɁɹhaɁ / 'wampum' ³⁷⁵ > Oo. / óˈtkoɁæɁ /; PNI * / khejaɁˈtinkẽɁts /
249
'I put someone out' ²⁸⁰ ²⁹⁸ > Oo. / khejaɁˈtitkẽk /; but cf. PNI * / ˈheɁnkẽh / 'above' ²¹⁴
> AOo. / ˈheɁnkẽh / <henkuen> (Shea 1860:8) ); this change was already present in
Archaic Onondaga, cf. / oˈtkʷẽhsaɁ / <hotk8ensa> 'Sang' (Shea 1860:92), and must
precede OO-10. By OO-10, * / n / has become * / t / before * / k / or * / kʷ / even
when * / Ɂ / preceded ( e.g. PNI * / ˈheɁnkẽh / 'above' ²¹⁴ > Oo. / ˈhéɁtkẽh /;
PNI * / oˈtsiɁnkʷaɹaɁ / 'green, yellow, bile' ⁴⁶¹ > Oo. / óˈtsitkʷaːɁ / ). This change was
not present in Archaic Onondaga, cf. / ˈheɁnkẽh / <henkuen> 'Dessus, en haut'
(Shea 1860:8) and / oˈtsiɁnkʷaːɁ / <hotging8aa> 'Verd' (Shea 1860:101), but it was
present in Old Onondaga, cf. <hětke> 'Above' (Zeisberger 1887:2) and
<ozitquarócu> 'Yellow' (Zeisberger 1887:236). OO-10 must follow OO-9.
By OO-11, antepenultimate accent has shifted to * / a / in the penultimate syllable
( e.g. PNI * / ˈwẽtateɁ / 'there is a day' ²¹⁹ ⁴³³ > Oo. / wẽˈ́ taːteɁ / 'day';
́ ˈjaːteɁ / 'sky';
PNI * / kaˈɹõhjateɁ / 'there is a sky' ⁴³⁰ ⁴³³ > Oo. / kaẽh
PNI * / ɹoˈnahskʷajẽɁ / 'he has a slave' ³⁰⁶ ³⁵³ > Oo. / honáˈskʷaːjẽɁ / ). This change
may or may not have been present in Archaic Onondaga, but is clearly present in Old
Onondaga, cf. PNI * / kaˈnjataɹeɁ / 'there is a lake' ³⁷⁴ ⁴¹³ > OOo. / kanjaˈtaːɹeɁ /
<Ganiatáre> 'the Sea' (Zeisberger 1888:4); PNI * / ˈjohateɁ / 'there is a path' ¹³¹ ⁴³³ >
OOo. / joˈhaːteɁ / <Joháte> 'the Way' (Zeisberger 1888:4); PNI * / kaˈnatajẽɁ / 'there
250
is a village' ³⁰⁶ ³⁵⁶ Æ OOo. / kanaˈtaːjẽɁ / <ganatáje> 'a Town' (Zeisberger 1888:4). It
must follow OO-7, and precede OO-16 and OO-21.
By OO-12, the Archaic Onondaga phoneme * / ʃ / has merged with * / s /
( cf. AOo. / ˈahʃẽh / 'three' ¹⁴⁰ > Oo. / ˈahsẽh /; AOo. / ˈʃɹõtjaɁkʃ / 'you fell a tree' ²⁹⁷ ⁴³¹
> Oo. / ˈsẽː́ tjaɁks /; AOo. / ˈʃnẽhʃkʷahʃ / 'you steal it' ³⁶⁸ > Oo. / ˈsnẽskʷas / ). This
change appears to have been present in Old Onondaga, cf. <àchso> 'three'
(Zeisberger 1887:198), <enúsquas> 'To Steal' (Zeisberger 1887:183), modern
Onondaga / éˈnẽskʷas / 'someone steals it'. It must follow OO-1.
By OO-13, * / n / has been lost between * / h / and * / ɹ / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈɹohnɹẽːh /
'he has tied it' ²⁴⁰ > Oo. / hóˈhẽːh /; PNI * / ˈtshnɹẽk / 'tie it!' ²⁴⁰ > Oo. / ˈshẽː́ kah / ).
This change does not appear to have been present in Archaic Onondaga,
cf. / ehˈnɹẽhʃthaɁ / <henerinchta> 'Lien' (Shea 1860:67), but was present in Old
Onondaga, cf. / ˈshɹẽːkah / <srœ̃ nge> 'tie it' (Zeisberger 1887:198). OO-13 must
precede OO-26.
By OO-14, * / h / has been lost between * / w / and * / j /
( e.g. PNI * / oˈwhjõhkaɹaɁ / 'thumb' ⁴⁷⁷ > Oo. / óːˈjũhkaːɁ / ). This change does not
seem to have been present in Archaic Onondaga, cf. <ohionkaha> 'Pouce'
(Shea 1860:82), but does appear to have been present in Old Onondaga,
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cf. <ojúnchkara> 'Thumb' with <oj-> rather than <ochj-> (Zeisberger 1887:198).
It must precede OO-15.
By OO-15, vowels preceding the cluster * / wj / have been lengthened and * / w /
lost ( e.g. PNI * / kaˈwjẽːnaɁ / 'manner' ⁴⁸⁴ > Oo. / káːˈjẽːnaɁ /; PNI * / hoˈwjẽhõh /
'he has learned how' ⁴⁸³ Æ Oo. / hóːˈjẽɁih / ). This change must follow OO-14.
By OO-16, accented vowels have been lengthened when they preceded either a
single non-glottal consonant or a non-glottal consonant plus a resonant consonant
( e.g. PNI * / ˈknakɹeɁ / 'I reside' ³⁵⁴ > Oo. / ˈknáːkeːɁ /; PNI * / kheˈjatɹeɁ /
'my granddaughter' ¹⁸⁸ > Oo. / khéˈjaːteːɁ /; PNI * / waˈkatjõh / 'I've thrown it out' ¹⁷⁴
> Oo. / áˈkaːtjũh / ). This change may or may not have been present in Archaic and
Old Onondaga; it must follow OO-11 and precede OO-26. (cf. also Michelson 1988:93).
By OO-17, * / hs / has become * / sh / after a consonant ( e.g. PNI * / aˈkhsẽːnaɁ /
'my name' ²⁴⁷ > Oo. / áˈkshẽːnaɁ /; PNI * / ohˈswẽɁkaɹaɁ / 'board' ²⁶⁵ >
Oo. / óˈshwẽɁkaːɁ / ), and similarly, by OO-18, * / hts / has become * / tsh / after a
consonant and before a vowel ( e.g. PNI * / aˈkhtsiɁaːh / 'my older sibling' ²⁶⁷ >
Oo. / aktshíˈɁah / ). Both changes, which must follow OO-2, may or may not have been
present in Archaic or Old Onondaga; if OO-17 was present in Archaic Onondaga then it
has also applied to the cluster * / hʃ /.
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By OO-19, vowels in even-numbered syllables have been lengthened before a single
non-glottal consonant or a single non-glottal consonant plus resonant if the vowel of the
following syllable was accented and long or accented and followed by a glottal
consonant ( e.g. PNI * / onõˈtaɁkeh / 'on the hill' ³⁸⁵ > Oo. / onṹːˈtaɁkeh /;
PNI * / jekoˈwaːnẽh / 'she is big' ³⁴⁹ > Oo. / ekóːˈwaːnẽh /; PNI * / kaˈnatajẽɁ /
'there is a town' ³⁰⁶ ³⁵⁶ > Oo. / kanáːˈtaːjẽɁ / 'it is a town' ). The examples
Oo. / ũnṹːˈnjaːjẽh / 'it is frozen' vs. / ẽkanṹˈnjaːjẽɁ / 'it will freeze', and / akjṹːˈtjahaɁ /
'I'm laughing' vs. / ũkwajṹˈtjahaɁ / 'we are laughing' from Michelson (1988:94) illustrate
application and non-application of pre-tonic lengthening in even-numbered versus
odd-numbered syllables. Note that the joiner vowel * / a / does not appear to have been
subject to this pre-tonic lengthening (Chafe 1977a:174, Michelson 1988:95), and that a
sequence * / CRV / at the beginning of a word seems to have counted as two syllables
in determining odd-numbered versus even-numbered syllables (Michelson 1988:96).
This change may or may not have been present in Archaic and Old Onondaga; it must
follow OO-6 and precede OO-26.
By OO-20, the vowel in the second syllable of a word of five or more syllables has
been lengthened if it preceded a cluster consisting of a non-glottal consonant plus
resonant ( e.g. PNI * / tewakɹihˈwahkʷẽh / 'I have sung' ³⁵⁰ ⁴²⁷ >
253
Oo. / tewaːkíːhˈwahkʷẽh /; cf. Mithun 1979:175, Michelson 1988:97, Woodbury
2003:62 ). This change, which may or may not have been present in Archaic and Old
Onondaga, must precede OO-26.
By OO-21, high pitch has separated from accent and moved to the vowel of the
preceding syllable; if the vowel of the preceding syllable was the joiner vowel * / a /,
high pitch instead occurred on the vowel of the syllable preceding the joiner vowel
( e.g. PNI * / knoɁˈtsjaɁkeh / '(on) my tooth' ³⁸⁰ > Oo. / knóɁˈtsjaɁkeh /;
PNI * / kaˈtsistajẽɁ / 'there is a fire' ³⁰⁶ ⁴⁵⁹ > Oo. / katsíˈstaːjẽɁ / 'there is a fireplace';
PNI * / waˈhetkẽɁ / 'it is bad' ¹³² > Oo. / wáˈhetkẽɁ /; cf. also Michelson 1988:92 and
Woodbury 2003:60 ). This change may or may not have been present in Archaic and
Old Onondaga; it must follow OO-11. (cf. also Mithun 1979:174).
By OO-22, * / a(ː) / has been fronted to * / æ(ː) / after * / r /
( e.g. PNI * / ˈkɹakwahs / 'I choose' ⁴¹⁷ > Oo. / ˈkǽːkwas /; PNI * / ɹaˈɹaɁthẽhs /
'he climbs' ⁴²⁰ > Oo. / haǽɁˈthẽs /; PNI * / ˈjowɹateɁ / 'there is a wind' ⁴³³ ⁴⁸⁷ >
Oo. / óˈwæːteɁ / 'it is windy' ). This change had not yet occurred in Old Onondaga,
where [ æ(ː) ], if present, was still an allophone of / a(ː) / after / ɹ /, and did not apply
to reflexes of pronominal prefixes containing a syllable * / ɹa / since, as noted by
Woodbury (1981:107), these sequences had already been levelled to / ha / in Archaic
254
Onondaga, cf. AOo. <haratinha> '[il monte dans un chambre]' (Shea 1860:71). In a
similar fashion, by OO-23, * / o(ː) / has been fronted to * / e(ː) / after * / ɹ /
( e.g. PNI * / kawɹoˈwaːnẽh / 'a big wind' ³⁴⁹ ⁴⁸⁷ > Oo. / kaːéːˈwaːnẽh /;
PNI * / nikakaˈɹoɁtẽːh / 'that kind of story' ³²⁵ ⁴⁰¹ > Oo. / nikakaéɁˈtẽh / ). OO-23 had
likewise not yet occurred in Old Onondaga and did not apply to reflexes of pronominal
prefixes containing a syllable * / ɹo / since these sequences had already been levelled to
/ ho / in Archaic Onondaga, cf. AOo. / ˈhoːjẽɁ / <hoyen> '[il a]' ³⁰⁶ (Shea 1860:25).
Similarly, by OO-24, * / õ(ː) / has been fronted to * / ẽ(ː) / after * / ɹ /
( e.g. PNI * / kaˈɹõːtaɁ / 'log, tree' ⁴³¹ > Oo. / káˈẽːtaɁ /; PNI * / oˈɹõhjaɁ / 'sky, blue' ⁴³⁰
> Oo. / óˈwẽhjaɁ /; PNI * / ɹahˈɹõkhaɁ / 'he hears, he understands' ¹³⁸ >
Oo. / háˈhẽːkhaɁ / ). This change was likewise not present in Old Onondaga,
cf. <garōnta> 'Log' (Zeisberger 1887:115). OO-22, OO-23, and OO-24 must precede
OO-26, OO-27, OO-28 and OO-29. (cf. also Mithun 1979:174, Woodbury 1981:116).
By OO-25, * / ɹ / has been lost before a consonant and a preceding vowel has been
compensatorily lengthened ( e.g. PNI * / ˈkaɹjoːɁ / 'animal' ⁴²⁹ > Oo. / ˈkáːjoɁ /;
PNI * / tẽkkaɹhaˈteːniɁ / 'I will turn it' ³²⁶ > Oo. / tẽhkaːháˈteːniɁ /;
PNI * / kajaɁˈtaɹhaɁ / 'there are beings on it' ²⁹⁸ ⁴¹³ > Oo. / kajáɁˈtaːhaɁ /
'screen, television' ). This change was not present in Old Onondaga, cf. <gárrio>
255
'Animal' (Zeisberger 1887:11); it must precede OO-29. (cf. also Woodbury 1981:112).
By OO-26, * / r / has been lost after a consonant and before a vowel, with
compensatory lengthening of the following vowel ( e.g. PNI * / ˈtekɹõɁ / 'eight' ⁴³⁹ >
Oo. / ˈtéːkẽːɁ /; PNI * / ˈwaɁtɹõh / 'nine' ²²² > Oo. / ˈwáɁtẽːh /; PNI * / joˈjanɹeɁ /
'it is good' ²⁹⁵ > Oo. / óˈjaːneːɁ /; PNI * / tẽkahˈsõtɹẽɁ / 'I will join it' ¹⁵⁰ >
Oo. / tẽkáhˈsũːtẽːɁ /; PNI * / kaɁˈtsɹehtaɁ / 'it is used to pull, drag' ⁴⁹⁸ >
Oo. / káɁˈseːhtaɁ / 'car, vehicle' ). An occasional exception to vowel lengthening
involves the sequence * { -hɹæɁ- }, which sometimes yields the expected outcome
{ -hæːɁ- } ( e.g. PNI * / kaɁniˈkõhɹaɁ / 'mind' ⁴⁹¹ > Oo. / kaɁníˈkũhæːɁ / ), and
sometimes yields short { -hæɁ- } ( e.g. PNI * / ohˈɹaɁtaɁ / 'feather' ²⁴³ >
Oo. / óˈhæɁtaɁ /; PNI * / oˈkahɹaɁ / 'eye' ³¹⁹ > Oo. / óˈkahæɁ / ). OO-26 must follow
OO-13, OO-16, OO-19, OO-20, OO-22, OO-23, and OO-24, and precede OO-29 and
OO-30. (cf. also Woodbury 1981:113).
By OO-27, * / ɹ / has become * / j / intervocalically after * / e(ː) /, * / ẽ(ː) /, or
* / i(ː) / ( e.g. PNI * / oˈwiːɹaɁ / 'baby' ⁴⁷⁹ > Oo. / óˈwiːjæɁ /; PNI * / oˈheːɹaɁ /
'corn stalk' ²²⁴ > Oo. / óˈheːjæɁ /; PNI * / akhwaˈtsiːɹaɁ / 'my family' ²⁶⁹ >
Oo. / akhwáˈtsiːjæɁ / ), and this change was not present in Old Onondaga,
cf. <gawìra> 'Baby' (Zeisberger 1887:17). Similarly, by OO-28, * / ɹ / has become
256
* / w / intervocalically after * / o / or * / õ / ( e.g. PNI * / kaˈnoːɹõɁ / 'it is valuable' ³⁹³
> Oo. / káˈnoːwẽɁ /; PNI * / johˈsnoːɹeɁ / 'it is fast' ²⁵⁸ > Oo. / óˈsnoːweɁ /;
PNI * / jakoˈthɹoːɹih / 'someone is telling it' ²⁴⁶ > Oo. / kóˈthoːwih / ). This change was
likewise not present in Old Onondaga, cf. <gannorum> 'Valuable'
(Zeisberger 1887:215). OO-27 and OO-28 must follow OO-22, OO-23, and OO-24, and
precede OO-29. (cf. also Mithun 1979:174, Woodbury 1981:111, Michelson 1988:171).
By OO-29, * / ɹ / has been lost ( e.g. PNI * / kaˈɹõːtaɁ / 'log, tree' ⁴³¹ >
Oo. / káˈẽːtaɁ /; PNI * / kaˈɹẽːnaɁ / 'song' ⁴²² > Oo. / káˈẽːnaɁ /; PNI * / kaˈjeːɹih /
'four' ³²⁰ > Oo. / kaˈjeːih /; PNI * / kaɹõhˈjaɁkeh / 'in the sky' ⁴³⁰ >
́ ˈjaɁkeh / ). This change, which must follow OO-7, OO-22, OO-23, OO-24,
Oo. / kaẽh
OO-25, OO-26, OO-27 and OO-28, was not present in Old Onondaga, cf. <garōnta>
'Log' (Zeisberger 1887:115), <Gajeri> 'four' (Zeisberger 1888:7).
(cf. also Mithun 1979:174, Woodbury 1981, Chafe & Foster 1981:139).
By OO-30, * / h / has been lost before a consonant cluster containing two
non-resonant consonants, and before a non-resonant consonant at the end of a word,
and before the cluster * / sn / ( e.g. PNI * / wathsˈɁahthaɁ / 'it gets used up' ¹⁷³ >
Oo. / watsˈɁathaɁ /; PNI * / ˈknẽhskʷahs / 'I steal it' ³⁶⁸ > Oo. / ˈknẽś kʷas /;
PNI * / ẽkehˈsɹõːniːhk / 'I will be making it' ²⁶⁰ > Oo. / ẽkehsẽː́ ˈnik /;
257
PNI * / johˈsnoːɹeɁ / 'it is fast' ²⁵⁸ > Oo. / óˈsnoːweɁ / ). This change must follow OO-2,
OO-11, and OO-26, and by implication appears not to have been present in Archaic or
Old Onondaga.
By OO-31, * / k / has become * / h / before * / k / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈwakkẽːh /
'I have seen it' ³³² > Oo. / áhˈkẽh /; PNI * / ˈwaɁkkẽɁ / 'I saw it' ³³² >
Oo. / ˈwáɁhkẽɁ / ). This change was not present in Old Onondaga, cf. <wakgéhha>
'I have seen' (Zeisberger 1888:30). (cf. also Mithun 1979:174).
By OO-32, * / õ(ː) / has shifted to * / ũ(ː) / ( e.g. PNI * / õhˈwẽtsjaɁ / 'earth' ⁴⁰² >
Oo. / ṹhˈwẽːtsjaɁ /; PNI * / ˈõːkʷeh / 'person' ⁴⁰⁵ > Oo. / ˈṹːkʷeh /; PNI * / ˈkõnheɁ /
'I am alive' ⁴⁰⁶ > Oo. / ˈkṹnheɁ / ). It is not clear at what stage of the language this shift
took place.
Phonological changes that have occurred during the transition from PNI to Modern
Onondaga are recapitulated in (2).
(2) Phonological Changes in the Transition from PNI to Modern Onondaga
OO-1 s > ʃ ( except after n or when part of the unit affricate )

OO-2 ts > hs / V_V ( except before i )
OO-3 ts > s ( except before h, i, j )
OO-4 ns > ts / _k, kʷ
OO-5 n > Ø / _s
OO-6 ˈV¹(ː)(C²)(C³)C⁴V⁵ː > V¹(C²)ˈ(C³)C⁴V⁵
OO-7 aɹa > aː ( unaccented syllables only )
258
OO-8 jh > hj
OO-9 n > t / _k, kʷ ( except when a glottal stop precedes )
OO-10 n > t / _k, kʷ
OO-11 ˈV¹(C²)(C³)C⁴aC⁵V⁶ > V¹(C²)ˈ(C³)C⁴aC⁵V⁶
OO-12 ʃ>s
OO-13 n > Ø / h_ɹ
OO-14 h > Ø / w_j
OO-15 V¹w > V¹ː / _ɹ, j
OO-16 ˈV¹ > ˈV¹ː / _C(R)V
OO-17 hs > sh / C_
OO-18 hts > tsh / C_V
OO-19 pre-tonic lengthening ( see description )
OO-20 second syllable lengthening ( see description )
OO-21 high pitch separating from accent ( see description )
OO-22 a(ː) > æ(ː) / ɹ_
OO-23 o(ː) > e(ː) / ɹ_
OO-24 õ(ː) > ẽ(ː) / ɹ_
OO-25 V¹ɹ > V¹ː / _C
OO-26 ɹV¹ > V¹ː / C_
OO-27 ɹ > j / e(ː), ẽ(ː), i(ː)_V
OO-28 ɹ > w / o(ː), õ(ː)_V
OO-29 ɹ>Ø
OO-30 h > Ø / _CC, _C# ( where C is k, t, ts, or s, or where CC is sn )
OO-31 k > h / _k
OO-32 õ(ː) > ũ(ː)
Note that the changes in (2) that involve accent are realized only in Onondaga
utterance-final forms; in contrast, Onondaga utterance-medial forms bear high pitch and
accent on the final syllable, and instances of final / h / have been dropped except when
a word already has final accent ( e.g. Oo. / ˈáhsẽh / 'three', / ahˈsẽ́ niwáˈshẽh / 'thirty',
/ ahˈsẽ́ niwaˈshẽh
́ ˈáhsẽh / 'thirty three' ). (cf. also Woodbury 2003:59). This pattern of
259
accenting the final syllable in utterance-medial forms is also found in Cayuga, albeit
without loss of word-final / h /.
Initial * / j(a)h / of the translocative prepronominal prefix seems to have been
levelled to / h / in Onondaga, as also in Cayuga, Seneca, Huron, and Wyandot. As in
Cayuga and Proto-Mohawk-Oneida, the negative prefix cannot occur with modal
prefixes in Onondaga, and the contrastive prefix is substituted; the glottal stop of the
negative prefix induces loss of a following glide, as in Cayuga. The non-singular animate
prefix has been lost, with '3I' pronominal prefixes subsuming the scope of earlier non-
singular forms ( e.g. Oo. { khe- } '1SG:3I, I act on someone or them' ), as is also the case
in Proto-Mohawk-Oneida and Seneca.
Archaic and Old Onondaga retained * / ɹ / in allomorphs of the 3SGM:3 prefix that
occurred before bases beginning in vowels other than / a(ː) / or / i(ː) /, but all reflexes
of PNI masculine gender pronominal prefixes with allomorphs in * / ɹ / have been
levelled to / h / in the modern language (cf. Woodbury 1981:109). As in Oneida,
Cayuga, Seneca, Huron, and Wyandot, the initial * / j / of Onondaga pronominal
prefixes appears to have been lost in word-initial position ( e.g. PNI * / jetshi- /
260
'2NS&3I' ⁰³⁵ Æ Oo. / etshi- / ). As in Proto-Mohawk-Oneida, the reflex of the Proto-
Northern Iroquoian 3PL:3 prefix * { kõti } ⁰⁵⁹ has replaced * { wati } ⁰⁵⁸. Onondaga has
a prefix { hũk } 'they (masculine) act on me' (3NSM:1SG) that appears to have been
created by analogy with the prefix { jũk } '3I:1SG' ⁰²⁶, which has a meaning 'they
(feminine) act on me' in Onondaga owing to discontinuation of the non-singular
animate prefix. As in Cayuga, Seneca, Huron, and Wyandot, the Onondaga prefixes
/ sk / '2:1.SG' ⁰¹⁶, / wak / '3:1SG' ⁰²⁵, / jũk / '3I:1SG' ⁰²⁶, / hak / '3M:1SG' ⁰²⁷, / tak /
'2:1.SG.IMP' ⁰⁷² and / hũk / '3NSM:1SG' lack allomorphs ending in / kʷ / before bases
beginning in / a /. Reflexes of PNI prefixes ending in dual number * / ni / appear to
have extended allomorph ending in * / j / to bases beginning in / ẽ / as well as / a /, a
trait shared by Seneca. The modern New York dialect of Onondaga, like Cayuga, has 2:1
imperative pronominal prefixes of the form { taske } '2:1.SG.IMP' ⁰⁷², { taskni }
'2:1.DU.IMP' ⁰⁷³, and { taskwa } '2:1.PL.IMP' ⁰⁷⁴, which have apparently been created by
analogy with their indicative counterparts.
Onondaga pronominal prefixes seem to have added / hnjV / and / hsCV / to the
consonants and clusters before which a reflex of epenthetic * / e / appears, but these
seem otherwise to be unaltered apart from the effects of regular sound change.
Consonants and clusters before which the 1SG:3 pronominal prefix allomorphs / h /
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( < PNI * k ), / k /, / keː / ( < PNI * ke ), and / ke / occur in Onondaga are presented
in (3).
(3) Distribution of Prefix Allomorphs with Epenthetic / e / in Onondaga (1SG:3)
/h/ _kV, kʷV
/k/ _hV, hjV, hnV, hsV¹ ( Æ shV¹ ), htsV¹ ( Æ tshV¹ ), hwV, jV ( < PNI * jV ),
nV, tV, tsV, wV, ɁnV, ɁwV.
/ keː / _jV ( < PNI * ɹjV, wjV ), V ( < PNI * wɹV )
As in Huron and Wyandot, the vast majority of perfect verbs in Onondaga end in a
suffix / -ih / rather than in / -ũh / or / -ẽh / ( cf. Oo. / áˈkjẽthwih / 'I have
planted it' ³¹¹ ). Imperfective verbs ending in / -was / regularly have punctual
counterparts in / -waɁ / rather than in / -oɁ / ( cf. Oo. / ẽˈ́ kjẽthwaɁ /
'I will plant it' ³¹¹ ), and reflexes of PNI punctual bases that seem to have ended in
* / -Ɂn / ¹¹⁴ show / -ɁnhaɁ / in Onondaga ( e.g. PNI * / waɁˈkhehnhaɁn / 'I hired
someone' ²³² Æ Oo. / waɁkhéhˈnhaɁnhaɁ / ). No distinction is made between present
and imperfective forms in Onondaga, and, as in Huron, the PNI present suffix
* / -h / ¹⁰⁸ appears to have become habitual / -k / in Onondaga, perhaps to better
differentiate habitual forms from perfect forms ending in * / -õh / ¹¹⁵, * / -ẽh / ¹¹⁶,
262
and * / -ih / ¹¹⁹.
Like the other Five Nations languages Onondaga has a second locative suffix,
{ -neh }, a pluralizer suffix, { -shũɁ }, and an augmentative suffix, which has the shape
{ -koːnah } rather than the more usual shape { -koːwaɁ }. The intensifier suffix has the
form { -tsihwẽh } in Onondaga, and the decessive suffix has the form { -kẽhæɁ }.
263
CHAPTER 14: CAYUGA
14.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes the language of the Cayuga ( / kajokoˈhoːnõɁ /, a name of
ranged from Cayuga Lake in the west, bordering on the territory of the Seneca, to
Skaneateles Lake in the east, bordering on the territory of the Onondaga, north to Lake
Ontario, and perhaps south into what is now Pennsylvania (cf. Engelbrecht 2003:121,
village locations in Swanton 1968:34; see Map 6). Today Cayuga speakers are located
primarily on the Six Nations of the Grand River Reserve in southwestern Ontario.
The Cayuga were in contact with the Jesuits and other Europeans beginning in the
mid-seventeenth century, but the names of Cayuga chiefs and settlements are invariably
given in Huron or Mohawk in early sources, so that the language itself is of relatively
late attestation. A list of 23 vocabulary items collected by Benjamin Smith Barton
(1766-1815) in the late eighteenth century is reproduced in Gallatin (1836:376); from
what can be discerned from this vocabulary the language seems at this point to have
already been in its modern stage. The earliest considerable record of the Cayuga
language seems to be a 269-page biography of Seneca chief John Arthur Gibson
(1850-1912), as dictated by his widow Mary Anne Skye Gibson in 1914, and transcribed
264
by ethnologist Alexander Goldenweiser (Canadian Museum of Civilization, Ethnological
Documents, MCC107756-2).
Cayuga has both an Upper dialect, spoken in the southwestern part of Six Nations,
and a Lower dialect, spoken in the eastern part of Six Nations (Froman et al. 2002: xii);
a third dialect, whose youngest speaker was born in 1918 (Sturtevant 1978:543), was
spoken in Oklahoma in the late 1980s, at which point it was moribund
(cf. Mithun 1989:243). The language described in this chapter, unless otherwise stated,
is Common Cayuga, a pre-dialectal form of the language that predates the breakup of
Upper and Lower Cayuga. Dialectal innovations that have subsequently given rise to
different varieties of Cayuga are discussed in 14.3.
Notes on Oklahoma Cayuga are in Mithun (1989) and a teaching grammar based on
the Lower Cayuga dialect is in Mithun and Henry (1984). A dictionary is in Froman et
al. (2002). Cayuga forms in this chapter are based on data in Froman et al. (2002)
unless otherwise stated.
The phonemic inventory of Cayuga is presented in (1).
265
(1) Phonemic Inventory of Cayuga
CONSONANTS
Plosive t k kʷ Ɂ
Nasal n
Fricative s h
Affricate ts
Approximant ɹ j w
VOWELS
Front Central Back
Close iː uː
i u
e ẽ o õ
Open aː
a
The plosives / t /, / k /, and / kʷ / are realized as [ d ], [ g ], and [ gʷ ] respectively
before vowels and resonants. The fricative / s / is realized as [ ʃ ] before / ɹ / or / j /.
Mithun (1985:505) notes that / ts / is realized as [ tʃ ] by some speakers. The vowels
/ uː / and / u / are rare, semantically-determined reflexes of / oː / and / o / that
possibly add diminutive meaning to lexical roots ( e.g. 'small', 'narrow', 'dull',
266
'cold', etc ). They occur obligatorily in the verb / niˈwuːɁuh / 'it is small' for all speakers
( cf. forms in Mithun & Henry 1984 and Froman et al. 2002 ) and optionally elsewhere
according to idiolect ( e.g. Lower Ca. / oˈnaɁnoːɁ / or / oˈnaɁnuːɁ / 'it is cold';
Lower Ca. / ohˈstoɁtɹaɁ / or / ohˈstuɁtɹaɁ / 'feather'; Lower Ca. / oˈnoɁtsaɁ / or
/ oˈnuɁtsaɁ / 'tooth'; cf. also notes in Mithun 1985:506 ).
Phonological changes that have occurred during the transition from PNI to Common
Cayuga are described below as CA-1 through CA-35. Where ordering of any two
changes seems to be necessary in order to produce a correct output in Cayuga, this is
noted.
By CA-1, * / a / has been inserted between * / w / and * / j / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈowjaɁ /
'wing, fin' ⁴⁸⁰ > Ca. / oˈwaːjaɁ /; PNI * / joˈɁawjeɁ / 'there is dew' ¹⁹⁹ >
Ca. / oɁˈawajeɁ /; PNI * / ẽhsaˈtewjẽhst / 'you will learn' ⁴⁸² > Ca. / ẽhsateˈwaːjẽːs / ).
This change must precede CA-2, CA-10, and CA-11.
By CA-2, antepenultimate accent has shifted to the vowel * / a / when it occurred
in a penultimate syllable ( e.g. PNI * / nikaˈnaɁtsjakeːh / 'that many pails, kettles' ¹⁵² ³⁶³
> Ca. / nikanaɁˈtsaːkeː /; PNI * / jotõhˈwẽtsjateɁ / 'land exists' ⁴⁰² ⁴³³ >
267
Ca. / otõhwẽˈtsaːteɁ / 'country'; PNI * / ˈjowɹanoːh / 'it is a cold wind' ³⁷⁹ ⁴⁸⁷ >
Ca. / oˈwaːnoː / ). This change must follow CA-1 and precede CA-10 and CA-11.
By CA-3, * / h / has been lost before * / nh / ( e.g. PNI * / kahˈnhohaɁ / 'door' ²³³
> Ca. / kaˈnhohaɁ /; PNI * / tjohˈnhohskʷaɹõːt / 'it has jowls protruding' ²³⁵ >
Ca. / tjoˈnhohskʷaõːt / 'cow'; PNI * / ẽhˈshehnhaɁn / 'you will hire someone' ²³² >
Ca. / ẽhˈsheːnhaɁ / ). This change must precede CA-10.
By CA-4, * / Ɂ / has been lost before * / nk / or * / nkʷ /
( e.g. PNI * / oˈtsiɁnkʷaɹaɁ / 'bile, green, yellow' ⁴⁶¹ > Ca. / oˈtsiːtkʷaːɁ /;
PNI * / ˈheɁnkẽh / 'above' ²¹⁴ > Ca. / heːtkẽh / ). This change must precede CA-5 and
CA-10.
By CA-5, * / n / has become * / t / before * / k / or * / kʷ /
( e.g. PNI * / oˈnkʷẽhsaɁ / 'blood' ³⁷⁶ > Ca. / oˈtkʷẽhsaɁ /; PNI * / ɹawẽˈninkẽɁs /
'he speaks up' ²⁸⁰ ⁴⁷⁶ > Ca. / haˈwẽnitkẽɁs /; PNI * / ˈheɁnkẽh / 'above' ²¹⁴ >
Ca. / heːtkẽh / ). This change must follow CA-4.
By CA-6, * / ns / has become * / ts / except before * / k / or * / kʷ /
( e.g. PNI * / ˈansteh / 'outside' ¹⁵⁵ > Ca. / ahsteh /; PNI * / kaˈnstaɹhaɁ /
'I am crying' ¹⁵⁴ > Ca. / kahˈstaːhaɁ /; PNI * / ohˈwẽɁnstaɁ / 'foam' ²⁷¹ >
268
Ca. / ohˈwẽɁstaɁ /; PNI * / teˈwahnshẽːh / 'twenty' ¹³⁵ > Ca. / teˈwahshẽː /;
PNI * / nikaɁˈnshansteɁ / 'it is that strong' ⁴⁹⁶ > Ca. / niˈkaɁshahsteɁ /; but cf.
PNI * / ˈkinskoːt / 'I am sitting' ²⁸³ > Ca. / kitskoːt / rather than ˣ / kihskoːt / by CA-7;
PNI * / ˈskenskʷahs / 'you lift it' ³³¹ > Ca. / seˈkeːtskʷahs / rather than
ˣ / seˈkehskʷahs / by CA-7 ). This change must precede CA-7 and CA-8.
By CA-7, * / ts / has become * / hs / when preceded by a vowel, except when
followed by * / h /, * / i /, * / j /, or * / ɹ / ( e.g. PNI * / ẽwaˈknitskoɁ / 'I will
be late' ⁴⁹² > Ca. / ẽˈwakhnihskoɁ /; PNI * / ẽˈtsniːkẽɁ / 'you will see it' ³³² >
Ca. / ẽhˈsniːkẽɁ /; PNI * / ẽtswaˈnẽhskoɁ / 'you will steal it' ³⁶⁸ >
Ca. / ẽhˈswanẽhskoɁ /; but cf. PNI * / oˈnẽtshaɁ / 'arm' ³⁷⁰ > Ca. / oˈnẽːtshaɁ /;
PNI * / otsiˈkheɁtaɁ 'salt' ⁴⁵⁶ > Ca. / oˈtsikheɁtaɁ /; PNI * / ˈtsjaːtahk / 'seven' ⁴⁶⁴ >
Ca. / ˈtsaːtahk /; PNI * / oˈhotsɹaɁ / 'basswood' ²⁴¹ > Ca. / oˈhoːtsɹaɁ / ).
This change must follow CA-6 and precede CA-8, CA-14, and CA-15.
By CA-8, * / ts / has become * / s / elsewhere except when followed by * / h /,
* / i /, * / j / or * / r / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈiːkeɁts / 'I go' ²⁰⁹ > Ca. / ˈiːkeɁs /;
PNI * / ˈaːtseːɁ / 'it is new' ¹⁸⁹ > Ca. / ˈaːseːɁ /; PNI * / kahˈtsehthaɁ / 'I hide it' ¹⁴⁶ >
Ca. / kahˈsehthaɁ /; but cf. PNI * / atẽˈnaɁtshɹaɁ / 'food, provisions' ¹⁶⁸ >
Ca. / aˈtẽnɁatshɹaɁ /; PNI * / jeˈkẽhtsih / 'she is old' ³³³ > Ca. / eˈkẽhtsih /;
269
PNI * / kaˈnaɁtsjaɁ / 'pail' ³⁶³ > Ca. / kaˈnaɁtsaɁ /; PNI * / waɁˈkeɁtsɹeːɁ /
'I dragged it' ⁴⁹⁸ > Ca. / ɁaˈkeɁtsɹeːɁ / ). This change must follow CA-6 and CA-7, and
precede CA-9 and CA-15.
By CA-9, * / ns / has become * / ts / before * / k / or * / kʷ /
( e.g. PNI * / seˈkenskʷahs / 'you lift it' ³³¹ > Ca. / seˈkeːtskʷahs /;
PNI * / tsẽniˈnskɹõːtih / 'spit!' ¹⁷⁴ ²⁸⁴ > Ca. / sẽniːˈtskɹõːtih /; PNI * / ˈkinskoːt /
'I am sitting' ²⁸³ > Ca. / kitskoːt / ). This change must follow CA-8.
By CA-10, an accented vowel has been lengthened in an even-numbered syllable if
it occurred before a non-glottal consonant ( e.g. PNI * / kaˈnaktaɁ / 'bed' ³⁵⁵ >
Ca. / kaˈnaːktaɁ /; PNI * / oˈnẽntshaɁ / 'arm' ³⁷⁰ > Ca. / oˈnẽːtshaɁ /;
PNI * / seɁˈnonshahs / 'you are envious' ⁴⁹⁵ > Ca. / seɁˈnoːshahs / ). This change must
follow CA-1, CA-2, CA-3, and CA-4, and precede CA-14, CA-21 and CA-23.
(cf. also Chafe 1977a:176, Chafe & Foster 1981:131, Michelson 1988:99).
By CA-11, a vowel has been lengthened in an even-numbered syllable before a non-
glottal consonant if the following syllable was accented ( e.g. PNI * / kahwaˈtsiːɹaɁ /
'family' ²⁶⁹ > Ca. / kahwaːˈtsiːjaɁ /; PNI * / ohneˈkiːjoːh / 'good water' ²⁷⁹ ³⁶⁴ >
Ca. / ohneːˈkiːjoː /; PNI * / ẽhaˈkʷeːniɁ / 'he will be able' ³⁵¹ > Ca. / ẽhaːˈkʷeːniɁ / ).
This change must follow CA-1 and CA-2, and precede CA-14, CA-21 and CA-23.
270
By CA-12, accented short vowels in odd-numbered penults have lost their accent
( e.g. PNI * / ˈtekɹõɁ / 'eight' ⁴³⁹ > Ca. / tekɹõɁ /; PNI * / ẽkaˈtahseht / 'I will hide' ¹⁴⁶
> Ca. / ẽˈkatahseht /; PNI * / ẽhseˈkenskoɁ / 'you will lift it' ³³¹ >
Ca. / ẽhˈseketskoɁ / ). Two-syllable words that have lost accent by this change remain
without accent in Cayuga, while words of three or more syllables have acquired new
accent by CA-13. This change must precede CA-13 and CA-14.
By CA-13, words with no accent have accented the vowel of the last non-final even
syllable of the word ( e.g. PNI * / ẽkaˈtahseht / 'I will hide' ¹⁴⁶ > Ca. / ẽˈkatahseht /;
PNI * / ẽhseˈkenskoɁ / 'you will lift it' ³³¹ > Ca. / ẽhˈseketskoɁ /;
PNI * / tewakeˈkhahsjõːh / 'I have separated it' ³³⁷ > Ca. / tewakeˈkhahsõː / ). This
change must follow CA-12 and precede CA-14. (cf. also Chafe 1977a:176,
Michelson 1988:99).
By CA-14, * / V¹Ɂ / has become * / ɁV¹ / in odd-numbered, unaccented, non-final
syllables except when a glottal consonant preceded ( e.g. PNI * / kaɁniˈkõhɹaɁ /
'mind' ⁴⁹¹ > Ca. / kɁaˈnikõhaɁ /; PNI * / ẽhsatjaɁˈtaːwiɁt / 'you will get dressed' ¹⁷⁶ >
Ca. / ẽhsatjɁaˈtaːwiɁt /; PNI * / kahwihˈstaɁeks / 'it strikes metal' ²⁰⁰ ²⁷⁴ >
271
Ca. / kahˈwihstɁaehs / 'clock'; cf. also Michelson 1988:104 ). Although this change was
present in the Oklahoma dialect of Cayuga, it appeared to be optional for speakers
(cf. Mithun 1989:253), perhaps owing to analogy of metathesized forms with non-
metathesized forms occurring in accented and even-numbered syllables. This change
must follow CA-7, CA-12, and CA-13. (cf. Chafe 1977a:177, Chafe & Foster 1981:137,
Michelson 1988:104).
By CA-15, * / j / has been lost after * / ts / ( e.g. PNI * / kaˈnaɁtsjaɁ / 'pail' ³⁶³ >
Ca. / kaˈnaɁtsaɁ /; PNI * / ˈtsjaːtahk / 'seven' ⁴⁶⁴ > Ca. / ˈtsaːtahk /;
PNI * / ohwẽˈtsjaɁke / 'on the land' ⁴⁰² > Ca. / ohˈwẽtsɁakeh / ). This change must
follow CA-7 and CA-8.
By CA-16, * / h / has been lost between * / s / and * / w /
( e.g. PNI * / kõhˈshwahẽhs / 'I hate you' ²⁵⁰ > Ca. / kõhˈswahẽhs / ).
By CA-17, * / ɹ / has become * / n / before * / hj / or * / j /
( e.g. PNI * / tekaˈwẽɹjeh / 'I stir it' ¹⁹⁵ > Ca. / teˈkawẽnjeh /; PNI * / saˈtõɹjeɁts /
'you breathe' ¹⁸⁵ > Ca. / saˈtõːnjeɁs /; PNI * / waɁˈhɹaɹjoɁ / 'he killed it' ⁴²⁸ >
Ca. / ɁaˈhaːnjoɁ / ). (cf. also Chafe & Foster 1981:136).
By CA-18, * / ɹ / has become * / w / when it occurred intervocalically after
* / o(ː) / or * / õ(ː) / and before a non-back vowel ( e.g. PNI * / joˈthoːɹeɁ /
272
'it is cold' ¹⁷⁰ > Ca. / oˈthoːweɁ /; PNI * / shehˈɹoːɹi / 'tell her!' ²⁴⁶ > Ca. / sheˈhoːwih /;
PNI * / johˈsnoːɹeɁ / 'it is fast' ²⁵⁸ > Ca. / ohˈsnoːweɁ / ). Similarly, by CA-19, * / ɹ /
has become * / j / when it occurred intervocalically after * / e(ː) /, * / ẽ(ː) / or * / i(ː) /
and before a non-front vowel ( e.g. PNI * / oˈheːɹaɁ / 'cornstalk' ²²⁴ > Ca. / oˈheːjaɁ /;
PNI * / johˈniːɹõh / 'it is hard' ²³⁷ > Ca. / ohˈniːjõh /; PNI * / tewatiˈɹõthaɁ /
'it stretches' ¹⁷⁵ > Ca. / tewatiˈjõːthaɁ / ). Both changes must precede CA-23.
(cf. also Chafe & Foster 1981:131, Michelson 1988:171).
By CA-20, * / ɹ / has been lost when preceded by a vowel and a glottal consonant
( e.g. PNI * / oˈkahɹaɁ / 'eye' ³¹⁹ > Ca. / oˈkahaɁ /; PNI * / ohˈsheɁɹaɁ / 'dough' ²⁴⁸ >
Ca. / ohˈsheɁaɁ /; PNI * / kaɁniˈkõhɹaɁ / 'mind' ⁴⁹¹ > Ca. / kɁaˈnikõhaɁ / ).
(cf. also Chafe & Foster 1981:131). By CA-21, * / ɹ / has been lost when followed by a
glottal consonant ( e.g. PNI * / ˈkeɹɁoks / 'I chop' ⁴³² > Ca. / keɁohs /;
PNI * / aˈkeɹhak / 'my aunt' ⁴²⁵ > Ca. / aˈkeːhak /; PNI * / kaˈɹhaːtaɁ / 'bush, forest' ⁴²³
> Ca. / kaˈhaːtaɁ / ), and this change must follow CA-10 and CA-11.
(cf. also Chafe & Foster 1981:135). By CA-22, * / ɹ / has been lost after * / w /
( e.g. PNI * / ˈjowɹateɁ / 'there is a wind' ⁴³³ ⁴⁸⁷ > Ca. / oˈwaːteɁ / 'it is windy';
PNI * / ˈjowɹanoːh / 'it is a cold wind' ³⁷⁹ ⁴⁸⁷ > Ca. / oˈwaːnoː / ), and by CA-23, * / r /
has been lost between vowels ( e.g. PNI * / kaˈɹõːtaɁ / 'log' ⁴³¹ > Ca. / ˈkaõːtaɁ /;
273
PNI * / joɁtaˈɹihẽːh / 'it is hot' ²⁰⁴ > Ca. / oɁˈtaihẽː /; PNI * / ẽtsaˈkaːɹiːɁ /
'it will bite you' ³²⁴ > Ca. / ẽsaːˈkaiːɁ / 'it will bite you' ). CA-23 must follow CA-10,
CA-11, CA-18 and CA-19, and precede CA-24, CA-25, CA-26, CA-27 and CA-28.
(cf. also Chafe & Foster 1981:131).
By CA-24, when accent occurred on the second of two adjacent vowels, it has
shifted to the first vowel ( e.g. PNI * / kaˈɹẽːnaɁ / 'song, incantation' ⁴²² >
Ca. / ˈkaẽːnaɁ /; PNI * / kaˈɹõːtaɁ / 'log' ⁴³¹ > Ca. / ˈkaõːtaɁ /; PNI * / kaɹõhˈjaɁke /
'in the sky' ⁴³⁰ > Ca. / ˈkaõhjɁakeh / 'sky' ). Similarly, by CA-25, accented long vowels
have been shortened when followed by a vowel ( e.g. PNI * / tkaˈjeːɹiːh / 'it is right' ³⁰³
> Ca. / tkaːˈjeiː / 'it is right'; PNI * / tejonaɁˈkaːɹõːt / 'it has horns' ³⁵⁹ ⁴¹⁰ >
Ca. / tejonɁaˈkaõːt / 'sheep' ). Both changes must follow CA-23, and precede CA-26,
CA-27 and CA-28.
By CA-26, * / e(ː) / has nasalized before * / ẽ(ː) / ( e.g. PNI * / nijoˈjeːɹẽh / '(what)
it is doing' ³⁰² > Ca. / niˈjoːjẽː /; PNI * / ẽtitsanaɁˈkeːɹẽɁ / 'it will imitate you' ³⁶⁰ >
Ca. / ẽtisaˈnaɁkjẽːɁ / ) (cf. Chafe & Foster 1981:137), and similarly, by CA-27, * / o(ː) /
has nasalized before * / õ(ː) / ( e.g. PNI * / kaˈnoːɹõɁ / 'it is expensive' ³⁹³ >
Ca. / kanõːɁ / ). Both changes must follow CA-23, CA-24, and CA-25, and precede
CA-28. (cf. also Mithun 1979:172).
274
By CA-28, an accented vowel followed by an identical vowel has become a single
unaccented long vowel ( e.g. PNI * / oɁˈtaːɹaɁ / 'clay' ²⁹¹ > Ca. / oɁtaːɁ /;
PNI * / ˈkẽnskaɹaɁ / 'mattress' ²⁸² > Ca. / kẽtskaːɁ / 'mattress' ). This change must
follow CA-23, CA-24, CA-25, CA-26, and CA-27.
By CA-29, a resonant consonant has been lost word-finally after a glottal stop
( e.g. PNI * / tsõˈkiːtaɁw / 'I went back to sleep' ²⁸⁷ > Ca. / sõˈkiːtaɁ /;
PNI * / ˈtetstaɁn / 'stand up!' ⁴⁴⁹ > Ca. / tehstaɁ /; PNI * / ẽˈkõnhaɁn /
'you will hire me' ²³² > Ca. / ẽˈkõːnhaɁ / ). (cf. also Chafe & Foster 1981:135).
By CA-30, a consonant has been lost word-finally after * / s / or * / k /
( e.g. PNI * / j(a)hejoˈthahoɁkt / 'end of the trail' ¹³¹ ³⁹⁸ > Ca. / heˈjothahoɁk /;
PNI * / ˈhwihsk / 'five' ²⁷³ > Ca. / hwihs /; PNI * / ˈtẽhsjehst / 'you will mix' ³⁰⁰ >
Ca. / tẽhsjehs / ). (cf. also Chafe & Foster 1981:137).
By CA-31, a consonant plus * / h / has been lost before * / s / at the end of a word
( e.g. PNI * / kaˈthõːtaːths / 'I listen' ¹⁷¹ > Ca. / kaˈthõːtaːs /; PNI * / ˈjoɁkʷaːths /
'it digs' ³⁹⁹ > Ca. / oɁkʷaːs /; PNI * / ɹaˈtoːɹaːths / 'he hunts' ¹⁸⁴ > Ca. / haˈtoːwaːs /;
PNI * / ˈiːkeːkhs / 'I eat' ³¹⁶ > Ca. / ˈiːkeːs /; PNI * / joɹaɁˈnẽːtaːkhs / 'it sticks' ⁴²¹ >
Ca. / owaɁˈnẽːtaːs /; PNI * / ɹaˈtijɁaːkhs / 'they shoot' ²⁹⁰ > Ca. / haˈtijɁaːs / ).
This change must precede CA-34. (cf. also Chafe & Foster 1981:137).
275
By CA-32, * / h / has been lost word-finally after long vowels
( e.g. PNI * / kahẽˈtiːjoːh / 'good field' ²²⁶ ²⁷⁹ > Ca. / kahẽːˈtiːjoː /; PNI * / ˈwakkẽːh / or
* / waˈkeːkẽːh / 'I have seen it' ³³² > Ca. / aˈkeːkẽː /; PNI * / ˈtshoːjõːh /
'he has returned' ³¹⁵ > Ca. / ˈshoːjõː / ).
By CA-33, * / t / has become * / h / before * / t / ( e.g. PNI * / tewatˈtihẽh /
'it is different' ⁴⁴² > Ca. / teˈwahtihẽh / ).
By CA-34, * / ths / has become * / tsh / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈithseɁts / 'you come here' ²⁰⁹
> Ca. / ˈitsheɁs /; PNI * / athsiˈnhahsɹaɁ / 'garters' ¹⁷² Æ Ca. / oˈtshinhahsthaɁ / ). This
change must follow CA-31.
By CA-35, * / h / has been inserted between * / t / or * / k / and * / n /
( e.g. PNI * / waɁsheˈtniːkẽɁ / 'we saw him' ³³² > Ca. / ɁasheːˈthniːkẽɁ /;
PNI * / ˈtekniːh / 'two' ⁴³⁸ > Ca. / teˈkhniː /; PNI * / ẽwaˈknitskoɁ / 'I will be late' ⁴⁹² >
Ca. / ẽˈwaknihskoɁ / ). (cf. also Chafe & Foster 1981:136, Michelson 1988:24).
Cayuga are recapitulated in (2).
(2) Phonological Changes in the Transition from PNI to Common Cayuga
CA-1 Ø > a / w_j

CA-2 ˈV¹(C²)(C³)C⁴aC⁵V⁶ > V¹(C²)ˈ(C³)C⁴aC⁵V⁶
CA-3 h > Ø / _nh
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CA-4 Ɂ > Ø / _nk, nkʷ
CA-5 n > t / _k, kʷ
CA-6 ns > ts ( except before k or kʷ )
CA-7 ts > hs / V_ ( except before h, i, j, ɹ )
CA-8 ts > s ( except before h, i, j, ɹ )
CA-9 ns > ts / _k, kʷ
CA-10 lengthening in accented penults ( see description )
CA-11 pre-tonic lengthening ( see description )
CA-12 loss of accent on short odd penults ( see description )
CA-13 new accent rule for words without accent ( see description )
CA-14 glottal metathesis ( see description )
CA-15 j > Ø / ts_
CA-16 h > Ø / s_w
CA-17 ɹ > n / _(h)j
CA-18 ɹ > w / o(ː), õ(ː)_a(ː), e(ː), ẽ(ː), i(ː)
CA-19 ɹ > j / e(ː), ẽ(ː), i(ː)_a(ː), o(ː), õ(ː), u(ː)
CA-20 ɹ > Ø / VH_
CA-21 ɹ > Ø / _H
CA-22 ɹ > Ø / w_
CA-23 ɹ > Ø / V_V
CA-24 V¹ˈV² > ˈV¹V²
CA-25 ˈV¹ːV² > ˈV¹V²
CA-26 e(ː) > ẽ / _ẽ(ː)
CA-27 o(ː) > õ / _õ(ː)
CA-28 ˈV¹V¹ > V¹ː
CA-29 R > Ø / Ɂ_#
CA-30 C > Ø / s, k_#
CA-31 Ch > Ø / _s#
CA-32 h > Ø / Vː_#
CA-33 t > h / _t
CA-34 ths > tsh
CA-35 Ø > h / t, k_n
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The forms and examples above consist of Cayuga utterance-final forms; in contrast,
Cayuga utterance-medial forms are accented on the final syllable, overriding all other
phonological changes involving accent given above ( e.g. Ca. / ˈtsaːtahk / 'seven',
/ tsaːˈtahk niˈwahshẽː / 'seventy', / tsaːˈtahk niwahˈshẽː ˈtsaːtahk / 'seventy-seven' ).
( cf. Froman et al. 2002:xxxiii ). This pattern of automatically accenting the final
syllable of utterance-medial forms is also found in Onondaga.
In addition to the phonological changes listed above, several dialectal phonemic
sound changes exist at Six Nations of the Grand River which differentiate Upper Cayuga
from Lower Cayuga ( cf. forms in Mithun & Henry 1984:13 and notes in Froman et al.
2002: xii ). These phonemic changes are described below as CA-D1 through CA-D4,
with ordering of changes noted where necessary.
By CA-D1, * / s / has become * / f / when preceded by * / h / and followed by
* / r / ( e.g. Ca. / tsohsɹaːt / 'one winter' > Upper Ca. / tsohfɹaːt /;
Ca. / kaˈnõhkʷahsɹaɁ / > Upper Ca. / kaˈnõhkʷahfɹaɁ / 'love'; Ca. / wẽhnihˈsɹiːjoː /
'nice day' > Upper Ca. / wẽhnihˈfɹiːjoː / ). This change occurs in the Upper Cayuga
dialect and must precede CA-D2. (cf. also Mithun 1979:171).
By CA-D2, * / ts / has become * / s / before * / ɹ / and * / hɹ / ( e.g. Ca. / itshɹeː /
'cut it!' > Upper Ca. / ishɹeː /; Ca. / oˈwiːtsɹaɁ / 'ice' > Upper Ca. / oˈwiːsɹaɁ /;
278
Ca. / oˈhoːtsɹaɁ / 'basswood' > Upper Ca. / oˈhoːsɹaɁ / ). This change occurs in the
Upper Cayuga dialect and must follow CA-D1.
By CA-D3, * / ts / has become * / t / before * / ɹ / and * / hɹ / ( e.g. Ca. / itshɹeː /
'cut it!' > Lower Ca. / ithɹeː /; Ca. / oˈwiːtsɹaɁ / 'ice' > Lower Ca. / oˈwiːtɹaɁ / 'ice';
Ca. / oˈhoːtsɹaɁ / 'basswood' > Lower Ca. / oˈhoːtɹaɁ / ). This change occurs in the
Lower Cayuga dialect and was also present in the Oklahoma dialect; cf.
Oklahoma Ca. / saˈthɹõnɁitaɁ / 'your clothes' (Mithun 1989:252), from
Ca. / saˈtshɹõnɁitaɁ /.
By CA-D4, * / t / has become * / k / before * / j / ( e.g. Ca. / ohˈstjẽɁtaɁ / 'bone' >
Lower Ca. / ohˈskjẽɁtaɁ /; Ca. / waˈtjeːsẽh / 'it is easy' > Lower Ca. / waˈkjeːsẽh /;
Ca. / ˈiːtjeːt / 'she is standing there' > Lower Ca. / ˈiːkjeːt / ). This change occurs in the
Lower Cayuga dialect. (cf. also Mithun 1985:505).
Phonological changes that have occurred in Cayuga dialects are recapitulated in (3).
(3) Phonological Changes in Cayuga Dialects
CA-D1 s > f / h_ɹ Upper Cayuga

CA-D2 ts > s / _ɹ, hɹ Upper Cayuga
CA-D3 ts > t / _ɹ, hɹ Lower Cayuga, Oklahoma Cayuga
CA-D4 t > k / _j Lower Cayuga
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In addition to the phonemic sound changes in (3) some phonetic shifts have
occurred as well. In the Lower Cayuga dialect, vowels in odd syllables are phonetically
devoiced if followed by * / h / ( e.g. Ca. / saˈtjẽnihtõh / 'you have enough' Æ
Lower Ca. [ saˈgjẽni ̥hdõh ] ), and pronounced with creaky voice if preceded by a
post-consonantal glottal stop, which in turn may manifest itself as an ejective feature on
the preceding consonant ( e.g. Ca. / kɁaˈnikõhaɁ / 'mind' > Lower Ca. [ k’a̰ˈnikõ̥haɁ ] ),
or be dropped altogether ( e.g. Ca. / kahˈnawɁakeh / 'at the rapids' >
Lower Ca. [ kḁhˈnawa̰geh ] ) (cf. Froman et al. 2002:xii), and devoiced vowels fail to
trigger phonetic voicing of a preceding plosive in Lower Cayuga. The affricate / ts / is
phonetically voiced to [ dz ] or [ dʒ ] before voiced vowels in most, but not all,
varieties of Lower Cayuga ( see Mithun & Henry 1984:13 for an exception ).
As in Onondaga and Proto-Mohawk-Oneida, the negative prefix cannot occur with
modal prefixes in Cayuga, and the contrastive prefix is substituted; the glottal stop of
the negative prefix ( PNI * / teɁ / ⁰⁰¹ ) induces loss of a following glide, as in Onondaga.
As in Onondaga, Seneca, Huron and Wyandot, all allomorphs of the translocative in
Cayuga appear to have levelled initial * / jah / to / h /. Allomorphs of the factual prefix
280
( PNI * / waɁ /, * / we / ⁰⁰⁶ ) seem to have lost * / w / in all environments and the
glottal stop of factual prefix allomorphs is lost before / h /, as in Tuscarora, Proto-
Mohawk-Oneida, and Seneca. The non-singular animate prefix of PNI has been
preserved in Cayuga and can be added to any pronominal prefix with the argument 3I
to make that argument non-singular and animate, but only if the other argument is
singular or unmarked; pronominal prefixes beginning in * / j / have lost this segment in
combination with the prefix ( cf. PNI * / waɁeˈtsaːkẽɁ / 'someone saw you' ³³² Æ
Ca. / ɁaeˈsaːkẽɁ /; PNI * / waɁkajeˈtsaːkẽɁ / 'they saw you' Æ Ca. / ɁakaeˈsaːkẽɁ / ).
As in Oneida, Onondaga, Seneca, Huron, and Wyandot, the initial * / j / of Cayuga
pronominal prefixes has been lost in word initial position ( e.g. PNI * / jetshi /
'2NS&3I' ⁰³⁵ Æ Ca. / etshi / ). All reflexes of PNI masculine gender pronominal prefixes
with allomorphs in * / hɹ / and * / ɹ / have levelled these sequences to / h / in Cayuga
( e.g. PNI * / ɹa / '3SGM:3' ⁰⁵³ Æ Ca. / ha / ). The third person dual number pronominal
prefixes * { kni } '3DU:3' and * { hni } '3DUM:3' seem to have been lost in Cayuga, as
does the reflex of the prefix * { kõwa } '3I:3SG', which is replaced in Cayuga by a reflex
of PNI * { jõtate- } 'one acts on oneself or another' ⁰⁶³ ⁰⁷⁶, as in Tuscarora. Reflexes of
the 3PL:3 prefixes * { wati } ⁰⁵⁸ and * { kõti } ⁰⁵⁹ appear to have merged in Cayuga as a
neuter-zoic prefix { kati }, while two additional prefixes, { kae } '3NS:3'
281
( < PNI * { kaje } '3NSA+3I:3' ) and { koti } '3:3NS', function as non-singular feminine
indefinite forms. As in Onondaga, Seneca, Huron, and Wyandot, the Cayuga prefixes
/ hsk / '2:1.SG' ⁰¹⁶, / wak / '3:1SG' ⁰²⁵, / jõk / '3I:1SG' ⁰²⁶, / hak / '3M:1SG' ⁰²⁷, and
/ tahsk / '2:1.SG.IMP' ⁰⁷² appear to have levelled out allomorphs ending in / kʷ / before
bases beginning in / a /. Like the modern New York dialect of Onondaga, Cayuga has
2:1 imperative pronominal prefixes of the form { tahske } '2:1.SG.IMP', { tahskhni }
'2:1.DU.IMP', and { tahskʷa } '2:1.PL.IMP', presumably created by analogy with their
indicative counterparts. The 2SG:3.IMP prefix ( PNI * { tse } ⁰⁷⁵ ) seems to have been
replaced by its non-imperative counterpart ( PNI * { hse } ⁰²² ), so that there is no
longer a formal distinction between imperative and non-imperative 2SG:3 prefixes in
Cayuga.
To the consonants and clusters before which a reflex of epenthetic * / e / appears in
Cayuga have apparently been added / hnjV /, / hsV /, / hsCV /, / htsV /, / kV / and
/ kʷV /, along with others added owing to regular sound change. Consonants and
clusters before which the 1SG:3 pronominal prefix allomorphs / kh / ( < PNI * / k / ),
/ k / and / ke / occur in Cayuga are presented in (4).
282
(4) Distribution of Prefix Allomorphs with Epenthetic / e / in Cayuga (1SG:3)
/ kh / _n, ɁnV¹ ( Æ nV¹ ).
/k/ _hV, hjV, hnV, hrV, hwV, jV, ɹV, tV, wV.
The aspectual and derivational morphology of Cayuga is essentially the same as that
of PNI, although the past habitual suffix * { -kʷ } ¹¹⁰ appears to have been replaced by
{ -kẽheːɁ }, a derivative of the decessive suffix. Like Seneca, Cayuga has an eventuative
suffix { -hsɁõh }, which is added to perfective forms to signify that an event is finally
complete ( e.g. Ca. / satehsɹõˈnihsɁõh / 'you are ready' ). Like the other Five Nations
languages, Cayuga has a second locative suffix, { -neh }, a pluralizer suffix, { -shõɁ },
and an augmentative suffix, { -koːwah }.
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CHAPTER 15: SENECA
15.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes the language of the Seneca ( / nɔ̃taˈwaɁkaːɁ / 'People
of the great hill' ), whose territory in the early seventeenth century appears to have
ranged from the Genesee River in the west, bordering on the territory of the Wenro and
the Erie, to Cayuga Lake in the east, bordering on the territory of the Cayuga, north to
Lake Ontario, and south into what is now northwestern Pennsylvania
(cf. Engelbrecht 2003:114, village locations in Swanton 1968:35-37; see Map 6). Today
speakers of Seneca are located primarily on the Cattaraugus, Alleghany, and Tonawanda
Seneca Reservations in western New York State.
Although the Seneca were in contact with Europeans beginning in the mid-
seventeenth century, the names of Seneca chiefs and Seneca settlements are invariably
given in Huron or Mohawk in early sources and the Seneca language itself is of
relatively late attestation. The first publication of vocabulary in the language appears to
be an early nineteenth century pamphlet (Kilham 1818) published in London following
the visit of seven Senecas to England accompanied by members of the Religious Society
of Friends; it was followed in the same year by a book of hymns in the language,
written and translated by the Presbyterian school teacher Jabez Backus Hyde (1818).
284
The language of these texts, and of numerous other early missionary publications that
followed in the 1820s and 1830s, appears to be the same as Modern Seneca.
Internal Reconstruction in Seneca is discussed in Chafe (1959), morphology in
Chafe (1964b), and phonology in Dudley (1974). Texts of the language are in Chafe
(1961), and a sketch of the language in Chafe (1996). A dictionary is in Chafe (1967).
Unless otherwise stated, Seneca forms in this chapter are based on data from Chafe
(1967).
The phonemic inventory of Seneca is presented in (1).
(1) Phonemic Inventory of Seneca
CONSONANTS
Plosive t k kʷ Ɂ
Nasal n
Fricative s h
Affricate ts
Approximant j w
285
VOWELS
Front Central Back
Close iː
i
Mid eː ɛ̃ː oː ɔ̃ː

e ɛ̃ o ɔ̃
Open æː aː
æ a
PNI * / ɹ / has been lost in Seneca and the vowels / æː / and / æ / have arisen in
certain environments as a result of r-loss. PNI * / ẽ(ː) / and * / õ(ː) / have shifted to
/ ɛ̃(ː) / and / ɔ̃(ː) /. Phonetically, / t /, / k /, and / kʷ / are realized as [ d ], [ g ], and
[ gʷ ] respectively before vowels and resonants. Seneca / s / is realized as [ ʃ ] before
/ j / (Chafe 1967:5). The affricate / ts / is realized consistently as [ dz ] or [ dʒ ] by
different speakers (Mithun 1985:505), and some speakers realize / o(ː) / as [ u(ː) ] in
certain words (Mithun 1985:506). The short vowels / a /, / e /, and / o / have
allophones [ ə ], [ ı ], and [ ʊ ] in Seneca when preceded by a consonant and followed
by a consonant or by / i / (cf. Chafe 1967:5).
286
Phonological changes that have occurred during the transition from PNI to Seneca
are described below as SE-1 through SE-46. Where ordering of two changes appears to
be necessary in order to produce a correct output in Seneca, this is noted.
By SE-1, * / ts / has become * / s / except before * / i / or * / j /
( e.g. PNI * / ˈaːtseːɁ / 'new' ¹⁸⁹ > Se. / ˈwaːseːɁ / 'it is new'; PNI * / ɹaɁˈtswahthaɁ /
'he extinguishes it' ²⁰⁸ > Se. / haɁˈswathaɁ /; PNI * / oˈnẽtshaɁ / 'arm' ³⁷⁰ >
Se. / onɛ̃ːshaɁ /; but cf. PNI * / ˈkaːtsih / 'come here!' ³²⁹ > Se. / kaːtsih /;
PNI * / ˈtsjaːtahk / 'seven' ⁴⁶⁴ > Se. / tsaːtak / ). This change must precede SE-2, SE-20,
SE-21, SE-24, SE-39, SE-40, and SE-41. (cf. also Rudes 1976:32, Mithun 1985:506).
By SE-2, * / j / has been lost after * / ts / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈkẽtsjõh / 'fish' ⁴⁶⁷ >
Se. / kɛ̃tsɔ̃h /; PNI * / ˈtsjaːtahk / 'seven' ⁴⁶⁴ > Se. / tsaːtak /; PNI * / oˈnatsjaɁ /
'wheat' ³⁵⁷ > Se. / onɔ̃ːtsaɁ /; PNI * / kaˈnaɁtsjaɁ / 'pot, kettle' ³⁶³ > Se. / kaˈnɔ̃ɁtsaɁ / ).
This change must follow SE-1 and precede SE-6.
By SE-3, * / n / has been lost before * / s / ( e.g. PNI * / keɁˈnonshahs /
'I am envious' ⁴⁹⁵ > Se. / keɁnoːshas /; PNI * / teˈwahnshẽːh / 'twenty' ¹³⁵ >
Se. / teˈwashɛ̃ːh /; PNI * / ɹaˈkenskʷahs / 'he raises it' ³³¹ > Se. / hakeːskʷas / ). This
change must precede SE-11.
287
By SE-4, vowels have been lengthened in even-numbered penultimate syllables
when they occurred before a non-glottal consonant ( e.g. PNI * / waˈktenjõːh /
'I have changed it' ⁴⁴⁰ > Se. / akteːnjɔ̃ːh /; PNI * / ɹoˈnatkõɁ / 'they are sorcerors' ¹⁸¹ >
Se. / honɔ̃ːtkɔ̃Ɂ /; PNI * / tekattsiˈstokwas / 'I scatter sparks' ⁴⁵⁹ ⁴⁷¹ >
Se. / teˈkatshistoːkwas / ). This change must precede SE-5, SE-6, SE-11, SE-13, SE-18,
and SE-24. (cf. also Chafe 1977a:179, Michelson 1988:106).
By SE-5, the original accent of PNI has been lost ( e.g. PNI * / oɁˈnẽːjaɁ / 'bone' ²⁵⁵
> Se. / oɁnɛ̃ːjaɁ /; PNI * / ˈõːkʷeh / 'person' ⁴⁰⁵ > Se. / ɔ̃ːkʷeh /; PNI * / kaˈtoːkẽːh / 'it
is true, exact' ⁴⁴⁸ > Se. / katoːkɛ̃ːh / ). This change must follow SE-4 and precede SE-6.
(cf. also Chafe 1977a:178).
By SE-6, a new accentual system has been introduced whereby accent fell on the
vowel in the last nonfinal even short syllable of a word if it was followed directly by a
single glottal consonant, by * / sn / or * / sw /, by any 2-consonant cluster that did not
end in a resonant, or by any 3-consonant cluster ( e.g. PNI * / wakiˈheːjõːh /
'I am dead' ²⁷⁶ > Se. / aˈkiːejɔ̃ːh /; PNI * / waɁkɹaɁˈnẽːtaːk / 'I stuck it on' ⁴²¹ >
Se. / oɁˈkæɁnɛ̃ːtaːk /; PNI * / ahˈtahkʷaɁ / 'shoe' ¹⁴² > Se. / ahˈtahkʷaɁ / ); failing that,
accent has been assigned to the last non-final even short syllable that was followed by a
non-final syllable such as that just described ( e.g. PNI * / tewaˈkehkʷẽh /
288
'I've lifted it' ³⁵⁰ > Se. / teˈwakehkʷɛ̃h /; PNI * / onõˈtaɁkeh / 'on the hill' ³⁸⁵ >
Se. / oˈnɔ̃taɁkeh / 'on the hill'; PNI * / ẽjeˈtakheɁ / 'someone will run' ⁴³⁵ >
Se. / ɛ̃ˈjetakheɁ / ); failing that, a word has no accent ( e.g. PNI * / kahˈnhoːtõɁ /
'the door is closed' ²³⁴ > Se. / kahoːtɔ̃Ɂ /; PNI * / wak(e)ˈkaɹjahs / 'it bites me' ³²⁴ >
Se. / akekanjas /; PNI * / waɁkaˈtwẽːteht / 'I lent it' ¹⁹² > Se. / oɁkatwɛ̃ːtet / ). For
further discussion and illustration of Seneca accent, see Chafe (1977a:178) and
Michelson (1988:110-111). This change must follow SE-2, SE-4 and SE-5, and precede
SE-7, SE-11, SE-18, SE-19, SE-24, and SE-27.
By SE-7, short * / a / has become * / æ / before * / ɹa(ː) /
( e.g. PNI * / oˈnaɁkaɹaɁ / 'horn' ³⁵⁹ > Se. / oˈnɔ̃ɁkææɁ /; PNI * / oˈnõtaɹaɁ /
'hominy' ³⁸⁶ > Se. / onɔ̃tææɁ /; PNI * / jakjaˈɹaɁtseːɁ / 'we are cousins' ¹⁵⁷ >
Se. / aˈkjææɁseːɁ / ). This change must precede SE-10 and SE-24.
(cf. also Chafe 1959:490).
By SE-8, short * / a / has become * / e / before * / ɹo(ː) /
( e.g. PNI * / ts(e)kaˈɹoːtẽh / 'tell a story!' ³²⁵ ³⁹⁷ > Se. / sekeotɛ̃h /;
PNI * / kanaɁkaɹoˈtahsɹaɁ / 'thing with a horn standing up' ³⁵⁹ ³⁹⁷ >
Se. / kanɔ̃ɁˈkeotashæɁ / 'horn war club' ). Similarly, by SE-9, short * / a / has become
* / ẽ / before * / ɹõ(ː) / ( e.g. PNI * / teˈwahkarõːt / 'woodchips attached' ¹³⁴ >
289
Se. / teˈwahkɛ̃ɔt̃ / 'eaves' ). Both changes must precede SE-24. (cf. also Chafe 1959:490).
By SE-10, * / a(ː) / has become * / æ(ː) / after * / ɹ / ( e.g. PNI * / kaˈkaːɹaɁ /
'story' ³²⁵ > Se. / kakaːæɁ /; PNI * / oˈɹaːnaɁ / 'syrup' ⁴¹⁸ > Se. / owæːnɔ̃Ɂ /;
PNI * / tjoɹaɁˈnẽːtaːks / 'it's sticky' ⁴²¹ > Se. / ˈtjoæɁnɛ̃ːtaːs / ). This change must
precede SE-17, SE-21, SE-24, and SE-43. (cf. also Chafe 1959:490).
By SE-11, * / h / has been lost before the cluster * / tk /, before the cluster * / nh /,
before * / s / followed by a consonant, and before a consonant at the end of a word
( e.g. PNI * / akʷahˈtkaɁwẽh / 'I've given it up' ¹⁴⁴ Æ Se. / aˈkatkaɁwẽh /;
PNI * / kahˈnhohaɁ / 'door' ²³³ > Se. / kaˈhoaɁ /; PNI * / ohˈwihstaɁ / 'money' ²⁷⁴ >
Se. / oːˈwistaɁ /; PNI * / johˈsnoːɹeɁ / 'it is fast' ²⁵⁸ > Se. / osnoːweɁ /;
PNI * / ɹohskẽɁɹaˈkehteɁ / 'warrior' ²⁵⁵ Æ Se. / hoskɛ̃Ɂɛ̃ˈkehtaɁ / 'warrior';
PNI * / ˈtsjaːtahk / 'seven' ⁴⁶⁴ > Se. / tsaːtak /; PNI * / ɹaˈtoːɹaːths / 'he hunts' ¹⁸⁴ >
Se. / hatoːwæːs /; PNI * / tsaˈtwẽːteht / 'lend it!' ¹⁹² > Se. / satwɛ̃ːtet /;
PNI * / ˈtsaɁswaht / 'put out the fire!' ²⁰⁸ > Se. / saɁswat / ). This change must follow
SE-3, SE-4 and SE-6, and precede SE-18, SE-33 and SE-35.
By SE-12, * / h / has been lost before * / w / at the beginning of a word
( e.g. PNI * / ˈhwihsk / 'five' ²⁷³ > Se. / wis / 'five' ).
By SE-13, * / h / has been lost between * / w / and * / j /
290
( e.g. PNI * / kewhjõhkaˈɹaɁke / 'on my thumb' ⁴⁷⁷ > Se. / kjɔ̃hˈkæːɁkeh / ). This change
must precede SE-15 and SE-18.
By SE-14, * / hw / has been lost after * / õ(ː) / ( e.g. PNI * / jõhˈwẽtsjateɁ /
'the earth (is present)' ⁴⁰² ⁴³³ > Se. / jɔ̃ɛt̃ sateɁ /; PNI * / ɹaˈnõhweɁts / 'he likes it' ³⁸⁴ >
Se. / haˈnɔ̃eɁs /; PNI * / jonõhˈwakteɁ / 'it is sore' ³⁸³ > Se. / oˈnɔ̃ɔk̃ teɁ / ). This change
must follow SE-6 and precede SE-33.
By SE-15, * / w / has been lost before * / ɹ / and * / j / ( e.g. PNI * / joˈɁawjeɁ /
'there is dew' ¹⁹⁹ > Se. / oɁaːjeɁ /; PNI * / keˈwjẽhõɁts / 'I know how' ⁴⁸³ >
Se. / keˈjɛ̃ɔɁ̃ s /; PNI * / tejowɹaˈwẽɹjõːh / 'the wind has stirred' ¹⁹⁵ ⁴⁸⁷ >
Se. / tejoæwɛ̃ːnjɔ̃ːh / 'the breeze is stirring' ). This change must follow SE-13, and
precede SE-23 and SE-24.
By SE-16, * / ɹ / has become * / n / before * / hj / or * / j / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈkaɹjoːɁ /
'animal' ⁴²⁹ > Se. / kanjoːɁ /; PNI * / wak(e)ˈkaɹjahs / 'it bites me' ³²⁴ >
Se. / akekanjas /; PNI * / kwaɁˈkohɹjẽɁ / 'whippoorwill' ⁴⁷⁴ Æ Se. / ˈkwɛ̃Ɂkoːnjɛ̃Ɂ / ).
This change must precede SE-17, SE-18, SE-24 and SE-33. (cf. also Chafe 1959:489).
By SE-17, * / ɹ / has been lost when preceded by a vowel plus * / h /
( e.g. PNI * / ohˈɹaɁtaɁ / 'feather' ²⁴³ > Se. / ˈoæɁtaɁ /; PNI * / kaˈkahɹaɁ / 'eye' ³¹⁹ >
Se. / kaˈkaaɁ /; PNI * / roɁniˈkõhɹaɁ / 'his mind' ⁴⁹¹ > / hoɁˈnikɔ̃ɛɁ̃ / ). This change
291
must follow SE-6, SE-10, and SE-16, and precede SE-19, SE-22, SE-23, and SE-24.
By SE-18, * / h / has been lost when it occurred after a vowel and before * / n /,
* / w /, or * / j /, and the preceding vowel was lengthened ( e.g. PNI * / ohˈneːkaɁ /
'water, liquid' ³⁶⁴ > Se. / oːneːkaɁ / 'whiskey'; PNI * / ohˈwihstaɁ / 'metal, money' ²⁷⁴ >
Se. / oːˈwistaɁ /; PNI * / tejohˈjoɁtsihs / 'it is sour' ¹³³ > Se. / teˈjoːjoɁtsis / ). This
change must follow SE-4, SE-6, SE-11, SE-13, and SE-16, and precede SE-19, SE-20,
SE-26, and SE-37. (cf. also Chafe 1959:487).
By SE-19, * / h / has been lost intervocalically ( e.g. PNI * / oˈnẽhaɁ / 'corn,
grain' ³⁶⁶ > Se. / oˈnɛ̃ɔɁ̃ /; PNI * / wakiˈheːjõːh / 'I am dead' ²⁷⁶ > Se. / aˈkiːejɔ̃ːh /;
PNI * / ˈjohateɁ / 'there is a path' ¹³¹ ⁴³³ > Se. / oːateɁ / 'road, trail, path' ). This change
must follow SE-6, SE-17, and SE-18, and precede SE-25, SE-26, SE-27, SE-28, SE-29, and
SE-33. (cf. also Chafe 1959:487).
By SE-20, * / ɹ / has become * / j / when it followed a non-glottal consonant or
* / h / preceded by a non-glottal consonant and preceded * / o(ː) / or * / õ(ː) /
( e.g. PNI * / ˈtekɹõɁ / 'eight' ⁴³⁹ > Se. / tekjɔ̃Ɂ /; PNI * / tewak(e)ˈkẽtsɹõːh /
'I've scraped it' ³³⁶ > Se. / tewakekɛ̃ːsjɔ̃ːh /; PNI * / wakʷaˈthɹoːɹiːh /
'I have told of it' ²⁴⁶ > Se. / aˈkathjoːwiːh / ). This change must follow SE-1 and SE-18,
and precede SE-24. (cf. also Chafe 1959:489).
292
By SE-21, * / ɹ / has become * / h / after * / s / ( e.g. PNI * / kaˈhahsɹaɁ /
'flame, council fire, torch' ²²³ > Se. / ˈkaːshæɁ /; PNI * / ẽhˈnitsɹaɁ / 'day' ²¹⁶ >
Se. / ɛ̃ːˈnishæɁ /; PNI * / kahjaˈtõhsɹaɁ / 'something written, book' ²²⁸ >
Se. / kaːˈjatɔ̃shæɁ / ). This change must follow SE-1 and SE-10, and must precede SE-22
and SE-24.
By SE-22, * / ɹ / has become * / j / intervocalically after * / i(ː) /
( e.g. PNI * / waɁtkatiˈɹõːtẽɁ / 'I stretched it' ¹⁷⁵ > Se. / oɁtkatijɔ̃ːtɛ̃Ɂ / ), and this change
must follow SE-17, SE-21 and precede SE-24. Similarly, by SE-23, * / ɹ / has become
* / w / intervocalically after a rounded vowel ( e.g. PNI * / johˈsnoːɹeɁ / 'it is fast' ²⁵⁸ >
Se. / osnoːweɁ /; PNI * / tewaˈkoːɹẽɁ / 'I have split it' ³⁹⁶ > Se. / tewakoːwɛ̃Ɂ /;
PNI * / wakʷaˈtõːɹiːh / 'I have breathed' ¹⁸⁵ > Se. / akathɔ̃ːwiːh /;
PNI * / wakʷaˈthɹoːɹiːh / 'I have told of it' ²⁴⁶ > Se. / aˈkathjoːwiːh / ), and this change
must follow SE-15 and SE-17 and precede SE-24. (cf. also Chafe 1959:489).
By SE-24, * / ɹ / has been lost ( e.g. PNI * / kaˈɹhaːtaɁ / 'forest' ⁴²³ >
Se. / kahaːtaɁ /; * / ohˈkaːɹaɁ / 'wood chip' ¹³⁴ > Se. / ohkaːaɁ /; PNI * / oˈnjaːɹaɁ /
'neck' ²³⁹ > Se. / onjaːaɁ /; PNI * / kaˈɹẽːnaɁ / 'song, incantation' ⁴²² > Se. / kaɛ̃nɔ̃Ɂ /;
PNI * / kaˈnoːɹõɁ / 'it is dear' ³⁹³ > Se. / kanoːɔ̃Ɂ /; PNI * / niwaˈkjeːɹẽh /
'(what) I have done' ³⁰² > Se. / niwakjeːɛh

̃ / ). This change must follow SE-1, SE-4,
293
SE-6, SE-8, SE-9, SE-10, SE-15, SE-16, SE-17, SE-20, SE-21, and SE-22, and must
precede SE-25, SE-26, SE-27, SE-28, and SE-29. (cf. Chafe 1959:489).
By SE-25, short * / o / has become * / oː / before long * / aː / or * / æː /
( e.g. PNI * / ˈjohateɁ / 'there is a road' ¹³¹ > Se. / oːateɁ /; PNI * / ˈjowɹateɁ / 'there is
a wind' ⁴⁸⁷ > Se. / oːwæteɁ / ). This change must follow SE-19 and SE-24, and precede
SE-26.
By SE-26, long vowels have been shortened if preceded by another vowel
( e.g. PNI * / kaˈɹõːtaɁ / 'log, tree' ⁴³¹ > Se. / kɛɔ̃ t̃ aɁ /; PNI * / kaˈɹẽːnaɁ / 'song' ⁴²² >
Se. / kaɛ̃nɔ̃Ɂ /; PNI * / oˈheːɹaɁ / 'cornstalk' ²²⁴ > Se. / oeæɁ / 'cornstalk' ). This change
must follow SE-18, SE-19, SE-24, and SE-25. (cf. also Chafe 1959:492).
By SE-27, when accent occurred on the second of two adjacent vowels, it has shifted
to the first vowel ( e.g. PNI * / oˈhõhtaɁ / 'ear' ¹³⁶ > Se. / ˈoɔ̃htaɁ /; PNI * / ohˈɹaɁtaɁ /
'feather' ²⁴³ > Se. / ˈoæɁtaɁ /; PNI * / joɹaɁnẽˈtaːkõh / 'it is stuck on' ⁴²¹ >
Se. / ˈoæɁnẽtaːkɔ̃h / ). This change must follow SE-6, SE-19 and SE-24.
By SE-28, * / a(ː) / has become * / ẽ(ː) / when it immediately preceded or followed
* / ẽ(ː) / or * / õ(ː) / ( e.g. PNI * / kaˈɹõhjateɁ / 'the sky (is present)' ⁴³⁰ ⁴³³ >
Se. / ˈkɛ̃ɔj̃ ateɁ /; * / kaˈkẽːɹat / 'it is white' ³³⁵ > Se. / kakɛː̃ ɛ̃t /; PNI * / roɁniˈkõhɹaɁ /
'his mind' ⁴⁹¹ > Se. / hoɁˈnikɔ̃ɛɁ̃ /; PNI * / oˈnstẽhɹaɁ / 'cliff, rock bank' ²⁸⁶ >
294
Se. / oˈstɛ̃ːɛ̃Ɂ /, with anomalous vowel length ). This change must follow SE-19 and
SE-24. (cf. also Chafe 1959:490).
By SE-29, * / ẽ(ː) / has become * / e(ː) / when it immediately preceded * / e(ː) / or
* / o(ː) / ( e.g. PNI * / wahtjaˈwẽːɹeɁ / 'it is taboo' ¹⁴³ > Se. / wahtjaweːeɁ /;
PNI * / tewakhẽˈɹehtõh / 'I have shouted' ²²⁵ > Se. / tewaˈkheehtɔ̃h /;
PNI * / nijawẽˈhoːtẽːh / 'that kind of flower' ⁴⁰¹ ⁴¹⁰ > Se. / nijaˈweoɁtɛ̃ːh / ).
This change must follow SE-19 and SE-24.
By SE-30, * / Ɂ / has been lost before * / nk / or * / nkʷ / ( e.g. PNI * / heɁnkẽh /
'above, high, over' ²¹⁴ > Se. / hetkɛ̃h /; PNI * / oˈtsiɁnkʷaɹaɁ / 'bile' ⁴⁶¹ >
Se. / oˈtsitkʷæːɁ / ). This change must precede SE-31.
By SE-31, * / n / has become * / t / before * / k / or * / kʷ /
( e.g. PNI * / ˈkankaɁ / 'somewhere' ³²² Æ Se. / kaˈtkaɁhɔ̃h /; PNI * / oˈnkoɁɹhaɁ /
'wampum' ³⁷⁵ > Se. / oˈtkoɁæɁ /; PNI * / tjorahkʷiˈnkẽɁõh / 'the sun has come
out' ²⁸⁰ ⁴¹⁵ > Se. / tjoæhkʷiˈtkɛ̃Ɂɔ̃h / ), and this change must follow SE-30. Similarly, by
SE-32, * / n / has become * / t / word-finally after * / Ɂ / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈwaɁtktaɁn /
'I stood up' ⁴⁴⁹ > Se. / ˈoɁtktaɁt /; PNI * / waɁõˈkehnhaɁn / 'someone hired me' ²³² >
Se. / waˈɁɔ̃kehaɁt /; PNI * / õˈkjẽːtaɁn / 'I obtained it' ³⁰⁹ > Se. / ɔ̃kjɛ̃ːtaɁt / ).
By SE-33, a resonant consonant has been lost before * / h / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈkõnheɁ /
295
'I am alive' ⁴⁰⁶ > Se. / kɔ̃heɁ /; PNI * / oɁˈnhõhsaɁ / 'egg' ⁴⁹⁰ > Se. / oɁˈhɔ̃hsaɁ /;
PNI * / kẽˈjhõhateɁ / 'there is a creek' ²⁷⁸ ⁴³³ > Se. / kẽhɔ̃ːteɁ / ). This change must
follow SE-11, SE-13 and SE-19. (cf. also Chafe 1959:487).
By SE-34, a consonant has been lost when preceded by * / s / and followed by a
word boundary ( e.g. PNI * / ˈhwihsk / 'five' ²⁷³ > Se. / wis /; PNI * / ˈtakjehst /
'I added, I contributed' ³⁰⁰ > Se. / takjes / ). (cf. also Chafe & Foster 1981:135).
By SE-35, a non-glottal consonant has been lost before * / s / at the end of a word
( e.g. PNI * / ˈɹaɁjaːkhs / 'he shoots' ²⁹⁰ > Se. / haɁjaːs /; PNI * / ɹaˈtoːɹaːths /
'he hunts' ¹⁸⁴ > Se. / hatoːwæːs /; PNI * / ˈjohskaːths / 'it is good' ²⁵³ > Se. / oskaːs / ).
This change must follow SE-11. (cf. also Chafe 1959:486).
By SE-36, * / k / has been lost before * / hts / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈɹakhtsiɁ /
'my older brother' ²⁶⁷ > Se. / hahtsiɁ /; PNI * / ˈakhtsiɁ / 'my older sister' ²⁶⁷ >
Se. / ahtsiɁ / ).
By SE-37, * / t / has become * / h / before * / n / or * / t / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈtniːkẽh /
'they see it' ⁰³⁶ > Se. / hniːkɛ̃h /; PNI * / oˈttenjõːh / 'it has changed' ⁴⁴⁰ >
Se. / ohteːnjɔ̃ːh /; PNI * / tewattiˈhaɁthaɁ / 'it alternates, it differs' ⁴⁴² >
Se. / tewahˈtiaɁthaɁ / ). This change must follow SE-18. (cf. also Chafe 1959:484).
By SE-38, * / t / has been lost when it followed * / k / at the end of a word
296
( e.g. PNI * / ˈjoːtoɁkt / 'it is at the end' ³⁹⁸ > Se. / oːtoɁk /; PNI * / waɁthatõˈtaːɹikt /
'he laughed' ¹⁸⁶ > Se. / oɁthatɔ̃taːik / ). (cf. also Chafe 1959:486).
By SE-39, * / ths / has become * / tsh / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈẽthseɁ / 'you will come
here' ²⁰⁹ > Se. / ɛ̃tsheɁ /; PNI * / athsiˈnhahsɹaɁ / 'garters' ¹⁷² > Se. / aˈtshihashæɁ / ).
This change must follow SE-1.
By SE-40, * / tts / has become * / tsh / ( e.g. PNI * / tekattsiˈstokwas /
'I scatter sparks' ⁴⁵⁹ ⁴⁷¹ > Se. / teˈkatshistoːkwas / ). This change must follow SE-1.
By SE-41, * / a(ː) / has become * / õ(ː) / if the vowel of the preceding syllable was
nasal and a glottal consonant, * / w /, or a cluster * / Ɂw / or * / sw / interceded
( e.g. PNI * / aˈwẽhaɁ / 'flower' ²¹⁵ > Se. / aˈwɛɔ̃ Ɂ̃ /; PNI * / kaˈkẽnhateɁ / '(it is)
summer' ³³⁴ ⁴³³ > Se. / kaˈkɛ̃hɔ̃teɁ /; PNI * / ohstahˈɹõːwaɁ / 'marrow' ²⁶² >
Se. / oˈstaːɔ̃wɔ̃Ɂ /; PNI * / kahnaˈwaɁke / 'at the rapids' ²³⁰ > Se. / kaːˈnɔ̃wɔ̃Ɂkeh /;
PNI * / ɹõwajẽhˈwaːtẽɁ / 'their nephew' ²¹⁷ > Se. / hɔ̃ˈwɔ̃jɛ̃ːwɔ̃ːtɛ̃Ɂ /;
cf. also Chafe 1959:491 and 1967:9 ). This change must follow SE-1.
By SE-42, * / a(ː) / has become * / õ(ː) / after * / n / ( e.g. PNI * / oˈjaːnaɁ /
'footprint' ²⁹⁴ > Se. / oˈjaːnɔ̃Ɂ /; PNI * / kaˈnatajẽɁ / 'there is a village' ³⁰⁶ ³⁵⁶ >
Se. / kanɔ̃tajɛ̃Ɂ /; PNI * / kaˈnakɹeɁ / 'there is a lot' ³⁵⁴ > Se. / kanɔ̃ːkeɁ / ).
(cf. also Chafe 1959:491). Similarly, by SE-43, * / æ(ː) / has become * / ẽ(ː) / after
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* / n / ( e.g. PNI * / oˈnɹahsaɁ / 'fungus' ³⁸⁹ > Se. / oˈnɛ̃hsaɁ /; PNI * / oˈnɹahtaɁ / ³⁹⁰
> Se. / oˈnɛ̃htaɁ / 'leaf' ), and this change must follow SE-11.
(cf. also Chafe & Foster 1981:138).
By SE-44, * / ẽ(ː) / has shifted to / ɛ(̃ ː) / ( e.g. PNI * / oˈnẽtshaɁ / 'arm' ³⁷⁰ >
Se. / onɛ̃ːshaɁ /; PNI * / ˈkẽtsjõh / 'fish' ⁴⁶⁷ > Se. / kɛ̃tsɔ̃h /; PNI * / oɁˈnẽːjaɁ / 'bone' ⁴⁸⁹
> Se. / oɁnɛ̃ːjaɁ / ), and by SE-45, * / õ(ː) / has shifted to / ɔ̃(ː) /
( e.g. PNI * / ˈõːkʷeh / 'person' ⁴⁰⁵ > Se. / ɔ̃ːkʷeh /; PNI * / oˈhõhtaɁ / 'ear' ¹³⁶ >
Se. / ˈoɔ̃htaɁ /; PNI * / wakiˈheːjõːh / 'I am dead' ²⁷⁶ > Se. / aˈkiːejɔ̃ːh / ).
By SE-46, * / h / has been inserted between * / k / and * / n /
( e.g. PNI * / ˈtekniːh / 'two' ⁴³⁸ > Se. / tekhniː /; PNI * / waknõhˈweɁõh / 'I like it' ³⁸⁴
> / aˈkhnɔ̃eɁɔ̃h /; PNI * / waɁaˈkniːkẽɁ / 'we saw it' ³³² > Se. / waˈɁakhniːkɛ̃Ɂ / ).
(cf. also Chafe 1959:484, Michelson 1988:24).
Phonological changes that have occurred during the transition from PNI to Seneca
(2) Phonological Changes in the Transition from PNI to Seneca
SE-1 ts > s ( except before i or j )

