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 HISTORIC SETTLEMENT
IN THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY

ITT

By LJU i8
James F. Doster
LA- and
David C. Weaver

dhA
dout hc onaproe 82 07 16 063
frPublic relgoise cmd *We; ~
dI~bibiitioni IS UnA ted.
SECURITY CLASSIFICATION OF THIS AGE (When De i En ered)
REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE READ ISTRUCTIONS
BEFOR E COMPLETING FORM
I REPORT NUMBER 2 GOVT ACCESSION NO. 3. RECIPIENT'S CATALOG NUMBER

4 TITLE (and Subtitle) S. TYPE OF REPORT & PERIOD COVERED

Historic Settlement in the Upper Tombigbee

Valley Final Report 1541-1960
6. PERFORMING ORG. REPORT NUMBER

7. AUTHOR(*) a. CONTRACT OR GRANT NUMBERi')

James F. Doster
David D. Weaver C-5714 (78)
9. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME AND ADDRESS 10. PROGRAM ELEMENT. PROJECT, TASK
AREA & WORK UNIT NUMBERS
The Center for the Study of Southern History and
Culture, University of Alabama, P 0 Box CS
University, Alabama 35486
II. CONTROLLING OFFICE NAME AND ADDRESS 12. REPORT DATE

U S Army Engineer District, Mobile February 28. 1981

P 0 Box 2288 13. NUMBER OF PAGES

Mobile. Al 36628 viii, 247

14. MONITORING AGENCY NAME & ADDRESS(If different from Controlling Office) 15. SECURITY CLASS. (of this report)

Heritage Conservation and Recreation Service

5000 Marble NE, Room 212 Unclassified
15s. DECL ASSI FICATION/ DOWNGRADING
Albuquerque, New Mexico 87110 SCHEDULE

16. DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT (of this Report)

Approved for public release; distribution unlimited

17. DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT (of the abetract entered In Block 20, If different from Report)

IS. SUPPLEMI.,TARY NOTES

See also parallel volume, Historical Geography of the Upper Tombigbee Valley,
by David C. Weaver and James F. Doster.
19. KEY WORDS (Continue on revered side If necessary and Identify by block number)

Tombigbee River Multiresource District Steamboats

Tennessee-Tombigbee Waterway Choctaw Indians
Upper Tombigbee Valley Chickasaw Indians
Tombigbee River Historical Archeology
Settlement Patterns Cultural Resources
20. AWTlRACT (C rted r a
etM f acfei ry and idenify by block number)

-The cultural heritage of the area traversed by the Tennessee-Tombigbee

Waterway between Gainesville, Alabama, and Paden, Mississippi, in historic
times has been examined in historical perspective. The area prospered from
cotton cultivation with a slave labor until 1860, which was its peak year of
prosperity. A considerable part of the population was dependent upon the
production of livestock on the open range for a living. During the Civil
War the livestock was consumed, and the labor system was destroyed. After
the war cotton culture was resumed with areatlv rpduced outnut- and share-
JANM 1473 ED#TtON OF I NOV 6S IS OBSOLETE

SECURITY CLASSIFICATION OF THIS PAGE (Wh*n Date Entered)

, - , II I II i II I I II I -
SECURITY CLASSIFICATION OF THIS PAGE(When Data Antemd)

crop tenantry became the basis of support of most of the population , black
and white. The region became dependent on outside sources for food supply
and did not again become prosperous, although the merchant economy grew with
emphais on local distributing and marketing centers in Columbus and Aberdeen.
Since 1940 there has been an extensive out-migration of people, and a some-
what improved economic basis has developed, with a substantial amount of
labor-intensive manufacturing industry. The Tombigbee River was important for
steamboat and flatboat transportation in the early days of settlement, but
since the completion of the Mobile and Ohio Railroad in 1858 its influence
has been minor. There has never been very extensive settlement in the active
floodplain of the river. The narrative is supported by numerous maps and
elaborate statistical analyses.

SECURITY CLASSIFICATION OF THIS PAGE(W)en Date Entered)

~i
 HISTORIC SETTLEMENT IN THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY

By

James F. Doster
Professor of History, University of Alabama
Co-Principal Investigator

and

David C. Weaver
Associate Professor of Geography, University of Alabama
Co-Principal Investigator

CONSULTANTS

Charles G. Summersell, Ph.D. W. Stuart Harris, Ed.D.

History History
Eugene M. Wilson, Ph.D. Warner 0. Moore, Ph.D.
Geography and Geology History
Grady McWhiney, Ph.D. Kit C. Carter, Ph.D.
History History
Jack D. Elliott, Jr., B.A. Carey B. Oakley, M.A.
Historic Archeology Archeology
Jerry C. Oldshue, Ph.D. Ned J. Jenkins, B.A.
History Archeology

RESEARCH ASSOCIATE

Kenneth R. Wesson, M.A.

This is a report on work done under Contract C-5714 (78) of Heritage

Conservation and Recreation Service, United States Department of the Interior,
funded by the United States Army Corps of Engineers. The area covered is
the Tombigbee River Multi-Resource District of the Tennessee-Tombigbee
Waterway in Alabama and Mississippi.

THE CENTER FOR THE STUDY OF SOUTHERN HISTORY AND CULTURE

The University of Alabama
P.O. Box CS, University, Ala. 35486
1981
 PREFACE

We report herewith the results of a documentary study made for Inter-

agency Archeological Services-Atlanta and funded by the Mobile and Nashville
Districts of the United States Army Corps of Engineers. The purposes and
concepts of the study and the general research design are described in the
first chapter. There is a companion volume entitled Historical Geography of
the Upper Tombigbee Valley. So that each may stand alone and be separately
usable, it has been necessary to allow overlapping of text, illustrations,
and reference matter. The duplicated portions, however, will be readily
identified by the reader, who should be able to adjust his use accordingly.
It was the original intention of the investigators to integrate both
approaches in a single report, but separate treatment has proved more
practical.

The study of settlement patterns and cultural characteristics of the

Upper Tombigbee Valley and their changes through time shows them to have
been a part of broad regional developments, associated only to a rather
limited extent with the Tombigbee River itself. On the basis of our studies,
cultural preadaption appears to have been more of a controlling force in the
development of the area than the peculiarities of local environment, in
apparent contravention of the famed Turner thesis on the frontier.

While the two principal investigators are primarily responsible for the
form and content of the report, a large share of such credit as may attach
to it is due to the able assistance and hard work of the consultants and
associates whose names appear on the title page. They have been most loyally
supportive beyond the call of duty.

r James F. Doster
David C. Weaver

Di t L;

IN p

--

iii
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page

I. INTRODUCTION: THE RESEARCH CONTEXT 1

II. THE TENNESSEE-TOMBIGBEE WATERWAY 13

III. THE NATURAL HERITAGE 19

IV. INDIANS AND INDIAN COUNTRYMEN, 1540-1820 3

V. THE COMING OF THE WHIITE SETTLERS 48

VI. SETTLEMENTS WEST OF THE TOMBIGBEE 59

VII. THE TRANSPORTATION FACTOR 64

VIII. FLUSH TIMES: 1840-1860 77

IX. THE MOBILE AND OHIO RAILROAD 9-

X. CIVIL WAR AND READJUSTMENT: 1860-1870 103

XI. THE NEW ECONOMY: 1870-1940 117

XII. TRAFFIC, TRADE, AND THE RIVER IN THE 1870s 127

XIII. RAILROAD BUILDING AND RIVER IMPROVEMENTS IN THE 1880s 139

XIV. THE RIVER IN THE ECONOMIC LIFE OF THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY:
1890-1940 149

XV. STEAMBOAT TYPES AND OPERATIONS ON THE TOMBIGBEE RIVER 161

XVI. THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY SINCE 1940 171

APPENDIX 1. SURVEY OF GAINES' TRACE, 1807 179

APPENDIX 2. INVENTORY OF THE STOCK OF A MERCHANT OF FAIRFIELD,

ALABAMA, JA.NUARY 26, 1852 183

APPENDIX 3. LIST OF LANDINGS FROM FULTON TO GAINESVILLE 187

APPENDIX 4. STEAIMBOAT TARIFFS, 1875 189

APPENDIX 5. STATISTICS OF TEN UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY COUNTIES:

1850-1860 193

v
APPENDIX b. STE.AMBOAT ,.RECKS. By W. Stuart Harris 20i

APPENDIX -. CLARENCE BLOOMFIELD MOORE AND HIS LITTLE TOMBIGBEE

ARCHEOLOGICAL EXPEDITION. By Kenneth R. Wesson 209

BIBLIOGRAPHY 213

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure Page

1. THE ROUTE OF THE TENNESSEE-TCMBIGBEE WATERWAY 3

2. PHYSIOGRAPHIC REGIONS OF ALABAMA AND NORTHEASTERN MISSISSIPPI 20

3. GEOLOGY OF THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY 21

4. PHYSIOGRAPHIC REGIONS OF THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY 23

5. ALLUVIAL DEPOSITS OF THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY 28

6. PARTS OF THE TRAIL SYSTEM OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 3i

INDI N LAND CESSIONS [N ALABALNLA. M1SSTSSIPPI, AND WESTERN

TENNESSEE 41

8. MONROE COUNTY, MISSISSIPPI, AND SURROUNDING AREA, 1S22 4-)

9. THE SYSTEM OF SURVEYS PROVIDED IN THE PUBLIC LAND ACT OF 1796 50

10. LANDS OFFERED AT PUBLIC SALE IN ALAB.AMA, WITH DATES 51

11. LANDS OFFERED AT PUBLIC SALE IN MISSISSIPPI, WITH DATES 51

12. THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY IN 1840 74

13. THE PLEASANT RIDGE COMMlUNITY IN 1856 87

14. THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY IN 1860 99

ISA. THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY IN 1865, NORTHERN PORTION 115

153. THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY IN 1865, SOUTHERN PORTION li6

16. RAILROADS AND TOWNS OF THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE V6ALLEY IN 1890 43

17. RAILROADS AND TOWNS OF THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY IN 1948 153

18. CLARENCE BLOOMFIELD MOORE'S MAP OF THE TOMBIGBEE RIVER BELOW

COLUMBUS, 1901. 211

vi
 LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. ITEMS IN THE CHICKASAW TRADE OF SOUTH CAROLINA, 1729 32

. INDIAN PRESENTS DISTRIBUTED BY THE BRITISH AT AUGUSTA, 17b3 3D

3. INDIAN PRESENTS DISTRIBUTED BY THE BRITISH AT MOBILE: 1771-1772 5b

4. OCCUPATIONS IN BARTON AND BARTON-VINTON: 1850 AND 1860 79

5. OCCUPATIONS IN PICKENS COUNTY TOWNS, 1850 S5

6. DISTRIBUTION OF OCCUPATIONS IN PLEASANT RIDGE: 1855 AND 1360 88

.SIE OF LANDHOLDINGS IN PLEASANT RIDGE IN 1860 S8

8. ITEMS IN INVENTORY OF SMITH AND JONES OF MACON, 1846 90

9. SOURCES OF SUPPLY OF SMITH AND JONES OF MILACON, 1S46 91

10. STATISTICS OF UPPER TOMBIGBEE COUNTIES: 1850 AND 1860 94

11. BALES OF COTTON AND BUSHELS OF CORN PRODUCED PER FARM: UPPER
TOMBIGBEE COUNTIES: 1850 AND 1860 95

12. NUMBER OF BEEF CATTLE AND NUMBER OF HOGS PER PERSON: UPPER
TOMBIGBEE COUNTIES: 1850 AND 1860 95

13. AVERAGE FARM SIZE AND VALUE; WHITE PERCENTAGE OF POPULATION:

UPPER TOMBIGBEE COUNTIES: 1850 AND 1860 96

14. TRAFFIC OF THE MOBILE AND OHIO RAILROAD, 1856 100

15. MOVEMENT OF COTTON ON THE MOBILE AND OHIO RAILROAD FROM LOCAL
STATIONS TO MOBILE AND CORINTH: 1865-1866 109

16. FREEDMEN'S ACCOUNTS OF A PLANTER-MERCHANT, 18b6 III

17. MOVEMENT OF COTTON ON THE MOBILE AND OHIO RAILROAD FROM LOCAL
STATIONS TO TERMINAL OR JUNCTION POINTS: 1869-1870 114

18. STATISTICS OF UPPER TOMBIGBEE COUNTIES: 1850-1960 119

19. DISTRIBUTION OF OCCUPATIONS IN PLEASANT RIDGE IN 1880 120

20. NUMBERS OF LIVESTOCK IN PLEASANT RIDGE: 1850 AND 1880 121

vii

" -kII _ ]I III I I - i i i =

21. AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION IN PLEASANT RIDGE: 186o AND 1S80 121

22. IMPORTANT ARTICLES OF FREIGHT RECEIVED AT MACON: 1876-18-- 133

23. IVIE'S WAREHOUSE CHARGES: PICKENSVI lIE, 187S 133

24. COTTON HiANDLED AT ABERDEEN: 1871-1901 147

25. COTTON TRAFFIC ON UPPER TOMBIGBEE RIVER: 1889-1S94 153

2b. TOMBIGBEE RIVER TRAFFIC IN 1912 153

2. TOMBIGBEE RIVER LANDINGS FROM GAINESVILLE TO COLUMBUS IN 191b 15,

2. LANUFACTURED PRODUCTS OF THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY. 1967 174

29. AVERAGE SIE OF FARMS IN ACRES: 1350-1960 195

30. AVERAGE VALUE PER FARM: 150-1960 195

31. PERCENT OF FARMS OPERATED BY OWNERS: 1850-1960 196

32. NUMBER OF HOGS PER PERSON: 1850-1960 196

33. NUMBER OF BEEF CATTLE PER PERSON: 1850-1960 197

34. AVERAGE BALES OF COTTON PRODUCED PER PERSON: 1850-1960 197

35. AVERAGE BUSHELS OF CORN PRODUCED PER PERSON: 1850-1960 198

3b. AVERAGE BALES OF COTTON PRODUCED PER FARM: 1850-1960 198

37. AVERAGE BUSHELS OF CORN PRODUCED PER FARM: 1850-1960 199

38. FAR-M OWNERSHIP, 1910 199

39. FARM VALUE AND PRODUCTION, 1910 2001.

40. PERCENT OF POPULATION WHITE: 1850-1960 200

41. WRECKS ON THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE RIVER 201

viii
 CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION: THE RESEARCH CONTEXT

The Tennessee-Tombigbee Waterway, currently under construction, will

substantially affect an area approximately 235 miles long in Alabama and
Mississippi. Within that area are cultural resources--contemporary, historic,
and :rehistoric--which may be adversely impacted. The Tombigbee River Multi-
Resource District (TMRD) has been established to satisfy the requirements of
the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 with respect to historic site
preservation and conservation. THE TMRD is a five-mile-vide corridor c:ntered
in 135 miles of the waterway between Gainesville, Alabama, and Paden,
Mississippi. The function of the TMRD is to provide a manageable mechanism
for mitigating the damaging effects of construction activity on significant
cultural resources.

In October, 1977, procedures for the mitigation were considered at a

conference in Atlanta, attended by representatives of the Corps of Engineers,
the National Park Service, the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation, the
State Historic Preservation officers of Alabama and Mississippi, and several
professional archeologists. The details of this conference have been
published by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers as Tennessee-Tombigbee Waterway:
Alabama and Mississippi: Tombigbee River Multi-Resource District Prcvosed
Mitigation Plan (3 vols., Mobile, n.d.).

According to that document, historic resources, including both archeolog-

ical and architectural sites, had been neglected in favor of prehistoric
archeological sites during initial surveys conducted in the project area. In
the IMRD care was to be taken to maintain a better balance. The deficiencies
in initial surveys were to be corrected through reinalysis and through addi-
tional surveys required to correct the sampling bias.

The report herewith presented is a response to the perceived need to

generate more information relating to the location and structure of historic
sites in the Tennessee-Tombigbee area. It was substantially conditioned by
a research design formulated by Interagency Archeological Services-Atlanta
as the projected means for providing information about the development and
importance of river towns, the organization of rural plantations and farms,
and the development of commerce and industry during the period from IS30 to
1900. Because not all the details of this research design are published
elsewhere, because it forms the basis for the mitigation plan, and because
it relates so closely to the character of this study, the General Research
Design is presented in full below.
 The&serchDes isa,,

Theh and yet to he Jcfind

cnan historic sites ithin the Mllti-resource
,iistrict have the iotential for providing much information on the changin-
:Idaptations of the residents through ti.-e. The frmnework for dealing with
the iiistoric occupation of the reg'ion ::ust have its basis in the nature ot tfle
resources -,nich will be i:npacted by construction.

Since these resources primarily consist of archeological sites and

standing structures, the research design should provide an integrated ana
realistic approach to these priim:ar" data. Additionally, the work conducted
sh0tu ld form the basis for inferring the operation of less-physicall-
recoverable aspects of the Tomb igb ee Valley occupation.

Consequentlv, the general research design will focus on defining the

operation of the settlement and economic systems within the region and
explaining changes which occurred in the systems through time. The systemic
approach to the historic-period cultural resources has rarely been utilized
in a large area like the multi-resource district. Formulating and testing
settlement and economic models will require the integration of historical,
structural, and archeological data. These models should produce a framework
for evaluating the significance of the archeological sites and a foundation
for systematically" selecting sites for extensive excavation. An intensive,
well-integrated study of these systems should also provide data for inferences
on the oneration of the social and political systems within the region.

The settlement system has been selected as one problem for study, since
little is known about the adaptation of the nineteenth-century settlers to the
area. The construction of settlement models for this region should have a
marked applicabilitv to research at least in adjacent areas. A detailed study
of the economic system will provide the method for integrating the diverse
adantations to the river and upland resources and a framework for defining
patterns of changing prcduction and distribution within the region.

Settlement Systems

The settlement-mattern studies within the omi, cc kv .!uiti-

Resource District will include the articulation of such functionali--diverse
sites as towns. a lantations-farms-tenancies, light industries, and transporta-
tion-related construction. The consideration of the settlement system %,ill
minimally address two levels of association: the articulation of these sites
in a regijnal context and the internal organization of each site. The
emphasis should be piaced on defining relationships and variability to formu-
late testable models of human behavior. if the settlement system changes
througr.h time, these changes must be explained.

The Settlement System in Regional Context

A consideration of the settlement system at the regional level may be

strac'ure, to test a variety of Euro-American settlement models proposed by
 34 N

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FIG TH 1 RUT OFTH TENES- TNBGE WAE-AY

5"~~'C~/J
cultural geographers. Although the specific problems which should be
addressed during the research are not as extensively enumerated as these on
an intra-site level, this aspect of the research is equally important in the
settlement study. Problems which should be considered include:

1. What is the nature of white and black settlement in the region

before the Chickasaw Cession? How is this pattern systematically altered
following the opening of the frontier? Is the frontier model proposed
by Lewis (1976) applicable in the Tombigbee?

2. How is the Tombigbee River divided into ports and landings?

The ports and landings, although functionally similar, may have developed
differently in response to physiography, population concentration, and
other factors. Regularities in the distribution of ports and landings
may show patterned changes through time. The relationships of the port
or landing and the nature of the hinterland supplying its goods should
be integrated.

3. What is the pattern of land use by plantations, farms, and

tenancies? Although the plantations and farms may be expected to
interface throughout the region, specific topographic and physiographic
features may be adapted more frequently into one agricultural unit than
another. Major plantation and farm structures may be expected to have
a systematic relationship to each other and to the known road systems.
These regularities must be defined.

4. Light industrial sites may be specifically tied to particular

physiographic or topographic features as required by their function and
to plantations, farms or towns. The patterned distribution of these
sites should be investigated.

5. The towns as agglomerated settlements should have established

hinterlands and be distributed regularly throughout the area as focal
points for distributing goods and services. What are the attributes of
town locations? How does the hinterland served by a town change signifi-
cantly through time? How does the settlement pattern change with the
birth and extinction of towns?

These problems comprise only a few of the many questions which could be
explored concerning the changing settlement pattern within the Upper Tombigbee.
Emphasis on certain aspects of these questions may be developed, based on
particular models formulated or selected for testing within the region.

The Settlement System in Intra-Site Context

The internal relationships among the elements comprising these diverse

sites must also be defined. The following specific questions should form the
basis for their considelation:

4.

.. .
 a. Towns

The towns located within the impact area fall into three functional
classifications: the river port towns, the county' seat towns, and thV
manufacturing towns (Adkins 197:). These represent only three of the six
classes defined bv Adkins (1972 in his study of extinct towns in Mississipi.
Research within these towns should attempt to define the regularities in the
relationships between production, distribution, and residential sites and to
deal with the essential question of whether river tons are organized differ-
ently from the manufacturing and count' seat community centers. Since anY
differences that may be defined may relate to the differences between the
functional orientation of the entire communitv or the orientation of only a
small functional segment, these differences must be systematically investi-
gated.

Specific research questions which must be considered generally for all

towns include the following:

1. How is space utilized within each town? River towns were often
organized so the business district was located between the river and
the residential district and was directly tied into the transshinment
point. Do all river towns share this same patterned arrangement? Is
this segregation between the business and residential districts nain-
tained in the manufacturing and county seat towns as well?

2. A preliminary examination of land records from two of the river

towns indicates that residences may also have been located in the
business district. Are these residences situated in specific locations
within the business district? Do residences continue to be located in
the business district through time? Are there any differences in status
between individuals occupying residences in the business district and
those living elsewhere in the town as reflected in the archeologicai
record of the house, artifacts and food remains? Do residents in the
business district practice trades which may be performed in the home,
like a tailor, physician, or laundress? Are there any changes in the
status of those individuals who occupy the residences in the business
district through time? This question would provide information on
whether population replacement in the area of the waterfront occurred
during the lifetime of the town as it did in larger centers at least on
the East Coast. Are there any changes in the residential part of town
which parallel those taking place along the waterfront?

3. What is the nature and extent of black settlement within the

towns of this region? Are there observable differences in this occupa-
tion between river and non-river oriented towns? Are observable
artifactual and structural elements of social stratification present in
these settlements?

4. If business districts are present in the manufacturing and

county seat towns, are occasional residences also located there? Do the
same questions asked for river towns have any applicability to the
structure of these towns?

i 5mm N i ? "- ' d

 5. What commercial enterprises and light industries comprised the
business district? Are particular trades segregated into stecific parts
of the business district? Are the spatial relationsnios of -hese
enterprises maintained through time? If this segregation exists, what
explanations could be offered for it?

6. What is the spatial relationship between the residence and

support structures within the town? What kinds of support structures can
be expected for specific industrial and commercial enterprises? How do
the relationships between the residence and support structures or between
the industry and support structures chance through time?

7. Within -mostof the towns, the residences and their associated

outbuildings and the industries and their support structures are
restricted to lots of uniform size. How is the space within the lot
utilized? Do the sizes of the lots change throuqh time with associated
changes in the main building and associated structures?

8. Does the Carolina artifact pattern which defines the uniformity

predicted to occur in eighteenth century British Colonial sites (South
1977) appear in mid-nineteenth century residential sites in the Tennessee-
Tombigbee Valley? if this pattern is not represented, can other patterns
defining cultural regularities be formulated? Do these patterns change
through time?

Three river towns share a specific lineal historical development and

certain additional problems should be addressed during research on these
locales:

1. Colbert (ca. 1830-1847), Barton (ca. 1848-1870) and Vinton

(ca. 7349-1900) were river towns along the Tomnbiabee which developed in
response to shipping locally-produced cotton and other products downriver
to Mobile and distributing goods imported from other areas. These towns
were sequentially occupied by essentially the same group of residents, a
situation that provides a virtually unique data base for research.
Studied individually, these towns reflect the operation of a river-
oriented settlement over a very brief period of time; taken collectively,
they provide a mechanism for systematically evaluating changes through
time. Is the settlement pattern initiated at Colbert maintained in the
successive settlements of Barton and Vinton?

2. Colbert and Barton developed following a town plat in which

streets, blocks, and lots were established prior to concentrated settle-
ment. Vinton apparently had no town plan. Are there any differences in
the town configuration that could be attributed to this absence of a
plan?

b. P lantations-Farms-T'enancies

The plantations, farms and tenancies are combined here because of their
functional relationship in the primary production of agricultural products.
Although they share this same functional basis, the plantations, farms, and

6
tenancies are not necessarily expected to be equivalent in diversity, self-
sufficiency or size. Research questions to be addressed should include the
following:

1. How did the plantation, farm or tenancy allocate space to the

residence and supporting structures? Classie (1976) in his study of folk
housing in middle Virginia identified the two centers of activity as the
house and the barn with associated supporting structures spatially
separated from one another. Was the same pattern of organization used
along the Tombigbee? What support structures formed an integral part of
the plantation as opposed to the rural farm or the tenancy? What kinds
of changes were effected following the Civil War?

2. What is the nature and extent of black settlement on the planta-

tions, farms, and tenancies of the region?

3. What light industries were performed on the plantation, farm, or

tenancy? Are minimal light industry capabilities required to maintain
the function of the various producing institutions?

4. Are there differences in size and type in the support structures

associated with plantations, farms, and tenancies? The number, type, and
size of specific outbuildings may be related to the amount of land, the
agricultural productivity, the wealth of the owner, and the decade of
occupation. The variability of contemporary plantations should be de-
fined and explanations proposed for changes through trme.

5. Can specific artifact patterns defining cultural regularities on

the plantation, farm, and tenancy be formulated? Do these patterns
change through time?

c. Isolated Light Industries

The distribution, internal arrangement, and essential components of light

industries, and landings not associated with towns or plantations, farms or
tenancies within the Tombigbee River Multi-Resource District must be
identified. If any isolated light industries exist, explanations should be
proposed for their location and individual development. Why did small towns
not develop around light industry, or landing?

d. Transportation Systems

The primary factor integrating the functionally diverse settlements estab-

lished in the Tennessee-Tombigbee area was the presence of roads and connecting
bridges and ferries. Since this linkage was so vital to the existence of the
settlements, the historic road system operating throughout the area and its
changes through time must be defined as an integral part of the settlement
system.
 Economic Systems

rhe definition of the economic system operational within the impact area
t,iil involve stipulating the patterns of producing and distributing 4ods and
services along the water,,ay and in the interior. Although a consideration of
the economic system can only be arbitrarily separated from the settlement
system, a study of the products, their origin and their distribution can
provide important information in determining centers of supply and identifying
their hinterlands. The products, processes of distribution, and supply
centers Undoubtedly change through time, and explanations for these changes
must .e proposed and tested. Specific problems which should be addressed
include the fo'owing:

The Production Process

1. V-ar products are locally manufactured in the river towns, the

plantations, the farms, and the tenancies? Do the technolocy and
products manufactured in the diverse locations differ?

2. Now do the production techniques and equipment of each known

local industry change through time? 4 systematic study could provide
information about the time reaqired for the adoption of innovations
developed elsewhere. Additionally, the development of locally designed
innovations should be detailed. Is there any evidence for modification
and reuse of industrial equipment such as occurred in certain industries
in New England?

3. How do the locally produced items change through time? The

adoption of new styles by local craftsmen will provide good methods of
comparative dating and a means of identifying local use.

4. ;;hat kinds of oods, as indicated by the artifacts, were not

locally produced? Do the types and amounts of imported goods differ in
the towns and on the plantations, farms, and tenancies? How do the pro-
portions or types of these imported goods change through time?

The Distribution Process

The identification of the trade network operational within the

Tombigbee River Multi-Resource lPistrict should be definable b tracinC te'Q
tri tDi~ or carg'oes loaded md anloaded -it thc rive'r t , h st ,ric jllv and
archaeologically. The process of distributing these goods from the port of
entry to the merchant and individual consumer should be at least partially
determinable from the artifactual remains in the settlements. The following
specific questions should be addressed:

1. How are locally produced items distributed to consumers in the

region?
 2. How are the imported goods distributed to the consumers? Are
there an' differences between the distribution systems?

3. What kinds of products imported through the river trade are

transported from particular areas of the country outside the region?

4. Are there any direct relationships in the distribution process

between specific inland communities and specific river towns or landings?

The problems identified in this general research design should be

expanded and particularized in the proposals submitted for consideration.
Specific research questions should be addressed as defined in the project
specific scope-of-work.

The Literature Search

The answers to many of the questions posed by the Research Design can
only be produced by detailed local field survey and archeological exploration.
Because neither money nor time is available in a supply adequate to support
extensive and comprehensive field surveys, archeological exploration and
historic preservation must rely on the judicious selection of potentially
significant or high-yielding sites for investigation. The necessary prerequi-
sites for such selection are either a file of historic base data relating the
actual and relative character of a site, or statistical inference procedures
which may predict the probable incidence and character of a settlement site
according to its environmental relationships.

In the absence of an adequate base reference file on either the histori-

cal evolution or the geographical character of the TMRD, a "Literature Search"
focusing on these elements was judged to be a necessary preliminary stage in
the mitigation scheme. The general purposes of the Literature Search were:
(1) to define the operation, settlement, and economic systems within the
Tennessee-Tombigbee region and to explain changes in the system through time,
(2) to formulate and test sett'ement and economic models in order to provide
a framework for evaluating the significance of archeological sites for
extensive excavation, and (3) to provide reference data on the relationshi
between the social and political systems in the area and the region's material
culture.

Responsibility for the Literature Search was placed through contract with
the Center for the Study of Southern History and Culture at The University of
Alabama. The approved plan of approach was to employ a team of historians.
archeologists, and geographers working jointly in a fully integrated inter-
disciplinary effort. The determination of specific areas of investigation was
conditioned by the general research design. The designated focal points of
research were:

1. Early patterns of settlement and trade in the Indian days,

opening of post routes and roads through the region, locations of Indian
settlements and those of white Indian countrymen, opening up of the

" l l' I In ii I I B ] I In i , .'. . .

 country to white settlement, land surveys and sales, and social and
economic patterns of life.

2. Location of steamboat landings and the sites of sunken steam-

boats.

3. Analysis of the economic system operational within the area,

with emphasis on the changing characteristicsof agriculture, trade, and
industry over time.

4. Definition of settlement patterns in a regional context as they

cnange through time. Particularreference will be made to settlements as
facets of the trade and transport network, to patterns of cultural
association, land use, and land tenure, to the location, size, spacing,
and functions of towns, and to the relationship of settlement sites to
the physical environment.

5. Definition of settlement patterns in an intra-site context with

particular attention to space utilizations, and internal functional
characteristicsof both towns and farm operations, and to the dynamic
spatial relationships of buildings and their connection to the physical
environment.

6. Formulation of predictive models with respect to the location

and functional character of cultural sites.

7. Identification of svecific settlement sites or other material

remains where feasible.

Research Procedure

The research methods employed in pursuit of the targeted information were

diverse. They included survey and analysis of:

1. Published books, articles, reports, and other secondary printed

naterials
2. Original documents such as county records, original land surveys,
letters, and account books

3. A wide variety of maps, contemporary and historic

4. Aerial photographs, contemporary and historic

S. Photographic collections

6. Census materials, both published and manuscript

7. Personal interviews

S. Field surveys

10
 The information derived from these various avenues of inquiry was
collected at the Center for the Study of Southern iiistory and Culture. It was
rationalized, svstematized, and svnthesized both by individual researchers
and through frequent round table discussions involving representatives of the
various academic disciplines and program managers from federal agencies. The
data-gathering part of the Literature Search was conducted primarily between
July, 1978, and July, 19-9.

While the interdisciplinary approach generally provided an excellent

vehicle for generating information and for assessing its relative signifi-
cance, two difficulties became evident as the work progressed. The first was
a communications problem. The historians, geographers. and archeologists had
some difficulty, particularly early in the research effort, in relating to
each other's disciplinary perspectives. This language barrier was reduced
only with effort and over a period of time. It may have initially resulted in
some unintended duplication, or oversight, or overconcentration, or mis-
direction of inquiry. Such disadvantages must be weighed against the
undisputed data-output benefits from the broad-spectrum research approach
fostered by multi-disciplinary inputs.

A second problem of the interdisciplinary approach related to the report-

ing of the research. The original intention of the Literature Search,
reflecting the stipulations of the Research Design, had been to produce a
single integrated treatise, incorporating both the temporal and spatial dimen-
sions of regional evolution. At the conclusion of research, however, several
factors militated against this method. They were: (1) the massive amount of
data accumulated, (2) the diversity of the topics to be treated, (3) the need
to incorporate detailed technical analysis and yet at the same time enhance
popular appreciation, and (4) the professional preferences of individual
researchers. Together, such factors suggested the impracticality of producing
a narrative combining the historical, geographical, and archeological view-
points.

