20 Years that Changed Europe

The Copenhagen Criteria and the Enlargement

of the European Union

Copenhagen 14 May 2013

Conference Report
Table of Contents
Enlargement Remains a Driver of Change 5
By Nicolai Wammen, Minister for European Affairs of Denmark

Copenhagen Criteria – the Backbone of EU Enlargement 9

By S̆tefan Füle, EU Commissioner for Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policy

Being on Both Sides of the Fence: The Slovak Experience

and Views on the EU Enlargement 13
By Miroslav Lajčák, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign
and European Affairs of the Slovak Republic

How EU Enlargement has Shaped and Continues to

Shape Europe 17
By Suzana Grubjěsić, Deputy Prime Minister for European Integration
of Serbia

Building a Community of Stable and Prosperous States

– the Unfinished “Mission” of the EU in the Western
Balkans 21
By Nikola Poposki, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the former Yugoslav Republic
of Macedonia

Enlargement with the Western Balkans 25

By Ivan Vejvoda, Vice-President of the German Marshall Fund
of the United States

The Foundations of Europe’s Peace 29

By Fabrizio Tassinari, Danish Institute for International Studies

Editorial note:
The views and opinions expressed in the following articles are those of the authors
and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Danish Government.

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Enlargement Remains a Driver of Change
By Nicolai Wammen, Minister for European Affairs of Denmark

In the spring of 1989 I visited the divided city of Berlin as ing points demanded a more principled approach. Accordingly,
a high school student. It made a huge impression on me to the European leaders introduced the conditions for membership,
experience the check-points at first hand and see how families which we have since come to know as the Copenhagen criteria.
and friends were kept away from each other by force. Even my The criteria included the need for prospective member states to
own group of students was held back for several hours by the have:
border police. Less than a year later – together with the rest of
the world – I watched in awe as the Berlin Wall came down • institutions that guarantee democracy, the rule of law, hu-
and the people of Central and Eastern Europe embraced their man rights and respect for and protection of minorities;
newly-won freedom. Looking back, it was indeed another era • a functioning market economy and the capacity to cope
compared with today’s Europe where citizens travel, work and with competitive pressures and market forces within the
trade freely across our continent. Union;
• the ability to take on the obligations of membership (”aquis
It is important to remember that this development was not pre- communautaire”).
destined. History does not by itself arrange events in the interest
of peace, democracy and prosperity. Rather, it is the result of In order to ensure the full effectiveness of the Union, while
conscious decisions as well as structural developments. In the maintaining the momentum of the European integration pro-
aftermath of the Cold War one political decision stands out: cess, the European Council also highlighted the capacity of the
The decision at the European Council meeting in Copenhagen Union to absorb new members as a key consideration.
in June 1993 to invite the associated countries of Central and
Eastern Europe to become members of the European Union. The decision in Copenhagen provided the countries in Central
and Eastern Europe with a clear sense of direction as well as a
The decision of the European Council was motivated less by challenging list of homework to do. Though seemingly simple,
short term economic gain than by the desire to support the on- the three criteria were translated into very demanding require-
going reforms, transmit the European values of democracy and ments for a complete transformation of the institutions in each
human rights, and to ensure a peaceful and stable development of the prospective member states. In the ensuing years all the
throughout a larger Europe. Thus, the decision was in true keep- countries underwent major democratic and economic reforms.
ing with the original objectives of the founders of the European In May 2004 ten new members (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
Community. Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, the Czech Republic, Hungary as well
as Cyprus and Malta) were ready to join, followed by Bulgaria
The unprecedented enlargement of the EU with a large number and Romania in 2007.
of countries having very different political and economic start-

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Spreading democracy, stability, security and rising levels of liv- With the so-called ’renewed consensus on enlargement’ in 2006
ing standards across most of Europe, the enlargements of 2004 the EU reinforced its focus on the credibility of the enlargement
and 2007 helped bridge the gaps caused by the Cold War and process, putting rule of law at the centre. Accordingly, difficult
thus marked a historic step towards a united Europe. As such issues such as administrative and judicial reforms and the fight
the EU’s continued enlargement has contributed to shaping the against corruption are addressed at an early stage. The pace of
peaceful and democratic Europe that we know today – as also the accession process depends on the results of the reforms in
recognized by the Nobel Prize Committee last year. the candidate country, with each country being judged on its
own merits.
***
Historical anniversaries provide welcome occasions for reflection Candidate and potential candidate countries are evaluated not
– looking back as well as ahead. This year, as we celebrate the on stated intentions but on tangible and very concrete results on
20th anniversary of the Copenhagen criteria, we should not only the ground concerning implementation of fundamental rights
ask ourselves whether the criteria have ‘delivered’ by living up and freedoms, rule of law, good governance, economic reform
to the hopes and aspirations vested in them at the time of their and the fight against corruption and organized crime.
adoption. At this historical juncture it is equally important that
we ask: do the Copenhagen criteria still provide a relevant basis In July this year we will welcome Croatia as the 28th member
for the EU’s enlargement policy? of the European Union. The Croatian Government has worked
hard to get to where they are now, and membership of the EU
Membership of the EU is as coveted in the countries in our is fully deserved. This positive development sends a strong mes-
close neighbourhood as ever. Nowhere is this as evident as in sage of the transformative power of enlargement and demon-
the Western Balkans – a region which was ravaged by a brutal strates what is possible in a region with a difficult past. It gives
civil war less than 20 years ago and saw killings which, in some an excellent dynamic to the continued enlargement process and
places, turned into genocide. acts as an incentive and encouragement to all the countries in
the region.
But today the situation in the region has changed entirely. All of
the countries in the Western Balkans have a European perspec- ***
tive and all are engaged in comprehensive reform efforts. Old From time to time we hear voices talk of enlargement “fatigue”,
conflicts between former adversaries are being overcome. The pointing either to the risk of weakening the EU or to the inad-
most recent success is the agreement on normalisation between equate preparation of prospective member states. In particular
Serbia and Kosovo. More than anything else it is the perspec- in times of economic crisis some would argue that enlargement
tive of one day being able to join the EU that continues to drive issues must await better times.
reforms and that contributes to reconciliation in the region.
However, it is important to recognize, as did the European lead-
In this process the Copenhagen criteria remain the core of the ers in Copenhagen in 1993, that enlargement has obvious ben-
EU enlargement policy and they continue to form the basis for efits for the inhabitants of the new member states, but certainly
assessing progress in individual countries. But today the criteria also for the stability and security of the EU as a whole.
are enhanced by measures deriving from lessons learned from
the enlargements of 2004 and 2007. The criteria remain the It affects us directly when our neighbours are faced with prob-
same, but there is a strengthened focus on their implementation. lems. Examples are organized crime, human trafficking, drugs

6  20 years that changeD europe

and illegal migration. On the other hand, we stand to gain The viability and continued impact of the Copenhagen criteria
when our neighbours prosper. The enlargement process has serve as a reminder to all of us. The EU is a community built on
been instrumental in transforming unstable countries with weak common values with democracy, rule of law, respect for human
democratic institutions, minority problems and border issues rights and minorities and a well-functioning market economy at
into stable, prosperous and peaceful democracies. Furthermore, its core. These basic values are the glue that holds us together in
enlargement provides a larger market and new opportunities for times of prosperity as well as in times of adversity. And it is the
export and investment. consolidation of these values on the European continent that
remains the ultimate goal of enlargement.