SE-2 n > Ø / _s
SE-3 j > Ø / ts_
SE-4 V¹ > V¹ː / _k, kʷ, t, s, n, ɹ, j, w ( in even penults )
SE-5 ˈV¹ > V¹
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SE-6 new accentual system ( see description )
SE-7 a > æ / _ɹa(ː)
SE-8 a > e / _ɹo(ː)
SE-9 a > ẽ / _ɹõ(ː)
SE-10 a(ː) > æ(ː) / ɹ_
SE-11 h > Ø / _tk, nh, sC, C#
SE-12 h > Ø / #_w
SE-13 h > Ø / w_j
SE-14 hw > Ø / õ_
SE-15 w > Ø / _ɹ, j
SE-16 ɹ > n / _(h)j
SE-17 ɹ > Ø / Vh_
SE-18 V¹h > V¹ː / _n, w, j
SE-19 h > Ø / V_V
SE-20 ɹ > j / K(h)_o(ː), õ(ː)
SE-21 ɹ > h / s_
SE-22 ɹ > j / i(ː)_V
SE-23 ɹ > w / o(ː), õ(ː)_V
SE-24 ɹ>Ø
SE-25 o > oː / _aː, æː
SE-26 V¹ː > V¹ / V_
SE-27 V¹ˈV² > ˈV¹V²
SE-28 a(ː) > ẽ(ː) / _ẽ(ː), õ(ː); ẽ(ː), õ(ː)_
SE-29 ẽ(ː) > e(ː) / _e(ː), o(ː)
SE-30 Ɂ > Ø / _nk, nkʷ
SE-31 n > t / _k, kʷ
SE-32 n > t / Ɂ_#
SE-33 R > Ø / _h
SE-34 C > Ø / s_#
SE-35 K > Ø / _s#
SE-36 k > Ø / _hts
SE-37 t > h / _n, t
SE-38 t > Ø / k_#
SE-39 ths > tsh
SE-40 tts > tsh
SE-41 a(ː) > õ(ː) / ṼH, Ṽ(Ɂ)w, Ṽsw_
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SE-42 a(ː) > õ(ː) / n_
SE-43 æ(ː) > ẽ(ː) / n_
SE-44 ẽ(ː) > ɛ̃(ː)
SE-45 õ(ː) > ɔ̃(ː)
SE-46 Ø > h / k_n
Seneca has lost the non-singular animate prefix and pronominal prefixes with an
argument '3I' take the place of earlier non-singular forms ( e.g. Se. { khe } '1SG:3I, I act
on someone or them' ), as occurs also in Proto-Mohawk-Oneida and Onondaga. The
Seneca coincident prefix may begin with / sh / or / tsh / depending on register
(Chafe 1967:33); variants in / sh / represent the expected phonological outcome. The
Proto-Northern Iroquoian factual morpheme * / waɁ / ⁰⁰⁶ has become / oɁ / in Seneca
before all pronominal prefixes except for those beginning in * / h / and * / j /, and the
glottal stop is lost before * / h /, as in Tuscarora, Proto-Mohawk-Oneida, and Cayuga.
As in Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, Huron, and Wyandot, PNI pronominal prefixes
that begin with * / j / lose this consonant word-initially in Seneca ( e.g. PNI * / jetsa /
'3I:2SG' ⁰²⁹ Æ Se. / esa / ), though it is preserved in the prefixes { je } '3I:3' ⁰⁶³ and
{ jako } '3:3I' ⁰⁶⁴ ; initial * / hj / has been reduced to / j / in the same environment
( e.g. PNI * / hja / '3M:2SG' ⁰³⁰ Æ Se. / ja / ). As in Onondaga and Cayuga, all reflexes
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of PNI masculine gender pronominal prefixes with allomorphs in * / hɹ / and * / ɹ /
have levelled these sequences to / h / ( e.g. PNI * { hɹa } '3SGM:3' ⁰⁵³ Æ Se. { ha } ).
The language has a reflex of PNI * { wati } '3PL:3' ⁰⁵⁸ rather than * { kõti } ⁰⁵⁹, as well
as a unique prefix { hõsa } '3NSM:2SG' and a prefix { hõk } '3NSM:3'
( cf. Onondaga { hũk } '3NSM:3' ); the PNI prefix * { jakoti } '3NS:3I' ⁰⁷⁰ does not have a
reflex in Seneca.
As in Cayuga, Onondaga, Huron, and Wyandot, the Seneca prefixes / hsk /
'2:1.SG' ⁰¹⁶, / wak / '3:1SG' ⁰²⁵, / jɔ̃k / '3I:1SG' ⁰²⁶, / hak / '3M:1SG' ⁰²⁷, and / tak /
'2:1.SG.IMP' ⁰⁷² lack allomorphs ending in / kʷ / before bases beginning in / a /.
Reflexes of PNI prefixes ending in dual number * / ni / appear to have developed, by
analogy, an allomorph ending in / nj / rather than / j / before bases beginning in / a /,
as well as before bases beginning in / ɛ̃ /, a distribution also found in Onondaga.
'Southern Seneca' forms in Dudley (1974:49) show that certain varieties of the
languages have not only the predicted allomorph / ts / '2DU&3' ⁰³¹ in place of / snj /
before bases beginning in / a /, but also an allomorph / tsi / that occurs before
consonants ( cf. Huron and Wyandot / tsi / '2DU&3' in the same environment ). Other
forms in Dudley (1974:59) show that the same varieties replace allomorphs of
PNI * / hse / '2SG:3' ⁰²² with allomorphs of PNI * / tse / '2SG:3.IMP' ⁰⁷⁵ and eliminate
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the earlier distinction between imperative and non-imperative second person
pronominal prefixes.
To the consonants and clusters before which a reflex of epenthetic * / e / appears in
Seneca, / hnj / appears to have been added, as do / hs /, / k /, / kʷ /, and / Ɂ / and all
clusters beginning with these sequences. Consonants and clusters before which the
1SG:3 pronominal prefix allomorphs / Ø / ( < PNI * / k / ), / kh / ( < PNI * / k / ),
/ k /, and / ke / occur in Seneca are presented in (3).
(3) Distribution of Prefix Allomorphs with Epenthetic / e / in Seneca (1SG:3)
/ Ø / _htsV
/ kh / _nV
/k/ _hV ( < PNI * hV, hɹV ), hjV, hnV, hwV, jV ( < PNI * jV ), tV, tsV, wV.
/ ke / _hV ( < PNI * wjhV ), jV ( < PNI * jɁV, wjV ), and all remaining
consonants and clusters.
Seneca, like Cayuga, has an eventuative suffix { -sɁɔ̃h } which is added to perfect
forms to signify that an event is finally complete ( e.g. Se. / akahsehˈtasɁɔ̃h / 'I've finally
hidden it' ). No distinction is made between present and imperfective verb bases, and
the language instead has general habitual aspect bases. The intensifier suffix has the
form { -tsiːwɛ̃h }. Like the other Five Nations languages, Seneca has a second locative
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suffix, { -neh }, a pluralizer suffix, { -shɔ̃Ɂ }, and an augmentative suffix, { -koːwaːh }.
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CHAPTER 16: HURON
16.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes the common language of the Huron and Petun Confederacies,
both of whom referred to themselves as / wẽnaˈtɹoːnõɁ / meaning 'People of one
language'. The territory of the Huron in the early seventeenth century appears to have
ranged from the Nottawasaga and Credit Rivers in the west, bordering on the territory
of the Petun and the Neutral, to the Saint Lawrence River in the east, bordering on the
territory of the Algonquin, north to the Canadian Shield, bordering on the territory of
the Nipissing and the Algonquin, and south to Lake Ontario (cf. Trigger 1987:27-30,
Warrick 2008:9-11; see Map 7). The territory of the Petun in the early seventeenth
century appears to have ranged from Owen Sound in the west, bordering on the
territory of the Ottawa, to the Nottawasaga River in the east, bordering on the territory
of the Huron, north to Georgian Bay, and south to the Grand River Valley, bordering on
the territory of the Neutral (cf. Trigger 1987:91-94, Warrick 2008:11-12; see Map 7).
All dialects and derivatives of Huron ( including Wyandot, the subject of the next
chapter, which descends from the Petun dialect of Huron ) are extinct, but the language
is preserved in an abundance of Jesuit records and dictionaries beginning in the early
seventeenth century. By comparing these records against their respective geographic
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points of origin, Steckley (1997, 2007a) has established the former existence of at least
five Huron dialects: Rock Huron (RoHu), associated with Huron Rock villages situated
near Lake Couchiching; Cord Huron (CoHu), associated with Huron Cord villages
situated near Kempenfelt Bay; Northern Bear Huron (NBeHu), associated with Huron
Bear villages situated in the Penetanguishine peninsula; Southern Bear Huron (SBeHu),
associated with Huron Bear villages situated directly south of the Penetanguishine
Peninsula; and Petun (PeHu), associated with Petun villages near the Blue Mountain.
To these five can be added Lorette Huron (LoHu), the dialect spoken by the Huron
community at Lorette in Quebec until the late nineteenth century.
Huron forms presented in this chapter reflect Common Huron, a reconstructed form
of the language that predates dialect divisions. Subsequent sound changes that separate
the six known Huron dialects from Common Huron are presented in 16.3.
Discussion of Huron dialects is in Steckley (1987) and Steckley (2007a), and
discussion of prefix allomorphy is in Julian (2009). Huron hymns are in MS 66,
religious texts in Steckley (2004), and a grammar based on early sources in Lagarde
(1980). An early dictionary is in Sagard (1632), and slightly later and more reliable
Jesuit dictionaries are in MS 59, MS 62, MS 65, MS 67, Fraser (1920), and Steckley
(2007b). Unless otherwise stated, Huron forms in this chapter are based on data from
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MS 59.
The phonemic inventory of Common Huron is presented in (1).
(1) Phonemic Inventory of Common Huron
CONSONANTS
Plosive t k kʷ Ɂ
Nasal n
Fricative s ʃ ( x xʷ ) h
Affricate ts
Approximant ɹ j w
VOWELS
Front Central Back
Close iː
i
e ẽ o õ
Open aː
a
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The phonemes / ʃ /, / x /, and / xʷ / appear to have developed from reflexes of PNI
* / s /, * / k /, and * / kʷ / in certain environments. The phonetic identity of the
sounds represented by / x / and / xʷ / ( <˛> and <˛8> in the Jesuit orthography, with
<g> and <g8> used in dictionaries for purposes of alphabetization ) is uncertain, and
although unrounded and rounded voiceless velar fricatives are used to represent them
here (cf. Rudes 1976:23), other possibilities that have been suggested include voiceless
palatal fricatives ( / ç / and / çʷ / ) and voiced palatal fricatives ( / ʝ / and / ʝʷ / )
(cf. Lagarde 1980:34). Whether contrastive vowel length was maintained in final
syllables in Huron is uncertain, but it is here assumed to have been retained.
Unlike other Northern Iroquoian languages, Huron does not appear to have had
phonetic voicing of the plosives / t /, / k / and / kʷ / in any environment
(cf. Rudes 1976:17). The phoneme / n / seems to have been realized as [ nd ]
( <nd> in the Jesuit orthography ) before syllables containing non-nasal vowels
( e.g. Hu. / xaˈnaːtaɁ / <˛andata> 'village' Æ [ xaˈndaːtaɁ ]; Hu. / xahˈnhoːaɁ /
<˛andh8a> 'door' Æ [ xahˈndhoːaɁ ] ); elsewhere it seems to have been realized as [ n ]
( <nn> in the Jesuit orthography ) ( e.g. Hu. / oˈnẽhaɁ / <onnenha> 'corn' Æ
[ oˈnẽhaɁ ]; Hu. / xaˈnõhʃaɁ / <˛annonchia> 'house' Æ [ xaˈnõhʃaɁ ] ). Mithun
(1985:506) and Steckley (2007a:40) note that pronunciation of / o(ː) / seems to
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have approached [ u(ː) ] in certain environments, and Mithun (1985:505) notes that
pronunciation of / ts / appears to have approached [ tʃ ] for some speakers.
Pronunciation of the vowel / ẽ / may have approached [ ã ] ( <an> in the Jesuit
orthography ) when preceded by / w / in final syllables ( e.g. Hu. / xaˈnõnawẽɁ /
<˛annonda8an> 'pipe' Æ [ xaˈnõnawãɁ ] ).
Huron are described below as HU-1 through HU-25. Where ordering of any two changes
seems to be necessary in order to produce a correct output in Huron, this is noted.
By HU-1, * / s / has become * / ʃ / except before * / k /, * / kʷ /, * / t /, * / n /, or
* / w /, or when * / s / is part of the unit affricate * / ts / ( e.g. PNI * / kahˈwihshaɁ /
'force, strength' ²⁷² > Hu. / xahˈwihʃhaɁ / <gah8icha>; PNI * / ohˈshõːwaɁ /
'depth, hollow' ²⁴⁹ > Hu. / ohˈʃhõːwaɁ / <ochon8a>; PNI * / ˈohsɹaɁ / 'winter, year' ³⁹⁴
> Hu. / ˈohʃɹaɁ / <Ocha> [ change of / ɹ / to / h / after / ʃ / in the Rock dialect ];
PNI * / kahˈsẽːnaɁ / 'name' ²⁴⁷ > Hu. / xahˈʃẽːnaɁ / <gachienda>; but cf. e.g.
PNI * / kaˈnahskʷaɁ / 'slave' ³⁵³ > Hu. / xaˈnahskʷaɁ / <gandask8a>; PNI * / ˈansteh /
'outside' ¹⁵⁵ > Hu. / ˈasteh / <Aste>; PNI * / ˈaːtseːɁ / 'it is new' ¹⁸⁹ > Hu. / ˈaːseːɁ /
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<Ase> ). This change must precede HU-3 and HU-5. (cf. also Mithun 1979:167).
By HU-2, * / ts / has become * / ʃ / before * / ɹ / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈaɁtsɹaɁ / 'axe' ²⁰⁶ >
Hu. / ˈaɁʃɹaɁ / <Acha> [ change of / ɹ / to / h / after / ʃ / in the Rock dialect ];
PNI * / ˈtsɹaɁtẽh / 'climb!' ⁴²⁰ > Hu. / ˈʃɹaɁtẽh / <chraten> ). This change must
precede HU-3.
By HU-3, * / ts / has become * / s / except before * / i / and * / j /
( e.g. PNI * / ˈaːtseːɁ / 'it is new' ¹⁸⁹ > Hu. / ˈaːseːɁ / <Ase>; PNI * / kaˈnẽtshaɁ /
'arm' ³⁷⁰ > Hu. / xaˈnẽshaɁ / <gannensa>; but cf. PNI * / oˈtsihkʷaɁ / 'knot, fist,
club' ⁴⁵³ > Hu. / oˈtsihkʷaɁ / <otsik8a>; PNI * / ˈkẽtsjõh / 'fish' ⁴⁶⁷ > Hu. / ˈxẽtsõh /
<gentson> ). This change must follow HU-1 and HU-2 and precede HU-9, HU-10,
HU-11, HU-17, and HU-24. (cf. also Rudes 1976:32).
By HU-4, * / n / has been lost after * / t / and * / th / ( e.g. PNI * / tniˈnakɹeɁ /
'we reside' ³⁵⁴ > Hu. / tiˈnaxɹeɁ / <tinda˛re>; PNI * / ˈẽthneɁ / 'they will come' ²⁰⁹ >
Hu. / ˈetheɁ / <eθe> ). (cf. also Lagarde 1980:65).
By HU-5, * / n / has been lost before * / s / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈwahnshẽːh / 'ten' ¹³⁵ >
Hu. / ˈahshẽːh / <A’sen>; PNI * / ˈansteh / 'outside' ¹⁵⁵ > Hu. / ˈasteh / <Aste>;
PNI * / kaɁˈnshansteɁ / 'it is powerful' ⁴⁹⁶ > Hu. / xaɁˈshasteɁ / <gasaste> ). This
change must follow HU-1.
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By HU-6, * / n / has been lost in Huron prefixes before * / i /
( e.g. PNI * / waɁˈhniːkẽɁ / 'they saw it' ³³² > Hu. / aɁˈhiːxẽɁ / <ahi˛en>;
PNI * / waɁˈtsniːkẽɁ / 'you saw it' ³³² > Hu. / aɁˈtsiːxẽɁ / <atsi˛en>;
PNI * / jakniˈnakɹeɁ / 'we reside' ³⁵⁴ > Hu. / axiˈnaxɹeɁ / <a˛inda˛re> ). This change
occurred only when * / n / and * / i / were both part of the prefix, and did not occur
outside of prefixes ( cf. PNI * / ˈtekniːh / 'two' ⁴³⁸ > Hu. / ˈteniːh / <tendi>;
PNI * / johˈniːɹõh / 'it is durable' ²³⁷ > Hu. / ohˈniːɹih / <ondiri> ). This change must
precede HU-7, HU-8, HU-9, and HU-13.
By HU-7, * / k / has become * / i / word-initially before * / n /
( e.g. PNI * / ˈknõːkʷeh / 'they are people' ⁴⁰⁵ > Hu. / iˈnõːxʷeh / <innon˛8e>;
PNI * / ˈknaɁtaɹaks / 'I eat bread' ³¹⁶ ³⁶¹ > Hu. / iˈnaɁtaɹahʃ / <indatarach> ). This
change must follow HU-6 and precede HU-8 and HU-13.
By HU-8, * / k / has been lost before * / n / ( e.g. PNI * / waˈɁakneɁ /
'we are going' ²⁰⁹ > Hu. / aˈɁaneɁ / <aande>; PNI * / waɁˈknaɁtaɹak /
'I ate bread' ³¹⁶ ³⁶¹ > Hu. / aɁˈnaɁtaɹax / <andatara˛>; PNI * / waɁknõhˈsõːniɁ /
'I built the house' ²⁶⁰ ³⁸² > Hu. / aɁnõhˈʃõːniɁ / <annonchiondi> ). This change must
follow HU-6 and HU-7 and precede HU-13. (cf. also Lagarde 1980:66).
By HU-9, * / n / has become * / t / after * / s / ( e.g. PNI * / johˈsnoːɹeɁ /
310
'it is fast' ²⁵⁸ > Hu. / ohˈstoːɹeɁ / <ostore>; PNI * / tsniˈheːjõːh / 'you are dead' ²⁷⁶ >
Hu. / stiˈheːõːh / <stiheon>; PNI * / ˈẽtskneɁ / 'they will go back' ²⁰⁹ > Hu. / ˈesteɁ /
<este> ). This change must follow HU-3, HU-6, and HU-7. (cf. also Lagarde 1980:62).
By HU-10, * / hn / has become * / th / after * / s / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈẽtshneɁ /
'they will go again' ²⁰⁹ > Hu. / ˈestheɁ / <esθe> ). This change must follow HU-3.
(cf. also Lagarde 1980:72).
By HU-11, a cluster * / sC¹ / has become * / C¹h / after * / s /
( e.g. PNI * / ˈtsskwaːkẽh / 'you still see us' ³³² > Hu. / ˈskhwaːxẽhk / <sχ8a˛enk> ).
This change must follow HU-3. (cf. also Lagarde 1980:77).
By HU-12, * / k / has become * / h / before * / t /, * / ts /, * / s / or * / ʃ /
( e.g. PNI * / kaˈnaktaɁ / 'bed' ³⁵⁵ > Hu. / xaˈnahtaɁ / <ganda‛ta>; PNI * / ˈkaktsaɁ /
'dish' ³⁴⁷ > Hu. / ˈxahsaɁ / <gasa>; PNI * / ˈwaksẽːh / 'it is bad' ¹⁵³ > Hu. / ˈahʃẽːh /
<Achen>; PNI * / ˈihɹɁoks / 'he chops' ⁴³² > Hu. / ˈihaɁohʃ / <iharoch> ).
By HU-13, * / k / has become * / x / when both preceded and followed by any of
the following: a vowel, a glottal stop, a resonant consonant, or a word boundary
( e.g. PNI * / waɁkaːkẽɁ / 'it saw it' ³³² > Hu. / aɁˈxaːxẽɁ / <a˛a˛en>; PNI * / ˈkankõɁ /
'blood' ³⁷⁶ > Hu. / ˈxanxõɁ / <˛angon>; PNI * / ẽˈkɹõtjaɁk / 'I will cut down
the tree' ²⁹⁷ ⁴³¹ > Hu. / eˈxɹõtjaɁx / <e˛rontiaj> ). This change must follow HU-6, HU-7
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and HU-8, and precede HU-15, and HU-16.
By HU-14, * / kʷ / has become * / xʷ / between vowels ( e.g. PNI * / ˈõːkʷeh /
'person' ⁴⁰⁵ > Hu. / ˈõːxʷeh / <on˛8e> ). This change must precede HU-16.
By HU-15, * / t / has become * / k / before * / w / or * / hw /
( e.g. PNI * / twaˈnakɹeɁ / 'we reside' ³⁵⁴ > Hu. / kwaˈnaxɹeɁ / <k8anda˛re>;
PNI * / wakʷaˈtwiɹajẽɁ / 'I have children' ⁴⁷⁹ ³⁰⁶ > Hu. / axaˈkwiɹaẽɁ / <a˛ak8iraen>;
PNI * / joˈjẽthwẽh / 'it is planted' ³¹¹ > Hu. / oˈẽkhwih / <oenχ8i>;
PNI * / wakʷaˈtkahthwẽh / 'I have looked at it' ¹⁷⁹ > Hu. / axaˈkahkhwih /
<a˛aka‛k8i> ). This change must follow HU-13 and precede HU-16.
(cf. also Lagarde 1980:75).
By HU-16, * / t / has been lost before * / k / and * / kʷ / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈtkaːjẽɁ /
'it is there' ³⁰⁶ > Hu. / ˈkaːẽɁ / <Kaen>; PNI * / oˈtkẽhtsɹaɁ / 'purulence' ¹⁸⁰ >
Hu. / oˈkẽhʃɹaɁ / <Okencha> [ change of / ɹ / to / h / after / ʃ / in the Rock dialect ];
PNI * / kaˈtkahthwahs / 'I look at it' ¹⁷⁹ > Hu. / xaˈkahkhwahʃ / <˛aka‛k8ach> ). This
change must follow HU-13, HU-14 and HU-15. (cf. also Lagarde 1980:65).
By HU-17, * / j / has been lost after * / ts / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈkẽtsjõh / 'fish' ⁴⁶⁷ >
Hu. / ˈxẽtsõh / <gentson>; PNI * / kaˈtsjaːɹaɁ / 'tobacco' ⁴⁶⁵ > Hu. / xaˈtsaːɹaɁ /
<gatsara>; PNI * / kaˈnaɁtsjaɁ / 'pot' ³⁶³ > Hu. / xaˈnaɁtsaɁ / <gandatsa> ).
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(cf. also Mithun 1979:167).
By HU-18, * / j / has been lost word-initially, word-finally, and between vowels
( e.g. PNI * / jeˈnakɹeɁ / 'one resides' ³⁵⁴ > Hu. / eˈnaxɹeɁ / <enda˛re>;
PNI * / waɁˈkẽhej / 'it died' ²⁷⁶ > Hu. / aɁˈxẽhe / <a˛enhe>; PNI * / kaˈjeːɹiːh /
'it is complete' ³⁰³ > Hu. / xaˈeːɹiːh / <gaeri> ), and this change must precede HU-19
and HU-20a. (cf. also Mithun 1979:168, Lagarde 1980:65).
By HU-19, * / ɹ / has been lost before * / j / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈkaɹjoːɁ / 'animal' ⁴²⁹ >
Hu. / ˈxajoːɁ / <gaïo>; PNI * / eˈɹjahsaɁ / 'heart' ²¹² > Hu. / eˈjahʃaɁ / <Eiachia>;
PNI * / aˈɹjaːwẽhk / 'it would have happened' ²²¹ > Hu. / aˈjaːwẽhk / <aia8enk> ),
and similarly, by HU-20, * / w / has been lost before * / j / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈkawjaɁ /
'wing' ⁴⁸⁰ > Hu. / ˈxajaɁ / <gaïa>; PNI * / kaˈwjẽːnaɁ / 'manner' ⁴⁸⁴ >
Hu. / xaˈjẽːnaɁ / <gaïenda>; PNI * / keˈwjẽhwẽh / 'I know how' ⁴⁸³ >
Hu. / xeˈjẽhwih / <˛eïenh8i> ). Both changes must follow HU-18.
By HU-21, * / w / has been lost before * / ɹ / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈowɹaɁ /
'air, wind' ⁴⁸⁷ > Hu. / ˈoɹaɁ / <ora> ).
By HU-22, * / w / has been lost word-initially and word-finally
( e.g. PNI * / ˈwahnshẽːh / 'ten' ¹³⁵ > Hu. / ˈahshẽːh / <A‛sen>; PNI * / wakiˈheːjõːh /
'I am dead' ²⁷⁶ > Hu. / axiˈheːõːh / <a˛iheon>; PNI * / ẽwaˈkiːtaɁw / 'I will sleep' ²⁸⁷ >
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Hu. / ewaˈxiːtaɁ / <e8a˛ita> ), and this change must precede HU-23.
(cf. also Mithun 1979:168, Lagarde 1980:65).
By HU-23, * / h / has been lost word-initially before * / w / ( e.g. PNI * / ˈhwiks /
'five' ²⁷³ > Hu. / ˈwihʃ / <8ich> ), and this change must follow HU-22.
By HU-24, * / k / has been inserted between * / s / and * / w / or * / hw /
( e.g. PNI * / ˈtswẽːtaːt / 'one day' ¹⁵⁹ ²¹⁹ > Hu. / ˈskwẽːtaːt / <sk8entat>;
PNI * / ˈjoɁtswẽh / 'it is extinguished' ²⁰⁷ > Hu. / ˈoɁskwẽh / <osk8an>;
* / kehˈshwahẽɁts / 'I hate it' ²⁵⁰ > Hu. / xehˈskhwahẽɁs / <˛esk8ahens> ). This
change must follow HU-3 (cf. Lagarde 1980:69).
By HU-25, * / a / has been inserted between any two-consonant cluster and / Ɂ /
( e.g. PNI * / waˈkehsɁõh / 'I have finished it' ²⁶⁶ > Hu. / aˈxehʃaɁih / <a˛echiai>;
PNI * / ˈikɹɁoks / 'I chop' ⁴³² > Hu. / ˈixɹaɁohʃ / <i˛raoch> ).
Huron are recapitulated in (2).
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(2) Phonological Changes in the Transition from PNI to Common Huron
HU-1 s > ʃ ( except before k, kʷ, t, n, w, or when part of the affricate )

HU-2 ts > ʃ / _ɹ
HU-3 ts > s ( except before i and j )
HU-4 n > Ø / t, th_
HU-5 n > Ø / _s
HU-6 n > Ø / _i ( pronominal prefixes only )
HU-7 k > i / #_n
HU-8 k > Ø / _n
HU-9 n > t / s_
HU-10 hn > th / s_
HU-11 sC¹ > C¹h / s_
HU-12 k > h / _t, ts, s, ʃ
HU-13 k > x / #, R, Ɂ, V_V, Ɂ, R, #
HU-14 kʷ > xʷ / V_V
HU-15 t > k / _hw, w
HU-16 t > Ø / _k, kʷ
HU-17 j > Ø / ts_
HU-18 j > Ø / #, V_V, #
HU-19 ɹ > Ø / _j
HU-20 w > Ø / _j
HU-21 w > Ø / _ɹ
HU-22 w > Ø / #_, _#
HU-23 h > Ø / #_w
HU-24 Ø > k / s_hw, w
HU-25 Ø > a / CC_Ɂ
Several changes additional to those in (2) have taken place in various Huron
dialects (cf. Steckley 1997 and 2007a:35-45). Six such changes are described below as
HU-D1 through HU-D6.
By HU-D1, * / ɹ / has become * / h / after * / ʃ / ( e.g. Hu. / ˈaɁʃɹaɁ / 'axe' >
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RoHu. / ˈaɁʃhaɁ / <Acha>; Hu. / ˈohʃɹaɁ / 'winter, year' > RoHu. / ˈohʃhaɁ /
<Ocha>; Hu. / xehˈʃɹõnjahk / 'I prepare it' > RoHu. / xehˈʃhõnjahk /
<˛echondiak> ), except across morpheme boundaries ( cf. RoHu. / ˈʃɹaːtẽh /
<chraten> 'climb!' ). This change occurred in the Northern Bear, Lorette, and Rock
dialects. (cf. also Steckley 2007a:41).
By HU-D2, * / xʷ / has become * / w / ( e.g. Hu. / ˈõːxʷeh / 'person' >
LoHu. / ˈõːweh / <on8e> (MS 66:16) ). This change is attested sporadically in
virtually all Huron dialects but appears to have occurred systematically in Northern
Bear and Lorette Huron, effectively removing * / xʷ / from the phonemic inventory of
those dialects.
By HU-D3, * / x / has been lost before resonant consonants ( e.g. Hu. / aɁˈtexɹeɁ /
'eight' > LoHu. / aɁˈteɹeɁ / <atere> (MS 66:133); Hu. / taˈxwẽːtẽɹ / 'pity us!' >
LoHu. / taˈwẽːtẽɹ / <ta8entenr> (MS 66:126) ). This change is attested sporadically in
virtually all Huron dialects, but seems to have occurred systematically in the Northern
Bear and Lorette dialects.
By HU-D4, * / x / has been lost before vowels and word-finally
( e.g. Hu. / aˈxistẽh / 'my father' > NBeHu. / aˈistẽh / <Aistan>
(Thwaites 1896-1901, 10:265); Hu. / taxeɁˈnjaːxẽɁs / 'heal me!'
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> NBeHu. / taeɁˈnjaːẽɁs / <taenguiaens> (Thwaites 1896-1901, 10:265);
Hu. / xaaɁtaˈxẽhtsihk / 'old woman' > NBeHu. / aaɁtaˈẽhtsihk / <Aataentsic>
(Thwaites 1896-1901, 10:125) ). This change occurred in the Northern Bear
dialect and appears to have removed / x / from the phonemic inventory of that dialect.
By HU-D5, * / t / has become * / k / before * / ɹ / ( e.g. Hu. / saˈtɹihoteh / 'listen!'
> NBeHu. / saˈkɹihoteh / <sakhrihote> (Thwaites 1896-1901, 10:67) );
Hu. * / otatɹẽnoˈjaɁxeh / 'medicinal dance' > NBeHu. / otakɹẽnoˈjaɁeh /
<Otakrendoiae> (Thwaites 1896-1901, 10:205) ). This change occurred in the
Northern Bear dialect. (cf. also Steckley 2007a:38).
By HU-D6, * / t / has become * / k / before * / j / ( e.g. Hu. / tjõˈnhehkʷih / 'life
force' > NBeHu. / kjõˈnhehkʷih / <khiondhecwi> (Thwaites 1896-1901, 10:139);
Hu. / tjaˈɹahskʷaɁ / 'we set out' > NBeHu. / kjaˈɹahskʷaɁ / <kiarascwa>
(Thwaites 1896-1901, 10:119); Hu. / eˈkwatjeɹ / 'what we will do' >
NBeHu. / eˈkwakjeɹ / <Icwakhier> (Thwaites 1896-1901, 10:159) ). This change
occurred in the Northern Bear, Cord, Southern Bear, and Petun dialects of Huron, but
not in the Rock and Lorette dialects. (cf. also Mithun 1985:505, Steckley 2007a:39).
Phonological changes that have occurred in Huron dialects are recapitulated in (3).
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(3) Phonological Changes in Huron Dialects
HU-D1 ɹ > h / ʃ_ NBeHu, LoHu, RoHu

HU-D2 xʷ > w NBeHu, LoHu
HU-D3 x > Ø / _R NBeHu, LoHu
HU-D4 x > Ø / _V, # NBeHu
HU-D5 t > k / _ɹ NBeHu
HU-D6 t > k / _j NBeHu, CoHu, SBeHu, PeHu
In addition to the phonemic changes presented above, several phonetic shifts have
occurred in Huron dialects (cf. Steckley 1997, 2007a:35-45). In the Southern Bear,
Cord, and Petun dialects of Huron the sequence / nɹ / appears to have been realized as
[ ndɹ ] ( e.g. Hu. / oˈnɹrahtaɁ / 'leaf' Æ PeHu. [ oˈndɹahtaɁ ] ). In the Southern Bear and
Cord dialects of Huron the phoneme / w / appears to have been realized as [ m ] when
preceded or followed by a nasal vowel ( e.g. Hu. / tjothõwaˈihʃaɁ / 'rabbit' Æ
SBeHu. [ kjothõmaˈihʃaɁ ] ). In the Northern Bear, Southern Bear, and Petun dialects of
Huron the cluster / nj / seems to have been realized as [ ŋj ] ( rather than [ ndj ] )
when it preceded a non-nasal vowel ( e.g. Hu. / ˈnjaːɹeɁ / 'first' Æ PeHu. [ ˈŋjaːɹeɁ ] ).
(cf. also Mithun 1979:167 and Steckley 2007a:39).
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To prepronominal prefix position class 1 Huron has added an intensive prefix / its /,
which is perhaps a reflex of the PNI particle * / ˈitswaɁ / 'much, many, a lot' ²¹³
( cf. Hu. / itsohˈkẽjeɁ / <itso‛kënie> 'tres peu' (MS 59:83); / iskatsiˈwaːxẽh /
<iskatsi8a˛en> 'it smells very bad' (Steckley 2004:6) ). Initial * / n / of the partitive
prefix appears to have been lost in all allomorphs in Huron ( or alternatively,
allomorphs in * / iː / that were associated with independent verb forms in PI were
preserved in Huron; see 2.4 ), and initial * / tsh / of the contrastive prepronominal
prefix has become / ʃ / in Huron, rather than the expected / sh /. Allomorphs of the
factual prefix ( PNI * / waɁ / ⁰⁰⁶ ) have lost / w / in all environments in Huron, and an
allomorph / õ / occurs word-initially before the repetitive and cislocative prefixes in
most dialects, a development also common to at least some dialects of Old Mohawk
( cf. Hu. / õtahaˈtakheɁ / <ontahataχe> 'il vient' and / õsahaˈtakheɁ / <onsahataχe>
'il retourne' from MS 59:155 ). Also in common with some dialects of Old Mohawk,
Huron had a cislocative allomorph / et / ⁰¹⁰ that seems to have occurred word-initially
before a following consonant, e.g. / etjoɁˈsẽɁnih / 'it has fallen from above'. The vowel
of the future prepronominal prefix ( PNI * / ẽ / ⁰⁰⁸ ) appears to have lost nasality and
became / e /, while the optative prefix ( PNI * / aɹa / ⁰⁰⁹ ) lost * / ɹ / in all allomorphs,
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leaving lexicalized long / aː / before consonants other than * / j / as in the Five Nations
languages. From the nominalizer particle / neɁ / ³⁵², the temporal particle / ˈoːnẽh / ³⁶⁷,
and the relativizer particle / stiɁ /, Huron developed clitics / n- /, / on- /, and / st- /
which occurred before verbs beginning in a vowel ( cf. Hu. / naxeɁnixõhˈɹaɁxeh /
<d’a˛endi˛on‛ra˛e> 'mon Esprit' (MS 59:88); / onaɁxaˈɹatjeɁ / <onn’a˛aratie>
'il ē tard' (MS 59:129); / steohˈʃɹatheɁ / <st’eochaθe> 'l’hyver prochain' (MS 59:181),
with change of / ɹ / to / h / after / ʃ / in the Rock dialect ).
The non-singular animate prefix has been preserved in Huron and acquired a gender
distinction whereby the reflex of PNI * { ka } ⁰¹² signals neuter or feminine gender
while an innovative prefix { ha } ( presumably an innovation based on the 3SGM:3
pronominal prefix ) signals masculine gender. Unlike their Proto-Northern Iroquoian
antecedent, the Huron non-singular animate prefixes precede pronominal prefixes with
an argument '3' rather than '3I', so that { xa } 'NSA' was added not to { khe } '1SG:3I'
but to { xe } '1SG:3' ( i.e. PNI * / kaˈkheːkẽh / 'I see them' ³³² Æ Hu. * / xaˈxeːxẽh /
'I see them (females)', and * / haˈxeːxẽh / 'I see them (males)', rather than
ˣ / xaˈkheːxẽh /, ˣ / haˈkheːxẽh / ). The Huron non-singular animate prefix / xa / had
additional allomorphs / xõ / ( before / wa /, with loss of / wa / ) and / xe /
( before the group of second person pronominal prefixes described in 4.4 ). Huron
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/ ha / 'NSAM' had allomorphs / hõ / and / he / in the same environments.
All PNI masculine gender pronominal prefixes with allomorphs in * / hɹ / and
* / ɹ / seem to have levelled these sequences to / h / in Huron ( e.g. PNI * / hɹa /
'3SGM:3' ⁰⁵³ Æ Hu. / ha / ) except in allomorphs of the 3SGM:3 prefix that occurred
before bases beginning in vowels other than / a(ː) / or / i(ː) / (cf. Woodbury 1981:108).
Reflexes of the 3PL:3 prefixes * { wati } ⁰⁵⁸ and * { kõti } ⁰⁵⁹ have merged in Huron as a
3PL:3 prefix { wati }, which continues allomorphs of both reflexes in certain
environments. The role of the 1+2NS:3I prefix * { jethi } ⁰⁴⁸ was subsumed by the
reflex of the PNI prefix * { jakhi } '1+3NS:3I' ⁰⁴⁹ in Huron to yield { akhi } '1NS:3I'.
From the agent pronominal prefix { je } '3I:3' ⁰⁶³ Huron appears to have innovated a
prefix { she } '3I:3SGM', probably by analogy with the patient pronominal prefix
pairing, { jaxo } '3:3I' ⁰⁶⁴ and { shaxo } '3SGM:3I' ⁰⁶⁵. The roles of the prefixes
* { jakoti } '3NS:3I' ⁰⁷⁰ and * { shakoti } '3NSM:3I' ⁰⁷¹, confined to Iroquoia, were in
Huron covered by the combinations { xaaxo- } 'NSA+3:3I' and { haaxo- } 'NSAM+3:3I'.
The consonants and clusters before which a reflex of epenthetic * / e / appears
seem to have increased in Huron relative to PNI. Consonants and clusters before which
the word-initial 1SG:3 pronominal prefix allomorphs / i / ( < PNI * k ), / x /, and
/ xe / occur in Huron are presented in (4).
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(4) Distribution of Prefix Allomorphs with Epenthetic / e / in Huron (1SG:3)
/i/ _nV.
/x/ _jV ( < PNI * jV ), ɹV ( < PNI * ɹV ).
/ xe / _jV ( < PNI * wjV, ɹjV ), ɹV ( < PNI * wɹV ), and all remaining
consonants and clusters.
The only reversive morpheme attested in Huron appears to be / (a)w /, a reflex of
PNI * / (a)kw / ⁰⁸⁴ with unexplained loss of * / k /. Huron derivational and aspectual
morphology is otherwise strikingly similar to that of Onondaga: the vast majority of
perfect aspect verb bases ended in / -ih / ¹¹⁹ rather than / -õh / ¹¹⁵ or / -ẽh / ¹¹⁶; no
distinction appears to have been made between habitual and present tense forms and,
as in Onondaga, the PNI present suffix * { -h } ¹⁰⁸ seems to have become { -k } in order
to better differentiate habitual forms from perfect forms in * { -õh } ¹¹⁵, * { -ẽh } ¹¹⁶,
and * { -ih } ¹¹⁹. Likewise, habitual bases in / -was / regularly have punctual
counterparts in / -waɁ / rather than / -oɁ /, and reflexes of PNI punctual bases that
seem to have ended in * { -Ɂn } ¹¹⁴ showed { -ɁhaɁ } ( or { -haɁ }, judging
from Wyandot ) in Huron ( e.g. PNI * / tõtsahˈɹaːtaɁn / 'he took his place again' ⁴⁴⁹ >
Hu. / tõsahaˈtaɁhaɁ / <Tosahataha> (MS 59:154) ).
Huron appears to have had a comparative paucity of suffixes relative to other
322
Northern Iroquoian languages and no attested innovations. Among the few suffixes that
are attested are locative { -xeh } ¹²⁸ and populative { -ɹoːnõɁ } ¹²⁹.
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CHAPTER 17: WYANDOT
17.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter describes the language of the Wyandot ( / wɛ̃naˈtɹuːnɔ̃Ɂ / 'People
of one language' ), descendants of Huron and Petun refugees who were displaced by war
with the Iroquois after 1650 (cf. Tooker 1978:398). Wyandot most likely descends from
the Petun dialect of Huron (cf. Kopris 2001:361), but has diverged enough from
Common Huron to warrant classification as a separate language; it appears to have
assumed a form distinct from Huron at some point between the mid-eighteenth century,
when a grammar based on the Petun dialect of Huron was composed by the Jesuit
missionary Pierre Potier (1708-1781), and the mid-nineteenth century, when the
informants of ethnographer Charles Marius Barbeau (1883-1969) were born. Like
Huron, the Wyandot language, previously spoken on the Wyandotte Reservation in
Oklahoma and by expatriate communities in Kansas, Ohio, and Essex County, Ontario,
is now extinct, but it is preserved in forty narratives that were recorded in the early
twentieth century and published in Barbeau (1960). Kopris (2001) compiled a grammar
and dictionary based on the Barbeau narratives. Unless otherwise stated, Wyandot
forms in this chapter are based on data from the narratives in Barbeau (1960).
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The phonemic inventory of Wyandot is presented in (1).
(1) Phonemic Inventory of Wyandot
CONSONANTS
Plosive t k kʷ Ɂ
Nasal n
Fricative s ʃ ʒ h
Affricate ts
Approximant ɹ j w
VOWELS
Front Central Back
Close iː uː
i u
Mid eː ɛ̃ː ɔ̃ː

e ɛ̃ ɔ̃
Open aː
a
Huron intervocalic / j / has shifted to / ʒ / in Wyandot. Huron / x / has shifted to
/ j / or / e / or been lost, and Huron / xʷ / has merged with reflexes of / w /. Huron
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/ o(ː) / has shifted to / u(ː) /. The nasal vowels / ẽ(ː) / and / õ(ː) / have shifted to
/ ɛ̃(ː) / and / ɔ̃(ː) / (cf. Barbeau 1960:57). Contrastive vowel length seems to have been
lost in final syllables but was introduced elsewhere in the language following loss of
/ h / before resonant consonants ( cf. WY-7 in 17.3 ).
The plosives / t /, / k /, and / kʷ / appear to have remained voiceless in all
environments in Wyandot. The phoneme / w / was realized as [ m ] intervocalically
when preceded or followed by a nasal vowel ( e.g. Wy. / ɔ̃watɔ̃ːˈwɛ̃tsaɁ / 'our land' Æ
[ ɔ̃matɔ̃ːˈmɛ̃tsaɁ ] ), although an argument can also be made for the marginal phonemic
status of [ m ] based on its occurrence in word-initial position in words where an initial
vowel has been dropped ( e.g. Wy. [ ˈmɛ̃Ɂjeh ] 'in the water', from Hu. / aˈwẽɁxeh / ¹⁹⁶ )
(cf. Kopris 2001:53). The phoneme / ʒ / had an unusual ( but regular ) allophone [ ɲ ]
when it preceded nasal vowels, and an allophone [ ʒ ] occurred elsewhere
( e.g. Wy. / haˈʒɛ̃ːwih / 'he knows how' Æ [ haˈɲɛ̃ːmih ]; / eːʒaːˈʒuɁ / 'he will kill you' Æ
[ eːʒaːˈʒuɁ ] ). The Wyandot phoneme / n / was realized as [ n ] when it preceded a
nasal vowel, as [ nd ] when it preceded a non-nasal vowel or / ɹ /, and as [ ŋ ] when it
preceded / w / or / j / ( e.g. Wy. / jaˈnɔ̃hʃaɁ / 'house' Æ [ jaˈnɔ̃hʃaɁ ]; / uˈnaɁtaɹaɁ /
'bread' Æ [ unˈdaɁtaɹaɁ ]; / unrahˈtaɁjeh / 'on the leaves' Æ [ undɹahˈtaɁjeh ];
/ ˈtsiɁnwaɹaɁ / 'green' Æ [ ˈtsiɁŋwaɹaɁ ]; / hahˈʃɹɔ̃njah / 'he makes it' Æ
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[ hahˈʃɹɔ̃ŋjah ] ). Note, however, that an argument can also be made that / n / and
/ nd / were separate phonemes due to cliticization of contrastive temporal and
nominalizer particles ( as [ n ] versus [ nd ], from respective freestanding forms / ˈnɛ̃h /
[ ˈnɛ̃h ] 'now' and / ˈneɁ / [ ˈndeɁ ] 'the' ) word-initially before vowels
(cf. Kopris 2001:73). Pronunciation of the vowel / ɛ̃(ː) / approached [ ã(ː) ] when the
phoneme / w / preceded ( e.g. Wy. / wɛ ː̃ ˈnat / 'Wyandot' Æ [ wãːnˈdat ] ).
Curiously many, but not all, reflexes of words that had long vowels in final syllables
in PNI appear to have developed accent on the final syllable in Wyandot
( e.g. Hu. / ˈteniːh / 'two' ⁴³⁸ > Wy. / teˈnih /; Hu. / ˈahshẽːh / 'ten' ¹³⁵ >
Wy. / ahˈsɛ̃h /; Hu. / ˈxajoːɁ / 'animal' ⁴²⁹ > Wy. / jaˈʒuɁ / or / jaˈʃuɁ /;
Hu. / xaˈtoːkẽːh / 'it is certain' ⁴⁴⁸ > Wy. / jatuːˈjɛ h̃ /; Hu. / ˈwẽːnaːt / 'Huron' ¹⁵⁹ ⁴⁷⁶ >
Wy. / wɛ̃ːˈnat / 'Wyandot' ). Shortening of vowels in final syllables and alterations to
PNI word accent may already have been present in Huron, but cannot be discerned
from Jesuit Huron orthography; in-depth analysis of unexpected patterns of accent in
Wyandot is a promising subject of future inquiry.
Phonological changes that have occurred during the transition from Huron to
327
Wyandot are described below as WY-1 through WY-18. Where ordering of any two
changes appears to be necessary in order to produce a correct output in Wyandot, this is
noted.
By WY-1, long vowels have been shortened in final syllables
( e.g. Hu. * / tjohˈnhõhskʷeɹõːt / 'it has jowls protruding' ²³⁵ > Wy. / kjuˈtɔ̃hskʷeɹɔ̃t /
'cow'; Hu. / ˈteɁxẽːh / 'it is not' ²⁷⁵ > Wy. / ˈteɁjɛ h

̃ / 'it is not'; Hu. * / otõtaˈɹõːniːh /
'she has made a lake' ²⁶⁰ ⁴¹² > Wy. / utɔ̃taˈɹɔ̃ːnih / ).
By WY-2, * / t / has become * / k / before * / j / ( e.g. Hu. / tjoɁˈxjẽtsihk /
'snake' ⁴⁴⁵ > Wy. / kjuɁˈʒɛ̃tsih /; Hu. / tjohˈskẽːẽɁ / 'it is nearby' ⁴⁴⁴ >
Wy. / kjuhˈskɛ̃ːʒɛ̃Ɂ /; Hu. / oˈtjohkʷaɁ / 'crowd' ²⁸⁸ > Wy. / uˈkjuhkʷaɁ / ). This change
was already present in the Petun dialect of Huron (cf. HU-D6 in 16.3) from which
Wyandot descends.
By WY-3, * / xʷ / has become * / w / ( e.g. Hu. / aˈxõːxʷeh / 'she is a person' ⁴⁰⁵ >
Wy. / ajɔ̃ːˈweh / ). This change was earlier common to at least the Lorette and Northern
Bear dialects of Huron (cf. HU-D2 in 16.3), with sporadic attestation in other dialects.
By WY-4, a glottal consonant has been lost before * / nh /
( e.g. Hu. * / tjohˈnhõhskʷeɹõːt / 'it has jowls protruding' ²³⁵ > Wy. / kjuˈtɔ̃hskʷeɹɔ̃t /
'cow'; Hu. / oɁˈnhõhʃaɁ / 'egg' ⁴⁹⁰ > Wy. / uˈtɔ̃hʃaɁ /; Hu. / xahˈnhohwaɁ / 'door' ²³³ >
328
Wy. / jatuːˈwaɁ / ). This change must precede WY-5 and WY-7.
By WY-5, * / n / has become * / t / before * / h / ( e.g. Hu. * / iõˈnhoɁtẽɁ /
'that kind of life' ⁴⁰¹ ⁴⁰⁶ > Wy. / iˈʒɔ̃tuɁtɛ̃Ɂ /; Hu. / oɁˈnhõhʃaɁ / 'egg' ⁴⁹⁰ >
Wy. / uˈtɔ̃hʃaɁ /; Hu. / xahˈnhohwaɁ / 'door' ²³³ > Wy. / jatuːˈwaɁ / ). This change must
follow WY-4 and precede WY-6.
By WY-6, * / h / has been lost after a non-resonant consonant
( e.g. Hu. / otsiˈkheɁtaɁ / 'sugar' ⁴⁵⁶ > Wy. / uˈtsikeɁtaɁ /; Hu. / thatiˈnaxɹeɁ /
'they live there' ³⁵⁴ > Wy. / tatiˈnaːɹeɁ /; Hu. / shaxoˈẽhtih / 'he has hit someone' ³⁰⁷ >
Wy. / sajuˈwɛ̃htih / ). This change must follow WY-5.
By WY-7, * / h / has been lost between a vowel and a resonant consonant, and the
vowel has been lengthened ( e.g. Hu. / aɁˈxehnɹẽx / 'I tied it' ²⁴⁰ > Wy. / aɁˈjeːnɹɛ̃ /;
Hu. / aɁˈwahɹõx / 'she understood' ¹³⁸ > Wy. / aɁˈwaːɹɔ̃ /;
Hu. * / nõsahjatɹihwahˈʃɹõnjaɁ / 'now again they made an agreement' ²⁶⁰ ⁴²⁷ >
Wy. / nusaːʒaˈtɹiːwahʃɹɔ̃njaɁ / ). This change must follow WY-4 and precede WY-12.
By WY-8, * / w / has been inserted between a rounded vowel and a following vowel
( e.g. Hu. / axoˈẽɁah / 'her child' ³¹³ > Wy. / ajuˈwɛ̃Ɂah /; Hu. / aɁhoeˈnaːõɁ /
'they caught him' ³⁰¹ > Wy. / aɁhuweˈnaːɔ̃Ɂ /; Hu. / aɁshaxoaɁˈtõːtiɁ /
'he threw them out' ¹⁷⁴ > Wy. / aɁsajuwaɁˈtɔ̃ːtiɁ / ), and this change must precede
329
WY-10. Similarly, by WY-9, * / j / has been inserted between a front vowel and a
following vowel ( e.g. Hu. / tehstiˈahjaɁx / 'you cross over' ²⁷⁷ > Wy. / tehstiˈʒaːʒaɁ /;
Hu. / õxiˈẽkhwih / 'we have planted it' ³¹¹ > Wy. / ɔ̃iˈʒɛ̃kwih /; Hu. * / iõhwẽˈtsoɁtẽh /
'that kind of land' ⁴⁰¹ ⁴⁰² > Wy. / iʒɔ̃ːwɛ̃ˈtsuɁtɛ̃h / ). Since phonetically this change is
more likely to have involved phonetic [ j ] ( rather than [ ʒ ] and [ ɲ ] as allophones of
/ ʒ / ), WY-9 is assumed to have preceded WY-12, and must precede WY-13.
By WY-10, * / x / has been lost before * / i / or * / j / ( e.g. Hu. / õxiˈẽkhwih /
'we have planted it' ³¹¹ > Wy. / ɔ̃iˈʒɛ̃kwih /; Hu. / axeˈnjaːkih / 'I am married' ³⁷² >
Wy. / ajeˈnjaːih /; Hu. / teɁxjẽˈteːɹih / 'I don't know' ³¹⁰ > Wy. / teɁʒɛ̃ˈteːɹih / ). This
change must follow WY-7 and precede WY-13 and WY-14.
By WY-11, * / x / has become * / e / before * / ɹ / word-initially
( e.g. Hu. / ˈxɹiːjohʃ / 'I kill it' ⁴²⁸ > Wy. / eɹiːˈʒuhʃ /; Hu. * / xɹihwahˈɹõkhaɁ / 'I hear a
story' ¹³⁸ ⁴²⁷ > Wy. / eɹiːwaːˈɹɔ̃kaɁ / ). This change must precede WY-14.
By WY-12, * / j / has become * / ʒ / when it followed a word boundary, glottal
stop, or vowel, and preceded a vowel ( e.g. Hu. / tehstiˈahjaɁx / 'you cross over' ²⁷⁷ >
Wy. / tehstiˈʒaːʒaɁ /; Hu. / ˈxajoːɁ / 'animal' ⁴²⁹ > Wy. / jaˈʒuɁ /; Hu. / ehˈjajoɁ /
'he will kill you' ⁴²⁸ > Wy. / eːʒaːˈʒuɁ / ). This change must follow WY-7 and WY-9, and
precede WY-13. However, note that in at least one instance WY-13 appears to feed
330
WY-12: from Hu. * / aɁxõxõhʃoˈɹẽhaɁ /, literally 'I found your face', one finds both a
form / aɁjɔ̃jõhʃuˈɹɛ̃haɁ / [ aɁjɔ̃jɔ̃hʃuˈrɛ̃haɁ ] and a form / aɁjɔ̃ʒɔ̃hʃuˈɹɛ̃haɁ /
[ aɁjɔ̃ɲɔ̃hʃuˈɹɛ̃haɁ ] in Wyandot, used by the same speaker in the same narrative
(Barbeau 1960:177). This suggests that WY-12 and WY-13 may have overlapped to
some extent. (cf. also Mithun 1979:168).
By WY-13, * / x / has become * / j / before a vowel ( e.g. Hu. / ˈxanxõh / 'blood' ³⁷⁶
> Wy. / jaˈnjɔ̃h /; Hu. / aˈtoːxẽɁ / 'axe' ¹⁸² > Wy. / aˈtuːjɛɁ̃ /; Hu. / xaaɁtaˈxẽhtsihk /
'old woman' ²⁹⁸ ³³³ > Wy. / jaˈaɁtajɛ̃htsih /; Hu. / xõtaˈɹaɁxeh / 'at the lake' ⁴¹² >
Wy. / jɔ̃taˈɹaɁjeh / ). This change must follow WY-12 and must precede WY-14.
(cf. also Mithun 1979:168).
By WY-14, * / x / has been lost elsewhere ( e.g. Hu. / aɁˈhahɹõx / 'he heard' ¹³⁸ >
Wy. / aɁˈhaːɹɔ̃ /; Hu. / tehstihˈtiːaɁx / 'you cross a field' ²⁷⁷ > Wy. / tehstihˈtiːʒaɁ /;
Hu. / thatiˈnaxɹeɁ / 'they live there' ³⁵⁴ > Wy. / tatiˈnaːɹeɁ /; Hu. / õsaˈxɹiːjoɁ /
'I killed again' ⁴²⁸ > Wy. / usaɹiːˈʒuɁ / ). This change must follow WY-10, WY-11, and
WY-13.
By WY-15, * / k / has been lost word-finally ( e.g. Hu. / tjoɁˈxjẽtsihk / 'snake' ⁴⁴⁵ >
Wy. / kjuɁˈʒɛ̃tsih /; Hu. / xaaɁtaˈxẽhtsihk / 'old woman' ²⁹⁸ ³³³ > Wy. / jaaɁtaˈjɛ̃htsih /;
Hu. * / hateɁˈnõnjahk / 'he makes arrows' ²⁶⁰ ⁴⁸⁸ > Wy. / hateɁˈnɔ̃njah / ).
331
By WY-16, * / ẽ(ː) / has shifted to * / ɛ (̃ ː) / ( e.g. Hu. / ohskẽˈnõːtõɁ / 'deer' ²⁵⁴ >
Wy. / uhskɛ̃ˈnɔ̃ːtɔ̃Ɂ /; Hu. / ˈskwẽːtaːt / 'one day' ¹⁵⁹ ²¹⁹ > Wy. / ˈskwẽːtat /;
Hu. / teɁxjẽˈteːɹih / 'I don't know' ³¹⁰ > Wy. / teɁʒɛ̃ˈteːɹih / ), and by WY-17, * / õ(ː) /
has shifted to * / ɔ̃(ː) / ( e.g. Hu. / xaˈnõhʃaɁ / 'house' ³⁸² > Wy. / jaˈnɔ̃hʃaɁ /;
Hu. / aˈxõːxʷeh / 'she is a person' ⁴⁰⁵ > Wy. / ajɔ̃ːˈweh /; Hu. / tahatiˈɹõːtẽɁ /
'he pulled it' ¹⁷⁵ > Wy. / tahatiɹɔ̃ːtɛ̃Ɂ / ).
By WY-18, * / o(ː) / has shifted to * / u(ː) / ( e.g. Hu. / oˈtjohkʷaɁ / 'crowd' ²⁸⁸ >
Wy. / uˈkjuhkʷaɁ /; Hu. / aˈtoːxẽɁ / 'axe' ¹⁸² > Wy. / aˈtuːjɛ̃Ɂ /; Hu. / tjoˈnõːtoːt /
'the hill sticks up there' ³⁸⁵ ³⁹⁷ > Wy. / kjuˈnɔ̃ːtut / ).
Phonological changes that have occurred in the transition from Common Huron to
Wyandot are recapitulated in (2).
(2) Phonological Changes in the Transition from Common Huron to Wyandot
WY-1 V¹ː > V¹ ( in final syllables )

WY-2 t > k / _j
WY-3 xʷ > w
WY-4 H > Ø / nh
WY-5 n > t / _h
WY-6 h > Ø / k, s, t, ts_
WY-7 V¹h > V¹ː / _R
WY-8 Ø > w / o, õ_V
WY-9 Ø > j / e, ẽ, i_V
WY-10 x > Ø / _i, j
WY-11 x > e / #_r
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WY-12 j > ʒ / #, Ɂ, V_V
WY-13 x > j / _V
WY-14 x>Ø
WY-15 k > Ø / _#
WY-16 ẽ(ː) > ɛ̃(ː)
WY-17 õ(ː) > ɔ̃(ː)
WY-18 o(ː) > u(ː)
From what can be discerned from Barbeau's (1960) narratives, Wyandot
morphology appears to have been essentially the same as that of Huron, though the
factual prepronominal prefix allomorph / õ / ⁰⁰⁶ unexpectedly becomes / u / in
Wyandot ( e.g. Wy. / utaˈʒaɁkjɔ̃Ɂ / 'I am bringing [the dog] in' ³¹⁵ ; / usahɔ̃tɹiːˈʒuɁ /
'they fought again' ⁴²⁸ ).
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CHAPTER 18: FRAGMENTARY LANGUAGES
18.1 INTRODUCTION
In all, about seventeen Iroquoian languages are thought to have been spoken at the
time of first European contact ( at least sixteen Northern Iroquoian languages plus
Cherokee ), but records for four of these languages are fragmentary or non-existent, and
two nations that were identified as speakers of Iroquoian languages in the seventeenth
century, called in Northern Bear Huron <Conkhandeenrhonon> 'Nation of the ? ' and
<Scahentoarrhonon> 'Nation of the Great Meadow', have yet to be identified
conclusively.
Assessment of the number of Northern Iroquoian languages spoken in the early
seventeenth century, excluding those spoken in Virginia and North Carolina, is based
largely on the following entry in Volume Eight of the Jesuit Relations
(Thwaites 1896-1901, 8:114), in which Father Jean de Brébeuf indicates that Huron
[ i.e. Iroquoian ] is the language of at least twelve other Nations:
There are twenty [ Huron ] Towns, which indicate about 30,000 souls
speaking the same tongue, which is not difficult to one who has a master.
It has distinction of genders, number, tense, person, moods; and, in short,
it is very complete and very regular, contrary to the opinion of many. I am
rejoiced to find that this language is common to some twelve other Nations,
all settled and numerous; these are, the Conkhandeenrhonons [ ? ],
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Khionontaterrhonons [ Petun ], Atiouandaronks [ Neutral ], Sonontoerrhonons
[ Seneca ], Onontaerrhonons [ Onondaga ], Oüioenrhonons [ Cayuga ],
Onoiochrhonons [ Oneida ], Agnierrhonons [ Mohawk ], Andastoerrhonons
[ Susquehannock ], Scahentoarrhonons [ ? ], Rhiierrhonons [ Erie ], and
Ahouenrochrhonons [ Wenro ]. The Hurons are friends of all these people,
except the Sonontoerrhonons, Onontaerrhonons, Oüioenrhonons,
Onoiochrhonons and Agnierrhonons, all of whom we comprise under the
name Hiroquois.
To the languages mentioned may be added Laurentian, which was already extinct
by the seventeenth century, as well as Tuscarora, Nottoway, Meherrin, and Cherokee,
all spoken further to the south. In analyzing Petun and Huron as dialects of a single
language, a total of seventeen Iroquoian languages is reached. What is known of the
fragmentary ( or altogether unattested ) Northern Iroquoian languages is related in four
sections that follow: Meherrin, Wenro, Erie, and Neutral.
18.2 MEHERRIN
The territory of the Meherrin in the early seventeenth century seems to have ranged
from the Blue Ridge Mountains in the west, bordering on the territory of the Catawba,
to the mouth of the Blackwater River in the east, bordering on the territory of the
Chowan, north to the Nottoway River, bordering on the territory of the Nottoway, and
south to the Roanoke River, bordering on the territory of the Tuscarora
335
(cf. Binford 1967:116, Boyce 1978:282; see Map 3). The Meherrin appear to have
merged with the Tuscarora by about 1730 (Binford 1967:193).
The names of two Meherrin settlements, given during legal depositions in Virginia
in 1707, represent all that is known to survive of the Meherrin language. The first of
these names is <Cowochahawkon> or <Cowinchahawkon>, the second <Unote>
(Binford 1967:153). Both names appear to begin with reflexes of third person
pronominal prefixes ( cf. PNI * { ka } '3SG:3' ⁰⁵¹ and * { jo } '3:3SG' ⁰⁵⁴, * / o- /
word-initially in nouns ). The first name is doubtless the source of the Tuscarora word
/ akawə̃tʃˈɁaːkaːɁ / 'Meherrin' (Rudes 1981b:33). Given the geographic location of the
Meherrin between the territories of the Tuscarora and Nottoway, it seems likely that the
language belonged to the Tuscarora-Nottoway subgroup of the Northern Iroquoian
languages, though no proof of this exists.
18.3 WENRO
The territory of the Wenro in the early seventeenth century seems to have ranged
from the Niagara River in the west, bordering on the territory of the Neutral, to the
Genesee River in the east, bordering on the territory of the Seneca, north to Lake
Ontario, and south to Buffalo Creek, bordering on the territory of the Erie
336
(cf. White 1978a:407, Trigger 1987:96-97; see Map 8). The Wenro were known to the
Huron as <8enro‛ronon> or <Ahouenrochrhonon>, names which best seem to
translate as 'Nation of the moss in the water' or 'Nation of the floating scum', and have
led to a belief, as yet unsubstantiated, that the primary Wenro village was once located
at an oil springs near modern Cuba, New York (Hewitt 1912:933). Beginning in the late
1630s, their traditional protective alliance with the Neutral and Erie having lapsed, the
Wenro were driven from their territory by the Iroquois Confederacy and survivors
sought refuge among the Huron, Erie, and Neutral.
The name of a Wenro village was recorded as <Ouaroronon> by Joseph de la
Roche Dallion in 1627 (Le Clerq 1882:268), although this was more likely the
ethnonym for informants who had come from there ( Hu. <8enro‛ronon> 'Wenro' ).
18.4 ERIE
The territory of the Erie in the early seventeenth century seems to have ranged at
least from Presque Isle Bay in the west, bordering on the territory of unknown tribes, to
the Genesee River in the east, bordering on the territory of the Seneca, north to Buffalo
Creek, bordering on the territory of the Wenro, and south into what is now
northwestern Pennsylvania, again bordering on unknown tribes (cf. White 1978b:412,
337
Trigger 1987:96; see Map 8). The Erie were known to the Huron as / eɹiɁxehˈɹoːnõɁ /
( NBeHu. / ɹiɁehˈɹoːnõɁ / ), the most etymologically plausible translation of which is
'Nation at the Cherry Trees' (cf. Wright 1972:63). The Erie survived as a political entity
until being defeated by the Iroquois Confederacy in 1656, after which survivors, among
them many Wenro and Neutral refugees, were assimilated into the ranks of their
conquerors.
No words of the Erie language are known to have been recorded, although the
personal name <Gandeaktena> (Thwaites 1896-1901, 61:193) and the place names
<Rigué> (Thwaites 1896-1901, 42:185) and <Gentaienton> (Thwaites 1896-1901,
61:193), all of which were recorded by Jesuits living among the Iroquois Proper after
the conquest of the Erie, could conceivably represent authentic Erie names.
A linguistically-driven ethnology of the Erie with analysis of pertinent ethnonyms found
in other Northern Iroquoian languages is presented in Wright (1972).
18.5 NEUTRAL
The territory of the Neutral in the early seventeenth century seems to have ranged
from Lake Saint Clair in the west, bordering on the territories of the Fox and Kickapoo,
to the Credit and Niagara Rivers in the east, bordering on the territories of the Huron
338
and Wenro, north to the Grand River Valley, bordering on the territories of the
Ottawa and Petun, and south to Lake Erie (cf. White 1978a:407, Trigger 1987:94-95;
see Map 8). The Neutral were known to the Huron as <Atiouandaronk> meaning
probably 'they understand the language' ( Lounsbury 1978:334;
cf. Hu. / atiwẽnahˈɹõkhaɁ / 'they understand the language' ). The Neutral continued to
exist as a nation until the early 1650s when they were defeated by the Iroquois
Confederacy and survivors, for the most part, were assimilated into the ranks of their
conquerors.
Two words of what may represent authentic Neutral are preserved in a letter sent to
France in 1627 by Jesuit Father Joseph de la Roche Dallion, who had spent several
months residing in Neutral towns the previous year: the name of a town,
<Ounontisaston>, and its chief, <Souharissen> (Le Clercq 1882: 265, 269). From
these words, the first perhaps meaning 'Mountain Corner' ( Hu. / onõtiˈsahtih / ),
one can discern that Neutral was indeed an Iroquoian language, was rhotic
( i.e. retained PNI * / ɹ /, unlike Seneca and Modern Onondaga ), had causative perfects
in * { -õh } ( in contrast to the { -ih } of Huron and Onondaga ), and realized the reflex
of PNI * / o / as [ u ] rather than [ o ].
339
APPENDIX A: FUNCTIONAL MORPHOLOGY
⁰⁰¹ PNI * { teɁ } 'negative'

PNI * / taɁ / before the duplicative prefix; * / teɁ / elsewhere.
Mo. / te / before / h /; / teɁ / elsewhere.
Oe. / te / before / h /; / teɁ / elsewhere.
Oo. / taɁ / before the duplicative prefix; / t / before the translocative prefix;
/ Ø / before the contrastive prefix; / teɁ / before / j / and / w / with loss
of / j / and / w /, and before remaining consonants elsewhere.
Ca. / tɁe / in unaccented odd syllables; / teɁ / before / j / and / w / elsewhere
with loss of / j / and / w /, and before remaining consonants elsewhere.
Se. / taɁ / before the duplicative prefix and before the factual; / t / before the
translocative prefix; / teː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / te / before
/ hV / with loss of / h /; / teɁ / elsewhere.
Hu. / taɁ / before the duplicative prefix; / t / before vowels; / teɁ / elsewhere.
⁰⁰² PI * { ts } 'coincident' ( perhaps also relativizer )

PI * / ts / before vowels; elsewhere = ?
Ch. / ts / before vowels, and before / h /; / tsì / before remaining consonants.
PNI ( here hypothesized to derive from PI * / ts + ijiː / 'coincident+partitive' ):
* / tshõ / before * / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of * / wa /, and
before the cislocative or repetitive prefix in imperative verbs not
containing the 1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; * / tshe / before certain
pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; * / tshaɁ / before
* / j / in an imperative verb with loss of * / j /, and before remaining
consonants in an imperative verb, and before the duplicative prefix;
* / tsh / before glides and vowels elsewhere ( cf. Oe. * / tshje /
'coincident+translocative'; Oo. * / tshwaɁ / 'coincident+factual' );
* / tshi / before consonants elsewhere.
Mo. / sh / before the translocative prefix, and before vowels; / shũ / before
/ wa / in an imperative verb with loss of / wa /, and before the
cislocative or repetitive prefix in imperative verbs not containing the
1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / she / before certain pronominal
prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; / sha / before / h / in an
imperative verb; / shaɁ / before / j / in an imperative verb with loss of
340
/ j /, and before remaining consonants in an imperative verb, and
before the duplicative prefix; / shi / elsewhere.
Oe. / tsh / before the translocative prefix, and before vowels; / tshũ / before
1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / tshe / before certain pronominal
prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; / tsha / before / h / in an
imperative verb; / tshaɁ / before / j / in an imperative verb with loss of
/ j /, and before remaining consonants in an imperative verb, and before
the duplicative prefix; / tshi / elsewhere.
Oo. / ts / before the translocative prefix; / tsh / before the factual prefix, and
before vowels; / tshũ / before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of
/ wa /, and before the cislocative or repetitive prefix in imperative verbs
not containing the 1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / tsheɁ / after the
negative prefix, and before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an
/ j /, and before the duplicative prefix; / tshi / before consonants
elsewhere.
Ca. / ts / before the translocative prefix; / tsh / before vowels; / tshõ / before
1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / tsheɁ / before certain pronominal
prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; / tsha / before / h / in an
the duplicative prefix; / tshi / before consonants elsewhere.
Se. / ts / or / s / before the translocative prefix; / tsh / or / sh / before vowels;
/ tshɔ̃ / or / shɔ̃ / before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of
not containing the 1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / tsheɁ / or / sheɁ /
before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb;
/ tshaː / or / shaː / before / hC / in an imperative verb with loss of / h /;
/ tsha / or / sha / before / hV / in an imperative verb with loss of / h /;
/ tshaɁ / or / shaɁ / before / j / in an imperative verb with loss of / j /,
and before the duplicative prefix; / tshaɁ / or / shaɁ / before remaining
consonants in an imperative verb; / tshiː / or / shiː / before / hC / with
341
loss of / h /; / tshi / or / shi / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and before
remaining consonants elsewhere.
Hu. / ʃ / before vowels; / ʃõ / before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of
not containing the 1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / ʃe / before certain
pronominal prefixes; / ʃaɁ / before / j / in an imperative verb with loss
of / j /, and before the duplicative prefix; / ʃi / before consonants
elsewhere.
⁰⁰³ PNI * { thi } 'contrastive'

PNI * / thõ / before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of / wa /, and before
the cislocative or repetitive prefix in imperative verbs not containing the
1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; * / the / before certain pronominal
prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; * / thaɁ / before * / j / in an
imperative verb with loss of * / j /, and before remaining consonants in
an imperative verb, and before the duplicative prefix; * / th / before
glides and vowels elsewhere ( cf. Tu. / thj / 'contrastive+translocative';
Oo. / thwaɁ / 'coincident+factual' ); * / thi / before consonants
elsewhere.
Tu. / thə̃ / before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of / wa /, and before
1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / thɛ / before certain pronominal
prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; / tha / before / h / in an
imperative verb; / thaɁ / before / j / in an imperative verb with loss of
the duplicative prefix; / th / before glides and vowels elsewhere; / thi /
before consonants elsewhere.
Mo. / th / before the translocative prefix, and before vowels; / thũ / before
1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / the / before certain pronominal
the duplicative prefix; / thi / before consonants elsewhere.
Oe. [ as in Mohawk ].
342
Oo. / t / before the translocative prefix; / th / before the factual prefix, and
before vowels; / thũ / before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of
not containing the 1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / theɁ / before certain
pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; / thaɁ / before / j /
in an imperative verb with loss of / j /, and before the duplicative prefix;
/ thi / before consonants elsewhere.
Ca. / t / before the translocative prefix; / th / before vowels; / thõ / before
1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / theɁ / before certain pronominal
the duplicative prefix; / thi / before consonants elsewhere.
Se. / th / before vowels; / thɔ̃ / before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of
not containing the 1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / theɁ / before certain
pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; / thaː / before
/ hC / in an imperative verb with loss of / h /; / tha / before / hV / in an
imperative verb with loss of / h /; / thaɁ / before / j / in an imperative
verb with loss of / j /, and before remaining consonants in an imperative
verb, and before the duplicative prefix; / thiː / before / hC / with loss of
/ h /; / thi / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and before remaining
consonants elsewhere.
Hu. / th / before vowels; / thõ / before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of
not containing the 1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / the / before certain
pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / thaɁ / before / j / in an imperative verb
with loss of / j /, and before the duplicative prefix; / thi / before
⁰⁰⁴ PI * { ijiː } 'partitive'

PI * / ij / before vowels in deverbalized nouns and some ( dependent? ) verb
forms; * / ijiː / before consonants in deverbalized nouns and some
( dependent? ) verb forms; * / n / before vowels elsewhere; * / ni /
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( probably ) before consonants elsewhere.
Ch. / ìj / before vowels in deverbalized nouns and dependent verb forms; / ǐː /
before consonants in deverbalized nouns and dependent verb forms; / n /
before vowels elsewhere, and before / h / elsewhere; / nì / before
PNI ( here hypothesized to derive from PI * / n + ijiː / 'partitive
(independent form)+partitive (dependent form)', with Huron perhaps
retaining reflexes of * / ijiː / 'partitive (dependent form) without initial
* / n / ): * / nõ / before * / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of
* / wa /, and before the cislocative or repetitive prefix in imperative
verbs not containing the 1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; * / nwe / before
certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; * / nwaɁ /
before * / j / in an imperative verb with loss of * / j /, and before
remaining consonants in an imperative verb; * / naɁ / before the
duplicative prefix elsewhere; * / n / before vowels and glides elsewhere
( cf. Tu. / tj / 'partitive+translocative'; Oo. / nwaɁ /
'partitive+factual' ); * / ni / before consonants elsewhere.
Tu. / nə̃ / before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of / wa /, and before the
1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / thwɛ / before certain pronominal
prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; / thwa / before / h / in an
imperative verb; / thwaɁ / before / j / in an imperative verb with loss of
/ j /, and before remaining consonants in an imperative verb; / taɁ /
before the duplicative prefix elsewhere; / th / before / w / elsewhere;
/ n / before / jə̃ / elsewhere, and before vowels; / t / before / j /
elsewhere; / ti / before remaining consonants elsewhere.
Mo. / n / before the translocative prefix, and before vowels; / nũ / before / wa /
in an imperative verb with loss of / wa /, and before the cislocative or
repetitive prefix in imperative verbs not containing the 1+2DU:3 or
1+2PL:3 prefixes; / ne / before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in
an imperative verb; / na / before / h / in an imperative verb; / naɁ /
before / j / in an imperative verb with loss of / j /, and before remaining
/ ni / before consonants elsewhere.
Oo. / n / before the translocative prefix, and before the factual prefix, and
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before vowels; / nũ / before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of
not containing the 1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / nweɁ / before
certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; / nwaɁ /
consonants in an imperative verb; / naɁ / before the duplicative prefix
elsewhere; / ni / before consonants elsewhere.
Ca. / n / before the translocative prefix, and before vowels; / nõ / before / wa /
in an imperative verb with loss of / wa /, and before the cislocative or
1+2PL:3 prefixes; / neɁ / before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 )
in an imperative verb; / na / before / h / in an imperative verb; / naɁ /
/ ni / before consonants elsewhere.
Se. / n / before vowels; / nɔ̃ː / before / hC / in an imperative verb with loss of
/ h /; / nɔ̃ / before / hV / in an imperative verb with loss of / h /, and
before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of / wa /, and before the
1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / neɁ / before certain pronominal
prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; / nɔ̃Ɂ / before / j / in an
imperative verb with loss of / j /, and before the duplicative prefix;
/ nɔ̃Ɂ / before remaining consonants in an imperative verb; / niː / before
/ hC / with loss of / h /; / ni / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and
before remaining consonants elsewhere.
Hu. / Ø / before vowels; / õ / before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of
not containing the 1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / e / before certain
pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / aɁ / before / j / in an imperative verb
with loss of / j /, and before the duplicative prefix; / i / before
⁰⁰⁵ PI * { wi } 'translocative'
PI * / w / before vowels; * / wi / before at least some consonants;
( elsewhere = ? )
Ch. / w / before vowels, and before / h /; / wì / before remaining consonants.
345
PNI ( here hypothesized to derive from PI * / wi / preceded by a cliticized
particle with the form * / jah / ): * / j(a)hõ / before * / wa / in an
imperative verb with loss of * / wa /, and before the cislocative or
1+2PL:3 prefixes; * / j(a)hwe / before certain pronominal prefixes
( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; * / j(a)hwaɁ / before * / j / in an
imperative verb with loss of * / j /, and before remaining consonants in
an imperative verb; * / jaɁ / before the duplicative prefix elsewhere;
* / jah / before the factual prefix; * / j(a)hw / before vowels;
* / j(a)hwe / before consonants elsewhere.
Tu. / ə̃ / before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of / wa /, and before the
1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / wɛ / before certain pronominal
prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; / wa / before / h / in an
imperative verb; / waɁ / before / j / in an imperative verb with loss of
/ j /, and before remaining consonants in an imperative verb; / jaɁ /
before the duplicative prefix elsewhere; / jah / before the factual prefix;
/ j / before vowels; / wɛ / before consonants elsewhere.
Mo. / jũ / before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of / wa /, and before
1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / jaˈha / before / h / in an imperative
verb provided word accent falls on / ˈha / as indicated; / jaˈhe / before
certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb, provided
word accent falls on / ˈhe / as indicated; / jaˈhaɁ / before / j / in an
imperative verb with loss of / j /, provided word accent falls on / ˈhaɁ /
as indicated; / ja / before / h / in an imperative verb elsewhere; / je /
before certain pronominal prefixes ( 4.4 ) in an imperative verb
elsewhere; / jaɁ / before / j / in an imperative verb elsewhere with loss
of / j /, and before remaining consonants in an imperative verb
elsewhere, and before the duplicative prefix; / jaˈh / before an accented
vowel / a / or / e / elsewhere; / jʌ̃ˈh / before an accented vowel / ʌ̃ /
elsewhere; / j / before vowels elsewhere; / je / before consonants
elsewhere.
Oo. / hũ / before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of / wa /, and before
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1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / hweɁ / before certain pronominal
prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; / hwaɁ / before / j / in an
imperative verb with loss of / j /, and before remaining consonants in an
imperative verb; / haɁ / before the duplicative prefix elsewhere; / h /
before the factual prefix, and before vowels; / he / before consonants
elsewhere.
Ca. / hõ / before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of / wa /, and before
1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / heɁ / before certain pronominal
prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; / haɁ / before the duplicative
prefix, and before / j / in an imperative verb with loss of / j /, and before
remaining consonants in an imperative verb, and before the duplicative
prefix; / h / before vowels; / he / before consonants elsewhere.
Se. / hɔ̃ / before / wa / in an imperative verb with loss of / wa /, and before the
1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / heɁ / before certain pronominal
prefixes ( see 4.4 ) in an imperative verb; / haː / before / hC / in an
imperative verb with loss of / h /; / ha / before / hV / in an imperative
verb with loss of / h /; / haɁ / before the duplicative prefix, and before
/ j / in an imperative verb with loss of / j /, and before remaining
consonants in an imperative verb; / h / before vowels and glides
elsewhere; / heː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / he / before / hV /
with loss of / h /, and before remaining consonants elsewhere.
Hu. / Ø / in imperative verbs; / haɁ / before the duplicative prefix; / h / before
vowels; / he / before consonants elsewhere.
⁰⁰⁶ PNI * { waɁ } 'factual'

PNI * / Ø / word-initially before the cislocative or repetitive prefix; * / õ /
before * / wa / with loss of * / wa /, and before the cislocative or
repetitive prefix elsewhere; * / we / before certain pronominal prefixes
( see 4.4 ); * / waɁ / before * / j / with loss of * / j /, and before
Tu. / Ø / word-initially before the cislocative or repetitive prefix; / ə̃ / before
/ wa / with loss of / wa /, and before the repetitive or cislocative prefix
elsewhere; / wɛ / before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / wa /
before / h /; / waɁ / before / j / with loss of / j /, and before remaining
347
Mo. / Ø / word-initially before the cislocative or repetitive prefix; / ũ / before
elsewhere; / we / word-initially before certain pronominal prefixes
( see 4.4 ); / e / before certain pronominal prefixes ( 4.4 ) elsewhere;
/ wa / word-initially before / h /; / a / before / h / elsewhere; / waɁ /
word-initially before / j / with loss of / j /, and word-initially before
remaining consonants; / aɁ / before / j / elsewhere with loss of / j /, and
Oo. / Ø / word-initially before the cislocative or repetitive prefix; / ũ / before
elsewhere; / eɁ / following the coincident or contrastive prefix before
certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / weɁ / before certain pronominal
prefixes ( see 4.4 ) elsewhere; / aɁ / following the coincident or
contrastive prefix before / j / with loss of / j /, and following the
coincident or contrastive prefix before remaining consonants; / waɁ /
before / j / elsewhere with loss of / j /, and before remaining consonants
elsewhere.
Ca. / Ø / word-initially before the cislocative or repetitive prefix; / õ / before
elsewhere; / eɁ / before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / a /
before / h / elsewhere; / aɁ / before / j / elsewhere with loss of / j /,
and before remaining consonants elsewhere.
Se. / Ø / word-initially before the cislocative or repetitive prefix; / ɔ̃ / before the
cislocative or repetitive prefix elsewhere; / eɁ / before certain
pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / waː / word-initially before / hC / with
loss of / h /; / ɔ̃ː / following the partitive prefix before / hC / with loss
of / h /; / aː / before / hC / elsewhere with loss of / h /; / wa /
word-initially before / hV / with loss of / h /; / ɔ̃ / following the
partitive prefix before / hV / with loss of / h /; / a / before / hV /
elsewhere with loss of / h /; / waɁ / word-initially before / j / with loss
of / j /; / ɔ̃Ɂ / following the partitive prefix before / j / with loss of / j /;
/ aɁ / before / j / elsewhere with loss of / j /; / oɁ / elsewhere.
Hu. / Ø / word-initially before the cislocative or repetitive prefix ( but more
usually / õ / in this environment ); / õ / before / wa / with loss of
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/ wa /, and before the repetitive or cislocative prefix elsewhere; / e /
before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / aɁ / before / j / with loss
of / j /, and before remaining consonants elsewhere.
⁰⁰⁷ PI * { teː } 'duplicative'

PI * / ti / before consonants in deverbalized nouns and some ( dependent? )
verb forms; * / t / before at least some vowels elsewhere; * / teː / before
at least some consonants elsewhere; ( elsewhere = ? )
Ch. / t / before the repetitive prefix; / tòː / before the cislocative prefix; / tìː / in
deverbalized nouns and dependent verb forms before / à / and / ì / with
loss of / à / and / ì /; / ts / in deverbalized nouns and dependent verb
forms before remaining vowels; / t / in deverbalized nouns and
dependent verb forms before / h / with loss of / h /; / tì / in
deverbalized nouns and dependent verb forms before remaining
consonants; / téː / before / ȅː / and / ȉː / elsewhere with loss of / ȅː /
and / ȉː /; / t / before remaining vowels elsewhere; / tèː / before
PNI * / tõ / following the factual prefix before the cislocative or repetitive
prefix, and before the cislocative or repetitive prefix in imperative verbs
not containing the 1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes, and before the 2:1
imperative pronominal prefixes; * / ti / following the factual prefix
before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); * / t / before vowels, and
following the factual prefix elsewhere; * / te / before consonants
elsewhere.
Tu. / nə̃ / following the factual prefix before the cislocative or repetitive prefix,
and before the cislocative or repetitive prefix in imperative verbs not
containing the 1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes, and before the 2:1
imperative pronominal prefixes; / ni / following the factual prefix before
certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / n / following the factual prefix
before / j /, / w /, or a vowel; / tʃ / following the factual prefix before
/ hs / or / hsj / with loss of / hs / or / hsj /, and following the factual
prefix before remaining consonants; / n / before a vowel elsewhere;
/ nɛ / elsewhere.
Mo. / tũ / following the factual prefix before the cislocative or repetitive prefix,
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imperative pronominal prefixes; / t / before vowels, and following the
factual prefix before / hV /, / jV /, or the '1SG:3' pronominal prefix
allomorph / k /; / te / elsewhere.
Oo. / tũ / following the factual prefix before the cislocative or repetitive prefix,
imperative pronominal prefixes; / ti / following the factual prefix before
certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / t / before vowels, and following
the factual prefix elsewhere; / te / elsewhere.
Ca. / tõ / following the factual prefix before the cislocative or repetitive prefix,
certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / t / before vowels, and following
the factual prefix elsewhere; / te / elsewhere.
Se. / tɔ̃ / following the factual prefix before the cislocative or repetitive prefix,
certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ), / t / before vowels, and following
the factual prefix elsewhere; / teː / before / hC / elsewhere with loss of
/ h /; / te / before / hV / elsewhere with loss of / h /, and before
Hu. / tõ / following the factual prefix before the cislocative or repetitive prefix,
containing the 1+2DU:3 or 1+2PL:3 prefixes; / ti / following the factual
prefix before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ), and in imperative
verbs elsewhere; / k / following the factual prefix before / w /; / Ø /
following the factual prefix before / k / or / s /; / t / before vowels, and
following the factual prefix elsewhere; / te / elsewhere.
⁰⁰⁸ PI * { ẽː } 'future'
PI * / ẽː /;
Ch. / òː / ( synchronically absent; preserved in the combination / tòːt /
'duplicative+cislocative ).
350
PNI * / ẽ /.
Tu. / ə̃ /.
Mo. / ʌ̃ /.
Oe. / ʌ̃ /.
Oo. / ẽ /.
Ca. / ẽ /.
Se. / ẽː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / ẽ / before / hV / with loss of / h /,
and before remaining consonants elsewhere.
Hu. / e /.
⁰⁰⁹ PNI * { aɹa } 'optative'