As a result, the report of the Literature Search has been separated into
two discrete parts. One volume discusses the cultural development of the TM4RD
as viewed through the sequence of events. The main objectives of this work
are: (I) to facilitate popular comprehension of the regional history of the
Upper Tombigbee, (2) to identify and elaborate the main themes of change,
social, economic and political, which resulted in cultural modifications over
time, and (3) to provide a temporal reference base for assessing the relative
significance of historic sites.

The other volume assesses the pattern of material culture produced by the
settlement process through the structural arrangements exhibited in the
landscape. The main objectives in this volume are: (i) to provide detailed
analysis of the specific physical form of cultural features, (2) to discuss
settlement and economic models with a view to enhancing predictive capabili-
ties concerning site characteristics, and (3) to provide a spatial framework
for evaluating the significance of archeological sites.

In I ililliI • ' MI I I |nu ---

 The investigators believe that through this procedure of separately
reporting results, the informational requirement expressed in the Research
Design has been optimally addressed and that the potential utility of the
data have been maximized. The authors hope that both lay and professional
audiences will r'ap benefits from this approach.

12
 CHAPTER Ii

THE TENNESSEE-TOMBIGBEE WATERWAY

The navigable waters of the Tennessee River reach within a few miles of
the headwaters of the Tonbigbee in northeast Mississippi. This spatial
relationship put ideas into the heads of visionary promoters of the eighteenth
century, while Indians held possession of the land and were its recognized
owners. The rivers of the Gulf Coast provided natural routes for the penetra-
tion of the interior from the south, but that coast as well as the trans-
Mississippi West remained in the hands of France and Spain. The Tennessee,
Cumberland, and Ohio rivers provided natural transportation routes for the
Old West, but they lacked favorable water communications with the populous
northeastern coast of the United States and with the vast areas of the southern
seaboard states of the lower South. Although the natural outlet to market for
the heavy commodities o-' the West was down the Mississippi River and through
the port of New Orleans, even after the acquisition of New Orleans and the
Louisiana Territory in IS03 by the United States dissatisfaction remained with
the natural waterway transportation facilities. Heavy flatboats could not be
-moved upstream, and unpowered keelboats could be moved against the current
only by the vigorous exercise of muscle power.

:achariah Cox, a promoter of settlement at Muscle Shoals as early as the

1790's suggested the practicability of commercial communication between the
Tennessee River and Mobile by way of the Tombigbee River (Johnson, 197S). The
evangelist, Lorenzo Dow, visiting the Tombigbee area in iS03, had a vision that
the trade of Tennessee would one day pass through the Tombigbee River. In the
succeuding years various proposals were set forth for connecting the Tennessee
with the Tombigbee. Mobile became an American port in IS13. Mississippi and
Alabama became states in 1817 and 1819 respectively, and Florida was acquired
from Spain in I521. The frontier population grew very rapidly. Steamboats
appeared on the lower Mississippi River before the War of 1812, and after the
war their use spread rapidly to the other southern and western rivers.

A well-recognized need of the rapidly ¢rawin and sprawling young nation

was reliable and cheap transportation, which would supply both commercial and
defense needs. By the General Survey Act of April 30. 1S24, Congress charged
the Army Engineers with preparing the ,,ccessary surveys, plans. and estimates
for a program of internal improvements of national significance. Then a few
weeks later the Rivers and Harbors Act provided for the improvement of
navigation on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers by the removal of sandbars, the
clearance of timber-covered banks, and the raising of planters, sawyers, and
snags from the channels (Johnson, 1978, p. 44). The United States thus
embarked on a program of river improvements. Next year, 1825, the opening of
the very successful Erie Canal, built at the expense of the state of New York,

13
touched off the canal craze, an enthusiastic and uncritical demand for wide-
spread building of canals, the economic and physical limitations of which were
not clearly perceived.

rhe concept of a Tennessee-Tombigbee canal was only one of several schemes

for connecting the Tennessee River with the salt water of the Gulf or Atlantic.
In the late 1820s the Army Engineers surveyed proposed routes to connect the
Tennessee with the coastal rivers. One wouhl connect the Tennessee, by a
canal, with the Altamaha; another would connect it with the headwaters of the
Coosa, and a third would join it with the Savannah River. Interest in the
Tennessee-Tombigbee route depended first upon the solution of the problem of
navigation of the Muscle Shoals in the Tennessee, a formidable obstacle.
There were shoals in the Tennessee both above and below Bear Creek, with which
the Tennessee-Tombigbee canal was expected to connect. After receiving a land
grant of 400.000 acres from the federal government, the state of Alabama
proceeded in the iS0s to build a !2-mile canal around a part of the shoals.
Although the canal was completed, it proved a failure (Johnson, 1978, p. 59).
Efforts of the Army Engineers to blast a channel through the lower shoals were
equally unsuccessful. Significant also is the fact that a railroad had been
built from Tuscumbia to Decatur, around the worst of the shoals, before the
canal was completed. Internal improvements at federal expense were inter-
dicted and largely stopped by the sectional conflict which raged in the halls
of Congress and culminated in the Civil War of 1861-o5.

Meanwhile, the army engineers were by no means idle. The ends of

commercial improvement and national defense were well served when individual
engineers were relieved from active army service so that they might be employed
in railroad construction, for which they constituted the nation's principal
source of technical skill.

in the depression of the 1870s the commercial farmers of the nation were
very hard hit by the effects of the unrecognized and unrestrained competition
of farmer against farmer in the markets for agricultural products. This
competition, compounded by the effects of bountiful productions, drove down
the prices which farmers received to exceptionally low levels. It became very
popular to blame the high cost of transportation to market for the farmer's
troubles, and various schemes for government-built railroads and government-
improved waterways were set forth as devices to force down what were regarded
as excessive charges by railroads. Out of this atmosphere came an act ot
Congress of June Z3, 1874, in which the Army Corps of Engineers was authorized
to make a survey to determine whether it was possible to open a water line
between the Tennessee and Tombigbee rivers (Chief of Engineers, Annual Report,
1S75).

The survey showed that slack-water navigation, which involved the use of
dams to slow the current and deepen the channel, was possible over the divide
between the Tennessee and Tombigbee rivers. Using Big Bear and Crippled Deer
creeks for access on the Tennessee side, a canal would carry boats over the
dividing ridge to Spring and Mackey's creeks on the Tombigbee side. The water
supply at the divide would be provided by a feeder canal eight miles long from
a reservoir to be constructed at a place on Big Bear Creek called the Gorge.

14
Leaving Mackey's Creek at Bav Springs, the can Iould move c. if,a
stream, to avoid flooding the lowlands, and proceed 3. nil;es to Eultp'1 F.-rrv
on the East Fork of the Tombigbee. Since the Tombi-bee end of the cu-nal
system would be inaccessible except at high water, the Tennessee end ,ouid
need to be accessible only at the saine times, w,:hen, it %%as presumed, the
Tennessee River would also be at a high stage. The ,ould be usable
waterwj-
for a short, and not altogether predictable. part of the year i probably f1.ur
months) , not by steamboats but by canal boats 7(-, feet long and 19 feet wide
wvith a draft of four feet. A boat of such dimensions could carr" about l,
tons. The cost estimate for the proposed development was S .,05,312. The
report was quite detaliled. Making the canal usable by Tombigbee steamboats
and improving the Upper Tomb igbee to match would make the cost prohibitive
w\hen measured aoainst expected benefits. The matter was ,luieti llaid to rest,
and no fore was to be heard of the building of a Tennessee-Tombighee canal
until 1913. 'The Tombigbee River above its confluence with the Warrior River
is known as the Little Tombigbee or Upper Tombigbee.)

In the Muscle Shoals area of the Tennessee River const-ruction of a new

lateral canal was started by the Corps of Engineers in lS-5. After coping
with many physical problems and with erratic appropriations by Congress. the
Fngineers opened the canal to traffic on November 10. 1890 (Johnson, 197S,
Chapter V I'). Construction began on a canal around Colbert Shoals and Bee Tree
Shoals below Florence in !S91. but that canal was not finally opened until
December -. 1911. Perhaps the best that can be said of it is that its design
and construction gave important experience to Colonel George tx'. Goethals and
the Engineers, who used it soon afterwards in the building of the Panama Canal.
The Muscle Shoals canal continued to operate until 1918, but it never carried
heavy traffic. Lateral canals had become outmoded when advancing engineering
knowledge and larger appropriations made possible the constnuction of large
dams across the Tennessee.

In the meantime, by the construction of locks and dams, al-season slack-

water navigation with a sLx-foot depth had been provided on the Tombigbee
below Demopolis and up the Warrior past Tuscaloosa to the Warrior coal fields.

In response to :n act of Congress, the Chief of Engineers in 191S

reported a plan for joining the Tennessee River with the Tombigbee River bv
means of a canal following essentialV the same route as that proposed in 1875.
To provide a six-foot channel with locks to match those below Demopolis and
provide all-season slack-water navigation from Demopolis to the Tennessee
River would require b5 or -more locks with a large feeder canal and would
probably cost over ten million dollars. A special board concluded that the
cost of the project appeared to '-e largely in excess of any" benefits that
might be derived M. Doc. 218, o3rd Ccngress, Ist Sess. . ). 3).

While the 1913 s;urvey ias being made, Dr. E.N. Lowe, state geologist of
lississippi, proposed a scheme to divert the flood waters of the Tennessee by
way of Yellow Creek and cut through the divide to Mackey's Creek, with the
,urpose of relieving dmnaoing floods on the lower Mississippi River. The
report, however, concluded that such a channel would cost S11 million, would
flood the lowlands along the Tombigbee, and would give little relief from

13
 w]

':5," 3S L'pi "ood. far it could not divert enough water. !i 4h-water
-vcurred on both the Tennessee and the Tombi bee -at the same
oc. '"i, o3rJ Congress, 1st Sess., pp. Io-IS.)

S :ri 92 2. the Rivers and Harbors Act required a preiminary examina-

t on tor a canal connecting the Tombigbee and Tennessee rivers. The report
contemplated a waterwav ot six-foot depth 'itho2 locks and dams to be built
at an estimated cost of S44, 140,000. In a report of December S, 1923, the
aistrict and division engineers disapproved construction of the waterw\' afd
recommended that the improvement of the Tombigbee River be limited to such
s na in, orerations as might be iustified by the small existing comnerce WH.
hoc. 2n9. -oth Congress, ist Sess.. p. 25).

The completion of the Wilson Pam on the Tennessee River at Florence in

1925 and the creation of the Tennessee Valley \uthority in 1933 led to the
construction in the 1930s and 1940s of dams providing a nine-foot channel on
the Tennessee River from its mouth to points well up its major tributaries in
eastern Tennessee. In 1932, an extensive report of the Chief of Engineers
contemplated a nine-foot channel from Columbus, Mississippi, to the mouth of
Bear Creek on the Tennessee, by means of 17 locks and dams, a summit-level
canal over the divide, and a reservoir, at an estimated cost of 43 million
dollars. The report concluded that the benefit to be derived did not xarrant
construction of the waterway (H. Doc. So, -3rd Congress, 1st Session).

On April I-, 193o, the Chief of Engineers ordered detailed surveys of two
routes for a canal, one to connect the Tennessee River with the Tombigbee and
the other to connect the Tennessee with the Warrior, the chief tributary of the
Tombigbee, after the adequacy of the water supply of each route had been
affirmatively determined. The report on the Tombigbee route, made in 1939 (H.
Poc. 269, 76th Congress, 1st Session), proposed a divide cut from the Tennessee.
by Wa of Yellow Creek to Mackev's Creek. The cut would be 27 miles long and
of sufficient depth to divert water to the Tombigbee from the cool behind the
planned Pickwick Dam in sufficient quantity to operate the locks of the
Tennessee-Tombigbee Waterway. The channel would have a depth of not less than
nine feet and a minimum bottom width of 170 feet in river and canal sections
and 113 feet in the divide cut, with locks 75 by 400 feet clear inside dimen-
sions. The estimated cost of construction was S66 million. A combination o
canals, cutoffs, and locks and dams would provide a channel nine feet in depth
from Demopolis to the Tennessee River. The waterway was intended to permit
modern barge line operation between the Tennessee River and Demopolis. The
proposal to construct a divide cut designed to divert Tennessee waters to the
Tombigbee for flood relief and the development of power was rejected.

In a report, submitted about the same time as the above, the Chief of
Engineers recommended the construction of a new dam at Demopolis forty feet
high, which would back water up the Upper Tombigbee as far as Gainesville,
with a lock chamber 75 feet wide by o00 feet long (H. Doc. 276, 76th Congress,
1st Session, p. 4), to replace four existing locks and dams. Standards applied
to the Tennessee River provided for locks 119 by 600 feet, while those which
nad been recommended for the Upper Tombigbee were to be 75 bv 450 feet. The
navigabie channel in the Tennessee River was to have a minimum width of 3"'0

16
reet. T'e l-mensi.ns ," a nc.w lock it 'uscaloosa, .,iiicl as a::.rt
"omb ,,hee-W rr or svste ., ,ere _;3 by Jto f k0t Ii. '1oc. Ota r... '.ss,
1st Session. p. Ili

The Rivers and 1hrbors Act of larch 2.194 13. Ctho) ed construct ion of
the proposed Demopolis Lock and l,am, ,ith .i lock cha:'mber rcximatcl --
nOo feet. Later that year the Chief of :nineers recomny:nded that construction
of the Tennessee-Tombi-bee Waterway be undertaken, ,ith a idth of 1-0 feet in
river and canal sections and 150 feet in the divide cut, ",ith locks 10 v UU
feet clear inside dimensions (H1. Doc. I,-(, ->'th Cn,,ress, Tnd Session, p. SC).
The justification given for the increased lock dimensions was that they wo ld
e-,it "tows now movinR on the connectinc, waterwavs. ,,Warrior-Tombi-bee.
Tennessee. Ohio. Mississippi. Missouri. :nd Illinois Rivers." to 'utilize the
connection without double-trioni ng through the locks." thus taking advantage
of the economies inherent in the movement or commodities in large-size tows
(H. Doc. 4So, 79th Congress. 2nd Session, p. 0). The estimated cost of
construction was placed at >117 million.

Slow development work then began, and year after year some progress was
reported. The 1958 report of the Chief of Engineers reveals that a waterway
compact between the states of Mississippi and Alabama had been approved by
Congress (Sen. Rep. 1S60, Sth Congress, 2nd Session, 1958i. Repeated studies
were made, and in 1962 the estimated cost of completion was placed at S263
million ,Chief of Engineers, Annual Report, 1962, Vol. i1, p. 592). It was
reported in 19b9 that the states of Alabama, Mississippi. Tennessee. Kentucky,
and Florida had organized a Tennessee-Tombigbee Aaterway Development Authority
to promote the project (Chief of Engineers, Annual Report, 19b9, Vol. II, p.
360). After further preparations and changes of plans, construction formally
began December 12, 1972 (Chief of Engineers, Annual Report, 19-3. Vol. 1I, rp.
15, 16). (For a map of the Waterway see Fig. I.,

When completed the Tennessee-Tombizbee ,ater,ay will serve and impact the
economy of a broad territory encompassing all of the southeastern states. The
primary impact of construction, both physical and social, however, will be
experienced in a relatively narrow land corridor extending from the Tennessee
River on the north to the confluence of the Tombigbee and Warrior rivers on
the south. This corridor, approximately 233 miles in length, parallels the
course of the Upper Tombigbee River and one of its headwaters, MIackey's Creek.
It occupies a substantial portion of the Upper Tombigbee drainage area in
eastern Mississippi and western Alabama.

This corridor, which has considerable area, is characterized by a varied

and complex distribution of natural and human resources wniich will affect, and
be affected by, the operation of the Waterway. Unlike the Tennessee and lower
Tombigbee rivers, the Upper Tombigbee has had no recent history of important
channel navigation and improvement. As a result, the new waterway is likely
to effect considerably greater changes in the character and activities along
the Upper Tombigbee than along the already-navigable Tennessee and lower
Tombigbee, and it will more significantly affect the quality of life in its
adjacent territory.
In an attempt to provide a manageable mechanism fcr mitigating the effects

of construction on significant cultural resources, the Tombigbee River Multi-

17
Resource District was established as a five-mile corridor along 135 miles of
the waterway from Gainesville, Alabama, to Paden, Mississippi. This study is
one of several funded by the Corps of Engineers. Its primary concern is with
the evolving pattern of settlement in the Upper Tombigbee Valley since the
European colonial period and with the cultural resource base and the economic
and social history of the region.

18
 C1LPTER III

THE NATURAL [1ERITASE

The water for the operation of the Tennessee-Tombigbee Waterway at its

upper end will come from Pickwick Lake on the Tennessee River. Following in a
general way the route of Yellow Creek in Tishomingo County, the Water%,av will
cut deeply through the Tennessee-Tombigbee drainage divide to Paden on Mackey's
reek, then follow that creek past Bay Springs and across the southeast corner
of Prentiss County to Brown's Creek, below which the stream is called the East
Fork of the Tombigbee River. Taking an independent course along that stream,
a canal will reach southward past Fulton and Anory to Aberdeen. The volume of
water will increase as the West Fork (Old Town Creek) and numerous other
streams join its southward course. Although the canal section, so called, is
said to end at the confluence of the East Fork and West Fork, the "river
section" down to Aliceville Lock and Dam follows the valley but is itself a
dredged channel that is highly' independent of the meandering river. The
southernmost dam necessary for the current waterway project is that at Gaines-
ville, for the dam at Demopolis on the Tombigbee-Warrior system backs up the
water of the Little Tombigbee at a navigable depth as far as Gainesville.

The country through which the Waterway cuts lies entirely within the East
Gulf Coastal Plain and is characterized by broad, flat floodplains, rugged
cuestas and hills, and gently rolling praries. The physiographic subdivisions
of this area and of the Coastal Plain include (a) the Fall Line Hills, (b) the
Black Prairie Belt, (c) the Pontotoc Hills/Ripley Cuesta, and (d) the Tombigbee
Terraces (see Fig. 2). The topography is controlled by the characteristics of
the underlying rocks, which outcrop in crescent-shaped bands sweeping from
northeastern Mississippi southward and eastward across central Alabama into
Georgia. All of the rocks of the area are of sedimentary origin. Rocks on the
surface are of late Cretaceous, Paleocene, and Eocene origins except for
relatively thin deposits of Pleistocene and Holocene alluvium and new terrace
deposits. (See Fig. 3.)

The Upper Cretaceous rocks which were deposited approximately 70 million

years ago outcrop in the northern half of the area and are mainly of deltaic,
estuarine, and marine origin. They are sand, sandstone, gravelly sand, clay,
marl, or calcareous clay and chalk. In order they belong to the Tuscaloosa
group, the Eutaw formation, and the Selma group comprising the Mooreville and
Demopolis chalk, the Ripley Formation and the Prairie Bluff chalk. The
Paleocene formations are in part of estuarine and marine origin and consist of
sand, sandstone, silt, clay. and thin beds of lignite. The Eocene formations
are also in part of estuarine and marine origin and consist mainly of sand,
sandstone, clay, and clay stone. The superficial deposits of Pleistocene and
Holocene ages consist of clay, sand, and gravel deposited by streams in the
last three million years and are classified as terrace and alluvial deposits.

19

m u i - _ J...b,__
 '-77

CHighland Rim Province Jackson

0
01

0~ -40

F~TUGYS2 .OGR. PHTC REG ONS F AARri

oNrN R H A TE N M SS S T P
 UL1

:--4 4 ,

GELG OBGE
FTEUPR
FIG.~ /.ALY
 The soils ire derived from rock wea z:er, n their charac tcri st cs
reflect their source. However, soils may be secondarily :a tered 1Y pracesses
such as leaching or erosion. In Last Miss is s i ppi and A esz t l hama, t.e rocks
depos ited during the late Cretaceous and Focene time were later cc e."ted The
rate of weathkering of these rocks to lorn soil is detL'!-i11e(d > t e. r ,. c: Il
solubilitv and their texture. Soluble components such as Ca ,C m c.arquna tc or
lime quickie wash atav, often resulting in erosion and thin s, L s
soluble rocks such as those c,.tainino sand deteriorate :iiore <ion, l1 and hLi ld
deener soils. Alluvial soils Which accumulate alion--, tatercourses Cont ain
components and nutrients that add to their richness for agrica1ttre. These
general characteristics may be altered locallv by other factors such as sIoTe,
erosion, plant cover, and land use.

Clay soils ma" be unstable for construction of structures such as roaos,

houses, and light industrial buildings having foundations that do not extend
to bedrock. These soils may become highly unstable When wet and may swell when
wet and shrink when dry. Throughout much of the area. the soils are severelv
limiting and must be compensated for in construction. Loamy soils present
fewer problems. The slope of the soils in most areas and particularly along
the river courses is relatively slight. This makes them more desirable for
use as crop land or pasture. Loamy, alluvial soils are usually well suited to
the growing of crops. Because of their general characteristics they are good
for corn, cotton, and soybeans. Clays in general are well suited for pasture
and where forested may be profitably converted to this use.

The four main classes of environmental factors Which affect the structure
and pattern of vegetation in ane area are (1) climatic, 2) geomorphic (related
to land form), (3) edaphic (related to soil), and ( I hiotic (related to living
organisms). In the study area climatic and biotic "actors do not vary
sufficiently to create large-scale differences in the natural vegetation
pattern. The primary variations which occur in vegetation result from a con-
sideration of geomorphic and edaphic factors, although it must be recognized
that human activities have interrupted natural landscape characteristics for
most of the area.

According to A.W. Kuchler (1970), the four main vegetation divisions of

the area are (a) oak-hickory-pine forest, (b) southern mixed forests, e) Black
Belt, and (d) Southern floodplain forest. In general these vegetation divi-
sions have a spatial arrangement coincident with the phesiographic subdivisions
mentioned earlier. These specific characteristics will therefore be treated
in the more detailed discussion of physiographic subdivisions (see Fig. 4)
which follows.

The Fall Line Hills

The Fall Line Hills are marked predominantly by the Tuscaloosa and Entaw
geological formations. This district is characterized by dissected uplands
with a few broad, flat ridges separated by valleys from one hundred to two
hundred feet deep. The Tuscaloosa formation is the oldest of the Cretaceous
formations that outcrop in the ten counties touched by the Waterway above
Demopolis. Limited awrounts of the formation occurring immediately above
 :-L-- L- -ErC~

a;r ~
G;: ...

NNE

F G . PYIGAHT EIN FTEUPE OBGE ALY

7Y'3
Paleozoic rocks are exposed in the northeast corner of Tishominmo Countv. The
Tuscaloosa Formation has a thickness of about three hundred feet in northcast
Mississippi and reaches one thousand feet in West Alabama counties. It
consi sts of dark clavs, thin seams of lignite, purple, red, orange, and vellow
sands, some crossbedded iron-cemented sands, gravels, and in the lower part ai
white-grey clay (Wahl, 1968). In Mississippi the formation covers a belt of
five to fifteen miles in width. Like the formations above it, it has a liarked
slope and tilt to the west and southwest.

The Eutaw Formation overlies the Tuscaloosa with deposits varying from
ninety to as much as 390 feet in thickness. The lower portion, which overlies
the Tuscaloosa Formation, consists largely of blue. dark red, orange and
yellow sands, usually crossbedded. The deposits are largely discontinuous and
no stritum can be traced for any long distance. The upper portion of the Eutaw.
called the Tombigbee Sand, is characterized by fine-grained, micaceous sands,
calcareous sands and greensand. The outcrop of the Tombigbee Sand is a narrow
belt extending from northwestern Tishomingo County into Pickens and Greene
counties in Alabama.

Complicating the above designation are Eocene and Paleocene deposits such
as the Coffee Sand, the Lafayette or orange sand, and the Porter's Creek or
Clayton formations. These formations consist of well-rounded gravels and
sands of the eroded Appalachian and interior highlands carried southward into
the inner coastal plain margin by ancient streams. Since their deposition
modern streams have entrenched the uplifted surface, leaving this old alluvium
as a discontinuous deposit that now covers hilltops and ridges often some
distance from the present stream channels. The upper portions consist of fair-
lv homogeneous red to orange sand overlying a bed of gravel. The latter is
commonly well cemented by iron precipitated in ground water. The formations
occur both in the Fall Line Hills adjacent to the Black Belt, and to the west
of the Black Belt, where thicker, more continuous deposits lie above the chalk
strata.

Except in portions adjacent to the Tombigbee River, the hill area is

deeply dissected by stream erosion, and the valley bottoms are too narrow to
provide a basis for extensive agriculture. lhe soils of the Fall Line Hills
are generallvy gently to steeply sloping deep sandy, clavey. loamy soils with
severe limitations for light construction. They are poor to fair in terms of
agricultural potential, and while substantial portions of level interfluve
areas were farmed in the past, most of the hill lands have reverted to timber
production. Most of the agriculture which remains is restricted to alluvial
terraces of varving width. Even in the hilliest county, Tishomingo, which
contains the dividing ridge, four percent of the county ar'ea is classed as
terrace, while twenty-one percent is classed as bottom laud.

The primary vegetation of the Fall Line Hills area is a mixed pine-
hardwood forest. In its undisturbed state this forest is thought to have
consisted primarily of hardwoods, with single or small clusters of pines inter-
mixed. The fact that pines quickly form essentially pure stands in areas
following disturbances such as cultivation or fire has meant that scattered
stands of pine are a common feature of this area. In the absence of further
disturbances, however, these stands are eventually replaced by a mixed oak-
hickory-pine forest. The dominant species of this forest include butternut,
mockernut, and pignut hickories, white oak, post oak, northern and southern
red oak, loblolly, and short-leaf pine. On drier ridges, especially in the
northern portion, Virginia pine and scarlet oak become dominant, whereas Cn
wetter sites yellow poplar, shumard oak, willow oak, live oak, and bay
magnolia are of frequent occurrence. The rich abundance of tree species
provided the basis historically for timber exploitation. Lumbering activities
of various kinds have provided the dominant economic activity in many parts
of this physiographic region.

The Black Prairie

Chalks of the Mooreville and Demopolis members of the Selma group form
the Black Prairie Belt, which is characterized by undulating, deeply weathered
plains of low relief. These gently rolling lands are generally lower than
the adjacent areas and have an elevation of abou: two hundred feet. The
resistant Arcola limestone member of the Mooreville Chalk forms the Arcola
Cuesta, a series of hills that are some fifty to seventy-five feet higher than
the surrounding prairie.

The Mooreville Chalk overlies the Eutaw Formation. Its lower layers
range up to 360 feet in thickness and consist of compact, calcareous clay or
marl and clayey chalk. The color of these layers varies from yellowish grey
to olive grey. The contact of the Mooreville with the Eutaw is characterized
by a bed of sandy chalk from six to twelve inches thick that contains abundant
shark teeth and phosphati:ed fossils. Frequently the fine sand and greenish
grey clay of the Eutaw grade upward into the fine, cla.ev chalk of the
%looreville. The Arcola limestone member of the top of the Mooreville averages
ten feet thick and consists of two or more beds of light grey, impure, dense
limestone, six to twelve inches thick. The limestone layers are separated by
beds of grey to pale olive chalk," clay. The cuesta supported by the resistant
Arcola Limestone member (Arcola Cuesta) is prominent in Greene County, Alabama,
and can be traced northwestward into Mississippi.

The Demopolis Chalk overlies the Mooreville and outcrops in a belt that
averages about eight miles in width. The formation ranges in thickness up to
520 feet. The rocks are light grey to medium light grey. Exposures of the
chalk vary from light grey to white. The chalk generally has a massive
appearance in the ro.iJ cuts but river bluffs and roads cuts demonstrate the
presence of some harder layers. The lower part of the formation consists of
thin beds of marly chalk about thirty feet thick that are overlain by a
relatively pure chalk layer containing seventy-five to ninety percent pure
calcium carbonate.

The soils of the Black Prairie are produced by the breakdown of the
Demopolis and Mooreville chalk and its solution through reaction with water
and air. The calcium from the weathered limestone and marl fixes the organic
remains of plants, and especially the grasses, making the soil very dark in
appearance. Soils formed in the Black Belt are not thick; depth to bedrock
is generally less than five feet and in some locations is only a few inches.
Bald spots are common where the thin soil has been eroded away and the chalk
is now exposed. Soils are generally gently sloping clays or silty clays with

25a
high shrink--swell characteristics, which impose severe limitations on light
construction. Because of their chemical constituency, hoever. Black Prairie
soils are relatively fertile and fairly' good for ariculture. These soils
,'roved very attractive to early settlers.

The hydrology of the Black Prairie stands in great contrast to its

adjacent areas. Streams originating in the prairie region tend to be seasonal,
responding only to surface runoff. This is a result of the impermeability of
the chalk strata. Streams that cross the prairie and have their origin else-
where are less subject to seasonal extremes. The scarcit, of good ground
water makes springs rare in the prairie region. where shallow water supplies
are hard to obtain and often dry up in the summer. However, the impervious
nature of the chalk and the downward slope of the underlying strata have
created an excellent situation for artesian wells fed by' ground water from the
hills to the north and east. To reach that water, however, it may be necessary
to drill through several hundred feet of chalk. If the result is a free-flowing
well, the effort is well spent. If the pressure brings the water within a few
feet of the surface, it may be possible to hollow out a cistern in the chalk
where water will accumulate and can be raised to the surface easily by the use
of buckets or pumps. While drilling deep wells may have been impractical for
the earliest settlers, long before the Civil War such wells were being put
down through the chalk.

The natural vegetation of the Black Prairie reflects the high calcium
content of the soil. The dark, heavy clay soil supports a flora with many"
elements in common with the prairies of the Midwest. In areas in which the
soil is relatively deep a rich forest develops similar to that of surrounding
regions but including a number of species found primarily on limestone sites.
These include red cedar, overcup oak, shumard oak, chinquapin oak, durand oak,
laurel oak, and nutmeg hickory. On areas of very thin soil and on other dis-
turbed areas, the forest is replaced by glade-like areas that resemble prairies
in many respects. Among the typical prairie species found in these oven areas
are the following: prairie sunflower, prairie vox, Cherokee sedge, tuberous
milkweed, Torrey's rush, cutleaf verbena, and big bluestem grass. As a result
of their inherent fertility, Black Prairie soils have been extensively culti-
vated or developed as improved pastures. The result of this farming activity
has been the elimination of natural vegetation over most of the Black Prairie
region.

The area has historically been referred to as the "canebrake" region.

There was extensive growth of cane in many of the bottoms, especially in the
\labama Black Belt area. Large cane from fifteen to thirty feet high grew on
bottoms submerged for the greater part of the year. Small cane or switch cane,
under fifteen feet high, grew in the areas which were subject to overflow only
in times of the highest water. The young canes made attractive forage for
ueer, cattle, and horses, and they had the added attractive feature of being
available throughout the year. The,- also particularly attracted bears.
 The Pontotoc liills/Riplev Cuesta

The Pontotoc liills or Ripley Cuesta comprise a narrow belt of lo, hills
rising above the western and southern edge of the Black Prairie. Th ey
represent the outcrop of the Ripley formation and the Prairie Bluff chalk,
which lie atop thle Selma chalk. These formations are largelv absent as a
topographic feature between qouston and Shuqualac in Mississippi but extend
north of Houston as the Pontotoc Hills and southeast of Shuoualac as :he ilie"
Cuesta or Chunennuggee Hills into east central .\labama. In \labama the ,,idth
of the outcrop averages about two miles.

The Ripley Formation consists of alternating strata of coarse, hard sand-

stone, limestone, clay, unconsolidated sand. phosphatic greensand, and lime-
rich clay or marl. The lower part of the formation consists mainly of
greenish-grey, fine. sandy, chalky clay. and tile middle or upper parts of the
Ripley Formation consist of light grey fine to medium -rained sand and sanuv
clay that weather white, yellow, and various shades of orange. The Prairie
Bluff, chalk associated with the Ripley, is composed of massive compact white
chalk that contains varying amounts of sand, abundant fossils, and fossil molds
and casts. Fossils in the Prairie Bluff and underlying Ripley are quite
similar. In Clay County. Mississippi, the Prairie Bluff chalk runs to seventy
to eighty" feet in thickness and is relatively sandy, and this is an average
condition along the outcrop. In Mississippi the Prairie Bluff outcrop has
frequently been considered part of the Black Prairie.

Because those hills and cuestas are formed by either hard indurated beds
of sandstone or dense limnestone, depth to bedrock is generally very shallow.
Soils are noderatelv sloning silty clays subject to shrinking and swelling and
problematic for light construction. Their calcareous content enhances their
fertility, and their drainage characteristics are better than those of the
Black Prairie soils, which resulted in their attracting early settlement and
cultivation. Natural vegetation on the Ripley Formation maintains many of the
qualities of the vegetation of the Black Prairie. On the basic high linie soils
cedars, oak, and hickorys predominate. On the acidic sandstone based soils
pines are more commonly found. While much of this physiographic division was
cultivated in the nineteenth and early twentjeth centuries, substantial areas
are now reverting to second growth timber, which is harvested mainly for
commercial purposes.