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Copenhagen Criteria – the Backbone of EU Enlargement
By S̆tefan Füle, EU Commissioner for Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policy

When announcing the peace prize last year, the Nobel Com- characterised by weak or new democratic, administrative and
mittee recognised enlargement policy as one of the EU’s main economic structures. The challenges of transition were immense
contributions to the advancement of peace and reconciliation, but not insurmountable. With the prospect of the EU more
democracy and human rights in Europe. Through successive en- than doubling its membership in the foreseeable future, the
largements, the EU has brought nations and cultures together, Copenhagen criteria clearly set out the rules of the game, firmly
consolidated democracy in countries which had experienced anchoring conditionality in the accession process.
dictatorships, reinforced the rule of law and respect for funda-
mental rights, and promoted economic growth and employ- The political criteria required new Member States to ensure
ment. The Nobel Committee thus reminded us that enlarge- stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of
ment has been and continues to be a success story for Europe as law, human rights, respect for and protection of minorities.
a whole. On the other hand, EU enlargement is not uncontro- The economic criteria called for the existence of a functioning
versial. Critics say there were issues not fully addressed during market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competi-
the previous enlargement wave and that – in general – we have tive pressure and market forces within the Union. Aspiring
enough problems on our plate struggling with the impact of states would have to be able to take on the full body of EU
the financial crisis without the added burden of taking in new rules and regulations known as the acquis communautaire. And
members. the EU’s ability to absorb new members, while maintaining the
momentum of European integration, was also an important
All these views testify to the complexity – and importance – of consideration.
the enlargement policy; a policy that not only impacts on our
current politics but shapes the future of the whole continent. These criteria are as relevant today to the countries of the
The Copenhagen criteria – and it is not an overstatement – have Western Balkans and Turkey as they were in 1993 to the then
played a pivotal role in how this policy has been designed and prospective members of Central and Eastern Europe. The
implemented. As it is 20 years since the criteria were formalised, Copenhagen criteria are central to the renewed enlargement
now is a good time to take a closer look at how they delivered. consensus of 2006, which forms the basis of the EU’s enlarge-
Let me highlight three aspects: the process, the impact and, last ment policy today.
but not least, today’s relevance.
Conditionality as a concept was not new but its formal adop-
tion in Copenhagen armed the accession process with objectivity
The process: strict but fair conditionality
and predictability, thus guarding it against the changing whims
Twenty years ago Europe was undergoing dramatic geo-political of politics. Of course any EU enlargement will remain as much
change. New democracies were emerging on our doorstep, a political project, going beyond the formal compliance with

Conference report  9
technical criteria. But the Copenhagen criteria are a safeguard The current enlargement wave provides further impressive evi-
for quality. They underline the importance of a well-managed dence of the transformative power of conditionality combined
accession process based on the fulfilment of specific conditions. with a clear European perspective. Less than twenty years ago,
They serve as an objective counterpart of the political commit- the region of the Western Balkans was seen as a place of destruc-
ments, increasing the credibility of the whole policy. tion and despair. Now it is consolidating peace and stability.
Croatia, torn by conflict not long ago, is due to join the EU on
This aspect is of particular significance today, as the financial cri- 1 July 2013. Membership negotiations have started with Monte-
sis has left many in the EU with a sense of insecurity and doubts negro. Serbia and Kosovo* struck a historic deal which paves the
about its role and future. Rigorous conditionality, stemming way for them to advance decisively in their European perspec-
from the Copenhagen criteria, is the best guarantee that the tives. The EU remains a key anchor for democratic modernisa-
enlargement process is not being rushed through. The pace at tion in Turkey. Reforms have continued in the other countries of
which each country advances towards membership depends on the region, despite difficulties and political tensions.
its performance in meeting the necessary conditions. We need to
be sure that the aspiring countries are ready to be EU members,
The relevance: same conditionality,
capable of joining without importing difficulties. Enlargement
new approaches
based on a well-managed accession process where countries meet
the criteria and are able to take on the obligations of member- The American Constitution is said to have kept its relevance
ship strengthens the new member states and the Union as a over so many years because of its brevity: it focuses on the essen-
whole. tials while the subsequent amendments keep it up to date with
the changing reality and new challenges that America’s founding
fathers could not obviously foresee. I am glad that the Copenha-
The impact: transformative power
gen criteria, although much younger, follow the same principle:
Enlargement is thus by definition a gradual process, based on they set out the essentials.
solid and sustainable implementation of reforms by the coun-
tries concerned. This is where the impact of conditionality Today, while the enlargement conditionality remains the same,
driven by the Copenhagen criteria comes into play. Within the the way it is applied in terms of supporting candidates in meet-
framework of strict yet fair conditionality, the prospect of acces- ing the criteria evolves based on lessons learnt from past enlarge-
sion drives political and economic reforms, transforming socie- ments. The European Commission is putting an increased focus
ties and creating new opportunities for citizens and businesses. on good governance and the rule of law, including judicial
It reinforces the EU’s political and economic strengths. reform, public administration reform and the fight against cor-
ruption and organised crime. The EU’s new approach to nego-
Take again the 2004 enlargement. The accession of countries in tiations in the policy areas of judiciary and fundamental rights,
Central and Eastern Europe united East and West after decades as well as justice, freedom and security, is a case in point. From
of artificial separation, contributing to overall stability and now on, these areas will be tackled early in the negotiations
security. It also provided concrete, mutual benefits of deeper to allow maximum time to establish the necessary legislation,
trade integration, a larger internal market, economies of scale
and expanded investment and job opportunities. From the start
of negotiations to actual accession, exports from the EU to the * This designation is without prejudice to positions on status, and is in line with UNSCR
acceding countries more than tripled. 1244 and the ICJ Opinion on the Kosovo Declaration of Independence.