PNI * / aɹe / before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); * / aɹõ / before
* / wa / with loss of / wa /; * / aɹ / before glides; * / aɹa / before
remaining consonants.
Tu. / ə̃ / before the cislocative or repetitive prefix; / aˈrɛ / before certain
pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ) provided word accent falls on / ˈrɛ / as
indicated; / aˈrə̃ / before / wa / with loss of / wa / provided word accent
falls on / ˈrə̃ / as indicated; / aˈra / before remaining consonants
provided word accent falls on / ˈra / as indicated; / ar / before / w / and
/ j / elsewhere; / a / elsewhere.
Mo. / ae / before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / aũ / before / wa /
with loss of / wa /, and before the repetitive or cislocative prefix; / aː /
elsewhere.
Oe. / ae / before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / aũ / before / wa /
with loss of / wa /; / ũː / or / ũ / before the repetitive or cislocative
prefix; / aː / elsewhere.
Oo. / ae / before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / aũ / before / wa /
with loss of / wa /; / ũː / before the repetitive or cislocative prefix; / aː /
elsewhere.
Ca. / ae / before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / aõ / or / õː / before
/ wa / with loss of / wa /, and before the repetitive or cislocative prefix;
/ aː / elsewhere.
Se. / ae / before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / ɔ̃ː / before / wa / with
loss of / wa /, and before the cislocative or repetitive prefix; / aː / before
/ h / with loss of / h /, and before remaining consonants elsewhere.
Hu. / ae / before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / aõ / before / wa /
351
with loss of / wa /, and before the repetitive or cislocative prefix; / a /
before / j /; / aː / before remaining consonants elsewhere.
⁰¹⁰ PI * { t } 'cislocative'
PI * / k / or / ka / word-initially in at least some imperative verbs; * / ta /
before at least some consonants in some ( dependent? ) verb forms;
* / t / before at least some vowels and consonants elsewhere;
( elsewhere = ? )
Ch. / k / word-initially in some imperative verbs ( cf. / khěːna̋ː / 'come here!' );
/ t / before the repetitive prefix and before / h /; / tʌ̃ː̀ / in deverbalized
nouns and dependent verb forms before / à / with loss of / à /; / tȁːɁ / in
deverbalized nouns and dependent verb forms before / ì / with loss of
/ ì /; / tàj / in deverbalized nouns and dependent verb forms before
remaining vowels; / tà / in deverbalized nouns and dependent verb
forms before remaining consonants; / tìː / before / ȁː / and / ȉː /
elsewhere with loss of / ȁː / and / ȉː /; / t / before vowels elsewhere;
/ tì / before consonants elsewhere.
PNI * / ka / word-initially in at least some imperative verbs; * / ti / before the
1+2DU:3 and 1+2PL:3 pronominal prefixes in imperative verbs; * / te /
following the factual prefix or optative prefix before certain pronominal
prefixes ( see 4.4 ); * / tõ / following the factual prefix or optative prefix
before * / wa / with loss of * / wa /; * / ta / in imperative verbs
elsewhere, and following the factual prefix or optative prefix elsewhere;
* / ti / before certain pronominal prefixes ( 4.4 ) elsewhere; * / t /
elsewhere.
Tu. / ka / word-initially in some imperative verbs ( cf. / ˈkaːtʃi / 'come!' ); / ni /
word-initially before the 1+2SG:3 and 1+2PL:3 pronominal prefixes in
imperative verbs; / Ɂni / before the 1+2SG:3 and 1+2PL:3 pronominal
prefixes in imperative verbs elsewhere; / Ɂnɛ / following the factual
prefix or optative prefix before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 );
/ Ɂnə̃ / following the factual prefix or optative prefix before / wa / with
loss of / wa /; / na / word-initially in imperative verbs elsewhere;
/ Ɂna / in imperative verbs elsewhere, and following the factual prefix or
optative prefix elsewhere; / ni / word-initially before certain pronominal
prefixes ( 4.4 ) elsewhere; / Ɂni / before certain pronominal prefixes
( 4.4 ) elsewhere; / n / word-initially before / w / or / j /; / Ɂn / before
352
/ w / or / j / elsewhere; / tʃ / before / hs / or / hsj / elsewhere with loss
of / hs / or / hsj /; / t / elsewhere.
Mo. / ka / word-initially in some imperative verbs ( cf. / kaːts / 'come here!' );
/ ti / before the 1+2DU:3 and 1+2PL:3 pronominal prefixes in
imperative verbs; / te / following the factual prefix or optative prefix
before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / tũ / following the factual
prefix or optative prefix before / wa / with loss of / wa /; / ta / in
imperative verbs elsewhere, and following the factual prefix or optative
prefix elsewhere; / ti / before certain pronominal prefixes ( 4.4 )
elsewhere; / te / before consonant clusters elsewhere; / t / elsewhere.
Oe. / ka / word-initially in some imperative verbs ( cf. / kaːˈats / 'come here!' );
elsewhere; / te / before consonant clusters elsewhere; / t / elsewhere.
Oo. / ka / word-initially in some imperative verbs ( cf. / ˈkáːtsih / 'come here!' );
elsewhere; / t / elsewhere.
Ca. / ka / word-initially in some imperative verbs ( cf. / ˈkaːtsih / 'come here!' );
before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / tõ / following the factual
Se. / ka / word-initially in some imperative verbs ( cf. / kaːtsih / 'come here!' );
353
before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / tɔ̃ / following the factual
prefix or optative prefix before / wa / with loss of / wa /; / taː / in
imperative verbs before / hC / with loss of / h /, and following the
factual prefix or optative prefix before / hC / with loss of / h /; / ta / in
imperative verbs before / hV / with loss of / h /, and following the
factual prefix or optative prefix before / hV / with loss of / h /, and
following the factual prefix or optative prefix before remaining
consonants elsewhere, and before remaining consonants in imperative
verbs; / ti / before certain pronominal prefixes ( 4.4 ) elsewhere; / t /
elsewhere.
Hu. / a / word-initially in imperative verbs; / ti / before the 1+2DU:3 and
1+2PL:3 pronominal prefixes in imperative verbs; / te / following the
factual prefix or optative prefix before certain pronominal prefixes
( see 4.4 ); / tõ / following the factual prefix or optative prefix before
/ wa / with loss of / wa /; / ta / in imperative verbs, and following the
factual prefix or optative prefix elsewhere; / k / before / wV / elsewhere;
/ Ø / before / k / or / s / elsewhere; / ti / before certain pronominal
prefixes ( 4.4 ) elsewhere; / et / word-initially before a consonant
⁰¹¹ PI * { ts } 'repetitive'
PI * / tsiː / in certain verb forms before the 1+2DU:3 and 1+2PL:3 pronominal
prefixes and the 3:2SG pronominal prefix; elsewhere = ?
Ch. / ěːɁ / following the duplicative prefix before / ȅː / or / ȉː / with loss of
/ ȅː / or / ȉː /, and following the duplicative prefix before remaining
vowels; / ěː / following the duplicative prefix before consonants; / tsǐːɁ /
in deverbalized nouns and dependent verb forms before the 1+2DU:3
and 1+2PL:3 pronominal prefixes; / tsǐː / in deverbalized nouns and
dependent verb forms before the 3:2SG pronominal prefix'; / ʌ̃ː́ /
word-initially in deverbalized nouns and dependent verb forms before
/ ì / with loss of / ì /; / hʌ̃ː́ / in deverbalized nouns and dependent verb
forms before / ì / elsewhere with loss of / ì /; / ʌ̃ː̌ Ɂ / word-initially in
deverbalized nouns and dependent verb forms before remaining vowels;
/ hʌ̃ː̌ Ɂ / in deverbalized nouns and dependent verb forms before
remaining vowels elsewhere; / ʌ̃ː̌ / word-initially in deverbalized nouns
354
and dependent verb forms before consonants; / hʌ̃ː̌ / in deverbalized
nouns and dependent verb forms before consonants elsewhere; / íː /
word-initially before / ȉː / elsewhere with loss of / ȉː /; / híː / before
/ ȉː / elsewhere with loss of / ȉː /; / ǐːɁ / word-initially before vowels
elsewhere; / hǐːɁ / before vowels elsewhere; / ǐː / word-initially before
consonants elsewhere; / hǐː / before consonants elsewhere.
PNI * / tsi / before the 1+2SG:3 and 1+2PL:3 pronominal prefixes in
imperative verbs; * / tse / following the factual prefix or optative prefix
before certain pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); * / tsõ / following the
factual prefix or optative prefix before * / wa / with loss of * / wa /;
* / tsa / in imperative verbs elsewhere, and following the factual prefix
or optative prefix elsewhere; * / tsi / before certain pronominal prefixes
( 4.4 ) elsewhere; * / ts / elsewhere.
Tu. / tʃi / before the 1+2SG:3 and 1+2PL:3 pronominal prefixes in imperative
verbs; / θɛ / following the factual prefix or optative prefix before certain
pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / θə̃ / following the factual prefix or
optative prefix before / wa / with loss of / wa /; / θa / in imperative
verbs elsewhere, and following the factual prefix or optative prefix
elsewhere; / tʃi / before certain pronominal prefixes ( 4.4 ) elsewhere;
/ tʃ / before / j / elsewhere; / θ / elsewhere.
Mo. / tsi / before the 1+2SG:3 and 1+2PL:3 pronominal prefixes in imperative
verbs; / se / following the factual prefix or optative prefix before certain
pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / sũ / following the factual prefix or
optative prefix before / wa / with loss of / wa /; / sa / in imperative
elsewhere; / tsi / before certain pronominal prefixes ( 4.4 ) elsewhere;
/ ts / before / j / elsewhere; / s / before / hV / or / kV / elsewhere;
/ se / elsewhere.
Oo. / tsi / before the 1+2SG:3 and 1+2PL:3 pronominal prefixes in imperative
pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / sũ / following the factual prefix or
/ ts / before / j / elsewhere; / t / before / s / elsewhere; / s / elsewhere.
355
Ca. / tsi / before the 1+2SG:3 and 1+2PL:3 pronominal prefixes in imperative
pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / sõ / following the factual prefix or
/ ts / before / j / elsewhere with loss of / j /; / t / before / s / elsewhere;
/ s / elsewhere.
Se. / tsi / before the 1+2SG:3 and 1+2PL:3 pronominal prefixes in imperative
pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / sɔ̃ / following the factual prefix or
optative prefix before / wa / with loss of / wa /; / saː / in imperative
verbs before / hC / with loss of / h /, and following the factual prefix or
optative prefix before / hC / with loss of / h /; / sa / in imperative verbs
before / hV / with loss of / h /, and following the factual prefix or
optative prefix before / hV / with loss of / h /, and following the factual
prefix or optative prefix elsewhere, and in imperative verbs elsewhere;
/ tsi / before certain pronominal prefixes ( 4.4 ) elsewhere; / ts / before
/ j / elsewhere with loss of / j /; / t / before / s / elsewhere; / s /
elsewhere.
Hu. / tsi / before the 1+2DU:3 and 1+2PL:3 pronominal prefixes in imperative
pronominal prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / sõ / following the factual prefix or
verbs, and following the factual prefix or optative prefix elsewhere;
/ tsi / before certain pronominal prefixes ( 4.4 ) elsewhere; / Ø / before
/ sC / with / h / added after / C /; / sk / before / w /; / ts / before / j /
elsewhere with loss of / j /; / s / before / ʃ / elsewhere; / s / elsewhere.
⁰¹² PI * { ka } 'non-singular animate'

PI * / ka / before at least some consonants; ( elsewhere = ? )
Ch. / k / before vowels; / kà / before consonants.
PNI * / ka /.
Tu. / ka /.
Ca. / ka / before / j / with loss of / j /, and before remaining consonants;
Hu. / kõ / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before / wa / with loss of
356
/ wa /; / xõ / before / wa / elsewhere with loss of / wa /; / kae /
following any consonant except / Ɂ / before certain prepronominal
prefixes ( see 4.4 ); / xae / before certain pronominal prefixes ( 4.4 )
elsewhere; / ka / following any consonant except / Ɂ / elsewhere; / xa /
elsewhere.
⁰¹³ PI * { kõː } '1:2.SG'

PI * / kõː / before consonants; * / kõːj / before vowels.
Ch. / kʌ̃ː̀ / before consonants; / kʌ̃ː̀ j / before vowels.
PNI * / kõ / before consonants, and before * / i / with loss of * / i /; * / kõj /
before vowels.
Tu. / kə̃ / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /; / kə̃j / before
vowels.
Mo. / kũ / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /; / kũj / before
remaining vowels.
Oo. / kũ / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /; / kũj / before
remaining vowels.
Ca. / kõ / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /; / kõj / before
remaining vowels.
Se. / kɔ̃ː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / kɔ̃ / before / hV / with loss of / h /,
and before remaining consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ kɔ̃j / before remaining vowels.
Hu. / kõ / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before / i / with loss of / i /,
and following any consonant except / Ɂ / before consonants and
remaining vowels; / xõ / before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /, and
before consonants and remaining vowels elsewhere.
⁰¹⁴ PNI * { kni } '1:2.DU'

PNI * / kni / before consonants; * / kj / before * / a /; * / kn / before remaining
vowels.
Tu. / kjɛkti / before consonants; / kjɛkj / before / a /; / kjɛkn / before / ə̃ / and
before some bases beginning in / o /; / kjɛkt / before remaining vowels.
Mo. / keni / before consonants; / kj / before / a /; / ken / before remaining
vowels.
Oe. / kni / before consonants; / kj / before / a /; / kn / before remaining
357
vowels.
Oo. / kni / before consonants; / kj / before / a / and / ẽ /; / kn / before
remaining vowels.
Ca. / khni / before consonants; / kj / before / a /; / khn / before remaining
vowels.
Se. / khniː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / khni / before / hV / with loss of
/ h /, and before remaining consonants; / khnj / before / a / and / ɛ̃ /
( appearance of / n / interpreted as analogy ); / khn / before remaining
vowels.
Hu. / ki / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before a consonant; / xi / before
a consonant elsewhere; / kj / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before
/ a /; / xj / before / a / elsewhere; / in / word-initially before remaining
vowels; / n / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
⁰¹⁵ PNI * { kwa } '1:2.PL'

PNI * / kwa / before consonants; * / kwẽ / before * / i / with loss of * / i /;
* / kj / before / o / and / õ /; * / kw / before remaining vowels.
Tu. / kjɛkwa / before consonants; / kjɛkwə̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ kjɛkw / before remaining vowels.
Mo. / kwa / before consonants; / kwʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / kj /
before / o / and / ũ /; / kw / before remaining vowels.
Oe. / kwa / before consonants; / jakwʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / kj /
Oo. / kwa / before consonants; / kwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / kj /
Ca. / kwa / before consonants; / kwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / kj /
before / o /, / õ /, and / u /; / kw / before remaining vowels.
Se. / kwæː / before / Ræ / with loss of / Ræ /; / kwaː / before / hC / with loss
of / h /; / kwa / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and before remaining
consonants; / kwɛ̃ / before some bases beginning in / i / with loss of
/ i /, and before / jɔ̃ / with loss of / j /; / kj / before / o / and / ɔ̃ /;
/ kw / before some bases beginning in / i /, and before remaining
vowels.
Hu. / kwa / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before a consonant; / xwa /
before a consonant elsewhere; / kwẽ / following any consonant except
/ Ɂ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / xwẽ / before / i / elsewhere with
358
loss of / i /; / kj / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before / o / or
/ õ /; / xj / before / o / and / õ / elsewhere; / kw / following any
consonant except / Ɂ / before remaining vowels; / xw / before remaining
vowels elsewhere.
⁰¹⁶ PI * { hskʷi } '2:1.SG'

PI * / skʷ / word-initially or following a consonant before * / a /, and perhaps
word-initially or following a consonant before all vowels; * / hskʷ /
before / a / elsewhere, and perhaps before all vowels elsewhere;
* / skʷi / word-initially or following a consonant before certain
consonants and clusters, and perhaps word-initially or following a
consonant before all consonants and clusters; * / hskʷi / before certain
consonants and clusters elsewhere, and perhaps before all consonants
and clusters elsewhere.
Ch. / skʷ / word-initially or following a consonant before a vowel; / hskʷ /
before a vowel elsewhere; / skì / word-initially or following a consonant
before a consonant; / hskì / before a consonant elsewhere.
PNI * / skʷ / word-initially or following a consonant before * / a /; * / hskʷ /
before * / a / elsewhere; * / ske / word-initially or following a consonant
before certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 4.4 ); * / hske / before certain
consonants and clusters ( 4.4 ) elsewhere; * / sk / word-initially or
following a consonant before certain other consonants and clusters
( 4.4 ), and word-initially or following a consonant before remaining
vowels; * / hsk / before certain other consonants and clusters ( 4.4 )
elsewhere, and before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Tu. / skʷ / word-initially or following a consonant before / a /; / hskʷ / before
/ a / elsewhere; / skɛ / word-initially or following a consonant before
certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 6.4 ); / hskɛ / before certain
consonants and clusters ( 6.4 ) elsewhere; / sk / word-initially or
( 6.4 ), and word-initially or following a consonant before remaining
vowels; / hsk / before certain other consonants and clusters ( 6.4 )
Mo. / skʷ / word-initially or following a consonant before / a /, / e / and / ə̃ /;
/ hskʷ / before / a /, / e / and / ʌ̃ / elsewhere; / ske / word-initially or
following a consonant before certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 11.4 );
359
/ hske / before certain consonants and clusters ( 11.4 ) elsewhere; / sk /
word-initially or following a consonant before certain other consonants
and clusters ( 11.4 ), and word-initially or following a consonant before
vowels; / hsk / before certain other consonants and clusters ( 11.4 )
elsewhere, and before vowels elsewhere.
Oe. / skʷ / before / a /, / e /, and / ʌ̃ /; / ske / before certain consonants and
clusters ( cf. 12.4 ); / sk / before certain other consonants and clusters
( 12.4 ), and before vowels.
Oo. / ske / before certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 13.4 ); / skeː / before
certain other consonants and certain vowels ( 13.4 ); / sk / before certain
other consonants and clusters ( 13.4 ), and before remaining vowels.
Ca. / ske / word-initially or following a consonant before certain consonants and
clusters ( cf. 14.4 ); / hske / before certain consonants and clusters
( 14.4 ) elsewhere; / sk / word-initially or following a consonant before
certain other consonants and clusters ( 14.4 ), and word-initially before
vowels; / hsk / or following a consonant before certain other consonants
and clusters ( 14.4 ) elsewhere, and before vowels elsewhere.
Se. / ske / before certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 15.4 ); / sk / before
certain other consonants and clusters ( 15.4 ), and before vowels.
Hu. / s / word-initially or following a consonant before / n / with change of
/ n / to / t /; / hs / before / n / elsewhere with change of / n / to / t /;
/ sk / word-initially or following a consonant before vowels, and
word-initially before / ɹ /, and word-initially or following a consonant
before some bases beginning in / j / ( < PNI * / j / ); / hsk / before
vowels elsewhere, and before / ɹ / elsewhere, and before some bases
beginning in / j / ( < PNI * / j / ) elsewhere; / ske / word-initially or
following a consonant before certain remaining consonants and clusters
( see 16.4 ); / hske / before certain remaining consonants and clusters
( 16.4 ) elsewhere.
⁰¹⁷ PI * { hskniː } '2:1.DU'

PI * / skniː / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
* / hskniː / before consonants elsewhere; * / skn / word-initially or
following a consonant before at least some vowels; * / hskn / before at
least some vowels elsewhere; ( elsewhere = ? )
Ch. / skìnìː / word-initially or following a consonant before / àː / with loss of
360
/ àː /, and word-initially or following a consonant before a consonant;
/ hskìnìː / before / àː / with loss of / àː / elsewhere, and before a
consonant elsewhere; / skìn / word-initially or following a consonant
before vowels; / hskìn / before vowels elsewhere.
PNI * / skni / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
* / hskni / before consonants elsewhere; * / skj / word-initially or
following a consonant before / a /; * / hskj / before / a / elsewhere;
* / skn / word-initially or following a consonant before remaining
vowels; * / hskn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Tu. / skti / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants; / hskti /
before consonants elsewhere; / skj / word-initially or following a
consonant before / a /; / hskj / before / a / elsewhere; / skn /
word-initially or following a consonant before / ə̃ / and word-initially or
following a consonant before some bases beginning in / o /; / hskn /
before / ə̃ / elsewhere and before some bases beginning in / o /
elsewhere; / skt / word-initially or following a consonant before
remaining vowels; / hskt / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / skeni / word-initially before consonants; / hskeni / before consonants
elsewhere; / skj / word-initially before / a /; / hskj / before / a /
elsewhere; / sken / word-initially before remaining vowels; / hsken /
before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oe. / skni / before consonants; / skj / before / a /; / skn / before remaining
vowels.
Oo. / skni / before consonants; / skj / before / a / and / ẽ /; / skn / before
remaining vowels.
Ca. / skhni / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
/ hskhni / before consonants elsewhere; / skj / word-initially or
following a consonant before / a /; / hskj / before / a / elsewhere;
/ skhn / word-initially or following a consonant before remaining
vowels; / hskhn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Se. / skhniː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / skhni / before / hV / with loss of
/ h /, and before remaining consonants; / skhnj / before / a / and / ɛ̃ /
( appearance of / n / interpreted as analogy ); / skhn / before remaining
vowels.
Hu. / ski / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants; / hski /
before consonants elsewhere; / skj / word-initially or following a
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consonant before / a /; / hskj / before / a / elsewhere; / st /
word-initially or following a consonant before remaining vowels; / hst /
⁰¹⁸ PI * { hskʷ… } '2:1.PL'

Ch. / hskìː / word-initially or following a consonant before / àː / with loss of
/ skìː / before / àː / elsewhere with loss of / àː /, and before a consonant
elsewhere; / hskìːj / word-initially or following a consonant before
remaining vowels; / skìːj / elsewhere before remaining vowels.
PNI * / skwa / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
* / hskwa / before consonants elsewhere; * / skwẽ / word-initially or
following a consonant before * / i / with loss of * / i /;
* / hskwẽ / before * / i / elsewhere with loss of * / i /; * / skj /
word-initially or following a consonant before * / o / and * / õ /;
* / hskj / before * / o / and * / õ / elsewhere; * / skw / word-initially or
following a consonant before remaining vowels; * / hskw / before
remaining vowels elsewhere.
Tu. / skwa / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
/ hskwa / before consonants elsewhere; / skwə̃ / word-initially or
following a consonant before / i / with loss of / i /; / hskwə̃ / before
/ i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / skw / word-initially or following a
consonant before remaining vowels; / hskw / before remaining vowels
elsewhere.
Mo. / skwa / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
/ hskwa / before consonants elsewhere; / skwʌ̃ / word-initially or
following a consonant before / i / with loss of / i /; / hskwʌ̃ / before
/ i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / skj / word-initially or following a
consonant before / o / and / ũ /; / hskj / before / o / and / ũ /
elsewhere; / skw / word-initially or following a consonant before
remaining vowels; / hskw / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oe. / skwa / before consonants; / skwʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / skj /
before / o / and / ũ /; / skw / before remaining vowels.
Oo. / skwa / before consonants; / skwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / skj /
Ca. / skwa / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
362
/ hskwa / before consonants elsewhere; / skwẽ / word-initially or
following a consonant before / i / with loss of / i /; / hskwẽ / before
consonant before / o /, / õ / and / u /; / hskj / before / o /, / õ / and
/ u / elsewhere; / skw / word-initially or following a consonant before
Se. / skwæː / before / Ræ / with loss of / Ræ /; / skwaː / before / hC / with loss
of / h /; / skwa / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and before remaining
consonants; / skwɛ̃ / before some bases beginning in / i / with loss of
/ i /, and before / jɔ̃ / with loss of / j /; / skj / before / o / and / ɔ̃ /;
/ skw / before some bases beginning in / i /, and before remaining
vowels.
Hu. / skwa / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
/ hskwa / before consonants elsewhere; / skwẽ / word-initially or
following a consonant before / i / with loss of / i /; / hskwẽ / before
consonant before / o / and / õ / elsewhere; / hskj / before / o / and
/ õ / elsewhere; / skw / word-initially or following a consonant before
⁰¹⁹ PI * { ki } '1SG:3'
PI * / ki / before certain consonants, and perhaps before all consonants; * / k /
before vowels, and perhaps also before certain other consonants.
Ch. / tsì / before consonants; / tsìː / before / àː / with loss of / àː /; / k / before
remaining vowels.
PNI * / ke / before certain consonants and clusters ( see 4.4 ); * / k / before
Tu. / kjɛ / before certain consonants and clusters ( see 6.4 ); / kj / before / ɛ /;
/ k / before certain other consonants and clusters ( 6.4 ), and before
remaining vowels.
Mo. / ke / before certain consonants and clusters ( see 11.4 ); / k / before
Oe. / ke / before certain consonants and clusters ( see 12.4 ); / k / before certain
other consonants and clusters ( 12.4 ), and before vowels.
Oo. / h / before / k / and / kʷ /; / ke / before certain remaining consonants and
clusters ( see 13.4 ); / keː / before certain other remaining consonants
363
( 13.4 ) and certain vowels; / sk / before certain other remaining
consonants and clusters ( 13.4 ), and before remaining vowels.
Ca. / ke / before certain consonants and clusters ( see 14.4 ); / k / before certain
other consonants and clusters ( 14.4 ), and before vowels.
Se. / Ø / before / hts /; / kh / before / nV /; / ke / before certain consonants
and clusters ( see 15.4 ); / k / before certain other consonants and
clusters ( 15.4 ), and before vowels.
Hu. / ke / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before certain consonants and
clusters ( see 16.4 ); / xe / before certain consonants and clusters ( 16.4 )
elsewhere; / k / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before certain
other consonants and clusters ( 16.4 ), and following any consonant
except / Ɂ / before vowels; / i / before / n / word-initially; / Ø / before
/ n / elsewhere; / x / before certain other remaining consonants and
clusters ( 16.4 ) elsewhere, and before vowels elsewhere.
⁰²⁰ PI * { kiji } '1SG:3A' ( Æ PNI '1SG:3I' )

PI * / kiji / before consonants; * / kijij / before vowels.
Ch. / tsìː / before consonants; / tsìːj / before vowels.
PNI * / khe / before consonants, and possibly before / i / with loss of / i /;
* / khe / before (remaining) vowels.
Tu. / khɛ / before consonants; / khɛj / before vowels.
Mo. / khe / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /; / khej / before
remaining vowels.
Oo. / khe / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /; / khej / before
remaining vowels.
Ca. / khe / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /; / khej / before
remaining vowels.
Se. / kheː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / khe / before / hV / with loss of
/ h /, before remaining consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ khej / before remaining vowels.
Hu. / khe / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /, and before
remaining vowels.
⁰²¹ PNI * { he } or * { hɹi } '1SG:3M'

PNI * / he / or * / ɹi / word-initially before consonants, and word-initially
364
before * / i / with loss of * / i /; * / he / or * / hi / ( or possibly
* / hɹi / ) elsewhere before consonants, and before * / i / elsewhere
with loss of * / i /; * / hej / or * / ɹij / word-initially before remaining
vowels; * / hej / or * / hij / ( or possibly * / hɹij / ) before remaining
vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / ɹi / word-initially before consonants, and word-initially before / i / with
loss of / i /; / hi / before consonants elsewhere, and before / i /
elsewhere with loss of / i /; / ɹij / word-initially before remaining
vowels; / hij / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oe. / li / word-initially before consonants, and word-initially before / i / with
loss of / i /; / hi / before consonants elsewhere, and before / i /
elsewhere with loss of / i /; / lij / word-initially before remaining
vowels; / hij / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oo. / he / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /; / hej / before
remaining vowels.
Ca. / hi / or / he / before consonants; / he / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ hej / before remaining vowels.
Se. / heː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / he / before / hV / with loss of / h /,
before remaining consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /; / hej /
before remaining vowels.
Hu. / he / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /, and before
remaining vowels.
⁰²² PI * { hsi } '2SG:3'

PI * / hsi / before consonants; * / hs / before vowels.
Ch. / hì / before consonants; / hìː / before / àː / with loss of / àː /; / h / before
vowels.
PNI * / se / word-initially or following a consonant before certain consonants
and clusters ( cf. 4.4 ); * / hse / before certain consonants and clusters
( 4.4 ) elsewhere; * / s / word-initially or following a consonant before
vowels; * / hs / before certain other consonants and clusters ( 4.4 )
Tu. / sɛ / word-initially or following a consonant before certain consonants and
clusters ( cf. 6.4 ); / hsɛ / before certain consonants and clusters ( 6.4 )
elsewhere; / s / word-initially or following a consonant before certain
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other consonants and clusters ( 6.4 ), and word-initially or following a
consonant before vowels; / hs / before certain other consonants and

Mo. / t / before / hs /; / se / word-initially or following a consonant before
certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 11.4 ); / hse / before certain
consonants and clusters ( 11.4 ) elsewhere; / s / word-initially or
( 11.4 ), and word-initially or following a consonant before vowels; / hs /
before certain other consonants and clusters ( 11.4 ) elsewhere, and
before vowels elsewhere.
Oe. / t / before / hs / with metathesis of / hs / to / sh /; / se / word-initially or
following a consonant before certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 12.4 );
/ hse / before certain consonants and clusters ( 12.4 ) elsewhere; / s /
word-initially or following a consonant before vowels, and before certain
other consonants and clusters ( 12.4 ) elsewhere; / hs / before vowels
elsewhere.
Oo. / se / word-initially before certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 13.4 );
/ she / following a consonant before certain consonants and clusters
( 13.4 ); / hse / before certain consonants and clusters ( 13.4 ) elsewhere;
/ s / before certain other consonants and clusters ( 13.4 ), and
word-initially before vowels; / sh / following a consonant before vowels;
/ hs / before vowels elsewhere.
Ca. / se / word-initially before certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 14.4 );
( 14.4 ); / hse / before certain consonants and clusters ( 14.4 ) elsewhere;
/ s / word-initially before certain other consonants and clusters ( 14.4 ),
and word-initially before vowels; / sh / following a consonant before
vowels; / hs / before certain other consonants and clusters ( 14.4 )
Se. / se / word-initially before certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 15.4 );
( 15.4 ); / hse / before certain consonants and clusters elsewhere; / s /
before certain other consonants and clusters ( 15.4 ), and word-initially
before vowels; / sh / following a consonant before vowels; / hs / before
vowels elsewhere.
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Hu. / se / following a cislocative prepronominal prefix allomorph / t /, which is
lost, before certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 16.4 ); / hʃe / following
a vowel before certain consonants and clusters ( 16.4 ) elsewhere; / ʃe /
word-initially before certain consonants and clusters ( 16.4 ); / s /
following a cislocative prepronominal prefix allomorph / t /, which is
lost, before certain other consonants and clusters ( 16.4 ) and before
vowels; / ʃ / word-initially before certain other consonants and clusters
( 16.4 ), and word-initially before vowels.
⁰²³ PI * { hsiji } '2SG:3A' ( Æ PNI '2SG:3I' )

PI * / hsiji / before consonants; * / hsijij / before vowels.
Ch. / hìː / before consonants; / hìːj / before vowels.
PNI * / she / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants, and
possibly word-initially or following a consonant before * / i / with loss of
* / i /; * / hshe / before consonants elsewhere, and possibly before
* / i / elsewhere with loss of * / i /; * / shej / word-initially or following
a consonant before remaining vowels; * / hshej / before remaining
vowels elsewhere.
Tu. / shɛ / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants, and
word-initially or following a consonant before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ hshɛ / before consonants elsewhere, and before / i / elsewhere with
loss of / i /; / shɛj / word-initially or following a consonant before
remaining vowels; / hshɛj / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / she / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants, and
/ hshe / before consonants elsewhere, and before / i / elsewhere with
loss of / i /; / shej / word-initially or following a consonant before
remaining vowels; / hshej / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oe. / she / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /; / shej / before
remaining vowels.
Oo. / she / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /; / shej / before
remaining vowels.
Ca. / she / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants, and
/ hshe / before consonants elsewhere, and before / i / elsewhere with
loss of / i /; / shej / word-initially or following a consonant before
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remaining vowels; / hshej / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Se. / sheː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / she / before / hV / with loss of
/ h /, and before remaining consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ shej / before remaining vowels.
Hu. / she / following a cislocative prepronominal prefix allomorph / t /, which
is lost; / ʃhe / word-initially or following a repetitive prepronominal
prefix allomorph / s / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of
/ i /, and before remaining vowels; / hʃhe / following a vowel before
consonants elsewhere, and before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /, and
⁰²⁴ PNI * { hehse } '2SG:3M'

PNI * / hehse / before certain consonants and clusters ( see 4.4 ); * / hehs /
before certain other consonants and clusters ( 4.4 ), and before vowels.
Mo. / he / before / ts /; / het / before / hs /; / hetshe / before certain
consonants and clusters ( cf. 11.4 ); / hetsh / before certain other
consonants and clusters ( 11.4 ), and before vowels.
Oe. / e / word-initially before / ts /; / he / before / ts / elsewhere; / et /
word-initially before / hs / with metathesis of / hs / to / sh /; / het /
before / hs / elsewhere with metathesis of / hs / to / sh /; / etshe /
word-initially before certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 12.4 );
/ hetshe / before certain consonants and clusters ( 12.4 ) elsewhere;
/ etsh / word-initially before certain other consonants and clusters
( 12.4 ), and word-initially before vowels; / hetsh / before certain other
consonants and clusters elsewhere, and before vowels elsewhere.
Oo. / hehse / before certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 13.4 ); / hes / before
certain other consonants and clusters ( 13.4 ); / hehs / before vowels.
Ca. / hehse / before certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 14.4 ); / hehs / before
Se. / hehse / before certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 15.4 ); / hes / before
certain other consonants and clusters ( 15.4 ); / hehs / before vowels.
Hu. / hehs / before / n / with change of / n / to / t /; / hehʃe / before certain
consonants and clusters ( cf. 16.4 ); / hehʃ / before certain other
consonants and clusters ( 16.4 ), and before vowels.
368
⁰²⁵ PI * { wakʷi } '3:1SG'
PI * / wakʷi / before certain consonants, and perhaps before all consonants;
* / wakʷ / before * / a(ː) /, and perhaps before all vowels.
Ch. / ȁːkì / before consonants; / ȁːkìː / before / àː / with loss of / àː /; / ȁːkʷ /
PNI * / wakʷ / before * / a /, and perhaps also before * / e / and * / ẽ /;
* / wake / before certain consonants and clusters ( see 4.4 ); * / wak /
before certain other consonants and clusters ( 4.4 ), and before remaining
vowels.
Tu. / wakʷ / before / a /; / wakjɛ / before certain consonants and clusters
( see 6.4 ); / wakj / before / ɛ /; / wak / before certain other consonants
and clusters ( 6.4 ), and before remaining vowels.
Mo. / wakʷ / following the factual or optative prefix before / a /, / e /, or / ʌ̃ /;
/ wake / before certain consonants and clusters ( see 11.4 ); / wak /
before certain other consonants and clusters ( 11.4 ), and before
Oe. / wakʷ / following the factual or optative prefix before / a /, / e /, or / ʌ̃ /;
/ wake / before certain consonants and clusters ( see 12.4 ); / wak /
before certain other consonants and clusters ( 12.4 ), and before
Oo. / ah / word-initially before / k / and / kʷ /; / wah / before / k / and / kʷ /
elsewhere; / ake / word-initially before certain consonants and clusters
( see 13.4 ); / wake / before certain consonants and clusters ( 13.4 )
elsewhere; / akeː / word-initially before certain other consonants and
certain other vowels ( 13.4 ); / wakeː / before certain other consonants
and certain other vowels ( 13.4 ) elsewhere; / ak / word-initially before
remaining vowels; / wak / before certain other consonants and clusters
( 13.4 ) elsewhere, and before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Ca. / ake / word-initially before certain consonants and clusters ( see 14.4 );
/ wake / before certain consonants and clusters ( 14.4 ) elsewhere; / ak /
word-initially before certain other consonants and clusters ( 14.4 ), and
word-initially before vowels; / wak / before certain other consonants and
Se. / ake / word-initially before certain consonants and clusters ( see 15.4 );
/ wɔ̃ke / following the future prefix before certain consonants and
369
clusters ( see 15.4 ); / wake / before certain consonants and clusters
( 15.4 ) elsewhere; / a / word-initially before / hts /; / wɔ̃ / following
the future prefix before / hts /; / wa / before / hts / elsewhere; / akh /
word-initially before / n /; / wɔ̃kh / following the future prefix before
/ n /; / wakh / before / n / elsewhere; / ak / word-initially before
vowels; / wɔ̃k / following the future prefix before certain other
consonants and clusters ( 15.4 ), and following the future prefix before
vowels; / wak / before certain consonants and clusters ( 15.4 )
Hu. / a / word-initial before / n /; / wa / before / n / elsewhere; / axe /
word-initially before certain remaining consonants and clusters
( see 16.4 ); / waxe / before certain remaining consonants and clusters
( 16.4 ) elsewhere; / ax / word-initially before certain remaining
consonants and clusters ( 16.4 ) and word-initially before vowels; / wax /
before certain remaining consonants and clusters ( 16.4 ) elsewhere, and
before vowels elsewhere.
⁰²⁶ PI * { jõːkʷi } '3A:1SG' ( Æ PNI '3I:1SG' )

PI * / jõːkʷi / before consonants; * / jõːkʷ / before * / a(ː) /, and perhaps before
all vowels.
Ch. / ʌ̃ː̏ kì / before consonants; / ʌ̃ː̏ kìː / before / àː / with loss of / àː /; / ʌ̃ː̏ kʷ /
PNI * / jõkʷ / before * / a /, and perhaps also before * / e / and * / ẽ /;
* / jõke / before certain consonants and clusters ( see 4.4 ); * / jõk /
before certain other consonants and clusters ( 4.4 ), and before remaining
vowels.
Tu. / jə̃kʷ / before / a /; / jə̃kjɛ / before certain consonants and clusters
( see 6.4 ); / jə̃kj / before / ɛ /; / jə̃k / before certain other consonants
and clusters ( 6.4 ), and before remaining vowels.
Mo. / jũkʷ / before / a /, / e /, and / ʌ̃ /; / jũke / before certain consonants and
clusters ( see 11.4 ); / jũk / before certain other consonants and clusters
( 11.4 ), and before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oe. / jũkʷ / before / a /, / e /, and / ʌ̃ /; / jũke / before certain consonants and
clusters ( see 12.4 ); / jũk / before certain other consonants and clusters
( 12.4 ), and before remaining vowels elsewhere.
370
Oo. / ũh / word-initially before / k / and / kʷ /; / jũh / before / k / and / kʷ /
elsewhere; / ũke / word-initially before certain consonants and clusters
( see 13.4 ); / jũke / before certain consonants and clusters ( 13.4 )
elsewhere; / ũkeː / word-initially before certain other consonants and
certain vowels ( 13.4 ); / jũkeː / before certain other consonants and
certain vowels ( 13.4 ) elsewhere; / ũk / word-initially before certain
other consonants and clusters ( 13.4 ), and word-initially before
remaining vowels; / jũk / before certain other consonants and clusters
( 13.4 ) elsewhere, and before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Ca. / jõke / before certain consonants and clusters ( see 14.4 ); / jõk / before
Se. / ɔ̃ke / word-initially before certain consonants and clusters ( see 15.4 );
/ jɔ̃ke / before certain consonants and clusters ( 15.4 ) elsewhere;
/ ɔ̃kh / word-initially before / n /; / jɔ̃kh / before / n / elsewhere;
/ ɔ̃ / word-initially before / hts /; / jɔ̃ / before / hts / elsewhere; / ɔ̃k /
word-initially before vowels; / jɔ̃k / before certain other consonants and
Hu. / jõ / following a consonant before / n /; / õ / before / n / elsewhere;
/ jõxe / following a consonant before certain remaining consonants and
clusters ( see 16.4 ); / õxe / before certain remaining consonants and
clusters ( 16.4 ) elsewhere; / jõx / following a consonant before certain
remaining consonants and clusters ( 16.4 ), and following a consonant
before a vowel; / õx / before certain remaining consonants and clusters
( 16.4 ) elsewhere, and before vowels elsewhere.
⁰²⁷ PNI * { hɹake } '3M:1SG'

PNI * / ɹakʷ / word-initially before * / a /, and perhaps also word-initially
before * / e / and * / ẽ /; * / hɹakʷ / before * / a / elsewhere, and
perhaps also before * / e / and * / ẽ / elsewhere; * / ɹake / word-initially
before certain consonants and clusters ( see 4.4 ); * / hɹake / before
certain consonants and clusters ( 4.4 ) elsewhere; * / ɹak / word-initially
before certain other consonants and clusters ( 4.4 ), and word-initially
before remaining vowels; * / hɹak / before certain other consonants and
clusters ( 4.4 ) elsewhere, and before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Tu. / rakʷ / word-initially before / a /; / hrakʷ / before / a / elsewhere; / rakj /
371
word-initially before / ɛ /; / hrakj / before / ɛ / elsewhere; / rakjɛ /
word-initially before certain consonants and clusters ( see 6.4 );
/ hrakjɛ / before certain consonants and clusters ( 6.4 ) elsewhere;
/ rak / word-initially before certain other consonants and clusters ( 6.4 ),
and before remaining vowels; / hrak / before certain other consonants
and clusters ( 6.4 ) elsewhere, and before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / ɹakʷ / word-initially before / a /, / e /, and / ʌ̃ /; / hakʷ / before / a /,
/ e /, and / ʌ̃ / elsewhere; / ɹake / word-initially before certain
consonants and clusters ( see 11.4 ); / hake / before certain consonants
and clusters ( 11.4 )elsewhere; / ɹak / word-initially before certain other
consonants and clusters ( 11.4 ), and word-initially before remaining
vowels; / hak / before certain other consonants and clusters ( 11.4 )
Oe. / lakʷ / word-initially before / a /, / e /, and / ʌ̃ /; / hakʷ / before / a /,
/ e /, and / ʌ̃ / elsewhere; / lake / word-initially before certain
consonants and clusters ( see 12.4 ); / hake / before certain consonants
and clusters ( 12.4 ) elsewhere; / lak / word-initially before certain other
consonants and clusters ( 12.4 ), and word-initially before remaining
vowels; / hak / before certain other consonants and clusters ( 12.4 )
Oo. / hah / before / k / and / kʷ /; / hake / before certain consonants and
clusters ( see 13.4 ); / hakeː / before certain other consonants and certain
vowels ( 13.4 ); / hak / before certain other consonants and clusters
( 13.4 ), and before remaining vowels.
Ca. / hake / before certain consonants and clusters ( see 14.4 ); / hak / before
Se. / hake / before certain consonants and clusters ( see 15.4 ); / hakh / before
/ n /; / ha / before / hts /; / hak / before certain other consonants and
Hu. / ha / before / n /; / haxe / before certain remaining consonants and
clusters ( see 16.4 ); / hax / before certain other remaining consonants
and clusters ( 16.4 ), and before vowels.
⁰²⁸ PI * { tsa } '3:2SG'

PI * / tsa / before consonants; * / ts / before certain vowels, perhaps before all
vowels.
372
Ch. / tsà / before consonants; / ts / before vowels.
PNI * / tsa / before consonants; * / tsẽ / before * / i / with loss of * / i /;
* / ts / before remaining vowels.
Tu. / θa / before consonants; / θə̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / θ / before
remaining vowels.
Mo. / sa / before consonants; / sʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / s / before
remaining vowels.
Oo. / sa / before consonants; / sẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / s / before
remaining vowels.
Ca. / sa / before consonants; / sẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / s / before
remaining vowels.
Se. / sæː / before / Ræ / with loss of / Ræ /; / saː / before / hC / with loss of
/ h /; / sa / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and before / o / and / ɔ̃ /,
and before remaining consonants; / sɛ ̃ / before some bases beginning in
/ i / with loss of / i /, and before / jɔ̃ / with loss of / j /; / s / before
some bases beginning in / i /, and before remaining vowels.
Hu. / sa / before consonants; / sẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / s / before
remaining vowels.
⁰²⁹ PI * { jeːtsa } '3A:2SG' ( Æ PNI 3I:2SG' )

PI * / jeːtsa / before consonants; / jeːts / before certain vowels, perhaps before
all vowels.
Ch. / ȅːtsà / before consonants; / ȅːts / before vowels.
PNI * / jetsa / before consonants; * / jetsẽ / before * / i / with loss of * / i /;
* / jets / before remaining vowels.
Tu. / jɛθa / before consonants; / jɛθə̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / jɛθ /
Mo. / jesa / before consonants; / jesʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / jesaj /
before / o / and / ũ /; / jes / before remaining vowels.
Oe. / esa / word-initially before consonants; / jesa / before consonants
elsewhere; / esʌ̃ / word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /; / jesʌ̃ /
before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / esaj / word-initially before
/ o / and / ũ /; / jesaj / before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere; / es /
word-initially before remaining vowels; / jes / before remaining vowels
elsewhere.
373
Oo. / esa / word-initially before consonants; / jesa / before consonants
elsewhere; / esẽ / word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /; / jesẽ /
before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / esaj / word-initially before
/ o / and / ũ /; / jesaj / before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere; / es /
word-initially before remaining vowels; / jes / before remaining vowels
elsewhere.
Ca. / jesa / before consonants; / jesẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / jesaj /
before / o /, / õ / and / u /; / jes / before remaining vowels.
Se. / esæː / before / Ræ / word-initially with loss of / Ræ /; / jesæː / before
/ Ræ / elsewhere with loss of / Ræ /; / esaː / before / hC / word-initially
with loss of / h /; / jesaː / before / hC / elsewhere with loss of / h /;
/ esa / before / hV / word-initially with loss of / h /, and before / o /
and / ɔ̃ / word-initially, and before remaining consonants word-initially;
/ jesa / before / hV / elsewhere with loss of / h /, and before / o / and
/ ɔ̃ / elsewhere, and before remaining consonants elsewhere; / esɛ ̃ /
before some bases beginning in / i / word-initially with loss of / i /, and
before / jɔ̃ / word-initially with loss of / j /; / jesɛ ̃ / before some bases
beginning in / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /, and before / jɔ̃ / elsewhere
with loss of / j /; / es / before some bases beginning in / i /
word-initially, and before remaining vowels word-initially; / jes / before
some bases beginning in / i / elsewhere, and before remaining vowels
elsewhere.
Hu. / esa / following a consonant before a consonant; / esa / before consonants
elsewhere; / jesɛ̃ / following a consonant before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ esɛ̃ / before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / jes / following a
consonant before remaining vowels; / es / before remaining vowels
elsewhere.
⁰³⁰ PNI * { hja } '3M:2SG'

PNI * / hja / before consonants; * / hjẽ / before * / i / with loss of * / i /;
* / hjaj / before * / o / and * / õ /; * / hj / before remaining vowels.
Mo. / hja / before consonants; / hjʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / hjaj /
before / o / and / ũ /; / hj / before remaining vowels.
Oe. / ja / word-initially before consonants; / hja / before consonants elsewhere;
/ jʌ̃ / word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /; / hjʌ̃ / before / i /
elsewhere with loss of / i /; / jaj / word-initially before / o / and / ũ /;
374
/ hjaj / before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere; / j / word-initially before
remaining vowels; / hj / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oo. / hja / before consonants; / hjẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / hjaj /
before / o / and / ũ /; / hj / before remaining vowels.
Ca. / hja / before consonants; / hjẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / hjaj /
before / o /, / õ / and / u /; / hj / before remaining vowels.
Se. / jæː / before / Ræ / word-initially with loss of / Ræ /; / hjæː / before / Ræ /
elsewhere with loss of / Ræ /; / jaː / before / hC / word-initially with
loss of / h /; / hjaː / before / hC / elsewhere with loss of / h /; / ja /
before / hV / word-initially with loss of / h /, and before / o / and / ɔ̃ /
word-initially, and before remaining consonants word-initially; / hja /
before / hV / elsewhere with loss of / h /, and before / o / and / õ /
elsewhere, and before remaining consonants elsewhere; / jɛ̃ / before
some bases beginning in / i / word-initially with loss of / i /, and before
/ jɔ̃ / word-initially with loss of / j /; / hjɛ̃ / before some bases beginning
in / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /, and before / jɔ̃ / elsewhere with loss
of / j /; / j / before some bases beginning in / i / word-initially, and
before remaining vowels word-initially; / hj / before some bases
beginning in / i / elsewhere, and before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Hu. / hja / before consonants; / hjẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / hj / before
remaining vowels.
⁰³¹ PI * { tsniː } '2DU&3'

PI * / tsniː / before consonants; * / tsn / before at least some vowels;
( elsewhere = ? )
Ch. / stìː / word-initially or following a consonant before / àː / with loss of
/ hstìː / before / àː / with loss of / àː / elsewhere, and before a
consonant elsewhere; / st / word-initially or following a consonant
before vowels; / hst / before vowels elsewhere.
PNI * / tsni / before consonants; * / tsj / before * / a /; * / tsn / before
remaining vowels.
Tu. / θti / before consonants; / θn / before / ə̃ / and before some bases
beginning in / o /; / tʃ / before / a /; / θt / before remaining vowels.
Mo. / seni / before consonants; / tsj / before / a /; / sen / before remaining
vowels.
375
Oe. / sni / before consonants; / tsj / before / a /; / sn / before remaining
vowels.
Oo. / sni / before consonants; / tsj / before / a / and / ẽ /; / sn / before
remaining vowels.
Ca. / hsni / following a vowel before a consonant; / sni / before a consonant
elsewhere; / ts / before / a /; / hsn / following a vowel before remaining
vowels; / sn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Se. / sniː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / sni / before / hV / with loss of
/ h /, and before remaining consonants; / snj / before / a / and / ɛ̃ /
( appearance of / n / interpreted as analogy ); / sn / before remaining
vowels.
Hu. / tsi / before consonants; / ts / before / a /; / st / before remaining vowels.
⁰³² PNI * { hshetsni } '2DU&3M'

PNI * / shetsni / word-initially or following a consonant before a consonant;
* / hshetsni / before a consonant elsewhere; * / shetsj / word-initially or
following a consonant before / a /; * / hshetsj / before / a / elsewhere;
* / shetsn / word-initially or following a consonant and before remaining
vowels; * / hshetsn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / hetshiseni / before consonants; / hetshitsj / before / a /; / hetshisen /
Oe. / etsni / word-initially before consonants; / hetsni / before consonants
elsewhere; / etsj / word-initially before / a /; / hetsj / before / a /
elsewhere; / etsn / word-initially before remaining vowels; / hetsn /
Oo. / shesni / before consonants; / shetsj / before / a / and / ẽ /; / shesn /
Ca. / shehsni / word-initially or following a consonant before a consonant;
/ hshehsni / before a consonant elsewhere; / shets / word-initially or
following a consonant before / a /; / hshets / before / a / elsewhere;
/ shehsn / word-initially or following a consonant and before remaining
vowels; / hshehsn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Se. / shesniː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / shesni / before / hV / with loss
of / h /, and before remaining consonants; / shesnj / before / a / and
/ ɛ̃ / ( appearance of / n / interpreted as analogy ); / shesn / before
remaining vowels.
376
Hu. / hetsi / before consonants; / hets / before / a /; / hest / before remaining
vowels.
⁰³³ PI * { ts… } '2PL&3'

Ch. / ȉːtsìː / before / àː / with loss of / àː /, and before a consonant; / ȉːts /
PNI * / tswa / before consonants; * / tswẽ / before * / i / with loss of * / i /;
* / tsj / before * / o / and * / õ /; * / tsw / before remaining vowels.
Tu. / θwa / before consonants; / θwə̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / θw /
Mo. / sewa / before consonants; / sewʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / tsj /
before / o / and / ũ /; / sew / before remaining vowels.
Oe. / swa / before consonants; / swʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / tsj /
before / o / and / ũ /; / sw / before remaining vowels.
Oo. / swa / before consonants; / swẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / tsj /
before / o / and / ũ /; / sw / before remaining vowels.
Ca. / swa / word-initially or following a consonant before a consonant; / hswa /
before a consonant elsewhere; / swẽ / word-initially or following a
consonant before / i / with loss of / i /; / hswẽ / before / i / elsewhere
with loss of / i /; / tsj / before / o /, / õ / and / u /; / sw / word-initially
or following a consonant before remaining vowels; / hsw / before
Se. / swæː / before / Ræ / with loss of / Ræ /; / swaː / before / hC / with loss of
/ h /; / swa / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and before remaining
consonants; / swɛ̃ / before some bases beginning in / i / with loss of
/ i /, and before / jɔ̃ / with loss of / j /; / ts / before / o / and / ɔ̃ /;
/ sw / before some bases beginning in / i /, and before remaining
vowels.
Hu. / skwa / before consonants; / skwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / ts /
⁰³⁴ PNI * { hshetswa } '2PL&3M'

PNI * / shetswa / word-initially or following a consonant before a consonant;
* / hshetswa / before a consonant elsewhere; * / shetswẽ / word-initially
or following a consonant before * / i / with loss of * / i /; * / hshetswẽ /
before * / i / elsewhere with loss of * / i /; * / shetsj / word-initially or
377
following a consonant before * / o / and * / õ /; * / hshetsj / before
* / o / and * / õ / elsewhere; * / shetsw / word-initially or following a
consonant before remaining vowels; * / hshetsw / before remaining
vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / hetshisewa / before consonants; / hetshisewʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of
/ i /; / hetshitsj / before / o / and / ũ /; / hetshisew / before remaining
vowels.
Oe. / etswa / word-initially before consonants; / hetswa / before consonants
elsewhere; / etswʌ̃ / word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ hetswʌ̃ / before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / etsj / word-initially
before / o / and / ũ /; / hetsj / before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere; / etsw /
word-initially before remaining vowels; / etsw / before remaining vowels
elsewhere.
Oo. / sheswa / before consonants; / sheswẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ shetsj / before / o / and / ũ /; / shesw / before remaining vowels.
Ca. / shehswa / word-initially or following a consonant before a consonant;
/ hshehswa / before a consonant elsewhere; / shehswẽ / word-initially or
following a consonant before / i / with loss of / i /; / hshehswẽ / before
/ i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / shetsj / word-initially or following a
consonant before / o /, / õ / or / u /; / hshetsj / before / o /, / õ / and
/ u / elsewhere; / shehsw / word-initially or following a consonant
before remaining vowels; / hshehsw / before remaining vowels
elsewhere.
Se. / sheswæː / before / Ræ / with loss of / Ræ /; / sheswaː / before / hC / with
loss of / h /; / sheswa / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and before
remaining consonants; / sheswɛ̃ / before some bases beginning in / i /
with loss of / i /, and before / jɔ̃ / with loss of / j /; / shets / before / o /
and / ɔ̃ /; / sw / before some bases beginning in / i /, and before
remaining vowels.
Hu. / heskwa / before consonants; / heskwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ hets / before / o / and / ũ /; / heskw / before remaining vowels.
⁰³⁵ PNI * { jetshi } '2NS&3I'

PNI * / jetshi / before consonants and before * / i / with loss of * / i /;
* / jetshij / before remaining vowels.
Tu. / jə̃tʃhi / before consonants and before * / i / with loss of * / i /; / jə̃tʃhij /
378
Mo. / jetshi / before consonants, and before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /;
/ jetshij / before remaining vowels.
Oe. / etshi / word-initially before consonants, and word-initially before / i /
with loss of / i /; / jetshi / before consonants elsewhere, and before / i /
elsewhere with loss of / i /; / etshij / word-initially before remaining
vowels; / jetshij / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oo. / etshi / word-initially before consonants, and word-initially before / i /
Ca. / etshi / word-initially before consonants, and word-initially before / i /
Se. / etshiː / word-initially before / hC / with loss of / h /; / jetshiː / before
/ hC / elsewhere with loss of / h /; / etshi / word-initially before / hV /
with loss of / h /, and word-initially before remaining consonants, and
word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /; / jetshi / before / hV /
elsewhere with loss of / h /, and before remaining consonants elsewhere,
and before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / etshij / word-initially
before remaining vowels; / jetshij / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Hu. / jetshi / following a consonant before a consonant, and following a
consonant before / i / with loss of / i /, and following a consonant before
remaining vowels; / etshi / before a consonant elsewhere, and before
/ i / elsewhere with loss of / i /, and before remaining vowels elsewhere.
⁰³⁶ PI * { tniː } '1+2DU:3'

PI * / tniː / before consonants; * / tn / before at least some vowels;
( elsewhere = ? )
Ch. / ȉːtìː / before / àː / with loss of / àː /, and before a consonant; / ȉːt / before
remaining vowels.
PNI * / tni / before consonants; * / tj / before * / a /; * / tn / before remaining
vowels.
Tu. / ti / before consonants; / nj / before / a /; / n / before / ə̃ / and before
some bases beginning in / o /; / t / before remaining vowels.
379
Mo. / teni / before consonants; / tj / before / a /; / ten / before remaining
vowels.
Oe. / tni / before consonants; / tj / before / a /; / tn / before remaining vowels.
Oo. / tni / before consonants; / tj / before / a / and / ẽ /; / tn / before
remaining vowels.
Ca. / thni / before consonants; / tj / before / a /; / thn / before remaining
vowels.
Se. / hniː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / hni / before / hV / with loss of
/ h /, and before remaining consonants; / hnj / before / a / and / ɛ̃ /
( appearance of / n / interpreted as analogy ); / hn / before remaining
vowels.
Hu. / ti / before consonants; / tj / before / a /; / t / before remaining vowels.
⁰³⁷ PNI * { hshetni } '1+2DU:3M'

PNI * / shetni / word-initially or following a consonant before a consonant;
* / hshetni / before a consonant elsewhere; * / shetj / word-initially or
following a consonant before * / a /; * / hshetj / before * / a /
elsewhere; * / shetn / word-initially or following a consonant before
remaining vowels; * / hshetn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / hetshiteni / before consonants; / hetshitj / before / a /; / hetshiten /
Oe. / ethni / word-initially before consonants; / hethni / before consonants
elsewhere; / ethj / word-initially before / a /; / hethj / before / a /
elsewhere; / ethn / word-initially before remaining vowels; / ethni /
Oo. / shetni / before consonants; / shetj / before / a / and / ẽ /; / shetn / before
remaining vowels.
Ca. / shethni / word-initially or following a consonant before a consonant;
/ hshethni / before a consonant elsewhere; / shetj / word-initially or
following a consonant before / a /; / hshetj / before / a / elsewhere;
/ shethn / word-initially or following a consonant before remaining
vowels; / hshethn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Se. / shehniː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / shehni / before / hV / with loss
of / h /, and before remaining consonants; / shehnj / before / a / and
/ ɛ̃ / ( appearance of / n / interpreted as analogy ); / shehn / before
remaining vowels.
380
Hu. / heti / before consonants; / hetj / before / a /; / het / before remaining
vowels.
⁰³⁸ PI * { t… } '1+2PL:3'
Ch. / ȉːtìː / before / àː / with loss of / àː / and before a consonant; / ȉːt / before
remaining vowels.
PNI * / twa / before consonants; * / twẽ / before * / i / with loss of * / i /;
* / tj / before * / o / and * / õ /; * / tw / before remaining vowels.
Tu. / Ɂnwa / after a vowel and before a consonant; / nwa / before a consonant
elsewhere; / Ɂnwə̃ / after a vowel and before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ nwə̃ / before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / Ɂnw / after a vowel
before remaining vowels / nw / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / tewa / before consonants; / tewʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / tj /
before / o / and / ũ /; / tew / before remaining vowels.
Oe. / twa / before consonants; / twʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / tj / before
/ o / and / ũ /; / tw / before remaining vowels.
Oo. / twa / before consonants; / twẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / tj / before
/ o / and / ũ /; / tw / before remaining vowels.
Ca. / twa / before consonants; / twẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / tj / before
/ o /, / õ / and / u /; / tw / before remaining vowels.
Se. / twæː / before / Ræ / with loss of / Ræ /; / twaː / before / hC / with loss of
/ h /; / twa / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and before remaining
consonants; / twɛ̃ / before some bases beginning in / i / with loss of
/ i /, and before / jɔ̃ / with loss of / j /; / tj / before / o / and / ɔ̃ /;
/ tw / before some bases beginning in / i /, and before remaining
vowels.
Hu. / kwa / before consonants; / kwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / tj /
before / o / and / õ /; / kw / before remaining vowels.
⁰³⁹ PNI * { hshetwa } '1+2PL:3M'

PNI * / shetwa / word-initially or following a consonant before a consonant;
* / hshetwa / before a consonant elsewhere; * / shetwẽ / word-initially
or following a consonant before * / i / with loss of * / i /; * / hshetwẽ /
before * / i / elsewhere with loss of * / i /; * / shetj / word-initially or
following a consonant before * / o / and * / õ /; * / hshetj / before
* / o / and * / õ / elsewhere; * / shetw / word-initially or following a
381
consonant before remaining vowels; * / hshetw / before remaining
vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / hetshitewa / before consonants; / hetshitewʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of
/ i /; / hetshitj / before / o / and / ũ /; / hetshitew / before remaining
vowels.
Oe. / ethwa / word-initially before consonants; / hethwa / before consonants
elsewhere; / ethwʌ̃ / word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ hethwʌ̃ / before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / ethj / word-initially
before / o / and / ũ /; / hethj / before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere;
/ ethw / word-initially before remaining vowels; / hethw / before
Oo. / shetwa / before consonants; / shetwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ shetj / before / o / and / ũ /; / shetw / before remaining vowels.
Ca. / shetwa / word-initially or following a consonant before a consonant;
/ hshetwa / before a consonant elsewhere; / shetwẽ / word-initially or
following a consonant before / i / with loss of / i /; / hshetwẽ / before
/ i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / shetj / word-initially or following a
consonant before / o /, / õ / or / u /; / hshetj / before / o /, / õ / or
/ u / elsewhere; / shetw / word-initially or following a consonant before
remaining vowels; / hshetw / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Se. / shetwæː / before / Ræ / with loss of / Ræ /; / shetwaː / before / hC / with
loss of / h /; / shetwa / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and before
remaining consonants; / shetwɛ̃ / before some bases beginning in / i /
with loss of / i /, and before / jɔ̃ / with loss of / j /; / shetj / before / o /
and / ɔ̃ /; / shetw / before some bases beginning in / i /, and before
remaining vowels.
Hu. / hekwa / before consonants; / hekwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ hetj / before / o / and / õ /; / hekw / before remaining vowels.
⁰⁴⁰ PNI * { jakni } '1+3DU:3'

PNI * / jakni / before consonants; * / jakj / before * / a /; * / jakn / before
remaining vowels.
Tu. / jakti / before consonants; / jakj / before / a /; / jakn / before / ə̃ / and
before some bases beginning in / o /; / jakt / before remaining vowels.
Mo. / jakeni / before consonants; / jakj / before / a /; / jaken / before
remaining vowels.
382
Oe. / akni / word-initially before consonants; / jakni / before consonants
elsewhere; / akj / word-initially before / a /; / jakj / before / a /
elsewhere; / akn / word-initially before remaining vowels; / jakn /
Oo. / akni / word-initially before consonants; / jakni / before consonants
elsewhere; / akj / word-initially before / a / and / ẽ /; / jakj / before
/ a / and / ẽ / elsewhere; / akn / word-initially before remaining vowels;
/ jakn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Ca. / akhni / word-initially before consonants; / jakhni / before consonants
elsewhere; / akj / word-initially before / a /; / jakj / before / a /
elsewhere; / akhn / word-initially before remaining vowels; / jakhn /
Se. / akhniː / word-initially before / hC / with loss of / h /; / jakhniː / before
/ hC / elsewhere with loss of / h /; / akhni / word-initially before / hV /
with loss of / h /, and word-initially before remaining consonants;
/ jakhni / before / hV / elsewhere with loss of / h /, and before
remaining consonants elsewhere; / akhnj / word-initially before / a /
and / ɛ̃ / ( appearance of / n / interpreted as analogy ); / jakhnj / before
/ a / and / ɛ̃ / elsewhere ( appearance of / n / interpreted as analogy );
/ akhn / word-initially before remaining vowels; / jakn / elsewhere
Hu. / jaxi / following a consonant before a consonant; / axi / before a consonant
elsewhere; / jaxj / following a consonant before / a /; / axj / before / a /
elsewhere; / jan / following a consonant before remaining vowels; / an /
⁰⁴¹ PNI * { hshakni } '1+3DU:3M'

PNI * / shakni / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
* / hshakni / before consonants elsewhere; * / shakj / word-initially or
following a consonant before * / a /; * / hshakj / before * / a /
elsewhere; * / shakn / word-initially or following a consonant before
remaining vowels; * / hshakn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / shakeni / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
/ hshakeni / before consonants elsewhere; / shakj / word-initially or
following a consonant before / a /; / hshakj / before / a / elsewhere;
/ shaken / word-initially or following a consonant before remaining
383
vowels; / hshaken / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oe. / shakni / before consonants; / shakj / before / a /; / shakn / before
remaining vowels.
Oo. / shakni / before consonants; / shakj / before / a / and / ẽ /; / shakn /
Ca. / shakhni / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
/ hshakhni / before consonants elsewhere; / shakj / word-initially or
following a consonant before / a /; / hshakj / before / a / elsewhere;
/ shakhn / word-initially or following a consonant before remaining
vowels; / hshakhn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Se. / shakhniː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / shakhni / before / hV / with
loss of / h /, and before remaining consonants; / shakhnj / before / a /
and / ɛ̃ / ( appearance of / n / interpreted as analogy ); / shakhn /
Hu. / shaxi / before a consonant; / shaxj / before / a /; / shan / before
remaining vowels.
⁰⁴² PNI * { jakwa } '1+3PL:3'

PNI * / jakwa / before consonants; * / jakwẽ / before * / i / with loss of * / i /;
* / jakj / before * / o / and * / õ /; * / jakw / before remaining vowels.
Tu. / jakwa / before consonants; / jakwə̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ jakw / before remaining vowels.
Mo. / jakwa / before consonants; / jakwʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / jakj /
before / o / and / ũ /; / jakw / before remaining vowels.
Oe. / akwa / word-initially before consonants; / jakwa / before consonants
elsewhere; / akwʌ̃ / word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ jakwʌ̃ / before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / akj / word-initially
before / o / and / ũ /; / jakj / before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere; / akw /
word-initially before remaining vowels; / jakw / before remaining
vowels elsewhere.
Oo. / akwa / word-initially before consonants; / jakwa / before consonants
elsewhere; / akwẽ / word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ jakwẽ / before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / akj / word-initially
before / o / and / ũ /; / jakj / before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere; / akw /
word-initially before remaining vowels; / jakw / before remaining
vowels elsewhere.
384
Ca. / akwa / word-initially before consonants; / jakwa / before consonants
elsewhere; / akwẽ / word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ jakwẽ / before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / akj / word-initially
before / o /, / õ /, and / u /; / jakj / before / o /, / õ /, and / u /
elsewhere; / akw / word-initially before remaining vowels; / jakw /
Se. / akwæː / word-initially before / Ræ / with loss of / Ræ /; / jakwæː / before
/ Ræ / elsewhere with loss of / Ræ /; / akwaː / word-initially before
/ hC / with loss of / h /; / jakwaː / before / hC / elsewhere with loss of
/ h /; / akwa / word-initially before / hV / with loss of / h /, and
word-initially before remaining consonants; / jakwa / before / hV /
elsewhere with loss of / h /, and before remaining consonants elsewhere;
/ akwɛ̃ / word-initially before some bases beginning in / i / with loss of
/ i /, and word-initially before / jɔ̃ / with loss of / j /; / jakwɛ̃ / before
some bases beginning in / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /, and before
/ jɔ̃ / elsewhere with loss of / j /; / akj / word-initially before / o / and
/ ɔ̃ /; / jakj / before / o / and / ɔ̃ / elsewhere; / akw / word-initially
before some bases beginning in / i /, and word-initially before remaining
vowels; / jakw / before some bases beginning in / i / elsewhere, and
Hu. / jaxwa / following a consonant before a consonant; / axwa / before a
consonant elsewhere; / jaxwẽ / following a consonant before / i / with
loss of / i /; / axwẽ / before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / jaxj /
following a consonant before / o / or / õ /; / axj / before / o / and / õ /
elsewhere; / jaxw / following a consonant before remaining vowels;
/ axw / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
⁰⁴³ PNI * { hshakwa } '1+3PL:3M'

PNI * / shakwa / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
* / hshakwa / before consonants elsewhere; * / shakwẽ / word-initially
or following a consonant before * / i / with loss of * / i /; * / hshakwẽ /
before * / i / elsewhere with loss of * / i /; * / shakj / word-initially or
following a consonant before * / o / and * / õ /; * / hshakj / before
* / o / and * / õ / elsewhere; * / shakw / word-initially or following a
consonant before remaining vowels; * / hshakw / before remaining
vowels elsewhere.
385
Mo. / shakwa / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
/ hshakwa / before consonants elsewhere; / shakwʌ̃ / word-initially or
following a consonant before / i / with loss of / i /; / hshakwʌ̃ / before
/ i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / shakj / word-initially or following a
consonant before / o / and / ũ /; / hshakj / before / o / and / ũ /
elsewhere; / shakw / word-initially or following a consonant before
remaining vowels; / hshakw / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oe. / shakwa / before consonants; / shakwʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ shakj / before / o / and / ũ /; / shakw / before remaining vowels.
Oo. / shakwa / before consonants; / shakwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ shakj / before / o / and / ũ /; / shakw / before remaining vowels.
Ca. / shakwa / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
/ hshakwa / before consonants elsewhere; / shakwẽ / word-initially or
following a consonant before / i / with loss of / i /; / hshakwẽ / before
/ i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / shakj / word-initially or following a
consonant before / o /, / õ / and / u /; / hshakj / before / o /, / õ / and
/ u / elsewhere; / shakw / word-initially or following a consonant before
remaining vowels; / hshakw / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Se. / shakwæː / before / Ræ / with loss of / Ræ /; / shakwaː / before / hC /
with loss of / h /; / shakwa / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and before
remaining consonants; / shakwɛ̃ / before some bases beginning in / i /
with loss of / i /, and before / jɔ̃ / with loss of / j /; / shakj / before / o /
and / ɔ̃ /; / shakw / before some bases beginning in / i /, and before
remaining vowels.
Hu. / shaxwa / before a consonant; / shaxwɛ ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ shaxj / before / o / and / õ /; / shaxw / before remaining vowels.
⁰⁴⁴ PI * { kniː } '3:1DU'

PI * / kniː / before consonants; * / kn / before at least some vowels;
( elsewhere = ? )
Ch. ( 3:1+2DU ): / kìnìː / before / àː / with loss of / àː /, and before a
consonant; / kìn / before remaining vowels.
PNI * / jõkni / before consonants; * / jõkj / before / a /; * / jõkn / before
remaining vowels.
Tu. / jə̃kti / before consonants; / jə̃kj / before / a /; / jə̃kn / before / ə̃ / and
before some bases beginning in / o /; / jə̃kt / before remaining vowels.
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Mo. / jũkeni / before consonants; / jũkj / before / a /; / jũken / before
remaining vowels.
Oe. / ũkni / word-initially before consonants; / jũkni / before consonants
elsewhere; / ũkj / word-initially before / a /; / jũkj / before / a /
elsewhere; / ũkn / word-initially before remaining consonants; / jũkn /
Oo. / ũkni / word-initially before consonants; / jũkni / before consonants
elsewhere; / ũkj / word-initially before / a / and / ẽ /; / jũkj / before
/ a / and / ẽ / elsewhere; / ũkn / word-initially before remaining vowels;
/ jũkn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Ca. / õkhni / word-initially before consonants; / jõkhni / before consonants
elsewhere; / õkj / word-initially before / a /; / jõkj / before / a /
elsewhere; / õkhn / word-initially before remaining vowels; / jõkhn /
Se. / ɔ̃khniː / word-initially before / hC / with loss of / h /; / jɔ̃khniː / before
/ hC / elsewhere with loss of / h /; / ɔ̃khni / word-initially before / hV /
with loss of / h /, and word-initially before remaining consonants;
/ jɔ̃khni / before / hV / elsewhere with loss of / h /, and before
remaining consonants elsewhere; / ɔ̃khnj / word-initially before / a / and
/ ẽ / ( appearance of / n / interpreted as analogy ); / jɔ̃khnj / before
/ a / and / ẽ / elsewhere; / ɔ̃khn / word-initially before remaining
vowels; / jɔ̃khn / elsewhere before remaining vowels.
Hu. / jõxi / following a consonant before a consonant; / õxi / before a
consonant elsewhere; / jõxj / following a consonant before / a /; / õxj /
before / a / elsewhere; / jõn / following a consonant before remaining
vowels; / õn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
⁰⁴⁵ PNI * { hshõkni } '3M:1DU'

PNI * / shõkni / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
* / hshõkni / before consonants elsewhere; * / shõkj / word-initially or
following a consonant before * / a /; * / hshõkj / before * / a /
elsewhere; * / shõkn / word-initially or following a consonant before
remaining vowels; * / hshõkn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / shũkeni / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
/ hshũkeni / before consonants elsewhere; / shũkj / word-initially or
following a consonant before / a /; / hshũkj / before / a / elsewhere;
387
/ shũken / word-initially or following a consonant before remaining
vowels; / hshũken / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oe. / shũkni / before consonants; / shũkj / before / a /; / shũkn / before
remaining vowels.
Oo. / shũkni / before consonants; / shũkj / before / a / and / ẽ /; / shũkn /
Ca. / shõkhni / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
/ hshõkhni / before consonants elsewhere; / shõkj / word-initially or
following a consonant before / a /; / hshõkj / before / a / elsewhere;
/ shõkhn / word-initially or following a consonant before remaining
vowels; / hshõkhn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Se. / shɔ̃khniː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / shɔ̃khni / before / hV / with
loss of / h /, and before remaining consonants; / shɔ̃khnj / before / a /
and / ɛ̃ / ( appearance of / n / interpreted as analogy ); / shɔ̃khn /
Hu. / shõxi / before a consonant; / shõxj / before / a /; / shõn / before
remaining vowels.
⁰⁴⁶ PI * { kʷ… } '3:1PL'

Ch. ( 3:1+2PL ): / ȉːkìː / before / àː / with loss of / àː /, and before a consonant;
/ ȉːk / before remaining vowels.
PNI * / jõkwa / before consonants; * / jõkwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
* / jõkj / before / o / and / õ /; * / jõkw / before remaining vowels.
Tu. / jə̃kwa / before consonants; / jə̃kwə̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / jə̃kw /
Mo. / jũkwa / before consonants; / jũkwʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ jũkj / before / o / and / ũ /; / jũkw / before remaining vowels.
Oe. / ũkwa / word-initially before consonants; / jũkwa / before consonants
elsewhere; / ũkwʌ̃ / word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ jũkwʌ̃ / before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / ũkj / word-initially
before / o / and / ũ /; / jũkj / before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere; / ũkw /
word-initially before remaining vowels; / jũkw / before remaining
vowels elsewhere.
Oo. / ũkwa / word-initially before consonants; / jũkwa / before consonants
elsewhere; / ũkwẽ / word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ jũkwẽ / before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / ũkj / word-initially
388
before / o / and / ũ /; / jũkj / before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere; / ũkw /
word-initially before remaining vowels; / jũkw / before remaining
vowels elsewhere.
Ca. / õkwa / word-initially before consonants; / jõkwa / before consonants
elsewhere; / õkwẽ / word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ jõkwẽ / before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / õkj / word-initially
before / o /, / õ /, and / u /; / jõkj / before / o /, / õ /, and / u /
elsewhere; / õkw / word-initially before remaining vowels; / jõkw /
Se. / ɔ̃kwæː / word-initially before / Ræ / with loss of / Ræ /; / jɔ̃kwæː / before
/ Ræ / elsewhere with loss of / Ræ /; / ɔ̃kwaː / word-initially before
/ hC / with loss of / h /; / jɔ̃kwaː / before / hC / elsewhere with loss of
/ h /; / ɔ̃kwa / word-initially before / hV / with loss of / h /, and
word-initially before remaining consonants; / jɔ̃kwa / before / hV /
elsewhere with loss of / h /, and before remaining consonants elsewhere;
/ ɔ̃kwɛ̃ / word-initially before some bases beginning in / i / with loss of
/ i /, and word-initially before / jɔ̃ / with loss of / j /; / jɔ̃kwɛ̃ / before
some bases beginning in / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /, and before
/ jɔ̃ / elsewhere with loss of / j /; / ɔ̃kj / word-initially before / o / and
/ ɔ̃ /; / jɔ̃kj / before / o / and / ɔ̃ / elsewhere; / ɔ̃kw / word-initially
before some bases beginning in / i /, and word-initially before remaining
vowels; / jɔ̃kw / before some bases beginning in / i / elsewhere, and
Hu. / jõxwa / following a consonant before a consonant; / õxwa / before a
consonant elsewhere; / jõxwẽ / following a consonant before / i / with
loss of / i /; / õxwẽ / before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / jõxj /
following a consonant before / o / or / õ /; / õxj / before / o / and / õ /
elsewhere; / jõxw / following a consonant before remaining vowels;
/ õxw / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
⁰⁴⁷ PNI * { hshõkwa } '3M:1PL'

PNI * / shõkwa / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
* / hshõkwa / before consonants elsewhere; * / shõkwẽ / word-initially
or following a consonant before * / i / with loss of * / i /; * / hshõkwẽ /
before * / i / elsewhere with loss of * / i /; * / shõkj / word-initially or
following a consonant before * / o / and * / õ /; * / hshõkj / before
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* / o / and * / õ /; * / shõkw / word-initially or following a consonant
before remaining vowels; * / hshõkw / before remaining vowels
elsewhere.
Mo. / shũkwa / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
/ hshũkwa / before consonants elsewhere; / shũkwʌ̃ / word-initially or
following a consonant before / i / with loss of / i /; / hshũkwʌ̃ / before
/ i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / shũkj / word-initially or following a
consonant before / o / and / ũ /; / hshũkj / before / o / and / ũ /
elsewhere; / shũkw / word-initially or following a consonant before
remaining vowels; / hshũkw / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oe. / shũkwa / before consonants; / shũkwʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ shũkj / before / o / and / ũ /; / shũkw / before remaining vowels.
Oo. / shũkwa / before consonants; / shũkwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ shũkj / before / o / and / ũ /; / shũkw / before remaining vowels.
Ca. / shõkwa / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
/ hshõkwa / before consonants elsewhere; / shõkwẽ / word-initially or
following a consonant before / i / with loss of / i /; / hshõkwẽ / before
/ i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / shõkj / word-initially or following a
consonant before / o /, / õ / and / u /; / hshõkj / before / o /, / õ / and
/ u / elsewhere; / shõkw / word-initially or following a consonant before
remaining vowels; / hshõkw / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Se. / shɔ̃kwæː / before / Ræ / with loss of / Ræ /; / shɔ̃kwaː / before / hC / with
loss of / h /; / shɔ̃kwa / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and before
remaining consonants; / shɔ̃kwɛ̃ / before some bases beginning in / i /
with loss of / i /, and before / jɔ̃ / with loss of / j /; / shɔ̃kj / before / o /
and / ɔ̃ /; / shɔ̃kw / before some bases beginning in / i /, and before
remaining vowels.
Hu. / shõxwa / before a consonant; / shõxwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ shõxj / before / o / and / õ /; / shõxw / before remaining vowels.
⁰⁴⁸ PNI * { jethi } '1+2NS:3I' ( limited to Iroquoia )

PNI * / jethi / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /; * / jethij /
Mo. / jethi / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /; / jethij /
Oe. / ethi / word-initially before consonants, and word-initially before / i / with
390
loss of / i /; / jethi / before consonants elsewhere, and before / i /
elsewhere with loss of / i /; / ethij / word-initially before remaining
vowels; / jethij / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oo. / ethi / word-initially before consonants, and word-initially before / i / with
Ca. / ethi / word-initially before consonants, and word-initially before / i / with
Se. / ethiː / word-initially before / hC / with loss of / h /; / jethiː / before / hC /
elsewhere with loss of / h /; / ethi / word-initially before / hV / with
loss of / h /, and word-initially before remaining consonants, and
word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /; / jethi / before / hV /
and before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / ethij / word-initially before
remaining vowels; / jethij / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
⁰⁴⁹ PNI * { jakhi } '1+3NS:3I' ( Æ Hu. 1NS:3I )

PNI * / jakhi / before consonants, and possibly before * / i / with loss of * / i /;
* / jakhij / before remaining vowels.
Mo. / jakhi / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /; / jakhij /
Oe. / akhi / word-initially before consonants, and word-initially before / i /
with loss of / i /; / jakhi / before consonants elsewhere, and before / i /
elsewhere with loss of / i /; / akhij / word-initially before remaining
vowels; / jakhij / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oo. / akhi / word-initially before consonants, and word-initially before / i /
with loss of / i /; / jakhi / before consonants elsewhere, and before / i /
Ca. / akhi / word-initially before consonants, and word-initially before / i / with
loss of / i /; / jakhi / before consonants elsewhere, and before / i /
391
Se. / akhiː / word-initially before / hC / with loss of / h /; / jakhiː / before
/ hC / elsewhere with loss of / h /; / akhi / word-initially before / hV /
word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /; / jakhi / before / hV /
and before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / akhij / word-initially
before remaining vowels; / jakhij / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Hu. / jakhi / following a consonant before a consonant, and following a
remaining vowels; / akhi / before a consonant elsewhere, and before
⁰⁵⁰ PNI * { jõkhi } '3I:1NS' ( Æ Tu. '1NS&3I' )

PNI * / jõkhi / before consonants, and before * / i / with loss of / i /;
* / jõkhij / before remaining vowels.
Tu. / jə̃khi / before consonants, and before before * / i / with loss of / i /;
/ jə̃khij / before vowels.
Mo. / jũkhi / before consonants, and before / i / with loss of / i /; / jũkhij /
Oe. / ũkhi / word-initially before consonants, and word-initially before / i /
with loss of / i /; / jũkhi / before consonants elsewhere, and before / i /
elsewhere with loss of / i /; / ũkhij / word-initially before remaining
vowels; / jũkhij / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oo. / ũkhi / word-initially before consonants, and word-initially before / i /
with loss of / i /; / jũkhi / before consonants elsewhere, and before / i /
elsewhere with loss of / i /; / ũkhij / word-initially before remaining
vowels; / jũkhij / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Ca. / õkhi / word-initially before consonants, and word-initially before / i / with
loss of / i /; / jõkhi / before consonants elsewhere, and before / i /
elsewhere with loss of / i /; / õkhij / word-initially before remaining
vowels; / jõkhij / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Se. / ɔ̃khiː / word-initially before / hC / with loss of / h /; / jɔ̃khiː / before
/ hC / elsewhere with loss of / h /; / ɔ̃khi / word-initially before / hV /
word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /; / jɔ̃khi / before / hV /
392
and before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / ɔ̃khij / word-initially
before remaining vowels; / jɔ̃khij / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Hu. / jõkhi / following a consonant before a consonant, and following a
remaining vowels; / õkhi / before a consonant elsewhere, and before
⁰⁵¹ PI * { ka } '3SG:3' ( lexically determined variant 1 )

PI * / ka / before consonants; / k / before certain vowels, perhaps all vowels.
Ch. / kà / before consonants; / k / before vowels.
PNI * / ka / before consonants; * / kẽ / before * / i / with loss of * / i /; * / k /
before some bases beginning in * / o /; * / j / before some bases
beginning in * / o / and before * / õ /; * / w / before remaining
vowels.
Tu. / ka / before consonants; / kə̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / w / before
remaining vowels.
Mo. / ka / before consonants; / kʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / k / before
some bases beginning in / o /; / j / before some bases beginning in / o /
and before / ũ /; / w / before remaining vowels.
Oe. / ka / before consonants; / kʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / j / before
/ o / and / ũ /; / w / before remaining vowels.
Oo. / ka / before consonants; / kẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / k / before
some bases beginning in / o /; / Ø / word-initially before some bases
beginning in / o / and word-initially before / ũ /; / j / before some bases
beginning in / o / elsewhere and before / ũ / elsewhere; / w / before
remaining vowels.
Ca. / ka / before consonants; / kẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / k / before
some bases beginning in / o /; / Ø / word-initially before some bases
beginning in / o / and word-initially before / õ /; / j / before some bases
beginning in / o / elsewhere and before / õ / elsewhere; / w / before
remaining vowels.
Se. / kæː / before / Ræ / with loss of / Ræ /; / kaː / before / hC / with loss of
/ h /; / ka / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and before remaining
consonants; / kɛ̃ / before some bases beginning in / i / with loss of / i /,
and before / jɔ̃ / with loss of / j /; / k / before some bases beginning in
/ o /; / j / before some bases beginning in / o / and before / ɔ̃ /; / w /
393
before some bases beginning in / i /, and before remaining vowels.
Hu. / ka / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before a consonant; / xa /
before a consonant elsewhere; / kẽ / following any consonant except
/ Ɂ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / xẽ / before / i / elsewhere with loss
of / i /; / k / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before some bases
beginning in / o /; / x / before some bases beginning in / o / elsewhere;
/ j / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before some bases beginning in
/ o / and before / õ /; / Ø / before some bases beginning in / o / and
before / õ / elsewhere, as well as word-initially following / a /, / e /,
and / ẽ /; / w / before / a /, / e /, and / ẽ / elsewhere.
⁰⁵² PI * { wa } '3SG:3' ( lexically determined variant 2 )

PI * / wa / before consonants; / w / before certain vowels, perhaps all vowels.
Ch. / ȁː / before consonants; / Ø / before vowels.
PNI * / w / before certain vowels ( partial paradigm preserved following merger
with reflexes of PI * { ka } '3SG:3' ⁰⁵¹ ).
⁰⁵³ PNI * { hɹa } '3SGM:3'

PNI * / ɹa / word-initially before consonants; * / hɹa / before consonants
elsewhere; * / ɹẽ / word-initially before * / i / with loss of * / i /;
* / hɹẽ / before * / i / elsewhere with loss of * / i /; * / ɹ / word-initially
before remaining vowels; * / hɹ / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Tu. / ra / word-initially before consonants; / hra / before consonants elsewhere;
/ rə̃ / word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /; / hrə̃ / before / i /
elsewhere with loss of / i /; / r / word-initially before remaining vowels;
/ hr / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / ɹa / word-initially before consonants; / ha / before consonants elsewhere;
/ ɹʌ̃ / word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /; / hʌ̃ / before / i /
elsewhere with loss of / i /; / ɹ / word-initially before remaining vowels;
/ h / before / a / elsewhere; / hɹ / before vowels elsewhere.
Oe. / la / word-initially before consonants; / ha / before consonants elsewhere;
/ lʌ̃ / word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /; / hʌ̃ / before / i /
elsewhere with loss of / i /; / l / word-initially before remaining vowels;
/ h / before / a / elsewhere; / hl / before vowels elsewhere.
Oo. / ha / before consonants; / hẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / h / before
remaining vowels.
394
Ca. / ha / before consonants; / hẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / h / before
remaining vowels.
Se. / hæː / before / Ræ / with loss of / Ræ /; / haː / before / hC / with loss of
/ h /; / ha / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and before remaining
consonants; / hɛ̃ / before some bases beginning in / i / with loss of / i /,
and before / jɔ̃ / with loss of / j /; / h / before remaining vowels.
Hu. / ha / before consonants; / hẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / h / before
/ a /; / hɹ / before remaining vowels.
⁰⁵⁴ PI * { juː } '3:3SG'

