O Journal of Islamic Studies 9:2 (1998) pp.

120-145

THE QUR'AN IN THE MALAY WORLD:

REFLECTIONS ON <ABD AL-RA'UF OF
SINGKEL (1615-1693)

A. H. JOHNS
Australian National University

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One of the episodes that Abdullah Munshi (1797-1854) tells of his
childhood in his autobiography Hikayat Abdullah is how, after he had
been severely ill with dysentery, to pass the time, he had scratched
shapes on cork-type tablets with a reed pen. His grandmother was a
famous Qur'an teacher in her village, and ran a school with two
hundred pupils, boys and girls. She noticed that some of the shapes he
drew were similar to letters of the Arabic alphabet, so she wrote out
verses of the Qur'an for him to copy. He persevered in these early
attempts at calligraphy, and at the same time his father drilled him
rigorously in the recitation of the Qur'an. After a stern apprenticeship
he was able to copy the Qur'an and other texts in Arabic and Malay,
and eventually was employed by one of the officers of the British
garrison at Malacca to write out Qur'ans to sell to Bengali and Madrassi
sepoys in service with the East India Company.1
It is a moving testimony of the faithfulness of the sepoys to their
religious tradition, and the need of Muslims in all circumstances to
possess a copy of the Mushaf. The sacred book has a core role in
Islamic societies—a fact so obvious that its implications may well be
overlooked—and individuals as well as communities need copies, to
recite, to study, and to keep in a place of honour. Before the invention
of printing or its acceptance as a technique for multiplying copies,
writing copies of the Qur'an was an honourable profession.
Reverence for the Book has led to the production of illustrated
manuscripts of radiant beauty which belong to the world history of art.

1
Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir Munshi, Hikayat Abdullah (Kuala Lumpur: Pustaka
Antara, 1963), Peri Abdullah di-peranalckan, pp. 14-15, and Permulaan Belajar Mengaji,
pp. 16-31. For an English translation see Abdullah Bin Abdul Kadir, Hikayat Abdullah,
translated by A. H. Hill (Kuala Lumpur, 1969),
 THE QUR AN IN THE MALAY WORLD 121

The Indonesian archipelago has its share of illuminated manuscript

copies of the Qur'an of great beauty, a number of them illustrated in
the volume Illuminations.1 But at another level, equally important, was
the production of what may be called 'journeyman' manuscripts, plain
and unpretentious, such as those made by Abdullah, to meet the daily
needs of ordinary Muslims.
By the end of the sixteenth century there is abundant evidence of the
presence and vernacularization of Islam in various parts of the archipe-
lago: in the widespread use of the Arabic script, the fluent and confident
use of Arabic loan words, and a significant corpus of literary works
inspired by Arabic and Persian models, including treatises on govern-
ment, theosophical Sufism in the Ibn 'Arab! tradition, and religious

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poetry of great power and beauty.3 Acheh by this time had become an
integral part of the Islamic world, and its ruler a member of the exclusive
international club of Muslim rulers who bore the title sultan.
This high level of Islamization was the climax of half a millennium
or more of religious change and adaptation, which began at a time
when the region was dominated politically and culturally by the
Mahayanist state of Srivijaya, and flanked by the Theravada Buddhist
states of Thailand and Ceylon, when the sacred languages in vogue
were Sanskrit and Pali, and Islam and Arabic were unknown.
This period of change is sparsely documented. One encounters the
result, but cannot follow in detail the processes out of which it evolved.
Though it is generally accepted that the Islamization of South-East Asia
begins with the establishment of small communities of traders working
the trade routes of the Indian Ocean, the development of such settle-
ments, their relations and interaction with local authorities and the
communities they ruled, and the nature and scope of their trading
activities are known only in broad outline.4 Scholars have investigated
this period, focusing on various kinds of data and working in diverse
disciplines: archaeology and inscriptions, reports of travellers and pil-
grims, the economic history of the Indian Ocean, and linguistics.
Individually and collectively they yield a significant corpus of informa-
1
See A. H. Johns, 'In the Language of the Divine: The Contribution of Arabic' with
a number of illustrations of MSS. of the Qur'an, in Ann Kumar and John H. McGlynn,
eds., Illuminations: The Writing Traditions of Indonesia (New York and Tokyo: The
Lontar Foundation, Jakarta and Weatherhill, Inc., 1996), 33—48. The chapter includes a
number of illustrations of MSS.
3
Early examples are G. W. J. Drewes and L. F. Brakel, The Poems of Hamzah Fansuri
(Leiden: Bibliotheca Indonesica 26, Foris Publications, 1986), and L. F. Brakel, The
Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyyah, A Medieval Muslim-Malay Romance (Leiden:
Bibliotheca Indonesica 12, Foris Publications, 1975).
4
The period is admirably covered in A. J. S. Reid, The Age of Commerce, 2 vols.
(New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1988-93).
122 A. H. JOHNS

tion that makes it possible to trace out the cultural and intellectual
footprints they left; but the picture is far from complete. If one's concern
is the history of religion with an emphasis on religious and spiritual
life, the difficulties are particularly acute. Yet are these not among the
key modalities of life and self-definition of the early Muslim trading
communities in South-East Asia?
Abdullah's account of his work making copies of the Qur'an suggests
a point of departure hitherto unexplored for this region. In pursuing it,
one needs to posit the existence of continuities between a period of
which one has some knowledge, and one that preceded it, of which
very little is known. It requires a confidence that what occurs in a later
period is a faithful transmission and practical implementation of what

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was regarded as desirable or mandatory in the earlier one, however
diverse the variables of time and place.
Given the centrality of the Qur'an, it is surprising that the role of
the Qur'an in the process of Islamization of culture in the Malay world,
and the development of Qur'anic exegesis, have attracted so little
scholarly attention.
This essay is based on the premiss that Abdullah's work represented
a very old tradition deriving from the need of every community of
Muslims for copies of the Qur'an. Once the community enjoyed a
measure of stability, with a turnover of population and natural growth,
the need would continue and grow.
Copying the Qur'an is a labour-intensive task. Copyists might well
be few; not every community would necessarily have its Abdullah. But
with a strong motivation skills could be taught, as Abdullah was taught,
and learnt and put into practice. Moreover the itinerant teacher is as
well known in Islam as in other religious traditions.
Making copies of the Qur'an, instruction in reciting it, and the
transmission of understanding it to succeeding generations are necessar-
ily associated with two core institutions of any Muslim community, the
mosque and the madrasa. These are essential for the activities that
realize the structure of the community, and ensure its continuity.
Though possibly rudimentary when first established in a new environ-
ment, they have a capacity for organic growth depending on the skills
and talents within the community—the role of Abdullah's grandmother
is striking and a significant footnote concerning the role of women in
Islamic education—and the establishment of networks of resident or
itinerant 'ulama'.
The Qur'an endows the Arabic script with a prestige above that of
any other writing system. It is not an exaggeration to say that mastery
of this script opened the door to a new literacy, and paved the way for
it to take over the role of local scripts already in use, offering a technique
 THE QUR AN IN THE MALAY WORLD 123

for writing and reading to those not yet literate. Testimony to the
power of attraction of the script is evident in virtually all areas of the
non-Arab Muslim world where Islam has found a home, from Spain to
Central Asia, the Indian subcontinent, and China. Thus it can be argued
that the adoption of the Arabic script for writing Malay developed
from the copying of Qur'ans.
The pioto-madrasa or Qur'an school by its very nature had the
capacity for growth. The syllabus of a successful school in the course
of time would soon expand to include the study of works on Arabic
grammar, credal statements, hadtth, exegesis, and fiqh. There are no
data as to how the various syllabuses developed in any particular school,
for there is no continuous history of any institution during this period.