The Tombigbee Terraces

While the study area can le separated into three physiographic divisions
based on the varying character of the geologic outcrops, a complication is
introduced in this systematic classification by the presence througIhout tile
region of extensive areas of alluvial deposits (see Fig. 51. These deposits
have been characterized according to their age and structure as either high
terrace deposits or alluvium and low terrace deposits. Both categories
evidence subdued relief and in the case of recent deposits are located in the
flat floodplains of the Tombigbee and tributary rivers. Along the Tibbee Creek
there are in places two or three terraces extending back as much as six miles
from the creek. Furthermore, the floodplains of many streams contain recent
alluvial deposits a mile wide or more.
 TERRACE C'EPMSTS1

i- , C- -

L........A,-...-,.

FIG. 5. ALLUVIAL DEPOSITS OF THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY. It will be

observed that alluvium and terrace deposits supply much of the soil in
areas near the Tombi bee River and its tributary creeks.

28
 rn lr>!sadiacent to the .allye of the Tombi bee and its trijoitari ,s
high,1 terrace deposits of Pleistocene aeare commonlv f:ound. Thev are
generallv less than fifty feet thick and overlie older rock. Th,'y n~ist
unconsolidated, brightly colored clay. silt. sanid. and graveli and underlie
broad relatively flat, bench-like surfaces that occur at elevations above the
present floodplain. These benches or terraces are remnants of alder flood-
O~lains I'ormed by streams that occupied the valley durin,- earlier, sta,.es of
develonment. The ancient streams eroded to lower elevations, ieavin part of
their former floodplains at higher elevations as terraces.

Alluvium and low terrace deposits of Holocene and Pleistocene ae occur

along the major streams and larger tributaries. High terrace, low terrace,
and alluvial deposits have sinmilar lithologic characteristics, and therefore
are mapped as a single unit. The alluvium and low terrace deposits general.-
consist of lenticular beds of sand. gravel, clay, and silt less than fifty
feet thick. Alluvial deposits on streams draining the Black Prairie Belt
consist primarily of silt and clay with only small amounts of sand derived from
the Ripley Formation. Alluvial deposits along streams not in the Black Prairie
Belt contain abundant sand and varying amounts of gravel derived from the high
terraces.

The soils of the floodplains and terraces are generally level to gently
sloping and are sandy to loamy. Dependin. on the amount of sand, the soils
are poor to good for agriculture, but the primary wanting factor in the soils
is water. Close to the rivers the water table tends to he at or very close to
the surface, creating glev (saturated' conditions. which manyv plants tolerate
with difficulty. Thy natural vegetation of the upper terraces resenbles that
of the Fall Line Hills. but the vegetation of the loier terraces and partic'u-
larly of the floodplains is tpical of river floodplains throughout the Gulf
Southeast. This floodplain forest remains distinct as the Tombigbee passes
through the Fall Line H1ills and the Black Prairie. The floodplain forest is
tvpically dominated by tupelo gums. bald cypress. pecan, and several snecies
of oak, particularly shtunard oak, overcup oak, water oak, willow oak, laurel
oak, and swamp chestnut oak. Other species that are common in the forest
include swamp privet, red bay. water elm. AVerican elm, cabbage palm, sugar-
berry, and rattan vine. The combination of dense vegetation, saturated ground,
and subjectivity to flooding made the lower alluvial lands and floodplains
unattractive to residential settlement.

'9
 CH1APTER% IV

INDIANS AND INDIAN COUNTRYMEN. 1340-IS20

Before the first coming of the white :nan the Upper Tembi-bee Valley" haJ
been occupied by aboriginal inhabitants for thousands of years. .rcheoloziSss
have identified some two hundred and fifty prehisloric sites in areas to be
impacted by the construction of the fennessee-Tombigbee ¢ater ay. Many of
these are being selectively excavated before it is too late. There are also
cultural resources of historic times in tie impacted areas.

The beginning of historic times in the Tenn-Tom country occurred in 1540

with the coming of the Spanish expedition of liernando de Soto, which had a
strong cultural impact on the aborigines. Unfortunately, the historical
records are sketchy and conflicting. According to the De Soto Expedition
Commission IM. Doc. 71, 7oth Cong.. 1st Sess., p. 218-225", de Soto, coming
north from Mauvilla, crossed the Warrior River at Stephens Blff on NIelton's
Bend, then on December lb, 1540, crossed the Tombigbee, probably at Morgan's
Ferry, near Aberdeen, in the face of Indian opposition. A party on horseback.
sent to outflank the Indians, crossed at some point farther north, )ossibl
Cotton Gin Port. The Indian towns mentioned Up to this point had Choctaw
names. After crossing the river, de Soto moved quickly to the Chickasaw towns
in the Pontotoc-Tupelo area. De Soto's chroniclers referred to the Tombigbee
River as the "River of the Chickasaws." De Soto wintered on t!e prairie at a
village of the Chickasaws and fought a battle with them. He found the Indians
cultivating great fields of maize, to ,,hich he helped himself, while the
Indians obtained horses and hogs from him by a siailar procedure.

The impact of the de Soto expedition on the stone-age Indian cultures

cannot be easily measured, but they met superior tools and weapons and
military tactics, and that useful animal, the horse. But then the curtain Is
drawn and darkness covers the scene for a century; further European contacts
.ere few, and we know almost nothing about them. When the French Father
Marquette descended the Mississippi River in 1673, he met Chickasaws with
axes, hoes, knives, beads, and double g'lass bottles for their powder, which
they had obtained from tribes to the east, who had obtained them from English
colonists on the seaboard \lvers, 1949, p. 1S6). English traders and English
goods soon reached the Chickasaws and Choctaws directly. In the late seven-
teenth and early eighteenth centuries the new colony of South Carolina
provided the base for English trading with the Chickasaws and Choctaws.
Transportation was over well-established trails (see Fig. o). The items
listed in Table 1 were identified with this trade.

In the early years of the eighteenth century the French ere establish-
ing bases at Mlobile and New Orleans from which they extended their influence
into the southern Indian country.. In 1717 they established a fort in the
heart of the Creek Indian country, where the Coosa and Tallapoosa rivers flol,
together to form the Alabama, which fort they called the Poste des Alibamons.

:30
 ,' . :SCALE

.Om --

FTG. o. PARTS OF THE TRAIL SYSTI OF THE SOIUTIIEASTER:; N!NITED ST.-\TES. From
map of W.E. .Myier, Plate 13 in Forty-Second nnual iRenort of the ureati of
American Ethnology.
 FABLE 1

ITEMS IN THE CHICKASAW TRADE OF SOUTH CAROLINA, 1-29"

Limburg cloth that has two or three white stripes

Guns
Wh.i te blankets
Powder
Bullets
Vermilion
Swords
Pistols
Gunflints
Red woolen ribbons like those tJhat are tied to horses' tails
White, blue, yellow and agate beads, very large
Small ones of the same colors and also good
Shoes
woolen stockings
Hats embroidered with imitation silver
Coats with a border of thread or of wool
Coats decorated with lace of different colors, on all the seams with the
same lace
Axes
Tomahawks
Pickaxes
Pieces of steel for striking fire from flint
Worm-screws
Brass wire
Large and small knives
Large and medium-sized scissors
Mirrors
Wooden combs
Thread
Needles
Shirts for men, women and children
Women's skirts, bodices and children's coats
Straight awls with handles
Very large bells such as mules wear
Kettles of brass
Shoe buckles
Belt buckles
Porcelain plaques that are round, of the width of two crowns and
perforated in the center
Large brass kettles
Brass seal rings
Ear-rings made in the form of pears, which are of porcelain
Bracelets of brass made three finger-breadths broad
Plumes of several colors
Little trade chests
Pint bottles
*Letter from Regis du Roullet to the Count de Maurepas, November 11, 1729, in
Dunbar Rowland and A.G. Sanders, ed. and trans., Mississippi Provincial
Archives: 1729-1740: French Dominion, Vol. I (Jackson, Miss.: Mississippi
Department of Archives and History, 1947).

32
or Fort Toulouse. The Creeks never allowed the British to establish
similar post.

In 173o the Sieur de Bienville set out from Mobile with a French torge
to chastise the Chickasaws. He moved up the Tombigbee River, entered the
Upper Toimbigbee at Demopolis, and established Fort Tombecbe' on the white
chalk bluff at Epes (.Jones Bluff). With this firm base he obtained help from
the Choctaws, between whom and the Chickasaws there was already enmity, and
moved up the river by water to Cotton Gin Port, "here he erected a fortifica-
tion. Moving north, he made a stop at the mouth of Octibbeha Tibbeei Creek,
apparently at the site of Plymouth. The creek was the boundary between the
Choctaws and Chickasaws (Rowland and Sanders, 1927, Vol. 1, p. 3.. few
miles to the west of Plymouth was a village of another group of Indians, the
Chakchiumas (Myers, 1949, p. ISO).

After being reinforced by Indian allies, Bienville ,moved overland to

attack the Chickasaw towns near present Pontotoc. The Chickasaws, provided
by English traders with arms and ammunition and advice on fortifications,
had, only a few days before, defeated another French force, whose movements
had been badly coordinated with those of Bienville. The Chickasaws proceeded
to inflict a disastrous defeat on Bienville and his Choctaw allies. He fell
back to the fortification at Cotton Gin Port, but the river there was falling
so alarmingly that it might soon become unboatable. Bienville departed
hastily with his boats down the river.

The French war with the Chickasaws continued intermittently. The French
undoubtedly used the Tombigbee River in the interim, but the record of its
use by them is sketchy and unreliable. There is some reason to suspect that
there may have been for a time a French trading post on the site of Plmouth.
The Indian records of the British colony of South Carolina contain various
letters from traders among the Chickasaws. These frequently mention the
French, but the information they contain on the subject of the French is
sketchy.

The French and Indian War, supposedly beginning with General Braddock's
unsuccessful expedition against Fort Duquesne in 1754, was essentially an
extension of a conflict that had been underway for some years in the indian
country, where both sides sought to use the Indians as surrogates in an
imperial struggle. The British of South Carolina were firm allies of the
Chickasaws, against whom there were various French or French-inspired
military movements between 1752 and 1754. The South Carolinians struggled
to wean the Choctaws away from the French and succeeded with part of these
Indians, whose attachments were divided. The rather weak colony of Georgia
also moved in in this period to exert its influence.

The British appointed Edmond Atkin as Indian superintendant, and lhe ,:ive
support to South Carolina and Georgia efforts with the southern Indians. lie
negotiated several treaties with them in 1759. As an outcome of the war the
French yielded in 1763 all claims to the areas east of the Mississippi River
to the British, except for the Island of New Orleans. Then France ceded what
was called the Louisiana Territory to Spain. This included the Island of New
Orleans and a huge territory west of the Mississippi. The Spanish, on the
other hand, had lost to the British all their claims to Florida. The
southern Indians, who had been skillful in playing off one European nation

33
against another, were not altogether pleased with the new predominance of
3ritish rower.

In 1-o3, however, the British were exhausteu from a lom and cxpensive
war, and the British gover-ment undertook a broad policy of retrenchment.
An effort to bringo the American colonies under closer control by the miother
country and to shift financial burdens to the colonies met ,'tn resistance
and led to the American Revolution.

For dealing with the Indians in 1765, John Stuart of South Carolina was
appointed Indian superintendent to succeed Atkin, and measures were sought
for dealing with the Indians without the resort to expensive war. A part of
the plan was to establish definite boundary lines with the Indians by nego-
tiation and to restrain activities across such lines that might tend to bring
conflict. Pontiac's conspiracy in the North delayed the imlementation of
the plan in that area, but in the South Stuart went promptly to work in 1763
to regulate relations with each of the southern tribes by formally-negotiated
treaties. The attachment of some of the Indians to the French was deep, and
powerful Indian elements distrusted the English. Major General Fhomas Gage,
the British commander in North American, with headquarters in New York, was
affected by the reduction of forces for reasons of economy and greatly dis-
liked the maintenance among the Indians of military posts too remote from
their bases to be supported or reinforced in case of hostile actions. Reluc-
tantly he consented to British occupation of the Frent Fort Tombecbe" for a
few years, with the joint objects of providing a base for trade with the
Choctaws, and possibly to some extent the Chickasaws, and supporting the
subtle efforts of Stuart's agents to keep a war going between the Choctaws
and Creeks to discourage the latter from attacking tihe English.

Superintendent John Stuart negotiated treaties with the Creeks and

Cherokees at Augusta in 1763 and with the Creeks again at Pensacola and St.
Augustine in 1765. Also in 1765 he negotiated treaties at Mobile with the
Choctaws and Chickasaws. Definite boundary lines were delineated and provi-
sions were made for the regulation of trade (DeVorsey, 1961). Standard
prices on trade goods were agreed upon, and provisions were made for the
licensing and regulating of traders. The establishment of the Indian boundary
brought bitter opposition from both frontiersmen and land speculators.
Imperial regulation of trade and traders stirred resentment from the traders
and jealousy from the colonial governors. The British government caved in to
colonial demands, and Stuart lost the battle. The governors appointed certain
Indian traders as colonial agents among the Indians, and Stuart lost much of
his influence and control. Rather disorderly conditions came to prevail.

In 1763 the British took over Spanish Florida and that part of French
Louisiana east of the Mississippi except for the island of New Orleans, as
noted above. Then the British established the colony of East Florida, -with
its capital at St. Augustine, and the colony of West Florida, with its capital
at Pensacola. English West Florida extended from the Chattahoochee and
Apalachicola rivers on the east to the Mississippi on the west and from the
Gulf of Mexico on the south to latitude 320 28" on the north.

With the first troops sent to occupy the new province were two Indian
traders, John McGillivray and Daniel Ward, who established at Mobile their
headquarters for trade with the Choctaws and Chickasaws, a trade in which

34
both had evidently been engaged for some t ime from lyss convenitnt
The items vaiued Dy the indians, which owere nresunMabi trade items L.!'
importance, are reflected in the i)resents given to the Indians !v the 3r::,sil
at the Congress of A.ugusta in 1-o3 and the Congress of Mobile in 1-1-7 S-V
Tables ' and 31.

TABLE _2

INbAN.kN PRESENTS DISTRIBUTED BY THIE BRITISH AT AUGUSTA

November 19, 1763

Strouds Gartering
Duffils Cal lico
Guns Broad hoes
Powder Belts
Ball Tin ware
Gun flints Brass pans
Gun locks Gilt trunks
Hatchets Barley corn beads
Saddles Cutlarv
Bridles Prettys
Vermi 11 ion Rormnal s
G;reat coats Stirrup leathers
Shirts Croppers
Looking glasses
Data from Library of Congress transcripts, PRO:CO 5/65. At this Indian
gathering were 2 Choctaws, 158 Chickasaws, 312 Cherokees, 305 Creeks, and
b9 Catawbas. The cutlery and tinware were distributed as equally as possible.

The Indian trade was conducted primarily by the use of pack horses,
although the French had to some extent used boats on the Alabama and Tombig-
bee rivers to reach the Indian country. Sloop navigation was possible en
the Tombigbee as far north as the area of present Jackson, Alabama. Keel-
boats and canoes could navigate farther upstream, but on the Upper Tombigbee
their progress depended on the season and the stage of the river and occasion-
al obstructions, and the voyage could be hazardous. While the Indians had
canoes and used them for crossing streams and for short trips, they did not
generally take to the water for long excursions. Horse paths tended to
follow the ridges as much as possible, to keep out of swampy areas and to
avoid the crossing of streams as much as practicable. Where passing across
swamps and fording streams were required, the paths were often blocked for
long periods. Many a stream crossing was accomplished by means of a
precarious footing on a fallen log, while the horses had to swim.

0.)
 79

TABLE 3

INDIAN PPESENTS DISTRIBUTED BY THE BRITISH AT MOBILE

December, 17--Januarv, i-72

Strouds Combs
Duffiles Duffil coats
Guns Hawks bells
Riffled guns Pea buttons
Powder Awl blades
Ball Fire steels
Fints Needles
Gun locks Thread
Tomahawks Brass .%ire
Hatchets Laced hatts
Gun worms Plain hats
Saddles White Linen
Bridles Striped flannel
Vermillion Terrelinge [?]
Great coats Ribbon
Ruffled shirts Scarlet suits
Gartering 4 Caddice [?] Shoes
Callico Stockings
Hoes Buckles
Belts Salt
Tin potts Gorgets
Brass kettles Arm plates
Gilt trunks Wrist plates
Barley corn Carrots tobacco
Knives Leaf tobacco
Scissors Scarlet cloath
Razors Silver earbobs
Nonso pretties Handkfs [Handkerchiefs?]
Common beads Axes
Skirts
Data from Library of Congress Transcripts, PRO:CO 5/73.

The logistics of horse transportation in the southern Indian country

needs some explanation. A well-fed horse was a wonderful asset, but pasturage
for horses was good only at certain seasons except in the ranges along the
streams. It was not the custom to raise food for horses, and the animals had
to rough it in range pastures. A horse was not a good beast of burden unless
well fed, and he required food every day. Horses in the Indian country were
often "too pore," as reported by travelers, for use. The wise traveler
picked the season when food for horses was plentiful. Getting fresh horses
was always a problem for the traveler in a hurry. Trading for horses with
people living along the way was commonly required.

Not until the early nineteenth century when post routes were being
established did "stands" or "stages" (places for feeding horses) begin to
appear in the Indian country. For one reason or another many a horse had to

.3o
02 .eft behind by z traveler, and returning horses to teir owners 'as
process that is reminiscent of the return movement of railroad freight car.-
to their o ners--sometimes there were delays and sometimes the route was
circuitous. Stealing horses, "borrowing horses" as the Indians called it,
was ver'y common, and to an indian it could be a form of sport involving
enough danger to make it interesting. ;hite traders often dealt in stolen
horses, and horse-stealing became one of the most productive causes f
conflict between white and red men.

The logistics of Indian warfare was difficult for white military men to
grasp. An Indian army might travel hundreds of miles without boats, hrses,
or wagons. The warrior carried most of his possessions on his person. If h
had a gun and ammunition, he could stop to hunt whenever he needed rod, and
he carried little food with him. An Indian army expended ammunition steauil%
without even seeing an enemy, something difficult for European Military men
to grasp. But the range of an expedition was limited primarily by the
:ammunition available for hunting, not by the usual military logistics.

The Indians were heavily dependent upon hunting for food, although the
Chickasaws, and to a somewhat lesser extent the Choctaws, were extensive
raisers of corn (maize). Hunters might be gone from home for months,
especially in the winter. They transported their meat home on their backs or
with the aid of horses. Although they stored food, the danger of running out
was an ever-present source of dread. By Indian custom those with food
supplied the needs of those without.

The southern Indians commonly lived along the streams, but there is
scant record of Choctaws or Chickasa's living anywhere on the Upper Tombigbee
in historic times. The center of the Chickasaw settlements was in the area
of present Pontotoc and Tupelo. The division between Chickasaw and Choctaw
territory was traditionally along Tibbee Creek and then northwestward by an
indistinct line. The Choctaws lived in clusters of interior villages in
central and southern Mississippi. The Creeks claimed the land as far west as
the Tombigbee River in Alabama and Mississippi, but their boundary with the
Choctaws was not specifically agreed upon. The Choctaws in 1S05 and ISIo
sold lands east of the Tombigbee formerly claimed by the Creeks, although the
Creeks had already ceded to the United States the lands ceded in ISIo by the
Choctaws. Indian occupation of the area between the k'arrior and Tombigbee
rivers in historic times was scant. (See Appendix - for an account of
Clarence Bloomfield Moore's archeological explorations in 130i.)

The Indian trade of the Chickasaws and Choctaws might come from either
east or west. To the Choctaws this meant either Mobile or N;-tche:. To the
Chickasaws it meant either Chickasaw Bluffs .Memphis) or South Carolina and
Georgia. White traders entered the Chickasaw country in the late seventeenth
century by pack horse from Charleston and dominated the trade of that tribe.
Among the Choctaws they competed with the French, who generally had the upper
hand. In the Creek country British and French traders were also rivals. The
Spanish before 1783 took little part in the Indian trade of the interior.
After that time they operated primarily through experienced French and British
traders, chiefly the trading firm of Panton, Leslie and Company, which in the
early 1790s had trading posts at Pensacola, Mobile, Walnut Hills (Vicksburg),
and Chickasaw Bluffs (Memphis, Tennessee).
 In the km-nrican R{evolution, the British superintendent of the southern
Indi:ans, John Stuart, worked until his dealth in i-9 to keep the friendship
of the rndianTs for the British, while the Continental agent, eorge (;ailphin,
worked to neutralize his efforts. The Creeks were divided, although late in
the war they gave extensive help to the British in Georgia and South Carolina
and some in East Florida. The Chickasaws, supposedly loyal to the British.
were set to guard the Mississippi River, but they let the Willing expedition
slip through and otherwise did not serve as very" good guardians, although
John Mclntosh, Stuart's deputy, lived among them. The Choctaws were under
British influence initially, but they were tampered with by the Spanish at
New Orleans a-d did not prove very helpful allies to the British. The Spanish
entered the war in 1779 and promptly captured the British garrison at Natchez,
then, under General Bernardo de Galvez, captured Mobile in 1780 and Pensacola
in -SI. By the peace treaties of Paris of i83 Spain kept British West
Florida and obtained East Florida as well. It will be remembered that West
Florida's northern boundary was 320 28" from the Chattahoochee to the Missis-
sippi, but the new American nation claimed as far south as 310. The issue
was resolved by Thomas Pinckney's Treaty of San Lorenzo in I-95 in favor of
the United States.

The southern Indians, before 1783 primarily pro-British, hastened to

make terms with the victorious Spanish, the Choctaws and Chickasaws by
treaties entered into at Mobile in 1783 and the Creeks by the Treaty of
Pensacola of 1-84. A critical problem for the Indians was trade, which had
been heavily interdicted during the war. Ancillary agreements provided for
regulation of trade, traders, and the prices of trade goods. The principal
item supplied by the Indians was deerskins, but they required a great variety
of European trade goods, not the least of which were guns and ammunition,
desperately needed for hunting. The Spanish were not prepared to handle
Indian relations effectively, nor did they have an established source of
supply of trade goods. The British firm of Panton, Leslie and Company,
operating out of St. Augustine, Pensacola, and Mobile under Spanish license
came to dominate the trade, although among the Choctaws and Chickasaws there
were various old French traders, who were at least nominally converted into
Spaniards. They lived with the Indians. There remained also several indepen-
dent traders of British origin, who had Indian wives, such as James Colbert,
John Pitchlvnn, and Benjamin James, who had extensive influence among the
Indians.

The movement of the influence of the United States into the southern
Indian country is observable in the Hopewell treaties of 1785-1-86 with the
Cherokees, Choctaws, and Chickasaws, which defined boundaries, forbade
Americans to settle on Indian lands, and allowed the United States to regulate
trade with the Indians. Until Congress should act to regulate trade, however,
citizens of the United States might freely enter the Indian country to trade
(Kappler, 1904, pp. 8-16). By, the treaty of 1736 with the Chickasaws the
United States acquired a reservation five miles in diameter on the Tennessee
River at the lower part of Muscle Shoals in Alabama (Kappler, 1904, p. 15).
In 1790 came the treaty of New York with the Creeks (Kappler, 1904, pp. 25-
29).

Efforts of the Spanish to expand their influence and authority in the

Indian country were checked by the Pinckney Treaty of 1795. Spain still
controlled all of the Gulf Coast, and the Louisiana Territory, but Spain's

38
 r -- -

position was soon severeiy weakened by the wars of the French Revolution.
The .,ar btw,,een England and France, in which Spain .Nas an unilling French
a lv, put Panton, Leslie and Conapny in a r-u'inous position.

In order to open a land route of transportation from Nashville to

Natchez, agents of the United States negotiated in ISO! a treaty with the
Chickasaws and another with the Choctaws (Kappler, 1904, pp. 55-58) . The
next step was a survey in 1802 by Lieutenant Edmund P. Gaines, under orders
from General James ilkinson, of a route through the Chickasaw country. for
the road from Nashville. Following the survey, a road was soon opened that
became known as the Natchez Trace and which for the next several years was
more or less passable for wagons at some seasons. To further extend its
influence -among the Indians the United States prepared to establish several
public trading factories among the Indians. One of these was established at
Chickasaw Bluffs (Memphis, Tennessee) in 1802, primarily for the Chickasaws.
It wa, closed for a period during the War of 1812, then closed permanently
in 181S. Competition from private traders and failure to make a profit were
factors in the closing (Davis, 1965). In 1804, a factory was opened at Fort
Stoddert, primarily for the Choctaws. It was soon moved to St. Stephens,
near present Jackson, Alabama, then after the Creek war again moved to a
site near Jones Bluff on the Upper Tombigbee near the present site of Epes.
It operated until the Indian factory system was abolished in 1822 and was
identified through most of its existence with the honest, reliable, and
kindly personality of George S. Gaines, the factor (Jackson, 1957).

The Choctaws, a numerous tribe, comparable to the Creeks in number,

lived in villages or towns, clustered in several parts of Mississippi, mostly
westward from Jones Bluff. They seem to have had no permanent settlements on
or east of the Black Prairie, so they did not live on the Upper Tombigbee
River. Besides being hunters, they were also farmers, raising corn, peas,
beans, pumpkins, tobacco, sweet potatoes, leeks, cabbage, garlic, and sun-
flowers (Myers, 19-19, pp. 194-198). They also engaged in collecting wild
food, such as hickory nuts, walnuts, pecans, wild strawberries and black-
berries, and wild fruits.

The Chickasaws were hunters, but they, too, also engaged in agriculture.
Many of them lived on the edge of the Black Prairie near Pontotoc in uncom-
pacted agricultural settlements, where they raised crops similar to those of
the Choctaws. The Chickasaws were far less numerous than the Choctaws. Both
tribes had an infusion of white blood, and among them people of mixed blood
were both numerous and influential out of proportion to their numbers. The
Chickasaws were so mixed that they were known to traders in the eighteenth
century as the "breeds." At different times they had one settlement among
the Creeks and another on the Savannah River among the Cherokees, each place
being known as "Breed Camp."

The acquisition of the Territory of Louisiana and of the Island of New

Orleans by" the United States in 1S03 created an urgent need to connect the
eastern seaboard of the United States with New Orleans by safe and reliable
transportation. This meant the opening of roads and watercourses through the
Indian Country. Growing ntmbers of frontiersmen were pressing upon the Indian
country and tending to occupy the Indian lands illegally, although the federal
govern~ment removed a good many of them. The Indians feared that permit'ing
the opening of roads and watercourses through their country would lead to

39
disputes, thefts, and murders, for which all the Indians would be held
responsible and punished, so they resisted and delayed the pro.icot, but the
outcome of the dispute was inevitable.

In 1307 Gaines surveyed a route for a road from the head of Muscle
Shoals on the Tennessee River to Cotton Gin Port on the Tombigbee, short!,,
below the ;unction of the East and West Forks, through the Chickasaw hunting
grounds. The road later opened along this route became known as Gaines'
Trace see Appendix 1). The Cotton Gin Port area had been the location of
Bienville's fort in 173b, and it is said to have been a place where the
federal government established a cotton gin for the Chickasaws, which the
latter burned in 'So1. Gaines' brother, George S. Gaines, the United States
tactor at St. Stephens, finding the Spanish in Mobile were interfering t.ith
the movement of trade goods to the factory in 1810, persuaded the Chickasaws
to permit the opening of a horse path on the west side of the Tombigbee from
Cotton Gin Port to Plymouth, which was just below Tibbee Creek and below
Lincecum's Shoals on the Tombigbee.

The demand for roads through the Indian country continued to mount, al-
though the Creeks objected vigorously. In IS11 it was decided to push the
opening of roads whether the Indians consented or not. There was to be a
route across the Creek country from Georgia to Fort Stoddert on the M1obile
River, another from Fort Stoddert to New Orleans, and a third road to follow
the line of Gaines' survey from Muscle Shoals to Cotton Gin Port and down the
Tombigbee Valley to Fort Stoddert. The roads were opened in the fall of 1S11,
except that the work on the road down the Tombigbee was somewhat delayed. At
various times work was done to improve the Natchez Trace, but it remained a
very bad road for wagons. All of these roads could be difficult in wet
weather. South of Plymouth much reliance was placed on the Tombigbee River,
but there were considerable physical problems in its navigation at most
seasons.

As a result of the war of 1812 between the United States and England and
of the Creek war of IS13-1814 with the United States, the Indian resistance
to penetration of the Indian country by the United States was broken. Ex-
tensive Indian land cessions opened the way for the survey and sale of the
lands thus acquired by the government (see Fig. 7). Some sales had been made
between 1S09 and 1811 in the lower Tombigbee area and in the Mobile River
area. Between IS10 and 1813 Spanish West Florida had been seized by the
United States, thus opening the way to free navigation of the Mobile River
and its tributaries. In ISIS peace came in North America and in Europe, and
a new era in the history of the South and of the West in the United States
began.

Kith war at an end and vast new lands in the South and West now avail-
able, settlers long anxious for land poured in. There were rapid surveys of
the lands newly acquired from the Indians, and sales proceeded apace. In
1816 the Choctaws and Chickasaws surrendered their claims to all lands bor-
Oering on the eastern side of the Tombigbee and south of Gaines' Trace
(Kappler, 1904, pp. 135-137). Soon the lands there were surveyed and offered
for sale at auction. In 1817 the Alabama Territory was formed out of the
eastern part of the Mississippi Territory, and the western part was admitted
to the Union as the State of Mississippi. These events were accompanied
and supported by a rapid influx of people, primarily from the states to the

40
 .........

i~ 3

to.Kwc
SCL

:5 3 I- 0 7 0 IE

1,DI,). LAN CESIONS IALBOIMISSSPI,:NDWSTR

FIG.
TENNESSEE
east, who were anxious to acquire ,)roductive lands cheaply. It was common,"
thought that all the lands east of the fombigb.e were in Alabama.

;aines' Trace from the Tennessee River reached the Tombigbee at Cotton
iin Port, and both the river and the trace became parts of the boundary of
the United States with the Chickasaws under the Chickasaw treaty of 181o,
,hich restr; -ted the entry of white traders into Indian lands. Cotton Gin
Port became an important Indian trading center. By IS2 it had a population
of 4b whites and three blacks Rodabough, February 11, 19~1). Others cane in
the early IS20s. By 1823 there was an inn, a ferry, and a mill of some kind.
John Breeding had a store at a spot called Breeding's Landing nearby. On
April 13, 1S24, the Cotton Gin Land Company was fori-med to piat the town.

In the early nineteenth century the United States brought strong

influence to bear on the Indians to induce them to adopt the ,hite ;man's
methods in plant and animal husbandry. The response%,as strong but uneven and
created stresses among the Indians following different ways of life. Some of
them became raisers of cattle, horses, hogs, sheep, and poultry. Some, in
fact, became owners of slaves and commercial producers of cotton. Most
Indians continued to live with a minimum of shelter, clothing, and household
utensils. However, some Indians, mostly those of mixed blood, began to build
elaborate houses. Fragmentary archeological evidence observed by the authors
at Tuckabatchee and Tensaw indicates that the wealthy Indains lived very much
as did the wealth, white frontiersmen. In the 1820s there was a remarkable
expansion of both Choctaws and Chickasaws, who moved in great numbers out of
their relatively concentrated settlements to widely dispersed individual
farms on selected sites.