PI * / juː / before consonants, and before * / a / with loss of * / a /, and perhaps
before certain other vowels.
Ch. / ȕː / before consonants, and before / à / with loss of / a /; / ȕːw / before
remaining vowels.
PNI * / jaw / before * / e / and before some bases beginning in * / ẽ /; * / ja /
before * / o / and * / õ /; * / jo / before some bases beginning in * / ẽ /
with loss of * / ẽ /, and before * / a / and * / i / with loss of * / a / and
* / i /, and before consonants.
Tu. / jo / before consonants, and before / a / with loss of / a /; / jaw / before
remaining vowels.
Mo. / jaw / before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ /; / ja / before
/ o / and / ũ /; / jo / before some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ / with loss of
/ ʌ̃ /, and before / a / and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /, and before
consonants.
Oe. / aw / word-initially before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ /;
/ jaw / before / e / elsewhere and before some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ /
elsewhere; / oj / word-initially before / o / and / ũ / in semantically
transitive verbs; / joj / before / o / and / ũ / in semantically transitive
verbs elsewhere; / a / word-initially before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere;
/ ja / before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere; / o / word-initially before some
bases beginning in / ʌ̃ / with loss of / ʌ̃ /, and word-initially before / a /
and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /, and word-initially before
consonants; / jo / before some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ / elsewhere with
loss of / ʌ̃ /, and before / a / and / i / elsewhere with loss of / a / and
/ i /, and before consonants elsewhere.
Oo. / aw / word-initially before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ẽ /;
395
/ jaw / before / e / elsewhere and before some bases beginning in / ẽ /
elsewhere; / a / word-initially before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere; / ja /
before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere; / o / word-initially before some bases
beginning in / ẽ / with loss of / ẽ /, and word-initially before / a / and
/ i / with loss of / a / and / i /, and word-initially before consonants;
/ jo / before some bases beginning in / ẽ / elsewhere with loss of / ẽ /,
and before / a / and / i / elsewhere with loss of / a / and / i /, and
Ca. / aw / word-initially before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ẽ /;
elsewhere; / a / word-initially before / o /, / õ /, and / u / elsewhere;
/ ja / before / o /, / õ /, and / u / elsewhere; / o / word-initially before
some bases beginning in / ẽ / with loss of / ẽ /, and word-initially before
/ a / and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /, and word-initially before
consonants; / jo / before some bases beginning in / ẽ / elsewhere with
loss of / ẽ /, and before / a / and / i / elsewhere with loss of / a / and
Se. / aw / word-initially before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ɛ̃ /;
elsewhere; / a / word-initially before / o / and / ɔ̃ /; / ja / before / o /
and / ɔ̃ / elsewhere; / o / word-initially before some bases beginning in
/ ɛ̃ / with loss of / ɛ̃ /, and word-initially before / a / and / i / with loss
of / a / and / i /; / jo / before some bases beginning in / ɛ ̃ / elsewhere
with loss of / ɛ̃ /, and before / a / and / i / elsewhere with loss of / a /
and / i /, and before consonants.
Hu. / jaw / following a consonant before / e /, and following a consonant before
some bases beginning in / ẽ /; / aw / before / e / elsewhere, and before
some bases beginning in / ẽ / elsewhere; / ja / following a consonant
before / o / or / õ /; / a / before / o / and / õ / elsewhere; / jo /
following a consonant before some bases beginning in / ẽ / with loss of
/ ẽ /, and following a consonant before / a / and / i / with loss of / a /
and / i /, and following a consonant before consonants; / o / before some
bases beginning in / ẽ / elsewhere with loss of / ẽ /, and before / a / and
/ i / elsewhere with loss of / a / and / i /, and before consonants
elsewhere.
396
⁰⁵⁵ PNI * { hɹo } '3:3SGM'
PNI * / ɹaw / word-initially before * / e / and word-initially before some bases
beginning in * / ẽ /; * / hɹaw / before * / e / elsewhere and before some
bases beginning in * / ẽ / elsewhere; * / ɹa / word-initially before * / o /
and * / õ /; * / hɹa / before * / o / and * / õ / elsewhere; * / ɹo /
word-initially before some bases beginning in * / ẽ / with loss of * / ẽ /,
and word-initially before * / a / and * / i / with loss of * / a / and
* / i /, and word-initially before consonants; * / hɹo / before some bases
beginning in * / ẽ / elsewhere with loss of * / ẽ /, and before * / a / and
* / i / elsewhere with loss of * / a / and * / i /, and before consonants
elsewhere.
Tu. / ro / word-initially before consonants, and word-initially before / a / with
loss of / a /; / hro / before consonants elsewhere, and before / a /
elsewhere with loss of / a /; / raw / word-initially before remaining
vowels; / hraw / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / ɹaw / word-initially before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ /;
/ haw / before / e / elsewhere and before some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ /
elsewhere; / ɹa / word-initially before / o / and / ũ /; / ha / before / o /
and / ũ / elsewhere; / ɹo / word-initially before some bases beginning in
/ ʌ̃ / with loss of / ʌ̃ /, and word-initially before / a / and / i / with loss
of / a / and / i /, and word-initially before consonants; / ho / before
some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ / elsewhere with loss of / ʌ̃ /, and before
/ a / and / i / elsewhere with loss of / a / and / i /, and before
Oe. / law / word-initially before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ /;
/ haw / before / e / elsewhere and before some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ /
elsewhere; / loj / word-initially before / o / and / ũ / in semantically
transitive verbs; / hoj / before / o / and / ũ / in semantically transitive
verbs elsewhere; / la / word-initially before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere;
/ ha / before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere; / lo / word-initially before some
and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /, and word-initially before
consonants; / ho / before some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ / elsewhere with
Oo. / haw / before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ẽ /; / ha / before
397
/ o / and / ũ /; / ho / before some bases beginning in / ẽ / with loss of
/ ẽ /, and before / a / and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /, and before
consonants.
Ca. / haw / before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ẽ /; / ha / before
/ o /, / õ / and / u /; / ho / before some bases beginning in / ẽ / with
loss of / ẽ /, and before / a / and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /, and
before consonants.
Se. / haw / before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ɛ̃ /; / ha / before
/ o / and / ɔ̃ /; / ho / before some bases beginning in / ɛ̃ / with loss of
/ ɛ̃ /, and before / a / and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /, and before
consonants.
Hu. / haw / before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ẽ /; / ha / before
/ o / and / õ /; / ho / before some bases beginning in / ẽ / with loss of
/ ẽ /, and before / a / and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /, and before a
consonant.
⁰⁵⁶ PNI * { kni } '3DU:3'

PNI * / kni / before consonants; * / kj / before * / a /; * / kn / before remaining
vowels.
Mo. / keni / before consonants; / kj / before / a /; / ken / before remaining
vowels.
Oe. / kni / before consonants; / kj / before / a /; / kn / before remaining
vowels.
Oo. / kni / before consonants; / kj / before / a / and / ẽ /; / kn / before
remaining vowels.
Se. / khniː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / khni / before / hV / with loss of
/ h /, and before remaining consonants; / khnj / before / a / and / ɛ̃ /
( appearance of / n / interpreted as analogy ); / khn / before remaining
vowels.
Hu. / ki / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before a consonant; / xi / before
a consonant elsewhere; / kj / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before
/ a /; / xj / before / a / elsewhere; / in / word-initially before remaining
vowels; / n / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
⁰⁵⁷ PNI * { hni } '3DUM:3'

PNI * / hni / before consonants; * / hj / before / a /; * / hn / before remaining
398
vowels.
Mo. / ni / word-initially before consonants; / hni / before consonants elsewhere;
/ j / word-initially before / a /; / hj / before / a / elsewhere; / n /
word-initially before remaining vowels; / hn / before remaining vowels
elsewhere.
Oe. / ni / word-initially before consonants; / hni / before consonants elsewhere;
/ j / word-initially before / a /; / hj / before / a / elsewhere; / n /
word-initially before remaining vowels; / hn / before remaining vowels
elsewhere.
Oo. / hni / before consonants; / hj / before / a / and / ẽ /; / hn / before
remaining vowels.
Se. / hniː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / hni / before / hV / with loss of
/ h /, and before remaining consonants; / hnj / before / a / and / ɛ̃ /
( appearance of / n / interpreted as analogy ); / hn / before remaining
vowels.
Hu. / thi / following / s / before a consonant; / hi / before a consonant
otherwise; / hj / before / a /; / th / following / s / before remaining
vowels; / h / following / t / before remaining vowels; / ihn /
word-initially before remaining vowels; and / hn / before remaining
vowels elsewhere.
⁰⁵⁸ PI * { wantiː } '3NS:3' ( Æ PNI '3PL:3' )

PI * / wantiː / before consonants; * / want / or possibly * / wan / before
vowels.
Ch. / ȁːnì / before consonants; / ȁːn / before vowels.
PNI * / wati / before consonants; * / wat / before * / i /; * / wẽn /
( < * / wan / ) before remaining vowels.
Se. / wɔ̃tiː / following the future prefix before / hC / with loss of / h /; / watiː /
before / hC / elsewhere with loss of / h /; / wɔ̃ti / following the future
prefix before / hV / with loss of / h /, and following the future prefix
before remaining consonants; / wati / before / hV / elsewhere with
loss of / h /, and before remaining consonants elsewhere; / wɛ̃n / before
vowels.
Hu. / kõ / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before / a / with loss of / a /;
/ xõ / before / a / otherwise with loss of / a /; / ati / word-initially
before a consonant; / wati / before a consonant otherwise; / at /
399
word-initially before / i /; / wat / before / i / otherwise; / ẽn /
word-initially before a vowel; / wẽn / before a vowel elsewhere.
⁰⁵⁹ PNI * { kõti } '3PL:3' ( second variant, in competition with * { wati } ⁰⁵⁸ )
PNI * / kõti / before consonants; * / kõ / before * / a / with loss of * / a /;
* / kũt / before * / i /; * / kõn / before remaining vowels.
Mo. / kũti / before consonants; / kũ / before / a / with loss of / a /; / kũt /
before / i /; / kũn / before remaining vowels.
Oe. / kũti / before consonants; / kũ / before / a / with loss of / a /; / kũt /
before / i /; / kũn / before remaining vowels.
Oo. / kũti / before consonants; / kũ / before / a / with loss of / a /; / kũn /
Hu. / kõ / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before / a / with loss of / a /;
/ xõ / before / a / otherwise with loss of / a / ( partial paradigm
preserved following merger with reflexes of PNI * { wati } ⁰⁵⁹ ).
⁰⁶⁰ PNI * { hɹati } '3PLM:3'

PNI * / ɹati / word-initially before consonants; * / hati / before consonants
elsewhere; * / ɹõ / word-initially before * / a / with loss of * / a /;
* / hõ / before / a / elsewhere with loss of / a /; * / ɹat / word-initially
before / i /; * / hat / before / i / elsewhere; * / ɹẽn / word-initially
before remaining vowels; * / hẽn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / ɹati / word-initially before consonants; / hati / before consonants
elsewhere; / ɹũ / word-initially before / a / with loss of / a /; / hũ /
before / a / elsewhere with loss of / a /; / ɹat / word-initially before
/ i /; / hat / before / i / elsewhere; / ɹũn / word-initially before
remaining vowels; / hũn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oe. / lati / word-initially before consonants; / hati / before consonants
elsewhere; / lũ / word-initially before / a / with loss of / a /; / hũ /
before / a / elsewhere with loss of / a /; / lat / word-initially before
/ i /; / hat / before / i / elsewhere; / lʌ̃n / word-initially before
remaining vowels; / hʌ̃n / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Oo. / hati / before consonants; / hũ / before / a / with loss of / a /; / han /
Ca. / hati / before consonants; / hat / before / i /; / hẽn / before remaining
vowels.
400
Se. / hatiː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / hati / before / hV / with loss of
/ h /, and before remaining consonants; / hɛñ / before vowels.
Hu. / hati / before consonants; / hat / before / i /; / hõ / before / a / with loss
of / a /; / hẽn / before remaining vowels.
⁰⁶¹ PI * { juːntiː } '3:3NS'

PI * / juːntiː / before consonants; * / juːnt / or possibly * / juːn / before vowels.
Ch. / ȕːnì / before consonants; / ȕːn / before vowels.
PNI * / joti / before consonants; * / jot / before * / i /; * / jon / before
remaining vowels.
Mo. / joti / before consonants; / jot / before / i /; / jon / before vowels.
Oe. / oti / word-initially before consonants; / joti / before consonants
elsewhere; / ot / word-initially before / i /; / jot / before / i / elsewhere;
/ on / word-initially before remaining vowels; / jon / before remaining
vowels elsewhere.
Oo. / oti / word-initially before consonants; / joti / before consonants
elsewhere; / on / word-initially before vowels; / jon / before vowels
elsewhere.
Ca. / oti / word-initially before consonants; / joti / before consonants elsewhere;
/ ot / word-initially before / i /; / jot / before / i / elsewhere; / on /
word-initially before vowels; / jon / before vowels elsewhere.
Se. / otiː / word-initially before / hC / with loss of / h /; / jotiː / before / hC /
elsewhere with loss of / h /; / oti / word-initially before / hV / with loss
of / h /, and word-initially before remaining consonants; / joti / before
/ hV / elsewhere with loss of / h /, and before remaining consonants;
/ on / word-initially before vowels; / jon / before vowels elsewhere.
Hu. / joti / following a consonant before a consonant; / oti / before a consonant
elsewhere; / jot / following a consonant before / i /; / ot / before / i /
elsewhere; / jon / following a consonant before a vowel; / on / before a
vowel elsewhere.
⁰⁶² PNI * { hɹoti } '3:3NSM'

PNI * / ɹoti / word-initially before consonants; * / hoti / or possibly * / hɹoti /
before consonants elsewhere; * / ɹot / word-initially before / i /;
* / hot / or possibly * / hɹot / before / i / elsewhere; * / ɹon /
word-initially before remaining vowels; * / hon / or possibly * / hɹon /
401
Mo. / ɹoti / word-initially before consonants; / hoti / before consonants
elsewhere; / ɹot / word-initially before / i /; / hot / before / i /
elsewhere; / ɹon / word-initially before remaining vowels; / hon /
Oe. / loti / word-initially before consonants; / hoti / before consonants
elsewhere; / lot / word-initially before / i /; / hot / before / i /
elsewhere; / lon / word-initially before remaining vowels; / hon /
Oo. / hoti / before consonants; / hon / before vowels.
Ca. / hoti / before consonants; / hot / before / i /; / hon / before remaining
vowels.
Se. / hotiː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / hoti / before / hV / with loss of
/ h /, and before remaining consonants; / hon / before vowels.
Hu. / hoti / before consonants; / hot / before / i /; / hon / before remaining
vowels.
⁰⁶³ PNI * { je } '3I:3'

PNI * / jõ / before * / a / with loss of * / a /; * / ja / before some bases
beginning in / i /; * / jak / before some bases beginning in * / e /, and
before * / ẽ /, * / o /, and * / õ /; * / jẽ / before some bases beginning in
* / e / with loss of * / e /; * / je / before some bases beginning in * / i /
with loss of / i /, and before consonants.
Tu. / jə̃ / before / a / and / ɛ / with loss of / a / and / ɛ /; / j / before some
bases begnning in / ə̃ /; / ja / before some bases beginning in / i /;
/ jak / before some bases beginning in / ə̃ / and before / o /;
/ jɛ / before some bases beginning in / i / with loss of / i /, and before
consonants.
Mo. / jũ / before / a / with loss of / a /; / ja / before some bases beginning in
/ i /; / jak / before some bases beginning in / e /, and before / ʌ̃ /, / o /,
and / ũ /; / jʌ̃ / before some bases beginning in / e / with loss of / e /;
/ je / before some bases beginning in / i / with loss of / i /, and before
consonants.
Oe. / ũ / word-initially before / a / with loss of / a /; / jũ / before / a /
elsewhere with loss of / a /; / a / word-initially before some bases
beginning in / i /; / ja / before some bases beginning in / i / elsewhere;
402
/ ak / word-initially before some bases beginning in / e /, and
word-initially before / ʌ̃ /, / o / and / ũ /; / jak / before some bases
beginning in / e / elsewhere, and before / ʌ̃ /, / o / and / ũ / elsewhere;
/ ʌ̃ / word-initially before / e / with loss of / e /; / jʌ̃ / before / e /
elsewhere with loss of / e /; / e / word-initially before some bases
beginning in / i / with loss of / i /, and word-initially before consonants;
/ je / before some bases beginning in / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /,
and before consonants elsewhere.
Oo. / ũ / word-initially before / a / with loss of / a /; / jũ / before / a /
beginning in / i /; / ja / before some bases beginning in / i / elsewhere;
/ ak / word-initially before some bases beginning in / e /, and
word-initially before / ẽ /, / o / and / ũ /; / jak / before some bases
beginning in / e / elsewhere, and before / ẽ /, / o / and / ũ / elsewhere;
/ ẽ / word-initially before / e / with loss of / e /; / jẽ / before / e /
elsewhere with loss of / e /; / e / word-initially before some bases
beginning in / i / with loss of / i /, and word-initially before consonants;
/ je / before some bases beginning in / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /,
and before consonants elsewhere.
Ca. / õ / word-initially before / a / with loss of / a /; / jõ / before / a /
beginning in / i /; / ja / before some bases beginning in / i /
elsewhere; / ak / word-initially before some bases beginning in / e /, and
word-initially before / ẽ /, / o /, / õ /, and / u /; / jak / before some
bases beginning in / e / elsewhere, and before / ẽ /, / o /, / õ /, and
/ ũ / elsewhere; / ẽ / word-initially before / e / with loss of / e /; / jẽ /
before / e / elsewhere with loss of / e /; / e / word-initially before some
bases beginning in / i / with loss of / i /, and word-initially before
consonants; / je / before some bases beginning in / i / elsewhere with
loss of / i /, and before consonants elsewhere.
Se. / jɔ̃ / before / a / with loss of / a /; / ja / before some bases beginning in
/ i /; / jak / before some bases beginning in / a /, and before / o / and
/ ɔ̃ /; / jɛ̃ / before / e / and / ɛ̃ / with loss of / e / and / ɛ̃ /; / je / before
some bases beginning in / i / with loss of / i /, and before consonants.
Hu. / jõ / following a consonant before / a / with loss of / a /; / õ / before / a /
elsewhere with loss of / a /; / jax / following a consonant before some
403
bases beginning in / e /, and before / ẽ /, / o /, and / õ /; / ax / before
some bases beginning in / e / elsewhere, and before / ẽ /, / o /, and
/ õ / elsewhere; / jaxẽ / following a consonant before some bases
beginning in / i / with loss of / i /; / axẽ / before some bases beginning
in / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / jẽ / following a consonant before
some bases beginning in / e / with loss of / e /; / ẽ / before some bases
beginning in / e / elsewhere with loss of / e /; / je / following a
consonant before some bases beginning in / i / with loss of / i /, and
following a consonant before a consonant; / e / before some bases
beginning in / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /, and before a consonant
elsewhere.
⁰⁶⁴ PNI * { jako } '3:3I'

PNI * / kaw / following / ka / before some bases beginning in * / ẽ /;
* / jakaw / before some bases beginning in * / ẽ / elsewhere; * / ka /
following * / ka / before * / o / or * / õ /; * / jaka / before * / o / or
* / õ / elsewhere; * / ko / following * / ka / before some bases
beginning in * / ẽ / with loss of * / ẽ /, and following * / ka / and before
* / a / and * / i / with loss of * / a / and * / i /, and following * / ka /
before consonants; * / jako / before some bases beginning in * / ẽ /
elsewhere with loss of * / ẽ /, and before * / a / and * / i / elsewhere
with loss of * / a / and * / i /, and before consonants elsewhere.
Tu. / ko / following / ka / before consonants, and following / ka / before / a /
with loss of / a /; / jako / before consonants elsewhere, and before / a /
elsewhere with loss of / a /; / kaw / following / ka / before remaining
vowels; / jakaw / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / jakaw / before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ /; / jaka /
before / o / and / ũ /; / jako / before some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ / with
/ i /, and before consonants.
Oe. / akaw / word-initially before / e / and before some bases beginning in
/ ʌ̃ /; / jakaw / before / e / elsewhere and before some bases beginning
in / ʌ̃ / elsewhere; / akoj / word-initially before / o / and / ũ / in
semantically transitive verbs; / jakoj / before / o / and / ũ / in
semantically transitive verbs elsewhere; / aka / word-initially before
/ o / and / ũ / elsewhere; / jaka / before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere;
404
/ ako / word-initially before some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ / with loss of
/ ʌ̃ /, and word-initially before / a / and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /,
and word-initially before consonants; / jako / before some bases
beginning in / ʌ̃ / elsewhere with loss of / ʌ̃ /, and before / a / and / i /
elsewhere with loss of / a / and / i /, and before consonants elsewhere.
Oo. / kaw / word-initially before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ẽ /;
/ jakaw / before / e / elsewhere and before some bases beginning in
/ ẽ / elsewhere; / ka / word-initially before / o / and / ũ /; / jaka /
before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere; / ko / word-initially before some bases
beginning in / ẽ / with loss of / ẽ /, and word-initially before / a / and
/ jako / before some bases beginning in / ẽ / elsewhere with loss of / ẽ /,
Ca. / kaw / word-initially or following / ka / before / e / and some bases
beginning in / ẽ /; / jakaw / before / e / and some bases beginning in
/ ẽ / elsewhere; / ka / word-initially or following / ka / before / o /,
/ õ / or / u /; / jaka / before / o /, / õ / or / u / elsewhere; / ko /
word-initially or following / ka / before some bases beginning in / ẽ /
with loss of / ẽ /, and word-initially following / a / and / i / with loss of
/ a / and / i /, and word-initially before consonants; / jako / before some
bases beginning in / ẽ / elsewhere with loss of / ẽ /, and before / a / and
/ i / elsewhere with loss of / a / and / i /, and before consonants
elsewhere.
Se. / kaw / word-initially before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ɛ̃ /;
/ jakaw / before / e / elsewhere and before some bases beginning in
/ ɛ̃ / elsewhere; / ka / word-initially before / o / and / ɔ̃ /; / jaka /
before / o / and / ɔ̃ / elsewhere; / ko / word-initially before some bases
beginning in / ɛ̃ / with loss of / ɛ̃ /, and word-initially before / a / and
/ jako / before some bases beginning in / ɛ̃ / elsewhere with loss of / ɛ̃ /,
Hu. / jaxaw / following a consonant before / e / and some bases beginning in
/ ẽ /; / axaw / before / e / and some bases beginning in / ẽ / elsewhere;
/ jaxa / following a consonant before / o / or / õ /; / axa / before / o /
405
and / õ / elsewhere; / jaxo / following a consonant before some bases
beginning in / ẽ / with loss of / ẽ /, and following a consonant before
/ a / and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /, and following a consonant
before a consonant; / axo / before some bases beginning in / ẽ /
elsewhere with loss of / ẽ /, and before / a / and / i / elsewhere with
loss of / a / and / i /, and before consonants elsewhere.
⁰⁶⁵ PNI * { hshako } '3SGM:3I'

PNI * / shakaw / word-initially or following a consonant before / e / and some
bases beginning in / ẽ /; / hshakaw / before / e / and some bases
beginning in / ẽ / elsewhere; / shaka / word-initially or following a
consonant before / o / or / õ /; / hshaka / before / o / or / õ /
elsewhere; / shako / word-initially or following a consonant before some
bases beginning in / ẽ / with loss of / ẽ /, and word-initially or following
a consonant before / a / and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /, and
word-initially or following a consonant before a consonant; / hshako /
before some bases beginning in / ẽ / elsewhere with loss of / ẽ /, and
before / a / and / i / elsewhere with loss of / a / and / i /, and before
Mo. / shakaw / word-initially or following a consonant before / e / and some
bases beginning in / ʌ̃ /; / hshakaw / before / e / and some bases
beginning in / ʌ̃ / elsewhere; / shaka / word-initially or following a
consonant before / o / and / ũ /; / hshaka / before / o / and / ũ /
elsewhere; / shako / word-initially or following a consonant before some
and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /, and word-initially before a
consonant; / hshako / before some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ / elsewhere
with loss of / ʌ̃ /, and before / a / and / i / elsewhere with loss of / a /
and / i /, and before consonants elsewhere.
Oe. / shakaw / before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ /; / shakoj /
before / o / and / ũ / in semantically transitive verbs; / shaka / before
/ o / and / ũ /; / shako / before some bases beginning in / ʌ̃ / with loss
of / ʌ̃ /, and before / a / and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /, and before
consonants.
Oo. / shakaw / before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ẽ /; / shaka /
before / o / and / ũ /; / shako / before some bases beginning in / ẽ /
406
with loss of / ẽ /, and before / a / and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /,
and before consonants.
Ca. / shakaw / word-initially or following a consonant before / e / and some
bases beginning in / ẽ /; / hshakaw / before / e / and some bases
beginning in / ẽ / elsewhere; / shaka / word-initially or following a
consonant before / o /, / õ / or / u /; / hshaka / before / o /, / õ / or
/ u / elsewhere; / shako / word-initially or following a consonant before
some bases beginning in / ẽ / with loss of / ẽ /, and word-initially or
following a consonant before / a / and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /,
and word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
/ hshako / before some bases beginning in / ẽ / elsewhere with loss of
/ ẽ /, and before / a / and / i / elsewhere with loss of / a / and / i /, and
Se. / shakaw / before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ɛ̃ /; / shaka /
before / o / and / õ /; / shako / before some bases beginning in / ɛ̃ /
with loss of / ɛ̃ /, and before / a / and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /,
Hu. / shaxaw / before / e / and before some bases beginning in / ẽ /; / shaxa /
before / o / and / õ /; / shaxo / before some bases beginning in / ẽ /
with loss of / ẽ /, and before / a / and / i / with loss of / a / and / i /,
⁰⁶⁶ PI * { kõːwa } '3A:3SGA' ( Æ Ch. '3NS:3SG', PNI '3I:3SG' )

PI * / kõːwa / before consonants; * / kõːw / before some vowels, perhaps all
vowels.
Ch. / kʌ̃ː̀ wà / before consonants; / kʌ̃ː̀ w / before vowels.
PNI * / kõwa / before consonants; * / kõwẽ / before * / i / with loss of * / i /;
* / kõwaj / before / o / and / õ /; * / kõw / before remaining vowels.
Mo. / kũwa / before consonants; / kũwʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ kũwaj / before / o / and / ũ /; / kũw / before remaining vowels.
Oe. / kũwa / before consonants; / kũwʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
Oo. / kũwa / before consonants; / kũwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
Se. / kõwæː / before / Ræ / with loss of / Ræ /; / kõwaː / before / hC / with
loss of / h /; / kõwa / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and before
407
remaining consonants; / kɔ̃wɛ̃ / before some bases beginning in / i / with
loss of / i /, and before / jɔ̃ / with loss of / j /; / kɔ̃wɔ̃j / before / o / and
/ ɔ̃ /; / kɔ̃w / before some bases beginning in / i /, and before remaining
vowels.
Hu. / kõwa / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before a consonant, and
following any consonant except / Ɂ / before / o / or / õ /; / xõwa /
before consonants elsewhere, and before / o / and / õ / elsewhere;
/ kõwẽ / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before / i / with loss of
/ i /; / xõwẽ / before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / kõw / following
any consonant except / Ɂ / and before remaining vowels; / xõw / before
⁰⁶⁷ PNI * { hɹõwa } '3I:3SGM'

PNI * / ɹõwa / word-initially before consonants; * / hõwa / or possibly
* / hɹõwa / before consonants elsewhere; * / ɹõwẽ / word-initially before
* / i / with loss of * / i /; * / hõwẽ / or possibly * / hɹõwẽ / before
* / i / elsewhere with loss of * / i /; * / ɹõwaj / word-initially before
* / o / and * / õ /; * / hõwaj / or possibly * / hɹõwaj / before * / o /
and * / õ / elsewhere; * / ɹõw / word-initially before remaining vowels;
* / hõw / or possibly * / hɹõw / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / ɹũwa / word-initially before consonants; / hũwa / before consonants
elsewhere; / ɹũwʌ̃ / word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /; / hũwʌ̃ /
before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / ɹũwaj / word-initially before
/ o / and / ũ /; / hũwaj / before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere; / ɹũw /
word-initially before remaining vowels; / hũw / before remaining vowels
elsewhere.
Oe. / lũwa / word-initially before consonants; / hũwa / before consonants
elsewhere; / lũwʌ̃ / word-initially before / i / with loss of / i /; / hũwʌ̃ /
before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / lũwaj / word-initially before
/ o / and / ũ /; / hũwaj / before / o / and / ũ / elsewhere; / lũw /
word-initially before remaining vowels; / hũw / before remaining vowels
elsewhere.
Oo. / hũwa / before consonants; / hũwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ hũwaj / before / o / and / ũ /; / hũw / before remaining vowels
elsewhere.
Ca. / hõwa / before consonants; / hõwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
408
/ hõwaj / before / o /, / õ /, and / ũ /; / hõw / before remaining vowels
elsewhere.
Se. / hɔ̃wæː / before / Ræ / with loss of / Ræ /; / hɔ̃waː / before / hC / with loss
of / h /; / hõwa / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and before remaining
consonants; / hɔ̃wɛ̃ / before some bases beginning in / i / with loss of
/ i /, and before / jɔ̃ / with loss of / j /; / hɔ̃wɔ̃j / before / o / and / ɔ̃ /;
/ hɔ̃w / before some bases beginning in / i /, and before remaining
vowels.
Hu. / hõwa / before consonants, and before / o / and / õ /; / hõwẽ / before / i /
with loss of / i /; / hõw / before remaining vowels.
⁰⁶⁸ PI * { kõːwantiː } '3A:3NSA' ( Æ Ch. '3NS:3NS', PNI '3I:3NS' )

PI * / kõːwantiː / before consonants; / * / kõːwan / before vowels.
Ch. / kʌ̃ː̀ wànìː / before consonants; / kʌ̃ː̀ wàn / before vowels.
PNI * / kõwati / before consonants; * / kõwat / before * / i /; * / kõwẽn /
Mo. / kũwati / before consonants; / kũwat / before / i /; / kũwʌ̃n / before
remaining vowels.
Oe. / kũwati / before consonants; / kũwat / before / i /; / kũwʌ̃n / before
remaining vowels.
Oo. / kũwati / before consonants; / kũwan / before vowels.
Se. / kɔ̃wɔ̃tiː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / kɔ̃wɔ̃ti / before / hV / with loss
of / h /, and before remaining consonants; / kɔ̃wɛ̃n / before vowels.
Hu. / kõwati / following any consonant except / Ɂ / before consonants;
/ xõwati / before consonants elsewhere; / kõwẽn / following any
consonant except / Ɂ / before remaining vowels; / xõwẽn / before
⁰⁶⁹ PNI * { hɹõwati } '3I:3NSM'

PNI * / ɹõwati / word-initially before consonants; * / hõwati / or possibly
* / hɹõwati / before consonants elsewhere; * / ɹõwat / word-initially
before * / i /; * / hõwat / or possibly * / hɹõwat / before * / i /
elsewhere; * / ɹõwẽn / word-initially before remaining vowels;
* / hõwẽn / or possibly * / hɹõwẽn / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / ɹũwati / word-initially before consonants; / hũwati / before consonants
elsewhere; / ɹũwat / word-initially before / i /; / hũwat / before / i /
409
elsewhere; / ɹũwʌ̃n / word-initially before remaining vowels; / hũwʌ̃n /
Oe. / lũwati / word-initially before consonants; / hũwati / before consonants
elsewhere; / lũwat / word-initially before / i /; / hũwat / before / i /
elsewhere; / lũwʌ̃n / word-initially before remaining vowels; / hũwʌ̃n /
Oo. / hũwati / before consonants; / hũwan / before vowels.
Ca. / hõwati / before consonants; / hõwat / before / i /; / hõwẽn / before
remaining vowels.
Se. / hɔ̃wɔ̃tiː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / hɔ̃wɔ̃ti / before / hV / with loss
of / h /, and before remaining consonants; / hɔ̃wɛ̃n / before vowels.
Hu. / hõwati / before consonants; / hõwat / before / i /; / hõwẽn / before
remaining vowels.
⁰⁷⁰ PNI * { jakoti } '3NS:3I' ( limited to Iroquoia )

PNI * / jakoti / before consonants; * / jakot / before * / i /; * / jakon / before
remaining vowels.
Mo. / jakoti / before consonants; / jakot / before / i /; / jakon / before
remaining vowels.
Oe. / akoti / word-initially before consonants; / jakoti / before consonants
elsewhere; / akot / word-initially before / i /; / jakot / before / i /
elsewhere; / akon / word-initially before remaining vowels; / jakon /
Oo. / koti / word-initially before consonants; / jakoti / before consonants
elsewhere; / kon / word-initially before vowels; / jakon / before vowels
elsewhere.
⁰⁷¹ PNI * { hshakoti } '3NSM:3I' ( limited to Iroquoia )

PNI * / shakoti / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
* / hshakoti / before consonants elsewhere; * / shakot / word-initially or
following a consonant before * / i /; * / hshakot / before * / i /
elsewhere; * / shakon / word-initially or following a consonant before
remaining vowels; * / hshakon / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / shakoti / word-initially or following a consonant before consonants;
/ hshakoti / before consonants elsewhere; / shakot / word-initially
before / i /; / hshakot / before / i / elsewhere; / shakon / word-initially
410
or following a consonant before remaining vowels; / hshakon / before
Oe. / shakoti / before consonants; / shakot / before / i /; / shakon / before
remaining vowels.
Oo. / shakoti / before consonants; / shakon / before vowels.
Se. / shakotiː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / shakoti / before / hV / with
loss of / h /, and before remaining consonants; / shakon / before vowels.
⁰⁷² PNI * { take } '2:1.SG.IMP'

PNI * / takʷ / before * / a /; * / take / before certain consonants and clusters
( see 4.4 ); * / tak / before certain other consonants and clusters ( 4.4 ),
and word-initially before remaining vowels.
Tu. / Ɂnakʷ / after a vowel before / a /; / nakʷ / before / a / elsewhere;
/ Ɂnakj / after a vowel before / ɛ /; / nakj / before / ɛ / elsewhere;
/ Ɂnakjɛ / after a vowel before certain consonants and clusters ( see 6.4 );
/ nakjɛ / before certain consonants and clusters ( 6.4 ) elsewhere;
/ Ɂnak / after a vowel before certain other consonants and clusters
( 6.4 ), and before remaining vowels; / nak / before certain other
consonants and clusters ( 6.4 ) and before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / takʷ / before / a /, / e /, and / ə̃ /; / take / before certain consonants and
clusters ( see 11.4 ); / tak / before certain other consonants and clusters
Oe. / takʷ / before / a /, / e /, and / ʌ̃ /; / take / before certain consonants and
clusters ( see 12.4 ); / tak / before certain other consonants and clusters
Oo. / tah / before / k / and / kʷ /; / take / before certain consonants and
clusters ( see 13.4 ); / takeː / before certain other consonants and certain
vowels ( 13.4 ); / tak / before certain other consonants and clusters
Ca. / tahske / before certain consonants and clusters ( see 14.4 ); / tahsk /
before certain other consonants and clusters ( 14.4 ), and before vowels.
Se. / take / before certain consonants and clusters ( see 15.4 ); / takh / before
/ n /; / ta / before / hts /; / tak / before certain other consonants and
Hu. / ta / before / n /; / taxe / before certain remaining consonants and clusters
( see 16.4 ); / tax / before certain other remaining consonants and
411
clusters ( 16.4 ), and before vowels elsewhere.
⁰⁷³ PNI * { takni } '2:1.DU.IMP'

PNI * / takni / before consonants; * / takj / before * / a /; * / takn / before
remaining vowels.
Tu. / Ɂnakti / after a vowel before a consonant; / nakti / before consonants
elsewhere; / Ɂnakj / after a vowel before / a /; / nakj / before / a /
elsewhere; / Ɂnakn / after a vowel before / ə̃ / and before some bases
beginning in / o /; / nakn / before / ə̃ / and before some bases beginning
in / o / elsewhere; / Ɂnakt / after a vowel before remaining vowels;
/ nakt / before remaining vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / takeni / before consonants; / takj / before / a /; / taken / before
remaining vowels.
Oe. / takni / before consonants; / takj / before / a /; / takn / before remaining
vowels.
Oo. / takni / before consonants; / takj / before / a / and / ẽ /; / takn / before
remaining vowels.
Ca. / tahskni / before consonants; / tahskj / before / a /; / tahskn / before
Se. / takhniː / before / hC / with loss of / h /; / takhni / before / hV / with loss
of / h /, and before remaining consonants; / takhnj / before / a / and
/ ɛ̃ / ( appearance of / n / interpreted as analogy ); / takhn / before
remaining vowels.
Hu. / taxi / before consonants; / taxj / before / a /; / tan / before remaining
vowels elsewhere.
⁰⁷⁴ PNI * { takwa } '1:2.PL.IMP'

PNI * / takwa / before consonants; * / takwẽ / before * / i / with loss of * / i /;
* / takj / before * / o / and * / õ /; * / takw / before remaining vowels.
Tu. / Ɂnakwa / after a vowel and before a consonant; / nakwa / before
consonants elsewhere; / Ɂnakwə̃ / after a vowel and before / i / with loss
of / i /; / nakwə̃ / before / i / elsewhere with loss of / i /; / Ɂnakw /
after a vowel before remaining vowels; / nakw / before remaining
vowels elsewhere.
Mo. / takwa / before consonants; / takwʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / takj /
before / o / and / ũ /; / takw / before remaining vowels.
412
Oe. / takwa / before consonants; / takwʌ̃ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / takj /
Oo. / takwa / before consonants; / takwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / takj /
Ca. / tahskwa / before consonants; / tahskwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /;
/ tahskj / before / o /, / õ / and / u /; / tahskw / before remaining
vowels.
Se. / takwæː / before / Ræ / with loss of / Ræ /; / takwaː / before / hC / with
loss of / h /; / takwa / before / hV / with loss of / h /, and before
remaining consonants; / takwɛ̃ / before some bases beginning in / i /
with loss of / i /, and before / jɔ̃ / with loss of / j /; / takj / before / o /
and / ɔ̃ /; / takw / before some bases beginning in / i /, and before
remaining vowels.
Hu. / taxwa / before consonants; / taxwẽ / before / i / with loss of / i /; / taxj /
before / o / and / õ /; / taxw / before remaining vowels.
⁰⁷⁵ PNI * { tse } '2SG:3.IMP'

PNI * / tse / before certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 4.4 ); * / ts / before
certain other consonant clusters ( 4.4 ), and before vowels.
Tu. / tʃ / before / i /, and before / j / with loss of / j /; / θɛ / before certain
remaining consonants and clusters ( cf. 6.4 ); / θ / before certain other
remaining consonants and clusters ( 6.4 ), and before remaining vowels.
Mo. / t / before / hs /; / ts / before / i / and / j /; / se / before certain
remaining consonants and clusters ( cf. 11.4 ); / s / before certain other
Oe. / t / before / hs / with metathesis of / hs / to / sh /; / se / word-initially
before certain remaining consonants and clusters ( cf. 12.4 ); / hse /
before certain remaining consonants and clusters ( 12.4 ) elsewhere; / s /
word-initially before certain other remaining consonants and clusters
( 12.4 ) elsewhere, and word-initially before vowels; / hs / before vowels
elsewhere ( recast by analogy with 2SG:3 ).
Oo. / ts / before / i / and / j /; / se / before certain remaining consonants and
clusters ( cf. 13.4 ); / seː / before certain other consonants and certain
vowels ( 13.4 ); / s / before certain other remaining consonants and
clusters ( 13.4 ), and before remaining vowels.
Ca. / se / word-initially before certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 14.4 );
413
/ hse / before certain consonants and clusters ( 14.4 ) elsewhere; / s /
word-initially before vowels; / hs / before certain other consonants and
clusters ( 14.4 ) elsewhere, and before vowels elsewhere ( recast by
analogy with '2SG:3' ).
Se. / ts / before / i /, and before / j / with loss of / j /; / se / before certain
remaining consonants and clusters ( cf. 15.4 ); / s / before certain other
Hu. / ʃ / before / ɹV /; / ts / before / i / and before some bases beginning in
/ j / ( < PNI * / j / ) with loss of / j /; / s / before / nV /, and before
remaining vowels; / se / before certain remaining consonants and
clusters ( see 16.4 ).
⁰⁷⁶ PI * { ataːt } 'reflexive'

PI * / ataːt / before some consonants, perhaps all consonants, and before at least
some vowels, perhaps all vowels; ( elsewhere = ? )
Ch. / àtàː / before consonants; / àtàːt / before vowels.
PNI * / atẽ / before * / Hn /; * / atan / before * / i /; * / atate / before certain
consonants and clusters ( cf. 4.4 ); * / atat / before certain other
Tu. / aɁnə̃ / before / Hnə̃ / and / HtV /; / aɁnaɁn / before vowels and glides;
/ aɁnaɁ / before / t /, / tʃ /, / r /, and / n /; / aɁnatʃ / before / hs /
with loss of / hs /; / aɁnaɁnɛ / before certain remaining consonants and
clusters ( cf. 6.4 ); / aɁnat / before certain other remaining consonants
and clusters ( 6.4 ).
Mo. / atʌ̃ / before / Hn /; / atʌ̃n / before / i /; / atate / before certain
remaining consonants and clusters ( cf. 11.4 ); / atat / before certain
other remaining consonants and clusters ( 11.4 ), and before remaining
vowels.
Oe. / atʌ̃ / before / Hn /; / atan / before / i /; / atate / before certain remaining
consonants and clusters ( cf. 12.4 ); / atat / before certain other
Oo. / atẽ / before / Hn /; / atẽn / before / i /; / atate / before certain
Ca. / atẽ / before / Hn /; / atẽn / before / i /; / atate / before certain
414
Se. / atɛ̃ / before / Hn /; / atɛ̃n / before / i /; / atatsh / before / ts / and / hs /
with loss of / ts / and / hs /; / atah / before / t / and / n /; / atate /
before certain remaining consonants and clusters ( cf. 15.4 ); / atat /
before certain other remaining consonants and clusters ( 15.4 ), and
Hu. / atẽ / before / Hn /; / atẽn / before / i /; / ata / before / kV /; / atate /
before certain remaining consonants and clusters ( cf. 16.4 ); / atat /
before certain other remaining consonants and clusters ( 16.4 ), and
⁰⁷⁷ PI * { at } 'semireflexive' ( lexically determined variant 1 )

PI * / at / before some consonants, perhaps all consonants, and before at least
some vowels, perhaps all vowels; ( elsewhere = ? )
Ch. / à / before consonants; / àt / before vowels.
PNI ( productive form ): * / ẽ / before * / Hn /; * / an / before * / i /; * / ate /
before certain consonants and clusters ( cf. 4.4 ); * / at / before certain
other consonants and clusters, and before remaining vowels.
Tu. / ə̃ / before / Hnə̃ / and / HtV /; / aɁn / before vowels and glides; / aɁ /
before / t /, / tʃ /, / r /, and / n /; / atʃ / before / hs / with loss of
/ hs /; / aɁnɛ / before certain remaining consonants and clusters
( cf. 6.4 ); / at / before certain other remaining consonants and clusters
( 6.4 ).
Mo. / ʌ̃ / before / Hn /; / ʌ̃n / before / i /; / ate / before certain consonants and
clusters ( cf. 11.4 ); / at / before certain other consonants and clusters
Oe. / a / before / Hn /; / an / before / i /; / ate / before certain consonants and
Oo. / ẽ / before / Hn /; / ẽn / before / i /; / ate / before certain consonants and
Ca. / ẽ / before / Hn /; / ẽn / before / i /; / ate / before certain consonants and
415
Se. / ɛ̃ / before / Hn /; / ɛ̃n / before / i /; / atsh / before / ts / and / hs / with
loss of / ts / and / hs /; / ah / before / t / and / n /; / ate / before
certain remaining consonants and clusters ( cf. 15.4 ); / at / before
certain other remaining consonants and clusters ( 15.4 ), and before
remaining vowels.
Hu. / ẽ / before / Hn /; / ẽn / before / i /; / a / before / kV /; / ate / before
certain remaining consonants and clusters ( cf. 16.4 ); / at / before
certain other remaining consonants and clusters ( 16.4 ), and before
remaining vowels.
⁰⁷⁸ PI * { aɹ } 'semireflexive' ( lexically determined variant 2 )

PI * / aɹ / before at least some vowels, perhaps all vowels; elsewhere = ?
Ch. / àr / before vowels; / àlì / before consonants.
PNI * / aɹ /, found only before some bases beginning in * / a /, e.g. * { -ahs- }
'foot' and * { -aht- } 'shoe'.
Tu. / ar / in / wahrarahˈsohtʃiɁ / 'he took off his shoes' (cf. Rudes 1999:47).
OMo. / aɹ / in / saɹahˈsîːtoɁ / <Sarasito> 'tu as le pied enflé'
(Bruyas 1863:117).
Oe. / al / in / tekaˈlahtaɁas / 'I'm putting my shoes on'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:97).
Oo. / aR / in / tekaǽhˈtahsjũs / 'I take my shoes off' (cf. Woodbury 2003:74).
⁰⁷⁹ PI * { a } 'joiner vowel'

PI * / a /.
Ch. / à / in / kànìːhslátíɁa̋ː / 'he's setting up a bed' (Feeling & Pulte 1975:108).
Tu. / a / in / θkakotahskʷaˈjə̃ːɁnahk / 'they had a pet again'
(cf. Rudes 1999:426).
Mo. / a / in / kehnhohaˈketskʷahs / 'I raise the door' (cf. Maracle 1990:161).
Oe. / a / in / waɁknũhsakalaːˈtateɁ / 'I raised up the house'
Oo. / a / in / ẽkiːhwajeˈnaɁ / 'I will accept the obligation'
Ca. / a / in / ẽhsɹihwaˈkʷeːniɁ / 'you will accomplish'
(cf. Froman et al. 2002:64).
Se. / a / in / waɁakwanɔ̃tajɛ̃ːɁ / 'we camped' (cf. Chafe 1967:72).
Hu. / a / in / ʃehwatsiɹaˈwahstih / <chieh8atsira8asti> 'tu as une belle famille'
416
(MS 59:78).
Wy. / a / in / hutiɁtaˈɹaːẽɁ / 'they have the (same) clan' (cf. Barbeau 1960:100).
⁰⁸⁰ PNI * { hsɹ } 'nominalizer' ( lexically determined variant 1 )

PNI * / hsɹ /;
Tu. / hstr / in / thraɁnə̃rihstraɁniˈhə̃ːthohs / 'he draws a breath'
(cf. Rudes 1999:558).
Mo. / hseɹ / in / wakaɁtaɹihʌ̃hseɹaˈnohsthaɁ / 'I have a cold
[lit. my heat is made cool]' (cf. Maracle 1990:333).
Oe. / hsl / in / teɁwakattokʌ̃hslaːˈjə̃ː̂ / 'I have no sensations'
Oo. / hsR / 'nominalizer suffix' (cf. Woodbury 2003:549).
Ca. / hsɹ / 'nominalizer' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:708).
Se. / sh / in / otɛ̃ɔˈ̃ noshækɔ̃ːh / 'in the shade' (cf. Chafe 1967:22).
Hu. / hʃr / in / xahjaˈtõhʃɹaɁ / <gahiatoncha> 'Ecriture' (MS 59:75),
preconsonantal / h / assumed present, / ɹ / has become / h /
in Rock dialect.
⁰⁸¹ PNI * { Ɂtshɹ } 'nominalizer' ( lexically determined variant 2 )

PNI * / (a)Ɂtshɹ /.
Tu. / (a)Ɂtʃhr / in / ranə̃hkʷaɁtʃhrajə̃Ɂˈnɛːrih / 'healer [lit. he knows medicine]'
(cf. Rudes 1999:594).
Mo. / (a)Ɂtsheɹ / in / kanũhkʷaɁtsheˈɹiːjo / 'good medicine, a good remedy'
(cf. Maracle 1990:273).
Oe. / (a)Ɂtsl / in / wahsaɁkaɁˈtslaksʌ̃ / 'tuberculosis [lit. the coughing is bad]'
Oo. / ɁtshR / 'nominalizer suffix' (cf. Woodbury 2003:977).
Ca. / (a)Ɂtshɹ / 'nominalizer', Lower Ca. / (a)Ɂthɹ / (cf. Froman et al. 2002:708).
Se. / (a)Ɂsh / in / oɁkehotɔ̃kʷaɁˈshækahaːthoɁ / 'I turned the key'
(cf. Chafe 1967:25).
Hu. / (a)Ɂʃhɹ / in / atẽˈnaɁʃhɹaɁ / <Atendacha> 'Provisions, vivres, viatique'
(MS 59:23), / Ɂ / assumed present, / ɹ / lost in Rock dialect.
Wy. / (a)Ɂʃɹ- / in / tahɔ̃tɛ̃ˈnaɁʃɹahʃaht / 'their food ran out'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:295).
417
⁰⁸² PI * { t } 'causative-instrumental' ( lexically determined variant 1 )
PI * / t /.
Ch. / t / in / ȕːlhàwìːttánə̃ː́ Ɂi ̋ː / 'he made it fly' (Feeling & Pulte 1975:21).
PNI * / t /, * / (h)t /, * / (ah)t /, * / (Ɂ)t /, * / (aɁ)t /.
Tu. / (h)t / in / raˈrihthaɁ / 'he cooks it [lit. makes it cooked]'
(cf. Rudes 1999:567).
Mo. / (h)t / in / kheˈtkʌ̃hthaɁ / 'I make, cause something to be ugly
[lit. make it ugly]' (cf. Maracle 1990:150).
Oe. / (aɁ)t / in / jũkʷahlũˈkâːthaɁ / 'she sends word to me [lit. makes me know]'
Oo. / (aɁ)t / in / waɁhatéˈkaɁtaɁ / 'he kindled a fire [lit. made it burn]'
Ca. / (ih)t / in / ẽhˈseːtkiht / 'you will dirty it up [lit. make it dirty]'
Se. / (Ɂ)t / in / kahˈtɔ̃ɁthaɁ / 'I make it disappear [lit. make it lost]'
(cf. Chafe 1967:24).
Hu. / (ah)t / in / ʃɹihˈwaːwaht / <chrih8awat> 'abbrége ton discours'
(MS 59:1), preconsonantal / h / assumed present.
Wy. / (ah)t / in / aɁˈʃakjesaht / 'you spoiled it [lit. made it wasted]'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:59).
⁰⁸³ PI * { hst } 'causative-instrumental' ( lexically determined variant 2 )

PI * / hst /.
Ch. / hst / in / ȁːjéːɁìhstǐːhskóɁi ̋ː / 'he woke him up [lit. made him wake]'
(Feeling & Pulte 1975:63).
PNI * / hst /.
Tu. / hst / in / ratokə̃hˈtihsthaɁ / 'he sanctifies [lit. makes it sanctified]'
(cf. Rudes 1999:641).
Mo. / hst / in / kkaˈjũhsthaɁ / 'I make something look old [lit. make it old]'
(cf. Maracle 1990:54).
Oe. / st / in / latatkʷeˈnjʌ̃staɁ / 'he thinks he's better
[lit. makes himself superior]' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:141).
Oo. / st / in / ẽwaːtæːɁshwíˈjostaɁ / 'it will be good luck
[lit. will be made lucky]' (cf. Woodbury 2003:110).
Ca. / hst / in / ẽhsaɁnikõˈhiːjohs / 'your mind will adjust
[lit. will be made good]' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:520).
418
Se. / st / in / ɛ̃ˈkanɔ̃Ɂnos / 'it will get cold [lit. will be made cold]'
(cf. Chafe 1967:24).
Hu. / hst / in / ʃjaɁtaˈnohsthaɁ / <chiaatand8sθa?> 'as tu froid?
[lit. your body is made cold?]' (MS 59:106), preconsonantal / h /
assumed present.
Wy. / hst / in / nusahaˈaɁtanuhst / 'when he got cold again
[lit. was made cold again]' (cf. Barbeau 1960:173).
⁰⁸⁴ PNI * { hkw } 'instrumental'

PNI * / (a)hkw /.
Tu. / (a)hkw / in / jə̃ɁnɛkaɁˈnahkhwaɁ / 'lighter [lit. one uses it to make a fire]'
(cf. Rudes 1999:608).
Mo. / (a)hkw / in / jũtekaɁˈtahkhwaɁ / 'matches, a lighter, flint
[lit. one uses it to make a fire]' (cf. Maracle 1990:20).
Oe. / (a)hkw / in / jũtekaɁˈtakhwaɁ / 'she or someone uses it to make a fire'
Oo. / (a)hkw / in / ũtekáɁˈtakhwaɁ / 'matches, kindling, lighter, stove
[lit. one uses it to make a fire]' (cf. Woodbury 2003:837).
Ca. / hkw / in / ehˈjatõhkhwaɁ / 'pencil [lit. one uses it to write]'
Se. / (a)hkw / in / jenijɔ̃ˈtahkwaɁ / 'people use it for hanging'
(cf. Chafe 1967:24).
Hu. / (a)hkw / in / kwatõjehˈstahkhwaɁ / <k8atonïesta‛k8a>
'nous respirons par là' (MS 59:33).
Wy. / (a)hkw / in / hɔ̃tahsehˈtahkwaɁ / 'they use it to hide themselves there'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:306).
⁰⁸⁵ PI * { kʷ } 'reversive' ( PNI lexically determined variant 1 )

PI * / (a)kʷ /.
Ch. / (a)k / in / hìlàki ̋ː / 'take it out of a container! [lit. un-put it in!]'
(Feeling & Pulte 1975:99).
PNI * / (a)kw / before vowels, * / (a)ko / elsewhere.
Tu. / (a)kw / in / raɁnə̃hˈnaːkwahs / 'he exhumes it [lit. un-buries it]'
(cf. Rudes 1999:581).
Mo. / (a)kw / in / keɁskũˈtakwahs / 'I draw something out of the fire
[lit. un-put it on the fire]' (cf. Maracle 1990:38).
419
Oe. / (a)kw / in / lonũwaloˈtakwʌ̃ / 'he has pulled the nails out
[lit. un-stood-up the nails]' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:617).
Oo. / (a)kw / in / hateɁskṹˈtaːkwas / 'he is taking it out of the oven
[lit. un-putting it on the fire]' (cf. Woodbury 2003:128).
Ca. / ko / in / ẽtshatshaˈtõːkoɁ / 'you will unearth it [lit. un-bury it]'
Se. / ko / in / sehotɔ̃ːkoh / 'open the door! [lit. un-shut the door!]'
(cf. Chafe 1967:24).
Hu. / (a)w / in / taxitõnjoˈtawaɁs / <Ta˛itonni8ta8as> 'arrache moy ce clou
[lit. un-stand-up the nail for me!]' (MS 59:201), loss of * / k /
anomalous.
Wy. / (a)w / in / sahɔ̃kjaɁˈtɔ̃tawaɁ / 'they unfastened the body
[lit. un-attached the body]' (cf. Barbeau 1960:293).
⁰⁸⁶ PNI * { hsj } 'reversive' ( lexically determined variant 2 )

PNI * / (a)hsj / before vowels, * / (a)hsi / elsewhere.
Tu. / hsj / in / rahˈtrə̃hsjə̃hs / 'he unties it' (cf. Rudes 1999:668).
Mo. / hsj / in / khehneˈɹʌ̃hsjũhs / 'I untie someone' (cf. Maracle 1990:134).
Oe. / (a)hsi / in / waɁkahˈkwahsiɁ / 'I took the covers off [lit. un-covered]'
Oo. / (a)hsj / in / tekaǽhˈtahsjũs / 'I take my shoes off [lit. un-shoe myself]'
Ca. / (a)hsi / in / ẽsathɹõˈnjahsiɁ / 'you will take your clothes off [lit. un-dress]'
Se. / hs / in / tewakɛ̃ːhsoˈwehsɔ̃ːh / 'I've uncovered my feet' (cf. Chafe 1967:23).
⁰⁸⁷ PNI * { Ɂ } 'inchoative'

PNI * / (a)Ɂ /.
Tu. / Ɂ / in / rohnaˈtaːwə̃Ɂθ / 'he becomes warm' (cf. Rudes 1999:670).
Mo. / (a)Ɂ / in / waˈtjeːsaɁs / 'it becomes easy, opportune'
(cf. Maracle 1990:100).
Oe. / (a)Ɂ / in / waɁohˈtsîːklaneɁ / 'it got cloudy, suddenly there were clouds'
Oo. / (a)Ɂ / in / aṹˈtaɁih / 'it has become attached, it has grown onto it'
Ca. / Ɂ / in / aˈkowanheɁ / 'it became big' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:737).
420
Se. / Ɂ / in / aˈkjɛ̃ːɁɔ̃h / 'I've gotten hurt' (cf. Chafe 1967:23).
Hu. / (a)Ɂ / in / ehʃihnaxẽɹaˈtaɁhaɁ / <echinda˛enrataha>
'ta peau deviendra blanche' (MS 59:68), / Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. / (a)Ɂ / in / jaˈkjeːsaɁs / 'it gets easy' (cf. Barbeau 1960:284).
⁰⁸⁸ PI * { ts } 'dative-benefactive' ( PNI lexically determined variant 1 )

PI * / ts /.
Ch. / s / in / hȉːwìhsìhsi ̋ː / 'plant for him!' (Cook 1979:139).
PNI * / ts /, * / (h)ts /, * / (ah)ts /, * / (Ɂ)ts /, * / (aɁ)ts /.
Tu. / (ah)θ / in / waɁakoɁnə̃nˈhoɁkthahθ / 'one's time came to an end
[lit. life ended on one]' (cf. Rudes 1999:476).
Mo. / (h)s / in / ʌ̃hihˈjaːtũhseɁ / 'I'll write for him'
(cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:428).
Oe. / (aɁ)s / in / nakũjatjeːˈlâːseɁ / 'I should do it for you'
Oo. / (aɁ)s / in / shakotáˈtjaɁsek / 'he speaks for them' (cf. Woodbury 2003:86).
Ca. / (ah)s / in / haɁhohaˈhoɁkthahs / 'he died [lit. the road ended on him]'
Se. / (Ɂ)s / in / ˈwaːkhniːnɔ̃Ɂs / 'he bought it for me' (cf. Chafe 1967:24).
Hu. / (Ɂ)s / in / taxetsaˈɹohoɁs / <ta˛etsarohos> 'donne moy a petuner'
(MS 59:160), / Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. / (aɁ)s / in / awajatɹiːʒeˈrihaɁs / 'I would believe it
[lit. the matter would be right to me]' (cf. Barbeau 1960:264).
⁰⁸⁹ PNI * { ẽ } 'dative-benefactive' ( lexically determined variant 2 )

PNI * / ẽ /.
Tu. / ə̃ / in / ə̃hskwanə̃hkʷaɁˈtʃrə̃ːtjə̃Ɂ / 'you must make medicine for me'
(cf. Rudes 1999:173).
Mo. / ʌ̃ / in / ʌ̃hshakohtahˈkũnjʌ̃Ɂ / 'he'll make shoes for her'
Oe. / ʌ̃ / in / waɁkũjahˈsehtʌ̃Ɂ / 'I hid it from you'
Oo. / ẽ / in / waɁkũjatjaɁtáhˈtũɁtẽɁ / 'I hid from you' (cf. Woodbury 2003:90).
Ca. / ẽ / in / ahõwatinõhˈsõnjẽɁ / 'they built him a house'
Se. / ɛ̃ / in / oɁˈkɔ̃ihsaːkɛ̃Ɂ / 'I looked for it for you' (cf. Chafe 1967:25).
421
Hu. / ẽ / in / eshõˈxjõnjẽɁ / <eson˛onnien> 'il nous mettra' (MS 59:184).
Wy. / ɛ̃ / in / eskejaˈʒaɁsɛ̃Ɂ / 'you will pay me' (cf. Barbeau 1960:105).
⁰⁹⁰ PNI * { ni } 'dative-benefactive' ( lexically determined variant 3 )

PNI * / ni /, * / (a)ni /, * / (ẽ)ni /.
Tu. / (a)ti / in / naɁrihwaksaˈɁaːtih / 'one damns another
[lit. spoils the matter for another]' (cf. Rudes 1999:571).
Mo. / ni / in / ɹihjaˈtũːnihs / 'I write for him' (cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:428).
Oe. / (ʌ̃)ni / in / jũkʷanitjohkũnjʌ̃ːˈniheɁ / 'she's forming a group for me'
Oo. / (ẽ)ni / in / hotateɁskũtẽˈ́ nih / 'he has fried it for himself'
Ca. / (a)ni / in / skekẽhẽɁˈtaːnih / 'you are sick of me'
Se. / ni / in / hakhjatɔ̃ːniːh / 'he has written it for me' (cf. Chafe 1967:25).
Hu. / (ẽ)ni / in / axahsõtawaɁˈsẽːnihk / <a˛asonta8asennik>
'la nuit me semble courte' (MS 59:1).
Wy. / (a)ni / in / teɔ̃ihˈkwaːnih / 'she takes them away from us'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:178).
⁰⁹¹ PNI * { n } 'dislocative' ( lexically determined variant 1 )

PNI * / n /, * / (h)n /, * / (ah)n /, * / (Ɂ)n /, * / (aɁ)n /.
Tu. / (h)t / in / jɛwiraˈjə̃htɛɁ / 'she is going to have a baby' (cf. Rudes 1999:33).
Mo. / (aɁ)n / in / ɹothsaɁahˈtâːnũ / 'he has gone to burn it'
Oe. / (aɁ)n / in / waɁkataˈtjâːnaɁ / 'I'm going there to speak'
Oo. / (ah)n / in / hata·ˈtjahneɁs / 'he goes to talk' (cf. Woodbury 2003:86).
Ca. / (Ɂ)n / in / ẽjõtaˈwẽɁnaɁ / 'she will go swimming'
Se. / (Ɂ)n / in / haːneˈkeæɁneɁs / 'he goes drinking' (cf. Chafe 1967:25).
Hu. / (aɁ)n / in / sakõhʃoˈtaɁna / <Sakonchi8tanda> 'vas inviter' (MS 59:70),
/ Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. / (aː)n / in / sahatɛ̃ːninɔ̃hˈstaːnaɁ / 'he went to trade again'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:223).
422
⁰⁹² PNI * { h } 'dislocative' ( lexically determined variant 2 )
PNI * / h /.
Tu. / h / in / wɛwahˈknə̃hɛɁ / 'it was going and coming' (cf. Rudes 1999:19).
Mo. / h / in / ɹotoˈɹathũ / 'he has gone to hunt' (cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:447).
Oe. / h / in / wakatlohˈlokhũ / 'I have gone there to watch'
Oo. / h / in / tewakaǽhˈtathũh / 'I have gone somewhere to run'
Ca. / h / in / sihˈsaːkhah / 'go and look for it' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:738).
Se. / h / in / ˈhoihsakhɔ̃ːh / 'he's gone looking for it' (cf. Chafe 1967:25).
Hu. / h / in / taxeɁnhataɁeɁsẽˈniha / <ta˛ennhataesenniha>
'vas bucher pr. moy' (MS 59:3).
Wy. / h / in / ahatiɁˈʒaɁkaɁ / 'they went out hunting' (cf. Barbeau 1960:112).
⁰⁹³ PNI * { ts } 'dislocative' ( lexically determined variant 3 )

PNI * / ts /, * / (h)ts /, * / (ah)ts /, * / (Ɂ)ts /, * / (aɁ)ts /.
Tu. / θ / in / rə̃ɁˈnhɛːkθɛɁ / 'he is going to play a game' (cf. Rudes 1999:24).
Mo. / (Ɂ)s / in / ɹojoɁtʌ̃ɁˈsũhneɁ / 'he had gone to work'
Oe. / (h)s / in / waɁkatliˈjohsaɁ / 'I'm going to go there and fight'
Ca. / (ah)s / in / haˈjẽthwahseɁ / 'he is going to plant'
Se. / (ah)s / in / waːjɛ̃ˈthwahsaɁ / 'he went planting' (cf. Chafe 1967:25).
⁰⁹⁴ PNI * { tsɹ } 'dislocative' ( lexically determined variant 4 )

PNI * / tsɹ /, * / (h)tsɹ /, * / (Ɂ)tsɹ /;
Tu. / (h)θr / in / kiheˈjə̃hθrɛɁ / 'I am going to die' (cf. Rudes 1999:28).
Mo. / seɹ / in / tsheɁˈnhâːseɹũ / 'you have gone to hire him'
Oe. / (h)sl / in / tehashʌ̃ˈthohslehseɁ / 'he goes around crying'
Oo. / (h)sR / in / tẽkatawẽː́ ˈjehsæːɁ / 'I am going to take a walk'
Ca. / (Ɂ)tsɹ / in / sẽˈtaɁtsɹah / 'you go to sleep', Lower Ca. / sẽˈtaɁtɹah /
423
Se. / sR / in / ɛ̃katɛ̃ˈnɔ̃Ɂɔ̃shæɁ / 'I'll go and watch over it' (cf. Chafe 1967:25).
Hu. / (h)ʃr / in / satsihstahˈɹehʃɹah / <Satsistarecha> 'vas attiser le feu'
(MS 59:138), preconsonantal / h / assumed present, / ɹ / has become
/ h / in Rock dialect.
Wy. / (Ɂ)ʃɹ / in / hehˈsehskjɔ̃Ɂʃɹah / 'you go to make love to him'
⁰⁹⁵ PNI * { ɹ } 'dislocative' ( lexically determined variant 5, limited to Iroquoia )

PNI * / ɹ /, * / (h)ɹ /, * / (Ɂ)ɹ /.
Mo. / (Ɂ)ɹ / in / ɹohniˈnũ̂ːɹũ / 'he has gone to buy'
Oo. / (h)R / in / tẽkatataːˈwihæːɁ / 'I will go to trade' (cf. Woodbury 2003:81).
Se. / (h)R / in / hohˈkiɁwaːɔ̃h / 'he has gone on the warpath'
(cf. Chafe 1967:25).
⁰⁹⁶ PNI * { njõː } 'distributive' ( lexically determined variant 1 )

PNI * / (a)njõː /.
Tu. / (a)tjə̃ː / in / wahratoˈraːtjə̃ːɁ / 'he swam all over the place'
(cf. Rudes 1999:69).
Mo. / (a)njũ / in / kaˈthstanjũhs / 'I use various things'
Oe. / (a)njũ / in / kahsehˈtanjũheɁ / 'I'm hiding things here and there'
Oo. / njũ / in / otaɁaǽˈteːnjũɁ / 'cobwebs [lit. several webs existing]'
Ca. / njõ / in / ohnaˈwaotõnjõɁ / 'springs [lit. several springs standing]'
Se. / njɔ̃ / in / kateːnjɔ̃Ɂ / 'things are in place [lit. it exists severally]'
(cf. Chafe 1967:24).
Hu. / njõ / in / texanõhʃaɁˈʃɹõnjõɁ / <te˛annonchiachonnion>
'Maison a pl. étages' (MS 59:2).
Wy. / njɔ̃ / hatiɁʒaˈkõnjɔ̃Ɂ / 'they shot several times' (cf. Barbeau 1960:306).
⁰⁹⁷ PNI * { nõː } 'distributive' ( lexically determined variant 2 )

PNI * / nõː /, * / (h)nõː /, * / (ah)nõː /, * / (Ɂ)nõː /, * / (aɁ)nõː /;
Tu. / (ah)nə̃ː / in / waɁkajɛɁtiˈkʷahnə̃ːɁ / 'they sewed (several garments)'
424
(cf. Rudes 1999:21).
Ca. / (h)nõ / in / kaˈhaɁtõhnõɁ / 'a clothesline [lit. several things drying]'
Se. / (h)nɔ̃ / in / haːwiːnɔ̃h / 'he's carrying things' (cf. Chafe 1967:24).
Hu. / (aɁ)nõ / in / hajẽhwiˈtaɁnõhk / <haïenh8itannonk> 'il ē a toute main'
Wy. / (aɁ)nɔ̃ / in / hɔ̃waɛ̃hˈtaɁnɔ̃ / 'they hit him all over' (cf. Barbeau 1960:168).
⁰⁹⁸ PNI * { hõː } 'distributive' ( lexically determined variant 3 )

PNI * / (a)hõː /.
Tu. / hə̃ː / in / wahratoˈraːthə̃ːɁ / 'he hunted several' (cf. Rudes 1999:16).
Mo. / hũ / in / khsaˈɁahthũhs / 'I do many things' (cf. Maracle 1990:50).
Oe. / hũ / in / wahalũɁˈtathũɁ / 'he shot several'
Oo. / hũ / in / tejakotawẽː́ ˈjehũɁ / 'they are traveling in various places'
Se. / hɔ̃ / in / ˈhaihsakhɔ̃h / 'he's looking for several things,
looking in several places' (cf. Chafe 1967:24).
Hu. / (a)hõː / in { -njaɁwahõː- } 'throw up all over', cf. <Tontagandia8ahon>
'Multip. plus.rs vomir ou vomir plus.rs ch' (MS 59:97), long vowel
assumed present.
⁰⁹⁹ PNI * { õː } 'distributive' ( lexically determined variant 4 )

PNI * / õː /.
Mo. / ũ / in / jokahˈɹũːtũɁ / 'it has holes in it [lit. several holes attached]'
(cf. Maracle 1990:129).
Oe. / ũ / in / tewahũhˈtũːtũ̂ː / 'it has ears [lit. ears attached]'
Oo. / ũ / in / konṹhsaˈjẽːtũɁ / 'they have several houses'
Ca. / õ / in / akhnõhˈsoːtõɁ / 'I have several houses'
Se. / ɔ̃ / in / kaˈtsiːotɔ̃Ɂ / 'things are blocked up' (cf. Chafe 1967:24).
Hu. / õː / in { -niotõː- } 'several attached', cf. <gandi8ton> 'Multip. plus.rs. ch.
etre fichées en q.l.' (MS 59:102), long vowel assumed present.
425
¹⁰⁰ PNI * { ɹõː } 'distributive' ( lexically determined variant 5 )
PNI * / (a)ɹõː /.
Tu. / rə̃ː / in / wahratiˈjə̃Ɂkhrə̃ːɁ / 'he shot several (arrows)'
(cf. Rudes 1999:212).
Oo. / (a)hẽː / in / ẽkaháɁˈtahẽːk / '[several things] will be dry'
Se. / (a)ɔ̃ / in / hatijẽˈthwakwaɔ̃h / 'they (masc. pl.) are harvesting things'
(cf. Chafe 1967:24).
¹⁰¹ PNI * { ɹjõː } 'distributive' ( lexically determined variant 6 )

PNI * / (a)ɹjõː /.
Oe. / (a)ljũ / in / waˈtaliɁ / 'several of something are inside of something'
Oo. / (a)jũ / in / tẽhathnaɁnetaːˈjũɁ / 'he will put on several layers of clothes'
Se. / (a)njɔ̃ / in / wataːnjɔ̃Ɂ / '[several] things inside' (cf. Chafe 1967:40).
Hu. / (a)jõː / in { -atajõː- } 'several inside', cf. <Ataïon> 'Multip. praecedentis
[q.c. etre dedans]' (MS 59:19), long vowel assumed present.
¹⁰² PNI * { tsõː } 'distributive' ( lexically determined variant 7 )

PNI * / tsõː /, * / (h)tsõː /, * / (Ɂ)tsõː /.
Tu. / θə̃ː / in / wahrə̃Ɂˈnhɛːkʷθə̃ːɁ / 'he played games (at different times
or in different locations)' (cf. Rudes 1999:25).
Se. / (Ɂ)sɔ̃ː / in / oɁˈkaɁseɁsɔ̃ːɁ / 'several animals hauled it, or it hauled several
things' (cf. Chafe 1967:24).
Hu. / (Ɂ)sõː / in { -atjeɁsõː- } 'throw several', cf. <Atieson> 'Multip. jetter
plus.rs ch.' (MS 59:28), long vowel and / Ɂ / assumed present.
¹⁰³ PNI * { tsɹõː } 'distributive' ( lexically determined variant 8 )

PNI * / tsɹõː /, * / (h)tsɹõː /, * / (Ɂ)tsɹõː /.
Tu. / θrə̃ / in / joˈrhə̃Ɂθrə̃h / 'days [lit. it several times becomes day]'
(cf. Rudes 1999:28).
Mo. / (h)seɹũ / in / jeˈkhrehseɹũhs / 'I poke, push at something intermittantly'
Oe. / (h)slũ / in / kkalhaˈthohslũheɁ / 'I'm turning over several things'
426
Oo. / (h)sẽː / in / tejotóˈwẽhsẽːɁ / 'it is split into several pieces, it is splintered'
Se. / sjɔ̃ / in / ˈoetkɛ̃Ɂsjɔ̃Ɂ / 'things have spoiled' (cf. Chafe 1967:24).
Hu. / (h)ʃɹõː / in { -atathɹehʃɹõː- } 'several to push against each other',
cf. <K8atatrechon> 'Multip. Recip. plus.rs. S'entrepousser' (MS 59:138),
preconsonantal / h / and long vowel assumed present, / ɹ / has become
¹⁰⁴ PNI * { tjeɁ } 'progressive'

PNI * / (a)tjeɁ /.
Tu. / (a)ɁnjɛɁ / in / tjahwaɁohnə̃ˈhaːɁnjɛɁ / 'so it went along disappearing'
(cf. Rudes 1999:21).
Mo. / (a)tjeɁ / in / wakeɁnjaɁkʌ̃ˈhatjeɁ / 'I am escaping, fleeing, running away'
(cf. Maracle 1990:104).
Oe. / (a)tiɁ / in / jũkwanaklakwʌ̃ˈhatiɁ / 'we're moving around'
Oo. / (a)tjeɁ / in / swakataɁkaíˈtaːtjeɁ / 'I am recovering'
Ca. / (a)tjeɁ / in / saihwahsɹõniˈhaːtjeɁ / 'you are making up the rules
as you go along' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:51).
Se. / tjeɁ / in / hoetkɛ̃ˈɁɔ̃ːtjeɁ / 'he's getting progressively uglier'
(cf. Chafe 1967:28).
Hu. / tjeɁ / in / ekwahˈsõtjeɁ / <ek8asontie> 'nous marcherons toute la nuit'
Wy. / (a)kjeɁ / in / hutiɁnɹaˈwɛ̃hakjeɁ / 'they went dancing along'
¹⁰⁵ PNI * { hs } 'present suffix' ( lexically determined variant 1 )

PNI * / ahs / after a resonant consonant, * / hs / elsewhere.
Tu. / hs / in / ˈwaθnə̃hs / 'it runs dry' (cf. Rudes 1999:52).
Mo. / as / in / ˈkhɹeːnahs / 'I cut, incise, slash, I make a cut, incision'
Oe. / s / in / ˈtjêːleks / 'she's pushing it this way'
AOo. / ahʃ / in / ˈkhɹeːnahʃ / <krenach> 'je coupe' (Shea 1860:99).
Oo. / as / in / ˈkhéːnas / 'I cut' (cf. Woodbury 2003:507).
427
Ca. / hs / in / hanjohs / 'he kills s.t.' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:173).
Se. / as / in / kekwas / 'I pick it' (cf. Chafe 1967:12).
Hu. / ʃ / in / ʃehˈskẽːnahʃ / <chieskendach> 'tu es un Mangeur de Morts'
(MS 59:148).
Wy. / s / in / keaɁˈtihʃahs / 'I look for one' (cf. Barbeau 1960:225).
¹⁰⁶ PNI * { ts } 'present suffix' ( lexically determined variant 2 )

PNI * / ts /.
Tu. / θ / in / ˈraɁθkoɁθ / 'he drowns' (cf. Rudes 1999:577).
Mo. / s / in / ˈkêːskoɁs / 'I drown, fall into the water' (cf. Maracle 1990:38).
Oe. / s / in / ˈkêːskoɁs / 'I keep drowning' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:869).
AOo. / s / in <gnonh8es> / ˈknũhweɁs / 'J'aime' (Shea 1860:16).
Oo. / s / in / ˈknṹhweɁs / 'I like it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:730).
Ca. / s / in / hẽˈnatẽnhaɁs / 'they hire it' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:156).
Se. / s / in / ˈiːkeɁs / 'I'm walking around' (cf. Chafe 1967:48).
Hu. / s / in / iˈwaːxẽɁs / <i8a˛ens> '[q.c. bon ou mauv. m'arrive]' (MS 59:167).
Wy. / s / in / haˈtɛ̃taɁs / 'he hires' (cf. Barbeau 1960:224).
¹⁰⁷ PNI * { haɁ } 'present suffix' ( lexically determined variant 3 )

PNI * / haɁ /.
Tu. / haɁ / in / rajɛˈθaɁthaɁ / 'he curses' (cf. Rudes 1999:571).
Mo. / haɁ / in / kheˈjehthaɁ / 'I wake someone up' (cf. Maracle 1990:47).
Oe. / haɁ / in / jũhˈlũkhaɁ / 'she speaks or understands the language'
Oo. / haɁ / in / teháˈhithaɁ / 'he smashes it, he breaks things up'
Ca. / haɁ / in / kaˈhõːkhaɁ / 'I understand a language'
Se. / haɁ / in / wahsaːhaɁ / 'it begins' (cf. Chafe 1967:12).
Hu. / haɁ / in / teɁʃahˈɹõkhaɁ / <te chia‛ronχa> 'tu n'obeïs point' (MS 59:13),
Wy. / haɁ / in / haːˈɹɔ̃kaɁ / 'he hears' (cf. Barbeau 1960:154).
¹⁰⁸ PNI * { h } 'present suffix' ( lexically determined variant 4 )

PNI * / h /.
Tu. / h / in / rahkaˈrə̃ːtih / 'he chips it, he makes chips' (cf. Rudes 1999:172).
428
Mo. / Ø / word-finally in / ɹatheˈɹũːni / 'he is making a basket'
Oe. / heɁ / in / kũːˈniheɁ / 'I'm making it' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:756).
Oo. / k / in / ˈkhníːnũk / 'I am a buyer, I buy' (cf. Woodbury 2003:538).
Ca. / h / in / ˈkõːnih / 'I make, earn' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:191).
Se. / h / in / jeˈsheɁɔ̃ːnih / 'she makes the dough' (cf. Chafe 1967:12).
Hu. / hk / in / xõatehaɁˈsẽːnihk / <˛onatehasennik> 'jay honte pr. toy'
(MS 59:22), / h / assumed present.
¹⁰⁹ PNI * { hsk } 'imperfective suffix' ( cf. Cherokee imperfective verbs in { hsk } )
PNI * / hsk /.
OMo. / hsk / in / ˈjahtə̃Ɂ shakohseˈɹũːnihsk / <Ja‛ten Sagoseronnisk>
'il ne les accode point d’habits' (MS 58:10).
Mo. / hs / in / katheˈɹũːnihs / 'I make baskets' (cf. Maracle 1990:123).
Ca. / hs / in / ˈkõːnihs / 'I make, earn' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:191).
¹¹⁰ PNI * { kʷ } 'past habitual suffix'

PNI * / kʷ / or * / kʷVɁ /.
Mo. / kʷeɁ / in / ɹathˈsokwahskʷeɁ / 'he used to smoke'
Oe. / kʷeɁ / in / wakʌ̃ːˈlehkʷeɁ / 'it was scarce'
Oo. / kʷaɁ / in / shakohkaːhǽɁˈsehkʷaɁ / 'he used to be jealous of her'
Se. / kʷaɁ / in / haˈnɔ̃eɁskʷaɁ / 'he used to like it' (cf. Chafe 1967:28).
Hu. / kʷaɁ / in / aɁtjõxwẽˈɹẽːtẽhskʷaɁ / <ation8enrentensk8a>
'il nous manquoit qlq. nous etions moins ql. ne falloit' (MS 59:170),
Wy. / kʷaɁ / in / jeɁehtiʃaˈkeɁskʷaɁ / 'I used to hunt for clawmarks of the bear'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:235).
¹¹¹ PNI * { Ɂ } 'punctual suffix' ( lexically determined variant 1 )

PNI * / Ɂ / in modal verbs, * / h / in imperative verbs.
Tu. / Ɂ / in / waɁˈkjɛːnə̃ːɁ / 'I held it' (cf. Rudes 1999:503); / Ø / word-finally in
/ ˈtʃeːnə̃ː / 'hold it!' (cf. Rudes 1999:503).
Mo. / Ɂ / in / ʌ̃haˈnohaɹeɁ / 'he will wash' (cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:447);
429
/ Ø / word-finally in / seˈnohare / 'wash!'
Oe. / Ɂ / in / waɁkahˈtsjohaleɁ / 'I washed my hands'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:84); / Ø / word-finally in / sahˈtsjohale /
'Wash your hands!' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:84).
Oo. / Ɂ / in / waɁkéˈktũɁ / 'I examined it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:663); / h / in
/ seˈktũh / 'Check it out!' (cf. Woodbury 2003:663).
Ca. / Ɂ / in / ẽhˈsheːtẽːɁ / 'you will pity her' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:487); / Ø /
word-finally in / tahˈskiːtẽː / 'pity me' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:487).
Se. / Ɂ / in / ɛ̃sniːkɛ̃Ɂ / 'you'll see it' (cf. Chafe 1967:17); / h / in / haːkɛ̃h /
'let him see it!' (cf. Chafe 1967:12).
Hu. / Ɂ / in / aɁthaɹihnaɁˈneːtẽɁ / <aθaɹindandeten> 'il a redit deux fois
la m. ch.' (MS 59:86), / Ɂ / assumed present; / h / in / taxɹihwaˈwahtẽh /
<Ta˛rih8awa‛ten> 'abbrége moy cette affaire' (MS 59:1), / h / assumed
present.
Wy. / Ɂ / in / eːʒaːˈʒuɁ / 'he will kill you' (cf. Barbeau 1960:82).
¹¹² PNI * { ẽɁ } 'punctual suffix' ( lexically determined variant 2 )

PNI * / ẽɁ / in modal verbs, * / ẽh / in imperative verbs.
Mo. / ʌ̃Ɂ / in / ʌ̃jũteɁˈnjə̃ːtʌ̃Ɂ / 'she will try' (cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:456);
/ ʌ̃ / in / sateɁˈnjʌ̃ːtʌ̃ / 'try it!' (cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:500).
Oe. / ə̃Ɂ / in / waɁkenjũːˈtʌ̃ː̂ / 'I suspended it'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:630); / ə̃ / in / satkə̃hanjũːˈtə̃ /
'Put on an apron!' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:251).
Oo. / ẽɁ / in / ẽhahsoˈtsjoːtẽɁ / 'he will pile it up' (cf. Woodbury 2003:559);
/ ẽh / in / soːˈtsjoːtẽh / 'Pile it up!' (cf. Woodbury 2003:559).
Ca. / ẽɁ / in / ẽhsnaɁˈtsoːtẽɁ / 'you will boil it' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:535);
/ ẽh / in setsihˈstoːtẽh / 'turn on the light' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:535).
Se. / ɛ̃Ɂ / in / ɛ̃snijõːtɛ̃Ɂ / 'you will hang it' (cf. Chafe 1967:15); / ɛh̃ / in
/ snijɔ̃ːtɛ̃h / 'hang it up!' (cf. Chafe 1967:12).
Hu. / ẽɁ / in / aɁshõxwaxõɹeˈsõːtẽɁ / <ason˛8a˛onresonten> '[Dieu] nous a fait
des mains' (MS 59:71), / Ɂ / assumed present; / ẽh / in / tiseɁnahˈʃoːtẽh /
<ti sendachi8ten> 'tire ta langue' (MS 59:85), / h / assumed present.
Wy. / ɛ̃Ɂ / in / tahatiˈɹõːtɛ̃Ɂ / 'he pulled it' (cf. Barbeau 1960:158).
430
¹¹³ PNI * { Ø } 'punctual suffix' ( lexically determined variant 3 )
PNI * / Ø / in both modal and imperative verbs.
Tu. / Ø / word-finally in / ə̃Ɂˈnjɛtʃnə̃ht / 'one will get down there'
(cf. Rudes 1999:6).
OMo. / Ø / word-finally in / wahsɹihˈwahstoht / <8asrih8asθot>
'tu amoindris l'affaire' (Bruyas 1863:102).
Mo. / eɁ / in / ʌ̃haˈtoːɹateɁ / 'he will hunt' (cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:447);
/ Ø / word-finally in / saˈtoːɹat / 'hunt!' (cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:447).
Oe. / eɁ / in / waɁkeɁˈnetskahteɁ / 'I loosened it'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:852); / Ø / word-finally in / seɁˈnetskat /
'loosen it!' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:852).
Oo. / Ø / word-finally in / aːháːˈkaːjaɁk / 'he would pay'
Ca. / Ø / word-finally in / ẽhˈsehsthoɁtɹẽht / 'you will pluck feathers'
Se. / Ø / word-finally in / sɔ̃Ɂneːk / 'move out of the way!'
(cf. Chafe 1967:13).
Hu. / Ø / word-finally in / tiˈsaɁehst / <ti saest> 'perce cela' (MS 59:3).
Wy. / Ø / word-finally in / naɁˈjɔ̃ːnɔ̃t / 'that I gave to you'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:124).
¹¹⁴ PNI * { n } 'punctual suffix' ( lexically determined variant 4 )

PNI * / n / in both modal and imperative verbs.
Tu. / Ø / word-finally in / waɁˈkhɛnhaɁ / 'I hired him' (cf. Rudes 1999:595).
OMo. / n / in / ʌ̃kaɹihwaˈtoːkʌ̃Ɂn / <egarih8atogenn> 'Cela se vérifiera'
(Bruyas 1863:104).
Mo. / neɁ / in / wahaˈɹaːtaɁneɁ / 'he stepped on it'
(cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:446); / n / in / seˈraːtaɁn / 'step on it!'
Oe. / neɁ / in / ˈwâːtshaneɁ / 'you finished it'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:400); / n / in / ˈitshan / 'Finish it!'
Oo. / nhaɁ / in / ẽshũtateːjẽnẽˈ́ taɁnhaɁ / 'they will get prepared again'
(cf. Woodbury 2003:81); / nhah / in / sasatateːjẽnẽˈ́ taɁnhah /
'Prepare yourself again!' (cf. Woodbury 2003:81).
Ca. / Ø / word-finally in / aɁˈohtaɁ / 'it got full, finished eating'
431
Se. / t / in / oɁjɔ̃ːsheɁt / 'it became long' (cf. Chafe 1967:24).
Hu. / haɁ / in / ewatjeˈsaɁhaɁ / <e8atiesaha> 'cela deviendra facile'
(MS 59:27), / Ɂ / assumed present; / hah / in / satsaˈxẽɁhah / 'go out!',
cf. <Satsa˛enha> 'Sors' (MS 59:39), final / h / assumed present.
¹¹⁵ PNI * { õh } 'perfect suffix' ( lexically determined variant 1 )

PNI * / õh /.
Tu. / ə̃ / in / joɁnahˈθɛhnə̃ / 'it is occult [lit. has been hidden]'
(cf. Rudes 1999:24).
Mo. / ũ / in / ɹotoˈɹaːtũ / 'he has hunted' (cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:447).
Oe. / ũ / in / lotolaːˈtũ / 'he has hunted' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:255).
Oo. / ũh / in / hawẽhéˈjũh / 'he is dead' (cf. Woodbury 2003:592).
Ca. / õh / in / kanaɁnaˈwẽhtõh / 'it has melted; it is soaked'
Se. / ɔ̃h / in / hajaːsɔ̃h / 'he's called, his name is' (cf. Chafe 1967:12).
Hu. / õh / in / tehojaxẽˈheːjõːh / <tehoïa˛enheon> 'il a les bons morts
de fatigue' (MS 59:79), long vowel and / h / assumed present.
¹¹⁶ PNI * { ẽh } 'perfect suffix' ( lexically determined variant 2 )

PNI * / ẽh /.
Tu. / ə̃ / in / tjoˈjeːrə̃ / 'it happened' (cf. Rudes 1999:504).
Mo. / ʌ̃ / in / tehoɹihˈwahkʷʌ̃ / 'he has sung' (cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:449).
Oe. / ʌ̃ / in / tewakahˈkokwʌ̃ / 'I have searched for it'
Oo. / ẽh / in / akẽː́ ˈnihẽh / 'I have borrowed it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:406).
Ca. / ẽh / in / oˈtahsokwẽh / 'it is faded' (391).
Se. / ɛ̃h / in / hokwɛ̃h / 'he's picked it' (cf. Chafe 1967:12).
Hu. / ẽh / in / ohahˈʃɹahkʷẽh / <ohachak8an> 'Le feu a pris' (MS 59:72),
/ h / assumed present, / r / has become / h / in Rock dialect.
Wy. / ɛ̃h / in / huˈtiɁnɹawɛ̃h / 'they were dancing' (cf. Barbeau 1960:74).
¹¹⁷ PNI * { Ø } 'perfect suffix' ( lexically determined variant 3 )

PNI * / Ø /.
Tu. / Ø / word-finally in / joɁˈnhahnə̃ːt / 'it has a limb or branch'
(cf. Rudes 1999:168).
432
OMo. / Ø / word-finally in / joˈɹahkot / <jorak8t> 'il fait chaud'
(Bruyas 1863:86).
Mo. / (eɁ) / in / joˈɹahkoteɁ / 'it is sunny' (cf. Maracle 1990:20).
Oe. / (eɁ) / in / lanawiːˈloteɁ / 'he has a tooth, he has teeth'
Oo. / (aɁ) / in / óhˈnjoːtaɁ / 'it is protruding from the ground,
it is growing out of the ground' (cf. Woodbury 2003:543).
Ca. / Ø / word-finally in / oˈkwaõt / 'it has a lump; a bulge'
Se. / Ø / word-finally in / kaniːjɔ̃ːt / 'it's hanging, it's been hung'
(cf. Chafe 1967:12).
Hu. / Ø / word-finally in / ˈiːwaːt / <i8at> 'il y a q.c. dedans' (MS 59:19).
Wy. / Ø / word-finally in / tsuˈnɛ̃hstat / '[it is] one grain' (cf. Barbeau 1960:90).
¹¹⁸ PNI * { eɁ } 'perfect suffix' ( lexically determined variant 4 )