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However the range of learning available in the best of them should not
be underestimated. There are no details as to how these subjects were
taught, although some idea of the methodologies used in the teaching
of Arabic may be gleaned from Snouck Hurgronje and Drewes. Drewes
describes one of these methods as deplorable.5 But they were in the
long run highly effective. Moreover, given the dedication to the texts
studied, the loving memorization of them, a relatively controlled
vocabulary, and the repetition of Arabic words with their Malay equiva-
lents heard constantly over the years would inevitably result in an
extraordinary intimacy with them, and so contribute to their infusion
into Malay.
The widespread use of the Arabic script and the strata of Arabic
loan words established in Malay by the end of the sixteenth century
are largely to be attributed to these activities. In fact it may be said
that it was such encounters between Malay and Arabic under the roofs
of Qur'an schools, a cohabitation, as it were, that fecundated the role
of Arabic in Malay, and made possible the extraordinary religious
poetry of Hamzah Fansuri (d. 1593?) in which Arabic and Malay com-
bine together to produce a matchless verbal music.
Given the richness of Islamic literary culture in the region in the late
sixteenth century, it appears paradoxical that there is no work extant
expounding the Qur'an as a whole until the last quarter of the seven-
teenth century, the Tarjuman al-Mustafid of 'Abd al-Ra'uf of Singkel
(1615-93). This is not to say that the Qur'an was unstudied, or that
exegesis was unknown. But the surviving documentation is fragmentary.
On the one hand there are excerpts of Qur'anic exegesis from the early
years of the seventeenth century included in the Erpinius collection at

5
G. W. J. Drewes, 'The Study of Arabic Grammar in Indonesia' in Acta Orientalia
Neerlandica (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1971), 63-4.
 A H
124 - - JOHNS

Cambridge.6 None has yet been edited or is available for use by scholars.
On the other hand there are Qur'anic quotations in the work of authors
writing in Malay accompanied by Malay renderings. Of these, the most
striking are the many quotations that stud the poetry of Hamzah
Fansuri, referred to above, so closely interwoven into his Malay verse
that they are part of its music, its rhythmic and acoustic texture, and
intellectually at the core of its argument, as well as the many citations
in his prose works. There are likewise the numerous Qur'an cita-
tions with Malay equivalents in the works of Shams al-DTn and
al-Ranlrl.7 These authors represent various aspects and emphases of the
Ibn 'Arab! mystical tradition. It is not until the time of cAbd al-Ra'uf,
however, that there is a reliable point of departure for an understand-

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ing of how the Qur'an as a whole was understood. 'Abd al-Ra'Gf's
Tarjuman al-Mustaftd is a major achievement. It was compiled in the
last quarter of the seventeenth century, and a number of manuscripts,
though none complete, are still extant. It was first published in Istanbul
in 1302/1884, and is still reprinted at various centres in Indonesia and
Malaysia. It is a watershed in the documentation of a vernacularized
normative tradition in which the Qur'an was understood in our region,
and a work that has met a major need in madrasa now for almost three
centuries, and presents an understanding of the Qur'an that does much
to shape the religious attitudes of very many peoples.
'Abd al-Ra'uf has made an immense contribution to the vernaculariz-
ation of Islamic learning in Malay. His range of learning was extraordin-
ary, although comparatively little of his work has been critically studied.
Like his colleague and mentor in Madina, Ibrahim al-Kuranl (1616—90),8
with whom he was associated for almost twenty years, between 1640
and 1661, he wrote on theosophy, devotional mysticism, and fiqh.
All of his work is important. But the Tarjuman al-Mustaftd, because
of its unique character, and the traditions of learning that it subsumes,
is of special significance. It gives an idea of his encounter with and
response to the Qur'an, his mastery of the Qur'anic sciences, and his
methodology as a teacher. The work moreover has a special contribu-
tion to make to the history of the Malay language and the development
of a religious register of Malay/Indonesian.
The fact of having a unitary work to open a door to the Qur'an as

' This includes an anonymous Malay commentary on Sura 18 (al-Kahf) of the Qur'an.
Dr P. Riddell, Director of the Centre for Muslim-Christian Relations at the London
Bible College, is currently working on this MS.
7
For general information on these authors and this period see R. O. Winstedt, A
History of Classical Malay Literature, rev. edn., Monographs on Malay Subjects No. 5
(Singapore, 1958), 118-21.
* Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn., s.v. al-KuranT.
 THE QUR'AN IN THE MALAY WORLD 125

a whole at so early a date in a South-East Asian vernacular is a matter

for tremendous excitement. It is astonishing that it has attracted so
little attention. This neglect highlights the scant attention paid to the
study of the Qur'an in our region. Traditional European scholarship
has contributed a number of basic works dedicated to expressions of
the mystical tradition of Islam,9 but there are virtually no studies
relating, even tangentially, to the Qur'an, nor even any suggestion that
this is a field that can be studied with profit. The cart has been put
before the horse. The Qur'an is the impulse to mysticism, not vice versa.
One of the great works of Dutch scholarship of the early twentieth
century is Snouck Hurgronje's The Achehnese.10 In it he gives an account
of 'Abd al-Ra'uf's life and work and enduring reputation in Acheh.

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But he refers to the Tarjuman al-Mustaftd in the followings terms,
saying of it: 'Another famous work of this same Abdurra'uf is his Malay
translation of Baidhawi's commentary on the Qur'an, published in
A. H. 1302 at Constantinople in two handsomely printed volumes ...
From his work we perceive among other things, that the learning of
our saint was not infallible; his translation for instance of chap. 33
verse 20 of the Quran [sic] is far from correct.'11
Both remarks passed largely unchallenged until 1990 when, in a major
study, Peter Riddell12 demonstrated beyond doubt that the Tarjuman
al-Mustaffd, far from being a translation of BaydawT (d. 1282?),13 was
based on the TafsTr al-Jalalayn. The difference is significant. Baydawrs
work has great authority, but is extensive and difficult, making no
concessions to the student. The TafsTr al-Jalalayn,u on the other hand,
is brief but lucid, ideally suited to be a reference of first recourse for a
student of the Qur'an, and a brilliantly succinct summation of the
mainstream exegetic tradition. Even today it is the most widely used
tafsTr in the Muslim world, and the most popular in South-East Asia.
For pedagogical purposes it is ideal, and lays a foundation on which

' For example, D. A. Rinkes, Abdoerraoef van Singkel: Bijdrage tot de kennis van de
mystiek op Sumatra en Java (Heerenveen, 1909), and C. A. O. van Nieuwenhuijze,
Samsu'l-DTn van Pasai (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1945).
10
The Achehnese, 2 vols. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1906).
11
Snouck Hurgronje, The Achehnese, ii. 17 note 6.
11
In Peter Riddell, Transferring a Tradition, 'Abd al-Ra'uf al-Singkili's Rendering
into Malay of the jalalayn Commentary, Monograph No. 31, Centers for South and
Southeast Asia Studies (University of California at Berkeley, 1990).
u
The full title of Baydawfs tafsTr is Anwar al-tanzlt wa-asrar al-ta'wJt . There are
numerous editions published in Cairo and Beirut.
14
This work, the tafsTr of the two Jalals—hence the dual form of the title—was
commenced by Jalal al-DTn al-Mahalh" (d. 1459), and completed by his pupil, the great
scholar Jalal al-DTn al-Suyun (d. 1505), famous for his work on the Islamic sciences
al-ltqan fT 'uliim al-Qur'an.
126 A. H. JOHNS

more advanced studies of the Qur'an can be developed. 'Abd al-Ra'uf's

use of it as a teaching text shows how, within a century or less of its
composition, the work had established itself in popularity. It is so
different from BaydawT in range, style, and content that it is necessary
to read only a page to realize that Snouck Hurgronje's attribution of it
to him cannot be sustained.
Riddell, however, does not take up Snouck Hurgronje's second
remark that the rendering in the Tarjuman of verse 20 in sura al-Ahzab
(33) is 'far from correct'. The pericope of which this verse is a part
refers to the Battle of the Ditch when a confederation of the Quraysh
from Makka and other tribes besieged the city, a direct assault being
blocked by a ditch dug across its approaches. The event was of crucial