The area about Columbus, on the east side of the Tombigbee, was of early
interest to pioneer white settlers. The best pioneer description of the
Columbus area comes from a pioneer settler by the name of Gideon Lincecum,
who moved there from Tuscaloosa. He engaged in rafting logs on the Tombigbee
River and in a wide variety of other activities. Some of these are reflect.d
in the following account in his own words (Burkhalter, 1965, p. 26):

We were supposed to be in Alabama, but when the line dividing the

states of Alabama and Mississippi was laid cut, we found ourselves ten
miles on the Mississippi side in a slip of country eighty miles long and
averaging twenty miles wide. The Tombigbee River was the line betwixt
us and the Indians. The legislature at lenath recognized us as a part
of the state of Mississippi and named this long strip of land Monroe
Countu. . . . About this time the people began to talk of sending 7.e to
the legislature and to avoid such a dilemma I went over the river and
entered into a partnership with John Pitchlyn Jr. ...... He was an
educated man and a very clever fellow, but a most incorrigible drunkard.
But that would make no difference, as according to the contract and to
evade the intercourse regulations which forbid any white man with a
family dwelling within the Nation he, Pitchlun, was to have nothing in
the management of the business. In the knowledge of all outsiders, I
occupied the position of a superintending clerk. Pitchlyn had a good
store house at the ferry landing opposite Columbus and four or five
thousand dollars worth of goods. I had about the same amount and we
put them together. . . . Pitchlyn's reside:..:, -a t n-
' ro," t-s
store, a circumstance favorable to our business for he was, when drunk,

"42.. . . . "". . . . ii . , "

 sc Jbusive and so often drunk, n"at .2 was :cc o.ouar : te a.
i was %nown to most of the Choctaws, m indian name was So-to-a--
;Ihi ce Hat. The first time ":,e saw me, I had on a white .ac.
_inished --e aroe house Ptchi'n had commenced and on che 3th of
J'nuar-; '622 save a subscription bail, ^5.00 a head for men, which
the nove7tu of such a thing in tha :hoctaw Nation was attended hb a
number of people. The ball money paid for rhe house. 3reat was .he
situation for making Tone', we were so Lnhealthy that we were forced to
eave it. citchln, without my knowledge, had gone up to Cotcon 3jn
Port, rented a house and ordered his goods on the reputation of our
Cocctaw establishment had set up $5,900 stock of coods and engaged a
drunken fellow bq the name of [Andrew] Morrison to superintend .he
selling of chem to the Chickasaw Indians. Pftch! "n scent most of his
to.me there, where h:e could drink free of mY interference. . . . After
a while Pitchlun came and told me that *orrison had made way with the
greater part of the 7oods, and t.-t he wanted me to ;-o uo and take
ossession and save what I could, and I finalla consented. I rented
houses for my family, but as we continued unhealthy, I went out into the
hills and selected a quarter section of public land, entered it and
built houses and moved my family, as soon as possible. Here amonc the
clean, uncrcooed arass, in high dra; land we all recovered our health.

Lincecum spent much of his time with the Choctaw indians, with those
language he became familiar, and studied their ways, habits and adaptatiens
to life on the frontier. He rather extravagantly sympathized with them
against the white intruders as the words from h-i" which follow show
[,Burkhalter, 1965, p. l1):

.Vow _;F there could be born an honest, liberty-loving leader who

would take things in hand, concentrate the Indian forces, capture all
the orauing [sic] white races and their allies, the mixed-blood cut
throats, and chop off their damn heads, there would remain the most
innocent, law-abiding people on earth--the pure indian.

it seems safe to say that it would be hard to find another white settler who
sympathized with Lincecum's viewpoint in this matter, for the Indian was
generally regarded as a nuisance to be removed as soon as possible.

The Chickasaw treat,. of lSlb orovided, on the basis of the solicitation

of the Indians, that since peddlers from the United States created disputes
and misunderstandings among them and perpetrated frauds, no more licenses
were to be granted by the Chickasaw agent of the United States tc allow
rersons to traffic in merchanidse in the Chickasaw Nation. The penaltv was
to have the goods confiscated. The result was that those wishing to trade
with the Chickasaws found it convenient to do so on the east bank of the
Tombigbee River, outside the Indian territory. For this purpose Cotton Gin
Port was particularly well suited for a center of tie Chickasaw trade during
the 180s, it being the closest point for legal trade to the principal
settlnents of the Chickasaws. Half-breeds, classed as Indi.,ns. might very
profitably serve as traders in the Indian country itself. it wnas in a situa-
tion with the Choctaws that was similar to this that the Lincec=m-PitchlY'n
partnership operated in the West Port area near Columbus.

43

p -..
 [or purposes of travel both the indians and the %,hite trzaders used tra,.il
hich -'ai ht be followed by pick horses. On this stuhiect M.erl '..Mv ers, the
priuci'al eogra aher of t he region, has the following to sav Myers,,19-:).

As a result of their nartla nomadic habits and of their rather

extensive intratribal and intertriba! connections, economic and militara,
a great many trails developed in the Chickasaw and Choctaw country. The
trails were of two major tL'pes--2ong ones between Nations and shorter ones
between villages. There were also trails extending to salt licks, water
bodies, tradings posts, and so forth. The trails qlawed a part :'n 'ater
development of the first roads of the region and it is locical that theu
s.ould 1o so. Major trails fol7owed drainage divides as much as possible,
avoiding flooded land and Jense canebrake and "briar" country. Some :m-
tortant trails ran from the Chickasaw settlements northwest to the Chicka-
saw Bluffs (>'emhis); nortbeast to the Tennessee River bend and bey'ond;
southwest and southeast to the Choctaw country and obile. Two lonc trails
in the Prairie, frequent.: mentioned by early? settlers, were the "Big
Trading Path" to obile from the Chickasaw country; and the "Six Towns
Trail"; also from the Chick.asaw country to the towns of the Choctaw. The
trails leadin southnwest and nort.heast from th.e Chickasaw settlements were
used late in the eighteenth century by boat men returning from the Lower
.!ississiopi, then as a oosc route, finally giving rise to the celebrated
.Vatchez trace o f e early nineteenth cent r. Ot.her trails even some
Indian roads, developed in the nineteenth century with the establsishment of
mission stations and schools, Indian agencies, new tradng posts and i!oca-
tion of farms back from the streams to which theu wished to be linked.
any of the Trails or Traces were still observable at the time of the
gover-.ment survey in the 1830's period.

In lS1- Congress appropriated money to build a road from Reynoidsbur', on

the Tennessee River, south along the eastern edge of the Black Prairie to join
the Natche: Trace near the Chickasam; towns in Lee County Myers, 1949, p. 11.
['ith the aid of congressional appropriations the United States constructed
between 1817 and IS2O what was known as the Military Road or Jackson's Military
Road. It extended from Tuscumbia, Alabama, on the Tennessee River, southwest-
ward to a crossing of the Tombigbee River at Columbus, then southwestward
across the prairies of present Lowndes and Noxubee counties, crossing the
Noxubee River a little above Macon. (See Fig. S.) The portion west of the
Tombigbee quickly deteriorated from neglect almost to the point of uselessness.

In 10 the 4ayhew Mission was founded west of Columbus in the northwest

corner of Oktibbeha County in the Black Prairie, the particular area being
known as the "Mayhew Prairie." It soon became a focal point of roads and trails
through a fertile region. For example, it was soon connected with both Colum-
bus and Plymouth Bluff by road. In the 182Os a road was opened from Athens, a
new settlement in Monroe County, west across the Tombigbee below the sito of
the later town of Aberdeen, to a crossing of Vibbee Creek near MIayhew M.ission,
and on to Doak's Stand on the Natchez Trace north of Jackson. It was known as
Doak's Road. East of the Tombigbee, in areas open to white settlement, roads
radiated out from Columbus to Pickensville, Hamilton, Athens, and Cotton Gin
Port, and eastward to Tuscaloosa (,Myers, 191, pp. 213-2lS). \nother road of

4:
 r

--
- - ---

-------------

MCNROE CO MISS. .n1822

~SENT
:RE CCUNTY
BOUNDARIES --- --

MILES

FT3. -S. Nfo\'ROE COUNTY. MTSTSSTPPI, AND SURROUNDD$C' AXREA, IS2

the 1S20s ran .est from Cotton Gin Port to Tokshish Mission, the Chickasaw
Agency, and the Chickasaw settlements in the Tupelo-Pontotoc area, and there
were still other roads.

The land surveyors in 1820 revealed that there was a considerable area
east of the Tombigbee that lay within the State of Mississippi. Thereupon in
IS21 the legislature created the county of Monroe, which contained Cotton Gin
Port and a little settlement far to the south, on high ground near the Tombig-
bee, known as Possum Town, but later, in 1822, incorporated as Columbus. The
new county was isolated from the rest of Mississippi settlement by Indian
territories. (See Fig. 8.) The legislature created a county seat about half-
way between at Hamilton, then nonexistent, situated on Henry Willis' farm, a
mile or so east of the river and two miles north of the Buttahatchee River
lRilev, 1902, pp. 2_27-S). Present Hamilton is a new town, about five miles
away. In 1822 a court house and jail were finished, and in 1S25 the town was
surveyed into lots (Rodabough, February 11, 1971).

The growth of a village on the Tombigbee at Columbus encouraged Congress

to provide in 1821 for a road from Columbus westward to the Natchez Trace, thus
connecting the isolated county by a road through the Indian country with the
rest of the state. The road, soon known as the Robinson Road, connected with
the Natchez Trace at Brashears' Stand, and it was kept in repair. The opening
of the Military Road and the Robinson Road made possible in the mid-twenties,
for the first time, continuous stage service from Washington, D.C., to New
Orleans by way of Natchez (Myers, 1949. p. 13). Columbus. situated well above
the floods, on the east side of the Tombigbee, was connected by river with
Mobile and by road with Nashville. Natchez, and New Orleans. It was thus in a
good position to develop as a commercial center. The extensive country of best
agricultural promise, however, lay west of the Tombigbee and belonged to the
Indians. By 1830 there were ten stands on the Robinson Road. This road did
not follow the ridges but crossed extensive wet bottom lands and was expensive
to maintain (Phelps, 1950).

As the geographer Myers sees it (Myers, 1949, pp. 218-219):

Even before the cession of the prairie . . by the Indians, a loose

network of roads, following Indian trails and drainage divides was develop-
ina. Most of the roads had as one terminus a river, especially the Tom-
bigbee River, showing that already this was developing as an important
artery of travel and communication and destined to become even more
important as the Prairie lands were opened up for settlement. As was true
with the major roads and traces, many of the later roads of the Indian
period have continued in use to the present day, though portions of them
have been abandoned. In fact, a great many of the present day roads,
those not governed by the system of sectional survey, are remnants of the
earlier roads and traces and still are called by their early names.

Thus was the physical structure to govern the patterns of early settlement
well laid before the actual great flow of population into the area got under-
way.

4(-
 CHAPTER V

TIlE COMING OF THE WHITE SETTLERS

The lands cf Monroe County, surveyed early in the 1S20s, w:ore offered for
sale under the nv. Land Act of 1S20, which abolished the credit system and made
lands not taken at auction available at private sale for 51.25 .er acre. One
hundred dollars in cash would buy an eighty-acre lot. Men roamed about to lo-
cate the best lands they could find for purchase. he have no estLmate of how
many chose not to purchase but to remain as squatters on the public domain.
Many looked forward with increasing eagerness to the time when the rich prairie
lands west of the Tombigbee would be ceded by the Choctaws and Chickasaws. The
settlements on the east side of the Tombigbee were Cotton Gin Port, Athens,
Hamilton, Columbus, and Pickensville. They served as bases in the preparation
for the occupation and explaitation of the lands west of the Tombigbee as soon
as the Indians should cede them.

Meanwhile the impact of the developments of the 1S20s on the Indians living
west of the Tombigbee River was terrific. They were subjected intensively to
the white man's ideas. They were increasingly surrounded by whites who wanted
their lands. Their hunting ,;as being progressively ruined. The white maan's
agriculture was being urged upon them as a model, and they were increasingly
adopting it. The.' spread out rapidly from their villages, now that armed enemies
no longer worried them, and built homes and farms much like those of the frontier
whites. They raised livestock increasingly and wanted the same kind of stock
range lands that the whites did. They became more intensive in their agricul-
ture, and some grew considerable amounts f cotton, a few with Negro slave labor.
They used the white man's money. Some opened fields and pasture lands near the
Tombigbee.

The Indians were getting more like the whites; in fact, some were whites
who had been taken into Indian society, and there were many others who were of
mixed blood. English names among them became common, and a few of the whites
and people of mixed blood were literate. It was these people among the Indians
who took the lead in developing individual farms and trying to acquire wealth.

However, in 1329, Mississippi extended legal process to the Indian country.

and in 1830 it extended Mississippi laws over the Indians. The white people of
Alabama and Mississippi coveted the Indian lands and their demands reached a
responsive government in Washington.

In 1830 at Dancing Rabbit Creek the Choctaws ceded their lands west of the
Tombigbee to the United States (Kappler, 1904, pp. 310-319). The treaty pro-
vided for the removal of the Indians to the country west of the Mississippi
River (see Fig. 7 for Indian land cessions). It provided that liberal land
grants in fee simple would be made to individual Indians who chose to remain.
On the surface it appeared that the Indians had made a very good deal for them-

,,,__
_,,.__ _ _ _..
_,,__
selves. No ',hite settlements ',ere to be pernlitted before the main bov:,f the
Indians was removed to the est. Inidividual 1Choctaws 'i 4ht sell tIheir mirr ic:-
lar land holdings and improvements. In practicL the Indians fared badli. .h jit.
settlers moved in despite the nrohibitions of the treat%. Indians were general-
l" swindled out of their property, and nearly all. including those of .nixec
blood, departed within a few years (Young, 19tli . Some townships near Columbus
were surveyed in IS533-4 and were offered for sale ror auction in i 34.

The Chickasaws staved longer, but in IS32 they, too, agreed to -o to the
West. The treaty of Pontotoc of that ,ear recites (Kappler, 1904, pp. 35b-362):

The Chickasaw Nation find themselves copressed in their present situ-

ation; by being made subject to the laws of the States in which thea reside.
Being ignorant of the language and laws of the white man, they cannot under-
stand or obey them. Rather than submit to this great evil, they prefer to
seek a home in the west, where they may live and be governed by their own
laws.

The treaty provided that the ceded lands should be surveyed and sold by the
United States and the proceeds paid to the tribe, individuals beino paid for
their respective improvements. If the movement westward should not have been
effected before the lands were offered for sale, individual Indians might
obtain allotments from the surveyed lands to use as long as they occupied them.
The Chickasaws were slow in obtaining suitable lands in the West, and meanwhile,
despite treaty provisions, the whites moved in, set up stores, and sought out
good lands for purchase.

Chickasaw-; representatives went to Washington in 1834 and negotiated the

Treaty of Washington (Kappler, 1904, pp. 418-425), in which the United States
agreed to keep intruders out of Chickasaw lands. It was also arranged that the
allotments to individual Indians be in fee. The remaining lands were to be
offered at public sale (auction), with a minimum price of $1.25 per acre. Lands
unsold would subseauently be available at private entry (private salej at the
minimum price. After one year the price would be reduced to SI.00, after two
years to $.50, after three years to 5.25, and after four years to 5.125. The
lands were surveyed, and very extensive areas, including those along the Tombig-
bee River were covered with Indian allotments, on which the United States issued
patents in the early 1840s to individual Indians. Land sales in the Chickasaw
cession began in 1836. In January, 1S37, the Chickasaws arranged to buy exten-
sive Choctaw lands in Indian Territory west of the Mississippi. Whites managed
to buy up most of the Indian allotments in Mississippi, usually rather cheaply.
A few chiefs of mixed blood, with large allotments, did very well.

The title of the original inhabitants to the lands was recognized by the
British and later by the American government. That title had to be cleared
before the lands could be surveyed and sold. Indians held the lands as tenants
in common, not as individuals owning separate plots. So some means had to be
found to secure the general consent of the Indians, who usually resisted sale
with great tenacity. This was accomplished by manipulation or intimidation of
the Indians into alienating their titles by treaties of cession.

The basic system of land surveys and sales by the United States was set up
by the Land Ordinance of 1785. Lands owned by the United States were surveyed
into rectangulor lots inC offered :it puni ic sale ,uct Ia . Liidtt ta;kn
1-aring the 'erioU ore shbsequentlv
.ction ';iailal :it ' riv:te sai,2' at i
tixed :inimum 'r,'ce from- the appropriate .and ic-. nce . 1argoeovernment
part of the lands of tihe United States, exct on tne i-stern se 'ibo.,nr, .%ere :a
part of the public domain, tho pol icy of survev an, sole by the federal .overn-
ment has been on I .portant and integral xiart of the ;rocess of westward exl)an-
sion and exploitation of resources.

As modified by the Land Act of 179o, the system of surveys provided for
rectangular townships six miles square nubered from a standard base line and o
standard meridian in each land district see Fig. 9,. Vertical rows of town-
ships were called ranges and iere numbered east and west irom the principal
meridian. The townships within each rankle were numbered north and south from
the standard base line.

The Land Act of 1-9b provided for the surveying of each township into
thirty-six sections, each one nile square and containing 040 acres. The sections
were numbered in each township according to a standard plan from one to thirty-
six. In actual practice there were many incomplete, fractional townships. In
areas where there were claims recognized before the survey took piace, these
claims might be surveyed first and given section numbers, so that on the lower
Tombigbee River we soietimes find numbers of sections reaching above thirty-six.
In many places the surveyors also divided the sections into halves, quarters,
half quarters, and quarter ouarters.

In IS20 credit nurchases were abolished, but the minimum price was reduced
from 52.00 to S.23 per acre. There had been much overbuying of lands on credit.
and the Panic of 1819, tiich brought severe economic difficulties, left many
people unable to make paynents on their lands. Various acts of Congress made it
possible for the purchasers to delay payment or to relinquish part of their lands
and keen the rest. There were too few early settlers near the Tomhigbee for
these measures to nave much effect there.

The lands of the Tombigbee area were surveyed in four different land dis-
tricts, each with its own principal meridian and base line. Ihhere the district
boundary is at the Tombicbee River or at Gaines' Trace. the irregularities in
the survey can be very confusing. The lands east of the Tombigbee in Alabama
and Mississippi obtained by treaties with the Creeks in 1814 and tie Choctaws
and Chickasaws in I810 were brought to market between 1S20 and 1828. Lands
about Pickensville and Nashville were offered at auction in 1821. Those at
Columbus, Hamilton, and Cotton Gin Port became available in 1824, all the set-
tlers there having previously been squatters. Mary E. Young has published maps
-howing when all areas in Alabama and Mississippi ;'ere brought to market isee
Figs. 10 and 11).

In man" areas, before or after the clearing of the Indian title, settlers
moved in without authorization. They would conmonlv clear an area, build a
cabin, and plant a corn patch. These "improvements," on lands that the settlers,
known as squatters, did not own, :.iiht increase the value of the land when it
was sold at auction. The unauthorized settlers mig)ht form a : ali: in "
intimidate buyers -r they might get Congress to (,rant them preemption rig'hts to
the purchase of lots, including their improvements, at the minimum price. For
a variety of reasons these problems and issues did not deeply affect the sub-
 ___ CES GNAT ING OF 7COANSHfPSz
T. 5N.

7.4N.

T.ZN.

FT_ IAl

a.~ T.4S5

7.5 S. I

~CV~'~i-'PSr'c;\SCNS
NS C~ (:F A SECTIO

6 5 4 2

- Z - 2
9~~3 ARE ACRES2

1 8 Z767 1 25 1 UPE -IC

31 23 24 36L CN7 SEC7-e

I 4 C;ES 40AC CSzE

S6 VLES SCUARE AND A SEC7!CN ;S I YJILE S5-UAPE AN

.4 A 36-S C -;E MILES NAS6OACE

FIG. 9. THE SYSTEM OF SURVEYS PROVIDED IN THE PUBLIC LAND ACT CF 179o.

.io
 777

3,
I

'3 '0 i Z e

/777

F 82-

8:2 7

0 A0
/170 mies-

FIG. 10. LAI\DS OFFERED AT PUBLIC SALE -N ATL\BAt\, W ITH DATES. Ma trO7.
Mary E. Young, Redskins, Ruffleshirts, and Rednecks. --, yri,h t, 1 '-1D,
Universitv of Oklahoma Press. Used by nermuission.
 83- ~ W
K44
8
I)xV,_
184r.
'4/ 5

35-,+

miles

~ LADZF4E
FIG. ~ ~ ~ 8 TPBI
:81. AEINMSISPI IHDTS a
Mary E. Y~~ounRdknRflsitadRdek.
from C~rgt
b ,Un ver ity of kla0 m
196 s Usdoyieli si n

SZI
sequent auctions of land alono the Fombiobee, except chat by an act of June
1834, Congress permitted pree'mption, in the Choctaw rurchase, o" lot) icres ,t
S1.25 per acre, if the purchaser had cultivated the land in 1833 :',,oun-, i,1
p. 38 .

The nrobleas of isettler in finding a suitable place for settlement and

the issues and choices involved are illustrated in letters of James Nance of
Pickensville to his father in North Carolina in 1S32 (typescripts supplied by
Jack D. Elliott of Palo Alto, Mississippi from copies said to be in the home of
Mtrs. Catherine Spell of Carrollton, Alabama). He passed the summer of I832 in
examining lands in various places. In Jul. he made an eight-day trip alone in-
to the Choctaw nation to look for a place to settle. For two days he saw onl\"
Indians, whose language he could not understand. Viewing the prairies, he said:

It looks like some ocean, not a tree nor a shrub only once and a while
some scrubby blackjack, and is covered in grape and weeds from nee to six
feet high and take the country generally through very rich lands enough to
make any man leave home.

But the disadvantage in this is no water at this season of the year,

only in places I rode from morning until night before i got a drop and then
not good and camped with the Indians. In winter the muddiest country you
ever saw and most disagreeable. . . . If government was to give me one
thousand acres, I could not be satisfied to move there in my opinion for I
think it will be a sickly place. Let others make the trial before me.

Others were already moving into the prairie, but Nance went to the land office
at Tuscaloosa and bought 100 acres of rich land on the east side of the Tombig-
bee and began ciearing it. "The disadvantage is this," he said, "it is subject
to overflow in large freshets. . . . We cannot live nearer than one mile and
half with safety for health tho I have seen people live in worse places than
that." Nance observed that he had gone to a cow-selling and seen from ten to
seventy-five cattle sold. He had killed four wildcats and four deer. Along the
river, where the cane was thick, he had been frightened by a bear.

In 1832 Nance described his living quarters as follows:

The house we live in is a small house built of logs with a shed on

each side and pyazer [piazza] on the ends, no shutters for [nor] doors, a
part of the floor is split pieces of poplar. i live at home and owe
nothing, only to Lemuel.

Nance soon sold his North Carolina farm and borrowed additional money to bu
slaves and land near the Tombigbee. In 1S33 he reported:

we have eighteen in family, now we require your greasy meat sticks.

My heaviest hog weighed 248 lbs. and I bought the hogs from the Indians
in August at 4 dollars a piece. . . . I have 20 hoes for another year I
also have 9 head of cattle 4 head of horses. I made a plenty of corn to
serve my need tho i bought 52 bushels. . . . I bought it four [for] a debt
that was owing to me at 50 cents per bushel. . . . I made 2800 lbs. of
cotton and only had 20 acres. . . . This is a plentiful countrw to ..ern
that use industry .
 72
As to the Black Prairie in .lississippi James Nance remarked:

,reat many disadvantages will and does attend that countru tho the
richest land I ever saw it is more than as aood again as anu land on Swift
Creek. You cannot manure any land in Wake County equal to it. I have no
doubt but that it will bring 1500 weight of cotton to the acre and not a
single tree upon it.

In April, 1833, Nance went to Mobile on a steamboat with his cotton, where,
he said:

ipurchased all my necessarys such as suqar, coffee, flour, fish,

molasses, irons, blacksmith tools sawmill irons and when I zuit I owed them
three hundred and forty-seven dollars

In .July, 1833, he took a three-week trip into Mississippi to exmnine lands.

lie wrote:

You need not think I am going to move, for I intend to saw all the
pine I have before I leavye this hill. If I should leave, the building of
my mill is a severe job.... My work men sets in tomorrow week and
charges the small sum of seven dollars per day.

He made a good cotton crop and sought to buy more land, but the price in his
neighborhood was fifteen to twenty dollars per acre. He did not buy at such
prices but sought lands elsewhere that might be available from the government at
the minimum price. He must have done very well, for Nance's Ferry across the
Tombigbee and Nance's steam mills on the western side have left their mark on
the map, along with Nance's brick kilns, and Nance's descendants, who lived long
in the area. While Nance was no literary artist, the fragment-rv observations
in his letters tell us much about the country on the Tombigbee in which he lived
in the early 1830s. Lands along the Tombigbee were subject to flooding, and
mosquito-borne diseases were a menace. Living too close was highly undesirable,
but how close it was safe to live could be determined only by some years of
experience.

Settlers of the Nance type were numerous, and many had greater resources
initially than he. They came from the plantation lands of 6eorgia, South Caro-
lina, and North Carolina, and they sought cheap and productive lands on which to
grow cotton with slave labor. Others, without slaves and with lesser assets,
sought to make it by their own labor and that of their families. They had to
concentrate on subsistence until they could produce a surplus of a marketable
crop.

Concerning the early settlers Frank L. Owsley, Sr., has this to say
(Owsley, 1945, p. 171):

The method of migration and settlement in the South was fairly uni-
form during the pioneer period. Friends and relatives in the same or
neighboring communities formed one or more parties and moved out together,
and when they had reached the promised land they constituted a new com-
munity, which was called a "settle-ment"--and it is still so called.
 Settlements were frequently miles apart, and the inhabitants of a single
settlement would be more scattered than theu had been in the old community
.n the East; and the settlers would com= in after the first treX in smaier
zrcups or in single families and fill in the interstices. These later
coners would often be relatives or friends of those who had come first, or
friends of their friends. rrecuent!u church congregations would *ove in a
body .

Some of these migrants would prosper and some would not. Concerning what ,.as to
happen to them Owslev has this to say (ibid., o. 175):

The agricultural immigrants who had deliberately shunned the fertile

but tough clay and lime soils and had settled upon inferior sandy-loam
lands placed limitations--though not as severe--upon their future economic
prosperity in a way similar to the piney wood and mountain folk. While
many became well-to-do, few became rich, for the economic level of an agri-
cultural people can rise but little above the level of the fertility of the
soil. On such lands were many large farmers and small planters with ten or
fifteen slaves, but there were few if any large planters. Those agricul-
tural migrants who moved into the rich lands were the most fortunate; for,
while most who settled in the black belt were possessed of only moderate
means at the time of settlement, nearly all rose greatly in the economic
scale and many who were poor in the beginning became immensely wealthy
before 1360. There were thus several regions differing greatlu in fertil-
ity of soil, and consequently in wealth. As between these regions there
was segregation; but within each region there was very little. in the
black belt, for example, the property of non-slaveholders and the great
planters lay intermingled, and the census and tax lists show that the
values of their lands and their agricultural productions per acre -were about
the same.

There was still another class of settlers, however, with a different back-
ground and a different way of life. This was the herdsmen. They r:iSed catte
and hogs and sometimes other livestock on vast ranges which they did not own.
These people were generally not literate, and the accounts of them come primar-
ily from the occasional observations of others. The direct observations that
have come to hand of those who settled in our subject area are few and fragmen-
tary. They were squatters on public land or Indian land--or anybody's land.
They required large areas for range pastures; such areas were available in the
mountains, hills, and the piney woods. Particularly attractive were the cane-
brake areas of the river flood plain in Alabama and Mississippi, where all-year
range pasture was available. The chief historian of these people is Frank L.
Owsley, Sr., who gives us the words of several observers, although unfortunately
none in our subject area. There was William H. Sparks. the jurist, from the
Natchez, Mississippi, district, who observed the settlements east of Pearl
River. He said (ibid, p. 137) that these were

constituted of a different people [from the agricultural population

farther west]: most of them were from the poorer districts of Georgia and
the Carolinas. True to the instincts of the people from whom they were
descended, they sought as nearly as possible just such a country as that
from which they came, and were really refugees from a growing civilization
 consequent upon a denser population and its necessities. They were not
a'riculturists in a proper sense of nhat term; true, they oultivated in
some degree the soil, but it was not the prime pursuit of these people, nor
was the location sought for this purpose. They desired an open, poor, pine
country, which forbade a numerous population.

Here they reared iimmense herds of cattle, which subsisted exclusivel-

upon coarse grass and reeds which grew abundantly among the tall, lona-
leafed pine, and along the small creeks and branches in this section.
Through these almost interminable pine forests the deer were abundant, and
the canebrakes full of bears. They combined the pursuit of huntinq and
stock-minding, and derived suPort and revenue almost exclusively from
these.

Sparks tells the story of his grandfather, a few years after the American
Revolution, migrating from Georgia (ibid., p. 15SW:

He carried with him a small, one-horse -art pulled by an old grey nare,
one feather bed, an oven, a fruing-pan, two pewter dishes, six pewter
plates, as many spoons, a rifle gun, and three deer-hounds. He worried
through the Creek Nation, extending then from the Oconee River [in Georgia]
to the Tombigbee River [flowing through parts of eastern Mississippi and
western Alabama].

After four months of arduous travel he found his way to Leaf River,
and there built his cabin; and my grandmother, and my father, who was born
on the trio in the heart of the Creek Nation, connenced to make a fortune.
He found on a small creek on beautiful water a little bay land, and made
his little field for corn and pumpkins upon that spot, all around us was
poor, barren woods, and he said it was a good range for stock; but he had
not an ox or cow on the face of the earth. The truth is it looked like
Emanuel County [in Georgia]. The turpentine smell, the moan of the wind
through the pine-trees, and nobody within fifty miles of him, was too
captivating a concantation to be resisted, and he rested here.

About five years after he came, a man from Pearl River was driving
some cattle by to Mobile, and gave may grandfather two cows to help him
drive his cattle. It was over one hundred miles and you would have sup-
posed it a dear bargain; but it turned out well, for the old man in about
six weeks got back with six other head of cattle [he had obviously been
engaged in a bit of cattle rustling]. From these he commenced to rear a
stock which in time became large [which indeed, according to Sparks'
account, developed into a sizable fortune. [The brackets are Cwsley's. I

Frederick L. Olmsted, the New York landscape architect, says of another

southern area (ibid., p. 162):

The hills generally afford an excellent range, and the mast is usually
good, much being provided by the chestnut, as well as the oak, and smaller
nut bearing trees.. . . Horses, mules, cattle and swine, are raised
extensively, and sheep and goats in smaller numbers throughout the moun-
tains, and afford almost the only articles of agricultural export.

Owsley himself observes (ibid., p. 1l()I

 T'he best ras tare lands were -lwa'7s :::os -

anc the h2erdsnen in -luest of fi'ne_ _7asture~- ~i~

tno-se -arts of tne :Uol;C dlomain Wl:2tr"e ln':r.nant far::er
occury. The resulIt was that 31l th-e waL; fzam :ne.zn
ari d reaions of the Southwest and from colonial t_ ,mes t: !_
War, these pastoral folk were con t:uously crow,cn from ::h
by the agricultural -folk.

Cws ley further observes (ibid. , p). lo-')

drazing as distinct -From livestock feeding was or cIreater m'j .-

:mportance in heante-belluim South than in any -tther t art i .,
States. Indeed, the Southi produced a larger number of mule s, a-
beef cattle in proportion to ppUlation than any' other sec:t:or unt: 3.

As we shall see in a later chapter, the dynamics of t me, Kervv x

circumstance had sealed the future fate of these People. ("t Ie: o)hs er"es:
p. 175):

The herdsmen, who withdrew to the ruc_ ed and sterile lands -:-: Draer
thlat they might continue the occu.vation -_;,at tnea :erjed, 7>aced CrjastIC
limitations uoon their own futu.re econcm-_c :,e-en . .s lonc as tre zacne
belt and highlands were not overcrowded bu m7an and beast, the" rano-e re-
mained spod and these sem:'-tastoral folk cvc we- in ao,.ssessed a strcno
sense of security.. They were certainly; not pcor wites as a class; bu-t
neither were many of them wealthu. Et.-entjalla, wner tnese reccIons be,-car
to be crowded--all this was happening afew r-aces prior to tne clWr-
the people would be compeiled to c7raze fewer cattle and cult:ivate more and
more land until they would -find themselves farmers culti'vating roor sad'
without much knowledge of agriculture.

The pastoral people were an ever-present fac:tor in the settlement of the

subiect area, but they were generally not landow-ners, and they have produced but
few written records, so the historians have tended to ignore them. They, raised
c-orn and veg-etables for home consumption and, where the fertility of their little
valleys permitted, migyht grow rather extensive amounts of corn to be fed to
their stock or sold for feeding, to herds driven through their country to market.
The up-country cotton farmers and planters who settled on the new lands also had
livestock, but their main emphasis was on plant husbandry.
 CHAPTER VI

SETTLEENTS WEST OF THE TOMBIGBEE

A considerable tide of white settlers crossed the Tombigbee River in tho

1330s. Although the prices bid at public land auctions were, with a few ex-
ceptions, unimpressive, speculators were reported to he doing considerable
buying. As far as the public record shows, most of the speculation appears to
have been by actual settlers and that rather limited. While prices at resale
were undoubtedly in some cases considerably higher, extensive unsold lands re-
mained available at the minimum price of S1.25 per acre in cash. The settlers
came from North and South Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, and Virginia.