PNI * / eɁ /.
Tu. / ɛɁ / in / johˈstoːrɛɁ / 'it is fast' (cf. Rudes 1999:583).
Mo. / eɁ / in / johˈsnoːɹeɁ / 'it is fast, quick, quickly' (cf. Maracle 1990:19).
Oe. / eɁ / in / jakohˈkatsteɁ / 'she's tough' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:62).
Oo. / eɁ / in / hóhˈkasteɁ / 'he is tough' (cf. Woodbury 2003:228).
Ca. / eɁ / in / ohˈsnoːweɁ / 'it is fast, quick' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:114).
Se. / eɁ / in / haɁhaːsteɁ / 'he's strong' (cf. Chafe 1967:12).
Hu. / eɁ / in / otenẽhaˈxaɁteɁ / <otennenha˛ate> 'il y a bcp. de bled'
Wy. / eɁ / in / uhstuːˈɹeɁ / 'it is quick' (cf. Barbeau 1960:285).
¹¹⁹ PNI * { ih } 'perfect suffix' ( lexically determined variant 5 )

PNI * / ih /.
Tu. / i / in / rohə̃Ɂˈnə̃ːtiː / 'he made a clearing' (cf. Rudes 1999:172).
Oo. / ih / in / honáˈtkathwih / 'they have looked at it, they saw it'
Ca. / i / in / akaːˈthɹoːwiː / 'I've told' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:741).
Hu. / ih / in / otahaˈweːxih / <otahaha8e˛i> 'le Chemin ē boûché' (MS 59:126),
/ h / assumed present.
Wy. / ih / in / hutɛ̃ːniˈnɔ̃hstih / 'he has sold it to him' (cf. Barbeau 1960:264).
433
¹²⁰ PNI * { n } 'past perfect suffix'
PNI * / n / or * / nVɁ /.
Mo. / neɁ / in / ɹotoɹaˈthũhneɁ / 'he had gone to hunt'
Oe. / neɁ / in / loleɁsʌ̃ː̂ ˈhnêː / 'he used to be fat'
Oo. / naɁ / in / hatowǽˈtihnaɁ / 'he had been hunting'
Ca. / neːɁ / in / akathɹoˈwihneːɁ / 'I'd told' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:741).
Se. / nɔ̃Ɂ / in / haˈjasɔ̃ːnɔ̃Ɂ / 'it was his name, he was called' (cf. Chafe 1967:28).
Hu. / nẽɁ / in / naõxaɹahˈskʷẽhnẽɁ / <d'aon˛arask8annen>
'le dessein que javois de partir' (MS 59:5), / Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. / nɛ̃Ɂ / in / hunatɹiˈʒuːnɛ̃Ɂ / 'they had fought' (cf. Barbeau 1960:292).
¹²¹ PNI * { nskõːh } 'facilitative suffix'

PNI * / nskõːh /.
Tu. / θkə̃ː / in / jawə̃ɁtahkraɁˈnihθkə̃ː / 'inflammable
[lit. the flame stands up easily]' (cf. Rudes 1999:601).
Mo. / tskũ / in / tewakenakʷaˈɹatskũ / 'I get out of breath easily'
Oe. / tskʷʌ̃ / 'facilitative' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:739),
shape anomalous.
Oo. / tskũ / 'facilitative suffix' (cf. Woodbury 2003:822).
Ca. / hskõː / in / sẽˈnihahskõː / 'you are a habitual borrower'
Se. / skɔ̃ːh / in / onɔ̃Ɂnɔ̃ˈwɛ̃skɔ̃ːh / 'it melts easily' (cf. Chafe 1967:27).
Hu. / skõːh / in / tesaɹahtaˈthaskõːh / <te sara‛taθaskon>
'tu es un gr. coureur' (MS 59:11), long vowel and / h / assumed present.
Wy. / skɔ̃h / in / najeˈɹihskɔ̃h / 'that I am always willing'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:285).
¹²² PNI * { k } 'modalizer suffix'

PNI * / k /, * / (aː)k /, * / (eː)k /.
Tu. / (aː)k / in / thaɁθaɁtikə̃hˈrə̃ːɁnaːk / 'be calm!' (cf. Rudes 1999:560).
OMo. / (e)k / in / ʌ̃johˈsnoːɹek / <Ejosnoreg> 'ce sera bien viste'
(Bruyas 1863:99).
434
Mo. / (a)k / in / ʌ̃hoˈjə̃ːtakeɁ / 'he will have it' (cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:444).
Oe. / (a)k / in / ʌ̃kaɁslehtiˈjohakeɁ / 'it will be a good car'
Oo. / k / in / ẽhohkáˈstek / 'he will be tough' (cf. Woodbury 2003:228).
Ca. / (aː)k / in / ẽkathɹoˈwihaːk / 'I will be telling' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:741).
Se. / (eː)k / in / ɛ̃ˈwɔ̃kathɔ̃ːteːk / 'I'll continue to be listening'
(cf. Chafe 1967:28).
Hu. / k / in / etsikwahwatsiɹaˈweːxihk / <etsik8ah8atsira8e˛ik>
'nous nous retrouverons avec nos Parents' (MS 59:78).
Wy. / (a)h / in / ewateˈjahstah / 'it will be boiled down' (cf. Barbeau 1960:124).
¹²³ PNI * { aɁ } 'noun suffix'

PNI * / aɁ /.
Tu. / aɁ / in / oˈtʃkjɛrhaɁ / 'beech' (cf. Rudes 1999:553).
Mo. / aɁ / in / kaˈkũhsaɁ / 'mask, face' (cf. Maracle 1990:28).
Oe. / aɁ / in / ohˈsîːtaɁ / 'foot' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:71).
Oo. / aɁ / in / óhˈnaːwaɁ / 'current, rapids' (cf. Woodbury 2003:525).
Ca. / aɁ / in / kaˈkõhsaɁ / 'mask' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:194).
Se. / aɁ / in / oˈnjɛ̃ːtaɁ / 'shin' (cf. Chafe 1967:74).
Hu. / aɁ / in / xaˈnõhʃaɁ / <gannonchia> 'Cabane' (MS 59:116),
Wy. / aɁ / in / jaɁˈnɔ̃hʃaɁ / 'bag' (cf. Barbeau 1960:274).
¹²⁴ PNI * { õweh } 'authenticative suffix'

PNI * / õweh /.
Tu. / ə̃wɛ / in / ə̃kʷɛˈhə̃ːwɛ / 'Indian, Tuscarora [lit. original person]'
(cf. Rudes 1999:158).
Mo. / ũwe / in / ahtahkʷaˈɁũːwe / 'moccasin [lit. original shoe]'
Oe. / ũwe / in / ojũɁkʷaɁũːˈwe / 'Indian tobacco, sacred tobacco
[lit. original tobacco]' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:648).
Oo. / ũweh / in / ahtahkʷáˈɁũːweh / 'moccasin' (cf. Woodbury 2003:220).
Ca. / õweh / in / õkʷeˈhõːweh / 'First Nations, Indian people
[lit. original person]' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:607).
Se. / ɔ̃weh / in / ɔ̃ˈkʷeɁɔ̃ːweh / 'native person, Indian [lit. original person]'
(cf. Chafe 1967:77).
435
¹²⁵ PNI * { haːɁ } 'characterizer suffix'
PNI * / haːɁ /.
Tu. / haːɁ / in / ohahaɁˈkjɛhaːɁ / 'plantain [lit. 'the one that is on the path]'
(cf. Rudes 1999:11).
Mo. / ha / in / ahsũˈthʌ̃kha / 'the night time star, the moon
[lit. the midnight one]' (cf. Maracle 1990:2).
Oe. / ha / in / kalhaˈkũha / 'hawk [lit. the one in the forest]'
Oo. / haɁ / in / onũtaɁkeˈhaɁ / 'Onondaga [lit. the one at the hill]'
Ca. / haːɁ / in / nehaːɁ /, / kehaːɁ /, / khaːɁ / 'customary suffixes'
Se. / haːɁ / in / okeoɁˈtsaɁkeːaɁ / 'green smake [lit. the one on the grass]'
(cf. Chafe 1967:29).
¹²⁶ PNI * { kẽh } 'decessive suffix'

PNI * / kẽh / or * / kẽhVH /.
Tu. / kə̃hɛɁ / in / rohrjahsoˈtkə̃hɛɁ / 'forefathers [lit. deceased grandfather]'
(cf. Rudes 1999:586).
Mo. / kʌ̃ha / in / tjeˈɹkʌ̃ha / 'the late Peter' (cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:121).
Oe. / kʌ̃ / in / aksoˈtkʌ̃ / 'my late grandmother'
Oo. / kẽhæɁ / 'decessive clitic' (cf. Woodbury 2003:458).
Ca. / kẽhẽːɁ / 'decessive suffix' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:714).
Se. / kɛ̃ːɔ̃Ɂ / in / haˈksotkɛ̃ːɔ̃Ɂ / 'my deceased grandfather' (cf. Chafe 1967:29).
¹²⁷ PNI * { tsih } 'intensifier suffix'

PNI * / tsih /.
Tu. / tʃi / in / otokə̃ˈɁə̃htʃi / 'really' (cf. Rudes 1999:635).
Mo. / tsi / in / eˈsôːtsi / 'too many, too much' (cf. Maracle 1990:81).
Oe. / tsiɁ / in / ˈsôːtsiɁ / 'too much' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:668).
Oo. / tsihwẽh / in / tjohnawatétsˈtsihwẽh / 'it is an extra strong current'
Ca. / tsih / in / skẽːnõˈtsih kẽh / 'are you really well?'
436
Se. / tsiːwẽh / in / saˈthɔ̃tehtsiːwɛ̃h / 'you are listening carefully'
(cf. Chafe 1967:25).
¹²⁸ PNI * { keh } 'locative suffix'

PNI * / keh /.
Tu. / kjɛ / in / aˈthoɁkjɛ / 'north [lit. at the cold]' (cf. Rudes 1999:618).
Mo. / ke / in / kanaˈktâːke / 'on a bed, at a place' (cf. Maracle 1990:170).
Oe. / ke / in / kalũhˈjâːke / 'sky, in the sky, heaven [lit. at the sky]'
Oo. / keh / in / onṹːˈtaɁkeh / 'Onondaga territory [lit. at the hill]'
Ca. / keh / in / kahˈnawaɁkeh / 'Caughnawaga [lit. at the rapids]'
Se. / keh / in / hohsoːtkeh / 'where his grandparents are [lit. at his grandfather]'
(cf. Chafe 1967:32).
Hu. / xeh / in / xaɹõhˈjaɁxeh / <˛aronhia˛e> 'dans le Ciel' (MS 59:125),
Wy. / jeh / in / aˈthuɁjeh / 'north [lit. at the cold]' (cf. Barbeau 1960:69).
¹²⁹ PNI * { ɹonõɁ } 'populative suffix' ( lexically determined variant 1 )

PNI * / ɹonõɁ /.
Tu. / ronə̃Ɂ / in / ohwɛnaɁkjɛhˈroːnə̃Ɂ / 'islander
[lit. person or people at the island]' (cf. Rudes 1999:603).
Mo. / ɹonũɁ / in / kaɹhakũhˈɹoːnũɁ / 'a forest dweller,
someone that dwells in the forest' (cf. Maracle 1990:178).
Oe. / lonũɁ / in / latinataɁkehˈloːnũ̀ː / 'city people [lit. people at the city]'
Oo. / hẽnũɁ / in / skẽnẽtṹˈhẽːnũɁ / 'Deer Clan [lit. people of the deer]'
Ca. / honõɁ / in / kahnawakeˈhoːnõɁ / 'Caughnawagan
[lit. people at the rapids]' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:607).
Se. / honɔ̃Ɂ / in / oɁsoæˈkoːonɔ̃Ɂ / 'person from Pinewoods
[lit. Pinewoods person]' (cf. Chafe 1967:29).
Hu. / ɹonõɁ / in / wẽnaˈtɹoːnõɁ / <8endatronnon> 'les hurons' (MS 59:154),
Wy. / ɹunɔ̃Ɂ / in / wataˈjuːɹuːnɔ̃Ɂ / 'underground-dwellers (Cherokees)'
437
(cf. Barbeau 1960:301).
¹³⁰ PNI * { kaːɁ } 'populative suffix' ( lexically determined variant 2 )

PNI * / (a)kaːɁ /.
Tu. / (a)kaːɁ / in / wahkʷɛθaɁθkjɛˈhaːkaːɁ / 'the St. Regis tribe
[lit. people at the great partridge]' (cf. Rudes 1999:20).
Mo. / (a)kaɁ / in / onʌ̃hjoteˈɁaːkaɁ / 'the Oneida Nation
[lit. people of the standing stone]' (cf. Maracle 1990:70).
Oe. / (a)kaɁ / in / onũtaɁkehaːˈkâː / 'Onondaga [lit. people at the hill]'
Oo. / kaɁ / in / onũtaɁkéˈkaɁ / 'Onondaga, Onondaga people'
Ca. / kaːɁ / in / onõtoˈwaɁkaːɁ / 'Seneca [lit. people of the big hill]'
Se. / kaːɁ / in / oˈnɔ̃taɁkeːkaːɁ / 'the Onondaga [lit. people at the hill]'
(cf. Chafe 1967:29).
438
APPENDIX B: PARTICLES AND LEXICAL ROOTS
¹³¹ PNI * { -ah- }, * { -(a)hah- } 'path, road, trail'

Tu. { -ahah- } in / oˈhahɛh / 'aisle, journey, lobby, path, road, track'
(cf. Rudes 1999:8).
La. * { -ah- } in <Addé> 'Ilz appellent le chemin' (Biggar 1924:244).
OMo. { -ah- } in / ˈjohateɁ / <Johate> 'il y a un chemin' (Bruyas 1863:22).
Mo. { -ahah- } in / oˈhahaɁ / 'road, trail, path, way' (cf. Maracle 1990:60).
Oe. { -ahah- } in / oˈhahaɁ / 'road' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:356).
Oo. { -ah- } in / óˈhaːteɁ / '(it is a) road' (cf. Woodbury 2003:216); { -ahah- } in
/ oháˈhaɁkeh / 'on the road' (cf. Woodbury 2003:216).
Ca. { -ahah- } in / oˈhahaɁ / 'road' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:270).
Se. { -ah- } in / oːateɁ / 'road, trail, path, furrow, row of corn kernels'
(cf. Chafe 1967:51).
Hu. { -ahah- } in / aˈhahaɁ / <ahaha> 'ē via' (MS 59:3).
Wy. { -ahah- } in / huhaˈhɔ̃kjeɁ / 'he has come along the road'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:267).
¹³² PNI * { -(a)hetkẽɁ } 'be bad, be ugly, be useless'

Mo. { -hetkʌ̃Ɂ } in / kaˈhetkʌ̃Ɂ / 'it is ugly, hideous, unpleasant'
Oe. { -hetkʌ̃Ɂ } in / laˈhetkʌ̃Ɂ / 'he's ugly' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:367).
Oo. { -ahetkẽɁ } in / wáˈhetkẽɁ / 'it is bad' (cf. Woodbury 2003:226).
Ca. { -hetkẽɁ } in / eˈheːtkẽɁ / 'she is ugly, unruly' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:350).
Se. { -hetkɛ̃Ɂ } in / khetkɛ̃Ɂ / 'I'm bad, ugly' (cf. Chafe 1967:54).
Hu. { -hekẽɁ }, cf. <gahéken> 'paresseux, lasche' (MS 59:74),
¹³³ PNI * { -ahjoɁtsihs }, * { -oɁtsihst- } 'be salty, be sour'

Tu. { -oɁtʃihst- } in / nɛjoɁˈtʃisnɛɁ / 'it is sour' (cf. Rudes 1999:650).
Mo { -ahjoɁtsihs } in / tejohˈjôːtsihs / salty, it is salty' (cf. Maracle 1990:83).
Oe. { -ahjoɁtsis } in / tjohˈjôːtsis / 'salt' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:423).
Oo. { -ahjoɁtsis } in / tejóhˈjoɁtsis / 'it is bitter, it is acid, it is sour'
Ca. { -ahjoɁtsihs } in / teˈjohjoɁtsihs / 'it is sour; salty water'
439
Se. { -ahjoɁtsis } in / teˈjoːjoɁtsis / 'it's sour' (cf. Chafe 1967:58).
Hu. { -oɁtsihst- } in / aoɁˈtsihsteɁ / <aotsiste> 'cela ē aigre' (MS 59:199), / Ɂ /
and / h / assumed present.
¹³⁴ PNI * { -ahkaɹ- } 'bark, wood, wood chips'

Tu. { -ahkar- } in / ˈohkarɛh / 'green bark, slice, timber, wood, yoke'
(cf. Rudes 1999:18).
Mo. { -ahkaɹ- } in / ohˈkaːɹaɁ / 'wood chips, wood shavings'
Oe. { -ahkal- } in / ohkaːˈlâː / 'wood chip' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:62).
Oo. { -ahkaR- } in / óhˈkaːæɁ / 'bark, wood chips' (cf. Woodbury 2003:227).
Se. { -ahkaR- } in / ohkaːaɁ / 'chip' (cf. Chafe 1967:37).
Hu. { -ahkaɹ- } in / ohˈkaːɹaɁ / <o‛kara> 'bois' (MS 59:5).
Wy. { -ahkaɹ- } in / kjuhkaˈɹaːteɁ / '(there is) wood' (cf. Barbeau 1960:146).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:271, Michelson 1988:178 ]
¹³⁵ PNI * { -ahnshẽːh } 'be ten'

Tu. { -ahθhə̃ː } in / ˈwahθhə̃ː / 'ten' (cf. Rudes 1999:27).
No. * { -ahshẽːh } in <Washa> 'Ten' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Su. * { -ahshẽːh } in <Wásha> '10' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
La. <Assem> 'Dix' (Biggar 1924:241).
Mo. { -ahshʌ̃ } in / teˈwahshʌ̃ / 'twenty' (cf. Maracle 1990:23),
with duplicative prefix.
Oe. { -ashʌ̃ } in / teˈwashʌ̃ / 'twenty' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:689),
Oo. { -ashẽh } in / wáˈshẽh / 'ten' (cf. Woodbury 2003:252).
Ca. { -ahshẽː } in / teˈwahshẽː / 'twenty' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:605),
Se. { -ashɛ̃ːh } in / washɛ̃ːh / 'ten' (cf. Chafe 1967:40).
Hu. { -ahsẽːh } in / ˈahshẽːh / <A‛sen> 'Dix' (MS 59:15), postconsonantal and
final / h / and long vowel assumed present.
Wy. / ahˈsɛ̃h / 'ten' (cf. Barbeau 1960:102).
[ cf. Lounsbury 1978:339 ]
440
¹³⁶ PNI * { -(a)hõht- } 'ear'
Tu. { -hə̃hn- } in / oˈhə̃hnɛh / 'ear' (cf. Rudes 1999:202).
No. * { -hõhˀt- } in <Suntunke> 'The ears' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
La. * { -ahõht- } in <Ahontascon> 'Les oreilles' (Biggar 1924:241).
Mo. { -ahũht- } in / oˈhũhtaɁ / 'an ear, the outer ear' (cf. Maracle 1990:243).
Oe. { -ahũht- } in / oˈhũhtaɁ / 'ear' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:86).
Oo. { -ahũht- } in / óˈhũhtaɁ / 'ear' (cf. Woodbury 2003:565).
Ca. { -ahõht- } in / oˈhõhtaɁ / 'ear' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:99).
Se. { -aɔ̃ht- } in / ˈoɔ̃htaɁ / 'ear' (cf. Chafe 1967:39).
Hu. { -ahõht- } in / aˈhõhtaɁ / <Ahonta> 'oreille' (MS 59:4), preconsonantal
Wy. { -ahɔ̃ht- } in / tewahɔ̃hˈteːtsih / 'it has long ears' (cf. Barbeau 1960:273).
[ cf. Mithun 1981b:239 ]
¹³⁷ PNI * { -(a)hɹaːt- } 'count'

Tu. { -hraːt- } in / ˈwaɁkhraːt / 'I counted' (cf. Rudes 1999:211).
Mo. { -ahɹat- } in / ˈkâːɹaths / 'I lay down, I count' (cf. Maracle 1990:24).
Hu. { -ahɹaːt- }, cf. <A‛rati> 'Comter, nombrer' (MS 59:12),
long vowel assumed present.
¹³⁸ PNI * { -ahɹõk- } 'hear, speak a language, understand'

Su. * { -ahɹõk- } in <Zwróncka> 'forstår' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. { -ahɹũk- } in / kahˈɹũkhaɁ / 'I understand, know,
am able to speak a language' (cf. Maracle 1990:26).
Oe. { -ahlũk- } in / jũhˈlũkhaɁ / 'she speaks or understands the language'
Oo. { -ahẽːk- } in / háˈhẽːkhaɁ / 'he understands, he hears'
Ca. { -ahõk- } in / kaˈhõːkhaɁ / 'I understand (a language)'
Se. { -aɔ̃ːk- } in / kaːɔ̃khaɁ / 'I hear it, understand it' (cf. Chafe 1967:39).
Hu. { -ahɹõK- }, cf. <A‛ron˛en> 'entendre, obeir, repondre' (MS 59:13).
Wy. { -aːɹɔ̃K- } in / eɹiːwaːˈɹɔ̃kaɁ / 'I hear a story' (cf. Barbeau 1960:283),
/ aɁˈhaːrɔ̃ / 'he heard' (cf. Barbeau 1960:200).
[ cf. Mithun 1981a:3 ]
441
¹³⁹ PI * { -aːhs- }, * { -aːhsiɁt- } 'foot'
Ch. { -àːhs- } in { -áːhsùːhkàl- } 'claw' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:179), { -àːhsìht- }
in / ùːlȁːsihte̋ːnîː / 'his foot' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:172), with apparent
exchange of / h / and / Ɂ /.
PNI * { -ahs- }, * { -ahsiɁt- } 'foot'.
Tu. { -ahs- } in / ˈkahsɛh / 'my foot' (cf. Rudes 1999:29).
No. * { -ahs- } in <Saseeke> 'The foot' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
La. * { -ahʃiɁt- } in <Ouchidascon> 'Les piedz' (Biggar 1924:242).
Mo. { -ahsiɁt- } in / ohˈsîːtaɁ / 'foot' (cf. Maracle 1990:64).
Oe. { -ahsiɁt- } in / ohˈsîːtaɁ / 'foot' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:71).
Oo. { -ahsiɁt- } in / ohˈsiɁtaɁ / 'foot, hoof' (cf. Woodbury 2003:238).
Ca. { -ahsiɁt- } in / ohˈsiɁtaɁ / 'feet' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:125).
Se. { -ahsiɁt- } in / kahˈsiɁtaɁ / 'my foot' (cf. Chafe 1967:38).
Hu. { -ahʃiɁt- } in / ahˈʃiɁtaɁ / <Achita> 'Pied' (MS 59:3),
/ h / and / Ɂ / assumed present.
[ cf. Lounsbury 1978:342, Mithun 1979:183, Rudes 1995:45 ]
¹⁴⁰ PNI * { ahsẽh } 'three'

Tu. / ˈahsə̃ / 'three' (cf. Rudes 1999:30).
No. <Arsa> 'Three' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
La. <Asche> 'Trois' (Biggar 1924:241).
Su. <Áxe> '3' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. / ˈahsʌ̃ / 'three' (cf. Maracle 1990:2).
Oe. / ˈahsʌ̃ / 'three' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:69).
Oo. / ˈáhsẽh / 'three' (cf. Woodbury 2003:236).
Ca. / ahˈsẽh / 'three' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:605).
Se. / sɛ̃h / 'three' (cf. Chafe 1967:79).
Hu. / ˈahʃẽhk / <Achink> 'Trois' (MS 59:2), reflexes of * / h / and penultimate
accent assumed present, idiosyncratic orthographic <in> perhaps by
analogy with French <cinq> 'five'.
Wy. / ahˈʃẽhk / 'three' (cf. Barbeau 1960:72).
[ cf. Mithun 1979:185, Lounsbury 1978:339 ]
¹⁴¹ PMO * { ahsɹijeɁ } 'string'

Mo. / ahseˈɹiːjeɁ / 'string, thread, rope, cable' (cf. Maracle 1990:2).
Oe. / ahsliːˈjêː / 'string, thread, yarn' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:73).
442
[ cf. Mithun 1981:276, Rudes 1995:55 ]
¹⁴² PNI * { -ahtahkʷ- }, * { ahtaɁ } 'shoe'

Tu. { -ahnahkʷ- } in / ohˈnahkʷaɁ / 'Indian shoe, moccasin' (cf. Rudes 1999:20).
No. * { -ahˀtahkʷ- } in <Yuhtaquaahkum> 'A shoemaker' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
La. <Atha> 'Des soulliers' (Biggar 1924:242).
Mo. / ˈahtaɁ / 'footwear, shoes' (cf. Maracle 1990:2).
Oe. / ˈahtaɁ / 'shoe' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:76).
Oo. { -ahtahkʷ- } in / áhˈtahkʷaɁ / 'shoe' (cf. Woodbury 2003:219).
Ca. { -ahtahkʷ- } in / ahˈtahkʷaɁ / 'shoes' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:289).
Se. { -ahtahkʷ- } in / ahˈtahkʷaɁ / 'shoe' (cf. Chafe 1967:38).
[ cf. Mithun 1979:185, Mithun 1981a:3, Mithun 1984b:276 ]
¹⁴³ PNI * { -ahtjawẽɹeɁ } 'be forbidden, be prohibited, be strict, be taboo'

Mo. { -ahtjawʌ̃ɹeɁ } in / wahtjaˈwʌ̃ːɹeɁ / 'it is forbidden, prohibited'
(cf. Maracle 1990:110).
Oe. { -ahtjawʌ̃leɁ } in / jakohtjawʌ̃ːˈlêː / 'she's self-disciplined, she's trict with
herself' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:85).
Oo. { -ahtjawæeɁ } in / ohtjáˈwæeɁ / 'it is forbidden' (cf. Woodbury 2003:226),
change of vowel anomalous, cf. reflex of PNI * { -hẽɹeht- } 'shout'.
Se. { -ahtjaweeɁ } in / wahtjaweːeɁ / 'it's taboo' (cf. Chafe 1967:38).
Hu. { -ahtjawẽɹeɁ }, cf. <Atia8enre> 'etre defendu, elicite' (MS 59:26),
preconsonantal / h / and final / Ɂ / assumed present.
¹⁴⁴ PNI * { -ahtkaɁw- } 'abandon, give up, leave behind, let go, quit, release'
Mo. { -ahtkaɁw- } in / kahˈtkâːwahs / 'I let go, release, quit, desist, I resign,
abdicate, abandon' (cf. Maracle 1990:35).
Oo. { -atkaɁw- } in / hóˈtkaɁwih / 'he has left it behind, he has let it go'
Ca. { -ahtkaɁw- } in / sahtkaɁs / 'you forfeit, you let go of things all the time'
Se. { -atkaɁw- } in / aˈkatkaɁwɛ̃h / 'I've provided it' (cf. Chafe 1967:43).
Hu. { -ahkaɁw- }, cf. <A‛ka8an> 'cesser, laisser, abandonner q.c. or qlq.'
Wy. { -ahkaɁw- } in / eˈhɔ̃hkaɁ / 'they will give up' (cf. Barbeau 1960:292).
443
¹⁴⁵ PNI * { -ahtõ- }, * { -ahtõɁ- } 'disappear, vanish'
Tu. { -ahnə̃- } in / ˈwahnə̃h / 'it disappears' (cf. Rudes 1999:20).
Mo. { -ahtũɁ- } in / johˈtũ̂ːɁũ / 'it has disappeared, vanished, is lost'
(cf. Maracle 1990:292), with inchoative.
Oe. { -ahtũɁ- } in / johˈtũ̂ːũ / 'it has vanished'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:84), with inchoative.
Oo. { -ahtũ- } in / ˈwáhtũk / 'it disappears, it is easy to lose'
Ca. { -ahtõ- } in / wahtõhs / 'it disappears' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:89).
Se. { -ahtɔ̃Ɂ- } in / ohˈtɔ̃Ɂɔ̃h / 'it's lost' (cf. Chafe 1967:38), with inchoative.
Hu. { -ahtõ- }, cf. <A‛ton> 'etre perdu, égarer, oublié, effacé' (MS 59:31).
¹⁴⁶ PNI * { -ahtseht- } 'hide'

Tu. { -ahθɛht- } in / kahˈθɛhthaɁ / 'I am hiding it' (cf. Rudes 1999:24).
Mo. { -ahseht- } in / kahˈsehthaɁ / 'I hide something, I assassinate'
Oe. { -ahseht- } in / kahˈsethaɁ / 'I keep hiding things'
Oo. { -ahseht- } in / óhˈsehtih / 'she is hiding it, it is hidden'
Ca. { -ahseht- } in / kahˈsehthaɁ / 'I hide s.t.' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:155).
Se. { -ahseht- } in / aˈkahsehtɔ̃h / 'I've hidden it' (cf. Chafe 1967:38).
Hu. { -ahseht- }, cf. <Ase‛ti> 'cacher, dissimuler, déguizer' (MS 59:15), first
Wy. { -ahseht- } in / ehʃaˈtahseht / 'you will hide' (cf. Barbeau 1960:302).
¹⁴⁷ PNI * { -ahtskehnh- } 'argue for, compete for, contend for, fight for'
Tu. { -ahθkjɛnh- } in / rahˈθkjɛnhaɁ / 'he is fighting for it, he is competing for it'
(cf. Rudes 1999:27).
Mo. { -ahskehnh- } in / kahˈskehnhahs / 'I argue for, strive for, contend;
I am a rival for' (cf. Maracle 1990:27).
Oe. { -askenh- } in / kaˈskenhas / 'I try to take something away from someone,
I'm greedy' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:121).
Oo. { -askehnh- } in / hṹˈskehnhas / 'they contend for it'
444
¹⁴⁸ PNI * { ahtsõh }, * { atsõh } 'not yet, still'
Tu. / ˈaθə̃ theɁ / 'not yet' (cf. Rudes 1999:50).
Oe. / ˈahsũ / 'not yet' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:75).
Oo. / ˈáhsũh / 'again, more, yet, still' (cf. Woodbury 2003:241).
Ca. / ahsõh / 'still, yet, some more' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:674).
Hu. / ˈahsõh / <a‛son> 'encore' (MS 59:111),
final / h / and penultimate accent assumed present.
Wy. / sɔ̃h / 'still' (cf. Barbeau 1960:288).
¹⁴⁹ PI * { -ahtsõːh- } 'night'

Ch. { -àhsʌ̃ː̀ h- } in / ùhsʌ̃ː̋ Ɂîː / 'night' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:180),
/ sùːhsʌ̃ː̌ hi ̀ta̋ː / 'overnight' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:155).
PNI * { -ahtsõh- }, * { -ahtsõt- } 'darkness, night'.
Tu. { -ahθə̃Ɂn- } in / θwahˈθə̃ːɁnaːt / 'night' (cf. Rudes 1999:618).
No. * { -ahsõˀt- } in <Asunta> 'Night-time' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
La. * { -ahsõh- } in <Assomaha> 'La lune' (BG244).
Mo. { -ahsũt- } in / ahˈsũːtaɁ / 'night' (cf. Maracle 1990:2).
Oe. { -ahsũt- } in / swahsũːˈtat / 'one night' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:75).
Oo. { -ahsũt- } in / áhˈsũːtaɁ / 'darkness, shadow' (cf. Woodbury 2003:239).
Ca. { -ahsõh- } in / ahˈsõheh / 'night' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:603).
Se. { -ahsɔ̃t- } in / wahsɔ̃tateɁ / 'night (is present)' (cf. Chafe 1967:38).
Hu. { -ahsõt- } in / ahˈsõːtaɁ / <Asonta> 'nuit' (MS 59:17),
Wy. { -ahsɔ̃t- } in / ahˈsɔ̃tɛ̃haɔ̃Ɂ / 'all night' (cf. Barbeau 1960:277).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:41 ]
¹⁵⁰ PNI * { -ahtsõtɹ- } 'connect, fasten, join together'

Tu. { -ahθə̃Ɂr- } in / nə̃hrahˈθə̃ɁreɁ / 'he will fasten it end-to-end, he will splint it'
(cf. Rudes 1999:322).
Mo. { -ahsũteɹ- } in / kahsũˈteɹhaɁ / 'I join something
to another of the same type' (cf. Maracle 1990:27).
Oe. { -ahsũtl- } in / waɁtkahˈsũtlʌ̃Ɂ / 'I connected it'
Oo. { -ahsũtR- } in / tehóhˈsũːtæːɁ / 'he has joined them together'
Ca. { -ahsõtɹ- } in / tẽˈsahsõtɹẽɁ / 'you will join two things together'
445
¹⁵¹ PNI * { -akanst- }, * { -anst- }, * { -kanst- } 'be durable, be hard, be strong'

Tu. { -akaθn- } in / waˈkaːθnɛɁ / 'it is hard, it is strong' (cf. Rudes 1999:51).
No. { -akasˀt- } in <Wokoste> 'Hard', <Wakaste> 'Strong'
(cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Mo. { -atst- } in / waˈkatsteɁ / 'I am strong, durable, solid, firm'
(cf. Maracle 1990:104).
Oe. { -akatst- } in / jakaũnhaˈkatsteɁ / 'she's durable, her life is everlasting'
Oo. { -kast- } in / skaẽt́ aˈkastaɁ / 'ironwood' (cf. Woodbury 2003:780).
Ca. { -kahst- } in / saˈtahkahsthaɁ / 'you do endure' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:104).
Se. { -kast- } in / ɔ̃ˈkekastɛ̃h / 'it lasted me a long time' (cf. Chafe 1967:64).
Hu. { -axast- }, cf. <ga˛aste> 'etre fort, ferme' (MS 59:64).
¹⁵² PNI * { -akeːh }, * { -keːh } 'be a number, be an amount, be that many'

Tu. { -akjɛː } in / nɛkanə̃hˈsaːkjɛː / 'there are two houses' (cf. Rudes 1999:37).
Mo. { -ke } in / tekaˈnũhsake / 'two houses' (cf. Maracle 1990:174).
Oe. { -ke } in / tewatoˈkwâːtslake / 'two spoons, two spoonfuls'
Oo. { -keh } in / tekanṹhsaˈkeh / 'two houses' (cf. Woodbury 2003:452).
Ca. { -akeː } in / nikanaɁˈtsaːkeː / 'an amount of pails'
Se. { -akeːh } in / waːkeːh / 'it's (composed of) separate entities'
(cf. Chafe 1967:39).
Hu. { -Keːh }, cf. <ga˛e> 'etre tel nomb. de ch. ou Psonn.' (MS 59:65),
Wy. { -Keh } in / iˈwɛ̃ːtajeh / 'days' (cf. Barbeau 1960:180).
¹⁵³ PNI * { -aksẽːh } 'be bad'

Tu. { -aksə̃ː } in / ˈwaːksə̃ː / 'it is bad' (cf. Rudes 1999:40).
No. * { -aksẽːh } in <Dodoitchewakeraksa> 'Unhappy' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Su. * { -aks- } in <Serwquácksi> 'Tu ast ond' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. { -aksʌ̃ } in / joɁˈtaksʌ̃ / 'it is bad, mean, badly done, in a bad, poor state'
Oe. { -aksʌ̃ } in / wahsũˈtaksʌ̃ / 'it's a bad night'
446
́ ˈnaksẽh / 'fox' (cf. Woodbury 2003:782).
Oo. { -aksẽh } in / skẽh
Hu. { -ahʃẽːh }, cf. <gachen> 'laid, mauv. meprisable' (MS 59:44),
long vowel and / h / assumed present.
¹⁵⁴ PNI * { -anstaɹ- } 'cry'

Tu. { -aθnar- } in / nɛˈkaːθnar / 'I am crying' (cf. Rudes 1999:52).
Mo. { -atstaɹ- } in / kaˈtstaɹhaɁ / 'I weep, cry, shed tears' (cf. Maracle 1990:34).
Ca. { -ahstaR- } in / kahˈstaːhaɁ / 'I am crying' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:76).
Se. { -astaR- } in / jɔ̃staːhaɁ / 'she's crying' (cf. Chafe 1967:40).
Hu. { -astaɹ- }, cf. <Astaron> 'pleurer pr. qlq Mort' (MS 59:18).
¹⁵⁵ PNI * { ansteh } 'outdoors, outside'

Tu. / ˈaθnɛh / 'outside' (cf. Rudes 1999:52),
unexpected absence of penultimate lengthening.
Mo. / ˈatste / 'outside' (cf. Maracle 1990:375).
Oe. / ˈatsteɁ / 'outside' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:270).
Oo. / ˈásteh / 'outdoors' (cf. Woodbury 2003:248).
Ca. / ahsteh / 'outside' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:221).
Se. / asteh / 'outside, outdoors' (cf. Chafe 1967:40).
Hu. / ˈasteh / <Aste> 'dehors' (MS 59:19), / h / assumed present.
Wy. / ˈasteh / 'outside' (cf. Barbeau 1960:244).
¹⁵⁶ PI * { -aɹaːhsu- } 'shoe'

Ch. { -àlȁːsǔːl- } in / àlȁːsǔːlőː / 'shoe' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:38),
consiting of semireflexive { -àr- }, { -àːhs- } 'foot', and the element
{ -ùːl- } 'cover', common to other items worn, e.g. 'gloves', 'pants',
'saddle', etc.
PNI * { -aɹahso- } 'shoe'.
Tu. { -arahso- } in / oˈrahsoɁ / 'shoe' (cf. Rudes 1999:645).
Hu. { -aɹahʃ- } in / aˈɹahʃoɁ / <Arachio> 'souliers' (MS 59:10),
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:276, Rudes 1995:53,64 ]
¹⁵⁷ PNI * { -aɹaɁtseːɁ } 'be cousins'

Tu. { -araɁθɛɁ } in / roˈraɁθɛɁ / 'his cousin' (cf. Rudes 1999:47),
447
with unexpected loss of vowel length in final syllable.
Mo. { -aɹaɁseɁ } in / ũkjaɹaɁˈsêːhaɁ / 'my cousin' (Deering & Delisle 1976:32).
Oe. { -alaɁseɁ } in / ũkjaˈlâːseɁ / 'my cousin' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:98).
Oo. { -aæɁseɁ } in / ṹˈkjaæɁseɁ / 'we two are cousins, my cousin'
Ca. { -aɁseːɁ } in / õˈkjaɁseːɁ / 'my cousin' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:610).
Se. { -æːɁseːɁ } in / aˈkjææɁseːɁ / 'we are cousins' (cf. Chafe 1967:37).
Hu. { -aɹaɁseːɁ }, cf. <Arase> 'Cousin' (MS 59:11),
long vowel and reflexes of * / Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. { -aɹaɁseɁ } in / hɔ̃ˈɹaɁseɁ / 'they are cousins' (cf. Barbeau 1960:100).
¹⁵⁸ PI * { aɹeɁ } 'about, almost, approximately'

Ch. / àle̋ː / 'almost, and, but, or' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:38).
PNI * / ˈaːɹeɁ / 'about, again, approximately'.
Tu. / ˈaːrɛɁ / 'about, approximately' (cf. Rudes 1999:49).
Mo. / ˈaːɹeɁ / 'again, repeatedly' (cf. Maracle 1990:1).
Oe. / ˈaleɁ / 'again' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:99).
Oo. / ˈeɁ / 'again' (cf. Woodbury 2003:387).
Ca. / ˈeːɁ / 'again' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:676).
Se. / aeɁ / 'again' (cf. Chafe 1967:89).
Hu. / ˈaːɹeɁ / <are> 'iterum' (Fraser 1920:90),
penultimate accent and / Ɂ / assumed present.
[ cf. Rudes 1995:36 ]
¹⁵⁹ PNI * { -aːt } 'be inside, be one, be present, be within, exist'

Tu. { -aːt } in / ˈiːwaːt / 'it (inanimate) is in' (cf. Rudes 1999:54).
Mo. { -at } in / sewatoˈkwâːtsheɹat / 'one spoon, one spoonful'
(cf. Maracle 1990:123).
Oe. { -at } in / swatoˈkwâːtslat / 'one spoon, one spoonful'
Oo. { -at- } in / ẽˈ́ waːtak / 'it will be in it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:79).
Ca. { -aːt } in / ˈiːwaːt / 'it is contained' (cf. Chafe 1967:67).
Se. { -aːt } in / iːwaːt / 'it's inside' (cf. Chafe 1967:40).
Hu. { -aːt }, cf. <At> 'q.c. etre dedans' (MS 59:19), long vowel assumed
present.
Wy. { -at } in / ˈskwɛ̃ːtat / 'one day' (cf. Barbeau 1960:310).
448
¹⁶⁰ PNI * { -atati- }, * { -atatj- } 'speak, talk'
Mo. { -atati- } in / kaˈtaːtihs / 'I talk, I speak' (cf. Maracle 1990:31).
Oe. { -atati- } in / lataːˈtiheɁ / 'he speaks' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:139).
Oo. { -atatj- } in / hatáːˈtjahaɁ / 'he talks, he speaks, he is the speaker'
Hu. { -atati- }, { -atatj- }, cf. <Atati> 'parler' (MS 59:22).
Wy. { -atakj- } in / tehaˈtakjah / 'he talks' (cf. Barbeau 1960:145).
¹⁶¹ PI * { -atawẽ- } 'bathe, swim'

Ch. { -àtàwò- } in / kàtàwóːɁa̋ː / 'I'm bathing, I'm swimming'
(cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:8).
PNI * { -atawẽ- } 'swim, bathe'.
Tu. { -aɁnawə̃- } in / kaɁˈnaːwə̃hs / 'I am swimming, I am bathing'
(cf. Rudes 1999:81).
Mo. { -atawʌ̃- } in / kaˈtaːwʌ̃hs / 'I swim, bathe, take a bath'
Oe. { -atawʌ̃- } in / kataːˈwʌ̃heɁ / 'I'm taking a bath, I'm swimming'
Oo. { -atawẽ- } in / ũtáːˈwẽhaɁ / 'she is swimming' (cf. Woodbury 2003:97).
Ca. { -atawẽ- } in / hoˈtaːwẽh / 'he did swim' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:327).
Se. { -atawɛ̃- } in / hataːwɛ̃h / 'he's bathing' (cf. Chafe 1967:41).
Hu. { -atawẽ- }, cf. <ata8an> 'Se Baigner' (MS 67:26).
[ cf. Lounsbury 1978:342, Mithun 1979:185, Mithun 1984b:274,
Rudes 1995:37 ]
¹⁶² PI * { -atawẽːhɹat- } 'climb over, go over'

Ch. { -àtàwòːhìlàt- } 'climb over' (King 1975:179), cf. also { -àwòːhìlò- }
'go over a hill' (King 1975:182).
PNI * { -atawẽhɹat- }, * { -awẽhɹat- } 'climb over, go over',
the latter form occurring with incorporated nouns.
Mo. { -atawʌ̃hɹat- } in / kataˈwʌ̃ː̂ ɹaths / 'I go over something'
(cf. Maracle 1990:351).
Oe. { -atawʌ̃hlat- } in / tekataˈwʌ̃ː̂ lats / 'I'm going over it (e.g. a fence)'
Oo. { -atawẽhæːt- } in / thotawẽˈ́ hæːtih / 'he has come climbing up and over'
449
Se. { -atawɛ̃ɛt̃ - } in / oɁwataˈwɛ̃ːɛ̃t / 'it went up, climbed over'
(cf. Chafe 1967:45).
Hu. { -awẽhɹat- }, cf. <A8en‛rati> 'passer par dessus q.c. ou qlq.' (MS 59:10).
¹⁶³ PI * { -ateːhẽːh- } 'be ashamed, be embarrassed'

Ch. { -àtèːhòːh- } in / ȁːtèːhǒːhska̋ː / 'he's embarrassed'
PNI * { -atehẽh- } 'be ashamed, be embarrassed'.
Mo. { -atehʌ̃h- } in / kaˈtehʌ̃hs / 'I am ashamed' (cf. Maracle 1990:32).
Oe. { -atehʌ̃h- } in / laˈtehʌ̃hseɁ / 'he feels ashamed'
Oo. { -atehẽh- } in / káˈtehẽhs / 'I feel ashamed' (cf. Woodbury 2003:113).
Ca. { -atehẽh- } in / kaˈtehẽhs / 'I am embarrassed, ashamed'
Se. { -ateɛ̃h- } in / haˈteɛ̃s / 'he gets embarrassed' (cf. Chafe 1967:41).
Hu. { -atehẽh- }, cf. <Atehendi> 'avoir honte' (MS 59:22).
Wy. { -atehɛ̃h } in / aɁˈhatehɛ̃h / 'he was ashamed' (cf. Barbeau 1960:253).
¹⁶⁴ PNI * { -atek- } 'be burning, burn'

Tu. { -aɁnɛk- } in / waˈɁoːɁnɛk / 'it burned' (cf. Rudes 1999:525).
Mo. { -atek- } in / joˈtekhaɁ / 'it is burning, in flames, on fire'
Oe. { -atek- } in / ə̃joːˈtekeɁ / 'it will burn' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:156).
Oo. { -atek- } in / óˈtekhaɁ / 'it burns' (cf. Woodbury 2003:116).
Ca. { -atek- } in / oˈteːkhaɁ / 'fire; it is burning (cf. Froman et al. 2002:42).
Se. { -atek- } in / oteːkhaɁ / 'it's burning' (cf. Chafe 1967:41).
Hu. { -ateK- }, cf. <Ate˛en> 'brusler, y avoir du feu' (MS 59:22).
Wy. { -ateK- } in / uˈwaɁtaːte / 'she was burnt' (cf. Barbeau 1960:161).
¹⁶⁵ PNI * { -atekaɁt- } 'burn, cause to burn, light a fire'

Tu. { -aɁnɛkaɁt- } in / roɁnɛˈkaɁthaɁ / 'he lights it' (cf. Rudes 1999:525).
Mo. { -atekaɁt- } in / kateˈkâːthaɁ / 'I make a fire, light a fire, I light up my pipe'
Oe. { -atekaɁt- } in / ajũteːˈkâːteɁ / 'she would make a fire'
450
Oo. { -atekaɁt- } in / káˈtekaɁthaɁ / 'I light fires' (cf. Woodbury 2003:112).
Ca. { -atekaɁt- } in / õˈtekɁathaɁ / 's.o. burns up s.t.' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:42).
Se. { -atekaɁt- } in / akateˈkaɁtɔ̃h / 'I've made a fire' (cf. Chafe 1967:41).
Hu. { -atexaɁt- }, cf. <Ate˛ati> 'fe. du feu, brusler q.c.' (MS 59:22),
Wy. { -atejaɁt- } in / aɁjɔ̃ˈwaaɁtateːjaɁt / 'they burned her body'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:157).
¹⁶⁶ PNI * { -atekaɁtahkw- } 'use to light a fire'

Tu. { -aɁnɛkaɁnahkw- } in / jə̃ɁnɛkaɁˈnahkhwaɁ / 'lighter, match'
(cf. Rudes 1999:526).
Mo. { -atekaɁtahkw- } in / jũtekaɁˈtahkhwaɁ / 'matches, a lighter, flint'
Oe. { -atekaɁtahkw- } in / jũtekaɁˈtakhwaɁ / 'she or someone uses it
to make a fire' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:157).
Oo. { -atekaɁtahkw- } in / hatekáɁˈtakhwaɁ / 'he lights fires with it'
Ca. { -atekaɁtahkw- } in / õtekaɁˈtahkhwaɁ / 'fire-making tool; matches'
Se. { -atekaɁtahkw- } in / jɔ̃tekaɁˈtahkwaɁ / 'fire-making tool'
(cf. Chafe 1967:41).
Hu. { -atexaɁtahkw- } in / õtexaɁˈtahkhwaɁ / <onte˛ata‛k8a> 'batefeu'
(MS 59:22), / Ɂ / and / h / assumed present.
¹⁶⁷ PNI * { -atetsjẽɁt- } 'be a doctor, cure, heal'

Mo. { -atetsjʌ̃Ɂt- } in / raˈtetsjʌ̃Ɂths / 'a doctor, healer' (cf. Maracle 1990:340).
Oe. { -atetsjʌ̃Ɂt- } in / waɁshakoˈtetsjʌ̃hteɁ / 'he doctored her,
he treated her for an illness' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:167).
Oo. { -atetsjẽɁt- } in / háˈteːtsjẽɁts / '(he is a) healer, (he is a) doctor'
Ca. { -atetsẽɁt- } in / haˈteːtsẽɁs / 'he is a doctor' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:93).
Hu. { -atetsẽɁt- }, cf. <Atetsenti> 'etre Medecin' (MS 59:161),
Wy. { -atetsɛ̃Ɂt- } in / hɔ̃ˈtetsɛ̃Ɂs / 'they are doctors' (cf. Barbeau 1960:279).
451
¹⁶⁸ PNI * { -atẽnaɁtshɹ- } 'food taken along, provisions'
Tu. { -aɁnə̃tahtʃr- } in / oɁnə̃ˈtahtʃrɛh / 'provisions' (cf. Rudes 1999:92),
final cluster anomalous.
Mo. { -atʌ̃naɁtsheɹ- } in / atʌ̃ˈnâːtsheɹaɁ / 'food, groceries, provisions'
Oe. { -atʌ̃naɁtsl- } in / atʌ̃ˈnâːtsliɁ / 'groceries, lunch'
Oo. { -atẽnaɁtshR- } in / atẽː́ ˈnaɁtshæɁ / 'groceries' (cf. Woodbury 2003:139).
Ca. { -atẽnaɁtshɹ- } in / aˈtẽnɁatshɹaɁ / 'lunch; groceries'
Se. { -atɛ̃nɔ̃ɁshR- } in / aˈtɛ̃nɔɁshæɁ / 'food, lunch' (cf. Chafe 1967:42).
Hu. { -atẽnaɁʃhɹ- } in / atẽˈnaɁʃhɹaɁ / <Atendacha> 'Provisions, vivres,
viatique' (MS 59:23), / Ɂ / assumed present, / ɹ / lost in Rock dialect.
Wy. { -atɛ̃naɁʃɹ- } in / tahɔ̃tɛ̃ˈnaɁʃɹahʃaht / 'their food ran out'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:295).
¹⁶⁹ PNI * { -athahjõniːh } 'be a member of the Wolf Clan' ( limited to Iroquoia )
Oe. { -athahjũni } in / othahjũːˈni / 'wolf' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:697).
Oo. { -athahjũnih } in / akathahjṹːˈnih / 'I am a member of the Wolf Clan'
Ca. { -athahjõniː } in / hothahˈjõ·niː / '(he is) Wolf clan'
¹⁷⁰ PNI * { -athoɹ- }, * { athoɁ } 'be cold, be cold out, cold'

Tu. / ˈaːthoɁ / 'cold' (cf. Rudes 1999:59).
No. * { -athoɹ- } in <Watorae> 'Cold' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
La. <Athau> 'Froyt' (Biggar 1924:244).
Mo. { -athoɹ- } in / joˈthoːɹeɁ / 'it is cold (weather)' (cf. Maracle 1990:333).
Oe. { -athol- } in / jothoːˈlêː / 'it's cold' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:197).
Oo. { -athoR- } in / óˈthoːweɁ / 'it is cold [of weather or temperature in a room]'
Ca. { -athoR- } in / oˈthoːweɁ / 'it is cold' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:60).
Se. { -athoR- } in / othoːweɁ / 'it's cold' (cf. Chafe 1967:42).
Hu. / ˈathoɁ / <Aθo> 'froid' (MS 59:30),
Wy. { atuɁ } in / aˈtuɁjeh / 'north [lit. at the cold]' (cf. Barbeau 1960:69).
452
[ cf. Mithun 1979:182, Michelson 1988:173 ]
¹⁷¹ PI * { -athõː- } 'hear'

Ch. { -àthʌ̃ː̀ k- } in / hàthʌ̃ː̀ kʌ̃ː̏ ka̋ː / 'hear it!' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:61).
PNI * { -athõt- }, * { -athõtaːt- } 'agree, consent, hear, listen, pay attention'.
Tu. { -athə̃hnaːt- } in / raˈthə̃hnaːtʃ / 'he listens' (cf. Rudes 1999:58),
partially reshaped by analogy with { -hə̃hn- } 'ear'.
No. * { -aˀthõtaːˀt- } in <Satuntatag> 'To listen' (cf. Rudes 1981a:48).
Mo. { -athũtat- } in / kaˈthũːtaths / 'I listen, consent, obey, hearken to'
Oe. { -athũtat- } in / kathũːˈtats / 'I agree to it'
Oo. { -athũtat- } in / háˈthũːtats / 'he pays attention' (cf. Woodbury 2003:291).
Ca. { -athõtaːt- } in / ẽˈkathõːtaːt / 'I will consent' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:419).
Se. { -athɔ̃t- } in / aˈkathɔ̃ːteɁ / 'I've heard it' (cf. Chafe 1967:42).
¹⁷² PNI * { -athsinh- }, * { -athsinhatshɹ- } 'garter' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -athsinh- } in / aˈthsinhaɁ / 'a garter' (cf. Maracle 1990:6).
Oe. { -atshinh- } in / aˈtshinhaɁ / 'garter' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:265).
Ca. { -atshinhahsth- } in / oˈtshinhahsthaɁ / 'garters'
(cf. Froman et al. 2002:132), final cluster remade.
Se. { -atshihashR- } in / aˈtshihashæɁ / 'garters' (cf. Chafe 1967:44).
¹⁷³ PNI * { -athsɁaht- } 'be burnt, be consumed, be used up, burn, use oneself up'
Tu. { -atʃɁahn- } in / watʃˈɁahnə̃ / 'it drips' (cf. Rudes 1999:7).
Mo. { -athsaɁaht- } in / wathsaˈɁahtũ / 'it is burnt' (cf. Maracle 1990:110).
Oe. { -atshaɁaht- } in / katshaˈɁathaɁ / 'I'm burning it'
Oo. { -atsɁaht- } in / watsˈɁathaɁ / 'it gets used up' (cf. Woodbury 2003:305).
Ca. { -atsɁaht- } in / hawathneˈkatsɁaht / 'water is all gone'
¹⁷⁴ PNI * { -ati- }, * { -atj- }, * { -õti- }, * { -õtj- } 'abandon, throw, throw out'
Tu. { -aɁni- } in / wahˈroːɁniɁ / 'he threw' (cf. Rudes 1999:420);
{ -ə̃Ɂnj- } in / roɁˈtə̃ːɁnjə̃hs / 'he shoots arrows' (cf. Rudes 1999:94).
Mo. { -atj- } in / jewaˈkatjehs / 'I throw away, throw out, get rid of'
453
(cf. Maracle 1990:15); { -ũtj- } in / jekhejaɁˈtũtjes /
'I throw, put someone out' (cf. Maracle 1990:14).
Oe. { -atj- } in / jewaˈkatjehseɁ / 'I'm throwing it'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:295); { -ũti- } in / ʌ̃tisaɁkʌ̃hlũːˈtîː /
'you will throw dirt' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:295).
Oo. { -atj- } in / áˈkaːtjũh / 'I've thrown it out' (cf. Woodbury 2003:188); { -ũti- }
in / waɁakohnéːˈkũːtiɁ / 'she threw out the water'
Ca. { -ati- } in / heɁˈsaːtih / 'throw it away from me'
(cf. Froman et al. 2002:338); { -õti- } in / sẽniːˈtskɹõːtih / 'spit'
Se. { -atj- } in / hewakatjɔ̃ːh / 'I've thrown it' (cf. Chafe 1967:44); { -ɔ̃ti- } in
/ waotwijɔ̃ːtiɁ / 'he abandoned his children' (cf. Chafe 1967:78).
Hu. { -ati- }, { -atj- }, cf. <Ation> 'jetter, laisser, abandonner q.c.' (MS 59:28);
{ -õti- }, { -õtj- }, cf. <Ontion> 'laisser, abandonner, rejetter qlq. ou q.c.'
(MS 59:194).
Wy. { -ati- } in / haˈhuːtiɁ / 'he threw it' (cf. Barbeau 1960:250); { -ɔ̃ti- } in
/ aɁsajuwaɁˈtɔ̃tiɁ / 'he threw them out' (cf. Barbeau 1960:244).
¹⁷⁵ PNI * { -atiɹõːt- } 'draw, pull, stretch'

Mo. { -atiɹũt- } in / watiˈɹũthaɁ / 'it is stretchy, it pulls' (cf. Maracle 1990:110).
Oe. { -atilũt- } in / tekatiˈlũthaɁ / 'I'm stretching it'
Oo. { -atijẽt- } in / tkatíˈjẽthaɁ / 'I pull it toward me' (cf. Woodbury 2003:157).
Ca. { -atijõːt- } in / tejoːˈtiːjõːt / 'it is stretched' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:319).
Se. { -atijɔːt- } in / tejotiːjɔ̃ːt / 'it's stretched' (cf. Chafe 1967:43).
Hu. { -atiɹõːt- }, cf. <Atiront> 'tirer, attirer a soy' (MS 59:29),
Wy. { -atiɹɔ̃t- } in / tahatiɹɔ̃ːtɛ̃Ɂ / 'he drew it' (cf. Barbeau 1960:233).
[ cf. Michelson 1988:173 ]
¹⁷⁶ PNI * { -atjaɁtawiɁt- } 'get dressed, put on' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -atjaɁtawiɁt- } in / katjaɁtaˈwîːthaɁ / 'I put on my coat, shirt, dress,
I get dressed' (cf. Maracle 1990:152).
Oe. { -atjaɁtawiɁt- } in / katjaɁtaˈwîːthaɁ / 'I'm putting on a dress, shirt, jacket,
coat, or blouse' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:301).
454
Oo. { -atjaɁtawiɁt- } in / ẽkaːtjáɁtaˈwiɁtaɁ / 'I will put on my clothes'
Ca. { -atjaɁtawiɁt- } in / satjaɁtaˈwiɁthaɁ / 'you are always putting it on'
Se. { -atjaɁtawiɁt- } in / atjaɁtaˈwiɁshæɁ / 'smock' (cf. Chafe 1967:45).
¹⁷⁷ PMO * { -atjenawahst- } 'harbour, hold back, keep'

Mo. { -atjenawahst- } in / wakatjenaˈwahstũ / 'I am harbouring,
holding something back' (cf. Maracle 1990:103).
Oe. { -atjenawast- } in / latjenaˈwastaɁ / 'he's holding onto it, he's keeping or
preserving it, he's using it up' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:307).
¹⁷⁸ PNI * { -atjets- } 'be cheap, be easy, be profligate, squander'

Tu. { -aɁnjeθ- } in / raɁnjeˈθaɁthaɁ / 'he is profligate, he squanders'
(cf. Rudes 1999:104), with causative.
Mo. { -atjes- } in / waˈtjeːsʌ̃ / 'it is easy' (cf. Maracle 1990:110).
Oe. { -atjes- } in / watjeːˈsʌ̃ / 'it's cheap' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:308).
Oo. { -atjehs- } in / watjehˈsaɁkeh / 'it is easy' (cf. Woodbury 2003:203).
Ca. { -atjes- } in / waˈtjeːsẽh / 'it is easy', Lower Ca. / waˈkjeːsẽh /
Hu. { -atjes- }, cf. <Atiesen> 'q.c. etre possib, facile' (MS 59:59).
Wy. { -akjes- } in / aˈkjeːsaɁs / 'it gets easy' (cf. Barbeau 1960:284),
with inchoative.
¹⁷⁹ PI * { -atkahthw- } 'look at'

Ch. { -àkàhth- } in / kàkȁːthǒːhsti ̋ː / 'I'm looking at it'
PNI * { -atkahtho- }, * { -atkahthw- } 'look at'.
Tu. { -atkahtho- } in / raˈtkahthohs / 'he looks' (cf. Rudes 1999:62).
La. * { -atkahthw- } in <Quatgathoma> 'Regardez moy' (Biggar 1924:243).
Mo. { -atkahtho- } in / kaˈtkahthohs / 'I look, I see' (cf. Maracle 1990:35).
Oe. { -atkatho- } in / wakaˈtkathũ / 'I have seen it'
Oo. { -atkathw- } in / káˈtkathwas / 'I look at it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:267).
Ca. { -atkahtho- } in / hẽˈtshahtkahtoɁ / 'you will look back'
455
Hu. { -akahkw- }, cf. <Aka‛k8i> 'Regarder' (MS 59:4).
Wy. { -akahkw- } in / ɔ̃ˈkahkwaɁ / 'someone looked' (cf. Barbeau 1960:233).
[ cf. Mithun 1981b:237 ]
¹⁸⁰ PNI * { -atkẽhtsɹ- } 'purulence, pus'

Tu. { -atkə̃hθr- } in / oˈtkə̃hθrɛh / 'purulence, pus, rot, slime'
(cf. Rudes 1999:64).
Se. { -atkɛ̃hsR- } in / oˈtkɛ̃hsæɁ / 'pus' (cf. Chafe 1967:43).
Hu. { -akẽhʃɹ- } in / oˈkẽhʃɹaɁ / <Okencha> 'pourriture' (MS 59:6),
/ h / assumed present, / ɹ / has become / h / in Rock dialect.
¹⁸¹ PNI * { -atkõɁ } 'be a sorceror, be a spirit, have inherent power'

Tu. { -atkə̃Ɂ } in / ˈotkə̃Ɂ / 'inherent power' (cf. Rudes 1999:64).
No. * { -aˀtkõɁ } in <Otkum> 'Devil' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
Mo. { -atkũɁ } in / ˈotkũɁ / 'spirit' (cf. Maracle 1990:396).
Oe. { -atkũɁ } in / ˈotkũɁ / 'snake' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:221).
Oo. { -atkũɁ } in / óˈnatkũɁ / 'witches' (cf. Woodbury 2003:276).
Ca. { -atkõɁ } in / kotkõɁ / 'she is a witch' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:416).
Se. { -atkɔ̃Ɂ } in / otkɔ̃Ɂ / 'evil power' (cf. Chafe 1967:43).
Hu. { -akiɁ }, cf. <Aki> 'Ange ou Démon. hōe qui excéde en b. ou en mal'
(MS 59:7), final vowel altered, / Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. { -akiɁ } in / huˈkiɁ / 'he is a witch' (cf. Barbeau 1960:179).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:278, Rudes 1995:48 ]
¹⁸² PNI * { atokẽɁ } 'axe'

Tu. / aɁˈnoːkə̃Ɂ / 'ax' (cf. Rudes 1999:99).
Su. <Adwgen> 'Axe' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
La. <Addogué> 'Ung achot' (Biggar 1924:243).
Mo. / aˈtoːkʌ̃Ɂ / 'an axe' (cf. Maracle 1990:7).
Oe. / atoːˈkʌ̃ː̂ / 'axe' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:253).
Ca. / aˈtoːkẽɁ / 'an axe; a tomahawk' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:397).
Se. / atoːkɛ̃Ɂ / 'ax' (cf. Chafe 1967:43).
Hu. / aˈtoːxẽɁ / <ato˛en> 'hache' (Fraser 1920:445),
penultimate accent and final / Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. / aˈtuːjɛ̃Ɂ / 'axe' (cf. Barbeau 1960:239).
[ cf. Mithun 1979:181, Mithun 1981a:3, Mithun 1984b:277 ]
456
¹⁸³ PNI * { -atokw- }, * { -atokwaɁtshɹ- } 'spoon' ( limited to Iroquoia )
Mo. { -atokw- } in / aˈtokwaɁ / 'a spoon, ladle' (cf. Maracle 1990:7);
{ -atokwaɁtsheɹ- } in / watokwaɁtsheˈɹiːjo / 'a good, useful spoon'
(cf. Maracle 1990:123).
Oe. / aˈtokwaɁt / 'spoon' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:255); { -atokwaɁtsl- }
in / swatoˈkwâːtslat / 'one spoon, one spoonful'
Oo. { -atokwaɁtshR- } in / akatóˈkwaɁtshæɁ / 'my spoon'
Se. { -atokwaɁshR- } in / aˈtokwaɁshæɁ / 'spoon, ladle' (cf. Chafe 1967:75).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:277 ]
¹⁸⁴ PNI * { -atoɹaːt- } 'hunt'

Tu. { -atoraːt- } in / raˈtuːraːtʃ / 'he hunts' (cf. Rudes 1999:68),
probably a borrowed word.
Mo. { -atoɹat- } in / kaˈtoːɹaths / 'I hunt, I am hunting, I am a hunter'
Oe. { -atolat- } in / latoːˈlats / 'he's hunting'
Oo. { -atowæt- } in / káˈtoːwæts / 'I hunt' (cf. Woodbury 2003:167).
Ca. { -atowaːt- } in / haˈtoːwaːs / 'he is a hunter' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:398).
Se. { -atowæːt- } in / hatoːwæːs / 'he hunts, hunter' (cf. Chafe 1967:43).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:269, Michelson 1988:173 ]
¹⁸⁵ PI * { -atõːɹ- } 'breathe'

Ch. { -àtʌ̃ː̀ l- } 'breathe' (King 1975:182).
PNI * { -atõɹi- }, * { -atõɹj- } 'breathe'.
Tu. { -aɁnə̃rj- } in / kaɁˈnə̃ːrjə̃hs / 'I breathe' (cf. Rudes 1999:91).
No. * { -aˀtõɹj- } in <Untures> 'The breath' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
OMo. { -atũɹj- }, cf. <Atonrion> 'respirer' (Bruyas 1863:40).
Oe. { -atũlj- } in / kaˈtũljehseɁ / 'I'm breathing'
Oo. { -atũːj- } in / sáˈtũːjeɁs / 'you are breathing' (cf. Woodbury 2003:182).
Ca. { -atõnj- } in / saˈtõːnjeɁs / 'you are breathing' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:400).
Se. { -atɔ̃nj- } in / hatɔ̃ːnjeɁs / 'he breathes' (cf. Chafe 1967:44).
457
Hu. { -atõj- }, cf. <Atonïon> 'Respirer' (MS 59:33).
¹⁸⁶ PNI * { -atõtaɹikt- } 'laugh, laugh out loud' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -atũtaɹikt- } in / tekatũtaˈɹikthaɁ / 'I laugh loudly at the top of my voice,
I guffaw' (cf. Maracle 1990:86).
Oo. { -atũːtaikt- } in / tejũtṹːˈtaikthaɁ / 'she laughs, she snickers'
(cf. Woodbury 2003:172), long / ũː / anomalous.
Se. { -atɔ̃taikt- } in / oɁthatɔ̃taːik / 'he guffawed' (cf. Chafe 1967:44).
¹⁸⁷ PNI * { -atɹaɁ- } 'meet, meet by chance'

Mo. { -ateɹaɁ- } in / teˈkateɹaɁs / 'I meet up with something'
(cf. Maracle 1990:369).
Oe. { -atlaɁ- } in / waɁtjaˈkjatlaneɁ / 'we two (excl.) met'
Oo. { -atæːɁ- } in / téˈtjaːtæːɁs / 'we two (incl.) meet' (cf. Woodbury 2003:108).
Ca. { -atɹaɁ- } in / aˈtkaõːtɹaɁ / 'they met' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:400).
Se. { -atæɁ- } in / oɁthjaːtæɁt / 'they (du.) met' (cf. Chafe 1967:47).
Hu. { -atɹaɁ- }, cf. <K8atrandi> '2 ou Pl. se rencontrer en chemin' (MS 59:135).
Wy. { -atɹaɁ- } in / tusaːʒaˈtɹahaɁ / 'they two met again' (cf. Barbeau 1960:162).
¹⁸⁸ PNI * { -atɹe- } 'grandchild, have as grandchild'

Tu. { -aɁrɛ- } in / ˈkʷaːɁrɛh / 'my grandchild, my grandniece, my grandnephew,
my great grandchild (direct address)' (cf. Rudes 1999:106).
Mo. { -ateɹe- } in / ˈkʷateɹe / 'grandchild! (term of affection)'
Oe. { -atle- } in / khejaˈtleha / 'my granddaughter, I have her as a grandchild'
Oo. { -ateː- } in / khéˈjaːteːɁ / 'my granddaughter' (cf. Woodbury 2003:124).
Ca. { -atɹe- } in / kheˈjaːtreɁ / 'my granddaughter' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:590).
Se. { -ate- } in / khejaːteɁ / 'my granddaughter' (cf. Chafe 1967:41).
Hu. { -atɹe- }, cf. <Atrea> 'etre Gr. pere ou Gr. Mére par sa fille' (MS 59:36).
Wy. { -atɹe- } in / uˈtɹeɁa / 'her grandchild' (cf. Barbeau 1960:101).
¹⁸⁹ PI * { -atseːɁ } 'be green, be new'

Ch. / àtse̋ːhîː / 'green, new' (King 1975:181), / i ̀tse̋ːɁîː / 'green, new'
458
PNI * / ˈaːtseːɁ / 'green, new'.
Tu. / ˈaːθɛːɁ / 'new, green, raw, unripe' (cf. Rudes 1999:50).
No. <Osae> 'Young' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Mo. / ˈaːseɁ / 'new, fresh' (cf. Maracle 1990:1).
Oe. / aːˈsêː / 'it's new' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:117).
Oo. / ahˈseɁ / 'it is new' (cf. Woodbury 2003:233).
Ca. / ˈaːseːɁ / 'it is fresh, new' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:410).
Se. { -aseːɁ } in / ˈwaːseːɁ / 'it's new' (cf. Chafe 1967:45).
Hu. / ˈaːseːɁ / cf. <Ase> 'neuf, recent, frais' (MS 59:14), long vowel and / Ɂ /
assumed present.
[ cf. Mithun 1979:184, Rudes 1995:50 ]
¹⁹⁰ PNI * { -atshẽnõni- } 'be glad, be happy'

Tu. { -atʃhə̃nə̃ti- } in / waˈɁə̃tʃhə̃ˈnə̃ːtiɁ / 'one was happy' (cf. Rudes 1999:4).
No. * { -atshẽnõtiːh } in <Thatchanunte> 'Happy' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Mo. { -atshʌ̃nũni } in / wakatshʌ̃ˈnũːni / 'I am happy' (cf. Maracle 1990:104).
Oe. { -atshanũni } in / wakatshanũːˈni / 'I'm happy'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:260), with change of / ʌ̃ / to / a /.
Oo. { -atshẽnũnih } in / akatshẽnṹˈnih / 'I am glad' (cf. Woodbury 2003:302).
Ca. { -atshẽnõniː } in / akatshẽˈnõːniː / 'I am glad, happy'
¹⁹¹ PNI * { -atst- }, * { -atstathẽ- } 'dry out, dry up, evaporate, run dry'
Tu. { -aθn- } in / ˈwaθnə̃hs / 'it runs dry, it evaporates' (cf. Rudes 1999:52).
Mo. { -ahst- } in / ˈwahstehs / 'it dries up' (cf. Maracle 1990:342).
Oe. { -astathʌ̃ } in / joˈstathʌ̃ / 'it's dry' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:122).
Oo. { -ast- } in / óˈsteh / 'it is dried up, it is evaporated'
Ca. { -ahst- } in / ohˈstehstõh / 'it has evaporated; it is all dried up'
Se. { -ast- } in / osteːh / 'it's evaporated' (cf. Chafe 1967:40).
Hu. { -stathẽ- }, cf. <gastaθen> 'etre Sec' (MS 59:152),
lack of initial / a / anomalous.
Wy. { -statɛ̃- } in / naˈɁustatɛ̃Ɂ / 'when it was dry' (cf. Barbeau 1960:284).
459
¹⁹² PNI * { -atwẽteht- } 'abandon, lend, let go, spare' ( limited to Iroquoia )
Mo. { -atewʌ̃teht- } in / katewʌ̃ˈtehthaɁ / 'I abandon, reject, denounce,
I leave behind, speak poorly of' (cf. Maracle 1990:33).
Oe. { -atwʌ̃teht- } in / wakatwʌ̃ˈtehtũ / 'I have spared some'
Oo. { -atwẽteht- } in / katwẽˈ́ tethaɁ / 'I share it, I let go of it'
Ca. { -atwẽteht- } in / saˈtwẽtehthaɁ / 'you forfeit things all the time'
Se. { -atwɛ̃teht- } in / oɁkatwɛ̃ːtet / 'I lent it' (cf. Chafe 1967:44).
¹⁹³ PNI * { -atɁẽhɹ- } 'fence, palisade'

Mo. { -atʌ̃Ɂʌ̃hɹ- } in / atʌ̃ˈɁʌ̃ː̂ ɹaɁ / 'a fence, palisade' (cf. Maracle 1990:5).
Oe. { -atə̃Ɂə̃hl- } in / atə̃ˈɁə̃ː̂ laɁ / 'fence' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:186).
Oo. { -atɁẽhR- } in / watɁẽˈ́ hæːteɁ / 'fence [standing]' (cf. Woodbury 2003:862).
Hu. { -atɁẽhɹ- } in / atˈɁẽhɹaɁ / <Aten‛ra> 'Palissade, Fort' (MS 59:24),
¹⁹⁴ PNI * { -awẽh } 'belong to, own, possess'

Tu. { -awə̃h } in / roɁˈnaːwə̃h / 'he possesses it' (cf. Rudes 1999:81).
Mo. { -awʌ̃ } in / aˈkʷaːwʌ̃ / 'it is mine' (cf. Maracle 1990:369).
Oe. { -awʌ̃ } in / akʷaːˈwʌ̃ / 'mine' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:311).
Oo. { -awẽh } in / áˈkaːwẽh / 'it's mine, I own it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:309).
Ca. { -awẽh } in / aˈkaːwẽh / 'it is mine' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:421).
Se. { -awɛ̃h } in / akaːwɛ̃h / 'it belongs to me' (cf. Chafe 1967:45).
Hu. { -wẽh }, cf. <ga8an> 'avoir en propre, a soy' (MS 59:123),
final / h / assumed present, lack of initial / a / anomalous.
Wy. { -wɛ̃h } in / saˈnɛ̃hstawɛ̃h / 'the seeds you have' (cf. Barbeau 1960:182).
¹⁹⁵ PNI * { -awẽɹi- }, * { -awẽɹj- } 'stir'

Tu. { -awə̃ri- } in / nɛkaˈwə̃ːrih / 'I stir it' (cf. Rudes 1999:74).
Mo. { -awʌ̃ɹj- } in / tekaˈwʌ̃ɹjehs / 'I stir up, trouble something,
change something, alter something, stir a liquid' (cf. Maracle 1990:87).
Oe. { -awʌ̃lj- } in / tekaˈwʌ̃ljehseɁ / 'I'm stirring it'
Oo. { -awẽːj- } in / tejṹːˈwẽːjek / 'she stirs it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:311).
460
Ca. { -awẽnj- } in / teˈkawẽnjeh / 'I stir all the time'
Se. { -awɛ̃nj- } in / tejɔ̃wɛ̃njeh / 'she stirs it' (cf. Chafe 1967:45).
¹⁹⁶ PI * { awẽɁ } 'water'

Ch. / àma̋ː / 'water' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:43).
PNI * / ˈaːwẽɁ / 'water'.
Tu. / ˈaːwə̃Ɂ / 'water' (cf. Rudes 1999:75).
No. <Auwa> 'Water' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
La. <Ame> 'Eaue' (Biggar 1924:242).
Mo. { awʌ̃Ɂ } in / aˈwʌ̃ː̂ ke / 'on the water' (cf. Maracle 1990:115).
Oe. { awʌ̃Ɂ } in / aˈwʌ̃ː̂ ke / 'in the water' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:311).
Oo. { awẽɁ- } in / áˈwẽɁkeh / 'on the surface of the water'
Hu. / ˈaːwẽɁ / <a8en> 'de leau' (MS 59:127),
Wy. { wɛ̃Ɂ- } in / ˈwɛ̃Ɂjeh / 'on the water' (cf. Barbeau 1960:269),
with loss of initial vowel.
[ cf. Mithun 1979:186, Mithun 1984b:274, Rudes 1995:56 ]
¹⁹⁷ PNI * { -aɁ- }, * { -aɁaːh } 'be small'

Tu. { -aɁ- } in / tiwaɁθˈɁah / 'it is small' (cf. Rudes 1999:110).
Mo. { -aɁa } in / niˈwâːɁa / 'it is small' (cf. Maracle 1990:393).
Oe. { -aɁ } in / kʌ̃Ɂ niˈwâː / 'it (n.) is small' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:313).
Oo. { -aɁah } in / niwáˈɁah / 'it is small' (cf. Woodbury 2003:313).
Ca. { -aɁ } in / niːwaɁ /, { -aːɁah } in / niˈwaːɁah / 'it is small'
Se. { -aɁaːh } in / niˈwaɁaːh / 'it's small' (cf. Chafe 1967:46).
¹⁹⁸ PNI * { -aɁaɹ- } 'lace, net, netting, web' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -aɁaɹ- } in / ˈâːɁaɹeɁ / 'a net, netting, lace' (cf. Maracle 1990:114).
Oe. { -aɁal- } in / ˈôːaleɁ / 'net, lace, screen'
Oo. { -aɁaR- } in / óˈɁaːæɁ / 'veil, net, netting, lace' (cf. Woodbury 2003:314).
Ca. { -aɁaR- } in / oˈtaɁaõt / 'a web; a net' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:424).
461
Se. { -aɁaR- } in / oˈtaɁææɁ / 'veil, netting' (cf. Chafe 1967:46).
¹⁹⁹ PNI * { -aɁawj - } 'dew'

Tu. { -aɁawj- } in / uˈɁaːwjɛh / 'dew' (cf. Rudes 1999:520).
Mo. { -aɁawej- } in / joɁaˈweːjʌ̃Ɂ / 'dew, there is dew on the ground'
Oe. { -aɁawj- } in / joˈɁawi / 'dew' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:835).
Oo. { -aɁaːj- } in / óˈɁaːjeɁ / 'dew' (cf. Woodbury 2003:314).
Ca. { -aɁawaj- } in / oɁˈawajeɁ / 'dew on s.t.' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:388).
Se. { -aɁaj- } in / oɁaːjeɁ / 'dew' (cf. Chafe 1967:90).
Hu. { -aɁaj- } in / oˈɁajaɁ / <o aia> 'Roseé' (MS 67:174), / Ɂ / assumed present.
²⁰⁰ PNI * { -aɁe- } 'strike'

Tu. { -aɁe- } in / ˈraɁehs / 'he strikes' (cf. Rudes 1999:268).
Mo. { -aɁe- } in / jehwihstaˈɁeksthaɁ / 'bell' (cf. Maracle 1990:324),
with causative.
Oe. { -aɁe- } in / wahahˈwâːekeɁ / 'he struck it, he batted it'
Oo. { -aɁe- } in / waɁkũnjẽtáˈɁeːkwaɁ / 'I hit your leg' (cf. Woodbury 2003:574).
Ca. { -aɁe- } in / kahˈwihstɁaehs / 'clock' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:57).
Se. { -aɁe- } in / ɛ̃jetshiˈnɔ̃ɁtsaɁes / 'they'll strike the drum for you'
(cf. Chafe 1967:90).
Hu. { -aɁe- }, cf. <Aë> 'frapper sur ou contre q.c.' (MS 59:3),
²⁰¹ PNI * { -aɁkaɹaɁ- }, * { -aɁkɹaɁ- } 'become dark, become night'

La. <Aiagla> 'Nuyt' (Biggar 1924:80).
Mo. { -aɁkaɹaɁ- } in / ˈjôːkaɹaɁs / 'it becomes dark' (cf. Maracle 1990:18).
Oe. { -aɁkalaɁ- } in / joɁkaˈlâːũ / 'it's dark, it's evening or night'
Oo. { -aɁkaːɁ- } in / tjóɁˈkaːɁih / 'it has gotten dark' (cf. Woodbury 2003:318).
Hu. { -aɁxɹaɁ- }, cf. <A˛randi> 'faire nuit' (MS 59:11), / Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. { -aɁɹaɁ- } in / saˈuɁɹaɁ / 'it became night again' (cf. Barbeau 1960:88).
[ cf. Mithun 1981b:241 ]
462
²⁰² PNI * { -aɁkɹ- } 'snow, snowflake' ( limited to Iroquoia )
Mo. { -aɁkeɹ- } in / ˈôːkeɹaɁ / 'a snowflake, snowflakes' (cf. Maracle 1990:59).
Oe. { -aɁkl- } in / ˈôːklaɁ / 'snowflake' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:317).
Oo. { -aɁkR- } in / ˈóɁkæːɁ / 'snow' (cf. Woodbury 2003:316).
Ca. { -aɁkɹ- } in / oɁkɹaɁ / 'snow; a snowflake' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:303).
Se. { -aɁkR- } in / oɁkæɁ / 'snow, snowflake' (cf. Chafe 1967:90).
²⁰³ PNI * { -aɁnowaɹ- }, * { -Ɂnowaɹ- } 'turtle' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -aɁnowaɹ- } in / aɁˈnoːwaɹaɁ / 'turtle, tortoise' (cf. Maracle 1990:1).
Oe. / aɁnoːˈwal / 'turtle' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:319).
Oo. { -ɁnowaR- } in / haɁˈnoːwaːɁ / 'turtle, member of the turtle clan'
Ca. { -nowa- } in / hanowaheːˈtkẽːsɁah / 'a mischevious turtle, a mud turtle'
Se. { -ɁnowaR- } in / haɁnoːwaːh / 'turtle' (cf. Chafe 1967:91).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:267 ]
²⁰⁴ PNI * { -aɁtaɹihẽːh } 'be hot, be warm'

Tu. { -aɁnarihə̃ː } in / joɁnaˈrihə̃ː / 'it is warm' (cf. Rudes 1999:80).
No. * { -aɁˀtaɹihẽːh } in <Tariha> 'Hot' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
La. * { -aɁtaihẽːh } in <Odaian> 'Chault' (Biggar 1924:245).
Mo. { -aɁtaɹihʌ̃ } in / joɁtaˈɹihʌ̃ / 'it is hot, warm' (cf. Maracle 1990:17).
Oe. { -aɁtalihʌ̃ } in / joɁtaˈlihʌ̃ / 'it's hot' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:326).
Oo. { -aɁtaihẽh } in / óɁˈtaihẽh / 'it is hot' (cf. Woodbury 2003:314).
Ca. { -aɁtaihẽː } in / oɁˈtaihẽː / 'it is hot' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:425).
Se. { -aɁtaiɛ̃ːh } in / oɁˈtaiɛ̃ːh / 'it's hot' (cf. Chafe 1967:46).
Hu. { -aɁtaɹihẽːh } in / oɁtaˈɹihẽːh / <Otarihen> 'cela ē chaud' (MS 59:21),
long vowel, / Ɂ / and final / h / assumed present.
Wy. { -aɁtaɹihɛ̃h } in / kwaaɁtaɁˈtaɹihɛ̃h / 'her body there is warm'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:173).
[ cf. Mithun 1979:183, Mithun 1981b:239, Michelson 1988:175 ]
²⁰⁵ PNI * { -aɁtaɹihẽhsɹ- } 'heat, sweat'

Tu. { -aɁnarihə̃hstr- } in / oɁnariˈhə̃hstrɛh / 'heat' (cf. Rudes 1999:80).
Mo. { -aɁtaɹihʌ̃hseɹ- } in / oɁtaɹiˈhʌ̃hseɹaɁ / 'heat, warmth'
463
(cf. Maracle 1990:143).
Se. { -aɁtaiɛ̃shR- } in / oɁtaiˈɛ̃shæɁ / 'sweat' (cf. Chafe 1967:46).
Hu. { -aɁtaɹihẽhʃɹ- } in / oɁtaɹiˈhẽhʃɹaɁ / <Otarihencha> 'sueur' (MS 59:21),
/ Ɂ / and preconsonantal / h / assumed present, / ɹ / has become / h / in
Rock dialect.
²⁰⁶ PNI * { -aɁtsɹ- } 'axe'

Tu. { -aɁθr- } in / ˈoɁθrɛh / 'adze, ax, hatchet, tomahawk' (cf. Rudes 1999:111).
Mo. { -aɁseɹ- } in / ˈôːseɹaɁ / 'an axe, hatchet' (cf. Maracle 1990:60).
Hu. { -aɁʃɹ- } in / ˈaɁʃɹaɁ / <Acha> 'hache' (MS 59:2), / Ɂ / assumed present,
/ ɹ / has become / h / in Rock dialect.
Wy. { -aɁʃɹ- } in / naˈhuɁʃɹɔ̃taɁs / 'now he put his axe by the fire'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:239).
²⁰⁷ PNI * { -aɁtsw- } 'be extinguished, fire to go out'

Tu. { -aɁθw- } in / ˈθwaɁθwaɁθ / 'it is extinguished' (cf. Rudes 1999:112).
Oe. { -aɁsw- } in / ˈòːswʌ̃Ɂ / 'coal' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:325).
Oo. { -aɁsw- } in / óɁˈswaɁih / '[the fire] is extinguished'
Hu. { -aɁskw- }, cf. <Ask8an> 'le feu s'eteindre' (MS 59:16),
²⁰⁸ PNI * { -aɁtswaht- } 'extinguish, put out a fire'

Tu. { -aɁθwaht- } in / raɁˈθwahthaɁ / 'he extinguishes it' (cf. Rudes 1999:112).
Oe. { -aɁswaht- } in / kaɁˈswathaɁ / 'I put out fires, I turn off the lights'
Oo. { -aɁswaht- } in / káɁˈswathaɁ / 'I put out fires' (cf. Woodbury 2003:323).
Ca. { -aɁswaht- } in / waɁˈswahtõh / 'it is extinguished'
Se. { -aɁswaht- } in / aˈkaɁswahtɔ̃h / 'I've put out the fire' (cf. Chafe 1967:46).
Hu. { -aɁskwaht- }, cf. <Ask8a‛ti> 'eteindre le feu' (MS 59:16),
²⁰⁹ PI * { -e- } 'come, go, go on foot, walk'

Ch. { -è- } in / kéːka̋ː / 'I'm going' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:89).
PNI * { -e- } 'walk, go on foot'.
464
Tu. { -ɛ- } in / ˈiːkjɛɁ / 'I am walking' (cf. Rudes 1999:139); / ˈiθhrɛɁθ /
'he returned' (cf. Rudes 1999:139).
La. { -e- } in <Canada undagueny> 'D'où venez vous?' (Biggar 1924:245).
Mo. { -e- } in / ˈiːkeɁ / 'I walk, I am in motion' (cf. Maracle 1990:9).
Oe. { -e- } in / iːˈkêː / 'I'm walking' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:327).
Oo. { -e- } in / ˈiheɁ / 'he is walking (cf. Woodbury 2003:372).
Ca. { -e- } in / ˈitsheɁs / 'you wander (all the time), you are over there'
Se. { -e- } in / iːkeɁ / 'I'm walking' (cf. Chafe 1967:48).
Hu. { -e- }, cf. <Ennon> 'verba Motūs' (MS 59:170).
Wy. { -e- } in / ˈhesteh / 'you two go!' (cf. Barbeau 1960:84).
[ cf. Mithun 1981b:233, Rudes 1995:46 ]
²¹⁰ PNI * { -ehjahɹ- } 'remember'

Tu. { -ɛhjahr- } in / θahrɛhˈjahraɁ / 'he remembered' (cf. Rudes 1999:141).
Mo. { -ehjahɹ- } in / kehˈjâːɹaɁs / 'I remember, have memory of'
Oe. { -ehjahl- } in / ˈkêːjaleɁ / 'I remember' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:331).
Hu. { -ehjahɹ- }, cf. <Ehiarandi> 'Se Souvenir' (MS 59:165),
second / h / assumed present.
Wy. { -eːʒaːɹ- } in / usajeːˈʒaːɹahaɁ / 'I remembered back'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:281).
²¹¹ PI * { -eːɹ- } 'believe, think'

Ch. { -èːl- } in / kèːlíɁa̋ː / 'I think so' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:90).
PNI * { -eɹ- } 'think, want'.
Tu. { -ɛr- } in / ˈsɛrhaɁ / 'you are thinking, you are wanting'
(cf. Rudes 1999:143).
Mo. { -ehɹ- } in / ˈiːkehɹeɁ / 'I think of, have an opinion of; I want to'
(cf. Maracle 1990:9), where / h / has metathesized from aspectual suffix.
Oe. { -el- } in / iːˈkelheɁ / 'I want' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:335).
Oo. { -eR- } in / naˈjeɁ ˈkeːheɁ / 'that's what I want, that's what I assume
[will happen]' (cf. Woodbury 2003:374).
Ca. { -eR- } in / iheː / 'he wants' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:336).
Se. { -eR- } in / iːkeːh / 'I think, believe' (cf. Chafe 1967:48).
Hu. { -eɹ- }, cf. <Eri> 'penser, vouloir, craindre' (MS 59:172).
465
Wy. { -eR- } in / iˈweːheɁ / 'she thinks' (cf. Barbeau 1960:67).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:37 ]
²¹² PNI * { -eɹjahs- } 'heart'

Tu. { -ɛrjahs- } in / awɛˈrjahsɛh / 'heart' (cf. Rudes 1999:144).
Mo. { -eɹjahs- } in / aweˈɹjahsaɁ / 'heart, heart-shaped' (cf. Maracle 1990:8).
Oe. { -eljahs- } in / jakaweljahsiːˈjo / 'she has good in her heart'
Oo. { -eːjahs- } in / aweːˈjahsaɁ / 'heart' (cf. Woodbury 2003:386).
Ca. { -ẽjõhs- } in / aˈwẽjõhsaɁ / 'heart' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:152),
vowels anomalous, / nj / expected in place of / j /.
Se. { -ɛ̃njahs- } in / aˈwɛ̃njahsaɁ / 'heart' (cf. Chafe 1967:50),
nasal / ɛ̃ / anomalous.
Hu. { -ejahʃ- } in / eˈjahʃaɁ / <Eiacha> 'le coeur' (MS 59:165),
²¹³ PNI * { etsoɁ }, * { itsoɁ }, * { itswaɁ } 'a lot, much'