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importance, for the victory of the Muslims marked the turning-point
in the Prophet's career. The danger was very real. There was a powerful
and terrifying coalition assembled outside the city, while within, despite
the courage of the believers, the position of the Prophet was insecure
due to the uncertain loyalty of the Jewish tribes and the Hypocrites. It
is a difficult passage, for its structure is complex, involving narration,
shifts between past and present, a variety of speakers, direct and
reported speech, and apodictic judgements. It provides a specimen of
the Tarjuman on the basis of which to examine 'Abd al-Ra'uf's proced-
ures, skills, and achievement, and at the same time to consider whether
or not Snouck Hurgronje's remark is justified.
A clear grasp of the pericope is essential for an assessment of 'Abd
al-Ra'uf's treatment of it. It may be seen as composed of three sections,
each of which has two elements in a chiasmic relation to each other.
Its unitary character and power are established by the repetition of key
words and the strong cross-rhythms set up by the tensions within the
binary structure of each section. My English rendering15 attempts to
make this clear in part by word choice and in part by indentation.

I
9 Now you, those who believe!
Remember the favour of God towards you
when armies marched against you,
when then We sent against them a wind and armies
you did not see,
and God beheld what you were doing.
10 When they came upon you
from above you and below you,
when your eyes turned aside [from all but the foe],
u
It follows the Egyptian 'Khcdival' edition which presents the recitation of Hafs.
 THE QUR AN IN THE MALAY WORLD 127

and your hearts rose in your throats

and you thought unseemly thoughts of God.
11 Then and there were the believers put to the
test,
and overcome with violent trembling.

II
12 [Tell too of] when the Hypocrites
and those with sickness in their hearts said
'God and His messenger have not promised us
[anything] but delusion'.

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13 [Tell too of] when a group of them said,
'O people of Yathrib,
this is no place for you,
so return'
And of [when] a group of them asked the Prophet
leave to depart, saying,
'Our homes are exposed.'
Yet [their homes] were not exposed,
They wanted only to flee.
14 Had the city been entered and themselves overwhelmed
from the direction of their homes,
and they been asked [to create] dissension
they would have done so,
yet would have remained [in Madina]
but for a little while.
15 They had made a covenant with God before this
that they would not again turn their backs [on the foe].
And a covenant made with God is one to be held to account.

Ill
16 Say,
'Flight will not avail you!
If you flee from death or slaughter,
even then you will have [in this world]
only a little of delight.'
17 Say,
'Who can protect you from God
if He wills harm for you,
or if He wills blessing for you.'
They will not find for themselves other than God
any protector or helper.
128 A. H. JOHNS

18 God knows those of you who hold back,

and those who say to their brethren
come over to us, and do not join battle
other than half-heartedly,
being niggardly in their support of you.
19 Yet whenever fear overcomes them,
you see them looking towards you
their eyes rolling, as though overwhelmed
by [fear of] death.
Then whenever their fear has departed,
they abuse you with harsh words,
covetous for profit (i.e. booty).

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These do not believe truly,
so God will frustrate their deeds,
for God this is easy.
20 They [were left] thinking that the Confederates had not gone.
And if the confederates came [again],
they would yearn,
'If only they were out in the desert among the Arabs,
asking for news of you [believers].'
And even if they were with you,
they would not fight, other than half-heartedly.

In I the believers are addressed, and called on to recall God's favour

to them in protecting them from the armies that marched against them,
when they were filled with terror, and they feared the worst. Then
indeed they were put to the test.
In II focus is on the Hypocrites, their disloyalty to the Prophet, their
attempts to weaken the morale of the believers, their pretexts to leave
the battle line, their readiness to change sides, and falseness to their
covenant.
In III there is a dramatic shift from past to present with a representa-
tion of the words the Prophet is commanded to address to the
Hypocrites.
The pericope as a whole gives a vivid picture of the situation in
Madina as the akzab established their seige: the resoluteness of the
believers, despite their fear, the cowardice, the opportunism, and the
greed of the Hypocrites, swearing loyalty to God and the Prophet,
desperate for his protertion if in battle yet ready to flee or change sides
if it appeared that he was in danger of defeat. And when the beseigers
have left, the Hypocrites are so full of terror that they cannot believe
that the besiegers have really gone for good, and fear their return.
The following is a transcription of 'Abd al-Ra'uf's treatment of the
 THE Q U R ' A N IN THE MALAY WORLD 129

pericope with an English rendering.16 The text is taken from Tarjuman

al-MustafTd, Sulayman Mar'T (Singapore, 1951). There are a few uncer-
tain readings and some emendations are suggested: insertions by square
brackets, words to be omitted by angle brackets. The punctuation
attempts to indicate the rhythms and word groupings of the text if
delivered orally. The oral aspect of the composition of a work of this
kind must never be overlooked. It is subdivided into three sections in
the same way as the English rendering of the Qur'anic verses.
To distinguish the various components, the following conventions
are observed. The Qur'anic text is in bold; the Malay rendering of the
Qur'an is in roman; the commentary (explanatory details, filling in of
ellipses, identifications, etc.) from the TafsTr al-Jalalayn is in italics.

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Where glosses from the TafsTr al-Jalalayn have been included in the
rendering of the Qur'an, replacing literal equivalents of the Qur'anic
words, they are in italics, but marked off from the commentary by
round brackets. When the commentary is not from the TafsTr al-Jalalayn
and is unattributed, it is in roman, but in round brackets. The same
conventions are applied to the English renderings.

I
(9) Yl ayyuha'l-ladhlna amanu'dhkuru ni'mata'llahi 'alaykum
idh ja'atkum junudun
Hai segala mereka yang telah percaya akan Allah ta'ala!
Sebut oleh kamu akan nikmat Allah ta'ala [atas kamu]
tatkala datang akan kamu segala tentara daripada segala
kafir, ia itu pada ketika mengorek parit (di Madina),
Now you, those who believe! Tell of God Almighty's
favour [towards you], when armies of the unbelievers
marched against you, i.e. when [you] dug the ditch (at
Madina),
fa-arsalna 'alayhim rfhan wa-junudan lam tarawha
wa-kana'llahu bi-ma ta'maluna baslran
maka Kami turunkan atas mereka itu angin (yang keras) dan
segala tentara daripada segala malaikat yang tiada kamu lihat
akan dia. Dan adalah Allah ta'ala akan barang yang
diperbuat mereka itu melihat;
so We sent against them a (mighty) wind, and armies of
angels you did not see. God almighty saw what they
were doing;
[An excursus listing qira'at]
(10) idh ja'ukum min fawqikum wa-min asfala rninkum
" The text is taken from Tarjuman al-Mustafid, Sulayman Mar'T (Singapore, 1951).
130 A. H. JOHNS

wa-idh zaghati'l-absaru wa-balaghati'1-qulubu'l-hanajira

wa-tazunnuna bi'1-Uahi'l-zununa
tatkala datang mereka itu akan kamu daripada pihak atas
(wadi dan daripada pihak bawahnya), daripada masyriq dan
maghrib; tatkala cenderunglah segala penglihat daripada tiap-
tiap suatu kepada seterunya, dan sampailah segala hati
kepada kesudah-sudahan hulqum daripada sangat takut, dan
kamu sangkalah akan Allah ta'ala dengan beberapa
sangka<l> yang bersalah-salahan, (yakni disangka adalah
segala munafik oleh yang demikian itu membunuh
Muhammad dan segala sahabatnya; dan sangka segala
mukmin kemenangan dan tolong akan mereka itu).