Some of the lands in the Choctaw cession west of the Tombighee lay within
Alabama. Out of this addition, Pickens County was expanded to the Mississippi
line in 1832, and Sumter County was created in the same year. In Mississippi,
a large area west of the Tombigbee was added to old Monroe, and the county seat
wa:- moved from Hamilton to Athens, in IS30. The southern part was split off to
form the new county of Lowndes, with Columbus as its seat. In these counties
many of the early settlers who had located and purchased good lands on the east-
ern side of the Tombigbee preferred to hold what they had rather than accept the
hazards of settling on the rich but difficult and unfamiliar Black Prairie, west
of the river. Some of those acquiring prairie lands were wealthy enough to
purchase whole sections, or even thousands of acres of prairie land, either
directly from the government or from land speculators. Some were able to bring
large numbers of slaves with them. A considerable number of these people were
members of professions, such as lawyers, doctors, and newspaper editors, but
most of these engaged also in agriculture in addition to pursuing their profes-
sions. There appeared a planter society, transplated from the states to the
east, producing a situation that was unusual on the frontier. Geographer Myers
describes developments on the Mississippi Black Prairie as follows (Myers, 1949,
p. 267):
The plantation system of agriculture began
almost full-blown in th e
Prairie even before it was thrown open to white settlement and became
firmly established in the antebellum period. Considering crigin of the
settlers, it was but natural that such a system would fix itself on the
region and with its fertility of soil, along with the Alabama Black Belt,
become one of the wealthiest and most prosperous farming regions in the
whole of the antebellum South. Not all farms in the Black Prairie and
adjacent regions were plantations, of course, but many smaller farms
tended toward plantation economy and their operators became "small
planters". . . . The plantation and large farm dominated the social and
political life of the region.

1kGLDIG PAJ B -140T F____E

59
 IXist in, transportation routes, C<Tecil Iha thr 0 the an i.tne ir,
due'iv affected the pattern of settlement. Myers has this to sa\ i <.

Few towns developed at first. One place .ad little advantage over
another as a town site. Also th'e large size of land .oidincs and scat:orec
and small population as a consequence, militated against development of
-rairie villages. Since many farms and plantations >,came relatz:,eLi self-
sufficient units with widelq varied food production, bricky'ards, sawmnzils,
Tristmills, and gins, and since other less self-sufficient plantation
owners nurchased most of their outside needs from distant markets during
teir winter visits to Mobile or Memohis, there was little need for
Prairie towns. Instead of towns, small hamlets developed, made up -f
several plantations, smaller farms with their white and necro inhabi ants
and centering around a store or two, a blacksmith shop and perhaps a
doctor's house. In many places such community centers arose on major roads
or cross-roads. When immortant stage routes passed through them, such
little hamlets sometimes developed into small Prairie towns, such as
arrollsville, Deerbrook, or Pikeville.

The movement of settlers into the Chickasaw cession was later in comine
than that into the former land of the Choctaws, for the Chickasaws were slower
in finding western lands and in moving away. The town of Aberdeen, west of the
Tombigbee, was settled in 1836 and quickly became a rival of Columbus. Settlers
moving into the Chickasaw lands found fertile bottom lands, and they were nar-
ticularly attracted to the Pontotoc Ridge, as well as to the Black Prairie.

The northern part of the Chickasaw cession, in what became Itawamba and
Tishomingo counties, seems to have been particularly attractive to herdsmen, who
found there not only good grazing in the hills but also very fertile, a though
somewhat limited, bottom lands that were good for corn. These count. s Lauld
grow hogs and cattle, and they could produce corn for sale to the drovers who
brought annually-increasing numbers of hogs southwestward across this part of
the country for sale in southern and western parts of Mississippi. The popuia-
tion of these northeastern counties did not become as dense as that of the more
southerly counties, and the general character of the settlements differed. jor
county statistics see Appendix S.) Furthermore, land sales in these northeastern
counties lagged notably, and the prices paid for later purchases were made very
low by the application of the graduation principle.

The bounty of nature was considerable in the southern country. Wild oame
could be hunted, and fish abounded in many of the streams. Cattle and hogs
largely raised themselves. With much labor but without expense a house could he
put together. A suitable location for a corn patch and garden was not hard to
find, and "clearing" of new land could be accomplished by merely girdling the
trees with an axe and leaving the dead limbs to rain dow-n in windstorms over the
next twenty vears. Leather for many purposes could be obtained from locally-
grown cattle. Home-produced wool and cotton could be spun and %oven into cloth
for clothing.

Several factors tended to enforce a high degree of self-sufficiency on

pioneer society. One was the great difficulty of transporting articles of
necessity and convenience to the pioneer settler. Distances were great, roads

60
were either undeveloped or unimproved, and the distribution of goods was gener-
ally expensive. Even greater difficulty was experienced in transporting to
market the products of the frontier areas, which tended to be heavy and bulky
products of forests and fields with a low value per unit of weight or bulk.
Furthermore, pioneer settlers were so preoccupied with the problems of survival
and subduing the wilderness that producing anything at all for market tended to
be difficult. The distant consumer usually had closer and more accessiblc
sources of supply. Self-sufficiency, then, and "living at home," tended to be
the rule of the frontier, and the pioneer settlers had to make do with what
they had or what they could produce for themselves.

Yet there remained some necessities which had to be bought: axes, hoes,
pots and pans, guns and ammunition, and numerous small articles of household
and farm equipment. Local industries could supply many of the needs, such as
saddles and harness, wagons and carriages, crockery, and a few other things. It
was essential, however, that some things be acquired from distant sources of
supply, and these had to be paid for in money. Obtaining money required the
shipment of goods, and even the small frontier farmer had to market something.
The livestock could walk to market, and thus we find great hog drives and cattle
drives overland for marketing to secure money to pay for the purchase of neces-
sities.

Those who hoped to prosper, however, had to turn out large quantities of
marketable products and get them to market. The demand for transportation and
marketing facilities became very great. Pioneers with sufficient capital, educa-
tion, experience, and slaves for labor, showed a general determination to pros-
per. The successful ones acquired fertile lands and made their plantations not
only largely self-sufficient but also efficient producers of cotton, which was
by all measures the principal marketable crop of the region. Cotton was in
demand to supply the raw material for the manufacturers in England and for the
growing manufacturing industry of New England. Employment of slaves in eastern
Virginia had lost much of its profitability, and there was a surplus of slaves
from there and other parts of the southern Atlantic seaboard available for sale
to the planters of Alabama and Mississippi.

Enterprising planters borrowed money when they could get it, for conditions
looked very promising for a developing prosperity. The panics of 1S37 and iS39
seriously upset their headway, but boom times were to come in the years ahead.

The agricultural establishments in the Black Prairie and Pontotoc Ridge in

the 1830s ranged from single-family homesteadz without slaves to plantations
with a hundred or more. A large and well-developed plantation was a multi-
faceted operation. As Myers describes it (ibid., p. 270):

Besides the plantation home there would be an office, usually close to

the main house. Scattered around the usually large and shady plantation
grounds would be the homes of the slaves, or, in places, the inexpensive
slave homes would extend in rows back from the main house. Also included
in the plantation group of houses would be usually a gin house with some
shed for storing seed cotton or ginned cotton. In all probability the
plantation would have a commissary, blacksmith shop, brick yard, carpentry
shop and saw mill, and sometimes gristmill. Of course, only the largest
plantations had all features, especially the most self-sufficient planta-

61
 tions. Some plantations were much more commercial and depended on the
outside for most of their needs.

The early olantation homes, however, were generally of modest construction.

At first some of the soils were considered too rich for cotton, because
they tended to promote the growth of the stalk at the expense of the boll and
fiber. But after several years of cultivation in corn or other crops these
soils became suited to cotton production. Repeated use without crop rotation
tended to reduce the yields after a few years, so there soon arose a demand for
bringing in new land to sustain production. Of planting in the Black Prairie
Myers has this to say (ibid., p. 273::

Cotton was generally alanted on ridges made by throwing several

furrows together to make a bed. Plowing in the heavu soi7s or the Prairie
was auite difficult, especially with plows available at that time. One
writer states that it was ver' hard to use cast-iron plows and that turning
plows were finally made with an iron point and a wooden moldboard. Plant-
ing was done generally by hand, or, in later oears, with a drill, and the
ridges were opened for planting with a "scooter" or "bull tongue" plow.
After growth of the cotton, it was cultivated with a hoe or several horse-
drawn implements, such as the scraper, skimmer, and sweep. Thinning, then
as now, was done by hoes; and generally by July the crop was "laid by".

Cotton was little improved during the antebellum period, though

attempts were being made to produce a longer staple and a higher yield of
lint by use of various "improved" seed. Mexican or modified Vexican vari-
eties of seed were most popular. Fertilizer was rarely used. "Rust",
"Rot" and "Blight" were common diseases, while the caterpillar or "army
worm" and bollworm were the most dreaded insect pests. In several ante-
bellum years, there were very serious losses in the whole Cotton Belt from
such pests.

Corn was an important crop too on both plantation and farm. Of this Myers
says (ibid., p. 276):

Though cotton was easily the major cash crop of the Black Prairie in
the antebellum times, corn was another important crop of the region and
occupied most of the cultivated land not used for cotton. Corn was first
grown on the rich Black Prairie soils and then became an important crop in
some of the bottom land that was cleared before the Civil War... . Near-
ly one-third of Mississippi's corn was grown in the Northeastern Counties,
where leading corn production areas were in the Southern Black Prairie and
Pontotoc Ridge.

Most of the corn was consumed in the localities where it was produced, although
some parts of the Prairie were surplus corn producers. Corn was usually planted
on ridges, plowed and hoed several times, and sometimes the whole stalk and
leaves were pulled green for fodder. In wooded areas, however, where stumps and
dead trees remained, use of the hoe rather than the plow of necessity predomin-
ated.

62
 lheat caine to be gr ;,n in some areas, notably on Pontotoc Ridge. )tn :r
,,rains were produced to some extent, especiall' oats. Garden crops includeG
peas and beans and potatoes. Fields were also planted in peas -nd beans :or
direct consumption by livestock. The work stock, Nhich had to be fed to 1-e
efficient, included horses and oxen and a few mules. In the counties of Itawamba
and Tishomingo the variety of crops produced indicates a high measure of self-
sufficiency. Riding and buggy horses were numerous, and considerable poultry
was raised for home consumption. The characteristics described here were under
development in the 1S30s and were predominant during the two succeeding decades.

63
 CHAPTER VII

THE TRANSPORTATION FACTOR

Early transportation into the Upper Tombigbee Valley was primarily by pack
horse, aided in certain cases in favorable boating season by small boats on the
Tombigbee and sometimes on its tributaries. As we have seen in Chapter IV, a
system of trails developed first, then came roads which were intended for wagon
transportation. In order to avoid the numerous creek and river swamps, roads
tended to follow the ridges, and often the routes were circuitous. Some swamps
had to be crossed, but sometimes for months floods made this impossible. Horses
and oxen were relied upon to pull the carriages and wagons, and large teams were
often required for the purpose. Saddle horses were useful for carrying people,
but they could have trouble in the muck of the Black Belt, even to the point of
pulling off a hoof.

Crossing the Tombigbee and smaller streams called for ferries, of which a
good many came to be established, but usually they were spaced far apart and
were not easily operated at high water; in fact, they might be unapproachable
from the land in flood time. These ferries, operated by private owners under
license, were propelled by muscle power with the aid of a rope stretched across
the river or lying on the bottom. They were built as scows, with flat sides,
and in earlier times were known as "flats." Getting on and off the ferries with
a team and wagon or carriage could be a dangerous undertaking, and skittish
horses could plunge off into the river with the vehicle. A ferryman charged a
fee, which people to whom money was very scarce found irksome. Getting live-
stock across the Tombigbee, even with a ferry, could be troublesome. There were
a great many bars in the Tombigbee, which provided fords at low water, usually
from six to eight months during the year.

Those people who lived away from concentrated settlements necessarily led
an isolated life in a country where settlements were widely scattered and trans-
portation was difficult. The social effect was only one of the problems. Agri-
cultural products required cheap transportation for heavy commodities to distant
markets. Cotton, the principal product of the Tombigbee area, happened to be
rather valuable in proportion to its weight, compared with corn or other grains.
but getting it to market was still full of problems. The markets were distant,
and the swamps and bad roads sharply limited the range of commercial traffic by
wagon, especially in the rainy season. Cotton was harvested in the late summer
and fall, the dr, season best suited to wagon traffic, but by the time the seeds
had been removed with a gin and the lint had been baled, the rainy season had
arrived.

For livestock the age-old solution to the problem of transportation to

market was to let the animals walk. Cattle could easily walk to market, and in
antebellum times there developed a heavy movement of hogs from middle Tennessee

o.1
southwestward through Tishomingo County to the farmns and plantations of !issis-
sippi. In anticipation of the annual hog drives farmers in Tishomingo Ccuntv
developed a habit of producing corn in order to have it cn hand for sale to the
drovers in the hog-driving season.

In the iS30s, when county government was extended over the lands of the
Choctaws and Chickasaws, several new counties were created. Road construction
and maintenance fell under the authority of the county governments, which could
levy upon able-bodied men the service of several days each year in roadhuilding
and maintenance. The importance of better roads was generally recognized, but
the population was thin and the task of building and maintenance was large. The
work done .as important, but what loomed large was the magnitude of the task of
providing a newly-settled region with transportation facilities adequate to its
needs. Roads remained bad.

The Upper Tombigbee River and its tributaries ramified out into north-
eastern Mississippi. In the Tombigbee and its branches there was a natural
transportation system which had its primary focus in the port and commercial
center of Mobile. The navigability of the streams generally varied in accordance
with the distance from Mobile. The Upper Tombigbee was a small river, and its
various tributaries were still smaller. To get the cotton out, and sometimes
logs and lumber and other products, it was often feasible to build flatboats,
vessels with flat sides, which were easily constructed. They were propelled by
the current and manipulated with long sweeps, but the" had no other motive
power. These might be floated down the streams as far as Mobile at high water,
but they could not come back. Smaller keelboats could also move downstream, and
they could also, with the application of much muscle power to oars and poles. be
moved slowly upstream and back to the point of departure.

Keelboats and flatboats were used very early on the Upper Tombigbee. The
keelboat Cotton Gin Cutter from Cotton Gin Port arrived at Mobile on January 5,
1820, and next month the barge Southern Trader arrived from Columbus. In 1821
low water made the river difficult to navigate, but nevertheless the keelboat
Columbus Hornet made the trip from Columbus to Mobile (Rodabough, April 19, 1973).
During the 1820s, however, there was little for a keelboat or flatboat to haul
from the Upper Tombigbee except what might be shipped from sparsely-settled
Monroe County through the landings at Cotton Gin Port, Hamilton, Columbus, and
Pickensville. With the opening of the lands west of the Tombigbee, however, in
the 1830s, foundations were laid for rapidly-increasing commercial production
which would have to seek a market. Flatboats and keelboats continued to be seen
on the Upper Tombigbee until the late years of the nineteenth century.

The tributary streams of the Tombigbee on the east were unsuited to naviga-
tion, with the possible exception of the Sipsey River and the creeks of Pickens
County', but there were many streams on the western side of sufficient volume,
with little fall. to present quite a different picture. Just above Gainesville
the Noxubee River entered the Tombigbee. At high water it might be navigated
all the way to Macon. Above Columbus Tibbee Creek with its various branches
offered interesting possibilities. Above Cotton Gin Port, the East Fork
(Mackey's Creek) and West Fork (Old Town Creek) had possibilities for navigation.
And there were smaller streams of limited length. These were commonly clogged
with logs and obstructed by overhanging trees, and the water was usually too lo,

i5
to float a boat over the obstructions. However, if the overhanging and fallun
trees, and an occasional snag, could be removed, many of these streams could
float a flatboat at high water.

The nomenclature used for boats was often inconsistently applied, so it is

hard to tell what is meant when the word "barge" appears. Vessels called bar-es
were moved upstream on the creeks at high water by various means and were easily
brought back down. Such craft, whatever they may actually have looked like,
were used for local traffic to connect with several river ports.

Mill dams and fish traps presented obstructions on creeks, and conflicts
developed between those who wished to have the benefit of such facilities on the
one hand and those who on the other desired the operation of boats. The build-
ing of mill dams in Mississippi was under license from the county boards of
police. A restriction might be imposed on such a dam that it should not be
built so as to interfere with navigation at high water. A creek declared naviga-
ble by state law must not be obstructed.

The importance placed on the navigation of the numerous streams coming into
the Tombigbee from the west is illustrated by the following state laws [session
laws of Mississippi for the respective years):

1838, Noxubee River declared a navigable stream to the old Choctaw council
house. Obstructions to free navigation of the river are prohibited.

1838, East Branch of the Tombigbee River declared a navigable stream up to

Fulton, and obstructing the same is prohibited.

1839, Tibbee Creek is declared a navigable stream from its mouth to the
mouth of Trim Cane Creek. Obstructions to navigation are prohibited.

1840, Chiwapa Creek, called the western branch of the Tombigbee River, is
declared navigable from its mouth up to the mouth of Old Town Creek, and
the latter is declared navigable from that point to the southern boundary
of Township 10, Range 3, East [all of this has subsequently come to be
known as Old Town Creek]. Obstructing the free navigation of these streams
is prohibited.

1840, Chuckatoncha Creek is declared a navigable stream from its junction

with Tibbee Creek up to the mouth of Sloneka Creek in Chickasaw County.
Obstructions are prohibited.

1846, Noxubee River is declared a navigable stream from the Alabama line
to Kirksey's Mill. Felling trees across the river or constructing a dam
for a fish trap or a mill is prohibited.

1846, Line Creek in Oktibbeha County is declared a navigable stream from

its junction with Chuckatoncha Creek to Clarke's 3ridge.

1850, Trim Cane Creek, in Oktibbeha County, is declared a navigable stream

as high up as Pearson's Mill, on said stream. Twenty Mile Creek is
declared a navigable stream from its confluence with Brown's Creek to Wiley
Belcher's Mills in Tishomingo County.

66
 -U-

1850, old Town Creek is declared a navigable stream as high up as the -junc-
tion of Mud Creek in Itawamba County. Penalties are specified for obstruc-
tion.

1352, Chiwapa Creek is Pontotoc County is declared a navigable stream up to

Coleman's Mills.

1856, A general law is enacted relating to navigable streams. Road hands

are liable for duty in improving them as in improving public roads. The
Board of Police shall divide up the work. Overseers on all such navigable
streams shall cause all logs and overhanging ti..2ber and other obstructions
to navigation to be removed as far as their work permits.

Acts of Mississippi of 1858 and 1860 brought a repeal of some of the laws declar-
ing creeks navigable. This action seems to have been taken in response to the
construction of railroads, which might carry the traffic formerly moved by boats
and which needed to build bridges, which might interfere with navigation, across
the streams.

The nature of the Tombigbee River itself is indicated by the following

description in the annual report of Army Chief of Engineers for 1882, p. 1237:

From Columbus to the junction of the Tombigbee and Alabama is, by

steamboat measurement, 366 miles. Its normal width below the mouth of the
Slack Warrior is about 300 feet; above, it is 150 feet. It was originally
navigable for large boats only in the winter and spring for a period ranging
from 4 to 7 months. During this time the river affords from 15 to 40 feet
in depth, and the only obstructions on this stage of water the overhanging
trees, which, on dark nights and foggy weather, not infrequently cause
serious damaqe to steamboats. During low water, a season lasting from five
to eight months, numerous bars affording 18 to 22 inches water, together
with the thickly strewn snags and sunken logs, made navigation both diffi
cult and dangerous. In fact, the head of summer navigation seldom extended
above Demopolis 243 miles from Mobile and sometimes not above Bladen
Springs 100 miles below.

The introduction of steamboats in the early 1820s brought a neh dimension

to transportation in the Upper Tombigbee area, for these boats could carry
heavy cargoes both up and down stream. In BS22 a little steamboat named the
Cotton Plant came to Columbus, where all thc settlers were still squatters on
public land and the country to the west of the river belonged to the Choctaws.
The Cotton Plant was a little sidewheel steamer of 72 tons. It returned in 1823
and in December of that year advertised regular runs between Mlobile and Columbus.
In April, 1824, it continued upstream past Columbus and reached Cotton Gin Port
(Rodabough, February 11, 1971). The era of steamboats on the Little Tombigbee
had thus been inaugurated. The further operation of steamboats and flatboats on
the Upper Tombigbee in the 1820s is largely unrecorded in extant records, but
there seems no reason to doubt that it went on each year during the high-water
season. The volume of business was not yet large, but vitally important founda-
tions were being laid for the coming decade when the Indian lands west of the
Tombigbee would become available for settlement.

Ill I l " i i i i, " I i , . ... . . ..,

 In IS31 the Mobile newspapers list the steamboats Marietta, Corsair,,Wild
Cat, and Sun as being in the Columbus trade. In 1S32 the Marietta and the SUn
are again listed. On one trip the Marietta brought to Mobile "four hundred and
sixty-five bales of cotton, thirty-seven bales of deer skins, thirteen iundred
bales of cow hides, a box of furs, and five barrels of beeswax" (Evans, 1942.
p. -'IS). This cargo seems to have been fairly representative of the productions
of the Upper Tombigbee country at that time. The steamboats also carried pas-
sengers. In the lS30s the fertile agricultural districts west of the Tombigbee
were being occupied by white settlers, but time was required to develop the
facilities for living and for cultivating the soil. Mobile from the beginning
was the emporium of the Upper Tombigbee trade, and the carrying on of this trade
depended vitally upon the use of flatboats and steamboats on the Tombigbee River
and its tributaries. From 1831 the Mobile newspapers reported each year the
names of some of the steamboats and their captains, in the Upper Tombigbee trade.
Carriages, wagons, horses, and oxen had to be relied on to supplement the river
in the carriage of passengers and freight, and when the water was low, they were
the only means of transportation even along the river.

The twenty years from 1839 to IS59 represent the great day of steamboating
on the Upper Tombigbee River. Except for an area from which Eastport on the
Tennessee River in Tishomingo County could be reached by wagon, the entire
valley was dependent upon the river for its vital communications with Mobile.
The river was the lifeline. Flatboats and keelboats continued to operate, but
the predominant instrument in the carrying of the traffic was the steamboat. At
high water a steamboat would occasionally ascend one of the tributaries of the
river. For example, in December, 1350, the steamboat Olive, a vessel of 115
tons, proceeded up the Tombigbee by the Fast Fork to Fulton. Coping with leaning
trees and driftwood was its principal problem. The boat returned with only one
bucket missing from the paddle wheel, but no record has appeared of any other
steamboats going to Fulton until after the Civil War (Rodabough, February 11,
19-1). The railroad did not get there until 1925.

Although the Noxubee River, which entered the Tombigbee just above Gaines-
ville, was very crooked, it could be ascended by steamboats under favorable
circumstances as high up as Macon, the county seat of Noxubee County. The
steamers that plied the Noxubee in the years from IS45 to I53 were Olive, Jim,
Noxubee, and Eliza No. 2. The Olive was a sidewheel vessel, with a double
engine and a capacity of 700 bales of cotton. The Jim was a flatboat with an
engine, capable of carrying 300 to 400 bales. The Noxubee was a sidewheeler
with a capacity of 600 bales. The Eliza No. 2 was also a sidewheeler, with a
capacity of 700 to SO0 bales. In addition, there were eighteen or twenty barges
that carried large quantities of cotton and other produce out of the Noxubee.
(Macon Beacon, February 16, 1884.2

The steamboats known as "packets" operated on a regular schedule, with as

much as one round trip every week in boating season between Mobile and the
current head of navigation on the Upper Tombigbee. Their coming was often
announced through advertisements in local newspapers. They commonly ran to
Columbus and might extend the trip to Aberdeen when depth of water permitted.
Mobile steamboats in the Columbus trade commonly made stops at intermediate
landings, which would include settlements of sufficient size to be called towns,
cotton warehouses located on the river bluffs, and landings at i:dividual planta-
tions. Stops at wood yards were also a necessity in obtaining fuel.

68
 Cargo-handling facilities at most of these "orts" consisted primarily f
the strong backs of the deck crews. Loading cotton on boats might be : Lccom-
iished by a "cotton slide" which sloped down towards the boat landing from tne
top of a steep bluff. These slides, built of wood, were very useful but milht
be dangerous to those who were not quick enough to dodge the bounding bales. At
some places there were steep tramways that extended several hundred feet from
the warehouses down to the boats. Loaded cars might be pulled up on these with
the aid of a rope and some kind of a hoisting drum or winch, operated by steam
power or that of human or animal muscle. The tramway and cotton slide might be
built as one structure.

The steamboats carried most of the articles of trade required by the Upper
Tombigbee people. Partial lists of cargoes appear from time to time. For
example, in May, 1356, the steamboat Lucy. Bell landed the following articles at
Co lumbus:

100 sacks of coffee 50 barrels of mess pork

500 sacks of salt 100 kegs of nails
DO barrels of molasses 10,000 pounds of assorted iron
50 half-barrels of molasses 3,000 pounds of assorted castings

These were staple articles, but the list does not give us as good a picture of
the entire trade as do merchants' account books (see Tables 8 and 9 and Appendix
2).

Since the boating season on the Upper Tombigbee lasted only about five
months, it was customary for steamboats which intended to enter the packet ser-
vice to advertise the fact about the time the rains were expected to begin,
perhaps late November. A typical advertisement would say that a particular
steamboat expected to :-rrive at Columbus with the first rise of the river, to be in
regular packet service during the boating season. A steamboat could make the
trip from Mobile to Columbus and return in a week. In some years the failure of
the rains had disastrous consequences, as reflected in the following item from
the Columbus Democrat of January 20, 1855:

Our river in consequence of the long-continued drought is still veru

low and all direct communication with Mobile is prevented, as completely so
as it usually is in the middle of the summer. Our planters cannot get their
cotton to market and our merchants and grocers are cut off from all supplies
... . Were it not for the supplies of flour which we are still able to
procure from Jamison's and Miller's mills, we should be entirely destitute
of that prime article of domestic necessity. . W...esaid last week that
our river was hardly ever known to keep down later than the middle of this
month. This was a mistake. Navigation to our town has sometiems been
closed till near the middle of February. In 1&40, we believe, the first
boat that reached our landing from Mobile was on the 9th or 10th of
Februaru.

The larger planters commonly made annual trips to Mobile. sometimes with
their families. For these people, the trip by steamboat was an interestIng
adventure, although not nearly as comfortable as romantic accounts would have
us believe. Travel by steamboat, and flatboat too, was dangerous. There were
sandbars and snags and overhanging trees, and the possibility of burstingz steam

o9
pipes and boilers added to the risks. There was the ever-present danger of
fire, and the possibility of falling overboard was not to be taken lightly.
Accidents were common.

On May 16, 1825, the little, 45-ton sidewheeler Allegheny, returning to

Mobile from Hamilton, struck a snag twelve miles below Columbus and sank
Mobile Commercial Register, May 24, 1825). On January 19, 1837, the 144-ton
sidewheeler Iowa caught fire and sank at Fairfield in Pickens County. This
vessel was built at Pittsburgh for St. Louis interests and was enrolled as a
steam vessel at Pittsburgh on March 22, 1S34. It had a transom stern, a cabin
on deck, and a figurehead, and measured 128 feet six inches in length and 22
feet nine inches in breadth, five feet eight inches in depth. It had only one
deck and no mast (Enrollment Records, National Archives, Washington, D.C..
The vessel was owned by Seymour Bates, who was also its master.

In December, 1851, the packet Forest Monarch, a 215-ton sidewheeler, struck

a snag and sank just above Pickensville. Several other steam vessels are known
to have gone to the bottom before the Civil War on the Upper Tombigbee River
tsee Appendix 6 for details). Most boats that sank were later raised, and in
other cases a part of the cargo was saved. The techniques of raising sunken
boats became highly developed.

In March, lS56, the steamer Azile struck a snag and sank a few miles below
Columbus, heavily laden for Aberdeen, with a loss of two lives (Aberdeen Evening
Tempest, April 1, 1856). The boat and cargo were declared a total loss. But
the Azile was soon doing business again.

For steamboat travelers of the Upper Tombigbee River it was the steamboat
Eliza Battle that established the most chilling memories. On the night of Maich
1, 1858, it was destroyed by fire near Kemp's Landing on the lower Tombigbee,
while carrying a large number of festive passengers from Aberdeen. Pickensville.
and perhaps other Upper Tombigbee points, as well as fourteen hundred bales of
cotton. The fire, alleged in later years to have been of incendiary origin,
started at or near the stem and spread with great rapidity. According to an
official account (Proceedings of the . . . Supervising Inspectors, 1S58, p. 55'1:

The water of the river was at a very high stage at that time, and
inundated the bottom lands, rendering the landing of the boat, for the
safety of those on board, impossible. The pilot run the boat into the
woods, and in this position, the boat burned to the water's edge. Passen-
gers and crew jumped overboard and attempted to save themselves on bales of
cotton. Of the whole number of persons on board twenty-nine were lost, 15
of the passengers and 14 of the crew, and all perished from exposure to the
severe weather during the night, while hanging to trees or bales of cotton
to which they had resorted for safety.

The lifeboat was on the hurricane deck, and there being no convenient
means of lowering it at the time, was not available, and was of no st-vice
whatever in saving the lives of those on board. This is another instance
showing the necessity of carrying the boats in such manner that they may
be of ready access in case of accident.
 A veriu thorouqh investigation was had of this disaster b, the local
Board of inspectors, which resulted in entirely exonerating t.h:e officers
of the steamer, as they appear to have exerted themselves in every possible
manner for the safety of passengers and crew.

This was not the first sinking of the Eliza Battle; on March 27, IS54, it
had struck a snag and sunk, without loss of life. It had later been raised and
saved for the great disaster of 135S. A somewhat similar vessel, the Eliza,
was sunk and raised three times in the year 1S54.

Flatboat mon had their troubles too. Joseph Brown left the Upper Tombigbee
in !S55 with seven flatboats and about 2500 bales of cotton, most of which he
had pail for by "drawing bills against the cotton." Apparently because of the
dropping water level he was unable to make it to Mobile with more than a small
part of his cotton, the rest having been left at points along the river. W hen
he reached Mobile the price of cotton had dropped. This, with the damage to the
cotton from exposure, caused him great losses. (Aberdeen Sunny South, September
9, 1858).

The river ports on the Tombigbee were not really numerous, and they are
rather easily identified. A secure port needed a high bluff near the river.
Starting on the south, there was Gainesville on a high bluff, a commercial
center of local importance. The Noxubee River, entering the Tombigbee just a-
hove Gainesville, could at some times, with difficulty, be navigated as far up
as Macon. Sume miles above Gainesville on the west bank of the Tombigbee was
China Bluff at what might have been a good location, except that most of the
local business was handled slightly farther to the north at Warsaw, a little
river port of local prominence. A few miles higher on the eastern side of the
river was Vienna, which had a local tributary area. Ascending the river farthk.r.
we find Fairfield on the western side, then Memphis, also on the western bank.
There were ferries at all these places, but how much of the local business came
from across the river is not clear.

A few miles farther to the north was Pickensville, an early settlement on

the east bank. All of these places were quite small, with one or two or three
stores and warehouses. The settlements were not compact, and many of the people
lived along roads at some distance from the center of trade. Across the river
from each there was a lower-lying country, subject to flooding, with character-
istics different from those on those on the town side. The country across the
river, west, from Pickensville in the Bigbee Valley area, had a considerable
rural population and appears worthy of study. Certainly it was dependent upon
Pickensville to some extent, but there was at least one river warehouse on the
western side. The Nance family owned and operated the ferry and steam mills on
the western side, apparently a grist mill, a saw mill, and a cotton -ir as a
part of one operation. Nance's brick kiln was also over there.

There were various rural communities near the river which had no river
port of their own. An interesting case is that of Pleasant Ridge in northern
Greene County, on the Tombigbee just below the mouth of the Sipsey River. This
was a productive agricultural area, but its more prosperous people lived in
Eutaw. The traffic of the area that did not go through Eutaw had to go across
the Sipsey River to Vienna or across the Tombigbee to Warsaw or to a river

L
warehouse across a Tombigbee ferry at the mouth of the Sipsey.

-l
 Above Pickensville a road ran along the eastern side of the river, and here
lived people who farmed the areas east and west of their homes on the road.
Farther up the river, in Mississippi, was the early settlement of Nashville,
long since extinct, although a ferry continued to operate at the spot for man.'
years. Just above Nashville was Union Bluff, and some distance farther up the
river MIoore's Bluff. Above Moore's Bluff there were landings on both sides of
tihe river, at some of which cotton warehouses were probably maintained.

Columbus, the principal town of the Upper Tombigbee Valley, was located on
a high bluff, so that only the lower portions were subject to flood damage.
With this advantage, Columbus benefited further from the fact that it was a
transportation center, with roads radiating in several directions and with river
transportation available for about five months of the year.

West of the river and a mile west of Columbus was the town of West Port,
which was well situated to get business from the broad, fertile area to the west
when people did not wish to pay ferry or bridge tolls at Columbus.

A few miles upstream, on the western side of the river, we find Plymouth
Bluff and the settlement of Plymaouth, south of Tibbee Creek. The site of
Plymouth appears to have been particularly unhealthul. ITI the lS20s thcre h:
been several Indian fields there, and the site had been used by Bienville in
much earlier times. A couple of miles north of Tibbee Creek on the west bank of
the Tombigbee was the settlement of Waverly, where there was a fine plantation
home. Shortly below the present railroad bridge it appears that there was an
Indian field in the 1820s on the river. Waverly was a small, local trade center
and river landing and the location of light industry. (For a report of recent
archeological investigations at Waverly see Adams, 1979.)