Mo. / ˈeːsoɁ / 'many, much, a lot of' (cf. Maracle 1990:8).
Oe. / eːˈsôː / 'lots, many' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:340).
Oo. / ˈihswaɁ / 'much, lots' (cf. Woodbury 2003:599).
Ca. / iːsoɁ / 'much, many, lots' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:686).
Se. { -esoɁ } in / weːsoɁ / 'it's a lot' (cf. Chafe 1967:49).
²¹⁴ PNI * { eɁnkẽh }, * { heɁnkẽh } 'above, high, over'

Tu. / ˈhɛɁtkə̃h / 'high, on top, publicly' (cf. Rudes 1999:201)
Mo. / ˈêːnekʌ̃ / 'up, overhead, over, above, west' (cf. Maracle 1990:8).
Oe. / ˈêːnik / 'up, above, upstairs, over' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:337).
Oo. / ˈheɁtkẽh / 'above' (cf. Woodbury 2003:511).
Ca. / heːtkẽh / 'up, above' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:683).
Se. / hetkɛ̃h / 'up in the air' (cf. Chafe 1967:53).
²¹⁵ PNI * { -ẽh- } 'flower' ( limited to Iroquoia )

OMo. { -ʌ̃h- } in / aˈwʌ̃haɁ / <A8enha> 'fleur' (cf. Bruyas 1863:24).
Oo. { -ẽh- } in / áˈwẽhaɁ / 'flower' (cf. Woodbury 2003:395).
Ca. { -ẽh- } in / aˈwẽhẽɁ / 'flower' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:123).
Se. { -ɛ̃H- } in / aˈwɛ̃ɔɁ̃ / 'flower' (cf. Chafe 1967:50).
466
²¹⁶ PNI * { -ẽhnitsɹ- } 'day' ( limited to Iroquoia )
Mo. { -ʌ̃hniseɹ- } in / ʌ̃hˈniseɹaɁ / 'day, time of daylight' (cf. Maracle 1990:127).
Oe. { -ʌ̃hnisl- } in / awʌ̃hˈnislaɁ / 'day' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:346).
Oo. { -ẽhnihsR- } in / akẽh ́ ˈnihsæːɁ / 'my season, my day'
Ca. { -ẽhnihsɹ- } in / wẽhnihˈsɹiːjoː / 'nice day' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:80),
probably a borrowed root.
Se. { -ɛ̃ːnishR- } in / ɛ̃ːˈnishæɁ / 'day' (cf. Chafe 1967:49).
²¹⁷ PNI * { -ẽhwatẽɁ }, * { -jẽhwatẽɁ } 'be uncle to, have as nephew or niece'
Tu. { -jə̃hwaɁnə̃Ɂ } in / kə̃jə̃hˈwaɁnə̃Ɂ / 'my nephew' (cf. Rudes 1999:155).
La. <Yuadin> 'Mon nepveu' (Biggar 1924:246).
Mo. { -ũhwatʌ̃Ɂ- } in / ɹijũhwaˈtʌ̃ː̂ Ɂa / 'my nephew' (cf. Maracle 1990:78),
PMO change of * / ẽ / to / ũ / anomalous.
Oe. { -ũhwatʌ̃Ɂ- } in / lijũhwaˈtʌ̃ha / 'my nephew'
́ ˈwaːtẽɁ / 'my nephew' (cf. Woodbury 2003:400).
Oo. { -ẽhwatẽɁ- } in / hejẽh
Ca. { -ẽhwatẽɁ } in / kakhejõhˈwaːtẽɁ / 'my brother's children;
my nieces and nephews' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:616).
Se. { -jɛ̃ːwɔ̃tɛ̃Ɂ } in / hɔ̃ˈwɔ̃jɛ̃ːwɔ̃ːtɛ̃Ɂ / 'their nephew' (cf. Chafe 1967:51).
Hu. { -ẽhwatẽɁ- } in / shõxwẽhˈwaːtẽɁ / <Son˛8enh8aten>
'Cest ne. oncle Maternel' (MS 59:179), / Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. { -ɛ̃ːwatɛ̃Ɂ- } in / tawɛ̃ːwaˈtɛ̃Ɂah / 'his nephew' (cf. Barbeau 1960:205).
²¹⁸ PNI * { -ẽnakɹaːt- } 'be born, establish oneself'

Mo. { -ʌ̃nakeɹat- } in / kʌ̃ˈnakeɹaths / 'I am born, come into the world,
establish myself, start living in an area' (cf. Maracle 1990:41).
Oe. { -anaklat- } in / wakanaklaːˈtũ / 'I was born'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:101), with change of / ə̃ / to / a /.
Oo. { -ẽnakæːt- } in / honáːˈkæːtih / 'he has been born' (cf. Woodbury 2003:402).
Ca. { -ẽnakɹaːt- } in / akẽnaˈkɹaːtõh / 'I was born' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:35).
Se. { -ɛ̃nɔ̃kæːt- } in / waɛ̃nɔ̃kæːt / 'he was born' (cf. Chafe 1967:72).
Hu. { -ẽnaxɹaːt- }, cf. <Enda˛rati> 'S'habituer' (MS 62:53),
467
²¹⁹ PNI * { -ẽt- } 'day'
Tu. { -ə̃Ɂn- } in / aˈwə̃ːɁnɛh / 'day, daytime' (cf. Rudes 1999:167).
No. * { -ẽt- } in <Antyeke> 'Day-time' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Mo. { -ʌ̃t- } in / ˈʌ̃ːtaɁ / 'day, festival, occasion, holiday' (cf. Maracle 1990:8).
Oe. { -ʌ̃t- } in / swʌ̃ːˈtat / 'one week' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:349).
Oo. { -ẽt- } in / wẽˈ́ taːteɁ / '(it is a) day' (cf. Woodbury 2003:390).
Ca. { -ẽt- } in / ẽˈtehkhaːɁ / 'day kind (things used during the day)'
Se. { -ɛ̃t- } in / tawɛ̃tɔ̃ːtiɁ / 'daybreak' (cf. Chafe 1967:50).
Hu. { -ẽt- } in / ˈskwẽːtaːt / <Sk8entat> 'un seul jour' (MS 59:171).
Wy. { -ɛ̃t- } in / ˈskwɛ̃ːtat / 'one day' (cf. Barbeau 1960:310).
²²⁰ PNI * { -ẽtaɁ- } 'be finished, be over, be prepared, be ready, come to an end'
Mo. { -ʌ̃taɁ- } in / wə̃ˈtʌ̃ːtaɁs / 'the holiday, festival ends, comes to an end'
(cf. Maracle 1990:125).
Oe. { -ʌ̃taɁ- } in / kewjʌ̃nʌ̃ːˈtâːseɁ / 'I'm getting something ready'
Oo. { -ẽtaɁ- } in / gaíhˈwẽːtaɁs / 'the matter is ending' (cf. Woodbury 2003:627).
Ca. { -ẽtaɁ- } in / ẽkaːˈkhwẽːtaɁ / 'it is going to finish eating'
Se. { -ɛ̃taɁ- } in / akekhwɛ̃ˈtaɁɔ̃h / 'I've finished eating' (cf. Chafe 1967:50).
Hu. { -ẽtaɁ- }, cf. <Entandi> 'finir, Suzer, se terminer' (MS 59:172).
²²¹ PI * { -ẽɁ- } 'drop, fall'

Ch. { -òh- } in / kòɁòhska̋ː / 'I'm falling' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:121),
/ kàtóhska̋ː / 'it (a flexible object) is falling from a hanging position'
PNI * { -ẽɁ- }' drop, fall, happen'; * { -aɁtsẽɁ- } 'drop, fall' when an incorporated
noun is absent.
Tu. { -aɁθə̃Ɂ- } in / waɁˈkaɁθə̃ht / 'I dropped it' (cf. Rudes 1999:148).
Mo. { -aɁsʌ̃Ɂ- } in / teˈwahsʌ̃Ɂs / 'it falls off something' (cf. Maracle 1990:93).
Oe. { -aɁsʌ̃Ɂ- } in / ˈwâːsʌ̃hseɁ / 'it falls' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:321).
Oo. { -aɁsẽɁ- } in / ˈtwáɁsẽɁs / 'it falls, it drops down' (cf. Woodbury 2003:321).
Ca. { -ẽɁ- } in / niˈjaːwẽɁs / 'how it happens' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:148).
Se. { -aɁsɛ̃Ɂ- } in / waɁsɛ̃Ɂs / 'it falls' (cf. Chafe 1967:46).
Hu. { -ẽɁ- }, cf. <Endi> 'q.c. bon ou mauv. arriver a qlq.' (MS 59:167);
468
{ -aɁsẽ- }, cf. <Asendi> 'tomber' (MS 59:15), / Ɂ / assumed present.
²²² PNI * { ẽɁtɹõɁ }, * { waɁtɹõh }, * { waɁtɹõɁ } 'nine'

Tu. / ˈwaɁrə̃Ɂ / 'nine (obsolete)' (cf. Rudes 1999:479).
Su. <Wáderom> '9' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
La. <Wadellon> 'Neuf' (Biggar 1924:241).
Oe. / ˈwâːtlũ / 'nine' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:766).
Oo. / ˈwáɁtẽːh / 'nine' (cf. Woodbury 2003:863).
Hu. / ˈẽɁtɹõɁ / <entron> '9' (MS 66:133),
Wy. / ɛ̃Ɂˈtɹɔ̃Ɂ / 'nine' (cf. Barbeau 1960:304).
[ cf. Lounsbury 1978:339, Mithun 1981b:240, Michelson 1988:180 ]
²²³ PNI * { -hahsɹ- } 'council fire, flame, torch'

Mo. { -hahseɹ- } in / oˈhahseɹaɁ / 'a light, lamp, candle, torch'
Oo. { -hahsR- } in / káˈhahsæːɁ / 'torch, flame' (cf. Woodbury 2003:488).
Ca. { -hahsɹ- } in / ahẽnathahˈsɹõːtẽɁ / 'they (m.) carried a torch, lantern,
flashlight' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:460).
Se. { -HashR- } in / ˈkaashæɁ / 'flame, torch' (cf. Chafe 1967:51).
Hu. { -hahʃɹ- } in / xaˈhahʃɹaɁ / <gahacha> 'Flamme. figurate, douleur, fiévre'
²²⁴ PNI * { -heɹ- } 'cornstalk, grass'

Tu. { -hɛr- } in / oˈhɛːrɛh / 'green, grass' (cf. Rudes 1999:199).
No. * { -heɹ- } in <Oherag> 'Grass' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Mo. { -heɹ- } in / ˈoheɹeɁ / 'a corn stalk' (cf. Maracle 1990:60).
Oe. { -hel- } in / ˈoheliɁ / 'cornstalk' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:366).
Oo. { -heR- } in / oˈheːjæɁ / 'corn stalk' (cf. Woodbury 2003:504).
Ca. { -heR- } in / oˈheːjaɁ / 'a corn stalk' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:70).
Se. { -HeR- } in / oeæɁ / 'cornstalk' (cf. Chafe 1967:48).
Hu. { -heɹ- } in / oˈheːɹaɁ / <ohera> 'Canne, tuyau de bled, chaume'
(MS 59:75).
Wy. { -heɹ- } in / ajeheˈɹuːwaɁ / 'I would cut the stalks' (cf. Barbeau 1960:59).
469
²²⁵ PNI * { -hẽɹeht- } 'shout, yell'
Tu. { -hə̃rɛhθ } in / raˈhə̃ːrɛhθ / 'he shouts, he is shouting' (cf. Rudes 1999:203).
Mo. { -hʌ̃ɹeht- } in / tewakhʌ̃ˈɹehthaɁ / 'I shout' (cf. Maracle 1990:391).
Oe. { -hʌ̃leht- } in / tewakhʌ̃ˈlethaɁ / 'I'm yelling'
Oo. { -hẽeht- } in / tewáˈkhẽethaɁ / 'I am yelling' (cf. Woodbury 2003:514).
Se. { -heeht- } in / tewaˈkheehtɔ̃h / 'I've shouted' (cf. Chafe 1967:52).
Hu. { -hẽɹeht- }, cf. <Kahenre‛ti> 'fe. un gr. cry' (MS 59:74).
Wy. { -hɛ̃ɹeht- } in / aɁˈtuhɛ̃ɹeht / 'he gave a yell' (cf. Barbeau 1960:233).
²²⁶ PNI * { -hẽt- } 'clearing, field, meadow'

Tu. { -hə̃Ɂn- } in / oˈhə̃Ɂnɛh / 'clearing, field, grassy plot, meadow, pasture,
sward' (cf. Rudes 1999:16).
Mo. { -hʌ̃t- } in / kaˈhʌ̃ːtaɁ / 'a meadow, prarie, grassland' (cf. Maracle 1990:25).
Oe. { -hʌ̃t- } in / kahʌ̃ˈtâːke / 'in the fields or garden'
Oo. { -hẽt- } in / kahẽː́ ˈtaɁkeh / 'on the field, on the clearing'
Ca. { -hẽt- } in / kaˈhẽtaẽɁ / 'meadow; pasture; field'
Hu. { -hẽt- } in / ohẽˈtaɁxehk / <ohenta˛ek> 'Bluets' (MS 59:74),
literally 'the field ones'.
²²⁷ PNI * { -hjatõ- } 'mark, write'

Mo. { -hjatũ- } in / ˈkhjaːtũhs / 'I write, am writing, I mark down, record'
Oe. { -hjatũ- } in / khjaːˈtũheɁ / 'I'm writing'
Oo. { -hjatũ- } in / ẽháhˈjaːtũɁ / 'he will write' (cf. Woodbury 2003:584).
Ca. { -hjatõ- } in / ehˈjaːtõh / 'she writes' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:375).
Se. { -Hjatɔ̃- } in / akhjaːtɔ̃Ɂ / 'I've written it' (cf. Chafe 1967:58).
Hu. { -hjatõ- }, cf. <gahiaton> 'Ecrire' (MS 59:75).
Wy. { -ːʒatɔ̃- } in / ehˈʃeːʒatɔ̃Ɂ / 'you will mark' (cf. Barbeau 1960:124).
470
²²⁸ PNI * { -hjatõhsɹ- } 'book, something marked, something written'
Tu. { -hjatə̃hstr- } in / ohjaˈtə̃hstrɛh / 'book, card, newspaper, paper'
(cf. Rudes 1999:244), a borrowed word.
Mo. { -hjatũhseɹ- } in / kahjaˈtũhseɹaɁ / 'book, paper, written material, writing,
script' (cf. Maracle 1990:25).
Oe. { -hjatũhsl- } in / kahjaˈtũhslaɁ / 'paper, book, letter'
Oo. { -hjatũhsR- } in / kahjáˈtũhsæːɁ / 'book, paper, magazine'
Ca. { -hjatõhsɹ- } in / ohjatõhˈsɹõːtõɁ / 'book' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:35),
perhaps a borrowed word.
Se. { -Hjatɔ̃shR- } in / kaːˈjatɔ̃shæɁ / 'paper, book, curtain' (cf. Chafe 1967:58).
Hu. { -hjatõhʃɹ- } in / xahjaˈtõhʃɹaɁ / <gahiatoncha> 'Ecriture' (MS 59:75),
preconsonantal / h / assumed present, / ɹ / has become / h / in
Rock dialect.
²²⁹ PI * { -hkaɹ- } 'claw'

Ch. { -áːhsùːhkàl- } in / úːhsùhkàlhʌ̃ː̋ Ɂîː / 'his claw'
(cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:179), cf. { -atáːhsùːhkàl- } 'cut one's nails'
(King 1975:178), the first element is likely a reflex of PI * { -aːhs- } 'foot'.
PNI * { -ihkaɹ- } 'claw; tail'.
Tu. { -tʃihskə̃hkar- } in / otʃihˈskə̃hkarɛh / 'claw' (cf. Rudes 1999:564).
Se. { -ihkaR- } in / kɛ̃hkaːaɁ / 'tail' (cf. Chafe 1967:59).
²³⁰ PNI * { -hnaw- } 'current, moving water, rapids'

Tu. * { -htaw- } in / ˈohtawɛh / 'current of water, stream of water, rain shower'
(cf. Rudes 1999:235).
Mo. { -hnaw- } in / ohˈnaːwaɁ / 'current, rapids, waterfalls, cascade'
Oe. { -hnaw- } in / johnaːˈwes / '(it's) a stream of water'
Oo. { -hnaw- } in / óhˈnaːwaɁ / 'rapids, current' (cf. Woodbury 2003:525).
Ca. { -hnaw- } in / ohnawaˈtaːseː / 'whirlpool' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:509).
Se. { -Hnɔ̃w- } in / oːnɔ̃wɔ̃taːseːh / 'whirlpool' (cf. Chafe 1967:55).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:275 ]
471
²³¹ PI * { -hnẽː- } 'arm, shoulder'
Ch. { -hnòː- } in / khànòːke̋ː / 'arm, wing' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:141).
PNI * { -hnẽ- }, * { -hnẽhts- } 'arm, shoulder'.
Tu. { -hnə̃- } in / ohˈnə̃hstɛh / 'armful' (cf. Rudes 1999:548),
where { -hst- } is a reflex of a PNI nominalizer sequence * { -hsr- };
Tu. / ohˈnə̃hwɛh / 'upper shoulder' (cf. Rudes 1999:208).
Mo. { -hnʌ̃hs- } in / ohˈnʌ̃hsaɁ / 'shoulder' (cf. Maracle 1990:62).
Oe. { -hnʌ̃hs- } in / ohˈnʌ̃hsaɁ / 'shoulder' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:389).
Oo. { -hnẽhs- } in / óhˈnẽhsaɁ / 'shoulder' (cf. Woodbury 2003:532).
Ca. { -hnẽhs- } in / ohˈnẽhsaɁ / 'shoulder' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:290).
Se. { -hnɛ̃hs- } in / khnɛ̃hˈsaɁkeh / '(on) my shoulder' (cf. Chafe 1967:54).
Hu. { -hnẽhs- } in / xahˈnẽhsaɁ / <gannensa> 'Bras' (MS 59:110),
preconsonantal / h / assumed present.
[ cf. Rudes 1995:36 ]
²³² PNI * { -hnhaɁ- } 'command, employ, hire'

Tu. { -nhaɁ- } in / ə̃ˈjɛnhaɁ / 'one will be employed' (cf. Rudes 1999:372).
Mo. { -hnhaɁ- } in / ˈkehnhaɁs / 'I command, have in service, I hire,
employ, delegate' (cf. Maracle 1990:39).
Oe. { -nhaɁ- } in / shaˈkonhahseɁ / 'he hires her or them'
Oo. { -hnhaɁ- } in / shṹˈkwahnhaɁs / 'he hires us' (cf. Woodbury 2003:534).
Ca. { -nhaɁ- } in / ẽhˈsheːnhaɁ / 'you will command, hire her'
Se. { -haɁ- } in / waˈɁɔ̃kehaɁt / 'they hired me' (cf. Chafe 1967:52).
Wy. { -taɁ- } in / sahuˈtahaɁ / 'he hired again' (cf. Barbeau 1960:228).
²³³ PNI * { -hnhoh- }, * { -hnhohw- } 'door'

Mo. { -hnhoh- } in / kahˈnhohaɁ / 'a door, doorway' (cf. Maracle 1990:25).
Oe. { -nhoh- } in / kaˈnhohaɁ / 'door' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:586).
Oo. { -hnhohw- } in / káhˈnhohwaɁ / 'door' (cf. Woodbury 2003:536).
Ca. { -nhoh- } in / kanˈhohaɁ / 'door' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:94).
Se. { -hoH- } in / kaˈhoaɁ / 'door' (cf. Chafe 1967:55).
Hu. { -hnhohw- } in / xahˈnhohwaɁ / <gandh8a> 'Porte' (MS 59:96),
Wy. { -tuːw- } in / jatuːˈwaɁ / 'door' (cf. Barbeau 1960:245).
472
²³⁴ PNI * { -hnhotõ- } 'close a door, door to be closed'
La. * { -hnhotõ- } in <Asnodyan> 'Fermez la porte' (Biggar 1924:245).
Mo. { -hnhotũ- } in / kehˈnhoːtũhs / 'I close the door, I close, imprison,
shut something in' (cf. Maracle 1990:39).
Oe. { -nhotũ- } in / kenhoːˈtũheɁ / 'I'm closing the door'
Oo. { -hnhotũ- } in / éhˈnhoːtũk / 'she locks the door, she closes the door'
Se. { -hotɔ̃- } in / kahoːtɔ̃Ɂ / 'the door is closed' (cf. Chafe 1967:84).
Hu. { -hnhotõ- }, cf. <gandhoton> 'fermer la P[orte].' (MS 59:96).
²³⁵ PNI * { -hnh(o/õ)hskʷ(a/e)ɹõːt } 'have jowls protruding' [ Æ cattle, cow ]'

Mo. { -hnhõhskʷaɹũt- } in / tjohnhõhskʷaˈɹũthne / 'a cowbarn, a cattle shed,
a stable' (cf. Maracle 1990:97).
Oe. { -nhũskʷalũt } in / tjoˈnhũskʷalũt / 'cow'
Oo. { -hnhoskʷaẽːt } in / tjohˈnhoskʷaẽːt / 'cow' (cf. Woodbury 2003:370).
Ca. { -nhohskʷaõːt } in / tjoˈnhohskʷaõːt / 'cow' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:73).
Se. { -Hoskʷaɔ̃t } in / ˈtjoːskʷaɔ̃t / 'cow' (cf. Chafe 1967:75).
Wy. { -tɔ̃hskʷeɹɔ̃t } in / kjuˈtɔ̃hskʷeɹɔ̃t / 'cattle' (cf. Barbeau 1960:270).
²³⁶ PNI * { -hnhõtho- }, * { -hnhõthw- } 'feed, put in the mouth'

Tu. { -nhə̃tho- } in / ratinhsaˈnhə̃ːthohs / 'he poisons it, he gives it poison'
(cf. Rudes 1999:372).
Mo. { -hnhũtho- } in / khehˈnhũthohs / 'I put something in someone's mouth'
(cf. Maracle 1990:187).
Oo. { -nhũthw- } in / ũkéhˈnhũthwas / 'she feeds me' (cf. Woodbury 2003:537).
Hu. { -hnhõkhw- }, cf. <gannhonk8i> 'mettre d. la b. a qlq.' (MS 59:113),
²³⁷ PNI * { -hniɹ- } 'be durable, be hard, be solid, be strong'

Tu. { -htir- } in / johˈtiːrə̃ / 'it is hard, it is durable, it is solid'
(cf. Rudes 1999:236).
Mo. { -hniɹ- } in / johˈniːɹũ / 'it is hard, durable, solid, firm, strong, workable,
authentic, legal' (cf. Maracle 1990:18).
473
Oe. { -hnil- } in / johniːˈlũ / 'it's hard, it's solid'
Oo. { -hniR- } in / ohˈniːh / 'it is hard, sturdy, solid' (cf. Woodbury 2003:538).
Ca. { -hniR- } in / ohˈniːjõh / 'it is hard' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:148).
Se. { -HniR- } in / oːniːjɔ̃h / 'it's solid' (cf. Chafe 1967:54).
Hu. { -hniɹ- }, cf. <ga‛ndiri> 'etre dur, fort, stable' (MS 59:102).
²³⁸ PNI * { -hnitsh- } 'thigh'

No. * { -htitʃh- } in <Otitchag> 'The thigh' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
Mo. { -hnitsh- } in / ohˈnitshaɁ / 'thigh' (cf. Maracle 1990:63).
Oe. { -hnitsh- } in / ohˈnitshaɁ / 'thigh' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:393).
Oo. { -hnitsh- } in / óhˈnitshaɁ / 'thigh' (cf. Woodbury 2003:540).
²³⁹ PI * { -hnj- } 'neck, throat'

̋ ti ̂ː / 'harness, collar, necklace' (King 1975:174),
Ch. { -hj- } in / àhjàtsʌ̃h
/ àːhjàtlʌ̃ː̋ tîː / 'necktie' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:27), the sequence that
follows is possibly cognate with PNI * { -hnjaɁts- }, perhaps Pre-Cherokee
* { -hjaɁtsl- } 'neck'.
PNI * { -hnj- }, * { -hnjaɁts- } 'neck, throat'.
Mo. { -hnjaɁs- } in / ohˈnjâːsaɁ / 'throat, front of the neck' (cf. Maracle 1990:62).
Oe. { -hnjaɁs- } in / ohˈnjâːsaɁ / 'nape of the neck, collar'
Oo. { -hnjaɁs- } in / óhˈnjaɁsaɁ / 'neck, throat' (cf. Woodbury 2003:541).
Ca. { -hnj- } in / ohnjaɁ / 'neck, throat' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:209), { -hnjaɁs- }
in / ohnˈjaɁsaɁ / 'neck' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:209).
Se. { -HnjaɁs- } in / oːˈnjaɁsaɁ / 'neck, throat' (cf. Chafe 1967:55).
Hu. { -hnjaɁs- } in / xahˈnjaɁsaɁ / <ga‛ndiasa> 'Collum' (MS 59:97),
²⁴⁰ PNI * { -hnɹ- } 'tie'

Tu. { -htr- } in / wahˈrahtrə̃ːɁ / 'he tied it' (cf. Rudes 1999:258).
Mo. { -hneɹ- } in / ˈikhneɹʌ̃khs / 'I tie, attach to, link to, harness to,
connect to something' (cf. Maracle 1990:15).
Oo. { -hR- } in / ẽˈkhẽːkaɁ / 'I will tie it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:515).
Hu. { -hnɹ- }, cf. <gannren> 'lier, ligare' (MS 59:122),
474
Wy. { -Hnɹ- } in / aɁˈjeːnɹɛ̃ / 'I tied it' (cf. Barbeau 1960:159).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:38 ]
²⁴¹ PNI * { -hohsɹ- }, * { -hotsɹ- } 'basswood'

Tu. { -hohstr- } in / oˈhohstrɛh / 'basswood' (cf. Rudes 1999:238).
Mo. { -hoseɹ- } in / oˈhoseɹaɁ / 'basswood' (cf. Maracle 1990:323).
Oe. { -hosel- } in / ohoːˈselaɁ / 'basswood' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:634),
presence of / e / anomalous.
Oo. { -hohsR- } in / oˈhóhsæːɁ / 'basswood tree' (cf. Woodbury 2003:546).
Ca. { -hotsɹ- } in / oˈhoːtsɹaɁ / 'basswood', Lower Ca. / oˈhoːtraɁ /
Se. { -HosR- } in / oːosæɁ / 'basswood' (cf. Chafe 1967:55).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:270 ]
²⁴² PNI * { -hɹahkʷ- } 'bread'

La. * { -hɹahkʷ- } in <Carraconny> 'Pain' (Biggar 1924:242).
Oo. { -hæːhkʷ- } in / óˈhæːhkʷaɁ / 'bread' (cf. Woodbury 2003:500),
/ ehæːhkṹˈnjahaɁ / 'she is a baker' (cf. Woodbury 2003:499).
Se. { -Hæhkʷ- } in / ˈoæhkʷaɁ / 'bread' (cf. Chafe 1967:52).
[ cf. Lounsbury 1978:340, Mithun 1981b:240 ]
²⁴³ PNI * { -hɹaɁt- } 'feather'

Tu. { -hraɁn- } in / ohˈraɁnɛh / 'feather' (cf. Rudes 1999:211).
Mo. { -hɹaɁt- } in / ohˈɹâːtaɁ / 'the feather stripped from the sides of a quill
to feather an arrow' (cf. Maracle 1990:63).
Oo. { -hæɁt- } in / óˈhæɁtaɁ / 'feather' (cf. Woodbury 2003:502).
Ca. { -haɁt- } in / oˈhaɁtaɁ / 'quill; plume; feather' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:116).
Se. { -HæɁt- } in / ˈoæɁtaɁ / 'feather' (cf. Chafe 1967:52).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:269 ]
²⁴⁴ PNI * { -hɹen- } 'cut'

Tu. { -hrɛn- } in / ˈθhrɛːn / 'cut it!' (cf. Rudes 1999:212).
No. * { -(aˀtaˀt)hɹeːn- } in <Untatɹen> 'To cut' (cf. Rudes 1981a:48).
Mo. { -hɹen- } in / ˈkhɹeːnahs / 'I cut, incise, slash, I make a cut, incision'
Oe. { -hlen- } in / khleːˈnas / 'I'm cutting into it'
475
Oo. { -hen- } in / ˈkheːnas / 'I cut' (cf. Woodbury 2003:507).
Ca. { -hɹeːn- } in / ˈẽkhreːɁ / 'I will cut it' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:78).
Se. { -Heːn- } in / akheːnɛ̃h / 'I'm cutting it' (cf. Chafe 1967:53), / oɁˈkatatheːɁ /
'I cut myself' (cf. Chafe 1967:53); with reflexive.
Hu. { -hɹeːn- }, cf. <ga‛rennen> 'couper, incizer, Scarifier' (MS 59:140),
²⁴⁵ PNI * { -hɹjenẽɁ- }, * { -ɁɹhjenẽɁ- } 'fall, fall over'

Tu. { -hrjɛnə̃Ɂ- } in / ˈrahrjɛnə̃Ɂθ / 'he breaks down, he topples over'
(cf. Rudes 1999:216).
Mo. { -hɹjenʌ̃Ɂ- } in / kahˈɹjeːnʌ̃Ɂs / 'it falls in, crumbles, it falls over'
Oe. { -Ɂlhenjʌ̃Ɂ- } in / joɁlheˈnjʌ̃ː̂ ũ / 'it has fallen over'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:849), with metathesis of / j /.
Oo. { -ɁhjenẽɁ- } in / haːkaɁhjéˈnẽhtaɁ / 'it ought to get knocked over there'
(cf. Woodbury 2003:950), with causative.
Se. { -Ɂhnjenɛ̃Ɂ- } in / oɁˈkaɁhnjeːnɛ̃Ɂt / 'it fell' (cf. Chafe 1967:90).
²⁴⁶ PNI * { -hɹoɹi- }, * { -hɹoɹj- } 'tell' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -hɹoɹi- } in / ˈkhɹoːɹihs / 'I tell' (cf. Maracle 1990:50).
Oe. { -hloli- } in / kũhloːˈliheɁ / 'I keep telling you'
Oo. { -hoːj- } in / hathoːˈjahaɁ / 'he tells' (cf. Woodbury 2003:289),
with semireflexive.
Ca. { -HRowi- } in / sheˈhoːwih / 'tell her!' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:333).
Se. { -HRowi- } in / oɁˈkheːowiɁ / 'I told them' (cf. Chafe 1967:58).
²⁴⁷ PNI * { -hsẽn- } 'name, reputation'

Tu. { -hsə̃n- } in / ohˈsə̃ːnɛh / 'name' (cf. Rudes 1999:219),
probably a borrowed word.
Mo. { -hsʌ̃n- } in / ohˈsʌ̃ːnaɁ / 'name, signature, reputation'
Oe. { -hsʌ̃n- } in / sahsʌ̃ːˈnâː / 'your name' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:402).
Oo. { -hsẽn- } in / káhˈsẽːnaɁ / 'name' (cf. Woodbury 2003:553).
Ca. { -hsẽn- } in / kahˈsẽːnaɁ / 'a name' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:208).
476
Se. { -hsɛ̃n- } in / aˈkehsɛ̃ːnɔ̃Ɂ / 'my name' (cf. Chafe 1967:56).
Hu. { -hʃẽn- } in / xahˈʃẽːnaɁ / <gachienda> 'nom, Personne Csiderab'
²⁴⁸ PNI * { -hsheɁɹ- }, { -hsheɁɹh- } 'dough' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -hsheɁɹh- } in / ohˈshêːɹhaɁ / 'dough, leaven, a thick liquid'
Oe. { -sheɁlh- } in / oˈshêːlhaɁ / 'dough, paste, cream'
Oo. { -sheɁR- } in / óˈsheɁæɁ / 'dough' (cf. Woodbury 2003:792).
Ca. { -hsheɁR- } in / ohˈsheɁaɁ / 'dough' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:94).
Se. { -sheɁR- } in / oˈsheɁæɁ / 'dough' (cf. Chafe 1967:79).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:273 ]
²⁴⁹ PNI * { -hshõw- } 'depression, depth, hole, hollow.

Tu. { -hshə̃w- } in / ohˈshə̃ːwɛh / 'depth, hollow' (cf. Rudes 1999:222).
Mo. { -hshũw- } in / ohˈshũːwaɁ / 'hole, pit' (cf. Maracle 1990:64).
Oe { -shũw- } in / oshũːˈwakũ / 'in the hole'
Oo. { -shũw- } in / óˈshũːwaɁ / 'hollow, depression' (cf. Woodbury 2003:794).
Hu. { -hʃhõw- } in / ohˈʃhõːwaɁ / <ochon8a> 'trou' (Fraser 1920:446),
²⁵⁰ PNI * { -hshwahẽ- }, * { -hshwẽ- } 'detest, dislike, hate'

Mo. { -hswʌ̃- } in / ˈikhswʌ̃hs / 'I detest, dislike, hate, find distasteful'
Oe. { -shwʌ̃- } in / waɁˈkheshwʌ̃Ɂ / 'I dislike her'
Oo. { -shwahẽ- } in / háˈshwahẽhs / 'he disapproves of it, he dislikes it'
Ca. { -hswahẽ- } in / kõhˈswahẽhs / 'I hate you' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:149).
Se. { -swaɛ̃- } in / keˈswaːɛ̃s / 'I don't like it' (cf. Chafe 1967:81).
Hu. { -hskhwahẽ- }, cf. <gask8ahendi> 'haïr q.c. ou qlq' (MS 59:150),
Wy. { -hskwahɛ̃- } in / hɔ̃wahˈskwahɛ̃Ɂ / 'they disliked him'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:248).
477
²⁵¹ PNI * { -hsinkoɁt- } 'ankle, knee'
La. * { -hʃinkoɁt- } in <Agochinegodascon> 'Les genoilz' (Biggar 1924:242).
Mo. { -hsinekoɁt- } in / ohsineˈkôːtaɁ / 'the ankle' (cf. Maracle 1990:65).
Oe. { -hsinikoɁt- } in / ohsiniˈkôːtaɁ / 'ankle'
Hu. { -hʃinxoɁt- } in / ohʃiˈnxoɁtaɁ / <ochingota> 'genouil' (MS 59:48),
²⁵² PI * { -hskanẽ- } 'slow'

Ch. * { -hskànò- } in / ùːhskànőːlîː / 'slow' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:179),
with unidentified suffix.
PNI * { -hskanẽ- }, * { -hskẽnõ- } 'for free, slow, peace, peacful'.
Tu. { -hskə̃nə̃Ɂ } in / ahˈskə̃ːnə̃Ɂ / 'slowly' (cf. Rudes 1999:648).
Su. <schaeaenu> 'for intet' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. { -hskʌ̃nʌ̃- } in / skʌ̃nʌ̃haɁˈshũ̂ːha / 'slowly, quietly, softly'
Oe. { -skanʌ̃- } in / oskanʌ̃Ɂˈshũha / 'slowly'
Oo. { -skẽnõɁ- } in / skẽnṹɁˈah / 'slowly' (cf. Woodbury 2003:783).
Ca. / ˈskẽːnõɁ / 'peace' (cf. Rudes 1995:54).
Se. { -skɛ̃nɔ̃- } in / skɛ̃ˈnɔ̃Ɂɔ̃ːh / 'slowly' (cf. Chafe 1967:80).
Wy. { -hskɛ̃nɔ̃- } in / skɛ̃ˈnɔ̃ːnjeɁ / 'peaceful' (cf. Barbeau 1960:101).
[ cf. Mithun 1979:185, Rudes 1995:53 ]
²⁵³ PNI * { -hskaːths } 'be good' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -hskaths } in / ˈjohskaths / 'it is beautiful, attractive, handsome, desirable'
Se. { -skaːs } in / oskaːs / 'ref. to noise of pleasure made by woman
in copulation' (cf. Chafe 1967:80).
²⁵⁴ PNI * { -hskẽnõtõɁ } 'deer'

La. <Asquenondo> 'De dains ilz dient que se sont moutons, & les appellent'
(Biggar 1924:244).
Mo. { -hskʌ̃nũtũɁ } in / ohskʌ̃ˈnũːtũɁ / 'a deer, doe' (cf. Maracle 1990:65).
478
Oe. { -skʌ̃nũtũɁ } in / oskʌ̃nũˈtũ̂ː / 'deer' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:642).
Oo. / skẽnũˈtũɁ / 'deer' (cf. Woodbury 2003:783).
Hu. { -hskẽnõtõɁ } in / ohskẽˈnõːtõɁ / <oskennonton> 'cerf, chevreuil'
(MS 59:148), / h / and / Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. { -hskɛ̃nɔ̃tɔ̃Ɂ } in / uhskɛ̃ˈnɔ̃ːtɔ̃Ɂ / 'deer' (cf. Barbeau 1960:108).
²⁵⁵ PNI * { -hskẽɁɹ- } 'bone'; * { -hskẽɁɹakeht- } 'be a warrior', lit. 'carry the bone'
Tu. { -hskə̃Ɂr- } in / ohˈskə̃Ɂrɛh / 'bone, skeleton' (cf. Rudes 1999:225),
/ rohskə̃ɁraˈkjɛhnɛɁ / 'warrior' (cf. Rudes 1999:226).
Mo. { -hskʌ̃Ɂɹ- } in / rohskʌ̃ɁɹaˈkehteɁ / 'warrior, male' (cf. Maracle 1990:78).
Oo. { -skẽɁR- } in / hoskẽɁ́ æˈkehtah / 'young man' (cf. Woodbury 2003:783).
Se. { -skɛ̃ɁR- } in / hoskɛ̃Ɂɛ̃ˈkehtaɁ / 'warrior' (cf. Chafe 1967:80).
Hu. { -hskẽɁɹ- } in / sahskẽɁɹaˈxehteɁ / <Saskenra˛e‛te> 'tu es Soldat'
Wy. { -hskɛ̃Ɂɹ- } in / tihskɛ̃ɁɹaˈjehtaɁ / 'warriors' (cf. Barbeau 1960:300).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:38 ]
²⁵⁶ PI * { -hskʷ- } 'head'

Ch. { -hskʷ- } in / kàlȉːskʷàlǔːtíɁa̋ː / 'I'm sticking my head out'
(cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:42), / tsȉːskʷàlʌ̃n ́ i ̀ha̋ː / 'I'm hitting someone
on the head' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:53).
PNI * { -hskoɁt- }, with loss of rounding before * / o /.
Hu. { -hskoɁt- } in / ohˈskoɁtaɁ / <oskóta> 'caput' (MS 59:152),
preconsonantal / h / and / Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. { -hskuɁt- } in / uhˈskuɁtaɁje / 'on its head' (cf. Barbeau 1960:273).
²⁵⁷ PNI * { -hsnõhs- }, * { -hsnõɁ } 'finger, hand'

No. * { -hsnõɁ } in <Gesnunke> 'Your hand' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
OMo. { -hsnũɁ } in / kahˈsnũ̂ːke / <Gasnonge> 'doigt' (Bruyas 1863:99).
Mo. { -hsnũhs- } in / ohˈsnũhsaɁ / 'a hand, hands, finger, fingers'
Oe. { -shnũhs- } in / oˈshnũhsaɁ / 'hand, fingers'
²⁵⁸ PI * { -hsnuːɹiɁ } 'be fast, be quick'

Ch. { -hsìnűːlîː } in / ùːhsìnűːlîː / 'quickly' (Mooney 1891:355).
479
PNI * { -hsnoɹeɁ } 'be fast, be quick'.
Tu. { -hstorɛɁ } in / juhˈstoːrɛɁ / 'it is fast' (cf. Rudes 1999:583).
Su. * { -hsnoɹeɁ } in <Zatznuri> 'War snaar' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. { -hsnoɹeɁ } in / johˈsnoːɹeɁ / 'it is fast, quick, quickly'
Oe. { -shnoleɁ } in / joshnoːˈlêː / 'it is fast' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:658).
Oo. { -snoweɁ } in / óˈsnoːweɁ / 'it is fast, it is swift' (cf. Woodbury 2003:797).
Ca. { -hsnoweɁ } in / ohˈsnoːweɁ / 'it is fast, quick' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:114).
Se. { -snoweɁ } in / osnoːweɁ / 'it's fast' (cf. Chafe 1967:40).
Hu. { -hstoɹeɁ }, cf. <ga‛store> 'etre prompt, vit, expeditif' (MS 59:153),
Wy. { -hstuɹeɁ } in / uhstuːˈɹeɁ / 'quickly' (cf. Barbeau 1960:285).
[ cf. Mithun 1979:182, Rudes 1995:44 ]
²⁵⁹ PNI * { -hsoːt } 'be ancestor to, be grandparent to'

Tu. { -hsoːt } in / ˈaksoːt / 'my grandmother, my great grandmother,
my female ancestor' (cf. Rudes 1999:231).
Mo. { -hsot- } in / aˈkhsotha / 'my grandmother' (cf. Maracle 1990:3).
Oe. { -hsot- } in / sahˈsotha / 'your grandmother'
Oo. { -hsot- } in / akshotaˈhah / 'my grandmother' (cf. Woodbury 2003:558).
Ca. { -hsoːt } in / õˈkehsoːt / 'my grandmother' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:140).
Se. { -hsoːt } in / aksoːt / 'my grandmother' (cf. Chafe 1967:57).
Hu. { -hʃoːt- }, cf. <gachiota> 'etre Grand P. ou gr. M. par la fille,
av. pr. nepotes les Enf. de sa fille' (MS 59:48), long vowel and / h /
assumed present.
Wy. { -hʃut- } in / uhʃuˈtaɁ / 'grandmother' (cf. Barbeau 1960:102).
²⁶⁰ PI * { -hsɹõːn- } 'build, make, prepare'

Ch. * { -hslʌ̃ː̀ n- } in / hòːhlʌ̃ː̌ na̋ː / 'he's making it' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:121).
PNI * { -hsɹõni- }, * { -hsɹõnj- }, * { -õni- }, * { -õnj- } 'prepare, make, create',
the latter two forms generally occur with incorporated noun roots,
but also occur independently in some languages.
Tu. { -hstrə̃ni- } in / raɁrihwahˈstrə̃ːnih / 'he amends it' (cf. Rudes 1999:230).
La. * { -õniːh } in <Carraconny> 'Pain' (Biggar 1924:242).
Mo. { -hseɹũni- } in / ikhseˈɹũːnihs / 'I adorn, decorate, attire, touch up, fix,
480
accommodate' (cf. Maracle 1990:16); { -ũni- } in / ˈkũːnis / 'I make,
construct, fabricate, produce' (cf. Maracle 1990:55).
Oe. { -hslũni- } in / khehslũːˈniheɁ / 'I'm dressing her or them'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:406); { -ũni- } in / kũːˈniheɁ /
'I'm making it' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:756).
Oo. { -hsẽːnj- } in / waɁkéhˈsẽːnjaɁ / 'I made it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:554);
{ -ũnj- } in / waɁkhǽːhˈkũːnjaɁ / 'I baked bread'
Ca. { -hsɹõni- } in / ẽhsehˈsɹõːniɁ / 'you will create, make s.t.'
(cf. Froman et al. 2002:121); { -õni- } in / ˈkõːnihs / 'I make, earn'
Se. { -sjɔ̃ni- } in / aˈkesjɔ̃ːniːh / 'I've made it, prepared it' (cf. Chafe 1967:81);
{ -õni- } in / jeˈsheɁõːnih / 'she makes dough' (cf. Chafe 1967:77).
Hu. { -hʃɹõni- }, { -hʃɹõnj- }, cf. <gachondi> 'accomoder, ajuster, orner q.c.'
/ h / in Rock dialect; { -õni- }, { -õnj- }, cf. <Ondi> 'fe. q.c.'
(MS 59:184).
Wy. { -hʃɹɔ̃nj- } in / aɁˈhatehʃɹɔ̃ːnjaɁ / 'he got ready' (cf. Barbeau 1960:180);
{ -ɔ̃nj- } in / hateɁˈnɔ̃njah / 'he makes arrows' (cf. Barbeau 1960:201),
{ -ɔ̃ni- } in / utɔ̃taˈɹɔ̃ːnih / 'she has made a lake' (cf. Barbeau 1960:103).
²⁶¹ PNI * { -hst- } 'use'

Tu. { -hst- } in / ˈrahsthaɁ / 'he employs it, he uses it' (cf. Rudes 1999:255).
Mo. { -hst- } in / ˈikhsthaɁ / 'I serve, am useful for, am good for'
Oo. { -st- } in / háˈtisthaɁ / 'they use it, they are using it, they wear it'
Ca. { -hst- } in / ehsthaɁ / 'she uses it; people use it'
Hu. { -hst- }, cf. <ga‛sti> 'se servir d'une Ch. pr. q. usage' (MS 59:153).
Wy. { -hst- } in / ˈehskwahst / 'you will use itˈ (cf. Barbeau 1960:154).
²⁶² PNI * { -hstahɹõw- } 'marrow'

Tu. { -hsnahrə̃w- } in / ohsnahˈrə̃ːwɛh / 'glue, marrow, pith'
(cf. Rudes 1999:228).
Mo. { -hstahɹũw- } in / ohstahˈɹũːwaɁ / 'marrow' (cf. Maracle 1990:65).
481
Oe. { -stahlũw- } in / otstahrũːˈwâː / 'marrow'
Se. { -staːɔ̃w- } in / oˈstaːɔ̃wɔ̃Ɂ / 'marrow' (cf. Chafe 1967:80).
²⁶³ PI * { -hsthwih }, * { -hstwih } 'be little, be small'

Ch. { -hstìː } in / ùhsti ̋ː / 'little' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:178).
PNI * { -ahsthw- }, * { -ahsto- }, * { -hsthwih }, * { -hstwih } 'shrink, be small'
Tu. { -ahsthw- } in / ˈwahsthə̃ / 'it is small' (cf. Rudes 1999:648).
Mo. { -ahsto- } in / ˈwahstohs / 'it shortens up, becomes smaller,
decreased in size' (cf. Maracle 1990:101).
Oe. { -asto- } in / joˈstôːũ / 'it has gotten smaller'
Oo. { -sthwih } in / ˈósthwih / 'it is less, it is smaller' (cf. Woodbury 2003:799).
Ca. { -ahsthw- } in / wahsthwahs / 'it shrinks' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:291).
Hu. { -hskwih }, cf. <gask8i> 'etre petit' (MS 59:51).
²⁶⁴ PNI * { -hsw- } 'back'

Tu. { -hsw- } in / ˈohswɛh / 'back, bust, lower back' (cf. Rudes 1999:233).
Mo. { -hsw- } in / ˈohswaɁ / 'the small of the back' (cf. Maracle 1990:65).
Oe. { -shw- } in / ˈoshwaɁ / 'back' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:662).
Ca. { -hsw- } in / ohˈsweːnaɁ / 'upper back' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:19).
²⁶⁵ PNI * { -hswẽɁkaɹ- }, * { -hwẽɁkaɹ- }, * { -hwẽɁkhaɹ- } 'board, wood'

Tu. { -hwə̃Ɂkhar- } in / ohˈwə̃Ɂkharɛh / 'board, plank, timber, wood'
(cf. Rudes 1999:243).
Mo. { -hswʌ̃Ɂkaɹ- } in / ohˈswʌ̃ː̂ kaɹeɁ / 'lumber, boards, a chess board'
Oe. { -hsũɁkal- } in / ohˈsũ̂ːkaleɁ / 'board' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:661),
shift of / wʌ̃ / to / ũ / anomalous.
Oo. { -shwẽɁkaR- } in / óˈshwẽɁkaːɁ / 'board, flooring' (cf. Woodbury 2003:795).
Ca. { -hwẽɁkaR- } in / ohˈwẽɁkaːɁ / 'a splint; a wood chip'
Se. { -Hwɛ̃ɁkaR- } in / oːˈwɛ̃ɁkææɁ / 'wood, splint' (cf. Chafe 1967:57).
²⁶⁶ PNI * { -hsɁ- }, * { -ihsɁ- } 'complete, exhaust, finish'

Tu. { -hsɁ- } in / ˈrahsɁahs / 'he exhausts it' (cf. Rudes 1999:256); { -ihsɁ- } in
482
/ ranə̃hˈsihsɁahs / 'he finishes the house' (cf. Rudes 1999:256).
Mo. { -hsaɁ- } in / ˈikhsaɁs / 'I create, achieve, arrive at, perfect, finish,
complete' (cf. Maracle 1990:15); { -ihsaɁ- } in / kerihˈwihsaɁs /
'I decree, order, decide' (cf. Maracle 1990:134).
Oe. { -hsaɁ- } in / ˈiksaɁas / 'I'm finishing it'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:400); { -isaɁ- } in / ʌ̃hanũhˈsisaneɁ /
'he will finish building the house' (604), loss of / h / in incorporating
form anomalous.
Oo. { -hsɁ- } in / kéhsˈɁas / 'I finish, I'm eating it all up'
(cf. Woodbury 2003:561); { -ihsɁ- } in / waknṹhˈsihsɁaɁ /
'I finished a house' (cf. Woodbury 2003:561).
Ca. { -ihsɁ- } in / õkwathẽˈtihsɁõh / 'we finished the field'
Se. { -sɁ- } in / heˈjosɁahtɔ̃h / 'it's all gone' (cf. Chafe 1967:56).
Hu. { -ihʃaɁ- }, cf. <ichai> 'achever, finir, conclurre' (MS 59:203),
Wy. { -ihʃɛ̃Ɂ } in / naˈhatekwihʃɛ̃Ɂ / 'when he has eaten (cf. Barbeau 1960:116).
²⁶⁷ PNI * { -htsiɁ } 'have as older sibling, have as older maternal female cousin'
Tu. { -htʃiɁ } in / ˈaktʃiɁ / 'my older sister, my older maternal female cousin'
(cf. Rudes 1999:195).
No. * { -htʃiɁ } in <ahkahchee> 'Sister' (cf. Rudes 1981a:48).
Mo. { -htsiɁ } in / aˈkhtsîːɁa / 'my older sister' (Deering & Delisle 1976:31).
Oe. { -htsi- } in / aˈktsiha / 'my older sister, she's my older sister'
Oo. { -htsiɁ- } in / aktshíˈɁah / 'my older sibling, my older brother or sister'
Ca. { -htsiɁ- } in / khehˈtsiɁah / 'my older sister' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:612).
Se. { -htsiɁ } in / hahtsiɁ / 'my older brother' (cf. Chafe 1967:54), / ahtsiɁ /
'my older sister' (cf. Chafe 1967:54).
²⁶⁸ PI * { -htsuːhw- } 'colour, dye, paint'

Ch. { -hsùːhw- } in / hìhsǔːhwa̋ː / 'paint it!' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:55).
PNI * { -ahtsoh- }, * { -ahtsohw- } 'colour, paint, dye',
initial / a / anomalous, perhaps original.
Tu. { -ahθoh- } in / rahˈθohahs / 'he paints' (cf. Rudes 1999:28).
483
Mo. { -ahsoh- } in / ˈkahsohs / 'I dye something, I colour something'
Oe. { -ahsohw- } in / waˈhahsoweɁ / 'he coloured'
Oo. { -ahsohw- } in / akáhˈsohwih / 'I have painted it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:239).
Ca. { -ahsoh- } in / wahˈsohõːt / 'it is coloured, dyed' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:99).
Se. { -ahsoh- } in / aˈkahsoɔ̃h / 'I've painted it' (cf. Chafe 1967:38).
Hu. { -ahsohw- }, cf. <Asoh8i> 'Teindre' (MS 59:17),
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:260, Rudes 1995:51 ]
²⁶⁹ PNI * { -hwatsiɹ- } 'family'

Tu. { -hwatʃir- } in / ohwaˈtʃiːrɛh / 'clan segment, extended family'
(cf. Rudes 1999:240).
Mo. { -hwatsiɹ- } in / ohˈwaːtsiɹeɁ / 'a maternal family' (cf. Maracle 1990:66).
Oe. { -hwatsil- } in / kahwaːˈtsileɁ / 'family'
Oo. { -hwatsiR- } in / akhwáˈtsiːjæɁ / 'my family' (cf. Woodbury 2003:572).
Ca. { -hwatsiR- } in / swahwaːˈtsiːjaɁ / 'your (pl) families'
Se. { -HwatsiR- } in / khwatsiːjæɁ / 'my family' (cf. Chafe 1967:57).
Hu. { -hwatsiɹ- } in / xahwaˈtsiːɹaɁ / <gah8atsira> 'famille' (MS 59:78).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:278 ]
²⁷⁰ PNI * { -hweɁnõniːh } 'be round'

Tu. { -hwə̃hnə̃tiːh } in / thaɁnɛhwə̃hˈnə̃ːtiːh / 'it is round' (cf. Rudes 1999:438),
/ ə̃ / and / hn / anomalous.
No. * { -hweɁˀtõtiːh } in <Tatowetente> 'Round' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Mo. { -hweɁnũni } in / tejothweɁˈnũːni / 'it is round, circular'
(cf. Maracle 1990:83), with semireflexive.
Oe. { -hweɁnũni } in / tejothweɁnũːˈni / '(it's a) circle, it's round'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:201), with semireflexive.
Oo. { -hweɁnũnih } in / tejothweɁnṹˈnih / 'it is round, it is a circle'
(cf. Woodbury 2003:294), with semireflexive.
Ca. { -hweɁnõniː } in / tejothweɁˈnõːniː / 'it is round'
(cf. Froman et al. 2002:273), with semireflexive.
484
Se. { -HweɁnɔniːh } in / teˈjothweɁnɔːniːh / 'it's round' (cf. Chafe 1967:57),
with semireflexive.
Hu. { -hweɁnõniːh }, cf. <gah8ennondi> 'plier en rond. en rouleau' (MS 59:78),
long vowel and final / h / assumed present.
²⁷¹ PNI * { -hwẽɁnst- } 'foam'

Oe. { -hwʌ̃Ɂtst- } in / ohˈwʌ̃ː̂ tstaɁ / 'foam' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:415).
Oo. { -hwẽɁst- } in / óhˈwẽɁstaɁ / 'foam, phlegm' (cf. Woodbury 2003:578).
Ca. { -hwẽɁst- } in / ohˈwẽɁstaɁ / 'foam' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:124).
Se. { -Hwɛ̃Ɂst- } in / oːˈwɛ̃ɁstaɁ / 'foam' (cf. Chafe 1967:57).
Hu. { -hwẽɁst- } in / kahˈwẽɁstaɁ / <gah8ensta> 'ecume, pustule' (MS 59:79),
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:275 ]
²⁷² PNI * { -hwihsh- } 'force, strength'

Tu. { -hwihsh- } in / rathwihˈshə̃ːtih / 'he forces it' (cf. Rudes 1999:60).
Mo. { -hwihsh- } in / ohˈwihshaɁ / 'energy of the body, vigour'
Oe. { -hwish- } in / tekhwishʌ̃heːˈjũ̂ːseɁ / 'I get tired'
Oo. { -hwish- } in / ˈkhẃisheɁ / 'I am strong, I am powerful'
Se. { -hwihs- } in / oːˈwihsaɁ / 'muscle' (cf. Chafe 1967:58),
loss of second rather than first / h / of PNI cluster anomalous.
Hu. { -hwihʃh- } in / xahˈwihʃhaɁ / <gah8icha> 'force, robur' (MS 59:79),
Wy. { -ːwihʃ- } in / haːˈwihʃaɁjeh / 'his strength' (cf. Barbeau 1960:141).
²⁷³ PI * { hwihsk } 'five'

Ch. / hìhski ̋ː / 'five' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:129).
PNI * / ˈhwihsk / 'five'; Onondaga and Huron-Wyandot show reflexes of a form
/ ˈhwiks / 'five'.
Tu. / ˈwisk / 'five' (cf. Rudes 1999:585), with unexplained loss of second / h /.
No. <Whisk> 'Five' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Su. <Wisck> '5' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
La. <Ouyscon> 'Cinq' (Biggar 1924:241).
485
Mo. / ˈwihsk / 'five' (cf. Maracle 1990:111).
Oe. / ˈwisk / 'five' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:774).
Oo. / ˈhwíks / 'five' (cf. Woodbury 2003:578).
Ca. / hwihs / 'five' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:605).
Se. / wis / 'five' (cf. Chafe 1967:85).
Hu. / ˈwihʃ / <8ich> 'Cinq' (MS 59:138), preconsonantal / h / assumed
present.
Wy. / uˈwihʃ / 'five' (cf. Barbeau 1960:185).
[ cf. Lounsbury 1978:339, Mithun 1979:183, Mithun 1981a:3, Rudes 1995:45 ]
²⁷⁴ PNI * { -hwihst- } 'metal, money'

Tu. { -hwihst- } in / ohˈwihstɛh / 'cash, metal, money' (cf. Rudes 1999:243),
a borrowed word.
Mo. { -hwihst- } in / ohˈwihstaɁ / 'money, metal, bell, silver'
Oe. { -hwist- } in / ohˈwistaɁ / 'money, dollar'
Oo. { -hwist- } in / óhˈwistaɁ / 'money, metal object, bell'
Ca. { -hwihst- } in / ohˈwihstaɁ / 'money' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:202).
Se. { -Hwist- } in / oːˈwistaɁ / 'money' (cf. Chafe 1967:58).
Wy. { -kwihst- } in / ajekwihˈstaːẽɁ / 'I have money' (cf. Barbeau 1960:280),
/ k / anomalous.
²⁷⁵ PI * { -iː- } 'be, be the one, exist'

Ch. { -ìː- } in / tsi ̋ːkîː / 'who is' and / ji ̀ki ̋ː / 'is not'
PNI * { -iːh } 'be, exist'.
Tu. {-iː } in / ˈiːkə̃ː / 'it is' (cf. Rudes 1999:245).
La. * { -iːh } in <Yca> 'Quello; Celuy' (BR80).
Mo. { -i } in / ˈiːkʌ̃ / 'the one' (cf. Maracle 1990:40).
Oe. { -i } in / iˈkʌ̃ / 'really' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:425).
Oo. { -ih } in / íˈkẽh / 'it is' (cf. Woodbury 2003:588).
Se. { -iːh } in / teɁkɛ̃ːh / 'not much' (cf. Chafe 1967:58).
Hu. { -ih } in / ˈeːxẽhk / <e˛enk> 'sera' (MS 59:32), / h / assumed present.
Wy. { -ih } in / ˈteɁjɛ̃h / 'it is not' (cf. Barbeau 1960:269).
486
²⁷⁶ PNI * { -ihej- } 'be dead, die'
Tu. { -ihej- } in / ə̃ˈkihejɁ / 'I will die' (cf. Rudes 1999:249).
No. * { -ihej- } in <Anseehe> 'Death' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
Mo. { -ihej- } in / kiˈheːjũhs / 'I die, I pass away, I become dead'
Oe. { -ihej- } in / jaknʌ̃heːˈjũ / 'we two have died'
Oo. { -ihej- } in / ẽkíˈheːjaɁ / 'I will die' (cf. Woodbury 2003:592).
Ca. { -ihej- } in / kiˈheːjõhs / 'I am dying' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:86).
Se. { -iej- } in / aˈkiːejɔ̃ːh / 'I'm dead' (cf. Chafe 1967:59).
Hu. { -iheJ- }, cf. <genheon> 'Mourir' (MS 59:174).
Wy. { -iheJ- } in / aɁˈjɛ̃he / 'she died' (cf. Barbeau 1960:311).
²⁷⁷ PNI * { -ihjaɁk- }, * { -jahjaɁk- } 'cross over'

Tu. { -ihjaɁk- } in / wahˈrə̃hjaɁk / 'he crossed over it' (cf. Rudes 1999:259).
Mo. { -jahjaɁk- } in / teˈkjâːjaɁkhs / 'I cross over' (cf. Michelson 1973:121).
Oe. { -jahjaɁk- } in / tehojahˈjâːkũ / 'he has gone across'
Oo. { -jahjaɁk- } in / teháˈjahjaɁks / 'he crosses over' (cf. Woodbury 2003:876).
Se. { -jaːjaɁk- } in / tɛ̃jakwaˈjaːjaɁk / 'we'll cross it' (cf. Chafe 1967:86).
Wy. { -JaːʒaɁK- } in / sahiˈʒaːʒaɁ / 'they crossed the field again'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:215), / tehstihˈtiːʒaɁ / 'you cross a field'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:183).
²⁷⁸ PNI * { -ijhõh- }, * { -ijhõhw- }, * { -wjhõh- } 'creek, river'

Tu. { -jhə̃h- } in / oˈjhə̃hɛh / 'river' (cf. Rudes 1999:264).
OMo. / kaˈjhũhaɁ / <Gaihonha> 'rivière' (Bruyas 1863:63, MS58:1098)
Mo. { -hjũh- } in / kahˈjũhaɁ / 'a river, creek, stream' (cf. Maracle 1990:25).
Oe. { -wjhũh- } in / kaˈwjhũhaɁ / 'river' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:778).
́ ˈjũhwaɁ / 'river' (cf. Woodbury 2003:631).
Oo. { -ihjũhw- } in / kẽh
Se. { -ihɔ̃H- } in / kɛ̃hɔ̃ːteɁ / 'a creek is there' (cf. Chafe 1967:59).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:275 ]
²⁷⁹ PNI * { -ijoːh } 'be beautiful, be good, be great'

Tu. { -ijoː } in / ˈwiːjoː / 'it is beautiful, it is great' (cf. Rudes 1999:265).
487
Mo. { -ijo } in / kanũhkʷaɁtsheˈɹiːjo / 'good medicine, a good remedy'
(cf. Maracle 1990:273).
Oe. { -ijo } in / kakhwiːˈjo / 'good food' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:441).
Oo. { -ijoh } in / ohahíˈjoh / 'good road' (cf. Woodbury 2003:635).
Ca. { -ijoː } in / ohneːˈkiːjoː / 'good water' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:363).
Se. { -ijoːh } in / wiːjoːh / 'it's good' (cf. Chafe 1967:46).
Hu. { -ioːh }, cf. <ïo> 'beau, bon, grand' (MS 59:204),
²⁸⁰ PNI * { -inkẽɁ- } 'emerge, go out, put out'

Tu. { -itkə̃Ɂ- } in / wɛˈkiːtkə̃Ɂθ / 'it distills' (cf. Rudes 1999:263),
/ rawə̃ˈtiːtkə̃Ɂθ / 'he speaks' (cf. Rudes 1999:263).
Mo. { -inekʌ̃Ɂ- } in / kewʌ̃ˈninekʌ̃Ɂs / 'I utter, make speeches'
(cf. Maracle 1990:153).
Oe. { -inikʌ̃Ɂ- } in / waɁewʌ̃ˈninikʌ̃neɁ / 'she spoke out'
Oo. { -itkẽɁ- } in / kaǽhˈkʷitkẽɁs / 'the sun rises, the moon rises'
Ca. { -itkẽɁ- } in / kawẽniˈtkẽɁõːɁ / 'a speech' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:584).
Se. { -itkɛ̃Ɂ- } in / tjoæhkʷiˈtkɛ̃Ɂɔ̃h / 'the sun (or moon) has come out'
(cf. Chafe 1967:60).
Hu. { -inxẽɁ- }, cf. <ingendi> 'Sortir' (MS 59:203), / Ɂ / assumed present.
²⁸¹ PI * { iːnõh } 'far'

Ch. / i ̋ːnâː / 'far' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:133), for final vowel cf. / ìːnʌ̃ː̀ hi ̋ː /
'too far' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:133).
PNI * / ˈiːnõh / 'far'.
Tu. / ˈiːnə̃ / 'far' (cf. Rudes 1999:260).
Mo. / ˈiːnũ / 'far, distant, a long ways off' (cf. Maracle 1990:10).
Oe. / iˈnũ / 'it's far' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:426).
Oo. / ˈiːnũh / 'far' (cf. Woodbury 2003:633).
Ca. / ˈiːnõh / 'far' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:686).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:44 ]
²⁸² PNI * { -inskaɹ- } 'mattress, sheet, spread'

Tu. { -iθkar- } in / ˈuθkarɛh / 'sheet, spread' (cf. Rudes 1999:261).
488
Mo. { -itskaɹ- } in / ˈkʌ̃tskaɹeɁ / 'a mattress, cover, sheet, mat, carpet, flooring'
Oe. { -itskal- } in / waˈkitskalũɁ / 'I have put the sheet down'
Ca. { -itskaR- } in / kẽtskaːɁ / 'mattress, sleeping mat'
Se. { -iskaR- } in / kɛ̃skaːaɁ / 'mat, something to sleep on' (cf. Chafe 1967:60).
²⁸³ PNI * { -inskoːt } 'be sitting, sit' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -itskot- } in / ˈkitskoteɁ / 'I am seated' (cf. Maracle 1990:53).
Oe. { -itskot- } in / ˈjetskoteɁ / 'she's sitting up'
Ca. { -itskoːt } in / kitskoːt / 'I am sitting' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:295).
²⁸⁴ PNI * { -inskɹ- } 'saliva, spit, spittle'

Tu. { -iθkr- } in / ˈoθkrɛh / 'spittle' (cf. Rudes 1999:412),
unexpected lack of penultimate lengthening.
Mo. { -itskeɹ- } in / ˈotskeɹiɁ / 'spit, spittle, saliva' (cf. Maracle 1990:76).
Oe. { -itskl- } in / ˈotsklaɁ / 'spit, spittle, saliva'
Oo. { -itskR- } in / ˈótskæːɁ / 'saliva' (cf. Woodbury 2003:635).
Ca. { -itskɹ- } in / ˈotskɹaɁ / 'saliva, spit, sputum' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:276).
Se. { -iskR- } in / oskæɁ / 'saliva' (cf. Chafe 1967:60).
Hu. { -iskɹ- } in / oˈskɹoːtaɁ / <oskrota> 'Crachat' (MS 59:154).
²⁸⁵ PNI * { -inst- } 'fish scale'

Tu. { -iθn- } in / ˈoːθnɛh / 'fishscales' (cf. Mithun 1984b:275).
Mo. { -itst- } in / ˈjotstaɹeɁ / 'it has scales on it' (cf. Maracle 1990:22).
Oe. { -itst- } in / ʌ̃kitstalũːˈkôː / 'I will remove the fish scales'
Oo. { -ist- } in / ˈkẽś taːɁ / 'it has scales, it has a scab' (cf. Woodbury 2003:633).
Ca. { -ihst- } in / ohstaːɁ / 'a scale (of a fish)' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:279).
Se. { -ist- } in / ostaɁ / 'scales' (cf. Chafe 1967:60).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:275 ]
489
²⁸⁶ PNI * { -instẽhɹ- }, * { -nstẽhɹ- } 'cliff, rock, rock bank'
Tu. { -itʃtə̃hr- } in / oˈtʃtə̃hrɛh / 'stone', / joˈtʃtə̃hrɛh / 'cliff on land or in water'
(cf. Rudes 1999:136), probably a borrowed root.
Mo. { -itstʌ̃hɹ- } in / oˈtstʌ̃ː̂ ɹaɁ / 'a rock, boulder, stone' (cf. Maracle 1990:76).
Oe. { -itstʌ̃hl- } in / oˈtstʌ̃ː̂ laɁ / 'rock, mountain, outcropping'
Oo. { -stẽhR- } in / óˈstẽhæɁ / 'rock' (cf. Woodbury 2003:777).
Se. { -stɛ̃ːR- } in / oˈstɛ̃ːɛ̃Ɂ / 'cliff' (cf. Chafe 1967:81).
²⁸⁷ PNI * { -itaɁw- }, * { -itɁo- } 'sleep'

Tu. { -itɁo- } in / waˈkiːtɁohs / 'I am sleeping' (cf. Rudes 1999:264).
No. * { -iˀtaɁw- } or * { -iˀtɁo- } in <Kentus> 'Sleep' (cf. Rudes 1981a:48).
La. * { -itaɁw- } in <Quasigno agnydahoa> 'Allons nous coucher'
(Biggar 1924:243).
Mo. { -itaɁw- } in / waˈkiːtaɁs / 'I am asleep' (cf. Maracle 1990:107).
Oe. { -itaɁw- } in / ũkiːˈtaweɁ / 'I fell asleep'
Oo. { -itaɁw- } in / kóˈtaɁwih / 'she is asleep' (cf. Woodbury 2003:589).
Ca. { -itaɁw- } in / sõˈkiːtaɁ / 'I went back to sleep' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:298).
Se. { -itaɁw- } in / ɔ̃kiːtaɁ / 'I went to sleep' (cf. Chafe 1967:60).
Hu. { -itaɁw- }, cf. <genta8i> 'dormir' (MS 59:176), / Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. { -itaɁw- } in / huˈtaɁwih / 'he is sleeping' (cf. Barbeau 1960:170).
²⁸⁸ PNI * { -itjohkʷ- } 'crowd, group'

Tu. { -iɁnjohkʷ- } in / oɁˈnjohkʷɛh / 'army, body, company, class, group, league,
organization, troop' (cf. Rudes 1999:269).
Mo. { -itjohkʷ- } in / kʌ̃ˈtjohkʷaɁ / 'a band, assembly, company, collection,
group' (cf. Maracle 1990:43).
Oe. { -itjohkʷ- } in / kʌ̃ˈtjohkʷaɁ / 'group, crowd'
Oo. { -itjohkʷ- } in / kẽˈ́ tjohkʷaɁ / 'crowd, group' (cf. Woodbury 2003:591).
Ca. { -itjohkʷ- } in / skẽˈtjohkʷaːt / 'one crowd; one body',
Lower Ca. / skẽˈkjohkʷaːt / (cf. Froman et al. 2002:488).
Se. { -itjohkʷ- } in / kɛ̃ˈtjohkʷaɁ / 'crowd' (cf. Chafe 1967:60).
Hu. { -itjohkʷ- } in / xẽˈtjohkʷaɁ / <gentiok8a> 'Troupe assemblée'
490
Wy. { -ikjuhkʷ- } in / huˈkjuhkʷaɁ / 'his crowd' (cf. Barbeau 1960:294).
²⁸⁹ PNI * { iːts } 'you'

Tu. / ˈiːθ / 'you, the two of you, you all' (cf. Rudes 1999:261).
Su. <Hiss> 'Du' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. / ˈiːseɁ / 'you, yourself' (cf. Maracle 1990:10).
Oe. / iˈsêː / 'you' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:427).
Oo. / ˈís / 'you' (cf. Woodbury 2003:633).
Ca. / iːs / 'you' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:686)
Se. / iːs / 'you' (cf. Chafe 1967:90).
Hu. / ˈiːsa / <isa> 'tu' (MS 59:18), final / a / anomalous.
²⁹⁰ PNI * { -iɁaːk- }, * { -iɁjaːk- }, * { -Ɂjaːk- } 'shoot'

Tu. { -iɁak- } in / waˈktiɁak / 'I shot it' (cf. Rudes 1999:267).
No. * { -(aˀtaˀt)Ɂjaːk- } in <Untatchag> 'To shoot' (cf. Rudes 1981a:48).
Mo. { -iɁjaɁk- } in / ˈkîːjaɁkhs / 'I shoot a bow, I discharge arrows'
Ca. { -ɁjaːK- } in / haˈtijɁaːs / 'they (m) are shooting'
Se. { -iɁjaːK- } in / ˈtsiɁjaːk / 'shoot it!' (cf. Chafe 1967:61).
Hu. { -iɁjaːK- } or { -ɁjaːK- }, cf. <gaia˛i> 'tirer fuzil' (MS 59:40),
long vowel and / Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. { -iɁʒaK- } / ˈtsiɁʒah / 'shoot!' (cf. Barbeau 1960:70).
²⁹¹ PNI * { -iɁtaɹ- }, * { -Ɂtaɹ- } 'clan, clay, hearth'

Mo. { -iɁtaɹ- } in / oɁˈtaːɹaɁ / 'clay, clan, tribe, chimney, pottery, crockery'
Oe. { -iɁtal- } in / niwakiɁtaˈlôːtʌ̃ / 'it's my clan'
Oo. { -ɁtaR- } in / óɁˈtaːæɁ / 'mud, clay, mortar' (cf. Woodbury 2003:943).
Ca. { -iɁtaR- } in / oɁtaːɁ / 'clay; mud; mortar' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:56).
Se. { -ɁtaR- } in / kaɁtaːaɁ / 'chimney, fireplace' (cf. Chafe 1967:93).
Hu. { -Ɂtaɹ- } in / oɁˈtaːɹaɁ / <otara> 'terre, fange' (MS 59:155),
Wy. { -Ɂtaɹ- } in / hutiɁtaˈɹaːẽɁ / 'they have a clan' (cf. Barbeau 1960:100).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:278 ]
491
²⁹² PNI * { -iɁtɹõ- } 'abide, dwell, reside, sit'
Tu. { -iɁrə̃- } in / ˈrə̃Ɂrə̃Ɂ / 'he abides, he is placed, he is seated, he remains'
(cf. Rudes 1999:270).
Mo. { -iɁteɹũ- } in / ˈkîːteɹũɁ / 'I reside, live, stay somewhere, I am present'
Oe. { -iɁtlũ- } in / ˈkîːtlũɁ / 'I'm sitting, I'm at home'
Oo. { -iɁtẽː- } in / ˈkẽɁ́ tẽːɁ / 'it is sitting [there], it is in place'
Ca. { -iɁtɹõ- } in / haˈtiɁtɹõɁ / 'they (m) are at home'
Se. { -iɁtjɔ̃- } in / kiɁtjɔ̃Ɂ / 'I'm settled, I dwell' (cf. Chafe 1967:61).
Hu. { -iɁtɹõ- }, cf. <gentron> 'etre en q. lieu' (MS 59:178),
Wy. { -iɁtɹɔ̃- } in / tiˈhɛ̃Ɂtɹɔ̃Ɂ / 'there he sits' (cf. Barbeau 1960:275).
²⁹³ PNI * { -jakẽɁ- } 'exit, go out, leave'

Tu. { -jakə̃Ɂ- } in / ˈkjaːkə̃Ɂθ / 'I go out' (cf. Rudes 1999:494).
Mo. { -jakʌ̃Ɂ- } in / ˈkjaːkʌ̃Ɂs / 'I exit, leave a building, place'
Oe. { -jakʌ̃Ɂ- } in / waɁkjaːˈkʌ̃neɁ / 'I went out'
Oo. { -jakẽɁ- } in / háˈjaːkẽɁs / 'he goes out' (cf. Woodbury 2003:873).
Ca. { -jakẽɁ- } in / ˈkjaːkẽɁs / 'I am going out' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:591).
Se. { -jakɛ̃Ɂ- } in / hewakjaˈkɛ̃Ɂɔ̃h / 'I've gone out' (cf. Chafe 1967:85).
Hu. { -JaxẽɁ- }, cf. <gaa˛endi> 'Sortir' (MS 59:39).
Wy. { -Jajɛ̃Ɂ- } in / etiʒaˈjɛ̃haɁ / 'we went out' (cf. Barbeau 1960:186).
²⁹⁴ PNI * { -jan- } 'footprint, gait, track'

Tu. { -jat- } in / oˈjaːtɛh / 'gait' (cf. Rudes 1999:497).
Mo. { -jan- } in / oˈjaːnaɁ / 'track, pace, path, couple, pair' (cf. Maracle 1990:66).
Oe. { -jan- } in / ojaːˈnâː / 'track' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:785).
Oo. { -jan- } in / káˈjaːnaːɁ / '(it is a) footprint, (it is a) track'
Ca. { -jan- } in / oˈjaːnaɁ / 'a tire; its track; anything that leaves tracks'
492
Se. { -jan- } in / oˈjaːnɔ̃Ɂ / 'footprint, track, tire' (cf. Chafe 1967:86).
²⁹⁵ PNI * { -janɹ- } 'be a chief, be good, be lawful, be proper' ( limited to Iroquoia )
Mo. { -janeɹ- } in / joˈjaneɹeɁ / 'it is good, righteous, proper'
Oe. { -janl- } in / joˈjanleɁ / 'it's good' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:7687).
Oo. { -janR- } in / óˈjaːneːɁ / 'it is good' (cf. Woodbury 2003:879).
Ca. { -janɹ- } in / oˈjaːnɹeɁ / 'it is nice, good, beautiful'
Se. { -janR- } in / hojaːneːh / '(he's a) chief' (cf. Chafe 1967:86).
²⁹⁶ PNI * { -janɹehsɹ- }, * { -janrẽhsɹ- } 'law'

Tu. { -janrə̃hstr- } in / ojaˈnrə̃hstrɛh / 'institutes, law, statute'
(cf. Rudes 1999:496), probably a borrowed word.
Mo. { -janeɹʌ̃hseɹ- } in / kajaneˈɹʌ̃hseɹaɁ / 'the law' (cf. Maracle 1990:27).
Oe. { -janlʌ̃hsl- } in / kajaˈnlʌ̃hslaɁ / 'law' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:787).
Oo. { -janẽːhsR- } in / kajáːˈnẽːhsæːɁ / 'law' (cf. Woodbury 2003:879).
Ca. { -janɹẽhsr- } in / kaˈjanɹẽhsraɁ / 'rights; laws; code'
Se. { -janeshR- } in / kaˈjaneshæɁ / 'law' (cf. Chafe 1967:86).
²⁹⁷ PNI * { -jaɁk- } 'break, cut'

Tu. { -jaɁk- } in / ˈiːkjaɁks / 'I am breaking it' (cf. Rudes 1999:497),
/ nə̃ˈwaɁnjaɁk / 'it will break in two' (cf. Rudes 1999:558);
with semireflexive and duplicative.
Mo. { -jaɁk- } in / ˈikjaɁkhs / 'I cut up, cut off, through, across, I break up, off'
Oe { -jaɁk- } in / ˈihsjaɁks / 'you're cutting it'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:790), / teˈwatjaɁks / 'it breaks'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:297); with semireflexive and duplicative.
Oo. { -jaɁk- } in / ˈháːjaɁks / 'he cuts it off, he breaks it off'
Ca. { -jaɁk- } in / teˈkajẽtjaɁs / 'it cuts wood' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:38).
Se. { -jaɁk- } in / aˈkjaɁkɔ̃h / 'I've broken it' (cf. Chafe 1967:86).
Hu. { -JaɁK- }, cf. <gaa˛i> 'couper, rompre, casser' (MS 59:40),
493
Wy. { -JaɁK- } in / ehˈʃɹɔ̃ːkjaɁ / 'you will cut down the tree'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:204).
²⁹⁸ PNI * { -jaɁt- } 'being, body, carcass, corpse, person'

Tu. { -jaɁn- } in / oˈjaɁnɛh / 'carcass, corpse, dead body' (cf. Rudes 1999:499).
Mo. { -jaɁt- } in / oˈjâːtaɁ / 'body, being, person' (cf. Maracle 1990:66).
Oe. { -jaɁt- } in / oˈjâːtaɁ / 'body, blouse, shirt'
Oo. { -jaɁt- } in / óˈjaɁtaɁ / 'body' (cf. Woodbury 2003:882).
Ca. { -jaɁt- } in / oˈjaɁtaɁ / 'body' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:34).
Se. { -jaɁt- } in / kaˈjaɁtaɁ / 'body, doll' (cf. Chafe 1967:86).
Hu. { -JaɁt- } in / xaˈaɁtaɁ / <gaata> 'chose vivante' (MS 59:42),
Wy. { -JaɁt- } in / jaˈaɁtajɛ̃htsih / 'old woman' (cf. Barbeau 1960:163).
²⁹⁹ PI * { -je- } 'wake up'

Ch. { -jè- } in / hìjȅːki ̋ː / 'wake up!' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:63).
PNI * { -je- } 'wake up, be awake'.
Tu. { -jɛ- } in / raˈjɛhwat / 'he is awake, he is aware, he is an early riser'
(cf. Rudes 1999:503).
Mo. { -je- } in / ˈikjeɁs / 'I wake up' (cf. Maracle 1990:16), with inchoative.
Oe. { -je- } in / waˈkjêːũ / 'I'm awake' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:806),
with inchoative.
Oo. { -je- } in / ˈhaːjes / 'he is waking up' (cf. Woodbury 2003:905).
Ca. { -je- } in / ˈiːtseh / 'wake up' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:360).
Hu. { -Je- }, cf. <gaë> 'séveiller, etre éveillé' (MS 59:50).
Wy. { -Je- } in / ehaːˈeɁ / 'he will wake up' (cf. Barbeau 1960:208).
³⁰⁰ PNI * { -jehst- } 'add, contribute, mix'

Mo. { -jehst- } in / ˈkjehsthaɁ / 'I add to, contribute, join, I mix into something'
Oe. { -jest- } in / teˈkjestaɁ / 'I'm adding it in, I'm mixing it'
Oo. { -jest- } in / teháˈjesthaɁ / 'he mixes' (cf. Woodbury 2003:913).
Ca. { -jehst- } in / tẽhsjehs / 'you will mix them all together'
494
Se. { -jest- } in / twaˈkjestɔ̃h / 'I've given, contributed' (cf. Chafe 1967:87).
Hu. { -Jehst- }, cf. <gaesti> 'amasser, assembler' (MS 59:59),
³⁰¹ PNI * { -jena- }, * { -jenaw- }, 'capture, catch, grab'

Tu. { -jenə̃- } in / ə̃hraˈjeːnə̃ːɁ / 'he will capture it' (cf. Rudes 1999:503),
remade from perfective base.
Mo. { -jena- } in / ˈkjeːnahs / 'I receive, accept, catch, I take'
Oe. { -jena- } in / tekjeːˈnas / 'I'm catching it'
Oo. { -jena- } in / hajéˈnaũs / 'he grabs, he catches, he accepts'
Ca. { -jena- } in / ˈkjeːnahs / 'I catch it' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:594).
Se. { -jenɔ̃- } in / akjeːnɔ̃Ɂ / 'I've grabbed it' (cf. Chafe 1967:87).
Hu. { -Jena- }, cf. <gaendaon> 'prendre' (MS 59:52).
Wy. { -Jena- } in / aɁhuweˈnaːɔ̃Ɂ / 'he was caught' (cf. Barbeau 1960:196).
³⁰² PNI * { -jeɹ- } 'act, do, happen to'

Tu. { -jɛr- } in / ˈkjɛrhaɁ / 'I am doing it' (cf. Rudes 1999:504).
Mo. { -jeɹ- } in / niˈkjeɹhaɁ / 'I act upon something' (cf. Maracle 1990:317).
Oe. { -jel- } in / niˈkjelhaɁ / 'the way I'm doing it'
Oo. { -jeR- } in / niháːˈtjeːhaɁ / 'how he acts, what he does'
Ca. { -jeR- } in / niˈjoːjẽː / 'what it is doing' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:93).
Se. { -jeR- } in / niwakjeːɛ̃h / 'how I have done it, what I have done'
(cf. Chafe 1967:87).
Hu. { -Jeɹ- }, cf. <gaeren> 'faire q.c. agir, soccuper' (MS 59:55).
Wy. { -Jeɹ- } in / saˈeːɹɛ̃h / 'it happened to you' (cf. Barbeau 1960:163).
³⁰³ PNI * { -jeɹi- } 'be complete, be just, be perfect, be right'

Tu. { -jɛri- } in / tkaˈjɛːriɁ / 'it is complete, it is fit, it is just, it is perfect'
(cf. Rudes 1999:506).
Mo. { -jeɹi- } in / tkaˈjeːɹi / 'it is right, proper' (cf. Maracle 1990:206).
495
Oe. { -jeri- } in / tkajeːˈlîː / 'it's right' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:812).
Oo. { -jei- } in / tkáˈjeːiɁ / 'it is right' (cf. Woodbury 2003:909).
Ca. { -jei- } in / tkaːˈjeiː / 'it is right, correct' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:268).
Se. { -jei- } in / tkajeːiɁ / 'it's right, in fact, really' (cf. Chafe 1967:87).
Hu. { -Jeɹi- }, cf. <gaerihen> 'etre Droit, egal, uni' (MS 59:56).
³⁰⁴ PI * { -jeːɹõɁ- } 'body'

Ch. { -jèːlʌ̃Ɂ̀ - } in / àjèːlʌ̃ː̋ Ɂîː / 'his body' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:63).
PNI * { -jeɹõɁ }, * { -jeɹõɁt- } 'body, corpse, flesh'.
Tu. { -jɛrə̃Ɂ } in / ˈkjɛːrə̃Ɂ / 'my flesh' (cf. Rudes 1999:504).
Mo. { -jeɹũɁt- } in / ojeˈɹũ̂ːtaɁ / 'the physical structure of the body, a body,
a dead body' (cf. Maracle 1990:66).
Oe. { -jelũɁt- } in / ojeˈlũ̂ːtaɁ / 'corpse, body, figure'
AOo. { -jerũɁ } in / kjeˈrũɁkeh / 'mon Corps' (Shea 1860:36).
Oo. { -jeẽɁt- } in / ojéˈẽɁtaɁ / 'body, corpse' (cf. Woodbury 2003:907).
Ca. { -jõɁt- } in / oˈjõɁtaɁ / 'a dead body; a cadaver' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:44).
Hu. { -JeɹõɁ } in / xaˈeːɹõɁ / <gaeron> 'Corpus' (MS 59:57),
Wy. { -Jeɹɔ̃Ɂ } in / skwaeˈɹɔ̃Ɂje / 'your flesh' (cf. Barbeau 1960:95).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:38 ].
³⁰⁵ PI * { -jeːts- } 'smile'

Ch. { -jèːts- } 'smile' (King 1975:224).
PNI * { -jetshõ- } 'laugh, smile', perhaps with distributive { -hõ- }.
Mo. { -jehshũ- } in / waˈkjehshũ / 'I laugh, am laughing' (cf. Maracle 1990:108).
Oe. { -jeshũ- } in / waˈkjeshũheɁ / 'I'm smiling'
Hu. { -jeshõ- }, cf. <gaeson> 'rire, badiner, f[air]e le jovial, etre de bel humor'
(MS 59:59), postconsonantal / h / assumed present.
³⁰⁶ PNI * { -jẽ- } 'be situated, exist, have, put down, set down, sit down'
Tu. { -jə̃- } in / ˈroːjə̃Ɂ / 'he has' (cf. Rudes 1999:512).
Su. * { -jẽ- } in <Gáije> 'Har tu' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. { -jʌ̃- } in / ˈikjʌ̃hs / 'I set, lay, put something down' (cf. Maracle 1990:16).
Oe. { -jʌ̃- } in / ˈlotjʌ̃Ɂ / 'he has sat down' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:308),
496
with semireflexive.
Oo. { -jẽ- } in / háˈjẽhaɁ / 'he sets it down' (cf. Woodbury 2003:915).
Ca. { -jẽ- } in / ˈkaːjẽɁ / 'it is lying on the ground' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:595).
Se. { -jɛ̃- } in / akjɛ̃Ɂ / 'I have it, I've put it down' (cf. Chafe 1967:87).
Hu. { -Jẽ- }, cf. <gaen> 'y avoir q.c. en q.l; mettre q.c. en q.l.' (MS 59:51).
Wy. { -Jẽ- } in / ajekwihˈstaːɛ̃Ɂ / 'I have money' (cf. Barbeau 1960:280).
[ cf. Mithun 1979:185, Mithun 1981a:3 ]
³⁰⁷ PNI * { -jẽht- } 'hit, strike'

Mo. { -jʌ̃ht- } in / jekaˈjʌ̃hthaɁ / 'it strikes, hits at' (cf. Maracle 1990:13).
Oe. { -jʌ̃ht- } in / wahoːˈjʌ̃hteɁ / 'he hit him with it'
Oo. { -jẽht- } in / háˈjẽthaɁ / 'he hits it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:927).
Se. { -jɛ̃ht- } in / aˈkjɛ̃htɔ̃h / 'I've hit it, it's hit me' (cf. Chafe 1967:87).
Hu. { -Jẽht- }, cf. <gaen‛ti> 'frapper qlq.' (MS 59:54).
Wy. { -Jɛ̃ht- } in / sajuˈwɛ̃htih / 'he has hit someone' (cf. Barbeau 1960:73).
³⁰⁸ PNI * { -jẽt- } 'firewood, wood' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -jʌ̃t- } in / ˈoːjʌ̃teɁ / 'firewood, wood for fuel' (cf. Maracle 1990:59).
Oe. { -jʌ̃t- } in / oːˈjʌ̃teɁ / 'wood' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:826).
Oo. { -jẽt- } in / óˈjẽːtaɁ / 'wood' (cf. Woodbury 2003:919).
Ca. { -jẽt- } in / oˈjẽːtaɁ / 'wood; firewood' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:596).
Se. { -jɛ̃t- } in / ojɛ̃ːtaɁ / 'wood, firewood' (cf. Chafe 1967:88).
³⁰⁹ PNI * { -jẽtaɁ- } 'accumulate, beget, get, obtain'