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when they came at you from the direction above (the
valley), and the direction below (it), from the east and
the west; when eyes turned away from all but the foe,
and hearts rose to the top of their gullets out of extreme
terror, and you thought of God with differing thoughts
(i.e. the Hypocrites thought that as a result of this they
could kill the Prophet and his companions, and the
believers thought of the victory and help that would
come to them).
(11) Hunalika'btuliya'l-mu'minuna wa-zulzilu zilzalan shadTdan
Di sanalah dicobai segala mukmin siapa orang yang ikhlas
daripada orang yang tiada ikhlas. Dan (telah digerakkan
mereka itu dengan gerak) yang sangat terkejut.
There the believers were put to the test ([to discover]
who among them was whole-hearted, and who was
not). They were moved with violent terror.

There are a number of features of the rendering that are of interest,

and which illustrate 'Abd al-Ra'uf's expository techniques. The peri-
cope opens with a call to the believers to keep in mind God's favours
at a time of crisis: when enemies marched against them, when they
came at them from above and below, and when their eyes turned from
everything but the foe, building up to the climax, 'then and there were
the believers put to the test' rendering hunalika'btuliya by di sanalah
dicobai segala mukmin—there the unbelievers were put to the test. 'Abd
al-Ra'uf maintains the movement and continuity of the passage by
various devices, among them the consistent rendering of idh by tatkala,
a word he usually reserves for this particle, idha, in verse 19, for
example, he renders apabila.
The commentary supplementing the rendering of the Qur'anic words
has a literary as well as a theological role. In verse 9 it identifies 'armies'
 THE QUR AN IN THE MALAY WORLD 131

as 'of the infidels', and the occasion on which they marched; 'wind' is
qualified as 'mighty', and 'armies you did not see' are identified as of
angels. The comments bring out implicit meanings, highlighting the
chiasmus implicit in a sequence of contrasts: the armies of unbelievers
and those of angels, hostile human armies that can be seen, and those
sent by divine help that are unseen; those who reject God and His
Prophet, and those who obey them, such a dichotomy being a quintes-
sential theme of the Qur'anic message.
In verse 10 the commentary elaborates the Arabic of 'from above
you and below you', rendering it 'from above the valley and below it,
from east to west', thereby replacing a literal rendering of the Arabic

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words with an explanatory gloss. The ellipsis implied in 'when [their]
eyes turned away' is made explicit by the addition of 'from all else but
the enemy'; and the last sentence of the verse is glossed at length,
spelling out the differing zunun-sangka of the Hypocrites and the
believers: the Hypocrites who thought it would all end with the killing
of the Prophet and his companions, the believers looking to divine help
and ultimate victory. This gloss occurs neither in the TafsTr al-Jalalayn
nor in BaydawT, and may be 'Abd al-Ra'uf's own.
In verse 11 the comment clarifies why the believers were put to the
test in this way: to distinguish between those who were total (jkklas)
in their loyalty to the Prophet and those who were not.
The words atas katnu marked as inserted in verse 9 correspond to
the Qur'anic 'alaykum and have obviously dropped out. They are
crucial to the sense.
Among a number of more detailed points relevant to the work as a
whole are the following:
(i) lAbd al-Ra'uf's rendering of amanu as a third person plural, marked
as the past by the auxiliary telah, mereka yang telah percaya, avoids
the common use of the second person, 'O you who believe', or words
to that effect, in many renderings of the Qur'an in European languages,
(ii) udbkuru is rendered sebut oleh kamu. The Arabic root dhikr
includes the two senses of 'tell' and 'recall'. 'Abd al-Ra'uf has chosen
to render it sebut, to tell, extending the semantic spread of this word
to include both senses implicit in the Arabic root. In other registers of
Malay one would expect ingat.
(iii) The Arabic idb, a key word in the rhetorical structure of the
pericope, is consistently rendered tatkala, thereby maintaining the
strength of the recurring phrase 'Remember, tell of the occasion when
this, this, and this occurred'.
(iv) The use of the Malay so-called passive di + verb form for the active
Arabic verb form ta'maluna, you were doing.
132 A. H. JOHNS

(v) The particle fa is consistently rendered by maka, to indicate what

follows temporally or logically from something preceding, never by dan.
The excursus inserted after verse 9 lists the qira'at occurring in the
Mushaf from the beginning of the sura, up to and including this verse.
For the most part they concern details of phonology. One, however,
ya'lamuna—ta'lamuna in verses 2 and 9, yields alternative meanings.
In each case the printed Qur'anic text in this edition of the work gives
the second person plural ta'lamuna, what you were doing. 'Abd al-Ra'uf
nevertheless renders it as a third person plural, 'barang yang diperbuat
mereka', what they were doing. The printed text follows the qira'at of
Nafi' and Hafs. 'Abd al-Ra'uf's rendering follows the third person
plural reading of Abu 'Amr. 'Abd al-Ra'uf notes without comment the

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other qira'at, but tacitly signals his preference for that of Abu 'Amr,
by taking it into his rendering of the Mushaf. In general, 'Abd al-Ra'uf
is consistent in a preference for the recitations of Abu 'Amr.17 The
TafsTr al-Jalalayn explains that the second person verb, 'what you were
doing', refers to the believers digging the trench; and the third person,
'what they were doing', to the unbelievers in organizing themselves
against the believers, without indicating a preference for either one or
the other. 'Abd al-Ra'uf omits this information.

II
(12) wa-idh yaqului-munafiquna wa'1-ladhlna fl qulubihim mara-
dun ma wa'adna'llahu wa-rasuluhu ilia ghururan
dan sebut olehmu tatkala dikata oleh segala munafik dan segala
orang yang di dalam segala hati mereka itu (da'if di i'tiqad) 'Tiada
dijanjikan Allah ta'ala dan rasulnya akan kami beroleh tolong melain-
kan (batil)\
And tell you of when the Hypocrites and those in whose
hearts was {weakness in faith) said, 'God and His
messenger have not promised us (help), but only (vain
[hope]).'
(13a) wa-idh qalat ta'ifatun minhum ya ahla Yathriba la muqama
lakum fa'rji'u
dan tatkala <ber)[di]kata oleh suatu ta'ifa daripada (segala
orang munafik), 'Hai orang yang (di bumi Madina) tiada
tempat kamu, maka kembali kepada segala tempat kamu di
dalam MadinaV (Kata mufassir) adalah tatkala keluar mereka
itu serta nabi Allah saw kepada jabal Sal' di Madina hendak
berperang.
17
For a clear and succinct account of qira'at and the reciters, see W. M. Watt and
R. Bell, Introduction to the Qur'an (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1977), 47-50.
 THE QUR AN IN THE MALAY WORLD 133

And [of] when a group of {the Hypocrites) said 'Now

you in {the territory of Madina), this is no place for
you, so go back to your places (i.e. homes) within
Madina'. (The exegetes say), 'This was when they had
gone out with the Prophet to Mount Sal' at Madina to
join battle.'
(13b) wa-yasta'dhinu fariqun minhumu'l-nabiya yaquluna inna
buyutana 'awratun wa-ma hiya bi-'awratin in yunduna ilia firaran
Dan minta izin suatu kaum daripada mereka itu kepada nabi
<pada hal mereka itu) dikata oleh mereka itu, 'Bahwa sanya
segala rumah kami (fiada berkota teguh (kamiy atasnya)'.
Firman Allah ta'ala ('Dan tiada (dikata) tiada berkota teguh),