10  20 years that changeD europe

institutions, and solid track records of implementation before that acceding countries will not only be able to fully implement
the negotiations are closed. This will ensure that reforms are EU obligations, but also to face future challenges. In view of the
deeply rooted and irreversible which will, in turn, foster stability interdependency of our economies, this will benefit the Euro-
and reduce the risks of illegal immigration and infiltration of pean Union as a whole.
criminality. These are issues of direct concern to citizens in both
the European Union and the enlargement countries. By extending Europe’s zone of peace, stability, democracy and
prosperity, enlargement is providing benefits to the EU as a
When most people talk of the Copenhagen criteria, they think whole. It is making the EU not only bigger, but politically and
of the political criteria. It is equally important to address the economically better positioned to address global challenges. This
economic criteria early in the process. As the EU undergoes effectiveness of the enlargement process is largely the result of its
far-reaching changes to its economic governance, enlargement solid backbone: the Copenhagen criteria. They have stood the
countries need to be informed, involved and associated as closely test of time and, through improved application, continue today
as possible to the process. This will help them get sound finan- to provide the framework, guidance and inspiration for the
cial rules and budgets in place before they join. And it ensures enlargement policy.

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Being on Both Sides of the Fence: The Slovak Experience
and Views on the EU Enlargement
By Miroslav Lajc̆ák, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign and European Affairs of the Slovak Republic

Since its very first expansion to Denmark, Ireland and the Unit- Simultaneously, the entire integration project has been trans-
ed Kingdom four decades ago, the enlargement has become an formed in terms of its institutions, policies, while the EU’s
indivisible part of the European project. Until today, the EU has global stance is also affected. The enlargement strengthens our
grown from six to twenty-seven member states, while in a couple common voice in world affairs and Europe is equipped better to
of weeks Croatia will join the club as the first Western Balkan deal with its neighbours.
country under the 2003 Thessaloniki Agenda. With another five
candidate countries and few other aspirants sitting in the wait-
A win-win story
ing room, the European Union’s enlargement is anything but a
finished story. I am convinced that all enlargement rounds, including the last
“big bang”, benefited the entire Union – the older part as well
as the new one. The enlargement has played a crucial role in
The enlargement and its transformative power
enhancing economic prosperity and growth in Europe.
Being one of the EU’s most successful policies, the enlargement
has become a key tool for enhancing democracy and the rule of Expansion of the single market was a key point. The fact
law as well as maintaining security and stability across Europe. that rapidly growing economies became part of the common
Its transformative power is well-proven in case of South Euro- market helped unleash its growth potential, boost competitive-
pean countries that got rid of their dictatorships in the 1970s, in ness, deepen the economic integration and thus, increase the
case of Central and Eastern European countries that successfully resilience of the European economy as a whole. According to
and fully integrated following the collapse of the Iron Curtain, the IMF figures, the EU – with a total GDP of 16 025 billion
and finally, in case of Croatia, a country torn by the Balkan USD, in Purchasing Power Parity – is the biggest economy and
disaster just two decades ago, but currently a stable democracy the largest common market in the world. Our GDP is 50 per
capable of living by membership obligations. cent higher than the cumulated economic output of the BRIC
countries. Slovakia itself has jumped from 50 per cent to 75 per
When speaking about a transformative power of the enlarge- cent of the average EU GDP in less than ten years.
ment policy, it should not be omitted that it is not only about
an ultimate objective – the EU membership. The accession Citizens of “old” Europe have also benefited from the recent
process itself is essential for transforming a country. The EU- round of enlargement. Fears that the entry of ten poorer coun-
brokered agreement between Belgrade and Pristina is the most tries would pull money out of their pockets have proved ground-
recent example. Could anyone imagine such a deal without a less. There was no reduction in the economic activity in older
pull effect of a European perspective? member states, their labour market was not awash by Eastern
European plumbers and their welfare systems did not collapse.

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On the contrary, the enlargement provided them with an both sides of the fence. More than two decades ago, when setting
enormous growth impulse thanks to new, unprecedented invest- off for democracy, the rule of law and market economy, we were
ment and business opportunities. They gained access to vibrant, offered a vision – a vision to become part of a united, peaceful
unsaturated markets and favourable production capacities liter- and prosperous Europe. We are pretty aware of how important it
ally next door – and already before the accession of newcomers. is to keep this vision alive for the countries knocking on the EU’s
This helped Western companies to strengthen their international door.
competitiveness, while protecting domestic jobs. Countries that
increased trade with and investment in new markets experi- It is, first of all, the Western Balkans where the EU cannot leave
enced stronger growth in particular due to enlargement. Labour its “business” unfinished. The stability and security of Europe
migration eased bottlenecks in those states that opened up their has always been interlinked with that region. Anything hap-
labour markets. pening there affects our vital interests in a positive or a negative
way. It is crucial for us to have the Western Balkans countries
All of this serves as evidence that the enlargement is definitely a completely on board.
win-win story for each and every player. It is worth mentioning
this repeatedly as the European public still seems to be rather Therefore, Slovakia strongly supports their European aspira-
fearful of potential immigration, especially during the economic tions. On the one hand, we are the most resolute proponent
downturn. In this regard both, the EU institutions and national of further EU enlargement, but on the other hand, we are the
governments need to do a better job of explaining all enlarge- aspirants’ most vocal and direct critics when they do not deliver
ment benefits. satisfactory results. We know perfectly well how difficult it is to
meet all necessary benchmarks. But there is no other way, except
doing your homework well and properly.
Experience of being on both sides of the fence
There is no doubt that the enlargement agenda remains impor-
Channelling our support and experience
tant. Nevertheless, current internal problems the EU is facing
result in an impression that it is slipping down the list of our During our transformation and accession process we received
priorities. strong support and practical help from our partners in the Euro-
Atlantic community. Now, being its fully-fledged member, we
But even in these challenging times we must not forget that try to channel our support and experience to others.
there is life outside the EU. There are countries and people
counting on us, intending to follow our example, willing to join The Western Balkans countries are struggling with problems
us. We should not abandon our ambitions to play an active role similar to those we struggled with before. Therefore we consider
in providing stability and prosperity abroad, especially in our it natural to provide all necessary assistance we can. We believe
immediate surroundings. However, it is not only about ambi- that our success has the power to inspire and encourage.
tions. It is also about our responsibilities and interests. We need
to have our neighbours on our side, rather than leaving the To present tailor-made responses to the needs of our partners
space open for possible instability and turbulence. through consultations or internships, a Centre for Transfer of
Experiences from Integration and Reforms (CETIR) was estab-
In Slovakia, we remember well the difference between waiting lished by the Slovak Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs
outside and being inside. We have a fresh experience of being on in 2011. Dozens of projects have been implemented until now.