Tu. { -jə̃ɁnaɁ- } in / raˈjə̃ːɁnaɁθ / 'he begets' (cf. Rudes 1999:512).
Mo. { -jʌ̃taɁ- } in / kajʌ̃ˈtâːɁũ / 'property' (cf. Maracle 1990:27).
Oe. { -jʌ̃taɁ- } in / wakjʌ̃ːˈtâːseɁ / 'I keep getting it, I keep obtaining it'
Oo. { -jẽtaɁ- } in / kajẽːˈtaɁih / 'it has been accumulated'
Ca. { -jẽtaɁ- } in / ẽsaˈjẽːtaɁ / 'you will acquire, obtain'
Se. { -jɛ̃taɁ- } in / ɔ̃kjɛ̃ːtaɁt / 'I (just) obtained it' (cf. Chafe 1967:87).
Hu. { -JẽtaɁ- }, cf. <gaentandi> 'y av. q.c. ou qlq. de plus, de trop, de Reste'
497
³¹⁰ PNI * { -jẽteɹ- } 'know'
Tu. { -jə̃Ɂnɛr- } in / kjə̃Ɂˈnɛːrih / 'I know' (cf. Rudes 1999:518).
Mo. { -jʌ̃teɹ- } in / khejʌ̃ˈteːɹi / 'I know someone' (cf. Maracle 1990:207).
Oe. { -jʌ̃tel- } in / jũkhijʌ̃teːˈli / 'they know of us'
Oo. { -jẽteR- } in / etshijẽˈteːih / 'you (cf. Rudes 1981a:n-singular) know them'
Se. { -jɛ̃teR- } in / kjɛ̃teːih / 'I know it' (cf. Chafe 1967:88).
Hu. { -Jẽteɹ- }, cf. <gaenteri> 'connoitre q.c. ou qlq. y etre accoutumé par
usage, experience' (MS 59:54).
Wy. { -Jɛ̃teɹ- } in / teɁʒɛ̃ˈteːɹih / 'I don't know' (cf. Barbeau 1960:127).
³¹¹ PNI * { -jẽtho- }, * { -jẽthw- } 'plant, sow'

Tu. { -jə̃tho- } in / raˈjə̃ːthohs / 'he is planting' (cf. Rudes 1999:515).
Mo. { -jʌ̃tho- } in / ˈkjʌ̃thohs / 'I plant, sow' (cf. Maracle 1990:53).
Oe. { -jʌ̃tho- } in / latiˈjʌ̃thos / 'they (m.) plant'
Oo. { -jẽthw- } in / ˈkjẽt́ hwas / 'I plant' (cf. Woodbury 2003:928).
Ca. { -jẽthw- } in / kaˈjẽːthwahs / 'it is planted' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:597).
Se. { -jɛ̃tho- } in / oɁˈkjɛ̃ːthoɁ / 'I planted it' (cf. Chafe 1967:88).
Hu. { -Jẽkhw- }, cf. <gaenχ8i> 'fe. un champ, y travailler' (MS 59:53).
Wy. { -Jɛ̃kw- } in / ɔ̃iˈʒɛ̃kwih / 'we have planted it' (cf. Barbeau 1960:198).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:272 ]
³¹² PNI * { -jẽtsɹ- } 'flay, skin'

Tu. { -jə̃θr- } in / raˈjə̃ːθrɛhs / 'he flays' (cf. Rudes 1999:511).
Mo. { -jʌ̃seɹ- } in / ˈkjʌ̃seɹũhs / 'I skin something, I take the skin off something'
Oe. { -jʌ̃sl- } in / shakoˈjʌ̃slũs / 'he's skinning them'
Oo. { -jẽshR- } in / háˈjẽshæːs / 'he skins it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:927),
appearance of / h / anomalous.
Ca. { -jẽs- } in / ˈsjẽːsehs / 'you skin animals all the time'
(cf. Froman et al. 2002:597), probably a borrowed root.
Se. { -jɛ̃sR- } in / aˈkjɛ̃ːsjɔ̃ːh / 'I've skinned it' (cf. Chafe 1967:88).
498
Hu. { -Jẽʃɹ- }, cf. <gaenchon> 'écorcher' (MS 59:52),
/ ɹ / has become / h / in Rock dialect.
Wy. { -Jɛ̃ʃɹ- } in / ehˈskjɛ̃ːʃɹaɁ / 'you will skin me' (cf. Barbeau 1960:215).
³¹³ PNI * { -jẽɁ- } 'have as child'

Mo. { -jʌ̃Ɂ- } in / kheˈjʌ̃ː̂ Ɂa / 'my daughter' (cf. Maracle 1990:47).
Oe. { -jʌ̃Ɂ- } in / kheˈjʌ̃ha / 'my daughter' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:823).
Hu. { -JẽɁ- }, cf. <gaen> 'avoir pr. fils; ou fille' (MS 59:51),
Wy. { -Jə̃Ɂ- } in / ajuˈwɛ̃Ɂah / 'her child' (cf. Barbeau 1960:125).
³¹⁴ PNI * { -jẽɁkʷ- } 'smoke, tobacco'

Tu. { -jə̃Ɂkʷ- } in / oˈjə̃Ɂkʷɛh / 'smoke' (cf. Rudes 1999:517).
Su. * { -jẽɁkʷ- } in <Ojeengqua> 'Toback' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. { -jʌ̃Ɂkʷ- } in / oˈjʌ̃ː̂ kʷaɁ / 'tobacco, cigarette' (cf. Maracle 1990:66).
Oe. { -jũɁkʷ- } in / oˈjũ̂ːkʷaɁ / 'tobacco' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:845),
/ ũ / anomalous.
Oo. { -jẽɁkʷ- } in / óˈjẽɁkʷaɁ / 'tobacco' (cf. Woodbury 2003:930).
Ca. { -jẽɁkʷ- } in / oˈjẽɁkʷaɁ / 'tobacco; cigarettes' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:597).
Se. { -jɛ̃Ɂkʷ- } in / oˈjɛ̃ɁkʷaɁ / 'tobacco' (cf. Chafe 1967:88).
Hu. { -JẽɁxʷ- } in / oˈẽɁxʷaɁ / <oen˛8a> 'Tabac' (MS 59:54),
[ cf. Mithun 1979:185, Mithun 1984b:274 ]
³¹⁵ PI * { -jõ- } 'enter'

Ch. { -jʌ̃-̀ } in / ȁːjʌ̃ː̀ hi ́ha̋ː / 'he's entering it' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:65).
PNI * { -jõ- } 'arrive, enter, return'
Tu. { -jə̃- } in / ˈθhraːjə̃Ɂ / 'he reenters' (cf. Rudes 1999:508).
OMo. { -jũ- }, cf. <Gaion> 'entrer' (Bruyas 1863:63).
Oo. { -jũ- } in / hoˈjũh / 'he has arrived, he is here' (cf. Woodbury 2003:936).
Ca. { -jõ- } in / ˈshaːjõɁ / 'he returned' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:267).
Se. { -jɔ̃- } in / aˈkjɔ̃ːh / 'I've arrived' (cf. Chafe 1967:89).
Hu. { -Jõ- }, cf. <gaon> 'arriver en q.l. y entrer' (MS 59:122).
Wy. { -Jɔ̃- } in / teɁsuːˈwɔ̃h / 'he has not returned' (cf. Barbeau 1960:272),
/ utaˈʒaɁkjɔ̃Ɂ / 'I am bringing [the dog] in' (cf. Barbeau 1960:230).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:43 ]
499
³¹⁶ PI * { -k- } 'eat'
Ch. { -k- } in / tsìkíɁa̋ː / 'I'm eating it' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:16).
PNI * { -k- }, * { -aːk- }, * { -eːk- } 'eat'.
Tu. { -k- } in / joˈtʃiɁraːks / 'one eats embers' (cf. Rudes 1999:275).
Mo. { -k- } in / ˈiːkekhs / 'I eat something' (cf. Maracle 1990:15).
Oe. { -k- } in / iːˈkeks / 'I'm eating' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:447).
Oo. { -k- } in / ˈẽː́ jek / 'she will eat' (cf. Woodbury 2003:381).
Ca. { -k- } in / ˈẽːkeːk / 'I will eat' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:441).
Se. { -k- } in / akeːkɔ̃h / 'I've eaten it' (cf. Chafe 1967:63).
Hu. { -K- }, cf. <ga˛i> 'manger' (MS 59:70).
³¹⁷ PI * { kahnaːwẽːh } 'butterfly'

Ch. / khàmàːma̋ː / 'butterfly' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:138),
/ n / assimilated, / h / metathesized.
PNI * / kahˈnaːwẽh / 'butterfly'.
Mo. / tsiɁktsiˈnâːnawʌ̃ / 'butterfly' (cf. Maracle 1990:99),
reshaped, lit. 'the wet fly'.
Oe. / kanaːˈwʌ̃ / 'butterfly' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:461).
Oo. / háˈnaːwẽh / 'butterfly, moth' (cf. Woodbury 2003:488),
with unusual 3SGM:3 pronominal prefix / ha /,
here taken to reflect original presence of / h /.
Ca. / tsiɁtaˈnaːwẽː / 'butterfly' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:44),
reshaped, lit. 'the wet bird'.
Se. / oˈtsiɁtanɔ̃ːwɛ̃ːɁ / 'butterfly (cf. Chafe 1967:63), reshaped, lit. 'the wet bird'.
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:268, Rudes 1995:39 ]
³¹⁸ PNI * { -kahnɹ- } 'look at' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -kahneɹ- } in / teˈkkâːneɹeɁ / 'I look at something, I envisage,
I am an eye-witness' (cf. Maracle 1990:91).
Oe. { -kahnl- } in / teˈkkâːnleɁ / 'I'm looking at it, I'm fixing my sight on it'
Se. { -kaːnR- } in / teˈkekaːneːɁ / 'I'm looking at it' (cf. Chafe 1967:64).
³¹⁹ PNI * { -kahɹ- } 'eye'

Tu. { -kahr- } in / oˈkahrɛh / 'eye, glasses, spectacles' (cf. Rudes 1999:277).
500
Mo. { -kahɹ- } in / oˈkâːɹaɁ / 'eye, view, look' (cf. Maracle 1990:66).
Oe. { -kahl- } in / oˈkâːlaɁ / 'eye' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:449).
Oo. { -kahR- } in / óˈkahæɁ / 'eye' (cf. Woodbury 2003:428).
Ca. { -kahR- } in / oˈkahaɁ / 'eye' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:111).
Se. { -kaHR- } in / kaˈkaaɁ / 'its eye' (cf. Chafe 1967:63).
Hu. { -Kahɹ- } in / oˈxahɹaɁ / <o˛ara> 'oeil' (MS 59:63), / h / assumed present.
Wy. { -Kaːɹ- } in / haɁkwakaːˈɹiːʒɛ̃Ɂ / 'she opened her eyes'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:167).
[ cf. Mithun 1979:182 ]
³²⁰ PNI * { kajeɹih } 'four'

Su. <Kajére> '4' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. / kaˈjeːɹi / 'four' (cf. Maracle 1990:27).
Oe. { kajelih } in / kajelihaˈtũ̂ːthne / 'fourth'
Oo. / kaˈjeːih / 'four' (cf. Woodbury 2003:445).
Ca. / ˈkeiː / 'four' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:605), form anomalous,
cf. reflex of PNI * { -jeɹi- }.
Se. / keːih / 'four' (cf. Chafe 1967:65), form anomalous,
cf. reflex of PNI * { -jeɹi- }.
³²¹ PI * { -kajõ- } 'be old'

Ch. { -kàjʌ̃-̀ } in / àkàjʌ̃ː̋ lîː / 'old (inanimate)' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:16).
PNI * { -akajõːɁ }, * { -kajõh } 'be old (of objects)'.
Tu. { -akajə̃ːɁ } in / waˈkaːjə̃ːɁ / 'it is old' (cf. Rudes 1999:620).
Mo. / aˈkaːjũ / 'it is old, old' (cf. Maracle 1990:3).
Oe. / akaːˈjũ / 'it's old' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:90).
Oo. { -kajũh } in / óˈkaːjũh / 'it is old' (cf. Woodbury 2003:447).
Ca. { -kajõh } in / oˈkaːjõh / 'it is old' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:217).
Se. { -akajɔ̃h } in / wakaːjɔ̃h / 'it's old' (cf. Chafe 1967:39).
Hu. { -xaõ- }, cf. <ga˛aon> 'vieux' (MS 59:62).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:51 ]
³²² PNI * { kankaɁ } 'anywhere, somewhere' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { kanekaɁ } in / ˈjah ˈkanekaɁ / 'not anywhere, nowhere'
501
(cf. Maracle 1990:373).
Oe. / ˈkanikeɁ / 'wherever' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:461),
change of / a / to / e / anomalous.
Se. { katkaɁ } in / kaˈtkaɁhɔ̃h / 'somewhere, anywhere' (cf. Chafe 1967:64).
³²³ PI * { kanõːnowẽɁ } 'pipe'

Ch. / kànʌ̃ː̀ nòwa̋ː / 'pipe' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:114).
PNI * { kanõnawẽɁ }, * { -nõnawẽɁt- } 'pipe'.
Tu. { -nə̃tawə̃- } in / kanə̃tawə̃ˈtjaːnə̃ / 'pipe' (cf. Rudes 1995:52).
Su. <Chanoona> 'Tobakspipa' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. / kaˈnũːnawʌ̃Ɂ / 'pipe, calumet' (cf. Maracle 1990:29).
Oe. / kanũːˈnawʌ̃Ɂ / 'pipe' (Mithun 1984:276).
Oo. / kanṹnaˈwẽɁtaɁ / 'pipe' (cf. Woodbury 2003:731),
an incorporating form that has become the independent form.
Hu. / xaˈnõnawẽɁ / <gannonda8an> 'Calumet, Pipe' (MS 59:117),
[ cf. Mithun 1981a:3, Mithun 1984b:276, Rudes 1995:52 ]
³²⁴ PI * { -kaɹ- } 'bite'

Ch. { -hskàl- } in / hi ̀hskàla̋ː / 'bite it!' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:50);
first element { -hs- } anomalous.
PNI * { -kaɹi- }, * { -kaɹj- } 'bite, devour'.
Tu. { -karj- } in / raˈkaːrjahs / 'he devours it' (cf. Rudes 1999:574).
Mo. { -kaɹj- } in / ˈkkaɹjahs / 'I bite, pillage, devastate, cause havoc'
Oe. { -kali- } in / wahũwakaːˈlìː / 'she bit him'
Ca. { -kai- } in / ẽsaːˈkaiːɁ / 'you will bite s.o., s.t.' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:31).
Se. { -kanj- } in / akekanjas / 'it bites me' (cf. Chafe 1967:64).
³²⁵ PNI * { -kaɹ- } 'account, price, story'

Tu. { -kar- } in / ˈoːkarɛh / 'cost, debt, expense, price' (cf. Rudes 1999:279).
Mo. { -kaɹ- } in / oˈkaːɹaɁ / 'story, tale, debt, arrears' (cf. Maracle 1990:67).
Oe. { -kar- } in / okaːˈlâː / 'story' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:454).
Oo. { -kaR- } in / káˈkaːæɁ / 'story' (cf. Woodbury 2003:423).
Ca. { -ɁkaR- } in / oɁkaːɁ / 'a parable; a tale; a story; a legend'
502
(cf. Froman et al. 2002:318), glottal stop anomalous.
Se. { -kaR- } in / kakaːæɁ / 'story' (cf. Chafe 1967:63).
³²⁶ PNI * { -kaɹhateni- }, * { -kaɹhatenj- } 'roll, turn around' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -kaɹhatenj- } in / kkaɹhaˈtenjehs / 'I turn upside down, empty out,
pour out, turn around' (cf. Maracle 1990:54).
Oe. { -kalhatenj- } in / tekkalhaˈtenjehseɁ / 'I'm turning it around'
Oo. { -kaːhateni- } in / tẽhkaːháˈteːniɁ / 'I will turn it around'
Ca. { -kahateni- } in / tesatkahaːˈteːnih / 'turn around'
Se. { -kahatenj- } in / ˈwaːkahatenjaɁt / 'he rolled it' (cf. Chafe 1967:64).
³²⁷ PNI * { -kaɹhatho- }, * { -kaɹhathw- } 'invert, roll over, turn over'

Tu. { -karhatho- } in / rakaˈrhaːthohs / 'he turns it over, he inverts it'
(cf. Rudes 1999:282).
Mo. { -kaɹhatho- } in / kkaˈɹhathohs / 'I turn it over, upside down'
Oe. { -kalhatho- } in / kkaˈlhathos / 'I'm plowing'
Oo. { -kaːhathw- } in / hakáːˈhathwas / 'he turns it over'
Ca. { -kahatho- } in / saˈtkahathoh / 'roll over' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:348).
Se. { -kahatho- } in / oɁˈkekahaːthoɁ / 'I turned it inside out' (cf. Chafe 1967:64).
³²⁸ PNI * { kaɹhit }, * { keɹhit }, * { keɹhiɁ }, * { kɹaheːt }, * { kɹahit } 'tree'

Tu. / ˈkjɛrhiɁ / 'standing tree, the tree' (cf. Rudes 1999:318).
No. <Geree> 'A Tree' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Mo. / keˈɹhiːteɁ / 'a tree, a fruit tree' (cf. Maracle 1990:44).
Oe. / ˈkelhiteɁ / 'forest, trees' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:470).
Ca. / kɹaheːt / 'living tree' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:346).
Se. / kæːit / 'tree' (cf. Chafe 1967:47), from a form * / krahit /.
Hu. / ˈxaɹhit / <garhit> 'y avoir un arb. fruitier' (MS 59:142).
Wy. / tiˈjaɹhiɁ / 'a tree stands here' (cf. Barbeau 1960:223).
503
³²⁹ PNI * { katsih } 'come here!'
Tu. / ˈkaːtʃi / 'come!' (cf. Rudes 1999:275).
Su. <Kaatzie> 'Kom hijt' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. / ˈkaːts / 'come here!' (Deering & Delisle 1976:43).
Oe. / kaːˈats / 'Come here!' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:448),
doubled vowel anomalous.
Ca. / ˈkaːtsih / 'come here' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:62).
Se. / kaːtsih / 'come here!' (cf. Chafe 1967:64).
[ cf. Mithun 1981a:3 ]
³³⁰ PI * { -kaweː- } 'paddle, row'

Ch. { -kàwèː- } in / hìːkàwěːhi ̋ː / 'row! paddle!' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:94).
PNI * { -kaweː- } 'row, paddle'.
Mo. { -kawe- } in / ˈkkaːwes / 'I paddle' (cf. Maracle 1990:53).
Oe. { -kawe- } in / jekaweɁˈtakhwaɁ / 'oar' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:808).
Oo. { -kawe- } in / hkáˈwek / 'I paddle' (cf. Woodbury 2003:442).
Ca. { -kaweː } in / ẽhˈsekaweːɁ / 'you will row' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:223).
Se. { -kaweː- } in / akekaweːh / 'I'm rowing' (cf. Chafe 1967:64).
Hu. { -xaweː- }, cf. <ga˛a8e> 'Ramer' (MS 59:62), long vowel assumed present.
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:274 ]
³³¹ PNI * { -kensko- }, * { -kenskʷ- } 'lift, raise'

Tu. { -kjɛθko- } in / waɁˈkkjɛːθkoɁ / 'I raised it up' (cf. Rudes 1999:291).
Mo. { -ketskʷ- } in / ˈkketskʷahs / 'I raise, lift up something that was lying down'
Oe. { -ketskʷ- } in / loˈketskʷʌ̃ / 'he has raised it upright'
Oo. { -ketskʷ- } in / taˈsketskʷah / 'Raise it up!' (cf. Woodbury 2003:456).
Ca. { -ketsko- } in / ẽhˈseketskoɁ / 'you will lift things up to a vertical position'
(cf. Froman et al. 2002:255), { -ketskʷ- } in / seˈkeːtskʷahs /
'you are lifting it to a vertical position' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:255).
Se. { -keskʷ- } in / hakeːskʷas / 'he lifts it' (cf. Chafe 1967:65).
³³² PI * { -kẽ- }, * { -kẽːh } 'see'

Ch. { -kò- } in / tsìkȍːwhthi ̀ha̋ː / 'I see it' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:18);
504
perfective { -kòː- } in / ȕːkòːhʌ̃ː̌ Ɂîː / 'he saw it'
PNI * { -kẽ- } 'see'; perfect * { -kẽːh } 'have seen'.
Tu. { -kə̃- } in / ˈiːkkə̃h / 'I see it' (cf. Rudes 1999:293); / ˈroːkə̃ː / 'he has seen it'
(cf. Rudes 1999:293).
Mo. { -kʌ̃- } in / ˈikkʌ̃hs / 'I see, perceive, have the ability to see'
Oe. { -kʌ̃- } in / ˈikkʌ̃heɁ / 'I can see' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:473).
Oo. { -kẽ- } in / wáˈɁeːkẽɁ / 'she saw it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:456).
Ca. { -kẽ- } in / aˈhaːkẽɁ / 'he saw' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:283).
Se. { -kɛ̃- } in / akeːkɛ̃ːh / 'I've seen it' (cf. Chafe 1967:65), / akeːkɛ ː̃ h /
'I've seen it' (cf. Chafe 1967:65).
Hu. { -Kẽ- }, cf. <ga˛en> 'voir' (MS 59:65).
Wy. { -Kɛ̃- } in / aɁhaːˈjɛ̃Ɂ / 'he saw' (cf. Barbeau 1960:53).
[ cf. Lounsbury 1978:343, Rudes 1995:53 ]
³³³ PNI * { -kẽhtsi- } 'be old'

Ca. { -kẽhtsi- } in / eˈkẽhtsih / 'she is an old woman (referring to one's wife)'
Se. { -kɛ̃htsi- } in / haˈkɛ̃htsih / 'old man' (cf. Chafe 1967:65).
Hu. { -Kẽhtsi- } in / xaaɁtaˈxẽhtsihk / 'old woman', cf. <Aataentsic>
(Thwaites 1896-1901, 10:125), preconsonantal / h / assumed present,
/ x / lost in Northern Bear dialect.
Wy. { -Kɛ̃htsi- } in / jaˈaɁtajɛ̃htsih / 'old woman' (cf. Barbeau 1960:163).
³³⁴ PNI * { -kẽnh- } 'summer'

Tu. { -kə̃nh- } in / kə̃ˈnhaɁkjɛ / '(in the) summer' (cf. Rudes 1999:297).
No. * { -kẽnh- } in <Genheke> 'Summer' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Mo. { -akʌ̃nh- } in / aˈkʌ̃nheɁ / 'the summer season' (cf. Maracle 1990:3),
initial / a / of PMO anomalous.
Oe. { -akʌ̃nh- } in / swaˈkʌ̃nhat / 'one season'
́ ˈnhaɁkeh / 'summer, warm weather'
Oo. { -kẽhnh- } in / kakẽh
(cf. Woodbury 2003:459), / h / anomalous.
Ca. { -kẽnh- } in / kẽnˈhehneh / 'summer' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:604).
Se. { -kɛ̃h- } in / kɛ̃ˈheːneh / 'in the summer' (cf. Chafe 1967:65).
505
Hu. { -xẽnh- } in / xẽˈnheɁxeh / <˛ennhe˛e> 'été' (MS 59:32).
Wy. { -Kɛ̃t- } in / uˈjɛ̃tɛ̃haɔ̃Ɂ / 'in the summer' (cf. Barbeau 1960:253).
³³⁵ PNI * { -kẽɹat } 'be white'

Tu. { -kə̃rat } in / kanə̃haˈkə̃ːrat / 'white corn, flour corn' (cf. Rudes 1999:354).
Mo. { -kʌ̃ɹat } in / kaɁtaraˈkʌ̃ːɹat / 'plaster, whitewash, clay, white earth'
(cf. Maracle 1990:226).
Oe. { -kʌ̃lat- } in / onahsakʌ̃ːˈlateɁ / 'goose' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:640),
possibly a borrowed word.
́ aˈkẽætah / 'white corn' (cf. Woodbury 2003:457).
Oo. { -kẽæt- } in / kanẽh
Se. { -kɛ̃ɛt̃ } in / kakɛ̃ːɛ̃t / 'it's white' (cf. Chafe 1967:65).
Hu. { -Kẽɹat }, cf. <ga˛enrat> 'etre blanc' (MS 59:68).
³³⁶ PNI * { -kẽtsɹ- } 'peel, scrape' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -kʌ̃seɹ- } in / teˈkkʌ̃seɹũhs / 'I scrape, scratch at, I scrape off, skin'
Oe. { -kʌ̃sl- } in / teˈkkʌ̃slũs / 'I'm peeling it'
Oo. { -kẽhsR- } in / téhˈkẽhsæːs / 'I scrape, I am scraping it off'
Ca. { -kẽtsɹ- } in / tẽsewiˈtsɹakẽtsɹõːɁ / 'you will take the cream off,
skim the milk', Lower Ca. / tẽsewiˈtɹakẽtɹõːɁ /
Se. { -kɛ̃sR- } in / tewakekɛ̃ːsjɔ̃ːh / 'I've scraped it' (cf. Chafe 1967:66).
³³⁷ PNI * { -kh- }, * { -khahsi- }, * { -khahsj- }, * { -khahsk- } 'divide, separate'

Tu. { -kh- } in / nehˈraːkhahs / 'he divides it' (cf. Rudes 1999:576).
Mo. { -khahsj- } in / tekeˈkhahsjũhs / 'I take apart, separate things joined
together, I divide up' (cf. Maracle 1990:83).
Oe. { -khahsi- } in / waɁtekeˈkhahsiɁ / 'I divided it, I separated it in half'
Oo. { -kh- } in / téˈkekhas / 'I separate things' (cf. Woodbury 2003:664).
Ca. { -kh- } in / teˈkakhahsõː / 'division; it is separated'
Se. { -khahsi- } in / oɁˈthakhahsiɁ / 'he divided it in two' (cf. Chafe 1967:66).
506
Hu. { -khahsk- }, cf. <gaχaska8an> 'Séparer q.c. d'une autre' (MS 59:83),
Wy. { -kahsk- } in / aˈhatikahskaɁ / 'they are divided' (cf. Barbeau 1960:98).
³³⁸ PI * { -khjuːhs- } 'elbow'

Ch. { -khìjùːhs- } in / àkhìjùːhske̋ː / 'elbow' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:33).
PNI * { -khjohs- }, * { -hjohs- }, * { -hjoɁɹ- } 'elbow'.
Tu. { -hkjohs- } in / ohˈkjohsɛh / 'elbow' (cf. Rudes 1999:579),
with apparent metathesis of the cluster * / kh /.
Mo. { -hjohs- } in / ohˈjohsaɁ / 'elbow, angle' (cf. Maracle 1990:61).
Oe. { -whjoɁlh- } in / oˈwhjôːlhaɁ / 'elbow' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:422),
/ w / anomalous.
Oo. { -hjoɁR- } in / óhˈjoɁæɁ / 'elbow' (cf. Woodbury 2003:586).
Ca. { -hjohs- } in / khjohˈsaɁkeh / 'on my elbow' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:102).
Se. { -hjostaR- } in / kaːˈjostææɁ / 'elbow' (cf. Chafe 1967:58).
Hu. { -hjohʃ- } in / xahˈjohʃaɁ / <gahiochia> 'Le Coude' (MS 59:76),
[ cf. Rudes 1995:43 ]
³³⁹ PNI * { -khw- } 'food, meal'

Tu. { -khw- } in / ˈokhwɛh / 'food, meal' (cf. Rudes 1999:300).
Mo. { -khw- } in / ˈkakhwaɁ / 'food, edibles, nourishment' (cf. Maracle 1990:28).
Oe. { -khw- } in / ˈkakhwaɁ / 'food' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:482).
Oo. { -khw- } in / ˈkakhwaɁ / 'food' (cf. Woodbury 2003:667).
Ca. { -khw- } in / kakhwaɁ / 'food' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:124).
Se. { -khw- } in / kakhwaɁ / 'food' (cf. Chafe 1967:66).
Hu. { -khw- } in / ˈxakhwaɁ / <˛aχ8a> 'repas' (Fraser 1920:448).
Wy. { -kw- } in / ekjatekwihʃẽɁ / 'we will finish our meals'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:227).
³⁴⁰ PI * { kihɹjuɁkẽh } 'chipmunk'

Ch. / khìjûːka̋ː / 'chipmunk' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:144).
PNI * / tsihˈɹjoɁkẽh /, * { -hɹjoɁkẽh } 'chipmunk'.
Tu. / tʃohˈrjoɁkə̃ / 'chipmunk' (cf. Rudes 1999:563).
La. <Caioguen> 'Ung escureul' (Biggar 1924:243).
Mo. / ohˈɹjôːkʌ̃ / 'chipmunk' (cf. Maracle 1990:63).
507
Oe. / tsjoˈlhjohkʷaɁ / or / tsihˈljô·kʷə̃ / 'chipmunk'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:742), partially reshaped, cf. Seneca form.
Ca. / tsihˈnjoɁkẽːɁ / 'chipmunk' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:470).
Se. / tsiˈhoɁkʷaes / 'chipmunk' (cf. Chafe 1967:55), reshaped.
Hu. / ohˈjoɁxẽh / <ohio˛en> 'Escurieux' (MS 62:7),
/ Ɂ / and / h / assumed present.
Wy. / uːˈʒuɁjɛ̃h / 'ground squirrel' (cf. Barbeau 1960:148).
³⁴¹ PI * { kiːɹ } 'dog'

Ch. / kìːlhi ̋ː / 'dog' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:119).
PNI * / ˈtsiɹ / 'dog'.
Tu. / ˈtʃir / 'dog' (cf. Rudes 1999:576).
No. <Cheer> 'A dog' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
Oo. { -tsiR- } in / ˈtsíːhah / 'dog' (cf. Woodbury 2003:644).
Se. / tsiːjæh / 'dog' (cf. Chafe 1967:63).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:266 ]
³⁴² PI * { -kiɁɹh- } 'hair'

Ch. { -kìɁlh- } in / kìɁlha̋ː / 'loose hair' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:119).
PNI * { -keɁɹh- } 'hair, messy hair'.
Tu. { -kjɛɁw- } in / oˈkjɛɁwɛh / 'hair' (cf. Rudes 1999:592),
with unexplained change of / r / to / w /.
Mo. { -Ɂkeɹh- } in / oɁˈkeɹhaɁ / 'uncombed, messy hair' (cf. Maracle 1990:58),
with methathesis of glottal stop.
Ca. { -keɁ- } in / oˈkeɁaːɁ / 'hair, rag' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:145).
Se. { -keɁR- } in / aˈkekeɁæɁ / 'my hair' (cf. Chafe 1967:65).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:47 ]
³⁴³ PI * { koːhkaːɁ } 'crow'

Ch. / khóːka̋ː / 'crow' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:145), with metathesis of / h /.
PNI * / kahkaːɁ /, * / kaɁkaːɁ / 'crow'.
Oe. / ˈkâːkaɁ / 'crow' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:453).
Oo. / ˈkahkah /, / kaɁˈkaɁ / 'crow' (cf. Woodbury 2003:448).
Ca. / kaɁkaːɁ / 'crow, raven' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:76).
Se. / ˈkaɁkaːɁ / 'crow (Corvus brachyrynchos)' (cf. Chafe 1967:65).
508
Wy. / jahˈkaɁ / 'crow' (cf. Barbeau 1960:198).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:261, Rudes 1995:41 ]
³⁴⁴ PI * { -koɁtiɁ } 'be a lot, be many, be much'

Ch. { -kȍːti ̋ː } in / ǔːkȍːti ̋ː / 'much, a lot of' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:164).
PNI * { -atkaɁteɁ } 'be much, be many, be often, be plentiful',
* { -kaɁteɁ } 'have much'.
Tu. { -kaɁnɛɁ } in / waˈkkaɁnɛɁ / 'I have an abundance, I have much'
(cf. Rudes 1999:284).
Mo. { -atkaɁteɁ } in / joˈtkâːteɁ / 'it is often, frequent, often, frequently'
Oe. { -atkaɁteɁ } in / joˈtkâːteɁ / 'often' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:835),
with semireflexive.
Oo. { -atkaɁteɁ } in / óˈtkaɁteɁ / 'it is plentiful, it is often'
Ca. { -atkaɁteɁ } in / nijonaˈtkaɁteɁ / 'there are so many'
Se. { -atkaɁteɁ } in / ɔ̃ˈkwatkaɁteɁ / 'there are many of us' (cf. Chafe 1967:65),
with semireflexive.
Hu. { -akaɁteɁ } in / honaˈkaɁteɁ / <hondakate> 'Sunt plures' (MS 59:5),
Wy. { -KaɁteɁ } in / utɹiːwaˈjaɁteɁ / 'many stories, customs'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:290).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:36 ]
³⁴⁵ PI * { -kõːhs- } 'face'

Ch. { -kʌ̃ː̀ hs- } in / kàkʌ̃ː̏ skʷóɁa̋ː / 'I'm washing my face'
PNI { -kõhs- } 'face'.
Tu. { -kə̃hs- } in / oˈkə̃hsɛh / 'face' (cf. Rudes 1999:582).
Mo. { -kũhs- } in / kaˈkũhsaɁ / 'mask, face' (cf. Maracle 1990:28).
Oe. { -kũhs- } in / oˈkũhsaɁ / 'face, mask' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:492).
Oo. { -kũhs- } in / óˈkũhsaɁ / 'face, mask' (cf. Woodbury 2003:470).
Ca. { -kõhs- } in / oˈkõhsaɁ / 'face' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:112).
Se. { -kɔ̃hs- } in / kaˈkɔ̃hsaɁ / 'face' (cf. Chafe 1967:67).
Hu. { -Kõhʃ- } in / xaˈxõhʃaɁ / <ga˛onchia> 'visage' (MS 59:70),
509
Wy. { -Kɔ̃hʃ- } in / aɁjɔ̃jɔ̃hʃuˈɹɛ̃haɁ / 'I found your face' (cf. Barbeau 1960:178).
[ cf. Mithun 1979:182 ]
³⁴⁶ PNI * { kõteh } 'eel'

Tu. / ˈkə̃ːɁnɛh / 'eel' (cf. Rudes 1999:268).
No. <Kunte> 'An Eel' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
Mo. { -kũten- } in / okũˈteːnaɁ / 'an eel' (cf. Maracle 1990:68).
Oo. { -kũten- } in / okṹːˈteːnaɁ / 'eel, eel clan' (cf. Woodbury 2003:749).
Ca. / ˈkõːteh / 'eel' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:102).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:275, Rudes 1995:43 ]
³⁴⁷ PNI * { -kts- } 'bowl, dish, plate'

Tu. { -kθ- } in / ˈukθɛh / 'cup, dish, plate, cymbal' (cf. Rudes 1999:285).
Mo. { -khs- } in / ˈkakhsaɁ / 'a plate, dish' (cf. Maracle 1990:28),
/ h / anomalous or perhaps original.
Oe. { -ks- } in / ˈkaksakũ / 'on the plate' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:448).
Oo. { -ks- } in / ˈkáksaɁ / 'dish' (cf. Woodbury 2003:669).
Ca. { -ks- } in / ˈskaksaːt / 'one dish' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:90).
Se. { -ks- } in / oksaɁ / 'dish' (cf. Chafe 1967:67).
Hu. { -hs- }, cf. <gasa> 'plat, Ecuélle, Cuiller' (MS 59:147),
Wy. { -hs- } in / sahˈsɔ̃ːtih / 'throw the bowl' (cf. Barbeau 1960:181).
³⁴⁸ PI * { kuːɹeh } 'acorn, oak'

Ch. / kùːle̋ː / 'acorn' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:125).
PNI * / ˈkoːɹeh / 'acorn, oak'.
Tu. / ˈkoːrɛh / 'acorn, black oak, beech, red oak' (cf. Rudes 1999:303).
No. <Coree> 'A red oak' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Ca. / ˈkoːwih / 'red oak' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:215),
from a proto-form * / ˈkoːɹih /.
Se. / okoːwæɁ / 'red oak, acorn' (cf. Chafe 1967:66),
from a proto-form * / oˈkoːraɁ /.
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:270, Rudes 1995:36 ]
510
³⁴⁹ PI * { -kuwa- }, * { -kʷa- } 'be big, be large'
Ch. { -kʷà- } in / e̋ːkʷâː / 'huge, large' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:89).
PNI * { -kowa- } 'big', * { -kowanẽh } 'be big',
* { -owanẽh } with incorporated nouns.
Tu. / ˈkʷaːnə̃ / 'a lot, great, many, much' (cf. Rudes 1999:305),
loss of * / o / anomalous, possibly a borrowed word.
Su. <Koonæ> 'Stoor' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
La. * { -kowanẽh } in <Agouhanna> 'quant ilz le veullent appeller seigneur ilz
l'appellent' (Biggar 1924:245).
Mo. { -kowanʌ̃ } in / kkoˈwaːnʌ̃ / 'I am big, large' (cf. Maracle 1990:54).
Oe. { -kʷanʌ̃ } in / lakʷaːˈnʌ̃ / 'he's big' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:498),
loss of * / o / anomalous.
Oo. { -kowanẽh } in / hkóˈwaːnẽh / 'I am big' (cf. Woodbury 2003:466);
/ hakóːˈwaːnẽh / 'he is a chief' (cf. Woodbury 2003:466).
Ca. { -kowanẽh } in / kaˈkowanẽh / 'it is big' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:30).
Se. { -kowanɛ̃h } in / kakowanɛ̃h / 'it's big, important' (cf. Chafe 1967:66).
Hu. { -Kowanẽh }, cf. <ga˛8annen> 'etre aagé' (MS 59:72),
Wy. { -Kuwanɛ̃h } in / tajuˈwaːnɛ̃h / 'he is the eldest' (cf. Barbeau 1960:169).
[ cf. Mithun 1979:183, Mithun 1981a:3, Rudes 1995:37 ]
³⁵⁰ PI * { -kʷ- } 'pick up'

Ch. { -kì- } in / hi ̀ki ̋ː / 'pick it up!' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:16).
PNI * { -ko- }, * { -kw- }, * { -kʷ- }, * { -hkw- } 'gather, lift, pick up, raise, take'.
Tu. { -kʷ- } in / ˈwaːkkʷə̃ / 'I have picked it up' (cf. Rudes 1999:626), { -hkw- }
in / nɛhˈrahkwaɁ / 'he raises, lifts it' (cf. Rudes 1999:330);
with duplicative.
Mo. { -hkw- } in / teˈkehkhwaɁ / 'I pick up, lift from the ground, bottom,
lowest point' (cf. Maracle 1990:88); with duplicative.
Oe. { -hkw- } in / teˈkekhwaɁ / 'I pick it up'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:371); with duplicative.
Oo. { -kw- } in / ˈháːkwas / 'he is getting it, he picks it, he gathers it,
he accomplishes it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:474).
Ca. { -hkw- } in / atkehk / 'I picked s.t. up' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:232).
Se. { -hkw- } in / teˈwakehkwɛ̃h / 'I've lifted it' (cf. Chafe 1967:54); with
duplicative.
511
Hu. { -hkw- }, cf. <ka‛k8an> 'prendre, Saissir q.c, la ramasser, lenlever,
la Retirer chez soy, la Retenir' (MS 59:83).
Wy. { -hkw- } in / tewaˈjehkwɛ̃h / 'I have picked it up' (cf. Barbeau 1960:288);
with duplicative.
³⁵¹ PNI * { -kʷeni- }, * { -kʷenj- } 'be able'

Tu. { -kʷenj- } in / joˈkʷɛːnjə̃ / 'it is able, it is possible' (cf. Rudes 1999:308).
Mo. { -kʷenj- } in / ˈkkʷenjehs / 'I am able to, capable of, I can, I dare to'
Oe. { -kʷeni- } in / waɁekʷeːˈnîː / 'she's able'
Oo. { -kʷenj- } in / okʷéːˈnjũh / 'it is possible, it is a possibility'
Ca. { -kʷeni- } in / ẽhaːˈkʷeːniɁ / 'he can do it' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:1).
Se. { -kʷeni- } in / oɁkakʷeːniɁ / 'it was possible' (cf. Chafe 1967:68).
³⁵² PI * { nV(H) } 'that, the, this'

Ch. / náː / 'that, those' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:146).
PNI * / neɁ / 'that, that one, the, the one, this, this one'
Tu. / teɁ / 'what' (cf. Rudes 1999:436).
Mo. / neɁ / 'the, that' (cf. Maracle 1990:57).
Oe. { neɁ } in / neɁ ˈthôːneɁ / 'at that time' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:576).
Oo. / neɁ / 'nominal marker' (cf. Woodbury 2003:695).
Ca. / neɁ / 'that, the' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:687).
Se. / neɁ / 'it is, this is' (cf. Chafe 1967:68).
Hu. / neɁ / <de> '[the, that]' (MS 59:1), / Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. / neɁ / 'the' (cf. Barbeau 1960:105).
³⁵³ PNI * { -nahskʷ- } 'domestic animal, prisoner, slave'

Tu. { -tahskʷ- } in / oˈtahskʷɛh / 'domestic animal, pet, prisoner, slave'
(cf. Rudes 1999:425).
Mo. { -nahskʷ- } in / kaˈnahskʷaɁ / 'a domestic animal, a prisoner'
Oe. { -naskʷ- } in / kanaskʷiːˈjo / 'it's a nice pet'
Oo. { -naskʷ- } in / káˈnaskʷaɁ / 'domesticated animal' (cf. Woodbury 2003:679).
512
Ca. { -nahskʷ- } in / kaˈnahskʷaɁ / 'tame animal; pet; domestic animal'
Se. { -nɔ̃skʷ- } in / kanɔ̃ːskʷaɁ / 'domestic animal' (cf. Chafe 1967:72),
penultimate lengthening anomalous.
Hu. { -nahskʷ- } in / xaˈnahskʷaɁ / <gandask8a> 'Esclave, Captif,
animal domestique' (MS 59:89), preconsonantal / h / assumed present.
Wy. { -nahskʷ- } in / hunahskʷaɛ̃Ɂ / 'he has a slave' (cf. Barbeau 1960:210).
³⁵⁴ PI * { -nakɹ- } 'be autochthonous, dwell, reside'

Ch. { -nàkìl- } 'reside' (King 1975:200).
PNI * { -nakɹ- } 'dwell, live, occur in abundance, reside'.
Tu. { -takr- } in / jeˈtaːkrɛɁ / 'one resides' (cf. Rudes 1999:637).
Mo. { -nakeɹ- } in / keˈnakeɹeɁ / 'I live, exist at, am of the country of,
I am common, occur in abundance' (cf. Maracle 1990:40).
Oe. { -nakl- } in / ˈknakleɁ / 'I live, I reside'
Oo. { -nakR- } in / hatíːˈnaːkeːɁ / 'they live [there]' (cf. Woodbury 2003:674).
Ca. { -nakɹ- } in / kaeːˈnakɹeɁ / 'where they (f/m) live; an area'
Se. { -nɔ̃kR- } in / hatinɔ̃keɁ / 'they dwell in a village' (cf. Chafe 1967:72).
Hu. { -naxɹ- }, cf. <˛anda˛re> 'Habiter' (MS 67:110).
Wy. { -naɹ- } in / janaːˈɹeɁ / 'it lives' (cf. Barbeau 1960:118), / tatiˈnaːɹeɁ /
'they live there' (cf. Barbeau 1960:270).
³⁵⁵ PNI * { -nakt- }, * { -nakʷt- } 'bed, place, room, space'

Tu. { -takʷn- } in / oˈtakʷnɛh / 'apartment, bed, position, room, space, stage'
(cf. Rudes 1999:428), cluster / kʷt / anomalous, limited to roots
{ -akʷt- } 'be next to' and { -takʷn- } 'space, the latter perhaps a
derivative of the former.
No. * { -tak(ˀt)- } in <Sattaak> 'A Bed' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Mo. { -nakt- } in / kaˈnaktaɁ / 'a place, space, area, a bed' (cf. Maracle 1990:28).
Oe. { -nakt- } in / kaːˈnakteɁ / 'bed' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:551).
Oo. { -nakt- } in / káˈnaktaɁ / 'bed, seat, space' (cf. Woodbury 2003:677).
Ca. { -nakt- } in / kaˈnaːktaɁ / 'a bed, a seat' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:507).
Se. { -nɔkt- } in / onɔ̃ːktaɁ / 'space, room, area, time (for something), bed,
State (of the U.S.)' (cf. Chafe 1967:72).
513
Hu. { -naht- } in / xaˈnahtaɁ / <ganda‛ta> 'chambre, place a coucher, natte'
(MS 59:90).
³⁵⁶ PNI * { -nat- } 'camp, city, settlement, town, village'

Tu. { -taɁn- } in / oˈtaːɁnɛh / 'camp, city, settlement, village'
(cf. Rudes 1999:430).
Su. * { -nat- } in <Cannadago> 'city' (Alsop 1666:79).
La. * { -nat- } in <Canada> 'Ilz appellent une ville' (Biggar 1924:245).
Mo. { -nat- } in / kaˈnaːtaɁ / 'a town, village, city, a camp, an encampment'
Oe. { -nat- } in / kanaˈtâːke / 'in town, at the town, to town'
Oo. { -nat- } in / kanáːˈtaɁkeh / 'at the village, town, settlement'
Ca. { -nat- } in / kaˈnaːtaɁ / 'a town; a community' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:504).
Se. { -nɔ̃t- } in / kanɔ̃takɔ̃ːh / 'in the town' (cf. Chafe 1967:72).
Hu. { -nat- } in / xaˈnaːtaɁ / <gandata> 'Bourg, vilage, ville' (MS 59:90).
Wy. { -nat- } in / janataɛ̃Ɂ / '[there is a] village' (cf. Barbeau 1960:220).
[ cf. Lounsbury 1978:340, Mithun 1979:186, Mithun 1981a:3,
Mithun 1981b:238 ]
³⁵⁷ PNI * { -natsj- } 'grain, wheat'

Mo. { -natsj- } in / oˈnatsjaɁ / 'wheat' (cf. Maracle 1990:68).
Oo. { -natsj- } in / káˈnaːtsjaɁ / 'grain' (cf. Woodbury 2003:677).
Ca. { -nats- } in / kaˈnatsɁaehs / 'a grain threshing machine'
Se. { -nɔ̃ts- } in / onɔ̃ːtsaɁ / 'wheat' (cf. Chafe 1967:71).
Hu. { -nats- } in / oˈnatsaɁ / <ondatsa> 'bled francois' (MS 59:90).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:273 ]
³⁵⁸ PI * { -nawẽːh } 'be melted, be warm, be wet'

Ch. { -nàwòːh- } in / ȁːkàːnàwòːhska̋ː / 'it's getting warm'
PNI * { -nawẽːh }, * { -naɁnawẽːh } 'be warm, be wet, melt', the second form
occurring when no incorporated noun is present.
Tu. { -taɁtawə̃ː } in / jotaˈɁtaːwə̃ː / 'humid; it is melted' (cf. Rudes 1999:428).
514
Mo. { -naɁnawʌ̃ } in / joˈnâːnawʌ̃ / 'it is wet, soaked' (cf. Maracle 1990:20).
Oe. { -naɁnawʌ̃ } in / joˈnâːnawʌ̃ / 'it's wet'
Oo. { -naɁnawẽh } in / onáɁnaˈwẽh / 'it is damp, it is wet'
Ca. { -naɁnawẽh- } in / onaɁnaˈwẽhtõh / 'it has been melted'
(cf. Froman et al. 2002:367), with causative.
Se. { -nɔ̃Ɂnɔ̃wɛ̃h } in / oˈnɔ̃Ɂnɔ̃wɛ̃ːh / 'it has melted, soaked' (cf. Chafe 1967:73).
Hu. { -nawẽːh }, cf. <ganda8an> 'etre chaud, temperé' (MS 59:87),
Wy. { -nawɛ̃- } in / usahuaɁtaˈnaːwɛ̃Ɂ / 'he became warm again'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:249), with inchoative.
[ cf. Rudes 1995:49 ]
³⁵⁹ PNI * { -naɁkaɹ- } 'antler, horn'

Mo. { -naɁkaɹ- } in / oˈnâːkaɹaɁ / 'a horn, antler' (cf. Maracle 1990:68).
Oe. { -naɁkal- } in / oˈnâːkalaɁ / 'horn' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:559).
Oo. { -naɁkaR- } in / óˈnaɁkaːɁ / 'horn, antler' (cf. Woodbury 2003:685).
Ca. { -naɁkaR- } in / oˈnaɁkaːɁ / 'horns; antlers' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:505).
Se. { -nɔ̃ɁkaR- } in / oˈnɔ̃ɁkææɁ / 'horn' (cf. Chafe 1967:73).
Hu. { -naɁxaɹ- } in / xaˈnaɁxaɹaɁ / <ganda˛ara> 'Corne' (MS 59:85),
Wy. { -naɁɹ- } in / aɁhunaɁˈɹiːʒaɁ / 'he cut the horn' (cf. Barbeau 1960:263),
loss of / a / anomalous.
³⁶⁰ PNI * { -naɁkeɹ- } 'imitate'

Tu. { -taɁkjɛr- } in / rotaɁˈkjɛːrə̃ / 'he followed an example, he imitated it'
(cf. Rudes 1999:170).
Mo. { -naɁkeɹ- } in / thaɁtenaɁkeˈɹahtũ / 'it is artifical, fake, phoney'
(cf. Maracle 1990:96), with causative.
Oe. { -naɁkel- } in / tekhenaɁkelaːˈniheɁ / 'I'm imitating her or someone'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:560), with dative.
Oo. { -naɁkeR- } in / ẽjonáɁˈkeːẽɁ / 'it will pattern after it'
Ca. { -naɁkjeR- } in / ẽtisaˈnaɁkjẽːɁ / 'it will mock, imitate you'
515
(cf. Froman et al. 2002:163), presence of / j / anomalous.
Se. { -nɔ̃ɁkeR- } in / waɔ̃wɔ̃ˈnɔ̃Ɂkeːɛ̃Ɂ / 'they imitated him' (cf. Chafe 1967:73),
with dative.
Hu. { -naɁxeɹ- }, cf. <gandagerandi> 'imiter qlq.' (MS 59:85), with dative,
³⁶¹ PNI * { -naɁtaɹ- } 'bread'

Tu. { -taɁnar- } in / oˈtaɁnarɛh / 'biscuit, bread, cake' (cf. Rudes 1999:431).
No. * { -taˀtaɹ- } in <Gotatera> 'Bread' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Su. * { -naɁtaɹ- } in <Mnádra, Canadra> 'Brod' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. { -naɁtaɹ- } in / kaˈnâːtaɹũɁk / 'bread' (cf. Maracle 1990:28).
Oe. { -naɁtal- } in / kaˈnâːtalok / 'bread' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:564).
Se. { -nɔ̃ɁtaR- } in / oˈnɔ̃ɁtææɁ / 'lead, sinker, crock, type of bread'
(cf. Chafe 1967:73).
Hu. { -naɁtaɹ- } in / xaˈnaɁtaɹaɁ / <gandatara> 'Pain' (MS 59:90),
Wy. { -naɁtaɹ- } in / uˈnaɁtaɹaɁ / 'bread' (cf. Barbeau 1960:78).
[ cf. Lounsbury 1978:340, Mithun 1979:181, Mithun 1984b:273 ]
³⁶² PNI * { -naɁtõhkʷ- } 'call' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -naɁtũhkʷ- } in / khenaɁˈtũhkʷaɁ / 'I call someone by a name,
I give a name to someone' (cf. Maracle 1990:48).
Oe. { -naɁtũhkʷ- } in / kũnaɁˈtũhkʷaɁ / 'I call you'
Oo. { -naɁtũhkʷ- } in / kanáɁˈtũhkʷih / 'it is named' (cf. Woodbury 2003:683).
³⁶³ PNI * { -naɁtsj- } 'cauldron, kettle, pail, pot'

Tu. { -naɁtʃ- } in / kaˈnaɁtʃaɁ / 'pail' (cf. Rudes 1999:321), a borrowed word.
Mo. { -naɁtsj- } in / kaˈnâːtsjaɁ / 'a pot, boiler, cauldron' (cf. Maracle 1990:28).
Oe. { -naɁtsj- } in / kanaɁˈtsjâːke / 'on the pail'
Oo. { -naɁtsj- } in / káˈnaɁtsjaɁ / 'bucket, pail, kettle' (cf. Woodbury 2003:688).
Ca. { -naɁts- } in / kaˈnaɁtsaɁ / 'a pail' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:506).
Se. { -nɔ̃Ɂts- } in / kaˈnɔ̃ɁtsaɁ / 'pail, kettle, boiler' (cf. Chafe 1967:73).
Hu. { -naɁts- } in / xaˈnaɁtsaɁ / <gandatsa> 'Chaudiere' (MS 59:90),
516
Wy. { -naɁts- } in / jaˈnaɁtsaɁ / 'kettle' (cf. Barbeau 1960:170).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:277 ]
³⁶⁴ PI * { -neː- } 'liquid'

Ch. { -nèː- } in / kànèːkíːɁa̋ː / 'he's picking up some liquid'
(cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:105) and / kànèːhwàhthi ́ha̋ː /
'he's finding some liquid' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:106).
PNI * { -nehkʷ- }, * { -hnek- } 'liquid', the first meaning 'water' in Huron, the
second 'liquid' in Susquehannock and the Five Nations languages.
Tu. { -hnɛk- } in / uhˈnɛːkjɛh / 'alcohol, liquor, juice, sap, water'
(cf. Rudes 1999:207).
Su. * { -hnek- } in <Oneegha, Caneega> 'Watn' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. { -hnek- } in / ohˈneːkaɁ / 'water, liquid' (cf. Maracle 1990:61).
Oe. { -hnek- } in / ohneːˈkâː / 'liquid, liquor'
Oo. { -hnek- } in / óhˈneːkaɁ / 'liquid, water, alcohol' (cf. Woodbury 2003:526).
Ca. { -hnek- } in / ohneːˈkiːjoː / 'good water' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:363).
Se. { -hnek- } in / oːneːkaɁ / 'whiskey' (cf. Chafe 1967:54).
Hu. { -nehkʷ- }, cf. <gandek8a> 'Eau, aqua' (MS 59:92), / h / assumed present.
Wy. { -nehkʷ- } in / jaˈnehkʷatɛ̃tsih / 'the water is that deep, thick'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:269).
[ cf. Cook 1979:186 ]
³⁶⁵ PI * { -neːhst- }, * { -neːhstwaɹ } 'ice'

Ch. { -nèːhstàl- } in / ùːněːstála̋ː / 'ice' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:127),
/ kàněːstálàtìɁa̋ː / 'it's freezing' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:107) and
/ hìnèːstàlàta̋ː / 'freeze!' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:107).
PNI * { -nehsto- }, * { -nehstwar- } 'ice'.
OOo. { -nehʃt- } in / óˈnehʃtoh / 'Congelé' (Shea 1859:35).
Se. { -nest- } in / oˈnestoh / 'it is frozen' (cf. Chafe 1967:68).
Hu. { -nehst- }, cf. <gandestonti> 'fe. geler' (MS 59:95), / h / assumed present;
{ -nehskʷaɹ- } in / xaˈnehskʷaɹaɁ / <gandesk8ara> 'Glace' (MS 62:45),
[ cf. Rudes 1995:48 ]
517
³⁶⁶ PI * { -nẽh- } 'corn, grain, kernel'
Ch. { -nòh- } in / kànòhe̋ːnâː / 'rice' (King 1975:192), / kànòhe̋ːnîː /
'hominy grits' (King 1975:193), both meaning literally 'long grain'.
PNI * { -nẽh- }, * { -nẽhst- } 'corn, grain, kernel, seed'.
Tu. { -nə̃h- } in / oˈnə̃hɛh / 'corn (Zea mays)' (cf. Rudes 1999:351).
No. * { -nẽh- } in <ohnehahk> 'Corn, maize' (cf. Rudes 1981a:48).
Su. * { -nẽhst- } in <Onaesta> 'Sod eller Magiiz' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. { -nʌ̃h- } in / ˈkaːnʌ̃h / 'seed, seeds (for planting, sowing)
Oe. { -nʌ̃h- } in / kaːˈnʌ̃heɁ / 'seed, pit (of a fruit), grain, oats'
Oo. { -nẽh- } in / óˈnẽhaɁ / 'corn' (cf. Woodbury 2003:698).
Ca. { -nẽh- } in / oˈnẽhẽːɁ / 'corn' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:70).
Se. { -nɛ̃h- } in / oˈnɛ̃ɔɁ̃ / 'corn, corn kernel' (cf. Chafe 1967:69).
Hu. { -nẽh- } in / oˈnẽhaɁ / <onnenha> 'bled' (MS 59:32).
Wy. { -nɛ̃h- } in / uˈnɛ̃haɁ / 'corn' (cf. Barbeau 1960:59).
³⁶⁷ PI * { nẽh } 'now'

Ch. { -nò- } in / nǒːkʷʌ̃ː̋ / 'now' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:148), final syllable
/ -kʷʌ̃ː̋ / meaning 'only, just'.
PNI * / ˈoːnẽ / 'now'.
Tu. / ˈoːnə̃ / 'at this time, at that time, now, when' (cf. Rudes 1999:469).
Su. <Hoona> 'nu' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. / ˈoːnʌ̃ / 'now, already, goodbye' (cf. Maracle 1990:56).
Oe. / oˈnʌ̃ / 'now, then' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:640).
Oo. / ˈóːnẽh / 'now' (cf. Woodbury 2003:761).
Ca. / ˈoːnẽh / 'now' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:691).
Se. / oːnɛ̃h / 'now, at the time' (cf. Chafe 1967:92).
Hu. / ˈoːnẽh / <onnen> '[maintenant]' (MS 59:57), / h / assumed present.
Wy. / uˈnɛ̃h / 'now' (cf. Barbeau 1960:103).
³⁶⁸ PI * { -nẽːhskʷ- } 'steal'

Ch. { -nòːhsk- } in / kànòːhskíːɁa̋ː / 'he's stealing it'
518
PNI * { -nẽhsko- }, * { -nẽhskʷ- } 'steal'.
Tu. { -nə̃hskʷ- } in / raˈnə̃hskʷahs / 'he steals' (cf. Rudes 1999:362).
Mo. { -nʌ̃hskʷ- } in / keˈnʌ̃hskʷahs / 'I steal, rob, I am a thief, robber'
Oe. { -nʌ̃skʷ- } in / ˈknʌ̃skʷas / 'I steal' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:578).
Oo. { -nẽskʷ- } in / hatíˈnẽskʷas / 'they steal' (cf. Woodbury 2003:701).
Ca. { -nẽhsko- } in / ẽhˈsnẽhskoɁ / 'you will steal s.t.'
Se. { -nɔ̃skʷ- } in / haˈnɔ̃skʷas / 'he steals, thief' (cf. Chafe 1967:72),
change of vowel anomalous.
Wy. { -nɛ̃hskʷ- } in / aɁhaˈnɛ̃hskʷaɁ / 'he stole' (cf. Barbeau 1960:271).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:54 ]
³⁶⁹ PI * { -nẽːj- } 'sand; stone'

Ch. { -nòːj- } in / nòːja̋ː / 'sand' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:148).
PNI * { -nẽj- } 'stone'.
OMo. { -nʌ̃j- } in / oˈnʌ̃ːjaɁ / <Onnenja> 'pierre' (Bruyas 1863:71).
Oe. { -nʌ̃j- } in / onʌ̃ːˈjâː / 'stone' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:583).
Oo. { -nẽj- } in / óˈnẽːjaɁ / 'stone' (cf. Woodbury 2003:704).
³⁷⁰ PNI * { -nẽtsh- } 'arm'

Tu. { -nə̃tʃh- } in / oˈnə̃tʃhɛh / 'arm, sleeve' (cf. Rudes 1999:350).
No. * { -nẽtʃh- } in <ohnunchahk> 'Arm' (cf. Rudes 1981a:48).
Mo. { -nʌ̃tsh- } in / oˈnʌ̃tshaɁ / 'an arm, forearm' (cf. Maracle 1990:70).
Oe. { -nʌ̃tsh- } in / oˈnʌ̃tshaɁ / 'arm' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:580).
Oo. { -nẽtsh- } in / óˈnẽtshaɁ / 'arm' (cf. Woodbury 2003:702).
Ca. { -nẽtsh- } in / oˈnẽːtshaɁ / 'arm' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:14).
Se. { -nɛ̃sh- } in / haˈnɛ̃ːshaɁ / 'his arm' (cf. Chafe 1967:69).
Hu. { -nẽsh- }, cf. <gannensa> 'Bras' (MS 59:110), / h / assumed present.
³⁷¹ PNI * { -niɁ- } 'be stingy' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -niɁ- } in / wakeˈnîːɁũ / 'I am stingy, a miser, avaricious'
(cf. Maracle 1990:104).
Oe. { -niɁ- } in / waˈknîːũ / 'I'm stingy' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:594).
Oo. { -niɁ- } in / hóˈniɁũk / 'he is stingy, he is cheap' (cf. Woodbury 2003:714).
Ca. { -niɁ- } in / koˈniɁõh / 'she is stingy' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:522).
519
³⁷² PNI * { -njaːk- } 'marry'
Tu. { -tjaːk- } in / kaˈtjaːkə̃ / 'husband, spouse, wife' (cf. Rudes 1999:457),
/ ə̃jə̃ˈktiːtjaːk / 'the two of us will marry one another'
(cf. Rudes 1999:457).
Mo. { -njak- } in / wakeˈnjaːkũ / 'I am married' (cf. Maracle 1990:105).
Oe. { -njak- } in / ˈlonjaks / 'he's getting married'
Oo. { -njak- } in / hóˈtiːnjaks / 'they are marrying' (cf. Woodbury 2003:740).
Ca. { -njaːk- } in / aˈkeːnjaːs / 'I am getting married right now'
Se. { -njaːk- } in / waotinjaːk / 'they got married' (cf. Chafe 1967:74).
Hu. { -njaːK- }, cf. <gandia˛i> 'Se Marier' (MS 59:96),
Wy. { -njaːK- } in / ajeˈnjaːih / 'I am married' (cf. Barbeau 1960:67),
/ sahuˈnjakaɁ / 'he married again' (cf. Barbeau 1960:135).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:278 ]
³⁷³ PNI * { -njaɹ- } 'neck'

Mo. { -njaɹ- } in / oˈnjaːɹaɁ / 'the nape of the neck, collar' (cf. Maracle 1990:71).
Oe. { -njal- } in / onjaːˈlâː / 'neck' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:621).
Oo. { -njaR- } in / óˈnjaːæɁ / 'neck' (cf. Woodbury 2003:739).
Ca. { -njaR- } in / athõwaˈnjaohaːk / 's.o' squeezed his neck'
Se. { -njaR- } in / onjaːaɁ / 'neck, collar' (cf. Chafe 1967:73).
³⁷⁴ PNI * { -njataɹ- } 'lake'

Tu. { -njatar- } in / oˈnjaːtarɛh / 'lake, sea' (cf. Rudes 1999:376),
a borrowed word.
Mo. { -njataɹ- } in / kaˈnjaːtaɹeɁ / 'a lake, bay, sea, ocean' (cf. Maracle 1990:29).
Oe. { -njatal- } in / kanjataˈlâːke / 'lake' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:621).
Oo. { -njataR- } in / kanjáːˈtaːɁkeh / 'on the lake, at the ocean'
Ca. { -njataR- } in / kanjaˈtaːɁkeh / 'to, at, on the lake'
Se. { -njotaR- } in / kanjotaeɁ / 'lake' (cf. Chafe 1967:74),
520
change of vowel anomalous.
³⁷⁵ PNI * { -nkoɁɹ- }, * { -nkoɁɹh- } 'wampum'

Su. * { -nkoɁɹ(h)- } in <Ahghââra> 'Ur the Barbarers penningar'
(cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. { -nekoɁɹh- } in / oneˈkôːɹhaɁ / 'a wampum string' (cf. Maracle 1990:409).
Oe. { -nikoɁlh- } in / oniˈkôːlhaɁ / 'wampum'
Oo. { -tkoɁR- } in / óˈtkoɁæɁ / 'wampum' (cf. Woodbury 2003:807).
Se. { -tkoɁR- } in / oˈtkoɁæɁ / 'wampum' (cf. Chafe 1967:83).
³⁷⁶ PNI * { -nkõ- }, * { -nkʷẽhs- } 'blood'

Tu. { -tkə̃- } in / ˈkaːtkə̃Ɂ / 'blood, gore' (cf. Rudes 1999:449).
No. * { -tkõ- } in <Gatkum> 'Blood' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
Mo. { -nekʷʌ̃hs- } in / oneˈkʷʌ̃hsaɁ / 'blood' (cf. Maracle 1990:69).
Oe. { -nikʷʌ̃hs- } in / oniˈkʷʌ̃hsaɁ / 'blood' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:591).
Oo. { -tkʷẽhs- } in / óˈtkʷẽhsaɁ / 'blood' (cf. Woodbury 2003:808).
Ca. { -tkʷẽhs- } in / katkʷẽhsaˈnahnõh / 'pure-bred' (cf. Froman et al. 1967:575).
Se. { -tkʷɛ̃hs- } in / aˈketkʷɛ̃hsaɁ / 'my blood' (cf. Chafe 1967:83).
Hu. { -nxõ- } in / ˈxanxõh / <˛angon> 'Sang' (MS 59:108).
Wy. { -njɔ̃- } in / jaˈnjɔ̃h / 'blood' (cf. Barbeau 1960:283).
³⁷⁷ PNI * { -nkʷẽhtaɹ- } 'red' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -nekʷʌ̃htaɹ- } in / oneˈkʷʌ̃htaɹaɁ / 'red' (cf. Maracle 1990:69).
Oe. { -nikʷʌ̃htal- } in / jũtnikʷʌ̃htaˈlalhos / 'she puts on lipstick'
Oo. { -tkʷẽhtaR- } in / óˈtkʷẽhtaːɁ / 'red' (cf. Woodbury 2003:807).
Se. { -tkʷɛ̃htaR- } in / oˈtkʷɛ̃htæætsih / 'dark red' (cf. Chafe 1867:83).
³⁷⁸ PNI * { -nkʷẽɁ- } 'begin to snow'

Tu. { -tkʷə̃Ɂ- } in / waɁˈkaːtkwə̃Ɂ / 'it began to snow' (cf. Rudes 2002:191).
Hu. { -nxʷẽɁ- }, cf. <˛ang8endi> 'neger, faire de la nege' (Fraser 1920:300),
521
[ cf. Rudes 2002:191 ]
³⁷⁹ PNI * { -noːh } 'be cold'

Mo. { -no } in / johˈnekano / 'the water is cold' (cf. Maracle 1990:238).
Oo. { -noh } in / ohnékaˈnoh / 'cold water' (cf. Woodbury 2003:691).
Ca. { -noː } in / oˈwaːnoː / 'it is a cold wind' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:60).
Se. { -noːh } in / ohsɔ̃tanoːh / 'cold night' (cf. Chafe 1967:73).
Hu. { -nohst- }, cf. <gand8sti> 'avoir, sentir du froid' (MS 59:106),
causative form, / h / assumed present.
Wy. { -nuhst- } in / aɁhaˈaɁtanuhst / 'he was cold' (cf. Barbeau 1960:249),
causative form.
³⁸⁰ PNI * { -noɁts- }, * { -noɁtsj- } 'tooth'

Tu. { -toɁθ- } in / oˈtoɁθɛh / 'tooth' (cf. Rudes 1999:177).
No. * { -toɁs- } in <Otosag> 'The teeth' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
Mo. { -noɁtsj- } in / kaˈnôːtsjaɁ / 'a stake, a spike, a tooth, teeth'
(cf. Maracle 1990:174).
Oo. { -noɁtsj- } in / knóɁˈtsjaɁkeh / 'my tooth' (cf. Woodbury 2003:718).
Ca. { -noɁts- } in / oˈnoɁtsaɁ / 'tooth' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:523).
Se. { -noɁts- } in / oˈnoɁtsaɁ / 'tooth' (cf. Chafe 1967:70).
³⁸¹ PNI * { -nõhkʷ- }, * { -nõhkʷaɁt- }, * { -nõhkʷaɁtshɹ- } 'medicine'

Tu. { -nə̃hkʷaɁt } in / joˈnə̃hkʷaɁt / 'anodyne, antidote, drug, medicine'
(cf. Rudes 1999:356).
Mo. { -nũhkʷ- } in / oˈnũhkʷaɁ / 'medicine, remedy, a herbal infusion medicine'
Oe. { -nũhkʷaɁt } in / oˈnũhkʷaɁt / 'medicine, pepper'
Oo. { -nũhkʷaɁtshR- } in / onṹhˈkʷaɁtshæɁ / 'medicine'
Se. { -nɔ̃hkʷaɁshR- } in / oˈnɔ̃hkʷaɁshæɁ / 'medicine' (cf. Chafe 1967:71).
Hu. { -nõhkʷaɁt } in / ẽˈnõhkʷaɁt / <Ennonk8at> 'ame, Médecine'
(MS 59:170), / h / and / Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. { -nɔ̃hkʷaɁt } in / ˈnɔ̃hkʷaɁt / 'medicine' (cf. Barbeau 1960:132).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:278, Rudes 1995:49 ]
522
³⁸² PI * { -nõhs- } 'house'
̀ s- } in / kànhsùːkàhlʌ̃ː̋ Ɂîː / 'wall' (King 1975:193), / khànʌ̃ː́ sùːlʌ̃ː̋ Ɂîː /
Ch. { -nə̃h
'room' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:142), / h / in second form likely
metathesized, literal meaning of word perhaps 'the house is divided',
cf. / ȁːjâːtòhlʌ̃ː̋ Ɂîː / 'portion, chapter, share' (cf. King 1975:182,
Feeling & Pulte 1975:63).
PNI * { -nõhs- } 'house'.
Tu. { -nə̃hs- } in / oˈnə̃hsɛh / 'cage, cottage, house, hut, umbrella'
(cf. Rudes 1999:357), / nɛkanə̃hˈsaːkjɛː / 'there are two houses'
(cf. Rudes 1999:37), / kaˈnə̃hsoːt / 'the house stands'
(cf. Rudes 1999:472).
No. * { -nõhs- } in <Onushag> 'A House' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
La. * { -nõhʃ- } in <Canocha> 'Une maison' (Biggar 1924:245).
Mo. { -nũhs- } in / kaˈnũhsaɁ / 'house, dwelling, residence, home, hut, cabin,
lair' (cf. Maracle 1990:30), / tekaˈnũhsake / 'two houses'
(cf. Maracle 1990:174), / raoˈnũhsaɁ / 'his house'
(cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:198), / kaˈnũhsoteɁ /
'a house is standing there' (cf. Deering & Delisle 1976:500).
Oe. { -nũhs- } in / kaˈnũhsaɁ / 'house, building'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:602), / laoˈnũhsaɁ / 'his house'
Oo. { -nũhs- } in / kanṹhˈsaɁkeh / 'at the house' (cf. Woodbury 2003:726).
Ca. { -nõhs- } in / kaˈnõhsaɁ / 'house' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:159).
Se. { -nɔ̃hs- } in / kaˈnɔ̃hsoːt / 'house' (cf. Chafe 1967:71).
Hu. { -nõhʃ- } in / xaˈnõhʃaɁ / <gannoncha> 'Cabane' (MS 59:116),
Wy. { -nɔ̃hʃ- } in / jaˈnɔ̃hʃaɁ / 'house' (cf. Barbeau 1960:171).
³⁸³ PNI * { -nõhwakt- } 'be painful, be sore, hurt'

Tu. { -nə̃hwakn- } in / jonə̃hˈwaːknɛɁ / 'it is painful' (cf. Rudes 1999:365).
Mo. { -nũhwakt- } in / joˈnũ̂ːwakteɁ / 'it is sore, sensitive, painful'
(cf. Maracle 1990:293).
Oe. { -nũhwakt- } in / jonũhˈwakteɁ / 'it hurts'
Oo. { -nũhwakt- } in / onṹhˈwakteɁ / 'it hurts' (cf. Woodbury 2003:730).
523
Ca. { -nõhõkt- } in / oˈnohõkteɁ / 'it is painful' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:223),
borrowed from Seneca.
Se. { -nɔ̃ɔk̃ t- } in / oˈnɔ̃ɔk̃ teɁ / 'it's sore' (cf. Chafe 1967:72).
Hu. { -nõhwaht- }, cf. <gannonh8a‛ti> 'etre pris de mal, sentir du mal'
(MS 59:118).
³⁸⁴ PNI * { -nõhweɁ- } 'admire, like'

Mo. { -nũhweɁ- } in / keˈnũ̂ːweɁs / 'I like, admire' (cf. Maracle 1990:42).
Oe. { -nũhweɁ- } in / ˈknũ̂ːwehseɁ / 'I like it'
Oo. { -nũhweɁ- } in / ˈknṹhweɁs / 'I like it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:730).
Ca. { -nõhweɁ- } in / eˈnõhweɁs / 'she likes it' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:529).
Se. { -nɔ̃eɁ- } in / haˈnɔ̃eɁs / 'he likes it' (cf. Chafe 1967:71).
Hu. { -nõhweɁ- }, cf. <gannonh8endi> 'aimer q.c. ou qlq.' (MS 59:118).
Wy. { -nɔ̃ːweɁ- } in / teɁhuˈnɔ̃ːweɁs / 'he does not like him'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:135).
³⁸⁵ PNI * { -nõt- } 'hill, mountain'

Tu. { -nə̃Ɂn- } in / oˈnə̃ːɁnɛh / 'hill, mountain' (cf. Rudes 1999:368).
No. * { -nõˀt- } in <Yenuntenunte> 'a mountain' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46),
<newntehs> 'Mountain' (cf. Rudes 1981a:48).
Mo. { -nũt- } in / oˈnũːtaɁ / 'mountain, hill' (cf. Maracle 1990:72).
Oe. { -nũt- } in / jonũːˈtêː / '(it's) a little hill, a little mound'
Oo. { -nũt- } in / onṹːˈtaɁkeh / 'on the hill' (cf. Woodbury 2003:719).
Ca. { -nõt- } in / onõtaˈhõːnjõɁ / 'hills' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:525).
Se. { -nɔ̃t- } in / oˈnɔ̃taɁkeh / 'on the hill, Onondaga Reservation'
(cf. Chafe 1967:72).
Hu. { -nõt- } in / oˈnõːtaɁ / <Onnonta> 'Montagne' (MS 59:120).
Wy. { -nɔ̃t- } in / kjuˈnɔ̃ːtut / 'the hill sticks up there' (cf. Barbeau 1960:306).
³⁸⁶ PNI * { -nõtaɹ- } 'corn soup, hominy' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -nũtaɹ- } in / oˈnũtaɹaɁ / 'soup' (cf. Maracle 1990:72).
Oe. { -nũtal- } in / onũːˈtalaɁ / 'thick soup, mush'
Oo. { -nũtaR- } in / óˈnũːtaːɁ / 'thick soup, cracked corn soup'
524
Se. { -nɔ̃taR- } in / onɔ̃tææɁ / 'hominy' (cf. Chafe 1967:72).
³⁸⁷ PI * { -nõːtsiː- } 'brain, head'

Ch. { -nʌ̃ː̌ tsíː- } in / ùːnʌ̃ː̌ tsíːta̋ː / 'brain' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:177).
PNI * { -nõtsi- }, { -nõtsihst- } 'brain, head'.
La. * { -nõtsi } in <Aggonozy> 'La teste' (Biggar 1924:241).
Mo. { -nũtsi } in / oˈnũːtsi / 'head' (cf. Maracle 1990:72).
Oe. { -nũtsi } in / onũːˈtsi / 'head, cabbage' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:615).
Hu. { -nõtsihst- }, cf. <gannontsistia˛i> 'Couper la Tête a qlq.' (MS 59:121),
Wy. { -nɔ̃tsihst- } in / aːrunɔ̃ˈtsihskjaɁ / 'he would cut his head off'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:182).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:47 ]
³⁸⁸ PI * { -nõɁt- } 'breast, milk'

Ch. { -nʌ̃ː̌ t- } in / ùːnʌ̃ː̌ ti ̋ː / 'milk' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:177).
PNI * { -nõɁt- } 'milk, breast'.
Mo. { -nũɁt- } in / oˈnũ̂ːtaɁ / 'milk, breast' (cf. Maracle 1990:72).
Oe. { -nũɁt- } in / oˈnũ̂ːtaɁ / 'milk, breast' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:618).
³⁸⁹ PNI * { -nɹahs- } 'fungus, mushroom'

Tu. { -trahs- } in / oˈtrahsɛh / 'fungus, mushroom' (cf. Rudes 1999:452).
OMo. { -neɹahs- } in / oneˈɹahsaɁ / <Onnerasa> 'tondre champignons'
(Bruyas 1863:72).
Oe. { -nlahs- } in / oˈnlahsaɁ / 'comb of a rooster'
Oo. { -næːhs- } in / káˈnæːhsaks / 'mud turtle' (cf. Woodbury 2003:439).
Ca. { -nɛ̃hs- } in / oˈnɛ̃hsaɁ / 'fungus, also visor, comb of a fowl'
(cf. Chafe 1967:69).
Hu. { -nɹahʃ- } in / oˈnɹahʃaɁ / <Onnrachia> 'Champignon' (MS 59:121),
³⁹⁰ PNI * { -nɹaht- } 'leaf'

Tu. { -trahn- } in / oˈtrahnɛh / 'plant, sprout; leaf (archaic)'
(cf. Rudes 1999:452).
525
Mo. { -neɹaht- } in / ˈoneɹahteɁ / 'a leaf, leaves, foliage' (cf. Maracle 1990:231).
Oe. { -nlaht- } in / ˈonlahteɁ / 'leaf' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:594).
Oo. { -næːht- } in / óˈnæːhtaɁ / 'leaf, leafy vegetable' (cf. Woodbury 2003:693).
Ca. { -nɹaht- } in / oˈnɹahtaɁ / 'leaf' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:179).
Se. { -nɛ̃ht- } in / oˈnɛ̃htaɁ / 'leaf' (cf. Chafe 1967:69).
Hu. { -nɹaht- } in / oˈnɹahtaɁ / <Onnrata> 'feuille' (MS 59:121),
Wy. { -nɹaht- } in / nɹahˈtaɁjeh / 'on the leaves' (cf. Barbeau 1960:112).
³⁹¹ PI * { -nsteːɹ- } 'get involved, help'

Ch. { -hstèːl- } in / hȉːhstěːla̋ː / 'help him!' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:47).
PNI * { -ansteɹihst- } 'get involved with, become involved with, manage,
look after', with addition of causative; initial / a / anomalous,
perhaps original.
Mo. { -atsteɹihst- } in / katsteˈɹihsthaɁ / 'I get involved with, am busy with,
I meddle, govern, rule' (cf. Maracle 1990:37).
Oe. { -atstelist- } in / katsteˈlistaɁ / 'I look after things'
Se. { -asteist- } in / akaˈsteistɔ̃h / 'I've managed, arranged it' (cf. Chafe 1967:40).
³⁹² PI * { -nuːɹ- } 'corn husk'

Ch. { -nùːl- } in / kànǔːlʌ̃ː̋ / 'grass, weed' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:112),
{ -nùːlàkí- } 'shuck corn' (King 1975:202).
PNI * { -noɹ- } 'corn husk'.
Tu. { -tor- } in / oˈtoːrɛh / 'chaff, cornhusk, husk, stalk' (cf. Rudes 1999:454).
Mo. { -noɹ- } in / tkaˈnoːɹaɁ / 'cornhusk mattress' (cf. Maracle 1990:98).
Oe. { -nol- } in / onoːˈlâː / 'mat, cornhusk mat or rug'
Se. { -now- } in / hatinowiːjaɁs / 'they're husking corn' (cf. Chafe 1967:70).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:272, Rudes 1995:48 ]
³⁹³ PI * { -nuːɹõ- } 'be difficult, be unable to, fail to do'

̀ ʌ̃-̀ } 'fail, be unable to' (King 1975:202).
Ch. { -nùːlʌ̃h
PNI * { -noɹõ- } 'be unable to, fail to do, find difficult; be dear, be expensive,
be valuable'.
526
Tu. { -torə̃- } in / raˈtoːrə̃h / 'he fails to do it' (cf. Rudes 1999:582),
/ kaˈnoːrə̃Ɂ / 'it is expensive' (cf. Rudes 1999:581).
Mo. { -noɹũ- } in / kaˈnoːɹũɁ / 'it is dear, expensive, costly, precious, valuable,
hard to come by' (cf. Maracle 1990:29).
Oe. { -nolũ- } in / ũknoːˈlũ̂ː / 'I got stuck, I couldn't quite make it,
it got me down' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:598), / kanoːˈlũ̂ː /
'it's expensive' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:598).
Oo. { -nowẽ- } in / hóˈnoːwẽk / 'he fails' (cf. Woodbury 2003:716),
/ káˈnoːwẽɁ / 'it is valuable' (cf. Woodbury 2003:716).
Ca. { -nõːɁ } in / ẽˈwaːkhnõːɁ / 'I will fail' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:525),
/ kanõːɁ / 'it is expensive, dear, precious' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:525).
Se. { -noɔ̃- } in / kanoːɔ̃Ɂ / 'it's difficult, expensive' (cf. Chafe 1967:70).
Hu. { -noɹõ- }, cf. <gandóron> 'trouver q.c. ou qlq. difficile' (MS 59:104).
Wy. { -nuɹɔ̃- } in / teɁjaˈnuːɹɔ̃h / 'it is not difficult' (cf. Barbeau 1960:284).
³⁹⁴ PNI * { -ohsɹ- } 'winter, year'

Tu. { -ohstr- } in / aˈwohstrɛh / 'year' (cf. Rudes 1999:465).
No. * { -ohsɹ- } in <Goshera> 'Winter' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Mo. { -ohseɹ- } in / ˈohseɹaɁ / 'winter, year' (cf. Maracle 1990:64).
Oe. { -ohsl- } in / ohslaːˈsêː / 'it's a new year'
Oo. { -ohsR- } in / kóhˈsæːɁkeh / 'winter' (cf. Woodbury 2003:755).
Ca. { -ohsɹ- } in / kohˈsɹehneh / 'winter time' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:604).
Se. { -osR- } in / koˈsheːneh / 'in the winter' (cf. Chafe 1967:75).
Hu. { -ohʃɹ- } in / ˈohʃɹaɁ / <Ocha> 'hyver' (MS 59:181), preconsonantal / h /
assumed present, / ɹ / has become / h / in Rock dialect.
Wy. { -uhʃɹ- } in / ˈjuhʃɹat / 'this winter' (cf. Barbeau 1960:221).
³⁹⁵ PNI * { -ojɁaːk- } 'throw' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -ojaɁk- } in / jaɁteˈkojaɁkhs / 'I hit the target, I hit the mark'
Oe. { -ojaɁak- } in / tũtahˈlojaɁakeɁ / 'he threw it this way'
Ca. { -ojɁaːk- } in / tewateˈtsihstojɁaːs / 'static' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:539).
Se. { -oɁjaːk- } in / tɛ̃jakjaˈtwɛ̃noɁjaːk / 'we'll throw in a word'
527
(cf. Chafe 1967:76).
³⁹⁶ PNI * { -oɹẽ- } 'split'

Tu. { -orə̃- } in / nɛhˈroːrə̃hs / 'he splits it' (cf. Rudes 1999:471).
Mo. { -oɹʌ̃- } in / teˈkoːɹʌ̃hs / 'I split, cut, saw lengthwise' (cf. Maracle 1990:91).
Oe. { -olʌ̃- } in / tekoːˈlʌ̃s / 'I'm splitting it' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:638).
Oo. { -owẽ- } in / tẽjóˈtoːwẽh / 'it is cracked, it is split' (cf. Woodbury 2003:168).
Ca. { -owẽ- } in / aˈtkoːwẽːɁ / 'I split it open' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:541).
Se. { -owɛ̃- } in / tewakoːwɛ̃Ɂ / 'I've split it' (cf. Chafe 1967:76).
Hu. { -oɹẽ- }, cf. <Oren> 'fendre en deux, q.c. Se fendre' (MS 59:196).
Wy. { -uɹɛ̃- } in / aɁkɔ̃ˈwaaɁtuɹɛ̃Ɂ / 'they split her open' (cf. Barbeau 1960:157).
³⁹⁷ PNI * { -oːt } 'be, be standing, exist, stand upright'

Tu. { -oːt } in / kaˈnə̃hsoːt / 'the house stands' (cf. Rudes 1999:472).
Mo. { -ot- } in / joˈɹahkoteɁ / 'it is sunny' (cf. Maracle 1990:20).
Oe. { -ot- } in / kaˈnũhsoteɁ / '(it's a) house'
Oo. { -ot- } in / óhˈnjoːtaɁ / 'it is protruding from the ground,
it is growing out of the ground' (cf. Woodbury 2003:543).
Ca. { -oːt } in / tkaˈnõhsoːt / 'a house is over there' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:535).
Se. { -oːt } in / waɁɛ̃ːnoːt / 'a post standing upright' (cf. Chafe 1967:55).
Hu. { -oːt }, cf. <8t> 'etre au dessus, paroitre, au dehors, au debout'
(MS 59:200), long vowel assumed present.
Wy. { -ut } in / kjuˈnɔ̃ːtut / 'the hill sticks up there' (cf. Barbeau 1960:306).
³⁹⁸ PNI * { -oɁkt- } 'be at the end, end'

Tu. { -oɁkt } in / ˈjoːɁnoɁkt / 'it came to an end, the end' (cf. Rudes 1999:474),
with semireflexive.
Mo. { -oɁkt- } in / ˈjoːtoɁkteɁ / ' it comes to an end, it is finished, at an end'
Oe. { -oɁkt- } in / wakoɁˈktâːũ / 'I have finished it'
Oo. { -oɁkt- } in / ẽwẽː́ ˈtoɁktẽɁ / 'it will be the end of the day'
Ca. { -oɁkt- } in / heˈjothahoɁk / 'the end of the trail, path, row'
528
Se. { -oɁkt- } in / oːtoɁk / 'it's at the end' (cf. Chafe 1967:76), with semireflexive.
³⁹⁹ PNI * { -oɁkʷaːt- } 'dig' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -oɁkʷat- } in / ˈkôːkʷaths / 'I dig a hole, I dig into something'
Oe. { -oɁkʷat- } in / katathnaɁˈtslôːkʷats / 'I'm digging around in my pocket'
Oo. { -oɁkʷat- } in / óɁˈkʷaːtih / 'it is dug' (cf. Woodbury 2003:771).
Ca. { -oɁkʷaːt- } in / oɁkʷaːs / 'it digs' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:538).
Se. { -oɁkʷaːt- } in / oɁˈkoɁkʷaːt / 'I dug' (cf. Chafe 1967:76).
⁴⁰⁰ PI * { -oɁnj- } 'hand'

Ch. { -oɁj- } in / ùwȍːje̋ːnîː / 'his hand' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:185),
{ -òɁje̋ːnîː } 'hand' (King 1975:204).
PNI * { -aɁnj- }, * { -Ɂnj- } 'hand, finger'.
La. * { -Ɂnj- } in <Aignoascon> 'Les mains' (Biggar 1924:242).
Mo. { -aɁnj- } in / ˈaɁnjaɁ / 'hand, inside of the hand' (cf. Maracle 1990:1).
Oe. { -aɁnj- } in / aɁnjaːˈnawʌ̃Ɂ / 'glove, mitten'
Ca. { -Ɂnj- } in / oɁnjaɁ / 'fingers' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:119).
Se. { -Ɂnj- } in / keɁnjaɁ / 'my finger, my hand' (cf. Chafe 1967:92).
Hu. { -Ɂnj- } in / ˈxaɁnjaɁ / <gandia> 'Doigt, Bague' (MS 59:96),
Wy. { -Ɂnj- } in / haɁˈnjaɁje / 'on his finger' (cf. Barbeau 1960:237).
[ cf. Mithun 1981b:234 ]
⁴⁰¹ PNI * { -oɁtẽːh } 'be of a kind, be of a sort'

Mo. { -oɁtʌ̃ } in / shaɁtewʌ̃seˈɹôːtʌ̃ / 'it is the same colour'
(cf. Maracle 1990:316).
Oe. { -oɁtʌ̃ } in / niwakiɁtaˈlôːtʌ̃ / 'it's my clan'
Oo. { -oɁtẽh } in / hihohsẽnóɁˈtẽh / 'what his name is' (cf. Woodbury 2003:769).
Ca. { -oɁtẽː } in / nikaẽˈnoɁtẽː / 'a type of song' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:536).
Se. { -oɁtɛ̃ːh } in / nikaɛ̃ˈnoɁtɛ̃ːh / 'the kind of song it is' (cf. Chafe 1967:76).
Hu. { -oɁtẽːh }, cf. <8ten> 'etre de telle maniere, figure, humeur &c.'
529
Wy. { -uɁtɛ̃h } in / hutiɁtaɹuɁtɛ̃h / 'they are that kind of clan'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:243).
⁴⁰² PNI * { -õhwẽtsj- } 'earth, land, world'