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tiada dikehendaki mereka itu melainkan lari daripada perang
jua.'
And [of] when a group of them asked the Prophet leave
to depart, saying, 'Our homes [have no fortifications
about them)'. Almighty God declares, 'It was not that
their homes were not fortified. They wanted only to flee
{from battle).'
(14) wa-law dukhilat 'alayhim min aqtariha thumma su'ilu'l-fitnata
la-atawha wa-ma talabbathu biha ilia yasTran
Dan jikalau dimasukkan Madinah atas mereka itu daripada
segala pihak, kemudian maka ditanya akan mereka itu oleh
segala yang masuk berbuat pekerjaan syirik, niscaya
diperbuat mereka itu akan dia. Dan tiada terhenti mereka itu
dengan dia melainkan sedikit <(pada suatu), yakni tiada
terhenti mereka itu didalam Madinah kemudian daripada
murtad mereka itu melainkan sedikit.
Had Madina been entered and themselves overwhelmed
from various sides, and then they had been asked {by
those entering to revert to polytheism), they would
certainly have done so. Yet they would not have
remained in it but for a little while (i.e. they would not
have stayed within Madina after their apostasy but for a
little while).
(15) wa-la-qad kanu 'ahadu'llaha min qablu la yuwalluna'l-adbara
wa-kana 'ahdu'llahi mas'ulan
Dan sanya telah adalah mereka itu bersetia dengan Allah
ta'ala dahulunya (daripada Perang Khandaq) tiada mereka itu
berpaling memberi belakang. Dan adalah setia dengan Allah
ta'ala itu lagi akan ditanyai daripada menyempurnakan dia.
And indeed before this they had made a covenant with
God (before the Battle of the Ditch), that they would
 A H
134 - - JOHNS

not again turn their backs. And a covenant made with

God Almighty, there will be a questioning about the
fulfilment of it.

In verse 12 the insertion of an elliptical sebut olehmu, preceding

tatkala—'and tell you of when', effectively binds this section to the
preceding sequence of occasions that the believers are instructed to
recall, which continues through to the end of verse 13, showing 'Abd
al-Ra'uf's firm grasp of the internal structure of the pericope.
Attention may be drawn to some points of detail. In verse 12 marad
(sickness) is rendered by the Arabo-Malay gloss, da'Tf di i'tiqad—
weakness in faith (in the Jalalayn du'f i'tiqad). Ghururan, vainly, is

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also rendered by an Arabic word, batil. (In BaydawT it is glossed wa'dan
batilan, a vain promise.) The rendering of the Arabic of the Qur'an by
words of Arabic derivation, deemed to be more familiar, is another
indication of stratification in the acceptance of Arabic loan words
in Malay.
In verse 13a a number of points may be noted. One concerns the
words of a first group (fa'ifa—ta'ifa) of Hypocrites singled out, who
said, 'Ya ahla Yathriba', in Malay 'Hai orang di bumi Madina\ The
expression bumi Madina is to be understood as referring to the territor-
ial area in which the city of Madina is situated. This explanation is not
given in the TafsTr al-Jalalayn, which simply glosses the phrase as ardu'l-
madina. BaydawT however notes a view that Yathrib was the name of
the territory in which Madina the city was situated. The sense then is
that the Hypocrites are urging those outside the city facing the enemy
to abandon their positions and return to their homes. The words that
follow, attributed to 'the exegetes', i.e. the TafsTr al-Jalalayn—of the
two Jalals—explain the situation. Mount Sal' was the place outside
the city on which the Prophet established his headquarters, and which
commanded a view of the whole northern front.18
In 13b a second group (fanq) of mischief-makers is mentioned. 'Abd
al-Ra'uf renders the word fafiq as kaum, thus maintaining the distinc-
tion the Qur'an makes between the two groups by using different
words, though both of Arabic derivation.
The excuse this second group makes for not wishing to fight is that
their houses are 'awrat, exposed. This word is not given an equivalent
but rendered by an explanatory gloss—'We have no strong fortification
about them (our houses)'. The excuse is false, and the following words
are the rejoinder of God Himself. In such contexts the Jalalayn make

11
Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Madina (Karachi: Oxford University Press,
1981), 37.
 THE Q U R ' A N IN THE MALAY WORLD 135

this clear by prefacing them with the formulaic qala ta'ald, and 'Abd
al-Ra'uf follows his example with the Arabo-Malay formula Firman
Allah ta'ala.
In 13b the Malay is in part problematic, although the meaning is
clear. The words pada hal mereka itu have no relevance or justification
in the context, tiada berkota teguh kami atasnya is not an exact render-
ing of the Jalalayn's ghayru hasTnatin, yukhsha 'alayha—'They (the
houses) are not fortified, they will be overwhelmed'. If dikata in the
last line is omitted, the double negative makes good sense.
In 14 the word fitna which literally means 'dissension' has no literal
equivalent, and the gloss pekerjaan syirik, i.e. polytheistic activities, or
perhaps doing what polytheists do, takes its place. The presence of

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niscaya as an equivalent for the Arabic lam of emphasis in la-atawhd
is an example of cAbd al-Ra'uf's detailed concern with Arabic particles.
The explanatory gloss on ma talabbathu, 'They would not remain in
Madina for long after their apostasy', implies that the believers would
be victorious in the end. It occurs neither in the TafsTr al-Jaldlayn nor
in Baydawl.
In verse 15 those making the oath/pledge are not identified. Baydawl
suggests that the reference is to the Banu Haritha, who after their
collapse at the Battle of Uhud made an oath never to turn their backs
on the foe again, but none the less are now ready to go over to
the enemy.

Ill
(16) Qul Ian yanfa'akumu'l-firaru in farartum mina'l-mawti awi'l-
qatli wa-idhan la tumatta'una ilia qafiian
Kata olehmu (ya Muhammad), 'Tiada memberi manfa'at
akan kamu lari. Jika<lau> kamu lari daripada mati atau
daripada bunuh, dan tatkala (lari daripada yang tersebut) itu,
tiada kamu bersuka-sukaan di dalam dunia kemudian
daripada lari kamu itu melainkan sedikit, sekira-kira baqi[at]
ajal kamu jua.
Declare, (O Muhammad), 'Flight will not avail you. If
you flee from death or being slain, and even then,
having fled from it, you will have but little of delight in
this world after your flight, only for the remnant of
your allotted span.'
(17) Qul man dha'l-ladhl ya'simukum mina'llahi in arada bikum
su'an aw arada bikum rahmatan wa-la yajiduna lahum min duni'llahi
wallyan wa-la nasTran
Kata olehmu (ya Muhammad), 'Siapa jua yang
136 A. H. JOHNS

memeliharakan kamu daripada Allah ta'ala jika

dikehendakinya akan kamu (kebinasaan)} Atau siapa jua >
yang mengenai [kamu] dengan kejahatan jika dikehendakinya
akan kamu rahmat?' Dan tiada diperoleh mereka itu bagi
mereka itu lain daripada Allah ta'ala yang (memberi
manfa'at akan mereka itu) dan tiada yang (menolakkan
mudarat daripada mereka itu).
Declare, (O Muhammad), 'Who can protect you from
God Almighty if He wills {destruction) for you? Or who
can (afflict you with harm if) He wishes blessing for
you. They will not find for themselves other than God
who {can bestow benefit upon them), and none (who