14  20 years that changeD europe

Within our national Official Development Aid programme learned. As a result, pre-accession as well as accession processes
(ODA), we plan to allocate 500 000 EUR for the expert as- focus much stronger on good governance criteria – the rule of
sistance in Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and other countries law, independent judiciary, efficient public administration, the
of the region this year. One example of our expert support is the fight against corruption and organised crime. Given our own
National Convention for European Integration in Montenegro, experience, Slovakia fully supports this new approach.
a project similar to one implemented in Slovakia during our
pre-accession period. It aims to develop strategies and commu- Our partners sometime complain that the number of pages of
nication mechanisms with civil society on European issues as the acquis is rising. That is true and it will not be otherwise. On
well as better inform the public about reforms carried out by the top of that, the EU is heading towards a substantial change of
respective governments. its policies and institutions, especially in economic and financial
domains. This is a reality and aspiring countries must simply
Additional financial assistance could be provided by the In- take this into account.
ternational Visegrad Fund that pools resources, capacities and
know-how of four Visegrad countries – the Czech Republic, They will certainly need more time to comply with the acces-
Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Last year, ten projects to pro- sion criteria as it was in the case of our country. But there is no
mote democratization and transformation processes in Western reason to reject them in advance because today they are perhaps
Balkans countries were supported by 650 000 EUR within the a bit different in political, economic or socio-cultural terms. The
Visegrad+ Programme. Given a good experience with third par- Copenhagen criteria adopted two decades ago – and nevertheless
ties co-financing our activities, we are open to cooperate with still relevant – may be strict and rigorous, but they are definitely
additional international donors, too. a fair test of how seriously the countries intend to integrate into
the EU; how much they are prepared and mature for this step.
It is actually the Visegrad cooperation itself that remains one of They reflect the fundamental European values and as these do
our main “export commodities” towards the Western Balkans. not change, so will not the criteria. It is of crucial importance
The countries of the region are like communicating vessels – for these criteria to be properly applied by any current and
close-knit by the same political concepts and problems. Any future candidates for EU membership. Failure to do this could
negative or positive development in one country is reflected in lead to a scramble in order to bring the countries concerned up
a slightly modified shape in a neighbouring one sooner or later. to speed.
Therefore, regional cooperation is strongly needed to overcome
the existing problems and put the countries on the path of The enlargement is neither charity, nor humanitarian assistance.
positive development. The importance of good neighbourhood Aspirants must not only benefit from, but also contribute to the
relations and mutually beneficial cooperation can hardly be EU. They must make sure that our effort and resources are not
overestimated. The experience of Slovakia and its neighbours wasted. New members are expected to be a part of solutions, not
within the Visegrad Four Group serves as a good example. part of the problem. The EU enlargement is not about coming
closer to the EU; it is about building the EU inside of each and
every country. Conditionality is of utmost importance. There-
Current EU enlargement: conditionality and
fore we strongly support the “on-own-merits” principle.
flexibility
Following the 2004 and 2007 enlargements, there have been On the other hand, some flexibility is also needed. By granting
changes to the enlargement process in response to lessons an aspirant a candidate country status or by opening accession

Conference report  15
negotiations the EU has the opportunity to encourage the state’s for keeping the EU at the forefront on a global stage. Without
administration to intensify transformation efforts and the fulfil- any doubt, the latest enlargement made the integration project
ment of accession criteria. It is our own experience that makes us stronger. We believe that future rounds will make it stronger
believe there is no better encouragement on the way to the EU. again. It is therefore in our interest to help those sitting in the
EU’s waiting room get fully prepared for their membership. As
**** in our case, the Copenhagen criteria may serve as a lighthouse
Given its own integration experience, Slovakia is strongly advo- navigating the candidates on their way towards the EU.
cating further EU enlargement. This policy holds a big potential

16  20 years that changeD europe

How EU Enlargement has Shaped and Continues
to Shape Europe
By Suzana Grubjĕsić, Deputy Prime Minister for European Integration of Serbia

The enlargement policy of the European Union has been one While a doctrine designed to incorporate the states of the fallen-
of the most successful processes in over 55 years of the com- apart Warsaw pact into a greater European family had been
mon European project. The structural approach that the Union contemplated and designed, the remains of the Soviet Union
exercised has transformed and continues to transform countries were passing through turmoil, whereas the war was raging in the
and societies not only in Central and Eastern Europe, but also in Balkans, demanding a different conceptualisation.
its neighbourhood. And the very foundations of it, the manu-
script for EU’s transformative power, had been enshrined in the Though the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY)
conclusions of the European Council of June 1993, setting what had signed a cooperation agreement with the European Com-
we call today the Copenhagen criteria. munity already in 1980 and a Trade and Cooperation Agree-
ment between the EU and Albania had been penned in 1992,
Ever since, stable institutions pledging democracy, the rule of making the country eligible for funding under the EU PHARE
law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities; program, it was not until 1997 that a more coherent strategic
a functioning market economy and the capacity to cope with formulation was configured for EU’s relations with countries of
competition and market forces in the EU; and the ability to the ex-SFRY.
take on and implement effectively the obligations of member-
ship, including adherence to the aims of political, economic and The General Affairs Council (GAC) of April 1997 established
monetary union, have become the reformists’ equivalent of the basis for developing bilateral relations between the EU and the
ten commandments. countries of the region** “within a framework which promotes
democracy, the rule of law, higher standards of human and
Twenty years later, the Copenhagen criteria remain the back- minority rights, transformation towards market economies and
bone of the enlargement process, with two (soon three) rounds greater cooperation between those countries”. This newly de-
of the EU membership increase*. However, “transformative fined concept, dubbed the EU-Strategy on Conditionality, was
evangelism”, while resting on these principles, soon took a more the first major alteration of the Copenhagen criteria, aimed at
accommodating approach, especially when it comes to countries addressing specificities of countries in question, and became the
of what is nowadays known as the Western Balkans and the legislative embodiment of the carrot and stick approach of the
European Neighbourhood. EU structural policy towards the region.

In order to be allowed to start negotiations on these bilateral

agreements, the countries of the region were given new Ten
** The European Commission considers the 2004 and 2007 enlargements to be two parts
of the same wave.
Commandments:
** Notion of the Western Balkans was introduced later.