Some four or five miles to the north of Waverly were Colbert, Barton, and
Vinton, now extinct. These towns, like Plymouth and West Port, had an early
advantage over Columbus in being on the west side of the river where they could
be eisily reached by' wagon from the adjacent fertile agricultural region to the
west without ferriage. Time and experience, however, proved their disadvantage,
which was that they lay on low bluffs where property might be destroyed at flood
time. After Columbus opened a free bridge across the Tombigbee and after the
outlying ports both north and south of Columbus had suffered heavv flood damage.
it ma' be said that they dried up with the receding taters.

Farther upstream on the eastern side, in the earliest days, Hamilton was an
important settlement, some distance from the river at Hamilton's Landing. The
present Hamilton and New Hamilton are later settlements at different locations.

Above Hamilton were fairly good sites for landings, for the bluff seemed
sufficiently high. A mile downstream, or east, of Aberdeen, on the northern or
eastern side of the Tombigbee, was Martin's Bluff, a settlement older than
Aberdeen, now called East Aberdeen, which had a steamboat landing.

Aberdeen grew into a place of importance, to iival Columbus, as a trade

center and river port, although it was not nearly as well situated for naviga-
tion on the river. Warehouses and commercial establishments close to the river
there suffered flood damage, and in time the' were moved back above the flood
level. At one time a little tram railroad was built, probably 'witn :otton
slide, to run down to the river. The car must have been ;ulled up the slore
b" a winch at the top. operated by animai or sterna power.

There were many conceptions about Ahere the head of navigation wsas on tne
Tombigbee River. Columbus was so considered, but so was Plymrouth, at the foot
of Lincecum Shoals. Boats could not reach Columbus all the year, but at nigh
water they could pass it and proceed to Aberdeen. That town became a commer:ial
center much like Columbus, and a rival of Columbus, although, being on the w,,;,st
side of the Tombigbee, in Chickasaw Territory, it lot a late start, not being
settled until 1836. It thrived for some years, but railroad constiction was to
leave it temporarily behind, as we shall see later.

Above Aberdeen steamboat landings were few, although boats sometimes reached
Cotton Gin Port. River navigation in this area was primarily by keelboats and
flatboats. Above Cotton Gin Port the river divides, with the East Fork on the
east and Town Creek or West Fork on the west. There were norts on the West Fork
for a time, notably Camargo, although the place was reached by very few steam-
boats at any time. There were cases of stoamboats ascending the East Fork as far
north as Fulton.

Plantation landings were in a different category from the river p;rts. (For
a list of landings on the Upper Tombigbee, with miles from Mobile see Appendix
3.) A cotton shed for temporary storage might be sufficient for a plantation
landing. Or there might be no shed at all. If a boat were known to be going
upstream, it might be taken for granted that it would be coming back in a few
days. Most of the business appears to have been transacted at well-established
landing sites where there was a high bluff rather close to the river and a ware-
house or shed maintained by a local resident or merchant. Even such places a:
this were not secure against floods such as that of 1847, so with exnerience the
tendency was to pull back from the river.

While the headquarters for the operation of the steamboat transportation

system on the Tombigbee River were at Mobile, the business was of such importance
to points on the Upper Tombigbee River that we find local business interests
concerning themselves with the movement of river traffic at earl," date. An act
of the Mississippi legislature of 1839 incorporated the Columbus o Tombigby
Transportation Company, to operate steamboats on the Tombigbee and its tribu-
taries. The company was given authority to remove obstructions to navigation on
the Tombigbee River and the tributary streams. An act of 1856 provided for the
incorporation of the Aberdeen Steamboat Shipping Company. Then in lSD7 another
act of the legislature provided for the incorporation of the Mississippi "
Alabama Shipping Company at Columbus to operate steamboats. The company might
own warehouses, storehouses, and wharves, and might rurchase Negroes to be used
in its business. Local interests were also concerned with the oreration of
flatboats and barges on the tributary streams.

Stage lines appeared early and provided regular service ','here there was
demand and where the conditions of the roads permitted. Stages (places where
horses were fed) supported the operation of stagecoaches and wagon freight lines.
The operation of land transportation, however, was interdicted and often com-
pletely blocked by muddy ground and high water. The developing trade centers of
Columbus and Aberdeen became hubs of transportation with extensive stagecoach

_____ ____ ____ ____ __7_

FIG. 12. THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY IN 18-10.
service. columbus was connected with Tuscaloosa b:." way of Pickensville and .,ith
.Jackson, Mississippi, by way of the Robinson Road. Inns were established along
these and numerous other stagccoach routes.

[he Tuscaloosa firm of Jemison and Ficklin established a branch of opera-

tions at \berdeen, where it adapted itself to changing needs and opportunities
in public transportation. An important line connected Aberdeen with Eastport on
the Tennessee River and in the opposite direction with Columbus. When the river
was low, stages connected Aberdeen with steamboats at Barton's Ferry or Columbus,
or even ,ainesville, thus "splicing out" the river transportation to extend its
ef:ectiveness. The following quotation relates to a line running to new towns
to the %,estward ,Evans, 1942, p. lo4):

The Aberdeen-Houston, Pontotoc-Oxford stage line was very important in

mhe early days. Houston was the county seat of Chickasaw County, and there
was a great deal of business between Houston and Aberdeen. The people from
Houston often came to Aberdeen to take boats in the winter season, and much
of their cotton travelled the same route, down the Tombigbee River.
Pontotoc was the seat of the land office, and people from Columbus and
Aberdeen made constant use of this office. Pontotoc travellers also came
to Aberdeen to take boats, and ship their cotton down the river from Aber-
deen. Oxford, the location of the Federal Court, was an important point
for :awyers and their clients, witnesses and jurors, who made frequent trips
to the seat of justice. Therefore the importance of this stage line can be
readily understood, as it connected four towns with many common interests.
The fact that the state university was located at Oxford increased the
arount of travel between Oxford and Monroe Count ..

When the river was low, downriver travel required the use of stagecoaches (ibid.,
p. lbb):

When the Tombigbee River was not high enough for boats to come to
Aberdeen with reasonable certainty of getting back 7own the river, but was
high enough for them to come part of the way, a stage line was used to
deliver Aberdeen passengers at Martin's Ferry, or at Columbus below
Lincecum's Shoals. At times boats did not come above Gainesville, Alabama,
and in some cases stages were the only dependable means of transportation
between Gainesville and Aberdeen.

However, not only did mud interfere with transportation by road but swamps
and streams could effectively block passage. Privately-operated ferries could
transport people, animals, and vehicles across the Tombigbee and its major trib-
utary streams. Roads across swamps might be corduroyed or causewayed to help in
getting wheeled vehicles across. Bridges, especially free bridges, were much
desired, especially across the Tombigbee. But they were expensive to build and
expensive to maintain. Their construction was an event that commonly was pre-
-ared for over many years and with frustrating delays. In the late i84Os Lnd
early 1850s plank roads had a wide popularity across the nation, and they were
"ricd in the Tombigbee area, but in the long run they proved impractical.

• ih water interfered iith transportation by road, but it helped the steam-

robably the worst kind of transportation disaster, however, arose from
,r in some seasons the river failed to rise sufficiently to permit
the normal high-water transportation. In such seasons wagon trains were reported
to be carrying cotton to Eastport on the Tennessee or even to Memphis on the
Mississippi. Considerable enterprise was devoted in the iS5Os to the solution
of the transportation problems of the Tombigbee area, but when the Civil War
broke out, the difficulties remained severe.

b
 CHAPTER VIII

FLUSH TIMES: 1840-1Sbo

In general the years between 1S40 and 1860 represented flush times in the
Tombigbee country. Pioneer foundations had been laid and a workable trans-
portation system had been established. Eager settlers had acquired the title
to lands, had moved in with or without slaves, and had established plantations
and farms. The natural resources and the manpower were there to bring forth
bountiful production. and the people were intent upon Just that obiect.

The land holdings were large and the population was scattered and the
roads were often impassable. Such conditions did not encourage the development
of compact villages or towns. Many plantations and farms were relatively self-
sufficient, food being produced at home and other needs being supplied by
handicraft industries. The Mlobile factors handled not only the marketing of
agricultural products hut also the Purchasing of such tes a-s the planters
:night need. Under these circumstances a considerable part of the population
of the Upper Tombigbee Valley had little need for local merchants or local
towns. The local communities which did develop tended to be more rural hamlets
than towns. They might have a store or two and some part-time, specialited
inhabitants, such as a blacksmith and a carpenter or two and maybe a physician.

Some plantations were largely self-sufficient units; others were much less
self-sufficient. Some fine homes apparently were built on the plantations, but
soon the planters who could afford such establishments saw the advantage of
moving into Aberdeen or Columbus or Futaw or Macon and conducting their opera-
tions from there. The bad condition of the roads may have been an important
factor in inducing the wealthier planters to concentrate their habitations in
the main towns. Hence, most ir n homes sur'iv- ;'I r, the a e ;:a I';, i -
the Upper Tombigbee area are to be found in -\berdeen, Columbus, Macon, and
Eutaw, not in the rural areas. The picture of a (reat plantation house like
Washington's Mount Vernon on a high bluff overlooking its own rier landing
does not belong to the Upper Tombigbee. Waverly is :onsidered an exception.

Specific designs and laynuts of Farms and nlantations have been hard to
find. From the beginning people sought to ,avoid building their homes .n lands
liable to flooding and near to swmns, but the undesirability of many locations
had to be learned by experience. The river x'alley in numerous places was quite
wide, and the river channel often ran close to a high bluff on one side, leav-
ing a flood plain extending a mile or two on the other, so that conditions of
settlement and of tillage might vary widely on opposite sides of the river. As
a general rile it may be said that, with vitally important exceptions, people
were averse to living close to the Tombigbee River, and their aversion grew
with experience. Yet the river was important in their lives, and towns grew up
along it.
 Columbus and the Outports

Of these towns Columbus was the most favorably situated and the most
important, but there were times when its dominant position was challenged.
After the Choctaw lands west of the river were opened to settlement, landings
along the western bank were located more favorably to serve the transporta-
tion and trade requirements of the settlers on the fertile prairies than was
Columbus. West Port, only a mile away, was on the western bank. Pl,,mouth,
below Lincecum's Shoals and just below the mouth of Tibbee Creek, appeared to
be favorably located. Farther north, after the Chickasaw lands became availa-
ble to settlement, Waverly and Colbert appeared to be attractive places where
the trade of the prairies might meet the river. Merchants established ware-
houses or sheds at the favored west bank locations, with camping grounds to
permit the cotton growers of the Prairie to bring in their loaded wagons,
pulled by large ox-teams struggling through the sticky gumbo of winter mud.
After resting, the drivers and their slow-moving teams could return home,
leaving the cotton bales in the custody of the merchants, whose sheds pro-
tected the cotton from the weather until it could be picked up by steamboats.

South of Columbus there were river landings of importance at Moore's

Bluff, Union Bluff, and, on the east bank, at Nashville, with a hinterland of
increasing production behind each. Crossing the Tombigbee at Columbus in-
volved expensive and troublesome ferriage and could be cut off completely at
high water.

Something of the nature of a small river port is shown in the occupations

of people at Barton in 1850 and Barton-Vinton in 1860, which are listed in
Table 4. At Barton in 150 there were 57 slaves, of whom one planter owned
16 and another 11. No one claimed property worth more than four thousand
dollars. At Barton-Vinton in 1860 the names of people are different from
those of 1830, but their basic occupations are the same. Differences in def-
inition of categories prevent strict comparision. In 1860 there were sixty-
nine slaves, of whom one farmer owned 33 and two others nine each. One farmer
listed sixty thousand dollars' worth of property and one merchant a like sum,
an indication that wealth was accumulating in the hands of some of the people
(Elliott, 1978, pp. 71-76). As this was a rural community, some of the
tradesmen were in all probability also engaged in agricultural pursuits.

Columbus got a head start on the towns of the west bank, but it had its
difficulties too. The following review of the history of Columbus appeared
in the Columbus Democrat on September 25, 1856:

Columbus is altogether a different town from what it was 20 years

ago. . . Previous to the great land sales in 1834, the town had a
slovenly appearance. The houses on the business streets were lily
constructed and of wood. The streets were insufferably bad, there was no
or very little pavement on the sidewalks. During rainy seasons it was
almost impossible to cross on foot from one street to another. No body
would attempt it. Yet the town had taken a start and was going up with
a sort of mushroom growth, but without any symmetry, method, or perma-
nence in the building improvements. From '32 to '35, the population in-
creased with outstanding rapidity--a rapidity, which, we believe, has

78
 FAB LE

OCCUPATIONS IN BARTON AND BARTON-VINTON

Barton In 1S50 Barton-Vinton in l-St-0

planters 8 farmers
4 merchants 3 merchants
5 carpenters 5 carpenters
3 physicians 2 physicians
1 ferrvman 1 ferryman
I millwright 2 wagon wrights
2 clerks 1 miller
2 steamboat men 1 medical student
I gunwright 1 teacher
I stage driver I student
1 mechanic 1 minister, Christian Church
I blacksmith 6 farm laborers
I tailor 1 confectioner (Italian)
1 no occupation 1 Negro manager
1 illegible 3 laborers
32 total 37 total
Data from U.S. Census manuscript returns. At Barton in IS50 there were 57
slaves, of whom one planter owned 16 and another 11. No one claimed property
worth more than four thousand dollars. At Barton-Vinton in 1860 the names of
people are different from those of 1850, but their basic occupations are the
same. Differences in definition of categories prevent strict comparision. In
1S60 there were sixty-nine slaves, of whom one farmer owned 33 and two others
nine each. One farmer listed sixty thousand dollars' worth of property and
one merchant a like sum, an indication that wealth was accumulating in the
hands of some of the people (Elliott, 1978, pp. 71-76).

-0
 never been equalled since. . . In 1832 the population was 481; in
1835 it was 1623--exhibiting an increase of 237 per cent, within the short
space of three y;ears! After the land sales of '34 the town continued to
improve quite rapidly for four or five years. But it was evident that
the improvements were not of the right sort, and that the increase was
rather fictitious than real or permanent. There was too much of specula-
tion and overtrading going on. Mere credit and not solid capital was to
a great extent the basis of trade. . . . This spirit was fostered by the
banks, a most unprecented number of which had been recklessly chartered
by the Legislature. These banks flooded the state with an irredeemable
paper circulation, or shin-plaster currency, as it was called. Almost
every person had his pockets stuffed with banknotes. The most improvident
extravagance prevailed. Money was spent without stint and debts were
contracted without providence or forethought. Of course, the crash soon
came, and hundreds were ruined. The civil docket of our circuit courts
and those of our magistrates courts exhibited a frightful number of suits.
The Sheriff and the Constable were busy everywhere with their executions
and writs of fi fa, and the 2 papers published here were crowded weekly
with Sheriff's advertisements. The town necessarily felt the effect of
the disastrous state of affairs among us, and its onward progress was for
a time checked, but only for a brief time. The reckless spirit of specu-
lation soon cooled down to sober reason and practical common sense; the
indebtedness of the people was in a great measure wiped out. . .

We set down the year 1846 as the year when Columbus began to revive
from the pecuniary revulsions which were the necessary consequence of the
"flush times" in Mississippi. . . . It might have been a little sooner
or a little later, but it was about that time. Every improvement that
has been carried on since then has been of the right sort; every building
erected has been on a substantial plan, and in many instances in an
elegant style. The store houses erected on Main and Market streets since
the fires of 1854, are all built of excellent brick, covered with slate
or tin, and made nearly fireproof. . . . In all the business portions
of the town they [the streets] have been deeply covered with a heavy
pebbly soil, and a gentle elevation from each side to center.

The little river towns on the west bank, with their warehouses convenient
to the river and to the trade of the Prairie, were not situated on ground high
enough to be protected against high floods. How high the water might rise
could not easily be guessed but had to be determined by experience, which in
time proved that most of the bluffs on which the small ports were located were
not sufficiently high to give protection against peak floods, and property was
destroyed in many a warehouse. The flood of 1847 was particularly destructive,
and it seems to have been the chief cause of the demise of the settlement at
Nashville, below Columbus and near the Alabama line. Moore's Bluff and Union
Bluff had similar troubles. The construction of a free bridge over the Tom-
bigbee at Columbus and the attractions of trade at the larger town worked to
the advantage of the smaller places. Disease, probably malaria, seems to have
been a prime factor in the demise of Plymouth. The little settlement of
Colbert was transferred a short distance to the new settlement of Barton, which
in time gave way to another new settlement nearby at Vinton, the shifts being
mainly due to high water. The decline of the outports of Columbus is indicated
by the discontinuance of their post offices. Moore's Bluff and Union Bluff

SO
 I
never had post offices. That at Nashville was discontinued in " Vhe "o-
office at Plymouth operated until 1S55, that at Waverlv untilSol) .At .- lbert
the post office was transferred in 134S to Barton. Ten %-ears later it ,s
moved to Vinton, where it was discontinued in January, 18.2. The post office
at West Port was discontinued in January, 1841. There continued to he crnu:2
local business to sustain some of the little river ports on a small scal.
Columbus, the main part of which was located on a high bluff, was the :'rlnc;-
pal beneficiary of the decline of the outports. Furthermore, in the loa~s
prosperous planters moved from the Black Prairie into the town of Columbu.,
where they built fine homes and made the place a center of comfort, amenities,
and prosperity.

The Rise of Aberdeen

The story of Aberdeen is quite different from that of the Columbus out-
ports, for in this case Columbus had a real rival. Aberdeen, on the west
bank of the Tombigbee, only a mile from the earlier settlement at Martin's
Bluff on the other side, was settled in 1S36, on lands of the Chickasaw pur-
chase. It got off to a rapid start at a time when Columbus was suffering
decline. The new town was not as well situated for river traffic as was Col-
umbus, for it was farther upstream and somewhat more difficult to reach by
steamboat. Its navigation season was shorter. Nevertheless, when business
developed, steamboats proceeded up to Aberdeen with regular packet service.
On January 4, 1837, the steamboat Fox returned to Mobile from Aberdeen,
followed by Columbus, Plowboy, Vincennes, and Jack Downing (Evans, 19-1-2, p.
217). Among the items which the steamboat Pioneer brought to Aberdeen for a
local merchant in May, I839, were coffee, whiskey, candles, loaf sugar, sugar,
tobacco, nails, northern flour, brandy, Swedish iron, molasses, and cigars
(Aberdeen Whig & North Mississippi Advocate, May 2S, 1839). When the waters
rose in late 1842, the steamboats Bristol and Native announced regular packet
service between Aberdeen and Mobile, with the Native going up as far as Cotton
Gin Port (Aberdeen Mississippi Advertiser, November 2b, December 17, 18423.
These boats also called at intermediate landings. In 1845 the Native was still
ninning to Cotton Gin Port. There were, ot course, several other vessels in
the Aberdeen trade in the 1840s. It appears that in many respects the trans-
portation service was good, but it was subject, like that of Columbus, to the
seasonal variations and unpredictable vagaries of the river. In lS40 the
Union, described as an Alabama-built steamboat, advertised regular trips from
Mobile to Columbus, Aberdeen, and Cotton Gin Port (Aberdeen Mississippi
Advertiser, March 4, 184i). In 1847, the Irene, a light-draft steamboat,
announced packet service to Cotton Gin Port and Old Town Creek (West Fork) on
which a new settlement was being established at Camaryo (Aberdeen Mississi;ni
Advertiser, January 27, 1847). However, navigation by steamboat above
Aberdeen was difficult. The season was short and erratic and the large steam-
boats from Mobile were not well suited to the trade.

In April, 1847, there appeared in the Aberdeen Mississippi Advertiser ,a

notice that the keelboat Fulton would ply regularly between Aberdeen and Ful-
ton (on the East Fork) and sometimes points on Old Town Creek ht%-st Fork).
This reasonable adaptation to local conditions worked to the advantage of
Aberdeen merchants, who by means of local water transportation could reach out
into the interior and bring the trade to Aberdeen as a primary center rather

Sl
than Mobile. The town also had a considerable hinterland, tile trade of which,
by wagon, could not readily go elsewhere. The absence of a free ferry or
free bridge across the Tombigbee, however gave merchants of the little, older
settlement at Martin's Bluff, a mile to the east, a distinct advantage in the
trade of nearby areas that were east of the Tombigbee. Nevertheless, Aberdeen
thrived in the early 1850s. There were a considerable number of grocery and
dry goods stores, three drug stores, two book stores, three ready-made clothing
stores, two auction and commission houses, two printing offices, two hotels,
two livery stables, two millinery stores, two jewelry stores, and two furni-
ture establishments (Aberdeen Sunny South, May 21, 1857).

In the season of 1855-56 Aberdeen merchants up to May 22, 1856, shipped

37,325 bales of cotton, including 7,245 which had been on hand on September
1, 18SS5 (Aberdeen Sunny South, March 22, 1856). This represented a very
substantial business, and it all depended upon navigation of the river.

In the Sunny South of Aberdeen, March 13, 1858, there is a humorous

account of a steamboat trip from Columbus to Aberdeen. It reflects the
decline of the river towns on the west bank and some of the prevailing at-
titudes toward the river and steamboats:

We left the wharf at 3 o'clock and soon Columbus was lost to our
sight by a bend in the river, and looming up in the distance, our
strained optics discovered the ancient city of West Port.

This place was settled about the time of the land sales, and since
then its decrease in population and importance has been gradual but
certain. West Port is presently located on the West bank of the river,
about 20 feet below high water mark, whereby its water privileges are
unequalled, particularly in rainy seasons. The principal exports are
cotton and buttermilk. Notwithstanding Columbus is a port of entry,
the latter commodity is known to be imported daily from West Port, duty
free. It should be looked to by the collector. Bidding adieu to West
Port, we soon reached Plymouth.

The Pilgrim fathers landed at Plymouth Rock. They were a fanatical

superstitious, bigoted, set of bluenoses, from whom are descended the
Kalochs and Beechers of New England. The town of Plymouth represents no
peculiarly astonishing features. It was once of sufficient importance
to warrant the establishment of a post office, but since the expiration
of Swearingen's contract to carry the Greensborough and Shangelo mail,
the office has been discontinued, and the place now wears . . * a
primeval appearance. The people are honest and industrious and are
generally Democrats and hard-shell Baptists. Passing Champagne Spring
which requires no particular description, the Leona ran her nose into the
mud and landed a keg of nails and a box of sardines at Waverly, a place
noted for its wealth and refinement. The principal attractions are its
beautiful women. The men, however, are said to be "powerful homely."

Leaving Waverly we next passed Old Colbert. Many things of interest

might be said of the old settlement in connection with the hardy fron-
tiersisir [sic] who first pitched their tents on the spot. But our space
will allow us only to say that it is now a waste, embracing with its .

2 .. . ° , ,__
 once . . corporation limits not one tenement--not one inhabitant. t
was once a beautiful place, but nothing is now left save a few rows of
cedars and shrubs struggling amid the thicket of pines, as monuments cf
its former greatness and remembrances of the former taste of its fair
daughters. We were forcibly reminded of Goldsmith's "Deserted Village,"
and while endeavoring to recall to mind a few lines of that exquisite
production, the whistle announced our approach to Barton.

Some little chivalry once existed between this place and Vinton,
which is situated about three hundred yards further up the river. We
believe, however, that it has now ceased. The principal avocations of
the people are practicing physic,. . . politics, getting up barbecues,
and pitching dollars. Nothing very interesting occurred at Barton, so
we will now take our departure for Aberdeen.

We arrived at Aberdeen about 11 o'clock p.m. at which hour nearly

all the passengers had retired for the night. The crowd was so great
that it was impossible for all to be accomodated with staterooms; it
was necessary, therefore, that a great many should bivouac on the cabin
floor.

The writer does not mention the sinking of the Eliza Battle a few days earlier,
nor could he know that the 232-ton sidewheeler Leona, on which he traveled,
would be snagged and sunk in Louisiana the next year.

Although Aberdeen, being on the west bank of the Tombigbee, got a later
start than Columbus, it grew very rapidly- and developed an extensive trade
territory. Its warehouses too near the river suffered from floods, but new
ones were built on higher ground. Aberdeen became a hub for numerous roads,
which radiated in several directions. Although the roads were often difficult
to travel over, they reached a wide trade area. As was the case with Columbus,
many planters moved their places of residence from the Prairie to Aberdeen,
making the town a center of fine homes and cultural, as well as commercial,
development. It became the center of a prosperous area, and its prosperity
encouraged the decline of such places as Hamilton, Athens, and Cotton Gin
Port, which were its early rivals.

River Ports in Alabama:

Pickensville, Memphis, Fairfield, Vienna, and 'arsaw

In Alabama above Gainesville there was no considerable town on the

Tombigbee, but several little river ports maintained a local importance.
There were warehouses and merchants at these Points, but the principal centers
of business were in Macon and Eutaw, both distant from the Tombigbee. Planta-
tions near the river or thirty miles away, and even the town of lacon in
antebellum times, might require the facilities of the little river ports. The
ports were located on relatively high bluffs next to the river, and all except
Pickensville were subject to inundation by occasional floods. Even at
Pickensville low warehouses might be flooded.

S3

9.. *!
 Pickensville, on the east side of the Tombigbee, got its start before
1820, when the lands across the river to the west belonged to the Choctaws.
It was made the seat of the new county of Pickens by an act of the Alabama
legislature of December 19, 1819. Vienna, also on the eastern side of the
river, had a postmaster by 1834. Fairfield, on the western side of the
river, had one a year later, but Memphis and Warsaw had to wait until 1S44.
A plat of Warsaw was filed in 1840, one of Memphis at some time before IS43.
All of these towns survived the Civil War. Pickensville still has a store
or two, and Memphis survives as a residential neighborhood.

Steamboats served these little ports regularly when there was a sufficient
depth of water over the bars. An advertisement in the Pickensville Register,
of December 3, 1842, declared that the steamboat New Albany would run that
season as a regular packet between Mobile and Pickensville, with stops at
Vienna, Fairfield, and Memphis. It would leave Mobile each Wednesday after-
noon and arrive at Pickensville on Friday afternoon, then start back to Mobile
early Saturday morning and touch all intermediate landings between Pickens-
ville and Vienna in daylight, getting to Mobile on Monday. The steamboat
Southerner, in similar service, left Mobile for Pickensville each Thursday
afternoon. Boats running to Columbus commonly stopped at the Alabama ports.
There were also a great many plantation landings where the boats stopped
according to the requirements of passengers and cargo. The actual landing
places might vary considerably with the different stages of the river. At
some plantation landings there were cotton sheds and other facilities for the
protection of cargoes. The arrival of steamboats was usually made known by the
publication of schedules in local newspapers and by the noise of steamboat
whistles. The announcement of an impending arrival might also be made by the
discharge of a small cannon on the steamboat. However, planters or merchants
who lived at a considerable distance needed the custodial services and facil-
ities of the merchants of the little port towns. The river warehouses com-
monly had facilities for camping and taking care of animals.

As any little river port was on the wrong side of the river for many
people, ferries were provided at various places for their convenience, and
sometimes there were rival routes. The Pickensville Journal of August 24,
1860 carried this advertisement:

Notice to the traveling public

I have at my ferry a splendid new boat with iron Bannisters. Good
banks on either side of the river. The ferry situated 2 1/2 miles west
of Pickensville. This is the nearest route to Macon, Louisville,
Koncuisko [sic], Vicksburg, & Rodney, Miss. The travellers set across
at my ferry will be charged only half the usual rate.

There was also another ferry at Pickensville. Yet the expense and inconve-
nience of crossing led to the establishment of a warehouse and landing on the
western side, across the river from Pickensville. Beyond that point there
was an interesting community known as Bigbee Valley, primarily an agricultural
settlement, where some of the old appearance remains to this day. In that
area too were Nance's Steam Mills for ginning cotton, sawing wood, and grind-
ing corn, and not far from the river was Nance's Brick Kiln. Nance's Ferry
was a mile to the west of Pickensville. The stage route from Columbus to
Tuscaloosa ran through Pickensville, where there was an inn that served as an

84 i
 TABLE 5

OCCUPATIONS IN PICKENS COUNTY TOWNS, 1850

Pickensville Carroliton >lemphis

3 carpenters 6 carpenters 2 carpenters
farmers 2 farmers 9 farmers
2 physicians 5 physicians 2 physicians
4 clerks 5 clerks 3 clerks
9 merchants 6 merchants 4 merchants
2 blacksmiths I blacksmith I blacksmith
1 cabinet workaan 2 cabinet makers 1 ginmaker
1 wheelwright I wagon maker 1 wagon maker
I student 3 students
2 teachers 3 teachers
3 bootmakers 2 bootmakers
I Methodist clergyman I Baptist clergyman
I tailor 1 tailor
2 hotel keepers 2 hotel keepers
4 laborers I laborer
2 lawyers 8 lawyers
1 harness maker 1 harness maker
I tanner 4 tanners
2 bookkeepers I circuit clerk
1 druggist 1 corn merchant
2 overseers 1 constable
2 c rriage makers I stage driver
I painter 2 seamstresses
I musician 1 editor
I boatman 1 judge of probate
2 saddlers 5 printers
I postmaster
6 illegible
Data from U.S. Census manuscript returns. In 1850, according to the manuscript
census, Pickensville had 31 dwellings and a ponulation of 166, most of whom
presumably lived on the little roads running into Pickensville rather than at
the mercantile center itself. Carrollton, the county seat, not on the river,
had 41 dwellings and a white population of 208. Memphis had 20 dwellings and
a white population of 100.

S5
overnight stop. ,Occupations of the people of three Pickens County towns in
1830 are listed in Table 5.) In ISSO, according to the manuscript census,
Pickensville had 31 dwellings and a population of most of whomln pre-
!io,
stmably lived on the little roads running into Pickensville rather than at
tile mercantile center itself. Carrollton, the count}- seat, not on the river
had 41 dwellings and a white population of 20S. Memphis had 20 dwellings and
a white population of 100.

While there is very littl3 evidence of any cargo-handling facilities on

the Upper Tombigbee, except for warehouses, cotton slides, and sometimes
funicular tramways, the following excerpt from a petition of November 26, 18s5,
to the legislature by citizens of Memphis, requesting that the place be
incorporated, is of some interest:

That whereas the extreme east end of Cotton Street, running to the river,
is used as a Wharf and the same is not fit for receiving coods in its
present condition, all goods whatsoever being shipped or landed on said
wharf or landing, shall be subject to a tax or wharfage as follows, five
cents per barrel, five cents per bale of cotton, twentu-five cents per
cord of wood, and two and one half cents for baling and rope by the
piece, and all other things not mentioned at the rate five cents Der
barrel, and no goods or merchandise of any kind shall remain on said
wharf longer than twenty-four hours without being charged half the
original wharfage. . It shall be the duty of the Wharfinger to
collect the Wharfage on all goods as above specified, making the articles
subject to the Wharfage, and pay over to the treasurer as directed by the
President and the Commissioners.

The other little river ports seem to have had a remarkable uniformity of
characteristics with those described in rable 5. f\n inventory of Ellington
and Company of Fairfield, showing the stock of that fin in 1S52, is re-
produced in Appendix 2.)

The Case of Pleasant Ridge

In the northwest corner of Greene County was the rural community of

Pleasant Ridge, which bordered on both the Tombigbee and Sipsey rivers. .. \
ferry across the mouth of the Sipsey connected Pleasant Ridge with Vienna,
and there was another ferry, across the Tombigbee, at the same place.
Snedecor's map of 185b shows a warehouse on the western side of the Tombigbee
at the ferry crossing, which indicates that the place was a landing for steam-
boats (see Fig. 13). A few miles to the south there was another ferry across
the Tombigbee at Warsaw, on the west bank, so the river ports of Vienna and
Warsaw and the landing at the mouth of the Sinsev were all accessible to
Pleasant Ridge by road. The Pleasant Ridge precinct was made up of some
34,300 acres of hilly upcountry. fertile terraces, and swamrpy bottom lands
subject to overflow. In IStO its total population was about 1300. The white
population comprised 67 households and 355 people. of whom eS percent were
native Alabamians. Fifteen percent were from South Carclina and nine percent
from North Carolina and only two percent were born outside the South. Table b
shows the occupations of heads of households in 18S5 and 18(0. Additional
light is cast upon the nature of the Pleasant Ridge community by the analysis
of the distribution of slave ownership in 1860 given in Table 7.