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can repel harm from them).'
(18) . qad ya'lamu'llahu'l-mu'awwiqlna minkum wa'1-qa'illna
li-ikhwanihim halumma ilayna wa-la ya'tuna'l-ba'sa ilia qafflan (19)
ashihhatan 'alaykum
Sanya telah diketahui Allah ta'ala segala yang melambatkan diri
daripada rasul Allah, (ia itu segala munafik) dan segala yang mengatai
bagi saudara mereka itu, 'Mari kamu kepada kami.' Dan tiada datang
mereka itu kepada (perang) melainkan sedikit dengan riya' dan sum'ah,
pada hal mereka itu kikir atas kamu bertolong-tolongan.
Truly, God Almighty knows those who hold back from
[support of] the messenger of God, i.e. the Hypocrites,
and those who say to their brethren, 'Come and join
us'. And they do not go out to battle other than half-
heartedly. [They do it for] outward show and report of
hearing, being niggardly in their support of you.
(19a) fa-idha ja'a'l-khawfu ra'aytahum yanzuruna ilayka, taduru
a'yunuhum ka'1-ladhl yughsha 'alayhi mina'l-mawti
maka apabila datang takut mereka itu, niscaya engkau lihat
mereka itu menilek kepadamu, pada hal penuh segala mata
mereka itu (dengan air mata) seperti orang yang sakarat
al-mawt.
Yet whenever fear falls upon them, you certainly see
them looking towards you with eyes full of tears, like
those in their death agony.
(19b) fa-idha dhahaba'l-khawfu salaqukum bi-alsinatin
hidadin ashihhatan 'ala'l-khayr
maka apabila hilanglah takut dan berhimpunlah segala
rampasan telah disakiti mereka itu akan kamu dengan segala
kata-kata yang jahat-jahat, pada hal mereka itu kikir atas
(rampasan).
Then whenever their fear has vanished (and the booty is
 THE QUR AN IN THE MALAY WORLD 137

assembled), they insult you with painful words, being

covetous for (booty).
(19c) ula'ika lam yu'minu, fa ahbata'llahu a'malahum wa-kana
dhalika 'ala'llahi yaslran
Mereka itulah orang yang tiada percaya pada hakikatnya,
maka dibinasakan Allah ta'ala akan segala 'amal mereka itu,
dan adalah membinasakan segala 'amal mereka itu, atas
Allah ta'ala <yang) amat mudah dengan iradatnya
Those are the ones who do not believe truly, so God
Almighty will destroy their deeds, and this destruction
of their deeds for God Almighty {by His will) is easy.
(20a) yahsabuna'l-ahzaba lam yadhhabu wa'in ya'ti'l-ahzabu

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yawaddu law annahum baduna fPl-a'rab
sangka mereka itu segala kaum daripada segala kafir, tiada
mereka itu pergi ke Makka, karena takut mereka itu
daripada mereka itu. Dan jika datang (mereka itu) sekali lagi
[di]cita-cita mereka itu, jikalau ada kiranya mereka itu tetap
di dalam dusun,
They thought the groups of the unbelievers, they had
not gone back to Makka because of their fear of them.
And if they [the ahzab] came another time, they would
yearn, 'If only they were out in the desert.'
(20b) yas'aluna 'an anba'ikum wa-law kanu fikum ma qatalu ilia
qanlan
ditanyai mereka itu (didta-cita} daripada segala khabar
kamu serta segala kafir. Jikalau ada mereka itu pada kamu
sekali ini niscaya tiada mereka itu mau perang melainkan
sedikit dengan riya'nya dan karena [takut] di'aibkan jua.
asking news of you [believers] from the unbelievers'
Even if [having returned] they were with you on this
occasion certainly they would not fight other than half-
heartedly, putting up a pretence, and afraid of being
reviled.

In III there is is a dramatic shift to the historic present, with a

re-presentation of the words that the Prophet was commanded to utter
to the Hypocrites. In verse 16 the commentary identifies the Prophet as
the person addressed, and expands on his warning that flight from
death in battle is useless. Even if successful in the short term, the span
of life left to be enjoyed is limited.
In verse 17 the commentary enlarges on the words that none can
protect them from God if He will them harm. The words walTyan and
nasiran are not given equivalents, but rendered by explanatory glosses,
138 A. H. JOHNS

watiyan, one who will bestow benefit, nastran, one who will repel harm.
The words for 'benefit' (manfa'at) and 'harm' (mudarat) are both of
Arabic derivation.
In verse 18 attention may be drawn to the expansion of the Arabic
word qalttan (Malay sedikit) with the phrase dengan riya' dan suma'.
It effectively highlights the character of the Hypocrites who are niggardly
in their support of the Prophet, but like to be seen and heard as
numbered among his champions. The expression kikir atas (for ashih-
batan) appears to have two aspects. Here it means niggardly in their
support of you. In 19b it means covetous of booty, i.e. in the one case
'mean' in respect of a person, in the other 'greedy for' in respect of a
thing. It is an extended paraphrase replacing a literal rendering of the

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words of the Mushaf.
In 19a 'like those in their death agony' is another instance of an
explanatory gloss replacing a literal equivalent of the Arabic words.
In verse 19b kikir atas is used in the sense envious/covetous in contrast
with the sense in which it is used in verse 18. This has been noted above.
Verse 19c brings the sequence of events which God called on the
believers to remember in verse 9 towards a climax. The demonstrative
pronoun ula'ika-mereka itu has multiple referents, and sums up the
categories of Hypocrites identified in the preceding verses: the td'ifa
(Malay ta'ifa) and fariq (Malay kaum) in verse 13a and b respectively,
those who would easily be seduced to the side of the enemy (14), who
hold themselves back from support of the Prophet, who urge others
not to join battle, who look to the Prophet for protection when
terrified, but insult him, greedy for booty when fear is past (19a—19b).
It is these who are the subject of the verb yahsabuna that opens verse
20. This is the climax of the pericope, and cAbd al-Ra'uf in his
rendering expresses it as such. These Hypocrites essentially were
cowards. They were so fearful of the unbelievers, they could not
believe that they had returned to Makka, and that the siege was lifted.
If they did return again, and they (the Hypocrites) were within the
city, they would yearn to be out in the desert with them, questioning
the unbelievers about the Prophet and the believers within the city.
The verse concludes with words addressed to the Prophet, assuring
them of the uselessness of these Hypocrites in battle: 'Even if they
were with you on a subsequent occasion, they would only fight half-
heartedly.' And the following words of comment dengan riya'nya dan
karena takut echo the phrase dengan riya' dan suma' in verse 18 and
function as an effective literary device to establish an internal connec-
tion and continuity through the passage, indicative of a literary sense
and an awareness on the part of 'Abd al-Ra'uf of the sweep and flow
of the argument.
 THE.QUR'AN IN THE MALAY WORLD 139

The words of comment that 'Abd al-Ra'uf has inserted serve to

clarify, highlight, and emphasize the sense of the verse. Thus those who
have fled are the unbelievers; the Hypocrites fear they have not really
gone back to Makka, because they are afraid of them, the italicized
phrase once again highlighting the fear of the Hypocrites that they
might indeed come back. The possibility would be very real in the
minds of the Hypocrites, for this was the third and most dangerous
assault of the Quraysh against the Muslims after Badr and Uhud. So if
they did come back, they would wish they were out in the desert talking
with them about you, Muhammad and the believers, away from all
danger. For the Muslim community, such words of condemnation are
applicable to all Hypocrites at all times when Islam is in danger, and