Conference report  17
1. Credible offer to and a visible implementation of real oppor- the FRY. Oddly enough from this vantage point, the Council
tunities for displaced persons (including so called “internal conclusions set as one of conditions for FRY a dialogue between
migrants”) and refugees to return to their places of origin, Belgrade and Prishtina.
and absence of harassment initiated or tolerated by public
authorities; The next phase of the EU’s relations with the region was initi-
2. Readmission of nationals of the States concerned who are ated by the Communication from the European Commission to
present illegally in the territory of a Member State of the EU; the Council and the European Parliament on the stabilisation
3. Compliance of the countries which are signatories of GFAP and association process for countries of South-Eastern Europe
(General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and in May 1999. The approach entailed the drafting of stabilisa-
Herzegovina) with the obligations under the peace agree- tion and association agreements, with a view to accession to the
ments, including those related to cooperation with the European Union upon the fulfilment of the Copenhagen crite-
International Tribunal in bringing war criminals to justice; ria, likewise the development of economic and trade relations,
4. A credible commitment to engage in democratic reforms and economic and financial aid, support for democratisation, civil
to comply with the generally recognised standards of human society, education and the development of institutions, as well as
and minority rights; cooperation in the field of justice and home affairs.
5. Holding of free and fair elections at reasonable intervals on
the basis of universal and equal suffrage of adult citizens Santa Maria da Feira European Council in June 2000 recognized
by secret ballot, and full and proper implementation of the the countries of the Western Balkans as potential candidates for
results of these elections; the EU membership and the European future of the region was
6. Absence of generally discriminatory treatment and harass- confirmed during a Council session in December of 2002 in
ment of minorities by public authorities; Copenhagen.
7. Absence of discriminatory treatment and harassment of
independent media; In June 2003, with the adoption of the “Thessaloniki agenda”,
8. Implementation of first steps of economic reform (privatisa- the narratives towards the region have somewhat changed. The
tion program, abolition of certain price controls); 2004 “big enlargement” was less than a year away, Bulgaria
9. Proven readiness to enter into good neighbourly and coop- and Romania were poised to join in shortly afterwards and the
erative relations with its neighbours; Western Balkans remained the only unconsolidated space inside
10. Compatibility of RS (Republika Srpska)/FRY (Federal the future territory of the EU. The pledge of the EU leaders that
Republic of Yugoslavia) as well as the Federation (Federation “the Balkans will be an integral part of a unified Europe” gave
of Bosnia and Herzegovina)/Croatia agreements with the much needed hope to citizens throughout the region and new
Dayton Peace Agreements. impetus for reforms.

Furthermore, a set of additional requirements was mandate to Serbia, at that period, was again passing through difficult times,
each country, prejudicing that, unlike the Central and Eastern following the assassination of the Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic
European ones, the countries of the region shall be joining the and a gradual dissolution of the union with Montenegro. It took
EU individually and upon their merits. nearly five years since the adoption of the “Agenda” for Serbia to
sign the Stabilization and Association Agreement with the EU,
GAC of April 1997 signified in a way the beginning of the long which five years later still remains to be fully ratified.
European journey for Serbia, as well, as the legal successor of

18  20 years that changeD europe

The entry into force of the visa-free regime with the EU in De- criteria, and through various processes (some more successful
cember 2009 brought a new optimism to citizens of Serbia and than others) has learnt that its most powerful and most effec-
reinvigorated decision-makers. Merely three days afterwards, tive instrument in supporting reforms lies within 35 negotiating
Serbia submitted its application for the EU membership. When chapters and their full and thorough implementation. It has also
the Commission’s questionnaire for the avis on the membership proclaimed that the European project shall not be completed
application was handed over in November 2010, it took less without the countries of the Western Balkans eventually joining
than five months for it to be sent back fully completed and the the EU. Thus, it remains beyond any doubt that peoples of the
very prospect of the potential candidacy created a new positive Western Balkans should be allowed to benefit from this process
momentum in previously stalling or idling areas. and by advancing their own societies to benefit the EU as a
whole.
With the candidate status being granted in March 2012 and
with the stronger than ever European commitment of the new The Serbian government shall remain diligently devoted to this
government, the reform agenda in Serbia was given a new goal and the country’s European future, where Serbia is a subject
impetus. A credible opportunity to substantially and fundamen- of European policies, not an object, a partner to its neighbours,
tally change the Serbian state, economy and society as a whole not an adversary, an asset to the EU, and not a burden. All
through the process of the EU accession negotiations yielded decisions of the EU’s leaders in the past twenty years testify that
unprecedented and until recently unthinkable breakthroughs. they share this vision for Serbia, and granting a date for start-
ing the accession negotiations this June would only accelerate
The EU has proven, throughout the past two decades, that it its fruition, qualitatively enhancing the process and making it
has a script for achieving transformation – the Copenhagen irreversible.

Conference report  19
Building a Community of Stable and Prosperous States
– the Unfinished “Mission” of the EU in the Western
Balkans
By Nikola Poposki, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia*

Keeping the momentum of Copenhagen Europeanizing the Western Balkans

In the last two decades, the European family has embraced the The Copenhagen criteria have significantly remodeled the
countries from the East and from the South of Europe, spread- Western Balkans countries, facilitating their transition from
ing the area of security and peace all over the continent. Twenty post-conflict societies, through stabilization, to association. The
years after the historical Summit of Copenhagen, the enlarge- European membership perspective became the driving force for
ment policy of the EU has reached a momentum for reflection their stability and prosperity. Nowadays, the region has reached
on its founding pillars – the Copenhagen criteria. The European a stage when a European perspective has to be as visible and as
Council held in Copenhagen in 1993 had a visionary role for clear as possible. Croatia is practically a member state, Montene-
the future of the EU and for Europe as we know today. The aim gro is pursuing accession negotiations, Macedonia is a step from
of enlargement was clear: to strengthen the security in Europe starting accession negotiations, Serbia and Kosovo reached an
and to support the democratization and the reform-processes of agreement that enables both of them to open the next stages of
the ex-communist regimes. Twenty years afterwards, the process the EU integration process. Therefore, a continuous and strong
of Eastern Enlargement, which was at the forefront of the Euro- support from the EU and the member states is decisive for pull-
pean Enlargement Agenda, has come to a successful conclusion, ing the Western Balkans countries towards their shared strategic
and it is, by all parameters, a successful story.  goal – EU membership.

After the “big bang” enlargement Europe has become stronger In the case of Macedonia, the Copenhagen criteria played
and more influential. Setting the Copenhagen criteria for EU a crucial role for its accession process. Moreover, it was the
membership has contributed to the transformation of the ac- country’s imperative to build a society with stable institutions
ceding countries, and has allowed a deeper integration of the that guarantee democracy, rule of law, human rights, respect and
EU. Moreover, the Nobel Peace Prize has given credit to the protection of minorities and a functioning market economy,
EU for its pacifying role, but it also stands as an obligation to capable of contributing to European development and pros-
continue pursuing a responsible and sustainable enlargement perity. In order to pursue the reform agenda, a rather burden-
policy. In this context, it is a paradigm for the EU to finish the some process of comprehensive and deep-rooted reforms aligned
remaining task – to fill in the political map of Europe with the to the fulfillment of the Copenhagen criteria and EU aquis was
new member states from the Western Balkans. implemented. The result is that today the country has reformed
judiciary, functioning and stable institutions, democratic society
that guarantees human rights and unique advanced system for
* Following EU and UN practice the provisional reference ‘the former Yugoslav Republic of
protection of minority rights.
Macedonia’ is used.