86
 -- - - -- -- -- -- -----
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, ------- 0-

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r. / 0_ ',,,

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 T.ABLE 6

DISTRIBUTION OF OCCUPATIONS IN PLEASANT RIDGE

1855 VND ISbO

Bv iuads or'ouseholds
Occupations in !855 Occupations in 1860 2tontinued)
Planter 62 Planter/Hotel Keeper 1
Overseer ii Planter/Merchant 1
Carpenter 4 Planter/Commission Merchant 1
M!erchant 3
Teacher 2 Professional S
Physician- Doctor
Cropper 2 Teacher 1
Planter,/Physician 1 Minister 1
P1 anter/Merchant 1 Retired Lawyer I
Merchant 3
Total S8*
Craftsman/Artisan
-Males only, no female heads Carpenter 1
of households listed. ; heelwright 1
Occupations in 1860 Blacksmith 2
Planter 50 Shoemaker 1
Overseer 13
art-time Planter 13 Other 6
Planter/Teacher 2 Gentleman I
Planter/Doctor 3 Laborer
Planter/Carpenter 5 Clerk
Planter/Minister I No Occupation I
Planter/Dentist I
I Total 95
Data for 1853 from Snedecor, Directory of Greene County, 1S56. Data for lSbd
from U.S. Census manuscript returns.

TABLE 7

SIE OF LANDHOLDINGS IN PLEASANT RIDGE IN ISt0

Percent of Total
Acres Number of Owners Number of Slaves Slave Ponulation
1-5 16 43 4.58
6-10 9 76 S.10
11-20 15 228 24.31
21-50 12 354 37.71
51-100 3 237 25.27
Totals 55 998 100.00
Data from U.S. Census manuscript returns.

8
AD-AL17 065 ALABAMA UNIV IN BIRMINGHAMCENTERFOR THE STUDYOF SO--IYC F/B 5/4

ffffffffffff
HISTORIC SETTLEMENT IN THE UPPERTOMBIGBEEVALLEY.(U)C-
FEB 81 J F COSTER. D C WEAVER C-714(78)

2.3
UNCLASSIFIED N
 From the tables it is obvious that the primary occupation of Pleasant
Ridge was agriculture. The term "planter" as used there obviously means
any kind of farmer. From the number of merchants it seems clear that there
were two or three stores. The IS60 figures indicate that in the five-year
interval since 1855 additional specialists had established themselves under
the classifications of dentist, wheelwright, blacksmith, shoemaker, and hotel-
keeper. The number of overseers is indicative of absentee ownership. The
population was rather scattered and not concentrated in a compact community.
The analysis here made of Pleasant Ridge is intended to explore one of a kind
of community that existed along the Upper Tombigbee River. It seems probable
that Bigbee Valley and various other places had similar characteristics.

Eutaw and Macon

Few if any persons of substantial wealth appear to have actually lived

at Pleasant Ridge. The same was probably true of the other rural districts of
Greene County. The county seat of Eutaw was the home of the prosperous people,
and it was there that fine homes and gracious living were concentrated. Eutaw
was the center of trade. Its traffic with Mobile went through nearby landings
on the Warrior River rather than the Tombigbee. It may be assumed that
Pleasant Ridge plantation owners who lived in Eutaw commonly had other occupa-
tions and may have also owned plantations in other places than Pleasant Ridge.
It is likely that some of the cotton crop of Pleasant Ridge was locally ginned
and baled and shipped through the nearby Tombigbee ports or landings. That
which went to Eutaw may be assumed to have moved down the Warrior River.

Macon, in Noxubee County, was another residential center for plantation

owners. Being in the center of a cotton-producing county, it had a thriving
trade. Unlike Eutaw, however, Macon depended heavily on the rather distant
Tombigbee River, reached by an overland traffic to the little river ports
such as Memphis, Fairfield, Warsaw, and even the larger town of Gainesville.
An inventory of the Macon mercantile firm of Smith and Jones shows something
of the articles of trade in 1846 (see Table 8). The firm appears to have
done about three-quarters of its business in cloth and clothing. The initial
inventory was valued at $10,334.51, to which new stock costing $12,000.63 was
soon added. (The sources of the new purchases, beginning in January, 1846,
are shown in Table 9.) By the end of the year all but $7,674 of the stock
had been sold. Considering the usual markups, the store must have netted a
handsome profit. (A full inventory of a Fairfield merchant's stock of goods
in 1852, too long for inclusion here, appears in Appendix 2.)

Early Industries

The early pioneer knew how to live in the woods with the aid of simple
but important tools. The axe, the hoe, the gun, the auger, the knife and
the two-handled knife or drawing knife, the adze, the hammer, and the cross-
cut saw were all familiar to him. Blacksmith tools were well known.

On the farm and plantation many activities were carried on that might be
called industrial in nature. Sawmilling, gristmilling, cottin ginning, black-
smithing, brickmaking, spinning and weaving, leather tanning and the manu-

89
r- .....

TABLE 8

ITEMS IN INVENTORY OF SMITH AND JONES OF MACON

January 1, 1846
Threads of many colors Cravats
Cotton and silk hose Socks
Ribbons Netting
Suspenders Carpets
Fans Umbrellas
Hooks and eyes Parasols
Bolts Lace
Pins Canes
Buttons Hoes
Tapes Plows
Thimbles Nails
Gloves Tobacco
Cloth: gingham, crape, silk, Powder
satin, casmere [sic], tweed, Gun cases and guns
muslin, linsey, flannel, Collars
linen, and velvet Bonnets
Jewelry Looking glasses
Shawls Trunks
Veils Chests
Shoes Salt
Boots Ropes
Knives and forks Coffee
Coats Tea
Pants Axes
Shirts Scissors
Drawers Plates
Books Chains
Vests Miscellaneous hardware
Data from Smith and Jones Invoice Book, 1844-49, manuscript in Duke University
Library.

90
 TABLE 9

SOURCES OF SUPPLY OF SMITH AND JONES OF NLACON

1846
Lewis B. Boron Co. (New York) $1,037.98
Perkins, Brooks and White (New York) 247.53
Castleton and Trottingham (New York) 1,056.96
Henrys and Smith (New York) 947.88
Kimball and Brown (New York) 1,836.19
Shelton and Phelps and Co. (New York) 1,419.74
Alfred W. Thadwell (New York) 395.43
Wiseners and Gale (New York) 128.99
Rankin Dury and Co. (New York) 605.07
Collins Brothers (New York) 149.00
A.B. Marrin (New York) 90.72
Smith, Wright and Co. (New York) 490.28
William W. Birch Co. (New York) 211.57
Caillon, Farthingham and Co. (New York) 172.30
J. Harrison and Co. (New York) 12.63
Dade and Reynolds (Mobile) 77.16
Humphry, Walsh and Co. (Mobile) 1,119.76
Hayden and Lee (Mobile) 107.48
J.H. Rivers and Co. (Mobile) 38.42
R.S. Watkins and Co. (Mobile) 182.38
H.S. Reynolds (Mobile) 441.23
John Campbell Co. (Mobile) 337.50
Coley Aenan and Co. (Mobile) 178.08
H.S. Pruett Co. (Mobile) 235.57
Samford Coley Co. (Mobile) 427.73
Invoice Book, 1844-49, manuscript in Duke University Library.

91

' -.. .__ . .. _.. _ _ _ _ _ _ _,_ .... ..

__".. _ - _ _ 'i I'
 facture of saddles and harness, wagon and carriage making, wheel making, boot
and shoe making, slaughtering and food processing, distillin, earthenware
manufacture, lime and plaster making, tin work, syrup making, furniture making,
jand soapmaking were all practiced on plantations but probably not all on any
one plantation. Products of such activities might be strictly for home use,
or they might be traded in the community, as was very commonly done. The
whole may be properly classified as household handicraft industries. There
were skilled construction tradesmen, such as bricklayers, plasterers, and
carpenters, many of whom were slaves. A craftsman on one farm or plantation
served a wider constituency than merelyhis own establishment. Skilled slaves
might be rented out. Sawmills, gristmills, and cotton gins were likely to
serve a fairly wide constituency. There were specialist shops in the major
towns and sometimes in the rural areas. A particularly important skill was
blacksmithing, and the blacksmith shop was a source of many useful articles
manufactured from iron. There was a small manufactory of hats in Columbus.

Power for light industries was available from three sources: water power,
steam power, and animal power. In most of the Upper Tombigbee Valley there
were few sites for water mills near the river. However, in the northern
counties, Itawamba and Tishomingo, the terrain was rougher, the river valley
narrower, and mill sites on tributary creeks near the main stream were more
common. On Rose Bud Creek in southern Tishomingo County, for instance, water
mills of the tub type were installed at several locations. Steam power was
used close to the Tombigbee River at such places as Waverly and Bigbee Valley.
Once the power source was in place, it might be used for several kinds of
operations, so that it was customary to find a gristmill, a sawmill, and a
cotton gin all at the same location.

While the industrial town and the factory system were almost unknown in
the Upper Tombigbee Valley, an interesting exception is to be found at Bay
Springs at The Narrows on Mackey's Creek in Tishomingo County (see Adams,
Bay Springs, 1979). Here was a creek with a considerable flow of water that
rushed through a narrow gorge, with an excellent dam site. In the early 1840s
George Gresham erected at The Narrows a sawmill and gristmill, powered by water
at a mill dam. In 1851 Gresham's son, James F. Gresham, was joined by John
Briggs, a prominent Eastport merchant, in erecting a mill for spinning cotton,
which eventually had 744 spindles. Adjoining were a cotton gin, a gristmill,
a blacksmith shop, and a general store and post office (Martin, 1978, pp. 30-
31 et passim). Peak employment at the establishment was said to be between
50 and 100 persons. Cotton yarn was the main product, although it is said
that ropes were manufactured there in later years. Under new management,
operations continued after the Civil War, apparently without much change. The
market for the yarn seems to have been with the weavers in the neighborhood,
who used hand looms. In 1885 or 1886 a fire, suspected to be of incendiary
origin, destroyed the establishment, and it was not rebuilt.

The Upper Tombigbee Counties: A Statistical Analysis

The United States Census for 1850 and 1860 provides comprehensive data
for an analysis of the Upper Tombigbee counties and for the measurement of
the significant changes which were occurring in the 1850s (see Tables 10, 11,
12, and 13). The figures represent Green, Pickens, and Sumter counties in

92

- . A-....
_..
 Alabama and Itawamba, Lowndes, Monroe, Noxubee, and Tishomingo counties in
Mississippi. Clay and Prentiss counties, Mississippi, had not yet been
created. Because of subsequent changes in county boundaries the figures
here presented are not always strictly comparable with those for later dates.
Since the principal market crop was cotton, the three-fold increase in
cotton production suggests a significantly growing prosperity for the region.
The population growth was relatively modest, but the decrease in the pro-
portion of white population indicates a considerable growth in Negro slaves.
The number of acres per farm was becoming significantly larger, while the
number of farms was decreasing. The impressive corn production and the large
number of hogs, cattle, milk cows, and sheep per farm and per person indicates
a high degree of self-sufficiency for the area. The great increase in the
total value of livestock but not in the number of animals suggests that rela-
tive scarcity was pushing up prices of livestock as people concentrated on
cotton. Another indication of growing prosperity is the impressive increase
in the value of farms.

A study of the figures for individual counties shows a considerable

diversity from one county to another. The average farm in Tishomingo County
in 1860 produced only eight bales of cotton, compared to 84 in Noxubee County,
80 in Lowndes, and 73 in Greene and Sumter each. Itawamba produced only nine.
Likewise in corn production per farm, Itawamba and Tishomingo lagged far
behind the others. Itawamba ran a little ahead of the others in beef cattle
and hogs in 1850 and in beef cattle in 1860. In the decade of the fifties
there was a notable decline in the number of hogs and beef cattle in the
area generally.

In percentage of white population there were great differences among the

counties, but in each there was a relative decline from 1850 to 1860, indicat-
ing a growing number of Negro slaves in proportion to the white population.
Yet in 1860, Itawamba and Tishomingo counties were about 80 percent white,
compared to 23.5 percent in Greene County and 2-4.6 percent in Sumter.

The low value per farm in Itawamba and Tishomingo counties was pre-
sumably related to the low cotton production in these counties, as the high
value in Noxubee, Lowndes, Sumter, and Greene counties was clearly related
to the high production of this market crop. Yet there were some sinall areas
of good land in Itawamba and Tishomingo counties, a fact which probably
helps to account for the growing proportion of the slave population there.

93

• h..
 TABLE 10

STATISTICS OF UPPER TOMBIGBEE COUNTIES

1850 AND 1860

Item 1850 j 1860
Population 161,236 184,629
Percent white 45.6 41.8
Number of Farms 8,411 7,624
Total Cotton Bales 107,011 328,340
Average Bales per Farm 12.7 43.1
Average Bales per Person 0.7 1.8
Total Bushels Corn 6,860,664 8,793,436
Average Bushels per Farm 815.7 1,153.4
Average Bushels per Person 42.6 47.6
Total Hogs 380,694 370,950
Average Hogs per Farm 45.3 48.7
Average Hogs per Person 2.4 2.0
Total Bvef Cattle 81,732 73,349
Average Beef Cattle per Farm 9.7 9.6
Average Beef Cattle per Person 0.5 0.4
Total Milk Cows 41,746 40,067
Average Milk Cows per Farm 5.0 5.3
Average Milk Cows per Person 0.3 0.2
Total Sheep 72,903 79,062
Average Sheep per Farm 8.7 10.4
Average Sheep per Person 0.5 0.4
Total Value of Livestock $4,735,201 $10,346,295
Average Value Livestock per Farm $ 563 $ 1,357
Average Value Livestock per Person $ 29 $ 56
Percent of Farms Operated By Owners c.80.0 1 c.80.0 1
Total Value of Manufactured Goods $ 633,002 $ 2,227,852
Total Number Wage Earners 852 1,437
Total Wages $ 307,039 $ 449,700
Average Wage per Worker $ 360 $ 313
Average Value of Manufactured Goods Per Worker $ 743 $ 1,550
Data from U.S. Census. Counties are: Tishomingo, Itawamba, Monroe, Lowndes,
Noxubee, Pickens, Greene, and Sumter.

lSee Frank L. Owsley, Plain Folk of the Old South (Baton Rouge, 1949), p. 182;
Herbert Weaver, Mississippi Farmers, 1850-1860 (Nashville, 1945), p. 65.

94
 TABLE I I

BALES OF COTTON AND BUSHELS OF CORN PRODUCED PER FARM

UPPER TOMBIGBEE COUNTIES: 1850 AND 1360

Compared With All of Alabama and All of Mississippi

Bales Cotton Bushels Corn
Count" 1850 1860 1850 1860
Greene 20 73 1,020 1,654
Pickens 9 49 604 1,085
Sumter 21 73 1,387 2,001
Clay
Itawamba 4 9 356 436
Lowndes 21 80 1,203 1,805
Monroe 21 51 1,094 1,269
Noxubee 19 84 1,325 2,162
Prentiss
Tishomingo 3 8 422 598
All above 12.7 43.1 816 1,153
Alabama 13 18 685 603
Mississippi 14 28 661 678
Data from U.S. Census

TABLE 12

NUMBER OF BEEF CATTLE AND NUMBER OF HOGS PER PERSON

UPPER TOMBIGBEE COUNTIES: 1850 AND 1860

Compared with All of Alabama and All of Mississippi

Beef Cattle Hogs
County 1850 1860 1850 1860
Greene 0.5 0.4 2.0 1.6
Pickens 0.5 0.4 2.3 2.6
Sumter 0.5 0.4 2.2 1.8
Clay
Itawamba 0.7 0.5 3.0 2.1
Lowndes 0.4 0.3 2.0 1.9
Monroe 0.5 0.4 2.2 2.2
Noxubee 0.6 0.4 3.0 2.4
Prentiss
Tishomingo 0.5 0.4 2.5 1.8
All above 0.5 0.4 2.4 2.0
Alabama 0.5 0.4 2.2 2.0
Mississippi 0.5 0.4 2.5 1.6
Data from U.S. Census

95
 TABLE 13

AVERAGE FARM SIZE AND VALUE; WHITE PERCENTAGE OF POPULATION

UPPER TOMBIGBEE COUNTIES: 1850 AND 1860

Compared With All of Alabama and All of Mississippi

Acres per Farm Value per Farm 1 Percent White
Count, 1850 1860 1850 1860 1 1850 1860
Greene 402 706 3,035 11,572 1 29.4 23.5
Pickens 267 394 1,346 3,148 51.0 45.3
Sumter 513 799 2,870 10,650 33.1 24.6
Clay
Itawamba 233 323 647 1,404 84.2 80.0
Lowndes 405 502 2,839 12,053 32.8 29.2
Monroe 394 463 3,075 7,106 44.5 40.1
Noxubee 444 574 2,687 14,039 30.5 25.0
Prentiss I
Tishomingo 259 333 734 1,428 87.3 79.3
Alabama 289 347 1 1,533 3,189 i 55.3 54.6
Mississippi! 309 370 1.612 4,453 48.8 44.7
Data from U.S. Census

96
 CHAPTER IX

THE MOBILE AND OHIO RAILROAD

The inadequacy of the Tombigbee River as a transportation artery in

serving the growing needs of commerce in northeast Mississippi led to various
efforts to introduce railroads into the area. As early as 1834 the Louisiana
legislature chartered the New Orleans and Nashville Railroad Company to build
a line between the two named cities, but the Mississippi legislature, rent by
conflict over the route, delayed seven years before authorizing construction
across the state. The Noxubee County representatives were insistent that
the road should run by Macon, which, unlike Aberdeen and Columbus, lacked
acceptable river transportation (Myers, 1949, pp. 298).

By the 1850s the New Orleans and Nashville road had become the New
Orleans, Jackson, and Great Northern and had established a definite route as
far as Jackson, Mississippi. To insure its continuation through Aberdeen
toward Nashville the City of Aberdeen and Monroe County in 1852 subscribed
heavily to the stock of a company organized to build the extension (Myers,
1949, p. 300). Meanwhile, various interests were at work to secure the
construction of a railroad known as the Memphis and Charleston, to connect
Memphis, Tennessee, by a route across northeastern Mississippi and the Ten-
nessee Valley of Alabama, with Chattanooga, where connections could be had
with the Atlantic seaboard. This line was built in the 1850s, passing
through Corinth and Iuka in northeast Mississippi near the Tennessee line.

However, before the Civil War and for long afterwards the only railroad
line to have a deep influence upon the Tombigbee area was the Mobile and
Ohio. Organized in 1848, this company moved firmly to the completion of its
main plan, which was the opening of a railroad line from Mobile through the
fertile agricultural areas of northeast Mississippi and thence across Ten-
nessee and western Kentucky to connect with the Illinois Central line to
Chicago. In April, 1861, the full length of the line was opened from Mobile
to Columbus, Kentucky, on the Ohio River, where a steamboat connection of
twenty miles on the Mississippi and Ohio rivers brought it to Cairo, Illinois,
the southern terminus of the Illinois Central.

The two companies were generously supported by land grants from the
federal government. The Mobile and Ohio Railroad Company selected in scat-
tered areas the best of the public lands that it could find, including
extensive acreage in the counties of the Upper Tombigbee Valley. The company
raised money for construction in Mobile and in northeastern Mississippi and
also received state aid from both Alabama and Mississippi. While many
interests were intended to be served, the dominating force and power lay in
Mobile, the commercial interests of which city the company faithfully sup-
ported for a century.

97
 The main line was intended to have several feeder branches, which would
tap valuable tributary areas for the benefit of the company and of Mobile.
A branch was to run to Gainesville and Tuscaloosa, another to Columbus,
Mississippi, and Decatur, Alabama. Another would reach out to Coffeeville
and beyond, maybe even to Memphis, Tennessee. The Oktibbeha Branch would
reach to Starkville. Some construction occurred on all these branches, and
companies were chartered to build several others which did not materialize,
such as the Camargo Branch, the Louisville Branch, the Chickasaw Branch, the
Pickensville Branch, and the Grenada, Houston, 6 Eastern (session laws,
Mississippi, 154-1860). In Kentucky there was a branch to reach out to
Paducah, on the Ohio River. The line projected from Aberdeen towards New
Orleans was expected to cross the Mobile and Ohio Railroad, so no branch was
contemplated to Aberdeen.

The Mobile and Ohio Railroad, which roughly paralleled the Tombigbee
River, was pushed northward from Mobile through the piney woods and across
the Mississippi line in the direction of Macon. The pine country offered
little traffic, but rich business was expected when the line reached the
prairie country. It reached Macon in the summer of 1856 in time to handle the
season's cotton crop. The railroad's freight traffic of the calendar year
of 1856 is summarized in Table 14.

It was also in 1856, at the northern end of the Black Prairie, that the
first train of the Memphis and Charleston Railroad reached Cross City (later
Corinth), where the Mobile and Ohio was soon to cross it (see Fig. 14).

On December 25, 1857, the Mobile and Ohio reached West Point. iefore
this time Columbus interests, which had been lukewarm in encouraging con-
struction of the railroad, had waked up to the fact that they were being
left off the main line of future business and had taken steps to secure the
construction of a branch line from Artesia to Columbus, 13.5 miles, on which
the track was laid in 1859. Also in 1859, the main line of the Mobile and
Ohio was extended twenty miles north from West Point to Okolona (see Fig. 14).
At the same time, track laying was underway in Tennessee and Kentucky, and
the whole line to Columbus, Kentucky, was opened early in 1861.

The building of the Mobile and Ohio Railroad through the prairie
country parallel to the Tombigbee River had a terrific impact not only on the
country through which it passed but also on the river towns and on the func-
tion of the river itself in the future life of the area. As the railroad
reached northward, each new terminus enjoyed a cotton boom: Macon, West
Point, and then Okolona. At West Point there were, initially, no warehouses,
and cotton bales for shipment had to be piled along the track. Between
September and November, 1858, 17,215 bales of cotton were shipped from West
Point (Rodabough, November 30, 1972). Soon West Point had a newspaper, the
Southern Broad-Axe, in the columns of which we are informed of the following
institutions serving West Point: daily passenger and freight trains, a male
and female academy, an Ambrotype gallery, a church, a tin shop, street im-
provements, a post office, various mercantile establishments, a blacksmith
business, a retail lumber establishment selling machine-dressed flooring
and weatherboarding, a drug store, a hotel with a restaurant serving fresh
oysters, schools, a dancing academy, and a livery stable.

98
 MIE

FTG. 14. THE UPPER TOMIBIGBEE VALLEY IN 1860.

99
 TABLE 14

TRAFFIC OF THE MOBILE .ND OHTO RAILROAD

Principal Articles Carried in 856

Southbound Freight

74,885 bales of cotton 303 barrels of tar

2,193,000 bricks 1,063 livestock
10,950 cords of wood 5,154 dozen poultry
1,306 barrels of turpentine : 24,050 dozen eggs
507 barrels of rosin

Northbound Freight

298 bales of hay 2,066 sacks of bacon

3,448 sacks of meal and bran 1,437 casks of bacon
4,088 sacks of corn and oats 5,532 kegs of nails
2,069 barrels of molasses 2,765 boxes of tobacco
3,663 barrels of whiskey 6,981 pieces of bagging
1,088 barrels of pork and beef 7,333 coils of rope
6,344 barrels of flour 516 barrels of rice
4,847 sacks of coffee 1,150 boxes of candles
3,109 barrels of sugar 1,162 boxes of cheese
13,184 sacks of salt 330 carriages and wagons
Data from Mobile and Ohio Railroad Company, Annual Report, 1856.

100
 In November, 1859, the railroad was having trouble in hauling off all
the cotton offered it at West Point, so some of it was sent by wagon to the
Tombigbee River landing at Waverly. The MIobile and Ohio was getting the
expected rich business of the Prairie country. Columbus was hurt, but it
still had the river, and in 1859 came the opening of the Columbus Branch of
the M & 0. It was Aberdeen that was hardest hit. In 1359 and 1860 this
formerly thriving place saw its cotton trade melt away, taken over by the
railroad towns. While there was reason to hope in Aberdeen that the legal
tangles preventing the construction of the part of the New Orleans, Jackson,
and Great Northern Railroad between Aberdeen and the M & 0 line might be
straightened out and the road quickly completed, the Civil War intervened
and prevented it (see Rodabough, November 30, 1972). As Aberdeen headed into
a steep decline, it was observed that the trade of the country east of the
Tombigbee was being siphoned off by Columbus with the aid of a new bridge
across the Buttahatchie River.

The railroad and the river had entered into a competition the economic
nature of which calls for explanation. The river was a seasonal transporta-
tion route, available to all on equal terms without cost. Transportation by
steamboat and barge was relatively cheap when it was available. While the
wooden boats deteriorated rapidly, they could be laid up and their crews
discharged when they were not in use. They could go only where the river
went, however, the navigation of the tributary branches being generally
unsatisfactory. The boats competed with each other, but they could withdraw
from the business and go somewhere else when operations became unprofitable,
there being no fixed investment in immovable facilities and improvements.
The boats were highly flexible in the rates which they could charge. Their
business was risky, but it usually carried a high profit margin.

The economics of railway operation were poorly understood in the 1850s

but very real nevertheless. There was a very heavy fixed investment and a
high maintenance cost that was largely independent of the volume of the
business. Any additional business which might be taken from another carrier,
or which could be created where it did not exist before, could contribute
something to the fixed expenses, even if the rates charged were only a little
more than sufficient to pay the immediate operating expenses involved. Get-
ting business that paid anything above operating expenses was desirable, so
there was a great margin for rate-cutting when competition required it.
Nevertheless, the total business would have to be sufficient to cover all
of the fixed expenses as well as operating expenses if the enterprise were to
remain solvent. Railroad companies commonly charged passengers at a flat
rate per mile, and freight was charged for on the basis of a mileage scale
in which distance was the prime factor but in which the charges were not
directly proportional to distance. For example, cotton rates to Mobile from
Macon in September, 1858, 197.5 miles, were $2.35 per bale, while from
Okolona, 261 miles, $2.70 per bale. The rate from Gainesville Junction to
Mobile, 163 miles, was $2.15. The rates, of course, covered terminal costs,
presumably about equal in each instance. (The rates quoted were published
in Southern Broad-Axe [West Point], September 14, 1859.)

During much of the year the railroad had no competition from the river,
except that shipments might be withheld to await a rise of the river and the

101
arrival of the steamboats. The railroad was a dependable, all-season, all-
weather carrier, financially responsible, quick, and with reliable schedules.
The river boats were generally deficient in these features. Some people who
lived near the river, however, found its use more practical than that of the
more distant railroad. The N1& 0 line was marked by a string of railroad
towns, mostly new, on its north and south route. When the Civil War began,
the railroad's branches reached to the Tombigbee River at Gainesville and
Columbus but not at Aberdeen. It crossed the Memphis and Charleston at
Corinth and other railroad lines between Corinth and Columbus, Kentucky, at
each of which the transfer of traffic was possible, but soon the war inter-
fered. In truth, the impact of railroad transportation had just struck the
Upper Tombigbee Valley when the war began.

102

. ...
... .. ... . ... ......
.. .. . ... . . . . . .. . ... . ' '' I
." ' :.. il I IIl ] . .. l~~ l' ' ;I I'
 CHAPTER X

CIVIL WAR AND READJUSTMENT: 1S60-1870

The Civil War had far-reaching influence on the Upper Tombigbee counties.
In addition, there were during the decade of the war and readjustment further
powerful influences at work, which, although not basically caused by the
war, were accentuated by it.

The manpower demands of the war drew many men away from the farms and
plantations into the military services. Their labor was lost to the produc-
ing and capital-building activities of the area by their absence and dis-
abilities or death caused by the war. The availability of slave labor made
it possible for a high percentage of the able-bodied white men to abandon
their occupations and go off to war, leaving only enough at home to provide
managerial and control functions, some of which women also provided. Non-
slave-holding families suffered a serious handicap.

While military activities extended around the area in a great arc, only
the northern part of it was subject to direct invasion. After the fall of
forts Henry and Donelson in northern Tennessee in the spring of 1862, the
Federal forces moved south up the Cumberland River and took Nashville. The
Tennessee River lay open as a route of approach to the lower South, which
was then invaded--by steamboat. The rails of the Mobile and Ohio Railroad
and of the Memphis and Charleston Railroad crossed at Corinth, giving that
point a special strategic importance and making it an object of Union attack.
On April 7, 1862, the Confederacy lost the battle of Shiloh Church or Pitts-
burgh Landing, on the Tennessee. The invading forces then moved towards
Corinth, which place Confederate General P.G.T. Beauregard evacuated on
May 30, 1862, and retired down the Mobile and Ohio line to Tupelo.

Moving from both north and south on the Mississippi River, the Federals
sought to cut the Confederacy in two. They found their most difficult ob-
stacle at Vicksburg, which held out for another year. Federal forces mean-
while in 1862 moved up the Tennessee as far as Eastport, Mississippi. As
they were planning an invasion of East Tennessee, Confederate General Braxton
Bragg at Tupelo began on July 27 to withdraw most of his forces down the
Mobile and Ohio Railroad to Mobile, from there to send them by a roundabout
rail route to Chattanooga. In August, 1862, a body of Federal cavalry
patrolling the Memphis and Charleston Railroad line, turned aside to raid
Bay Springs. The factory's machinery was put of commission, but the build-
ings were not burned. In a movement towards Eastport, Confederate General
Stirling Price met a Federal force at Iuka, where a battle occurred on
September 19, 1862. The Confederates retreated the next day to Bay Springs
and then to Baldwyn on the M & 0 Railroad. Another battle occurred at
Corinth on October 3-4, 1862.

103
 On December 13-19, 1362, Federal Colonel Theophilus Lyle D}ickey made
a raid against the Mobile and Ohio Railroad, his route being mainly through
Lafayette and Pontotoc counties. Dickey destroyed trestle work and bridges
from Saltillo to Okolona, thirty-four miles, and a large bridge south of
Okolona over a branch of the Tombigbee. Eastport on the Tennessee River
served as a staging point for several Federal raids into Alabama. In 1S63
Vicksburg was the main center of military activity in Mississippi.

Steamboat activity on the Upper Tombigbee underwent a marked decline

during the war. The cause appears to have been not so much the war as the
competition of the Mobile and Ohio Railroad and the decline of cotton pro-
duction. Aberdeen lost most of its commercial business, while Columbus,
now with a railroad connection, had less need for the river. Some steamboats,
however, continued to call at Columbus. In the early ISbOs the Clipper, a
242-ton sidewheel steamboat, frequently advertised serice from Mobile to
Gainesville and Vienna and in 1862 it also visited Warsaw. In 1862 the
Warrior, a 378-ton sidewheeler, advertised similar service. And there was
other steamboat activity (Rodabough, March 27, 1975):

The season of 1861-62 saw the W.S. Barry and Lilly reach Aberdeen,
but the James Dellett and the Georgia Sykes went no higher than Columbus
and very few times at that. The 1862-63 boating season was the last
during the War that Columbus was reached; no boats came to Aberdeen that
year. Those last boats to serve East Mississippi during the war were
the Warrior (once), Cherokee (once), General Robert E. Lee (three times),
W.S. Barry (once), Reindeer (twice) Alice Viv-an (twice). What trade
as did exist was being handled almost exclusively by the M. & 0. Rail-
road.

River trade remained irregular as far up the Tombigbee as Demopolis

and then up the Warrior to Northport and Tuscaloosa. That area was
sufficiently removed from railroads to warrant regular boats..

The most famous Tombigbee steamers during the Civil War were the
Cuba and Alice Vivian. Due to the strength and speed of those vessels
they were converted to blockade runners. Their hulls were braced,
strengthened and made stiff to resist waves. Their cabins were entirely
removed. In place of their twin smoke stacks there stood only one low
one. Their sides were walled in. Each vessel made only one trip to
Cuba. On the second tries the Cuba was forced aground and the Alice
Vivian captured.

The principal economic function of the Upper Tombigbee Valley in support

of the Confederacy was in providing food, not cotton, for it was an area of
great food-producing potential. Great numbers of cattle and hogs were bought
up or driven off during the war years, and the number remaining declined to
a mere fraction of what it had been in 1860.

The importance of the Upper Tombigbee Valley to the Confederacy is made

manifest in the following excerpts from statements of the governing officials
of Columbus, referred to the Confederate Secretary of War by President
Jefferson Davis on May 8. 1863 (U.S. War Department, comp.,The War of the
Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confeder-
ate Armies, Series I, Volume LII, Part II, pp. 461-463):

104
Knowing as you do our geographical position, and the importance of our
rich valley, as one capable of producing breadstuffs in sufficient
quantities for the supply of the entire Army of the West, we deem it
unnecessary to argue the question, and content ourselves with merely
calling your attention to the fact. We beg leave to say that our
patriotic planters had, to a large extent, anticipated your recent
proclamation and have planted their broad prairie acres in grain and
other articles for the subsistence of the army. In fact, sir, our
country is one vast corn-field, which if protected from the enemy will,
under the smiles of Providence, furnish an amount of provisions that
will relieve the Western Army from all fear of want.