Mo. { -ũhwʌ̃tsj- } in / ũhˈwʌ̃tsjaɁ / 'earth, land, ground, terrestrial, nation,
world' (cf. Maracle 1990:70).
Oe. { -ũhwʌ̃tsj- } in / ũhˈwʌ̃tsjaɁ / 'land, ground'
Oo. { -ũhwẽtsj- } in / ṹhˈwẽːtsjaɁ / 'the earth, the land'
Ca. { -õhwẽts- } in / otõhwẽˈtsaːteɁ / 'country' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:548).
Se. { -ɔ̃ɛt̃ s- } in / jɔ̃ɛt̃ sateɁ / 'the earth (is present)' (cf. Chafe 1967:77).
Hu. { -õhwẽts- } in / õhˈwẽtsaɁ / <Onh8entsa> 'le Monde, la Terre'
(MS 59:188).
Wy. { -ɔ̃ːwɛ̃ts- } in / aɔ̃ːwɛ̃ˈtsaɁjeh / 'on the land' (cf. Barbeau 1960:288),
/ iʒɔ̃ːwɛ̃ˈtsuɁtɛ̃h / 'that kind of land' (cf. Barbeau 1960:270).
⁴⁰³ PI * { -õːkuːh- } 'go beyond, go through, leak, pass through, penetrate, reach'
Ch. { -ʌ̃ː̀ kùːh- } in / kʌ̃ː̀ kǔːhska̋ː / 'it's leaking' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:126).
PNI * { -õkoh- } 'go through, pass through, reach',
more often * { -õkoht- }, with causative.
Tu. { -ə̃koht- } in / rə̃ˈkohthaɁ / 'he sifts it' (cf. Rudes 1999:156),
/ wɛhraɁnə̃ˈkohthaɁ / 'he goes beyond' (Rudes 1999:490),
with semireflexive.
Mo. { -ũkoh- } in / teˈkũːkohs / 'I touch, reach something by throwing'
Oe. { -ũkoht- } in / tejũˈkothaɁ / 'it's coming through (e.g. water is coming
through a hole in the roof)' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:751).
Oo. { -ũkoht- } in / aṹˈkohtih / 'it is too much, it has gone beyond it'
Ca. { -õkoht- } in / tehˈsõːkoht / 'filter it, strain it' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:544).
Se. { -ɔ̃koht- } in / aˈkɔ̃kohtɔ̃h / 'I've put it through an opening'
(cf. Chafe 1967:77).
Hu. { -õxoh- }, cf. <On˛o> 'penetrer, passer au Travers' (MS 59:188),
530
[ cf. Rudes 1995:46 ]
⁴⁰⁴ PI * { -õːkuːhst- } 'sift'

Ch. { -ʌ̃ː̀ kùːhst- } in / kʌ̃ː̀ kǔːhsti ́ha̋ː / 'he's sifting it'
PNI * { -õkohst- } 'sift'.
Tu. { -ə̃kohst- } in / kə̃ˈkohsthaɁ / 'sifter' (cf. Rudes 1999:646).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:46 ]
⁴⁰⁵ PNI * { -õkʷeh }, * { -õkʷehsɹ- }, * { -õkʷeɁt- } 'be a person, human being'

Tu. / ˈə̃ːkʷɛh / 'human being' (cf. Rudes 1999:156); { -ə̃kʷɛhstr- } in
/ awə̃ˈkʷɛhstrɛh / 'person' (cf. Rudes 1999:158).
OMo. / ˈũːkʷe / <Ong8e> 'homme', { -ũkʷehser- } in / hũkʷehseˈriːjo /
<Hong8eserio> 'bel homme', { -ũkʷeɁt- } in / hũkʷeɁˈtaksə̃ /
<Hong8etaksen> 'laid homme' (Bruyas 1863:119).
Mo. / ˈũːkʷe / 'a person, human being' (cf. Maracle 1990:68); { -ũkʷeɁt- } in
/ ũkʷeɁtaˈkʷeːkũ / 'national' (cf. Maracle 1990:262).
Oe. / ũːˈkʷe / 'person' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:752); { -ũkʷeɁt- } in
/ akũˈkʷêːtaɁ / 'my relative' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:753).
Oo. / ˈṹːkʷeh / 'person' (cf. Woodbury 2003:841); { -ũkʷeɁt- } in / sṹˈkʷeɁtaɁ /
'your people, your relatives' (cf. Woodbury 2003:842).
Ca. / ˈõːkʷeh / 'a person; a human' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:544).
Se. / ɔ̃ːkʷeh / 'person' (cf. Chafe 1967:77); { -ɔ̃kʷeɁt- } in / hɛ̃ˈnɔ̃kʷeɁtaːseːɁ /
'young people' (cf. Chafe 1967:77).
Hu. { -õxʷeh }, cf. <On˛8e> 'etre homme' (MS 59:187), / h / assumed present.
Wy. { -ɔ̃weh } in / ajɔ̃ːˈweh / 'she is a person' (cf. Barbeau 1960:279).
⁴⁰⁶ PI * { -õːnh- } 'be alive, life, live'

Ch. { -ʌ̃ː̀ hn- } in / kʌ̃ː̀ hna̋ː / 'he is alive' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:126).
PNI * { -õnh- } 'be alive, live.
Tu. { -ə̃nh- } in / ˈrə̃nhɛɁ / 'he is alive' (cf. Rudes 1999:162).
Mo. { -ũnh- } in / ˈkũnheɁ / 'I live, exist, survive' (cf. Maracle 1990:55).
Oe. { -ũnh- } in / ˈkũnheɁ / 'I'm alive, I live'
Oo. { -ũnh- } in / ˈkṹnheɁ / 'I am alive' (cf. Woodbury 2003:849).
531
Ca. { -õnh- } in / aˈkõːnheɁ / 'she is alive' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:546).
Se. { -ɔ̃h- } in / kɔ̃heɁ / 'I'm alive' (cf. Chafe 1967:77).
Hu. { -õnh- }, cf. <Onnhe> 'vivre' (MS 59:189).
Wy. { -ɔ̃t- } in / ihˈʃɔ̃ːteɁ / 'your life' (cf. Barbeau 1960:178).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:36 ]
⁴⁰⁷ PNI * { -õnoːt- } 'rain'

Tu. { -ə̃toːt- } in / ˈwə̃ːtoːtʃ / 'it rains' (cf. Rudes 1999:177).
No. * { -õtoːtʃ } in <Yountouch> 'Rain' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
La. * { -õno(t)- } in <Onnoscon> 'Pluye' (BR81), with facilitative.
Hu. { -õnoːt- }, cf. <Ond8ti> 'pleuvoir, fe. de la pluye' (MS 59:186),
Wy. { -ɔ̃nut- } in / aɁɔ̃ˈnut / 'it is raining' (cf. Barbeau 1960:124).
⁴⁰⁸ PI * { -õːt- } 'pot'

Ch. { -ʌ̃ː̀ t- } in / tèːkʌ̃ː́ tǐːjéɁa̋ː / 'I'm washing dishes' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:78),
/ ʌ̃ː̌ ti ̋ː / 'pot' (Mooney 1900:544).
PNI * / ˈõːtaɁ /, * / ˈõːtak / 'pot', origin of / k / unclear.
Su. * { -õtak } in <Ow̃ ntack> 'Grnta/Kittil' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
La. * { -õt- } in <Undaccon> 'Ung pot de terre' (Biggar 1924:245).
Mo. / ˈũːtaɁ / 'pot, pail' (cf. Maracle 1990:73).
Oe. / ũːˈtak / 'pail, a big pail with a handle, kettle'
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:276 ]
⁴⁰⁹ PI * { -õːt- } 'put into the fire'

Ch. { -ʌ̃ː̀ t- } in / kʌ̃ː̀ thʌ̃h
́ ska̋ː / 'he's putting it into a fire'
PNI * { -õt- } 'put into fire'.
Tu. { -ə̃t- } in / ranə̃ˈhə̃ːthohs / 'he puts the corn in the fire'
(cf. Rudes 1999:168).
Mo. { -ũt- } in / ˈkũthaɁ / 'I put over the fire' (cf. Maracle 1990:55).
Se. { -ɔ̃t- } in / oɁkɔ̃ːtɛ̃Ɂ / 'I put it in the oven' (cf. Chafe 1967:78).
⁴¹⁰ PNI * { -õːt } 'be attached, have as a body part'

Tu. { -ə̃ːt } in / raˈtaɁrə̃ːt / 'he has a head' (cf. Rudes 1999:168).
532
Mo. { -ũt- } in / ˈkjâːtũteɁ / 'I have a body, I am mortal' (cf. Maracle 1990:52).
Oe. { -ũt- } in / johnaɁˈtatslũteɁ / 'it has a pocket'
Oo. { -ũt- } in / áˈũːtaɁ / it is attached, it has something attached to it'
Ca. { -õːt } in / tejonɁaˈkaõːt / 'sheep; lams; elk [lit. it has horns]'
Se. { -ɔ̃ːt } in / aˈwɛ̃ːɔ̃ːt / 'there's a flower on it' (cf. Chafe 1967:78).
Hu. { -õːt }, cf. <Ont> 'etre, y avoir' (MS 59:192), long vowel assumed present.
Wy. { -ɔ̃t } in / teɁhaˈnɔ̃ːtɔ̃t / 'he has no legs' (cf. Barbeau 1960:199).
⁴¹¹ PI * { -õːtakʷ- } 'remove from the fire'

Ch. { -ʌ̃ː̀ tàkì- } 'take off fire' (King 1975:221).
PNI * { -õtako- }, * { -õtakw- } 'remove from fire'.
Tu. { -ə̃Ɂnakw- } in / jakə̃ˈɁnaːkwahs / 'one took it out of the fire'
(cf. Rudes 1999:168).
Mo. { -ũtakw- } in / kũˈtakwahs / 'I remove something from the fire'
Se. { -ɔ̃takw- } in / koˈthæhkɔ̃taːkwɛ̃h / 'she has taken the bread out of the oven'
(cf. Chafe 1967:78).
⁴¹² PI * { -õːtaɹiɁ } 'be a lake, lake'

Ch. / ʌ̃ː̀ tàli ̋ː / 'pond, lake' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:186).
PNI * { -õtaɹ- } 'lake', * { -õtaɹeɁ } 'be a lake'.
Hu. { -õtaɹ- } in / ˈõtaɹaɁ / <Ontara> 'lac, Mer' (MS 59:194).
Wy. { -ɔ̃taɹeɁ } in / jɔ̃ˈtaːɹeɁ / 'lake' (cf. Barbeau 1960:105), { -ɔ̃taɹ- } in
/ utɔ̃taˈɹɔ̃ːnih / 'she has made a lake' (cf. Barbeau 1960:103);
/ jɔ̃taˈɹaɁjeh / 'at the lake' (Barbeau 1960:269).
[ cf. Lounsbury 1961:13, Mithun 1984b:274, Rudes 1995:49 ]
⁴¹³ PNI * { -ɹ- } 'be in, be on'

Tu. { -r- } in / waˈɁoːraɁ / 'it touched upon it, it got into it' (cf. Rudes 1999:377).
Mo. { -ɹ- } in / ˈikeɹeɁ / 'I am in a cradleboard' (cf. Maracle 1990:15).
Oe. { -l- } in / iːˈkaleɁ / 'there's something in it'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:504); / kajaɁˈtalhaɁ / 'it's pictured'
533
Oo. { -R- } in / kajáɁˈtaːhaɁ / 'movie, camera [lit. there are beings in it]'
Ca. { -R- } in / kaˈjaɁtaːɁ / 'a picture [lit. there is a being in it]'
Se. { -R- } in / haːnekahaɁ / 'he puts water in it' (cf. Chafe 1967:47).
Hu. { -ɹ- }, cf. <gar> 'q.c. etre dedans, etre avec les autres' (MS 59:130).
Wy. { -ɹ- } in / iˈjaɹ / 'it is in it' (cf. Barbeau 1960:96).
⁴¹⁴ PNI * { -ɹ- } 'moon to be present, planet to be present, sun to be present'

Tu. { -r- } in / ə̃ˈkaːraːk / 'it [the sun, the moon, a planet] will be present'
(cf. Rudes 1999:378).
OMo. { -ɹ- }, cf. <Gar> 'paroitre, reluire', / ˈoːnʌ̃ ˈihskaɹ / <Onne iskar>
'nous avons nouvelle lune', / ˈʌ̃tjek nʌ̃ˈkaːɹak / <Entiek négárák>
'à midy' (Bruyas 1863:85).
Hu. { -ɹ- }, cf. <gar> 'signif. ostum Solis, lunae', / ˈoːnə̃ ˈiːxar / <onne i˛ar>
'le Soleil ē levé' (MS 59:129).
⁴¹⁵ PNI * { -ɹahkʷ- } 'moon, planet, sun'

Mo. { -ɹahkʷ- } in / kaˈɹahkʷaɁ / 'the celestial light, sun, moon'
Oo. { -Ræhkʷ- } in / kaǽhˈkʷitkẽɁs / 'the sun rises, the moon rises'
Ca. { -Rakʷ- } in / kaːˈkʷaːkjeɁs / 'the sun and moon'
(cf. Froman et al. 2002:324), lack of / h / anomalous.
Se. { -Ræhkʷ- } in / tjoæhkʷiˈtkɛ̃Ɂɔ̃h / 'the sun (or moon) has come out'
(cf. Chafe 1967:60).
Hu. { -ɹahkʷ- } in / xaˈɹahkʷaɁ / <garak8a> 'Soleil' (MS 59:131),
Wy. { -ɹahkʷ- } in / nuɹahˈkuːtaɁ / 'when the sun shines' (cf. Barbeau 1960:74),
with loss of rounding before / u /.
⁴¹⁶ PNI * { -ɹakew- } 'erase, rub out, wipe out'

Tu. { -rakjɛw- } in / raraˈkjɛːwahs / 'he wipes it' (cf. Rudes 1999:38).
Mo. { -ɹakew- } in / keˈɹakewahs / 'I wipe clean, rub off something, brush off,
dust off, brush' (cf. Maracle 1990:43).
534
Oe. { -lakew- } in / waklakeˈwâːthũ / 'I have used it to wipe something'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:508), with causative.
Oo. { -Rækew- } in / kaǽːˈkeːwẽh / 'it is wiped' (cf. Woodbury 2003:326).
Ca. { -Rakew- } in / kɹaˈkeːwahs / 'I am erasing it, wiping it'
⁴¹⁷ PNI * { -ɹako- }, * { -ɹakw- } 'choose, pick out, select'

Tu. { -rakw- } in / raˈraːkwahs / 'he chooses, he prefers, he unloads'
(cf. Rudes 1999:380).
Mo. { -ɹakw- } in / keˈɹakwahs / 'I choose, pick out, select'
Oe. { -lakw- } in / ˈklakwas / 'I'm choosing it'
Oo. { -Rækw- } in / ˈkǽːkwas / 'I choose' (cf. Woodbury 2003:327).
Ca. { -Rako- } in / ẽhˈsɹaːkoɁ / 'you will choose it, take it out'
Hu. { -ɹaw- }, cf. <gara8an> 'ôter de dedans, d'avec. Choisir parmi pl: Ch:'
(MS 59:136), reflex of * / k / absent as in the reversive suffix.
Wy. { -ɹaw- } in / eˈɹaːwaɁ / 'I choose' (cf. Barbeau 1960:219).
⁴¹⁸ PNI * { -ɹan- } 'sap, syrup'

Mo. { -ɹan- } in / oˈɹaːnaɁ / 'sap' (cf. Maracle 1990:73).
Oe. { -lan- } in / olaːˈnâː / 'corn coup' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:508),
with semantic shift.
Ca. { -Ran- } in / ẽhsɹanaˈwẽɁtoh / 'you will sweeten'
Se. { -Ræn- } in / owæːnɔ̃Ɂ / 'sugar, maple sugar, candy' (cf. Chafe 1967:47).
Hu. { -ɹan- } in / oˈɹaːnaɁ / <oranda> 'leau d'Erables, ou de &c' (MS 59:134).
Wy. { -ɹan- } in / uɹaːˈnaɁ / 'syrup' (cf. Barbeau 1960:123).
⁴¹⁹ PNI * { -ɹat- } 'heel'

Mo. { -ɹat- } in / oˈɹaːtaɁ / 'heel of the foot, shoe' (cf. Maracle 1990:73).
Oe. { -lat- } in / olaːˈtâː / 'heel' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:509).
Oo. { -Ræt- } in / óˈwæːtaɁ / 'heel of a shoe' (cf. Woodbury 2003:325).
Se. { -Ræt- } in / ˈoætahsaɁ / 'heel' (cf. Chafe 1967:47).
535
Hu. { -ɹat- } in / ʃɹaˈtaɁxeh / <chrata˛e> 'a ton Talon' (MS 59:137).
⁴²⁰ PNI * { -ɹathẽ- }, * { -ɹaɁthẽ- } 'climb'

Tu. { -rathə̃- } in / waɁkaˈraːthə̃Ɂ / it climbed' (cf. Rudes 1999:381).
Mo. { -ɹathʌ̃- } in / keˈɹathʌ̃hs / 'I climb something' (cf. Maracle 1990:43).
Oe. { -lathʌ̃- } in / ˈklathʌ̃s / 'I keep climbing up'
Oo. { -RæɁthẽ- } in / haǽɁˈthẽs / 'he climbs' (cf. Woodbury 2003:333).
Ca. { -Rathẽ- } in / kɹathẽhs / 'I climb' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:57).
Se. { -RæɁthɛ̃- } in / ˈhæːɁthɛ̃s / 'he climbs' (cf. Chafe 1967:48).
Hu. { -ɹaɁthẽ- }, cf. <garaθen> 'monter' (MS 59:137), / Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. { -ɹaɁtɛ̃- } in / aɁhaˈɹaɁtɛ̃Ɂ / 'he climbed' (cf. Barbeau 1960:216).
⁴²¹ PNI * { -ɹaɁnẽtaːk- } 'adhere, stick, stick on'

Mo. { -ɹaɁnʌ̃tak- } in / joɹaɁˈnʌ̃ːtakhs / 'it is attached to, glued to, stuck to,
adjacent to, it adheres to something' (cf. Maracle 1990:20).
Oe. { -laɁnʌ̃tak- } in / klaɁnʌ̃ːˈtaks / 'I'm sticking something on something'
Oo. { -RæɁnẽtak- } in / owæɁnẽˈ́ taːkih / 'it is stuck to it'
Ca. { -RaɁnẽtaːk- } in / owaɁˈnẽːtaːs / 'it sticks to it; it adheres to it'
Se. { -RæɁnɛ̃taːk- } in / oɁˈkæɁnɛ̃ːtaːk / 'I stuck it on' (cf. Chafe 1967:48).
Hu. { -ɹaɁnẽtaːK- }, cf. <garannenta˛i> 'q.c. etre attachée' (MS 59:135),
Wy. { -ɹaɁnɛ̃taK- } in / tautiˈɹaɁnɛ̃ta / 'they stuck' (cf. Barbeau 1960:257).
⁴²² PNI * { -ɹẽn- } 'incantation, song, spell, witchcraft'

Tu. { -rə̃t- } in / oˈrə̃ːtɛh / 'witchcraft' (cf. Rudes 1999:385).
Mo. { -ɹʌ̃n- } in / kaˈɹʌ̃ːnaɁ / 'tune, song, chant' (cf. Maracle 1990:30).
Oe. { -lʌ̃n- } in / kalʌ̃ːˈnâː / 'song' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:516).
Oo. { -Rẽn- } in / káˈẽːnaɁ / 'wheel, song' (cf. Woodbury 2003:402).
Ca. { -Rẽn- } in / ˈkaẽːnaɁ / 'a song' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:305).
Se. { -Rɛ̃n- } in / ˈkaɛ̃nɔ̃Ɂ / 'song' (cf. Chafe 1967:50).
Hu. { -ɹẽn- } in / xaˈɹẽːnaɁ / <garenda> 'danse, céremonie, festin, Sort, priére'
536
(MS 59:139).
Wy. { -ɹɛ̃n- } in / tehutiˈɹɛ̃nuɁtɛ̃hk / 'their song will be of that sort'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:104).
⁴²³ PNI * { -ɹhat- } 'bush, forest, woods'

Tu. { -rhaɁn- } in / oˈrhaɁnɛh / 'forest, woods' (cf. Rudes 1999:390).
Mo. { -ɹhat- } in / kaɹhataɁˈkeha / 'small forest berries and fruits'
(cf. Maracle 1990:178).
Oo. { -hat- } in / sahatíˈjaɁkih / 'you have crossed the forest'
Ca. { -hat- } in / kaˈhaːtaɁ / 'forest' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:126).
Se. { -hat- } in / kahaːtaɁ / 'forest' (cf. Chafe 1967:51).
⁴²⁴ PMO * { -ɹho- } 'coat with, put on'

Mo. { -ɹho- } in / kaɁtaˈɹaɹhohs / 'I plaster, put on a layer of plaster'
(cf. Maracle 1990:188).
Oe. { -lho- } in / jũtnikʷʌ̃htaˈlalhos / 'she puts on lipstick'
⁴²⁵ PI * { -ɹhok } 'be paternal aunt to'

Ch. { -lhòki ̋ː } in / ùːlhòki ̋ː / 'his aunt' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:166).
PNI * { -ɹhak }, * { -aɹhak } 'be paternal aunt to'
Tu. { -arhak } in / ˈrorhak / 'his paternal aunt' (cf. Rudes 1999:49).
Ca. / aˈkeːhaɁk / 'my aunt (old word)' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:458),
glottal stop anomalous.
Se. { -Rhak } in / akeːhak / 'she is aunt to me, my aunt' (cf. Chafe 1967:51).
Hu. { -aɹhak }, cf. <Arhak> 'etre Tante' (MS 59:10),
retention of / k / anomalous.
⁴²⁶ PI * { -ɹiː- } 'socks, leggings'

Ch. { -àːlìː- } in / àːlǐːjőː / 'sock' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:40),
initial / àː / anomalous, perhaps from semireflexive * { -àr- }.
PNI * { -ɹihs }, * { -ɹihsr- } 'socks, leggings'.
Tu. { -rihstr- } in / oˈrihstrɛh / 'leggings' (cf. Rudes 1999:607).
537
No. * { -ɹihsɹ- } in <Orisrāg> 'Stockings' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Su. * { -ɹis } in <Khaalis> 'Strumpor' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. { -ɹihs } in / ˈkaːɹihs / 'stocking' (cf. Maracle 1990:398).
Oe. { -lisl- } in / oˈlislaɁ / 'pant leg' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:536).
Oo. { -Ris- } in / ˈkáːis / 'leggings' (cf. Woodbury 2003:437).
Ca. { -Risɹ- } in / kaˈiːsɹaɁ / 'leggings' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:180),
lack of / h / anomalous.
Se. { -RishR- } in / ˈkaishæɁ / 'leggings' (cf. Chafe 1967:54).
Hu. { -ɹihʃ } in / ˈxaːɹihʃ / <garich> 'Chausses' (MS 59:143),
Wy. { -ɹihʃɹ- } in / jaɹihˈʃɹuɁtɛ̃h / 'kind of leggings' (cf. Barbeau 1960:89).
⁴²⁷ PNI * { -ɹihw- } 'affair, business, thing, matter'

Tu. { -rihw- } in / oˈrihwɛh / 'affair, business, event, habit, matter, news, song,
theme, tune' (cf. Rudes 1999:394).
Su. * { -ɹihw- } in <Serwquácksi> 'Tu ast ond' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. { -ɹihw- } in / oˈɹîːwaɁ / 'matter, affair, deal, business, reason, thing,
concern' (cf. Maracle 1990:73).
Oe. { -lihw- } in / oˈlîːwaɁ / business, matter'
Oo. { -Rihw- } in / oˈwihwaɁ / 'matter, thing, reason, thought, word'
Ca. { -Rihw- } in / oˈihwaɁ / 'a word; an affair; business'
(cf. Froman et al. 2002:556), accent anomalous.
Se. { -Riːw- } in / ˈoiwaɁ / 'thing, etc' (cf. Chafe 1967:61),
vowel length appears in other morphological forms.
Hu. { -ɹihw- } in / xaˈɹihwaɁ / <garih8a> 'Chose, aff.e, discours, nouvelle'
(MS 59:144).
Wy. { -ɹiːw- } in / nusaːʒaˈtɹiːwahʃɹɔ̃njaɁ / 'now again they made an agreement'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:110).
⁴²⁸ PNI * { -ɹijo- }, * { -ɹjo- } 'fight, kill'

Tu. { -rijo- } in / waɁkaɁˈriːjoɁ / 'I fought' (cf. Rudes 1999:405),
with semireflexive; { -rjo- } in / jaˈkoːrjohs / 'it kills someone'
(cf. Rudes 1999:405).
538
No. * { -ɹijo- } in <Wauntrehu> 'To fight', <Untatreeyou> 'To kill'
(cf. Rudes 1981a:48).
Mo. { -ɹijo- } in / kateˈɹiːjohs / 'I fight, battle' (cf. Maracle 1990:33),
with semireflexive; { -ɹjo- } in / ˈkeɹjohs / 'I kill, vaniquish'
Oe. { -lijo- } in / katliːˈjos / 'I fight, I'm a fighter'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:240), with semireflexive; { -ljo- } in
/ kliːˈjos / 'I'm beating it, I'm killing it'
Oo. { -Rjo- } in / ˈkéːjos / 'I am killing it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:932).
Ca. { -Rijo- } in / ẽhˈsɹiːjoɁ / 'you will kill s.t.' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:173);
{ -njo- } in / aˈhaːnjoɁ / 'he killed it' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:173).
Se. { -Rijo- } in / oɁkatiːjoɁ / 'I fought' (cf. Chafe 1967:74), with semireflexive;
{ -njo- } in / hanjos / 'he's killing it' (cf. Chafe 1967:74).
Hu. { -ɹio- }, { -jo- }, cf. <gario>, <gaïo> 'frapper, battre, prendre'
(MS 59:82).
Wy. { -ɹiʒu- } in / eɹiːˈʒuhʃ / 'I kill it' (cf. Barbeau 1960:284), / usahɔ̃tɹiːˈʒuɁ /
'they fought again' (cf. Barbeau 1960:309), with semireflexive; { -ʒu- }
in / eːʒaːˈʒuɁ / 'he will kill you' (cf. Barbeau 1960:82).
⁴²⁹ PNI * { -ɹjoːɁ } 'animal'

Tu. { -rjoːɁ } in / ˈkaːrjoːɁ / 'beast, prey, wild animal' (cf. Rudes 1999:405).
La. * { -joːɁ } in <Aggayo> 'Ung chian' (Biggar 1924:244).
Su. * { -ɹjoːɁ } in <Abgârijw> 'Hund' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. { -ɹjoɁ } in / ˈkaɹjoɁ / 'a wild animal' (cf. Maracle 1990:319).
Oe. { -ljoɁ } in / ˈkaljoɁ / 'wild animal' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:460).
Oo. { -RjoɁ } in / ˈkáːjoɁ / 'animal, game' (cf. Woodbury 2003:932).
Ca. { -njoːɁ } in / kanjoːɁ / 'wild animal(s)' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:11).
Se. { -njoːɁ } in / kanjoːɁ / 'it's wild, ref. to plant or animal' (cf. Chafe 1967:74).
Hu. { -joːɁ } in / ˈxajoːɁ / <gaïo> 'Bête, animal' (MS 59:82),
Wy. { -ʃuɁ } in / jaˈʃuɁ / 'animals' (cf. Barbeau 1960:99),
{ -ʒuɁ } in / atiʒuɁ / 'animals' (cf. Barbeau 1960:253).
[ cf. Mithun 1981b:240, Mithun 1984b:271 ]
539
⁴³⁰ PNI * { -ɹõhj- } 'blue, sky'
Tu. { -rə̃hj- } in / oˈrə̃hjɛh / 'sky, blue' (cf. Rudes 1999:384).
La. * { -Rõhj- } in <Quemhya> 'Le ciel' (Biggar 1924:244).
Mo. { -ɹũhj- } in / oˈɹũ̂ːjaɁ / 'blue' (cf. Maracle 1990:73);
/ kaˈɹũ̂ːjaɁ / 'sky, heavens, atmosphere' (cf. Maracle 1990:30).
Oo. { -Rẽhj- } in / óˈwẽhjaɁ / 'blue' (cf. Woodbury 2003:400);
́ ˈjaɁkeh / 'in the sky' (cf. Woodbury 2003:400).
/ kaẽh
Ca. { -Rõhj- } in / ˈaõhjaẽːɁ / 'blue' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:33);
/ ˈkaõhjɁakeh / 'in the heavens; in the sky' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:297).
Se. { -Rɔ̃ːj- } in / ˈkɛ̃ɔj̃ ateɁ / 'the sky (is present)' (cf. Chafe 1967:89).
Hu. { -ɹõhj- } in / xaˈɹõhjaɁ / <garonhia> 'le Ciel' (MS 59:146).
Wy. { -ɹɔ̃ːʒ- } in / hatiɹɔ̃ːʒɔ̃Ɂ / 'they are many in the sky' (cf. Barbeau 1960:77).
[ cf. Lounsbury 1978:340, Mithun 1979:185 ]
⁴³¹ PNI * { -ɹõt- } 'log, tree'

Tu. { -rə̃Ɂn- } in / oˈrə̃ːɁnɛh / 'ax, log' (cf. Rudes 1999:386).
La. * { -Rõt- } in <Conda> 'Ils appellent le boys' (Biggar 1924:243).
Mo. { -ɹũt- } in / kaˈɹũːtaɁ / 'a log, beam, trunk of a tree, a tree'
Oe. { -lũt- } in / kaːˈlũteɁ / 'log, tree, a cut-down tree'
Oo. { -Rẽt- } in / káˈẽːtaɁ / 'tree, log' (cf. Woodbury 2003:388).
Ca. { -Rõt- } in / ˈkaõːtaɁ / 'log' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:186).
Se. { -Rɔ̃t- } in / kɛ̃ɔt̃ aɁ / 'tree, log, trunk, stem, post' (cf. Chafe 1967:89).
Hu. { -ɹõt- } in / xaˈɹõːtaɁ / <garonta> 'arbre' (MS 59:147).
Wy. { -ɹɔ̃T- } in / ehˈʃɹɔ̃ːkjaɁ / 'you will cut down the tree'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:204).
⁴³² PNI * { -ɹɁo- }, * { -ɹɁok- } 'chop'

Mo. { -ɹoɁk- } in / ˈkeɹoɁkhs / 'I chop (with an axe)' (cf. Michelson 1973:99).
Oe. { -loɁok- } in / ˈikloɁoks / 'I'm chopping'
Oo. { -RɁo- } in / ˈkeɁos / 'I chop into it, I notch it' (cf. Woodbury 2003:970).
Ca. { -Ɂo- } in / keɁohs / 'I am a chopper' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:54).
Hu. { -ɹɁo- }, cf. <garo> 'buscher' (MS 59:145), / Ɂ / assumed present.
540
Wy. { -ɹɁu- } in / aɁˈjeɹɁu / 'I chopped' (cf. Barbeau 1960:227).
⁴³³ PNI * { -t- } 'be present, exist'

Mo. { -t- } in / joˈtũ̂ːnjateɁ / 'there is a peninsula' (cf. Maracle 1990:141).
Oe. { -t- } in / iːˈketeɁ / 'I'm standing' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:673).
Oo. { -t- } in / óˈhaːteɁ / '(it is a) road' (cf. Woodbury 2003:216).
Ca. { -t- } in / otõhwẽˈtsaːteɁ / 'country [lit. land exists]'
Se. { -t- } in / jɔ̃ɛt̃ sateɁ / 'the earth (is present)' (cf. Chafe 1967:77).
Hu. { -t- }, cf. <gate> 'etre présent' (MS 59:156).
Wy. { -t- } in / kɔ̃taɹateɁ / 'the lake is there' (cf. Barbeau 1960:59).
⁴³⁴ PMO * { tahnũɁ } 'and, besides'

Mo. / ˈtahnũɁ / 'and, besides' (cf. Maracle 1990:82).
Oe. / tahˈnũ̂ː / 'and, besides' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:676).
⁴³⁵ PNI * { -takh- } 'run'

Mo. { -takh- } in / ˈktakheɁs / 'I run, trot, go faster than a walk'
Oe. { -takh- } in / ˈktakheɁ / 'I'm running' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:677).
Oo. { -takh- } in / ˈktákheɁ / 'I am running' (cf. Woodbury 2003:339).
Se. { -takh- } in / ɛ̃ˈjetakheɁ / 'she'll be running' (cf. Chafe 1967:84).
Hu. { -takh- }, cf. <gataχon> 'aller venir courant' (MS 59:155).
Wy. { -tak- } in / ejeˈtakeɁ / 'I will run' (cf. Barbeau 1960:92).
[ cf. Mithun 1981b:233 ]
⁴³⁶ PI * { taɹaːɹ } 'woodpecker'

Ch. / tàlàːla̋ː / 'woodpecker' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:72).
PNI * / ˈtaːɹaːɹ / 'woodpecker'.
Tu. / ˈnaːraɁr / 'red headed woodpecker' (cf. Rudes 1999:320).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:56 ]
⁴³⁷ PI * { tawiːhskaɹaɁ } 'flint'

Ch. / tàwǐːhskála̋ː / 'flint' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:77).
PNI * { tawihskaɹaɁ } 'flint'.
Mo. / shaˈwihskaɹaɁ / 'flint' (cf. Rudes 1995:45), with 3SGM:3 prefix and
541
repetitive, refers to evil twin of / thaɹũhjaˈwaːkũ /, a creator god.
Oe. / taˈwiskalaɁ / 'devil or the Evil twin' (cf. Rudes 1995:45).
Hu. / ataˈwihskaɹaɁ / <ata8iskara> 'Pierre a fusil' (MS 67:155),
/ h / assumed present, word-initial / t / recast as reflexive { at }.
Wy. / taˈwihskaːɹaɁ / 'flint' (cf. Barbeau 1960:206).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:45 ]
⁴³⁸ PNI * { tekniːh } 'two'

Tu. / ˈnɛːktiː / 'two' (cf. Rudes 1999:347).
No. <Dekanee> 'Two' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Su. <Tiggene> '2' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
La. <Tigueny> 'Deux' (Biggar 1924:241).
Mo. / ˈtekeni / 'two' (cf. Maracle 1990:88).
Oe. / ˈtekni / 'two' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:686).
Oo. / ˈtéknih / 'two' (cf. Woodbury 2003:347).
Ca. / teˈkhniː / 'two' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:605), accent anomalous.
Se. / tekhniːh / 'two' (cf. Chafe 1967:82).
Hu. / ˈteniːh / <tendi> 'deux' (MS 59:18),
Wy. / teˈnih / 'two' (cf. Barbeau 1960:185).
[ cf. Lounsbury 1978:339, Mithun 1979:186, Mithun 1981b:237 ]
⁴³⁹ PNI * { tekɹõɁ } 'eight'

Tu. / ˈnɛːkrə̃Ɂ / 'eight' (cf. Rudes 1999:347).
No. <Dekra> 'Eight' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Su. <Tickerom> '8' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Oe. / ˈteklũɁ / 'eight' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:686).
Oo. / ˈtéːkẽːɁ / 'eight' (cf. Woodbury 2003:346).
Ca. / tekɹõɁ / 'eight' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:605).
Se. / tekjɔ̃Ɂ / 'eight' (cf. Chafe 1967:82).
⁴⁴⁰ PNI * { -teni- }, * { -tenj- } 'change'

Tu. { -Ɂnetj- } in / jotkə̃ɁnɛˈtjaɁnə̃ / 'it is changeable, it is mutable'
(cf. Rudes 1999:336).
Mo. { -tenj- } in / teˈktenjehs / 'I change, alter something, reverse'
542
Oe. { -tenj- } in / teˈktenjehseɁ / 'I'm changing it'
Oo. { -tenj- } in / téˈkteːnjũs / 'I change things, I make changes'
Ca. { -teni- } in / ẽhsatkʷẽnjaːˈteːniɁ / 'you will change your clothes'
Se. { -tenj- } in / akteːnjɔ̃ːh / 'I've changed it' (cf. Chafe 1967:82).
Hu. { -teni- }, { -tenj- }, cf. <gatendi> 'changer' (MS 59:158).
Wy. { -tenj- } / tuteˈteːnjɔ̃h / 'it has changed there' (cf. Barbeau 1960:288),
with semireflexive.
⁴⁴¹ PI * { -tẽːhs- } 'mosquito'

Ch. / tòːhsa̋ː / 'mosquito' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:86).
PNI * / ˈtẽhseɁ / 'mosquito'.
Hu. / ˈtẽhʃeɁ / <ten‛chié> 'maringoins' (MS 67:128).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:267 ]
⁴⁴² PNI * { -tih- } 'alternate, differ'

Tu. { -Ɂnih- } in / nɛjotɁˈnihə̃ / 'the two of them differ' (cf. Rudes 1999:70),
with semireflexive.
Mo. { -tih- } in / tekũˈttihaɁ / 'there is a difference between things'
Oe. { -tih- } in / tetjaˈttihə̃ / 'you and I are different'
(cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:274), with semireflexive.
Oo. { -tih- } in / tejotíˈhaɁtih / 'it is uneven' (cf. Woodbury 2003:361).
Ca. { -tih- } in / teˈwahtihẽh / 'the difference; it is different'
Se. { -tiH- } in / tewahˈtiaɁthaɁ / 'it alternates' (cf. Chafe 1967:83),
with semireflexive and causative.
⁴⁴³ PI * { tiɁɹ } 'skunk'

Ch. / tíɁli ̋ː / 'skunk' (King 1975:210), / tíɁla̋ː / 'skunk' (Mooney 1900:516).
PNI * / ˈteɁɹõ /, * / ẽˈtiɁɹõ / 'skunk', with sementic shift to 'raccoon' in languages
other than Tuscarora.
Tu. / ˈnɛrɁə̃ / 'skunk' (cf. Rudes 1999:347), with metathesis of cluster / Ɂr /.
543
Mo. / aˈtîːɹũ / 'raccoon' (cf. Maracle 1990:6).
Oe. / ʌ̃tiːˈlũ / 'raccoon' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:351), unexpected loss of
glottal stop.
Hu. / ẽˈtiɁɹõ / <Entiron> 'Chat Sauvage' (MS 62:7), / Ɂ / assumed present.
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:265, Rudes 1995:53 ]
⁴⁴⁴ Hu. { tjohskẽẽɁ } 'nearby'

Hu. / tjohˈskẽːẽɁ / <tioskenhen> 'proche' (MS 59:149), preconsonantal / h /
assumed present, orthographic / h / assumed to separate nasal vowels in
succession.
Wy. / kjuhˈskɛ̃ːʒɛ̃Ɂ / 'it is nearby' (cf. Barbeau 1960:109).
⁴⁴⁵ Hu. { tjoɁxjẽtsihk } 'snake'

Hu. / tjoɁˈxjẽtsihk / <Tiogentsik> 'serpent' (MS 59:32),
/ Ɂ / and cluster / xj / assumed present.
Wy. / kjuɁˈʒɛ̃tsih / 'snake' (cf. Barbeau 1960:66).
⁴⁴⁶ PI * { -tkẽː- } 'decay, rot, spoil'

Ch. { -kòː- } in / ȕːkòːhska̋ː / 'it's decaying, it's spoiling'
PNI * { -tkẽː- }, * { -atkẽ- } 'be decayed, be spoiled, be rotten'.
Tu. { -atkə̃- } in / ˈjoːtkə̃h / 'it is rotten' (cf. Rudes 1999:64).
Mo. { -atkʌ̃ } in / ˈjotkʌ̃ / 'it is rotten, spoiled, mouldy, sour'
Oe. { -atkʌ̃ } in / ˈjotkʌ̃ / 'it's rotten, it's spoiled'
Oo. { -tkẽ- } in / óˈtkẽh / 'it is rotten' (cf. Woodbury 2003:805).
Ca. { -tkẽ- } in / ẽˈjohjatkẽɁ / 'the fruit will spoil' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:273),
with inchoative.
Se. { -tkɛ̃- } in / takaːtkɛ̃Ɂt / 'it got worse' (cf. Chafe 1967:83), with inchoative.
Hu. { -akẽ- }, cf. <Aken> 'pourri, gâté, aigre' (MS 59:6).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:42 ]
⁴⁴⁷ PNI * { toːh } 'how, how many, how much' ( limited to Iroquoia )
Mo. / ˈtoː / 'how' (cf. Maracle 1990:98).
Oe. / ˈtoː / 'how many, how much' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:712).
544
Oo. / ˈtoː / 'how, how much' (cf. Woodbury 2003:362).
Ca. / toː / 'how (or other terms involving measurement)'
Se. / toːh / 'how many?' (cf. Chafe 1967:84).
⁴⁴⁸ PNI * { -tokẽːh } 'be certain, be exact, be true'

Mo. { -tokʌ̃ } in / kaˈtoːkʌ̃ / 'it is certain, not doubtful' (cf. Maracle 1990:36).
Oe. { -tokʌ̃- } in / akatoːˈkʌ̃neɁ / 'it may become certain, it's possible'
Oo. { -tokẽh } in / káˈtoːkẽh / 'it is certain, it is a certain one, it is the same'
Ca. { -tokẽː } in / kaˈtoːkẽː / 'a certain way; together; a certain thing'
Se. { -tokɛ̃ːh } in / katoːkɛ̃ːh / 'it's exact, a specific one, the same one'
(cf. Chafe 1967:84).
Hu. { -toxẽːh }, cf. <gato˛en> 'etre vray' (MS 59:159),
Wy. { -tujɛ̃h } in / jatuːˈjɛ̃h / 'it is certain' (cf. Barbeau 1960:65).
⁴⁴⁹ PI * { -toɁn- } 'stand'

Ch. * { -tòɁn- } in / ȁːnìːtôːnàɁa̋ː / 'they are standing (congregation)'
PNI * { -taɁ- }, * { -taɁn- } 'stand up, stop', final * / n / preserved in punctual
and imperative in some Northern languages.
Mo. { -taɁn- } in / ˈtehstaɁn / 'stand! stop! (Deering & Delisle 1976:499).
Oe. { -taɁn- } in / waɁˈtektaneɁ / 'I stood up, I stopped in my tracks'
Oo. { -taɁn- } in / téˈstaɁnah / 'Stand up! Stop!' (cf. Woodbury 2003:341).
Ca. { -taɁ- } in / tehstaɁ / 'stand up; stop' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:423).
Se. { -taɁ- } in / ˈoɁtktaɁt / 'I stood up' (cf. Chafe 1967:81).
Hu. { -taɁ- }, cf. <Katandi> 'Se tenir debout' (MS 59:154).
Wy. { -taɁ- } in / aɁˈtatahaɁ / 'he stood up' (cf. Barbeau 1960:213).
⁴⁵⁰ PNI * { tɹiɁtɹiːɁ } 'bluejay' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. / teˈɹîːteɹiɁ / 'a bluejay' (cf. Maracle 1990:92).
Oo. / tiɁtiːɁ / 'blue jay' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:33), borrowed from Seneca.
545
Se. / ˈtiɁtiːɁ / 'bluejay (Cyanocitta cristata)' (cf. Chafe 1967:83).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:268 ]
⁴⁵¹ PNI * { tsaheɁ }, * { -tsaheɁt- } 'beans'

Tu. / ˈθaheɁ / 'beans' (cf. Rudes 1999:410).
La. <Sahé> 'Ilz appellent leur febves' (Biggar 1924:245).
Mo. { -saheɁt- } in / osaˈhêːtaɁ / 'bean' (cf. Michelson 1973:101).
Oe. { -saheɁt- } in / osaˈhêːtaɁ / 'bean' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:652).
Oo. { -hsaheɁt- } in / ohsáˈheɁtaɁ / 'bean' (cf. Woodbury 2003:550).
Ca. { -hsaheɁt- } in / ohˈsaheɁtaɁ / 'beans' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:25),
cluster / hs / anomalous.
Se. { -saeɁt- } in / oˈsaeɁtaɁ / 'beans' (cf. Chafe 1967:79).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:274 ]
⁴⁵² PNI * { -tsheɁ }, * { -tsheɁt- }, * { -tsheɁw- } 'bottle, gourd, jar'

Tu. { -tʃhɛɁw- } in / oˈtʃhɛɁwɛh / 'bottle, gourd, melon, pumpkin, squash, yam'
(cf. Rudes 1999:120).
No. * { -tʃheɁw- } in <Chewag> 'A Bottle' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Su. * { -tsheɁ } in <Kaatzie> 'Faat' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. { -tsheɁ } in / ˈkatsheɁ / 'a bottle, container, jar, flask'
Oe. { -tsheɁ } in / ˈkatsheɁ / 'bottle, jar' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:719).
Oo. { -itsheɁt- } in / kẽˈ́ tsheɁtaɁ / 'bottle, jar' (cf. Woodbury 2003:635),
initial / i / anomalous.
Ca. { -tsheɁt- } in / kaˈtsheɁtaɁ / 'bottle; jar' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:36).
Se. { -sheɁt- } in / kaˈsheɁtaɁ / 'bottle' (cf. Chafe 1967:80).
Hu. { -sheɁt- } in / xaˈsheɁtaɁ / <gaseta> 'courge, bouteille' (MS 59:148),
Wy. { -seɁt- } in / jaˈseɁtajɔ̃h / 'in the bottle' (cf. Barbeau 1960:96).
[ cf. Mithun 1979:183, Mithun 1981a:3, Mithun 1984b:276, Rudes 1995:47 ]
⁴⁵³ PNI * { -tsihkʷ- } 'club, fist, knot'

Tu. { -tʃihkʷ- } in / oˈtʃihkʷɛh / 'club' (cf. Rudes 1999:565).
Mo. { -tsihkʷ- } in / oˈtsihkʷaɁ / 'knot, button, fist, mallet, warclub, beet, a root
crop' (cf. Maracle 1990:75).
Oe. { -tsihkʷ- } in / oˈtsihkʷaɁ / 'button, fist, knuckle, turnip'
546
Oo. { -tsihkʷ- } in / óˈtsihkʷaɁ / 'fist, knot, button' (cf. Woodbury 2003:645).
Hu. { -tsihkʷ- } in / oˈtsihkʷaɁ / <otsik8a> 'casse-tete' (Fraser 1920:454),
Wy. { -tsihkʷ- } in / haɁˈutsihkuːtɛ̃Ɂ / 'it became a knot on a tree'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:183), loss of rounding before / u /.
⁴⁵⁴ PI * { tsiːhskʷoːɁkʷoːɁ } 'robin'

Ch. / tsǐːhskʷôːkʷőː / 'robin' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:134).
PNI * / tsihˈskoɁkoɁ / 'robin', with simplification of * / kʷoː / to * / ko /.
Tu. / tʃihˈskoɁkoɁ / 'robin' (cf. Rudes 1999:128).
Mo. / tsihˈskôːko / 'robin' (cf. Maracle 1990:99).
Oe. / tsiˈskôːkoɁ / 'robin' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:732).
Oo. / tsíˈskaɁkaɁ / 'robin' (cf. Woodbury 2003:651),
reshaped by analogy with Oo. / káɁˈkaɁ / 'crow'.
Ca. / ˈtsihskokoɁ / 'robin' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:271).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:268 ]
⁴⁵⁵ PI * { tsiːjẽh } 'otter, seal'

Ch. / tsìːjőː / 'otter' (King 1975:213), / tsìːjʌ̃ː̋ / 'otter' (Mooney 1900:538).
PNI * / ˈtsiːjẽh / 'seal'.
Mo. / oˈtsiːjo / 'seal', / ˈtsiːjʌ̃ / 'seal (the animal)' (cf. Maracle 1990:75).
Oo. / ˈtsíːjẽh / 'seal [aquatic mammal]' (cf. Woodbury 2003:651).
⁴⁵⁶ PNI * { -tsikheɁt- } 'salt'

Tu. { -tʃikheɁn- } in / otʃikheɁˈnaːkriɁ / 'brine' (cf. Rudes 1999:129).
Mo. { -tsikheɁt- } in / otsiˈkhêːtaɁ / 'sugar, candy, honey, seasoning'
Oo. { -tsikheɁt- } in / otsíˈkheɁtaɁ / 'salt' (cf. Woodbury 2003:647).
Ca. { -tsikheɁt- } in / oˈtsikheɁtaɁ / 'salt' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:276).
Se. { -tsikheɁt- } in / oˈtsikheɁtaɁ / 'salt' (cf. Chafe 1967:62).
Hu. { -tsikheɁt- } in / otsiˈkheɁtaɁ / <otsiχéta> 'Sel' (MS 67:263),
Wy. { -tsikeɁt- } in / uˈtsikeɁtaɁ / 'sugar lump' (cf. Barbeau 1960:123).
547
⁴⁵⁷ PNI * { -tsin } 'be male'
Su. * { -tsin } in <Ræætsin> 'En Mann' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. { -tsin } in / ˈɹaːtsin / 'a male, it is male' (cf. Maracle 1990:77).
Oe. { -tsin } in / keːˈtsin / 'I'm industrious, determined, aggressive'
Oo. { -tsin- } in / hatsíːˈnah / 'he is a male, he is a man'
Ca. { -tsin- } in / haˈtsiːnah / 'he is masculine, brave'
Se. { -tsin- } in / hatsiːnɔ̃h / 'he's a male' (cf. Chafe 1967:62).
⁴⁵⁸ PI * { -tsiːɹ } 'fire'

Ch. { -tsìːl- } in / àtsǐːla̋ː / 'fire' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:31).
PNI * { -tsiɹ- } 'fire, ember'.
Tu. { -tʃiɁr- } in / oˈtʃiɁrɛh / 'candle, ember, flash of light, lamp, light, spark,
taper' (cf. Rudes 1999:134), the glottal stop is possibly a noun suffix
/ -Ɂ / that metathesized before another noun suffix / -ɛh / was added,
i.e. * / ˈoːtʃirɁ / (cf. Nottoway) > * / ˈoːtʃiɁr / > / oˈtʃiɁrɛh /.
No. * { -tʃiɹ- } in <Auteur> 'Fire' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
Mo. { -tsiɹ- } in / ˈoːtsiɹeɁ / 'fire, embers of a fire' (cf. Maracle 1990:60).
[ cf. Mithun 1979:182, Rudes 1995:44 ]
⁴⁵⁹ PNI * { -tsist- } 'coal, ember, fire, spark'

( lack of / h / before / s / possibly due to derivation from * { -tsiːr- } 'fire' ⁰⁰⁰,
i.e. * / rst / > * / st / )
Tu. { -tʃisn- } in / oˈtʃiːsnɛh / 'ember, glowing coal, spark' (cf. Rudes 1999:131).
La. * { -tsist- } in <Azista> 'Feu' (Biggar 1924:245).
Su. * { -tsist- } in <uthsysta> 'eld' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Oe. { -tsist- } in / oːˈtsisteɁ / 'light' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:732).
Oo. { -tsist- } in / óˈtsistaɁ / 'fire, ember' (cf. Woodbury 2003:648).
Ca. { -tsist- } in / kaˈtsihstaɁ / 'a lamp' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:499).
Se. { -tsist- } in / kaˈtsiːstaɁ / 'ember, etc.' (cf. Chafe 1967:62).
Hu. { -tsist- } in / xaˈtsistaɁ / <gatsista> 'feu, ignis' (MS 59:163).
Wy. { -tsist- } in / uˈtsiːstaɁ / 'live coals' (cf. Barbeau 1960:161).
[ cf. Mithun 1981a:3, Rudes 1995:40 ]
548
⁴⁶⁰ PNI * { tsitshoɁ } 'fox, lynx'
Tu. / ˈtʃitʃho / 'small fox, lynx' (cf. Rudes 1999:127).
Su. <Tzídtze> 'Katta' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. / ˈtsitshoɁ / 'a fox' (cf. Maracle 1990:100).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:265, Rudes 1995:46 ]
⁴⁶¹ PNI * { -tsiɁnkʷaɹ- } 'bile, green, yellow'

Tu. / ˈtʃiɁtkʷar / 'bile, yellow stuff' (cf. Rudes 1999:135).
Mo. { -tsiɁnekʷaɹ } in / oˈtsîːnekʷaɹ / 'yellow, bile, jaundice'
Oe. { -tsiɁnkʷal } in / oˈtsîːnkʷal / 'yellow, orange'
Oo. { -tsiɁtkʷaR- } in / óˈtsiɁtkʷaːɁ / 'bile, yellow' (cf. Woodbury 2003:654).
Ca. { -tsitkʷaR- } in / oˈtsiːtkʷaːɁ / 'yellow' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:500).
Se. { -tsitkʷaR- } in / oˈtsitkʷææɁ / 'bile' (cf. Chafe 1967:62).
Hu. { -tsiɁnxʷaɹ- } in / oˈtsiɁnxʷaɹaɁ / <otsinguara> 'Bile' (MS 59:162),
Wy. { -tsiɁnwaɹ- } in / tsiɁnwaɹaɁ / 'green' (cf. Barbeau 1960:261).
⁴⁶² PNI * { tsiɁtẽɁ } 'bird'

Tu. / ˈtʃiɁnə̃Ɂ / 'bird' (cf. Rudes 1999:134).
No. <Cheeta> 'A bird' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
Mo. { -tsiɁtʌ̃Ɂ- } in / otsiɁˈtʌ̃ː̂ haɁ / 'a bird' (cf. Maracle 1990:75).
Oe. { -tsiɁtʌ̃Ɂ- } in / otsiɁˈtʌ̃ː̂ ha / 'bird' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:738).
Ca. { -tsiɁtẽɁ- } in / tsiˈtẽːɁẽh / 'bird' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:31).
Se. { -tsiɁtɛ̃Ɂ- } in / tsiɁˈtɛ̃Ɂɔ̃ːh / 'bird' (cf. Chafe 1967:63).
⁴⁶³ PI * { -tsiːɁtsiːɁ } 'corn tassel'

Ch. { -tsìːɁtsi ̋ː } 'Scottish thistle, blowgun dart' (King 1975:213).
PNI * { -tsiɁtsiɁ }, * { -tsiɁtsj- } 'corn tassel, flower'.
Tu. { -tʃiɁtʃi- } in / oˈtʃiɁtʃiɁ / 'liverwort flower' (cf. Rudes 1999:132).
La. * { -tsiɁtsiɁ } in <Ozisy> 'Ilz appellent leur bled' (Biggar 1924:242).
Mo. { -tsiɁtsj- } in / oˈtsîːtsjaɁ / 'flower, blossom' (cf. Maracle 1990:75).
Oe. { -tsiɁtsj- } in / oˈtsîːtsjaɁ / 'flower' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:738).
Oo. { -tsiɁtsj- } in / oˈtsiɁtsjaɁ / 'cider, hops' (cf. Woodbury 2003:759).
Se. { -tsiɁts- } in / oˈtsiɁtsoːt / 'corn tassel' (cf. Chafe 1967:63).
549
Hu. { -tsiɁts- } in / oˈtsiɁtsaɁ / <Otsitsa> 'Fleur' (MS 67:99),
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:263, Rudes 1995:41 ]
⁴⁶⁴ PNI * { tsjatahk } 'seven'

Tu. / ˈtʃaːɁnahk / 'seven' (cf. Rudes 1999:116).
No. <Chatag> 'Seven' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Su. <Tzadack> '7' (cf. Mithun 1981a:23).
Mo. / ˈtsjaːtahk / 'seven' (cf. Maracle 1990:99).
Oe. / tsjaːˈtak / 'seven' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:741).
Oo. / ˈtsjáːtak / 'seven' (cf. Woodbury 2003:655).
Ca. / ˈtsaːtahk / 'seven' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:605).
Se. / tsaːtak / 'seven' (cf. Chafe 1967:62).
[ cf. Lounsbury 1961:13, Lounsbury 1978:339 ]
⁴⁶⁵ PI * { -tsjoːɹ- } 'tobacco'

Ch. { -tsòːl- } in / tsòːla̋ː / 'tobacco' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:135).
PNI * { -tsjaɹ- } 'tobacco'.
Tu. { -tʃar- } in / ˈtʃarhoɁ / 'tobacco (Nicotiana angustifolia)'
(cf. Rudes 1999:116).
OMo. { -tsjaɹ- } in / takeˈtsjaɹhoɁs / <Tagetsiarhos>
'donne moi a petuner' (MS 58:900).
Hu. { -tsaɹ- } in / xaˈtsaːraɁ / <gatsara>, / taxetsaˈɹohoɁs / <ta˛etsarohos>
'donne moy a petuner' (MS 59:160).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:55 ]
⁴⁶⁶ PNI * { tsjotaɹeɁ } 'six; seven'

La. <Judaié> 'Six' (Biggar 1924:241).
Hu. / tsoˈtaːɹeɁ / <tsotare> '7' (MS 66:133),
/ Ɂ / and penultimate accent assumed present.
Wy. / tsuˈtaːɹeɁ / 'seven' (cf. Barbeau 1960:76).
[ cf. Lounsbury 1961:13, Lounsbury 1978:339, Rudes 1995:53 ]
⁴⁶⁷ PI * { -tsjõɁt- } 'fish'

Ch. { -tsàɁt- } in / àtsàɁti ̋ː / 'fish' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:30); nasal * / õ /
reduced to short / à /, but reflex retained in the form / àtsʌ̃Ɂ̀ tìːja̋ː /
550
'minnow', lit. 'real fish'.
PNI * { -itsjõh }, incorporating form * { -itsj- }, * { -itsjõɁt- } 'fish';
origin of * / i / unclear.
Tu. { -itʃə̃h } in / ˈkə̃ːtʃə̃h / 'fish' (cf. Rudes 1999:246).
No. * { -itʃõh } in <Kaintu> 'A fish' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
La. * { -itsõh } in <Quejon> 'Poisson' (Biggar 1924:242).
Mo. { -itsjũɁ } in / ˈkə̃tsjũɁ / 'fish' (cf. Maracle 1990:43).
Oe. { -itsj- } in / ˈkə̃tsiɁ / 'fish' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:438).
Oo. { -itsjũɁt- } in / óˈtsjũɁtaɁ / 'fish' (cf. Woodbury 2003:632).
Ca. { -itsõɁt- } in / oˈtsõɁtaɁ / 'fish' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:121).
Se. { -itsɔ̃h } in / kɛ̃tsɔ̃h / 'fish' (cf. Chafe 1967:59).
Hu. { -itsõh } in / ˈxẽtsõh / <gentson> 'Poisson' (MS 59:179),
final / h / assumed present.
[ cf. Lounsbury 1978:342, Mithun 1979:182, Mithun 1981b:238 and 1984b:274,
Rudes 1995:45 ]
⁴⁶⁸ PI * { -tsoɁ } 'be daughter-in-law'

Ch. { -tsőːɁîː } 'daughter-in-law' (King 1975:213).
PNI { -tsaɁw } 'be daughter-in-law', 'have as in-law',
origin of / w / unclear, perhaps original to PI.
Tu. { -θaɁw } in / ˈakθaɁw / 'my daughter-in-law' (cf. Rudes 1999:572).
Mo. { -saɁw- } in / kheˈsâːwha / 'my daughter-in-law'
(Deering & Delisle 1976:32).
Oo. { -hsaɁwah } in / khehˈsaɁwah / 'my daughter-in-law'
Se. { -saɁ } in / kheːsaɁ / 'I have her as daughter-in-law, my daughter-in-law'
(cf. Chafe 1967:79).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:42 ]
⁴⁶⁹ PNI * { -tsɹẽht- } 'dream, sleep'

Tu. { -θrə̃hn- } in / oˈθrə̃hnɛh / 'dream, sleep' (cf. Rudes 1999:413).
Mo. { -seɹʌ̃ht- } in / oseˈɹʌ̃htaɁ / 'sleep' (cf. Maracle 1990:276).
Oe. { -slʌ̃ht- } in / oˈslʌ̃htaɁ / 'dream' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:666).
⁴⁷⁰ PI * { -uː- } 'put into the water'

́ ska̋ː / 'he's putting it in water'
Ch. { -ùː- } in / kùːhʌ̃h
551
PNI * { -oː- } 'put into water'.
Tu. { -oː- } in / waɁɛhˈsɛharoːɁ / 'one put lye in water'
Mo. { -o- } in / ˈjeːkohs / 'I put, immerse, throw something into a liquid'
Oe. { -o- } in / waˈkitsjoɁ / 'I'm boiling fish'
Oo. { -o- } in / ˈwáɁkok / 'I immersed it in water, I dipped it into water'
Ca. { -oː- } in / shõˈnaɁtoː / 'boil the potatoes' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:535).
Se. { -o- } in / aˈkoɔ̃h / 'I've put it in the water' (cf. Chafe 1967:74).
Hu. { -oː- }, cf. <O> 'dans leau' (MS 59:180), long vowel assumed present.
Wy. { -u- } in / tawaˈteɁskuh / 'she got into the water' (cf. Barbeau 1960:89).
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:274 ]
⁴⁷¹ PI * { -uːkʷ- } 'remove from the water'

Ch. { -ùːkì- } 'take from water' (King 1975:216).
PNI * { -okw- }, * { -oko- } 'remove from water'.
Tu. { -okw- } in / ranə̃ˈhoːkwahs / 'he takes corn from the water'
(cf. Rudes 1999:461).
Mo. { -okw- } in / kataɁaˈɹokwahs / 'I draw a net from the water'
(cf. Maracle 1990:155).
Oe. { -okw- } in / ˈkokwas / 'I'm taking something out of the water'
Oo. { -okw- } in / wáɁˈkoːkwaɁ / 'I took it out of the water'
Se. { -okw- } in / kaːokwɛ̃h / 'he's taken it out of the water' (cf. Chafe 1967:74).
Hu. { -ow- }, cf. <O8an> 'Retirer ex aquâ' (MS 59:180),
loss of * / k /, as with reversive.
⁴⁷² PI * { -uːɹ- } 'cover'

Ch. { -ùːl- } in / hȕːlhʌ̃Ɂ́ ʌ̃ː̏ ka̋ː / 'cover it!' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:125).
PNI * { -oɹ- }, * { -oɹok- }, * { -oɹeːk- }, * { -Ɂɹhoɹ- }, * { -Ɂɹhoɹeːk- },
* { -Ɂɹhoɹok- } 'cover, cover over, cover up', forms in * / Ɂɹh / occurring
in certain languages where no incorporated noun root is present.
552
Tu. { -orok- } in / ˈroːroks / 'he covers it' (cf. Rudes 1999:569).
Mo. { -Ɂɹhoɹok- } in / keɁˈɹhoːɹokhs / 'I cover up, cover over'
Oe. { -Ɂlholok- } in / keɁlhoːˈloks / 'I'm covering it up'
Oo. { -Ɂhow- } in / óɁˈhoːwih / 'it is covering it, it has covered it'
Ca. { -Ɂhowek- } in / keɁˈhoːweːs / 'I am covering s.t.'
Se. { -Ɂhowek- } in / waɁˈeɁhoːweːk / 'she covered it' (cf. Chafe 1967:90).
Hu. { -Ɂɹhor- }, cf. <garhori> 'empaqueter, envelopper' (MS 59:142),
/ Ɂ / assumed present; { -oɹ- }, cf. <Ori> 'couvrir, se couvrir,
etre couvert' (MS 59:197).
Wy. { -uɹ- } in / aɁhakjaɁˈtuːɹiɁ / 'he covered his body' (cf. Barbeau 1960:258).
⁴⁷³ PI * { -uːtsɹ- } 'splash water, sprinkle'

Ch. { -ǔːtsl- } in / tȁːhstùːtlíɁa̋ː / 'he's sprinkling it (with a liquid)'
(cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:76), { -hstùːtsìːt- } 'sprinkle [around]'
(King 1975:187).
PNI * { -otsɹ- } 'sprinkle'.
Tu. { -ohθr- } in / rahnɛˈkohθraws / 'he sprinkles it' (cf. Rudes 1999:652),
/ h / anomalous.
Mo. { -oseɹ- } in / kehneˈkoseɹaɁs / 'I sprinkle, splash water on something'
(cf. Maracle 1990:154).
Oe. { -osl- } in / lũwahneˈkoslas / 'they're sprinkling him with water,
they're baptizing him' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:389).
Oo. { -ohsR- } in / ẽkhehnéˈkohsæːk / 'I will sprinkle her with water,
I will baptize her' (cf. Woodbury 2003:531).
Ca. { -otsɹ- } in / ẽˈhẽnotsɹahs / 'they will sprinkle on', Lower Ca. / ẽˈhẽnotɹahs /
Se. { -osR- } in / ˈhaosæɔ̃h / 'he has sprinkled it' (cf. Chafe 1967:75).
⁴⁷⁴ PI * { waɁkuhɹiːɁ } 'whippoorwill'

Ch. * / wàɁkùːli ̋ː / 'whippoorwill' (King 1975:222).
PNI * / waɁˈkohɹi(ː)Ɂ /, * / kwaɁˈkohɹjVɁ / 'whippoorwill'.
Tu. / kwaɁˈkorhjɛh / 'whippoorwill' (cf. Rudes 1999:672).
553
Mo. / waɁˈkôːɹjaɁ / 'whippoorwill' (cf. Maracle 1990:411).
Oe. / kwaɁˈkôːli / 'whippoorwill' (cf. Mithun 1981:268).
Ca. / kwẽɁˈkohnjẽɁ / 'whippoorwill' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:368),
partially reshaped, perhaps borrowed from Seneca.
Se. / ˈkwɛ̃Ɂkoːnjɛ̃Ɂ / 'whippoorwill (Caprimulgus vociferus)' (cf. Chafe 1967:68),
partially reshaped.
[ cf. Mithun 1984b:268 ]
⁴⁷⁵ PI * { -we- } 'say, speak'

Ch. { -wè- } in / nìkàwèɁa̋ː / 'he's saying it, it's barking, meowing,
whinnying, etc.' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:147).
PNI * { -we- } 'speak'.
Tu. { -wɛ- } in / ˈkaːwɛh / 'it speaks' (cf. Rudes 1999:479).
No. * { -we- } in <Wasweke> 'To speak' (cf. Rudes 1981a:48).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:54 ]
⁴⁷⁶ PNI * { -wẽn- } 'language, voice, word'

Tu. { -wə̃t- } in / oˈwə̃ːtɛh / 'command, language, letter (postal), message, music,
order, speech, voice, word' (cf. Rudes 1999:483), / rawə̃ˈtiːtkə̃Ɂθ /
'he speaks' (cf. Rudes 1999:263).
Mo. { -wʌ̃n- } in / oˈwʌ̃ːnaɁ / 'word, voice, tone, speech, pronunciation'
Oe. { -wʌ̃n- } in / owʌ̃ːˈnâː / 'word' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:769),
/ waɁewʌ̃ˈninikʌ̃neɁ / 'she spoke out'
Oo. { -wẽn- } in / áˈkwẽːnaɁ / 'my word, my voice' (cf. Woodbury 2003:864).
Ca. { -wẽn- } in / oˈwẽːnaɁ / 'a word' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:372).
Se. { -wɛ̃n- } in / owɛ̃ːnɔ̃Ɂ / 'word' (cf. Chafe 1967:85).
Hu. { -wẽn- } in / xaˈwẽːnaɁ / <ga8enda> 'vox' (MS 59:127);
/ ˈwẽːnaːt / 'Huron', cf. <8endat> 'le huron' (MS 59:13).
Wy. { -wɛ̃n- } in / ihatiˈwɛ̃ːnajeh / 'their languages' (cf. Barbeau 1960:98);
/ wɛ̃ːˈnat / 'Wyandot' (cf. Barbeau 1960:299).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:55 ]
⁴⁷⁷ PNI * { -whjõhkaɹ- } 'thumb' ( limited to Iroquoia )

Mo. { -wejũhkaɹ- } in / oweˈjũhkaɹaɁ / 'thumb' (cf. Maracle 1990:76).
554
Oe. { -whjũhkar- } in / kewhjũhkaˈlâːke / '(on) my thumb'
Oo. { -WjũhkaR- } in / keːjṹhˈkaːɁkeh / 'my thumb' (cf. Woodbury 2003:939).
Ca. { -wẽɁjõhkaR- } in / kwɁẽjõhˈkaːɁkeh / 'on my thumb'
(cf. Froman et al. 2002:338), probably recast.
Se. { -jɔ̃hkaR- } in / kjɔ̃hˈkææɁkeh / 'on my thumb' (cf. Chafe 1967:89).
⁴⁷⁸ PI * { -wiːnõːh } 'young person'

Ch. { -wi ̋ːnâː } in / àwi ̋ːnâː / 'young man' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:62).
PNI * { -winõːh } 'young woman'.
Tu. { -winə̃ː } in / kaˈwiːnə̃ː / 'virgin' (cf. Rudes 1999:486).
OMo. { -winũ } in / kaˈwiːnũ / 'young woman', cf. <Ga8innon>
'monialis, jeune fille pas encore mariée' (Bruyas 1863:65).
Hu. { -winõːh } in / xaˈwiːnõːh / <ga8innon> 'jeune fille nubile, ou jeune
f[ill]e marieé' (MS 59:129), long vowel and / h / assumed present.
Wy. { -winɔ̃ } in / jawiːˈnɔ̃h / 'young woman' (cf. Barbeau 1960:234).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:55 ]
⁴⁷⁹ PNI * { -wiɹ- } 'baby, child, infant, offspring'

Tu. { -wir- } in / oˈwiːrɛh / 'bud, embryo, infant, offspring' (cf. Rudes 1999:486).
Mo. { -wiɹ- } in / oˈwiːɹaɁ / 'a baby, child, infant, newborn'
Oe. { -wil- } in / owiːˈlâː / 'baby, offspring' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:771).
Oo. { -wiR- } in / óˈwiːjæɁ / 'infant, baby' (cf. Woodbury 2003:869).
Ca. { -wiR- } in / oˈwiːjaɁ / 'young; offspring (for example, of an animal); baby'
Se. { -wiR- } in / jewiːjæɁ / 'her offspring' (cf. Chafe 1967:85).
Hu. { -wiɹ- } in / ˈxaːwiɹ / <ga8ir> 'petit, Faon' (MS 59:129).
⁴⁸⁰ PNI * { -wj- } 'arm, fin, wing'

Tu. { -wj- } in / ˈoːwjɛh / 'fan, wing, armspan, wingspan' (cf. Rudes 1999:488).
La. * { -j- } in <Agaiascon> 'Les bras' (Biggar 1924:241).
Mo. { -wej- } in / oˈweːjaɁ / 'a wing, an arm' (cf. Maracle 1990:76).
Ca. { -waj- } / oˈwaːjaɁ / 'a fish fin; wings' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:581).
555
Hu. { -j- } in / ˈxajaɁ / <gaïa> 'aile' (MS 59:79); { -jahʃ- } in / xaˈjahʃaɁ /
<gaïachia> 'bras' (MS 59:79), / h / assumed present.
Wy. { -ʒahʃ- } in / haˈʒahʃaɁ / 'his arm' (cf. Barbeau 1960:125).
⁴⁸¹ PMO * { -wjahũtsh- } 'wing'

Mo. { -wejahũtsh- } in / owejaˈhũtshaɁ / 'wing, an arm of a bird'
Oe. { -wjahũtsh- } in / owjaˈhũtshaɁ / 'wing'
⁴⁸² PNI * { -wjẽhst- } 'learn, teach'

Mo. { -wejʌ̃hst- } in / kateweˈjʌ̃hsthaɁ / 'I learn, study something'
Oo. { -Wjẽst- } in / ẽshakóːˈjẽstẽɁ / 'he will teach them'
Ca. { -wajẽhst- } in / ẽhsateˈwaːjẽːs / 'you will learn'
(cf. Froman et al. 2002:581), long vowel anomalous.
Se. { -jɛ̃st- } in / haˈtejɛ̃sthaɁ / 'he's trying to learn it, he's reading'
(cf. Chafe 1967:87).
Hu. { -jẽhst- }, cf. <gaïensti> 'Enseigner' (MS 59:81), / h / assumed present.
⁴⁸³ PNI * { -wjẽhw- }, * { -wjẽw- }, * { -wjẽɁ- } 'know how, learn how'

Tu. { -wjə̃w- } in / ˈraːwjə̃ws / 'he learns' (cf. Rudes 1999:488).
Mo. { -wejʌ̃w- } in / keweˈjʌ̃ːhũ / 'I am good at, know how to, have a knack for'
Oo. { -WjẽɁ- } in / hóːˈjẽɁih / 'he has learned how, he is accomplished'
Se. { -jɛ̃Ɂ- } in / akejɛ̃ɁˈheɁɔ̃h / 'I've learned it' (cf. Chafe 1967:87).
Hu. { -jẽhw- }, cf. <gaïenh8i> 'Savoir faire q.c.' (MS 59:80).
Wy. { -ʒɛ̃ːw- } in / jeˈʒɛ̃ːwih / 'I know how' (cf. Barbeau 1960:262).
⁴⁸⁴ PNI * { -wjẽn- } 'craft, manner, skill, way'

Tu. { -wjə̃n- } in / oˈwjə̃ːnɛh / 'craft, manner, skill' (cf. Rudes 1999:488),
perhaps a borrowed word.
Mo. { -wejʌ̃n- } in / oweˈjʌ̃ːnaɁ / 'conduct, mien, posture, way of doing, acting'
556
Oe. { -wjʌ̃n- } in / kewjʌ̃nʌ̃ːˈtâːseɁ / 'I'm getting something ready'
Oo. { -Wjẽn- } in / káːˈjẽːnaɁ / 'task, manner, way' (cf. Woodbury 2003:924).
Ca. { -wajẽn- } in / aɁewajẽːˈnẽːtaɁ / 'she finished' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:581).
Hu. { -jẽn- } in / xaˈjẽːnaɁ / <gaïenda> 'maniere dagir b.' (MS 59:80).
⁴⁸⁵ PMO * { -wjʌ̃tehtaɁ- } 'become capable, learn how'

Mo. { -wejʌ̃tehtaɁ- } in / kewejʌ̃ˈtehtaɁs / 'I become capable, I make progress'
(cf. Maracle 1990:282).
Oe. { -wjʌ̃tehtaɁ- } in / ʌ̃hsewjʌ̃ˈtehtaneɁ / 'you will learn'
⁴⁸⁶ PI * { -wohst } 'be good'

Ch. { -ȍːhst- } in / őːhstâː / 'good, well' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:150).
PNI * { -wahstih }, * { -akwahst } 'be good'; syllable * / ak / anomalous or
perhaps original.
Tu. { -akwahst } in / ˈwakwahst / 'it is good' (cf. Rudes 1999:590).
No. * { -akwahst } in <Waquast> 'Good' (cf. Rudes 1981a:47).
Se. { -akwast- } in / oˈkwastɔ̃h / 'it's auspicious' (cf. Chafe 1967:68).
Hu. { -wahstih }, cf. <ga8asti> 'avoir beau Temps' (MS 59:124),
Wy. { -wahstih } in / jaˈwahstih / 'it is good' (cf. Barbeau 1960:78).
⁴⁸⁷ PNI * { -wɹ- } 'air, wind'

Tu. { -wr- } in / ˈowrɛh / 'air, wind' (cf. Rudes 1999:482).
Mo. { -weɹ- } in / oˈweːɹaɁ / 'air, wind, thunder' (cf. Maracle 1990:76).
Oe. { -wel- } in / ˈowelaɁ / 'air, wind' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:768).
Oo. { -R- } in / ˈóːwæɁ / 'wind' (cf. Woodbury 2003:69).
Ca. {-R- } in / oˈwaːnoː / 'it is a cold wind' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:60).
Se. { -R- } in / tejoæwɛ̃ːnjɔ̃ːh / 'the breeze is stirring' (cf. Chafe 1967:47).
Hu. { -ɹ- } in / ˈoɹaɁ / <ora> 'vent, air' (MS 59:131).
⁴⁸⁸ PI * { -Ɂn- } 'arrow'

Ch. { -Ɂn- } in / káɁni ̋ː / 'bullet, lead' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:108);
according to King (1975:191), the Cherokee term also refers to Mountain
Cane (Phyllostachys violescens), from which arrow shafts were made.
557
PNI * { -Ɂn- } 'arrow'.
Tu. { -Ɂt- } in / ˈaɁtɛh / 'arrow, bullet, dart, projectile' (cf. Rudes 1999:112).
Ca. { -Ɂn- } in / kɁanõh / 'arrow' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:15),
borrowed from Seneca.
Se. { -Ɂn- } in / kaɁnɔ̃Ɂ / 'arrow' (cf. Chafe 1967:91).
Hu. { -Ɂn- } in / ˈxaɁnaɁ / <ganda> 'fléche' (MS 59:84), / Ɂ / assumed present.
Wy. { -Ɂn- } in / ˈuɁnaɁ / 'arrow' (cf. Barbeau 1960:154).
⁴⁸⁹ PNI * { -Ɂnẽj- } 'bone'

Oo. { -Ɂnẽj- } in / óɁˈnẽːjaɁ / 'human remains' (cf. Woodbury 2003:948).
Se. { -Ɂnɛ̃j- } in / oɁnɛ̃ːjaɁ / 'bone' (cf. Chafe 1967:91).
Hu. { -ɁnẽJ- } in / oɁˈnẽːaɁ / <onnea> 'os' (MS 59:109),
/ Ɂ / and / ẽ / assumed present.
Wy. { -Ɂnɛ̃J- } in / uɁˈnɛ̃ːaɁ / 'bone' (cf. Barbeau 1960:157).
⁴⁹⁰ PNI * { -Ɂnhõhs- } 'egg'

Tu. { -Ɂnhə̃hs- } in / oɁˈnhə̃hsɛh / 'egg, testicle' (cf. Rudes 1999:528).
Mo. { -Ɂnhũhs- } in / oɁˈnhũhsaɁ / 'egg' (cf. Maracle 1990:58).
Oe. { -Ɂnhũhs- } in / oɁˈnhũhsaɁ / 'egg' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:853).
Oo. { -Ɂnhũhs- } in / óɁˈnhũhsaɁ / 'egg' (cf. Woodbury 2003:948).
Ca. { -Ɂnhõhs- } in / oɁˈnhõhsaɁ / 'eggs' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:102).
Se. { -Ɂhɔ̃hs- } in / oɁˈhɔ̃hsaɁ / 'egg' (cf. Chafe 1967:90).
Hu. { -Ɂnhõhʃ- } in / oɁˈnhõhʃaɁ / <Onnhonchia> 'ovum' (MS 59:112),
/ Ɂ / and preconsonantal / h / assumed present.
Wy. { -tɔ̃hʃ- } in / uˈtɔ̃hʃaɁ / 'egg' (cf. Barbeau 1960:274).
⁴⁹¹ PNI * { -Ɂnikõhɹ- } 'mind, spirit'

Tu. { -Ɂtikə̃hr- } in / oɁtiˈkə̃hrɛh / 'mind, reason, temper' (cf. Rudes 1999:184).
Mo. { -Ɂnikũhɹ- } in / oɁniˈkũ̂ːɹaɁ / 'spirit, character, thought, opinion, brain,
mind, belief, intention' (cf. Maracle 1990:598).
Oe. { -Ɂnikũhl- } in / oɁniˈkũ̂ːlaɁ / 'mind, spirit'
Oo. { -ɁnikũhR- } in / kaɁníˈkũhæːɁ / 'mind, thought, spirit'
Ca. { -ɁnikõhR- } in / kɁaˈnikõhaɁ / 'the mind' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:200).
558
Se. { -Ɂnikɔ̃HR- } in / hoɁˈnikɔ̃ɛɁ̃ / 'his mind' (cf. Chafe 1967:91).
Hu. { -Ɂnixõhɹ- } in / xaɁniˈxõhɹaɁ / <gandigon‛ra> 'esprit, ame, pensée'
Wy. { -Ɂnijɔ̃ːɹ- } in / huɁnijɔ̃ːɹuˈwaːnɛ̃h / 'his mind is great'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:266).
⁴⁹² PNI * { -Ɂnitsko- }, * { -Ɂnitskʷ- } 'be late, delay'

Tu. { -Ɂtiθko- } in / joɁˈtiθkoɁ / 'it is late' (cf. Rudes 1999:536),
{ -Ɂtiθkʷ- } in / roɁˈtiθkʷahs / 'he delays' (cf. Rudes 1999:573).
Mo. { -Ɂnihskʷ- } in / wakeɁˈnihskʷahs / 'I am late (not on time)'
(cf. Maracle 1990:363).
Oe. { -Ɂniskʷ- } in / joɁˈniskʷʌ̃Ɂ / 'it's late' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:861).
Oo. { -Ɂniskʷ- } in / óɁˈniskʷẽh / 'it is late' (cf. Woodbury 2003:964).
Ca. { -Ɂnihsko- } in / ẽˈwakhnihskoɁ / 'I will be late'
⁴⁹³ PNI * { -ɁnjakẽɁ- } 'escape, flee, run away'

Mo. { -Ɂnjakʌ̃Ɂ- } in / keɁˈnjaːkʌ̃Ɂs / 'I run away, escape' (cf. Maracle 1990:38).
Oe. { -Ɂnjakʌ̃Ɂ- } in / loɁnjaˈkʌ̃ː̂ ũ / 'he has run away'
Oo. { -ɁnjakẽɁ- } in / kéɁˈnjaːkẽɁs / 'I escape, I run away'
Ca. { -ɁnjakẽɁ- } in / keɁˈnjaːkẽɁs / 'I'm an escaper' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:107).
Se. { -Ɂnjakɛ̃Ɂ- } in / akeɁnjaˈkɛ̃Ɂɔ̃h / 'I've escaped, run away' (cf. Chafe 1967:92).
Hu. { -ɁnjaxẽɁ- }, cf. <gandiagendi> 'Séchapper des Ennemis' (MS 59:96),
Wy. { -Ɂnjajɛ̃Ɂ- } in / nusahaˈtiɁnjajɛ̃haɁ / 'that they escaped again'
(cf. Barbeau 1960:311).
⁴⁹⁴ PI * { -Ɂnjõːhs- } 'nose'

Ch. { -Ɂjʌ̃ː̀ hs- } in / khàjʌ̃ː̀ hsőːlîː / 'his nose' (cf. Feeling & Pulte 1975:143).
PNI * { -Ɂnjõhs- } 'nose'.
Tu. { -Ɂtjə̃hs- } in / ˈktjə̃hsɛh / 'my nose' (cf. Rudes 1999:537).
No. * { -Ɂtjõhs- } in <Oteusag> 'The nose' (cf. Rudes 1981a:46).
Mo. { -Ɂnjũhs- } in / oɁˈnjũhsaɁ / 'nose' (cf. Maracle 1990:58).
Oe. { -Ɂnjũhs- } in / oɁˈnjũhsaɁ / 'nose' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:866).
559
Oo. { -Ɂnjũhs- } in / keɁnjṹhˈsaɁkeh / 'my nose' (cf. Woodbury 2003:970).
Ca. { -Ɂnjõhs- } in / oɁˈnjõhsaɁ / 'nose' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:213).
Se. { -Ɂnjɔ̃hs- } in / oɁˈnjɔ̃hsaɁ / 'nose' (cf. Chafe 1967:92).
[ cf. Rudes 1995:50 ]
⁴⁹⁵ PNI * { -Ɂnonsh- } 'be envious, be jealous, envy'

Tu. { -Ɂtoθh- } in / raɁˈtoːθhahs / 'he begrudges, he envies' (cf. Rudes 1999:536).
Mo. { -Ɂnosh- } in / keɁˈnoshahs / 'I envy, am envious of, I am jealous'
Oo. { -Ɂnũsh- } in / hũwáɁˈnũshas / 'he or she envies him'
(cf. Woodbury 2003:967), change of vowel anomalous.
Ca. { -Ɂnosh- } in / seɁˈnoːshahs / 'you are envious' (cf. Froman et al. 2002:170).
Se. { -Ɂnosh- } in / koɁnoːshɛ̃ːh / 'she's jealous' (cf. Chafe 1967:91).
Hu. { -Ɂnosh- }, cf. <gand8sandi> 'porter envie a qlq.' (MS 59:105),
dative-benefactive form, / Ɂ / and / h / assumed present.
⁴⁹⁶ PNI * { -Ɂnshanst- } 'be powerful, be strong'

Tu. { -Ɂθhaθn- } in / kaɁˈθhaːθnɛɁ / 'it is potent, it is powerful'
(cf. Rudes 1999:273).
Mo. { -Ɂshatst- } in / joɁˈshatsteɁ / 'it is strong, tough, durable, brutal, violent'
Oe. { -Ɂshatst- } in / keɁˈshatsteɁ / 'I'm strong'
Oo. { -Ɂshast- } in / hoɁshastẽhseːˈwaːnẽh / 'the Creator' [lit. 'his power is great']
Ca. { -Ɂshahst- } in / tshẽh niˈkaɁshahsteɁ / 'exponents'
Hu. { -Ɂshast- }, cf. <gasaste> 'une ch. etre chere, qlq. vend. cher' (MS 59:147),
/ Ɂ / and / h / assumed present.
⁴⁹⁷ PNI * { -ɁtskoɁ- } 'drown, fall into water'

Tu. { -ɁθkoɁ- } in / ˈraɁθkoɁθ / 'he drowns' (cf. Rudes 1999:274).
Mo. { -ɁskoɁ- } in / ˈkêːskoɁs / 'I drown, fall into the water'
Oe. { -ɁskoɁ- } in / waˈkêːskoneɁ / 'I fell in the water'
560
Oo. { -ɁskoɁ- } in / hóɁˈskoɁih / 'he has drowned, he has fallen into the water'
Ca. { -ɁskoɁ- } in / ahõwaˈtiɁskoɁ / 'they (m) have baptized him, them'
Se. { -ɁskoɁ- } in / oɁˈkeɁskoɁt / 'I fell in the water' (cf. Chafe 1967:93).
Hu. { -ɁskoɁ- }, cf. <gasko> 'tomb. a leau, enfoucer, fe. naufrage' (MS 59:149),
Wy. { -ɁskuɁ- } in / eˈheɁskuhk / 'I will drown him' (cf. Barbeau 1960:249).
⁴⁹⁸ PNI * { -Ɂtsɹ- } 'drag, drive, pull, ride'

Tu. { -Ɂθr- } in / ˈroɁθreːɁ / 'he rode' (cf. Rudes 1999:272).
Mo. { -Ɂseɹ- } in / ˈkâːseɹeɁ / 'a vehicle, car, wagon, cart' (cf. Maracle 1990:135).
Oe. { -Ɂsl- } in / ˈlâːsleɁ / 'he's dragging it' (cf. Michelson & Doxtator 2002:870).
Oo. { -ɁsR- } in / káˈseːhtaɁ / 'car, vehicle' (cf. Woodbury 2003:971),
with causative.
Ca. { -Ɂtsɹ- } in / ɁaˈkeɁtsɹeːɁ / 'I dragged it', Lower Ca. / ɁaˈkeɁtɹeːɁ /
Se. { -ɁsR- } in / aˈkeɁsjɔ̃ːh / 'I've dragged it' (cf. Chafe 1967:93).
561
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A HISTORY OF THE IROQUOIAN LANGUAGES

A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of the University of Manitoba

Copyright © 2010 by Charles Julian

southern branch, represented by Cherokee, and a northern branch, represented by

inflectional morphology and complex patterns of allomorphy, as well as their small

numbers of consonant phonemes which nonetheless yield complex consonant clusters.

phonology and morphology and trace subsequent developments through to modern

researchers of any theoretical persuasion.

Chapter 1 outlines previous studies in Iroquoian historical linguistics and addresses

phonemic inventory, phonology, and morphology of PI as reconstructed through

comparison of Cherokee and Proto-Northern Iroquoian (PNI). Fifteen chapters follow

The descent of PNI from PI is detailed in Chapter 4. Development of Proto-Tuscarora-

Nottoway from PTN in Chapters 6 and 7. Development of Susquehannock and

Laurentian from PNI is discussed in Chapters 8 and 9. Descent of Proto-Mohawk-Oneida

from Huron is described in Chapter 17. Chapter 18 discusses fragmentary languages:

Meherrin, Wenro, Erie, and Neutral.

included in two appendices.

thank the University of Manitoba for awarding me a Faculty of Arts Graduate

the Department of Linguistics, members of my advisory committee, and my advisor,

otherwise have been lost.

Table of Contents ………………………………………………………………………….. v

List of Maps ………………………………………………………………………………. xii

Language Abbreviations ………………………………………………………………... xiii

Grammatical Abbreviations ……………………………………………………………. xiv

Pronominal Prefix Abbreviations ………………………………………………………. xv

Chapter 1: Introduction …………………………………………………………………… 1

1.1 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………….. 1

1.2 The Iroquoian Language Family ………………………………………………… 3

1.3 Previous Studies in Iroquoian Historical Linguistics ………………………….. 4

1.4 Time Depth, Subgrouping, Borrowing, and Inheritance ……………………… 7

Chapter 2: Proto-Iroquoian ……………………………………………………………….19

2.1 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………… 19

2.2 Phonemic Inventory and Phonology ………………………………………….. 20

2.2.1 Vowels …………………………………………………………………….. 23

2.2.2 Single Consonants ……………………………………………………….. 29

2.3 Verb Morphology ……………………………………………………………….. 42

2.4 Prepronominal Prefixes ………………………………………………………… 44

2.5 Non-Singular Animate Prefix ………………………………………………….. 54

2.6 Pronominal Prefixes ……………………………………………………………. 55

2.7 Reflexive and Semireflexive Prefixes …………………………………………. 66

2.8 Incorporated Noun Stem ……………………………………………………….. 68

2.9 Verb Base ………………………………………………………………………… 72

2.10 Noun Morphology ……………………………………………………………… 74

2.11 Particles and Clitics ……………………………………………………………. 77

Chapter 3: Cherokee ……………………………………………………………………… 79

3.1 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………… 79

3.2 Phonemic Inventory …………………………………………………………….. 81

3.3 Phonological Changes …………………………………………………………... 82

3.4 Morphological Changes ………………………………………………………….93

Chapter 4: Proto-Northern Iroquoian …………………………………………………. 103

4.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………………….. 103

4.2 Phonemic Inventory and Phonology …………………………………………. 104

4.2.2 Consonants and Clusters ………………………………………………... 109

4.3 Phonological Changes …………………………………………………………. 117

4.4 Morphological Changes ……………………………………………………….. 129

Chapter 5: Proto-Tuscarora-Nottoway ………………………………………………… 155