The March 1st Movement, also known as Sam-il (3-1) Movement (Hangul: 삼일 운동; Hanja: 三一

運動) was one of the earliest public displays of Korean resistance during
the rule of Korea by Japan from 1910 into 1945. The name refers to an event that occurred on
March 1, 1919, hence the movement's name, literally meaning "Three-One Movement" or "March
First Movement" in Korean. It is also sometimes referred to as the Man-se
Demonstrations (Hangul: 만세운동; Hanja: 萬歲運動; RR: Manse Undong).

Contents
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 1Background
 2Events in Korea
 3Effects
 4International reaction
o 4.1United States and Korea
o 4.2Delegation
 5Gallery
 6See also
 7References
 8Further Readings
 9External links

Background[edit]
The Samil Movement arose in reaction to the repressive nature of colonial occupation under the
military rule of the Japanese Empire following 1905, and inspired by the "Fourteen Points" outlining
the right of national "self-determination", which was proclaimed by President Woodrow Wilson at
the Paris Peace Conference in January 1919. After hearing news of Wilson’s speech, Korean
students studying in Tokyo published a statement demanding freedom from colonial rule.[1]
Former Emperor Gojong died on January 21, 1919. There was widespread suspicion that he had
been poisoned, credible since previous attempts (the "coffee plot") were well-known, and other
leaders had been assassinated by Japanese agents.[2]

Events in Korea[edit]

The March 1st Movement monument.

At 2 P.M. on March 1, 1919, 33 activists who formed the core of the Samil Movement convened at
Taehwagwan Restaurant in Seoul; they read out loud the Korean Declaration of Independence,
which had been drawn up by historian Choe Nam-seon. The activists initially planned to assemble
at Tapgol Park in downtown Seoul, but chose a more private location out of fear that the gathering
might turn into a riot. The leaders of the movement signed the document and sent a copy to
the Governor General.

“
We here with proclaim the independence of Korea and the liberty of the Korean
people. This we proclaim to all the nations of the world in witness of human equality.
This we proclaim to our descendants so that they may enjoy in perpetuity their
inherent right to nationhood.

In as much as this proclamation originates from our five-thousand-year history, in as

much as it springs from the loyalty of twenty million people, in as much as it affirms
our yearning for the advancement of everlasting liberty, in as much as it expresses
our desire to take part in the global reform rooted in human conscience, it is the
solemn will of heaven, the great tide of our age, and a just act necessary for the co-
existence of all humankind. Therefore, no power in this world can obstruct or
suppress it! ”
The movement leaders telephoned the central police station to inform them of their actions and were
publicly arrested afterwards.
Before the formal declaration, Korea also published and broadcast the following complaints, in order
to be heard by the Japanese people through papers and media:

 Discrimination by the government when employing Koreans versus Japanese people; they
claimed that no Koreans held important positions in the government.
 A disparity in the quality of education being offered to Korean and Japanese people.
 Mistreatment and open disregard of Koreans by the Japanese occupiers.
 Political officials, both Korean and Japanese, were arrogant.
 No special treatment for the Korean upper class or scholars.
 The administrative processes were too complicated and new laws were passed too frequently
for the general public to follow.
 Too much forced labor that was not desired by the public.
 Taxes were too heavy and the Korean people were paying more than before, while getting the
same amount of services.
 Land continued to be confiscated by the Japanese people for personal reasons.
 Korean village teachers were being forced out of their jobs because the Japanese were trying to
suppress Korean culture and teachings.
 Korea's resources and labor had been exploited for the benefit for the Japanese. They argued
that while Koreans were working towards development, they did not reap the benefits of their
own work.
These grievances were highly influenced by ‘‘‘Wilson’s Declaration of the Principle of Self
Determination’’’.[3]
Japanese barricade at the entrance of Pagoda Park in Seoul to prevent the peaceful demonstration.

Massive crowds assembled in Pagoda Park to hear a student, Chung Jae-yong, read the declaration
publicly. Afterwards, the gathering formed into a peaceable procession, which the Japanese military
police attempted to suppress. Special delegates associated with the movement also read copies of
the independence proclamation from appointed places throughout the country at 2 PM on that same
day.
As the processions continued to grow, the Japanese local and military police could not control the
crowds. The panicked Japanese officials called in military forces to quell the crowds, including the
naval forces. As the public protests continued to grow, the suppression turned to violence, resulting
in Japanese massacres of Koreans and other atrocities.