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would have significance during the crises threatening the state of Acheh
when 'Abd al-Ra'uf was compiling his work.
A few points of detail may be noted. The word kaum, perceived as
a Malay word, though of Arabic derivation, is an apposite equivalent
for al-ahzab. In Malay, as in Arabic, it means group, or community,
and thus aptly expresses the sense of al-ahzab, the various groups allied
against the Prophet.
The Malay word dusun often means village or settlement, and in a
number of places in the Tarjuman is regularly used in this sense as an
equivalent for the Arabic qarya, as in sura al-A'raf 7:4, kam min
qaryatin—segala isi dusun, and in sura Yusuf 12:82 wa''sali'l-qaryata'l-
latti kunna fiha, and elsewhere. Here, however, it is an equivalent to
the Arabic bddiya, desert, and is often used in this sense, as in Yusuf
(12):100. Here, then, it clearly means desert.
Again he takes care to distinguish between the Arabic conditional
particles in (which generally supposes a realizable condition) and law
(an unrealizable one) by jika and jikalau respectively.
From the point of view of syntax, attention may be drawn to the
regular use of the so-called passive di + vetb Malay construction to
render Arabic active verbs, dicita-cita for yawaddu, ditanyai mereka itu
for yas'aluna, where both Arabic verbs are third person active. Attention
has already been drawn to this phenomenon in the notes on verse 9. In
such contexts the point of the Malay construction is to focus attention
on the action in a sequence of events, i.e. 'they would wish', 'they
would be asking'. In such a context a Malay subject me-verb + object
construction, with its focus on the subject rather than the action, would
be awkward.
Three minor emendations to the text of verse 20 need a brief note.
One is the insertion of di before cita-cita mereka (for yawaddu or the
gloss yatamannaw), without which the Malay would be ungrammatical.
In such cases di + verb is abundantly attested, as noted above. In 20b
I40 A. H. JOHNS

the words dicita-cita after ditanyai mereka are obviously otiose, and
may have slipped in due to contamination from the occurrence of
[di]cita-cita in 20a, two lines above. Finally the insertion of the word
takut is justified by khawfan in the TafsTr al-Jalalayn.
With these emendations to the text no serious criticism of 'Abd
al-Ra'uf's rendering can be sustained. In fact, so far from his account
of verse 20 being 'far from correct', he has given a clear perceptive
rendering of it and the pericope of which it is a part, amplifying it with
comments from the TafsTr al-Jalalayn in a way that makes clear all the
diverse elements in its structure.
Not only is the meaning clearly expressed, but a close study of it
shows how much the entire context to which this verse is a climax is

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in his mind, and his care for 'pointing' and distributing emphases in
ensuring that the point of the verse is understood.
In any appreciation of the Tarjuman al-Mustaftd it is important to
understand the terms of reference lAbd al-Ra'Of set himself. He was a
mystic, deeply concerned with the spiritual life, and it is precisely as a
mystic that he is concerned with establishing proper foundations of
spiritual life; in other words, with an understanding of the Qur'an at
a lexico/narrative level, without reference to allegorical, allusive, sym-
bolic, or theosophical meanings; in short, without those multiple signi-
ficances so richly elaborated in the Ibn 'Arab! tradition. In his Daqd'iq
al-Huruf he emphasizes constantly the dangers inherent in students
attempting levels of learning above their spiritual capacity. He had a
keen sense of the progressive levels of spiritual understanding.19 Thus,
in compiling the Tarjuman al-Mustaftd, he makes no reference to the
terminology or concerns of the theosophy of mysticism, whether wahda-
tu'l-wujiid, or wabdatu'l-sbuhud.
This is the reason why he chose the TafsTr al-Jaldlayn. At the time
he wrote, the Jalalayn was a relatively recent work and 'Abd al-Ra'uf
saw that it met a need, and he was ready to use it to meet this need.
His concern is that at a literal level the Qur'an be understood. He takes
the work of the Jalalayn as the means to achieve this. He has a goal,
and he chooses the means to achieve it. It is directed to a particular
audience. In compiling the Tarjuman, he shows the capacity for self-
discipline that he regards as central to the spiritual life. It shows his
sense of what was appropriate for the level of students that he was
addressing, a care, a dedication, an attitude.
The TafsTr al-]aldlayn, despite its popularity, is widely undervalued
and understudied. Its apparent simplicity and transparency effectively
19
A. H. Johns, 'Daka'ik al-Huriif by 'Abd al-Ra'uf of Singled', JRAS (1955),
55-73, 139-95.
 THE QUR AN IN THE MALAY WORLD 141

conceal the learning it subsumes, and the pedagogic skills that have
gone into its composition. Although it is not concerned with the mystical
aspects of the Qur'an, it is nevertheless infused with a deep spirituality.
An illustrative instance of this has been referred to in verse 18. In
passages of dialogue human speakers are identified after uttering their
words. When however God intervenes, a formulaic identification pre-
cedes His words. The point made is clear.
It is succinct but lucid. It presents a traditional Muslim understanding
of the Qur'an at the broadest possible level, maintaining a theologically
neutral position in respect of traditional theological controversies. It
offers glosses and brief paraphrases, supported by a basic minimum of
the traditional apparatus of considered exegesis, hadtth identifications,

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asbdb al-nuziil, grammatical explanations, and qira'dt: all are pared to
the barest essentials consistent with this goal. Rarely, if at all, does the
work refer to poetry, rhetorical explanation, analogy, or abrogation.
In Qur'anic presentation of stories, linking phrases are inserted to
keep the narrative moving. Pedagogically there is a control over vocabu-
lary, and a sense of the importance of word frequency and a word used
as a gloss in one group of Qur'anic logia may occur in a following
Qur'anic phrase. There is an engaging humanistic realism. In their
comment on sura 2:219 al-Baqara, which tells that there is great iniquity
though some benefit in wine and gambling, but the iniquity in them is
greater than the benefit, the two Jalals give an account of the iniquity
in them—quarrels, mutual vilification, and obscene speecli—but also
the benefits—enjoyment and merriment in wine, and the gaining of
wealth without toil in gambling. (cAbd al-Ra'uf briefly notes the benefits
they bring as merriment, and the gaining of wealth.)
It is a short work, ideally suited to be a reference of first recourse
for a student of the Qur'an. For pedagogical purposes it is an ideal
text: it breathes a deep spirituality, and lays the foundation on which
more specialized studies can be developed.
The TafsTr al-Jaldlayn itself bears the hall marks of a tightly con-
structed written work. In general, however, tafstr begins as an oral
activity, with a teacher presenting a progressive account of the divine
logia to a circle of students. The stages by which the exposition achieves
the critical mass of a book, and becomes a reference point in its own
right, having passed through a series of drafts over a period of years,
can rarely be documented.
It is highly likely that the Tarjuman passed through such stages, for
in its presentation of the Jalalayn it shows signs of orality that have
left their mark on the content of the book as on its style, it being not
so much a translation of the text, as an exposition of it. 'Abd al-Ra'uf,
having made his choice, is mediating it to a particular audience with
142. A. H. JOHNS

their needs in mind. It is not to be subjected to the kind of rigorous

editorial concerns that the Western academic tradition might regard as
desirable for a formal translation. Thus it reflects the way in which a
teacher's mind works as he lectures. Though focused on a particular
topic or authority, he draws on ancillary and tangential material that
elaborates or emphasizes what he deems important, and what his per-
sonality, spirituality, and intellectual associations lead him to select. He
is a human being speaking with human beings, as he offers nothing less
than his own personally experienced insight into the lights of divine
revelation. And tafsir, it can never be overemphasized, is a humanistic
activity.
Basically, 'Abd al-Ra'uf works progressively through the Qur'an by