Conference report  21
Moreover, some of the latest achievements include: tion, which explains the crux of the accession process: progress
• Decriminalization of defamation and label in order to in meeting the Copenhagen criteria equals a move closer to EU
further strengthen media freedoms, as well as an inclusive membership. Aspirants must deliver on reforms and meet the
dialogue with the media stakeholders, aiming to address is- criteria, but the EU must also deliver by pulling them closer to
sues of concern. membership, based on their individual merits. 
• Judiciary reform is on track and started producing concrete
results in form of increased efficiency and reduced backlog in However, in the case of the Western Balkans countries the EU
the courts. has moved from strictly defined ‘democratic conditionality’ to
• Four generations of trainees for judges and prosecutors ‘political conditionality’, which targets specific issues in appli-
already passed the professional training of the Academy and cant countries.  In the case of Macedonia, the imposed condi-
were appointed in the judiciary. tion of ‘good neighborliness’ has been “the gate keeper” for the
• In the fight against corruption, effective progress was made EU membership of Macedonia for too long.
with concrete results and convincing track-records.
• Comprehensive reform of the administration – adoption ​ s a landlocked country with an open market economy, tradi-
A
of new laws on administration and general administrative tionally Macedonia has had good relations with all its neighbors.
procedure. The economic development of the Macedonia depends on the
• Publishing of the Review of the implementation of the quality of its links and networks. Furthermore, Macedonia’s mul-
Ohrid Framework Agreement, which guarantees wide and ti-ethnic society is reflected in the cultural links with its neigh-
strong protection of minorities, as a unique model in wider bors. The European experience of the neighboring states can be
Europe only an added value to Macedonia’ road to EU membership. 
• Conduction of Local elections in 2013, in line with inter-
national standards, and in a transparent and competitive In the relations with Greece, series of specific activities aimed
atmosphere. at both intensifying the bilateral cooperation and strengthening
• Measures to improve the labor market, to reduce unemploy- the mutual trust have been initiated. Continuous efforts have
ment and improve the business environment. been undertaken to resolve the bilateral difference in accordance
with democratic principles, international law and as set out in
The progress made by the Republic of Macedonia in view of the framework provided by the UN resolutions on the matter,
fulfillment of the Copenhagen political criteria as well as with the Interim Accord and the Judgment of the International Court
regard to the overall reform endeavor was acknowledged by of Justice. Opening EU accession negotiations can only posi-
the European Commission in 2009, and has been repeatedly tively influence efforts to resolve the name issue, not vice versa.
confirmed since. Still, the political decision by the European Postponing the start of negotiations proved to be an unproduc-
Council to open accession negotiations with the Republic of tive approach.
Macedonia has not been taken.  
With Bulgaria, another neighboring country member of the EU
club, several initiatives and projects which are essential for genu-
Expanding the Copenhagen criteria
ine good-neighborliness’, building the climate of friendship, mu-
The Copenhagen criteria have given a clear guideline to where tual confidence and improving the socio-economic conditions,
an aspirant country should be headed on its path to EU mem- have been proposed by the Macedonian government. Openness
bership. That can be demonstrated through a simple math equa- on all other EU-minded initiatives has been reiterated.

22  20 years that changeD europe

It is a European value that all open issues and differences should The latest Spring Report of the European Commission, in April
be resolved through dialogue pursued with mutual respect and 2013, confirmed again that Macedonia continued to make
confidence, respecting democratic principles and human rights. progress in the key reform areas and in the good neighborly rela-
Acting in the spirit of the European principles and respecting tions, thus continuing to fulfill all necessary criteria for opening
mutual sensitivities, the Republic of Macedonia remains com- accession negotiations. For the sake of the credibility of its com-
mitted to building a common European future with all neigh- mitments, Macedonia is fully prepared to enter the decisive stage
bors. of the journey to EU membership. 

Challenges still lay ahead. Starting accession talks can only facili-
Conclusion
tate addressing these challenges and help the country to advance
Moving forward in a region characterized with extremely sensi- in the fulfillment of all necessary criteria. Macedonia has no
tive issues, Macedonia has made a great leap from a post-conflict alternative but to follow the path towards EU membership. It is
stabilization to pre-accession. After 20 years of difficult transi- the path that has been paved for the last 20 years and the one that
tion, series of regional instabilities and wars, internal conflict has the consensual support of all political subjects, as well as the
in 2001, the conclusion of the Ohrid Framework Agreement unwavering support of the citizens. The start of the EU accession
and constitutional changes, EU accession and the Copenhagen negotiations with Macedonia is only a logical continuation of
criteria have positively contributed to this process. EU’s commitment for peaceful integration of Europe as a whole.

Conference report  23
Enlargement with the Western Balkans
By Ivan Vejvoda, Vice-President of the German Marshall Fund of the United States

The post-World War II project of securing long-lasting peace after the epoch-breaking year of 1989 and the fall of the Berlin
and stability on the European continent is alive and well. The Wall.
European Union’s soft power works in the Western Balkans.
Its magnetic attraction is helping the countries of the region Zoran Djindjic realized that we all in the region needed to make
embark on and persevere in the arduous endeavour of wholesale up for the lost time by speedily enacting reforms and setting
change, post-conflict reconciliation and democratic and market forth on the path of creating the institutional basis of a demo-
reforms. cratic political culture, the guarantee of stability and peace. The
European Union, both peace project and stable institutional
This year of 2013 marks several important anniversaries. We are framework was the indispensible friend and ally in the search
here today to celebrate the formulation and enshrining of the for stable democratic ground and in the process of deep-seated
Copenhagen Criteria that became the framework for the acces- democratic reforms.
sion of post-communist countries to the European Union.
Today the Western Balkans are the last unintegrated part of core
It is also the tenth anniversary of the milestone June 2003 Thes- geographical Europe. No one questions whether the Western
saloniki summit that had opened the path to the accession of Balkans are part of Europe or not. After the enlargement of
the countries of the Western Balkans after the 1990s, a decade 2004 this region became completely surrounded by both the
of violent conflict, and devastation. The promise of enlargement European Union and NATO member countries. In fact the
was set in stone as a firm commitment on the part of the EU for Western Balkans are now geographically inside the EU thus at
those who met the Copenhagen criteria and who were ready to this point in time it is a question of how quickly the countries
reconcile and move forward each on their own merit. that compose it can fulfil the Copenhagen criteria and resolve
their outstanding issues and move towards full membership.
But during this year we also sadly commemorate 10 years since
the assassination of the Prime Minister of Serbia Zoran Djind- If there is any need for proof that the soft power of Europe is
jic, one of the region’s foremost democratic European leaders. effective then the best possible proof is most certainly the agree-
Prime Minister Djindjic, whom I had the honour to work ment reached on Friday April 19 between the prime ministers
with, was one of the key architects of the peaceful, non-violent, of Serbia and Kosovo, Ivica Dacic and Hashim Thaci, and their
electoral victory over Slobodan Milosevic. Djindjic, a true teams.
statesman, committed European, forward-leaning, bold and en-
ergetic knew that Serbia and the region of the Western Balkans This agreement is in so many ways a cardinal historical step. It
had lost precious time while other countries of the post-com- is a true breakthrough in resolving one of Europe’s territorial-
munist world were “returning” to Europe at a sustained pace historic-ethnic challenges of which there have been so many in