A Korean house burnt by Japanese.

Approximately 2,000,000 Koreans had participated in the more than 1,500 demonstrations. Several
thousand were massacred by the Japanese police force and army.[4] The frequently cited The Bloody
History of the Korean Independence
Movement (Hangul: 한국독립운동지혈사; Hanja: 韓國獨立運動之血史) by Park Eun-sik reported
7,509 people killed, 15,849 wounded, and 46,303 arrested. From March 1 to April 11, Japanese
officials reported 553 people killed, and more than 12,000 arrested. They said that 8 policemen and
military were killed, and 158 wounded. As punishment, some of the arrested demonstrators were
executed in public.[5]
In 1920, the Battle of Chingshanli broke out in Manchuria between exiled Korean independence
fighters and the Japanese Army.

Effects[edit]
The March 1st Movement provided a catalyst for the Korean Independence Movement. Given the
ensuing suppression and hunting down of activists by the Japanese, many Korean leaders went into
exile in Manchuria, Shanghai and other parts of China, where they continued their activities. The
Movement was a catalyst for the establishment of the Provisional Government of the Republic of
Korea in Shanghai in April 1919. It also influenced the growth of nonviolent resistance in India and
many other countries.[6] The Korean Liberation Army was subsequently formed and allowed to
operate in China by the Nationalist Government of China. During this period, there was a
mobilization of Catholic and Protestant activists in Korea, with activism encouraged among the
diaspora in the U.S., China and Russia.
The Japanese government reacted to the March 1st Movement by heightening its suppression of
dissent and dismissing the Movement as the "Chosun Manse Violent Public Disorder Incident" (조선
공공 만세 폭력 사건). Governor-General Hasegawa Yoshimichi accepted responsibility for the loss
of control (although most of the repressive measures leading to the uprising had been put into place
by his predecessors); he was replaced by Saito Makoto. The military police were replaced by a
civilian force. Limited press freedom was permitted under what was termed the 'cultural policy'. Many
of these lenient policies were reversed during the Second Sino-Japanese War and World War II.
On May 24, 1949, South Korea designated March 1st as a national holiday. General Choe Hong-
hui dedicated the first of the three patterns (삼일 틀 – Sam-il teul) trained by III-degree black belts
of taekwon-do to the Sam-il Movement.

International reaction[edit]
United States and Korea[edit]
President Woodrow Wilson issued his Fourteen Points in January 1919. The points included… in
terms of US relations with Korea, ‘a free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all
colonial claims.’ [7]
However, as manifested at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, Wilson was not interested in
challenging global power relations. Since Japan was one of the victors and Korea was its colony, a
discussion of the status of Korea was not undertaken.[7]
In April 1919, the US State Department told the ambassador to Japan that "the consulate [in Seoul]
should be extremely careful not to encourage any belief that the United States will assist the Korean
nationalists in carrying out their plans and that it should not do anything which may cause Japanese
authorities to suspect [the] American Government sympathizes with the Korean nationalist
movement."[8]

Delegation[edit]
Japan violently suppressed the March First Movement. The United States remained silent.[7] Despite
this, representatives were chosen by the Korean community in the United States to attend the Paris
Peace Conference and attempt to represent Korea’s interests. Dr. Rhee (representing Hawai'i), Rev.
Chan Ho Min (representing the West Coast) and Dr. Henry Han Kyung Chung (representing the
Midwest) were selected, but they were unable to attend. They encountered visa problems and
feared that the delegates may not be allowed to reenter the United States.[9]
A delegation of overseas Koreans, from Japan, China, and Hawai'i, did make it to Paris. Included in
this delegation, was Kim Kyu-sik (김규식), a representative from the Korean Provisional
Government in Shanghai.[7] After considerable effort, he managed to arrange passage with members
of the Chinese delegation to the peace conference. He traveled on a Chinese passport and under a
Chinese name in order to evade the Japanese police. The Chinese were eager for the opportunity to
embarrass Japan at the international forum, and several top Chinese leaders at the time,
including Sun Yat-sen, told U.S. diplomats that the peace conference should take up the question of
Korean independence. Beyond that, however, the Chinese, locked in a struggle themselves against
the Japanese, could do little for Korea.[10]
The United States did not pay any substantial attention to these individuals, and the delegation was
blocked from official participation as Korea was classified as a Japanese colony.[11]
The failure of the Korean nationalists to gain support from the Paris Peace Conference ended the
possibility of foreign support.[12]