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verse or part verse, renders it in Malay, and follows this by a rendering
in Malay of comments largely, but not exclusively, from the Jalalayn.
A few brief references to BaydawT have been identified in the pericope.
He follows the example of the Jalalayn in supplying glosses, lexical
explanations, brief periphrases, references to prophetic tradition and
the Slra, completing ellipses, and supplying identifications. On the other
hand, however, he omits, supplements, adapts, and rearranges. Each of
these aspects of his work is illustrated in the pericope under discussion.
For example, he omits the Jalalayn's grammatical definitions but notes
many more qira'at, not all of which are mentioned even in BaydawT.
This may reflect his association with Ibrahim al-KuranT who, according
to one biographical dictionary, studied a number of works on qira'at
at al-Azhar in Cairo. However, he does not allow the noting of qira'at
to interrupt the development of an argument or the flow of narrative
by drawing attention to them at the point of occurrence. Rather he
saves them up, and deals with them in excursuses, generally without
comment, taking them out of the exegesis for treatment on their own,
perhaps as notes to be expanded orally. Even so, as has been mentioned,
where a qira'a involves an alternative meaning, he usually opts for that
of Abu 'Amr. This setting out of qira'at may well be a pedagogic device,
a convenient way of putting to one side specialized material for special
treatment or discussion.
Like the Jalalayn, he is concerned to keep a narrative moving.20
Mention has already been made of his relocation of qira'at and addition
of phrases which bring out the relationship between clauses and epis-
odes, so that the essential coherence and movement of the sense units
are clear. He is not always literal in his rendering of the Qur'anic text.
Very often he inserts a gloss or paraphrase in place of a literal rendering
20
I am currently preparing a paper on sura Yusuf in the Tarjuman with special
reference to the transfer of narrative 'facilitators' from the Jalalayn.
 THE QUR AN IN THE MALAY WORLD I43

of the Mushaf. At a number of points he renders the Jalalayn glosses

in place of the literal sense of the words of the Mushaf, and occasionally
his own. He exercises a certain freedom in the use of such glosses. He
is concerned with what words mean, rather than their individual status
as lexical items. He has no inhibitions or constraints in using a gloss
to specify a particular contextual sense of a Qur'anic word with a
general meaning. In recognizing the role of context in determining
meaning, he shows a practicality and common sense consistent with
good teaching practice. This involves no lack of respect for the sacred
text. On the one hand the work reflects the oral situation in which it
was delivered, with students for the most part knowing the Qur'an by
heart; and on the other, in many cases the Qur'anic text being already

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understood, the role of the gloss is not so much to explain a word that
is unknown, as to emphasize and instil its meaning. The Malay render-
ing is in any case an interpretation of the Mushaf. Attention has already
been drawn to 'Abd al-Ra'uf's use of words of Arabic derivation to
gloss the Qur'anic text, and the contribution this can make to an
etymological history of the Arabic loan words taken into Malay.
His vocabulary is tightly controlled and internally consistent, even
though, as noted above, a word such as dusun may be used in two
senses—desert and village/town. This usage is predictable, and context
makes clear which sense is appropriate.
There is care and consistency throughout the work. Reference has
already been made to his maintaining a distinction between the Arabic
conditional particles in and law by a consistent use of jika for the one
and jikalau for the other; to his care to indicate the Arabic lam of
emphasis with the Malay niscaya, and the distinction between the
conjunctions fa and wa which he never confuses—fa being regularly
rendered by maka, as noted earlier, and wa, reflecting its protean
character, by dan, padahal, serta, and zero. This distinction is critical
in the language of the Qur'an, and commentators are at pains to explain
any apparent inconsistency.
He varies the structure of his sentences to express and imitate the
rhythms and meaning of the Arabic, rather than the external forms of
individual Arabic words. Attention has already been drawn to his use
of Malay Ji-constructions to render third person active Arabic verbs,
where the sense requires an action-centred focus, in place of what the
literal sense would demand, and in which a Malay subject me-verb
object construction would impede the flow of the narrative. He is well
aware of the dynamics of Malay sentence structure. He deliberately sets
up cross-echoes over verses a distance apart in the rephrasing of com-
ments, giving a coherence and shape to his Malay. He has a sense of
the 'big picture'. His literary skills may well have been underestimated.
 A H
144 - - JOHNS

The term 'kitab Malay' is unnecessarily pejorative and in any case is

now demode. It is a form of language often thought of as characterized
by an unthinking, mind-numbingly painful literalness, without any
literary dimension or appeal. With an author such as cAbd al-Ra'uf
nothing could be further from the case. He is writing in what is better
referred to as a religious register of Malay, a register to which he is
making his own considerable contribution. It is a register that is distinct-
ive and legitimate, even though its norms do not always coincide with
those of other registers of the language. The Arabisms in vocabulary
and syntax have given it depths and resonances in a manner analogous
to that in which the King James Bible, with its studied Hebraisms, has
contributed to the development of a style, features of syntax, and

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vocabulary immediately recognized as constituting a religious register
in English. It is evocative, powerful, and effective for those within the
tradition to which it gives voice.
As is the case with the specialized register of any language developed
for technical or intellectual purposes, it needs to be learned. That an
outsider to the cultural tradition it expresses, who knows only a general-
ized formal register of Malay serving as a kind of koine, has difficulties
in understanding it is not an intrinsic defect of the language. It has to
be encountered from within the tradition of Islamic education that it
expresses and of which it is an instrument.
An important aspect of this language register is its orality. Apparent
obscurities may result from an uncertainty as to how words should be
grouped. A reading aloud often helps to identify word groupings. Once
this is done, principal clauses, asides, parenthetic remarks, points to be
emphasized can be identified, and the structure of an argument become
clear. It is necessary in many cases to sense the way the teacher's mind
is working, and to be aware of the intonation and pauses in the utterance
of the spoken word. It then becomes clear that this register has a
muscular strength alongside a flexibility of rhythmic movement, and so
serves as an exact, sensitive, and nuanced medium for the communica-
tion of meaning.
'Abd al-Ra'uf was an extraordinary scholar. He was recognized in
court circles, and the Sultana Safiyat al-Din Shah (r. 1641—75) was his
patron, and commissioned him to write the treatise on fiqh, Mir'dt
al-Tullab,21 referred to earlier in this essay. He served no fewer than
four female rulers, the last Sultana, Kamalat al-Din, who ruled from
1688, being deposed in 1699, six years after his death, following a fatwa
by the Sharif of Makka that it was un-Islamic for a woman to be head

21
Printed in fasimile by Universitas Sjiah Kuala. Banda Atjeh, 1971.
 THE Q U R ' A N IN THE MALAY WORLD I45

of state.22 After his return to Acheh in 1661, he maintained multiple

and diverse networks both with local teachers and with his former
colleagues and friends across the Indian Ocean in Madina. At the time
of his death he was widely revered in Acheh, given the title Teungku
Tyhik Syiah Kuala, and in legend became the first teacher of Islam to
the Achehnese. In the persecutions and book-burnings that took place
under Sultan Iskandar Thani between 1636 and 1641 after the death of
Iskandar Muda he took no part. He contented himself with drawing
careful lines of distinction to avoid misinterpretations of the theosoph-
ical structure outlined in the north Indian work al-Tuhfa al-mursala ila
ruh al-nabT,23 and nowhere does he refer to the evil genius of religious
persecution, al-Ranfrl, by name. He extended the boundaries of the

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religious register of Malay. The techniques he used and developed were
duplicated in numerous schools across the archipelago, designed to lead
the student by the hand into the universe of the Qur'an.
The Tarjumdn al-MustafTd is a treasure chest for the history of the
Malay language as well as an interpretation of the Qur'an. And the
TafsTr al-Jalalayn that inspired it, the guide of so many generations of
Muslims of all ethnic origins into an understanding of the Qur'an, itself
lies open to a more appreciative scrutiny.
22
Noted in Riddcll, Transferring a Tradition, 14.
23
Published with English translation in A. H. Johns, The Gift Addressed to the Spirit
of the Prophet (Canberra: Australian National University, 1965), 128—48.