Conference report  25
its history. The agreement is tantamount to the Good Friday and goal of joining a Europe whole, free and at peace has led to
agreement of 1998 reached between the British and Irish gov- a strong dynamic of regional cooperation which is an essential
ernments over the issue of Northern Ireland. And yet we know component of each country’s foreign and security policy. In fact
that it took another nine years, until 2007, to achieve the full the intensity of regional cooperation in all walks of life is an
power sharing agreement in the Northern Ireland Assembly unsung story. The Regional Cooperation Council based in Sara-
Government in Belfast to finally lock in the solution. jevo, successor of the Stability Pact created in 1999, fosters these
post-conflict confidence-building measures by helping re-estab-
The role played by the EU, in the guise of Lady Catherine lish economic, social, political commercial, cultural, security
Ashton, was fundamental in achieving the “good” Friday agree- links. There is in fact a dense network and web of many bilateral
ment between Belgrade and Pristina which opened the next set as well as multilateral initiatives that reinforce this dynamic. The
of doors in their forward movement. Lady Ashton persevered, models of Nordic cooperation and Visegrad 4 are in many ways
with prudence and acumen, through 10 rounds of negotiations inspirations to be replicated.
firmly believing that the stakeholders were capable of courageous
statesmanship that would ultimately lead them to a historical It should be underscored that with a large part of the world in
compromise. There was of course nothing simple or straightfor- economic throes, and the EU confronted with its greatest chal-
ward in such a negotiation. lenge ever, does not facilitate the task of enlargement from either
end, nor for the aspirant countries, nor for the mother ship that
Considering previous European historical timelines, reconcili- is the EU.
ation and democratic processes in the Balkans are moving at
a steadfast pace in large part due to the existence of the EU. There is much talk about “fatigue” coming from many quarters.
These are post-conflict societies in search of stability, security, And yet the process of enlargement continues. The publics of
peace and prosperity, and the existence of the European peace the region continue to believe in the safe haven of Europe not-
project at their doorstep is both an incentive and promise of withstanding what they themselves see as a crisis of the eurozone
peace and stability. What happened in former Yugoslavia dur- and a deep-seated debate about the future of EU governance and
ing the 1990s, the violent breakdown, should not have hap- of the EU itself. The reason for this is that the public opinions
pened in Europe at the end of the 20th century and yet it did. of the countries of the Western Balkans have the positive and
The European Community in spite of all its good intentions deep common sense that it is better to join the club of half a
was unfortunately incapable of stopping the descent into the billion people than to stay as small and impoverished countries
inferno of conflict on European soil at the beginning of the outside the European family. They realize that by joining the EU
1990s. After the tragedy and the end of the war in Bosnia and they would simply have a little more certainty, security, predict-
Herzegovina in 1995, the 1999 NATO intervention and the ability and a little more prosperity than were they to stay outside
fall of Milosevic from power it was left to the EU backed by and all this in spite of the on-going crisis.
the USA to make up for lost opportunities, failed peace-making
attempts, by engaging its soft power and opening the prospect The economic crisis is clearly affecting the member states as
of full membership. well, and it is understood that it is no easy task to explain that
the enlargement should be continued when hardship, rising
The elected leaderships in all the countries of the Western Bal- unemployment and falling standards of living are in many of
kans have firmly committed themselves to democratic reforms these countries a daily experience. In this situation it behoves the
and to full EU and Euro-Atlantic integration. This shared vision leaders of Europe and of its member states to show the path for-

26  20 years that changeD europe

ward, because the enlargement process is also about the credibil- The region is a set of communicating vessels and all processes
ity of the EU itself, and not only about the countries who have whether positive or negative reverberate throughout the whole
the desire to join. I see today’s event as such a strong gesture of of the region. The agreement reached between Belgrade and
support to the continuing process of enlargement. Pristina, the future membership of Croatia, the progress of
Montenegro will hopefully inspire the leaders and societies in
When Croatia joins the EU on July 1st as the 28th member Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia to make the
state this will be the most adamant proof of the Thessaloniki important necessary next steps to continue meeting the Copen-
promise, as will be the further next steps and movement of all hagen Criteria that were drafted by the European Council in
the countries part of the enlargement train. The fact that Mon- this city twenty years ago.
tenegro is already negotiating, that Serbia will hopefully and
most probably get a date to begin accession talks in June this Among the member states there are champions who help and
year is essential for the credibility of the EU and of the enlarge- vigorously support the enlargement process. It is essential to
ment process, and an incentive for the other countries. broaden the circle of supporters, but it is ultimately up to the
leaders of the candidate countries and aspiring members to take
The on-going dynamic or momentum of the process is at the the greatest burden of responsibility for democratic reforms in
core of the EU’s soft power effectiveness. If there is stagnation helping create rule based societies for the good of their citizens.
in the democratic reform process or in the EU’s pro-active ap-
proach then there is a danger of backsliding and standstill in the The great Florentine thinker Niccolo Machiavelli defined
hard work of change and reforms. The fact for example that politics as the way in which we use virtu to overcome fortuna, or
Macedonia still faces the unresolved name issue with its neigh- how we employ our best abilities to overcome what might seem
bour Greece, and the fact that it has been an EU candidate un- our predicament and fate. This requires commitment, perse-
able to engage in accession talks is neither good for the country verance and leadership and the understanding of the mutual
nor for the stability and security of the region as a whole. responsibility we have toward each other in accomplishing the
goal we have set ourselves of integrating Europe.

Conference report  27
The Foundations of Europe’s Peace
By Fabrizio Tassinari, Danish Institute for International Studies

Brussels, Schuman Roundabout. The massive European Com- dinary power, that of attraction. Here was, at last, a chance for
mission’s steel-and-glass headquarters looks over a line-up of Europe to emerge, free of the straightjacket of the superpowers,
waving flags. In the foreground, an old man and a teenager sit away from the shadows of its past, and ready to define a vision
on a bench. “For 50 years”, the old man declaims, “Europe has about its future.
meant peace.” Arms across his chest, the unperturbed adolescent
stares at an undefined point on the pavement before him and The expansion of the EU to the former communist nations of
replies: “So boring.” Central Europe was not a foregone conclusion. The wisdom of
that choice, as well as of the reunification of a powerful Ger-
It was 25 March 2007, on the fiftieth anniversary of the Treaty many at the heart of the continent, was questioned in several,
of Rome, when this scene appeared as a cartoon in the New authoritative quarters. But thanks also to unwavering and vital
York Times. It is tempting to draw a similar conclusion about support of the United States and to the parallel expansion of
the so-called Copenhagen criteria, the rules defining eligibility NATO, the EU effectively concluded that its long-term security
to membership in the European Union, which were adopted would be guaranteed not by sealing its border and erecting
20 years ago next month. In fact, in the midst of the most barriers, but by opening up. By setting in motion the enlarge-
severe economic crisis since WW2, it would be justified if ment process, the EU chose to bet on one of our most profound
the teenager offered an even more baffled reply: With stub- civilizational instincts, namely that our ability to trade and move
bornly high rates of unemployment, social unrest, and growing and join forces among free societies is the best way to bring
mistrust among Member States, has the EU really meant peace? about stable peace. Last year’s Nobel Prize award is meant to
So precisely at this critical juncture, it is important to reaffirm acknowledge just that.
the EU enlargement as a milestone in the creation of modern
European peace. With the Union’s two other great achievements, the single cur-
rency and the area of free movement of people, under severe
It’s a story that we should never tire to retell. For the Copenha- strain, the accession of ten former communist satellites to
gen criteria are not just another piece of legalistic jargon, but the EU is more than a foreign policy success. In retrospect, it
possibly the most consequential codification of a transition to may be correct to regard it, as the Polish commentator Pawel
market-based liberal democracy. Adopted just over a year after Swieboda has done, as a zenith of the EU project so far. But to
the dissolution of the Soviet Union—just as a reference point, say zenith is also to acknowledge that the Eastern enlargement
Russian troops were still occupying the Baltic States—the Co- contains the seeds of its own decline. Already one year after the
penhagen criteria offered an unmistakably bold symbolism. The expansion, the French people rejected the Constitutional Treaty,
ambition of the EU to accompany the economic and political ostensibly in fear of being flooded by hordes of “Polish plumb-
transformation of a country testifies to Europe’s most extraor- ers.” The EU then entered into one of its recurrent phases of

Conference report  29
introspection. This time it was also triggered by inevitable, if reform and buries merit. An effective civil service is not only
rather circular, debates about the Union’s “absorption capacity” about cutting red tape; it provides predictability to the political
to take in new members, challenged especially by the opening system and continuity to policy-making. 
of the accession negotiations with a large, poor and Muslim
country such as Turkey. But of course, excessive reliance on “Eurocrats” is not neces-
sarily good. All policy measures are inherently political, to the
Make no mistake: Twenty years since the adoption of the extent that they reflect some kind of vision about the organiza-
Copenhagen criteria, and almost a decade since the “Big Bang” tion of society. The more a bureaucrat becomes impermeable to
enlargement towards Central Europe, the Union is still making democratic accountability, the weaker are the credentials of the
great strides with its enlargement policy. Other interventions political system. If anything, the post-2008 financial maelstrom
at this conference testify to the strategic centrality of the EU has applied a litmus test to this “democratic deficit.” In Europe,
in the Balkans, a region where Europe’s ambitions overlap with we have gotten used to the stubborn insistence on austerity and
its responsibilities and culpable inaction during the 1990s. Few structural reforms. But it is the surveillance of these policies
can disagree, however, with the fact that beyond the Balkans the by the non-elected bodies of the Troika that constitutes a very
enlargement process is drawing to a close. concrete application of bureaucratic leadership. While the suc-
cess of these measures has varied greatly across countries, few
There are several factors to account for this state of affairs. One Eurocrats have so far questioned either the diagnosis or the cure
is physiological, for the Union can quite simply not expand to Europe’s ails. As Bulgarian scholar Ivan Krastev has noted,
indefinitely. Parallel to the enlargement process, the EU has long the crisis is heralding an age in which policy, in particular
had in place instruments to deal with its closest neighbors in economic policy, is gradually being taken out of the democratic
the East and in the South. But the dilemma of how to maintain equation.
the level of attraction for countries such as Ukraine, Moldova
or even Morocco, without the lure of membership has not been As in all other aspects of European integration, this brings us
resolved yet. The Union’s attractiveness is also challenged by the back to the role of citizens. In the enlargement process, the
rise of Asian powers, which have a more favorable demographic normalization between Kosovo and Serbia is historic, not only
and economic outlook than ours. because Baroness Catherine Ashton patiently and successfully
mediated a diplomatic breakthrough. It is because a matter of
Even so, the most gargantuan challenge facing the EU, in the so profound implications and with such a long, tragic history
enlargement and far beyond it, is inherently political. Ironically is being resolved by democratically elected governments, which
for a process of transition towards democracy, the EU enlarge- will be judged by voters for their actions. Similarly, any further
ment is also steered by institutions whose democratic legitimacy progress in the enlargement, in the Balkans and beyond, will be
is, for better or worse, always put in question. While national measured not only by whether a government has ticked a box in
governments can inject (and take away) political energy to the the Commission’s progress report, but by the concrete benefits
process, the European Commission is the high priest of good EU integration deliver to citizens, including their ability to
governance. Its impartiality, competence and organization is travel more freely to Europe.
almost religiously revered in the candidate countries, and with
good reason. As someone hailing from the profligate south of The point is ultimately about rediscovering the original sources
Europe, I’m painfully aware of the damage inflicted by poor gov- of democratic representation and pluralism throughout Europe.
ernance, where an endemic form of political patronage blocks It is about reconnecting our political traditions to our quest for

30  20 years that changeD europe

security, in its widest sense. It is about rekindling the founda- reminder of the enduring power of this logic, not only to those
tional nexus between liberal democracy and peace in Europe. nations aiming to join the EU, but also to those that are already
Celebrating the Copenhagen criteria should above all serve as a in it.

Conference report  31