From New Albany to B[ea]r Creek the distance is sixtu-five miles. This
is the important line of defense, and upon it the cavalry force of this
district should be now centered.

Columbus is situated near the eastern boundary of the State, about mid-
way of that fertile body of land running nearly parallel with the west
bank of the Tombigbee River for a distance of 100 miles, and which from
its cereal resources is capable of supplying provisions for the whole
Confederate Army of the West. The city has been placed by experienced
engineers, at great expense and labor, under complete and extensive
military fortifications, and to suffer it, under the circumstances, by
inadequate or inefficient defense, to fall into the hands of the enemy
would only be placing in their power the means for our own destruction.
The Mobile and Ohio Railroad, extending from the Gulf of Mexico into
the enemy's lines on the north, immediately through the center of the
valley of the Tombigbee, and passing within a short distance of Colum-
bus, would furnish means of transportation, and with a fortified city
as a base of operations in the possession of the enemy, the State would
be completely paralyzed, and virtually subjugated, so far as its avail-
able force or power could be used for its defense. The Federal gun-
boats on the Mississippi have, in a great degree, closed the State on
the west; the possession by the enemy of the Memphis and Charleston
Railroad cuts off all communication on her northern boundary, and the
military and naval occupancy of Yew Orleans and Gulf of Mexico on the
south leave open only her eastern boundary for military operations. it
will be perceived at once that the eastern limits of the State in the
enemy's power and control would isolate the State from the Confederacy,
and place her under complete military subjugation. In addition to the
national loss which would result from a conquest of the eastern limits
of Mississippi and the probable military occupancy of the State, the
loss and destruction of the provision crop of the valley of the Tombig-
bee would be more or less felt throughout the whole Confederacy. The
navigation of the Mississippi River by Federal gun-boats has in a great
measure cut off our army supplies from those fertile States west of said
stream. A large portion of the State of Tennessee and all of Kentucky
being in possession of the enemy deprives us of supplies from that
region, and we are now in a great degree dependent upon the rich valley

105

i| i i i i .. . . .. .
 of the Tombigbee for provisioning our Western armies. To suffer that
region to be ravaged and ruined by an invading army would be such an
act of suicidal policy on the part of the Government as would be in-
excusable, if in its power to avert. The recent raid of the enemy
through almost the entire State of Mississippi, together with such facts
as your committee have been able to obtain, convince them that the
provisions made for the defense of Eastern Mississippi are totally
inadequate.

After the fall of Vicksburg and the defeat at Gettysburg on July 3-4, 4
1863, the fortunes of the Confederacy gradually declined. However, on
June 10, 1864, General Nathan B. Forrest defeated a Federal iorce at Brice's
Cross Roads, and then on July 14-13, there was a considerabie battle in the

neighborhood of Tupelo, with rather mixted results.

On December 21, 1864, an expedition of 3,300 men left Memphis to

threaten Corinth, then in Confederate hands, and destroyed four bridges on
the N1 0 Railroad between Booneville and Gun Town. The main column moved
farther down the railroad, destroying structures to a point between Egypt
and Prairie Station, some twelve miles from Aberdeen.

In February, 1865, General William Tecumseh Sherman made a very destruc-

tive raid on Meridian from the west. The president of the railroad company
observed (Mobile and Ohio Railroad Company, Annual Report, 1866, H. Rep. 34,
39th Cong., 2nd Sess., p. 833): "Sherman's raid destroyed, north and south
of Meridian, 'all the warehouses, water stations, bridges, and trestle-work
in 48 miles, and on 21 miles of that distance he bent, and as far as possible,
destroyed the rails and fastenings.'" Yet the company's chief engineer later
reported (ibid., p. 841) that "at the close of the war the road was in fair
running condition to Okolona, 261 miles, and passable for trains to Corinth."

When Mobile was threatened by the enemy in the spring of 1865, steam-
boats left that city hastily. After the danger to the boats had passed, the
Mobile Daily News reported, May 11, 1865:

The steamers St. Nicholas, St. Charles, C.W. Dorrance, Jeff. Davis,
Admiral, Reindeer, Cherokee, Marengo, Sumter, Waverly, Magnolia, Robt.
Watson, and Duke have arrived at the city wharves from the Bigbee river,
whither they were taken by the skedaddling rebels upon the evacuation of
the city.

A recent author observes (Rodabough, March 27, 1975):

During the 1865-66 river season steamboats again returned to the

Upper Bigbee to take advantage of the interrupted service offered by
the badly damaged line of the M & 0 Railroad. Much cotton was stored
in warehouses awaiting shipment. The Reindeer, Clara Dunning, Elmora,
Waverly, Alice M., Cora, Mist, Black Diamond, Belfast, C.W. Dorrance,
E.M. Bicknell, John Briggs, Virginia no. 1, Marengo, Dandridge, and
Dove paid twenty-five visits to Columbus and only nine to Aberdeen.

106

. . " - " *... .

 River traffic fell off considerably the next year when the rail-
road began to stage a comeback. The Dandridge was the only regular
boat on the Upper Bigbee. It paid three visits to Aberdeen and termin-
ated five trips at Columbus. The Virginia no. 2 to Columbus twice.
The Mary Conley ascended twice to Aberdeen. The C.W. Dorrance and :!ist
each paid one visit to Aberdeen. The Belfast and Mollie 31over came to
Columbus once.

The Mobile and Ohio Railroad property suffered severely from wartime
4
wear and tear and from military damage. On this subject the president of the
company told the stockholders on April 17, 1866 (H. Ren. 34, 39th Cong., 2nd
Sess., p. 833):

As the mariner, who has been driven and tossed by winds and waves
until hope is nearly extinguished, embraces the first moment of calm
to take a reckoning of where he is, and calculates the chances of
finally reaching the shore, so we, at the close of the late destructive
war, took a reckoning of where we were, and calculated the chances of
saving the great enterprise committed to our charge.

At the commencement of the war the company was in good condition--

had inspired universal confidence at home and abroad, and had ample
resources to meet all its engagements. The road, in its progress to
completion, had met and overcome opposition of the greatest magnitude.
In the State of Mississippi it had been opposed by the friends of a
ri il road from New Orleans; in Tennessee, it had met the violenc
opposition of the enterprising and energetic city of Memphis. The great
length of the road, passing through sections of country having no pre-
vious business or commercial connection with each other, gave to these
rival interests an opportunity of playing on the passions and prejudices
of particular localities, and throwing obstacles in the way of its
progress. Towns and villages a short distance from the track of the
road put themselves in hostility to it because it did not change its
location and send its cars directly to their doors. When the company
was compelled to apply to the legislatures of the several States
through which the road was located for necessary legislation to aid its
completion, we were constantly met by opposition from these local and
rival interests.

But by energy and perseverance this great road was completed; and
on the 22d of April, 1361, when the last rail was laid in the track, the
company had a road of the first class, built in the most substantial
manner, with rails and fastenings and other materials unsurpassed in
the United States, and supplied with rolling stock amply sufficient to
meet all the requirements of its extensive business. From the resources
then at our command, estimating the future earnings of the road at
figures below what we had a right to expect, it was safe to calculate
that, within two years from the completion of the road, we would com-
mence the payment of dividends on our stock, having first taken up our
floating liabilities, and from the sale of lands and a portion of our
annual earnings, set apart for the purpose, provide for a sinking fund
sufficient to extinguish our funded debt before maturity. From the
time of our successful negotiations in London down to the completion of

107
 the road all our financial calculations had been fully sustained, and
we had far more reason to expect success in the future than we had had
in the past.

But the war came, and the company has suffered largely by it. The
confederate government controlled the transportationof the road, and
we were occupied chiefly in transporting men and supplies for the army.
In this way the confederate government became our debtors, including
bonds, &c., as will be seen by reference to the annexed tables, in the
sum of $4,983,871 23. A part of this was due long before the close of
the war, but we were not able to collect it because of alleged want of
means of payment. Add to this, over fifty negroes, costing $119,691,
and Alabama State bonds, since declared void, being issued for purposes
of the war, $125,000, and it makes the round sum in confederate cur-
rency of $5,228,562 23--all of which was lost to this company.

But our losses did not stop with a failure to get pay for services
which we were, by military orders, compelled to perform. All our
bridges, trestle-work, warehouses, and station buildings, between Union
City, in Tennessee, and Okolona, in Mississippi, a distance of 184 miles,
were destroyed. General Sherman's raid to Meridian destroyed, north
and south of that place, all the warehouses, water stations, bridges,
and trestle-work on 48 miles, and on 21 miles of that distance he bent
and, as far as possible, destroyed the rails and fastenings. From a
full supply of rolling stock of the finest quality we were reduced to
one-fourth of what was necessary, and that was in bad condition. Cur
repair shop at Jackson, Tennessee, was broken up; and on the evacuation
of Mobile, the stationary engine and tools in the shops at Whistler
were destroyed. We had, at the close of the war, neither tools nor
material to repair our little remaining rolling stock, and keep it on
the track.

A huge debt due from the Confederate government could not be collected,
but the railroad company had converted much of its liquid assets into
cotton, which had been stored in Mobile and elsewhere. Although much of this
was burned, stolen, or confiscated, what remained was important to the
company for rehabilitation. While the company suffered heavy losses because
of the war, particularly from the repudiation of Confederate debts, its
principal loss came from the loss of the productive capacity of the region
which it served and which was its source of traffic.

As the Mobile and Ohio Railroad was restored to operation, it moved

large quantities of cotton from the Upper Tombigbee counties to both Mobile
and Memphis (via Corinth). The company had great difficulty in securing
the rolling stock and other equipment necessary for operation. Taking
advantage of this circumstance, a combination of cotton agents, cotton
factors, railroads, Memphis agents, and military officers sent trains down
the M & 0 line to take cotton and haul it to Memphis without the company's
consent (H. Doc. 34, 39th Cong., 2nd Sess., p. 833). Not including these
movements, from June 1, 1865, to April 1, 1866, 100,549 bales were shipped
to Mobile on the M & 0 and 17,179 to Corinth for Memphis. Macon shipped
13,886, Columbus 12,215. The 6,120 from Prairie probably came mostly from
Aberdeen. (Table 15 gives details of shipments from the various stations.)

108
 MOVEMENT OF ON 7HE MOBILE 0HIC, RAILROAD

LOCAL STA7,10NS 7 %10BILE kNr, 00R'N ,

june 1. 18o5-42ril 1, 18b6

:
"Ca 1 Monch
3r.ons -,.;n -.1 "Ue Sert Cc. %ov 2ec 'in .3 .,ar Nlc :.: e nt n

3rushv :reek
Line
3ucNatunna 91, 323 _-3:
nchester - ,Jo 50 35
oavnesboro 194 1 651. --
go -0- 4 11-91 33. i
Red 31iff 10-1, :Sal ..41 40-,. b33: '7 ''S. ---
7: --,569
Shubuta .05 229 353 -74 -40, IISOi -76 -,.Is ; :49 3,15-,
De Soto :6 i4s, 314 13-.4 32 4173 38, -5 '76, 5 1 . b8t)
,Iuit,.nan : - - _4 38 31 iI - 1 94
Enterprise 30' 409, b34 :-.L '.,'30 1,39- 4--! 459 -98: 5,29c,
Ckatibbee -
Meridian _70:1,374 1. 97 1,337 599 S,15 647 _'ZS :00 1 -. 6-0 I_-
Marion 31 110 6A 36.' 140i 179; 1,93! 7.,Z! __-0 ',201
lockhart 40: :0s)
155 6:, 314 Z831 .08, 596 -:91 '54,
zs
iamola - 3: IbI I -bi ;8, -
'ainesv i le junctor4 192 1,3 0, -,403
98 50-u. '40 Z3Z :1 , 5.43 j -o6,
Sucamochee - '61 41 535 141; 108 147' 13 866
Scooba 139 201 316 .1,331 3:71 '.03; 246. .. 16 2,478 SE_
Wahalak )Z)4 1 ?81 110 1 90, _-56
Shuoulak Io6 69 1, -)45, 91, li Zos, 335
%lazon '1151 696: .5d S8.1 54-;3,99-l :,,61. -:3 1,40-

3ruoksv4 Ile 10, :40 11-1 1,01b 413 3,30-zj 9.42:; ;'S 1: 37S
Crawford 105 15,1 313- 276; 59b, -36, .33i 499 2,991 1,L-:
Artesia 50: 211 31SI 673 339, 505: 1,41-1 , 153, 336
Col,,mbus, Miss 58 694 i , -'68 1"81 58 303 1,933:
Mavhew J 60 71 6, 31- '13 313
T' )bee 15 ' 23 2,56 1-7 381 3:Oi 3-0 303 '.:84 86-'
-VeSt PaLnt 169" 041, 3:1! 1,42_3 386 445, 45 is'o, 330 ".9-t
',onatan - j - -:31 1 159, 1-31 34 36 I'BE:
Praine )o 215 -- )Si '39-, 3Z -, I') I.;s '.3- 5,3'Z
Eg -?t '5o I I- .m 1.3 1,338 i 50
- 162 33 3 t, -,I!
Dkolona 3,0 253 J Ii 3:7 i 462 367 -'-6 38:1 3-3 4,218
Shannon
Verona :0 69. i3l 1 -'9
TuDelo 01 39 1
SaltiIia 30 30
Guntown
3al dw-m
Rienza
Pinson 5 j;
Jac.Kson, Tenn
Humboidt
7otal 8.-33 110,i0l: 13.0to 9_93
Data f i. Doc 34, 39th :jng., _'nd Sess. o. 3B5.

109
 Accompanying the end of the war there was a breakdown of state and
local government, widespread disorder and theft, starvation and destitution,
and military government that was inadequate to the systematic maintenance
of law and order. The "freedmen," as the former slaves were called, roamed
about, living off the country, and many of both white and black races were
confronted with the danger of starvation. For a time the resources of the
people had to be devoted primarily of the problem of staying alive. Of the
Confederate soldiers who straggled home after the war a large part came back
too late to engage in the planting of a new crop, and many suffered from
wounds and debilitated health. Their homes and farms were generally in a
dilapidated condition and their livestock was largely gone.

The destruction of war had hit the Upper Tombigbee Valley a devastating
blow. The labor system which had produced most of the surplus for export
had been destroyed. Liquid capital had been destroyed. Buildings and
fields had been neglected. Then, in the aftermath, Alabama and Mississippi
planters who had held their cotton in the hope of marketing it at favorable
prices after the war to provide a basis for rehabilitating their farms were
confronted with a heavy federal tax on cotton and with a swarm of cotton
thieves, treasury agents, bandits, unscrupulous merchants, and others who
took advantage of the breakdown of the rule of law.

The great body of the freedmen knew of nothing but an agricultural life,
and they had had scant experience in managing their own affairs. In this
situation general ineffectiveness in production was to be expected until
some new system of order could be worked out. There was much confusion,
much experimenting, and much interference from the Freedmen's Bureau.

Table 16 gives details of the accounts of J.C.H. Jones of Fairfield,

Pickens County, with twenty-six freedmen in his employ in 1865. He apparently
provided his employees with land and housing and tools and advanced them
such necessities as food and clothing by some kind of a rationing system,
although the record does not show all this. In addition, he paid adult males
50 cents per day and expected them to work 312 days during the year. Adult
females were paid amounts varying from SO cents to 25 cents per day. They
were charged proportionately for time lost. Against their pay were also
charged all additional items above the necessities. These items included
extra food and clothing, tobacco, whiskey, cow feed, knives, ornaments, and
occasionally exotic foods. After all these expenses one family had S235.30
left over at the end of the year and every family had something. The average
was $46.98 per person. Even Judy and Jane, who were afflicted with smallpox
and lost 272 work days, ended with a small cash sum due them. The account
book leaves the impression that Jones was a good manager, but it does not
reveal how well he fared himself.

Although much of the cotton and other traffic left the Tombigbee River
after the completion of the main line of the Mobile and Ohio Railroad and of
its branch to Columbus, steamboats continued after the war to carry some of
the traffic of points readily accessible to the river. Some of the boating
activities of the late 1860s are reflected in the following account by a
recent historian (Rodabough, March 27, 1975):

110
 ,Z . N t P .

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_ . >.

!=

[z

... .. • .. . . . . . . . . . . II. . .. i1
 The boating season of 1867-68 saw the C.W. Dorrance, Virginia no.
2, Vigo, Clara, E.M. Bicknell, Mary Conley, Montana, and Reindeer make
nine trips to Aberdeen and terminate eight voyages at Columbus. The
following zeason the Mary Conley came to Aberdeen seven times; 3.M.
Terrill & Co. were the local agents. The Desoto came to Aberdeen once
and terminated one trip at Columbus. The E.M. Bicknell came to
Columbus once.

On October 14, 1869, Aberdeen completed its railroad connection

with the main line of the M & 0. From that time through the boating
season of 1876-77 very little use was made of the river. Each time a
steamboat would come to Aberdeen or Columbus the Railroad would lower
its rate and steal the trade. Thus, the steamboat trade was strangled.
Once the boats were gone, the railroads were free to charge whatever
the traffic would bear.

The railroads still did not reach the little river ports, and these
continued to do business by steamboat. Notices in the Carrollton (Pickens
County) West Alabamian tell something of the river business at Pickensville
in the immediate postwar years. Here are some abstracts:

November 28, 1866. Pickensville Warehouse

We have our upper warehouse fully repaired--convenient to town and
above high water.
D.A. Walker & Co.
Look out! Steamboats coming up: or, at least our friends D.A. Walker
& Co., have made preparations for the coming of several Steamboats;
besides, they are now prepared to receive and store cotton, merchandise
&c. They also have salt, bagging & rope, and will in a short time have
a supply of corn for the accommodation of their customers.

December 12, 1866. Mobile, Columbus and Waverq Packet. The fast-
running side-wheel Dandridge . . . now classes A No. 1 in the Insurance
offices.

December 26, 1866. Pulliam Warehouse at Pickensville, Ala. W.H.C.

Dunlop, proprietor.

April 3, 1867. Pulliam's Landing. Patrons shipping freight to my

warehouse will please have it marked Pulliam Landing, Pickensville, Ala.
Z. Pulliam

December 4, 1867. Pickensville warehouse. The new and commodious

Cotton Shed at this old and well known shipping point, is now ready for
the reception of cotton. The warehouse is also in complete order, and
I will soon have completed a good camping house & lot for the accommoda-
tion of wagoners & their teams.
M.M. Lee, Successor to D.A. Walker & Co.

December 4, 1867. Regular packet for Columbus. The A No. 1 Side Wheel
Steamer C.W. Dorrance . . Will leave Mobile every Saturday evening,
arriving at Columbus Tuesday morning. Leaves Columbus Tuesday 10
o'clock a.m. and Pickenzville at 2 p.m. . . . Classes A no. 1 in the
insurance offices.

111
 Feb. 5, 1868. Regular Saturday Night Packet on the Little 3Bgbee
River. The A No. 1 Side Wheel Steamer Reindeer . . . Will leave ,obile
every Saturday at 4 p.m., for Pickensville, and will leave Pickensville
on her return trip every Tuesday morning, arriving in Mobile on Thurs-
day evening. For freight or passage apply on board.

Despite the survival of some of the little river ports the shift of
commerce away from the river to towns along the line of the Mobile and Ohio
Railroad is clearly indicated by the comprehensive traffic figures of that
railroad for 18t9 (see Table 17). Cotton, the principal item of traffic,
was shipped from a host of small towns along the railroad. Columbus in that
year shipped 14,142 bales by rail, of which only 3,684 went to Mobile. The
rest went to junction points to the north, particularly Humboldt, Tennessee,
and Columbus, Kentucky. Probablv the largest part of the Columbus cotton
sent to Mobile wert by steamboat, perhaps ten thousand bales. At the end
of 1869 Aberdeen was just securing its first rail connection, with the Mobile
and Ohio. Such business as it had previously retained had gone primarily to
steamboats. With the rail connection, however, Aberdeen entered a new era.
There was little transfer of cotton from the NI 1 0 to the Memphis and Charles-
ton at Corinth, nor does the record show whether this little moved to Memphis
or to points eastward. Memphis did supply some of the distributive trade of
the Upper Tombigbee Valley through Corinth, however. The river was still
getting the trade between Columbus and Mobile and apparently most of it
between Gainesville and Mobile and essentially all of it between Aberdeen
and Mobile in 1869. At that time other traffic was still tending to follow
essentially the same trade routes as cotton, but the trade pattern was under-
going rapid changes.

113
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'son 4138 _,_S *-- - -

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'.ler-dian ',ai.70ad

11-i
 iCH-ICKASAW

MI4LES

FIG. 15A. ThE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY IN 1865, NORTHERN PORTION. Based on
a map by the U.S. Coast Survey.

115

- A.
 OKTIBEHALOWNDES

ERME

LU0EROALZ. MILES
5 0 5 '0 is 20

FIG. 15B. THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY IN 1865, SOUTHERN PORTION. Based on a
map by the U.S. Coast Survey.
 CHAPTER XI

THE NEW ECONOMY: 1870-1910

Ill fares the land to hastening ills a prey,

If men accumulate and wealth decay.
-Revised from Oliver Goldsmith's "Deserted Village."

The peak of prosperity in the counties of the Upper Tombigbee Valley

was reached just before the Civil War. The damage from the war itself was
formidable, and the years of the Reconstruction Era did not bring a return
to prosperity. The region did not rebuild its stocks of cattle and hogs,
and the production of cotton and corn per farm and per person suffered a
continuing decline. Not only did the region lose its self-sufficiency but
it also lost much of its ability to produce cotton, its great market crop.
on which pre-war prosperity had been founded. The average of 1.8 bales of
cotton produced per person in 1860 fell off to 0.8 in 1880, 0.7 in 1890, and
0.6 in 1910. The number of hogs per person, which had declined from 2.4 in
1850 to 2.0 in 1860 as farmers concentrated on cotton, dropped to 0.9 in
1880, and 0.6 in 1910, after which it underwent further decline.

A region which had been essentially self-sufficient in 180 became

highly dependent in the postwar years on outside sources of meat and bread.
Furthermore, the market price of cotton underwent a continuing decline. The
size of farms underwent a steady reduction as did the production per fazrm.
The destructive economic effects of all this are reflected in the declining
portion of farms operated by owners, which had declined by 1910 to 17.1
percent in Greene County and 19.9 percent in Noxubee. In the northern
counties it was much higher, reaching as high as 57.9 percent in Tishomingo
in 1910. By that time most of the tenants were sharecroppers. The average
value of farms, which had reached rather high levels in several of the
prairie counties by 1860, continued to fall off after the war to very low
figures in 1890, but by 1910 there had been some revival.

Comparisons of black and white farmers in 1910 show that the condition
of both was bad but that that of the blacks was worse and that black-operated
farms were less productive.

The counties differed markedly in the percentage relationship of the

white and black population. In general there was a steady decline in the
percentage of white population down to 1890. In that year Greene County" was
only 14.7 percent white and Noxubee County only 17.2 percent. Yet the white
portion of Itawamba County was 91.6 percent and of Tishomingo 89.3 percent.
The counties of the Upper Tombigbee Valley thus differed markedly in the
racial content of their population. In the counties where blacks were few
their economic characteristics seem to have been more like those of the
whites than in counties where the black population was proportionately high-

117
er. The accompanying Table 18 provides an analysis of the Tennessee-
Tombigbee counties as a whole. A detailed breakdown of the figures by"
counties is found in Appendix 5.

A study of the community of Pleasant Ridge in Greene County reveals

-triking changes from 1860 to 1880. The population grew from 1300 to 2002,
but economic development did not keep pace. When comparisons of lSoO and
1S80 are put on a per capita basis, we find a marked decline in the number
of cattle, sheep, and swine, especially the last, as well as impressive de-
cline in the production of corn, wheat, potatoes, peas and beans, and
orchard products. Clearly self-sufficiency in food became a thing of the
past. But cotton production, the main source of income with which to buy
food and other articles from elsewhere, also declined precipitously, both in
absolute quantity and on a per capita basis. We have here in microcosm what
broader figures show us to be general throughout the Upper Tombigbee coun-
ties. The figures showing the occupations of the people in the community of
Pleasant Ridge in 1880 show us what kind of a community it was. (See Tables
19, 20, and 21.) In 1880 there were 210 farms in Pleasant Ridge, but only
eighty-five farmers owned their land. Twenty-six farmers rented land on a
fixed-rent basis (as cash tenants), and ninety-nine farmers farmed on shares.
Tenantry had taken the place of slavery.

The dynamics of economic development and decline are full of subtleties

that are difficult to grasp or to measure, but several important elements in
the Upper Tombigbee picture can be readily described. Self-sufficiency plus
bountiful commercial crops from virgin soils tilled with slave labor had
brought prosperity in 1860. Now, however, there were ominous signs of soil
exhaustion, and the slave labor was gone. Time was required to rebuild
livestock herds; yet the surviving animals were needed for food. Further-
more, the accumulated capital necessary to support new initiatives i:id devel-
opments was gone.

Livestock producers who depended on open ranges were coming to the end
of an era; a growing population was occupying the lands and building fences,
and, worst of all, stock law was threatened, which would require the stock
growers to fence their stock in. Driving animals to market over long dis-
tances grew impractical as ranges to feed the traveling animals on the road
became more difficult to secure. Furthermore, the railroads began to pour
in packed pork and beef from the western and northern corn-hog-cattle farms,
where corn production was more bountiful than in the Tombigbee area.

Production of a commercial crop requires financing, for people must live

while they produce the crop. WVith money gone the region could not restore
commercial production until it could accumulate a surplus to sustain life
while the commercial crop was being produced--that is, for one year. The
surplus might be acquired a little at a time, a long drawn-out process, or
credit might be sought to support the producers during the year while the
crop was being produced. Cotton production languished during the Reconstruc-
tion Era, but a new labor system was worked out and a credit system was
developed. Southern farmers turned increasingly to cotton, tie most reliable
cash crop, which they raised to the increasing neglect of corn and livestock
and even their own garden vegetables. Yet, despite this concentration on
cotton, its production fell off.

118
 *Z- 3-3.

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 TABLE 19

DISTRIBUTION OF OCCUPATIONS IN PLEASANT RIDGE IN 1880

By Total Population and By Heads of Households

Number of People in Number of [leads of Households
Occupations I Total Population iWhite Black
None 674 8 13
Laborer 505 3 78
Farmer 400 81 231
Home 139 11 0
School 88 0 0
Cook 74 1 18
Teacher 11 3 1
Servant 11 0 0
!.ash Woman 6 0 0
Mechanic 5 3
Merchant 5 3 1
Blacksmith 4 2 0
Nurse 4 0 1
Carpenter 3 1 2
Physician 3 1 1 0
Store Clerk 1 0
Fireman 2 0 1
Lawyer 2 0 1
Miller 2 2 0
Minister 1 1 0
Totals 2,002 i 124 348
Data from U.S. Census manuscript returns. Most children are in the "none"
category. Many persons who list their occupations as "laborer" were doubtless
employed on farms. Many sons of farmers, living with their parents, are
designated as "farmer." It is probable that more children than indicated here
attended school for a portion of the year.

120
 TABLE 20

NUMBERS OF LIVESTOCK IN PLEASANT RIDGE: 1860 AND 1880

With Figures Per Person

1860 1 1880
Totals Per Person Totals Per Person
Number of Horses 146 .11 227 .11
Number of Asses and M.ulesi 271 .21 289 .14
Number of Milk Cows 32S .25 533 .27
Number of Working Oxen 173 .13 74 .04
Number of Other Cattle 574 .44 679 .34
Number ot Sheep 575 .44 695 .35
Number of Swine 2,925 2.25 2,630 1.31
Value of Livestock $81,050 1 S62.35 S53,072 $26.51
Data from U.S. Census manuscript returns.

TABLE 21

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION IN PLEASANT RIDGE: l8bO AND 1880

With Figures Per Person

I 1860 1880
Totals Per Personi Totals .Per Person
Wheat, bushels 2,206 1.70 614 .31
Rye, bushels 80 .06 11 .01
Corn, bushels 66.400 51.08 55,574 27.76
Peas and beans, bushels 5.007 3.85 109 .05
Irish Potatoes, bushels 534 .41 455 .23
Sweet Potatoes, bushels 9.180 7.06 5,213 2.60
Cotton, bales 2,447* 1.88* 1,531-* .76"*
Wool, pounds 921 .71 1,166 .58
Butter, pounds 10,400 8.00 14,684 .33
Hay, tons 267 .21 --
Orchard Products, value 1$ 900.0 $ .69 IS 710.001 5 .35
Data from U.S. Census manuscript returns.
*Four hundred pound bales.
**Four hundred and fifty pound bales.

121
 The role of the merchant in this changing agricultural situation was
considerable. Under the gradually-evoiving new credit system merchants
having direct contact with individual crop producers located themselves along
the railroad lines. Little settlements grew into larger ones and an in-
creasing number of people came to live in commercial centers of sizes var.'i;,g
from the crossroads to towns as large as Columbus. Some places were served
by transportation on the liombigbee rather than by the railroads, or in addi-
tion to them.

A merchant furnished supplies to the farmer and sometimes a little cash,

and for security he commonly demanded a lien on the future crop. Farm
people only rather gradually fell into the crop-lien system. As merchants
demanded more planting of cotton to cover their liens, production of meat
and bread fell off. Making matters worse, the exhaustion of the upland soils
of the Black Prairie was not being compensated for by the application of
fertilizers, and yields per acre sharply declined. An area once self-
sufficient and productive of a surplus now lost that self-sufficiency and
had to buy food from a distance through the merchants, with the aid of a
credit system. Fat-back pork from the North replaced the earlier lean meat.
Concentration on this and on wheat flour produced an ill-balanced diet and
led to widespread dietary deficiencies and to a disease called pellagra.

In the degeneration of the condition of the farmers the year 1873 was
particularly disastrous. The ledger of the general store of John D.H. Jones
of Fairfield for that year provides a basis for synchronic study of local
conditions. A randomly-selected group of three women and fifteen men from
that ledger spent $203.18 for whiskey during the year at prices of fifty to
sixty cents per quart. At an average of fifty-five cents this means 20.5
quarts of whiskey per customer. One bought none, but another spent $61.40.
Presumably non-purchasers aided in the consumption. The group spent S227.79
for smoking tobacco, snuff, and chewing plugs, an average of $12.60 per
customer. The store sold many classes of items including food, dry goods,
hardware, and even livestock. John Buck bought a mule for $170 and Dick
Nash bought two mules and a horse for $500. Purchases averaged $197.13 per
customer, ranging from $1.75 in one case to $998.74 in another. Of particu-
lar interest is the item of bacon. Seven of the group bought none, and one
of them traded bacon as a credit to his account. The other eleven bought
$908.91 worth at eighteen to twenty cents per pound. At an average of nine-
teen cents per pound this represents 435 pounds for each of the eleven who
bought bacon on credit. This figure reflects the postbellum lack of self-
sufficiency. An analysis of 109 of the ledger accounts reveals a debit
balance at the beginning of 1873 of $2717.27, but a year later the amount
had increased to S10,386.01. Individual debts at the latter date range from
eighty-five cents to $1296.27. The year was a disastrous one for Jones'
customers. (A copy of the Jones ledger is in The University of Alabama
Library.)

The retail merchant's business was usually small and his markups were
large. He might charge interest on open accounts. Jones charged ten per-
cent. However, the merchant's business was risky, for hc made advances on
the security of a crop not yet produced and the price of which was hard to
predict. As cotton prices trended downward over the vyars the farmer was
increasingly unable in bad years to pay out at the end of the season. The

122
merchant had to be careful not to advance too much. He himself was a debtor,
getting his stock on credit from wholesale merchants, who expected to be
paid off at the end of the season.

The farmer did not have the freedom to change from one furnishing
merchant to another until he had paid his debt to the first. Nor could the
merchant get rid of a customer who could not pay off his debt at the end of
the year, unless he were willing either to sacrifice the debt or to advance
supplies to the farmer for another year to make a crop which (with hope)
might enable him to pay off the debt. Pressure of circumstances forced the
merchant to make advances with caution and in installments. Many a farmer,
particularly of the freedmen, would be wasteful and improvident with supplies
advanced too early and in too-large quantities, and the crop might be ne-
glected. The merchant needed to know his man and keep up with his progress
in cultivation. As conditions gradually worsened, more and more people
became enmeshed and ensnared in the crop-lien system. Merchants obtained an
increasing control of their lives, and many people's condition degenerated
into a state of peonage. Some slipped off to Texas, leaving their debts
behind.

Some of those operating on credit were tenants and some were landowners.
In decade after decade, however, we see the growth of tenantry. Some ten-
ants rented land for a cash payment to be made after the crop had been
harvested. More and more, however, the system of share-crop tenantry spread.
According to varying contracts, the landlord might furnish a dwelling house,
land, tools, and work stock, and the tenant and his family would provide the
labor. At the end of the season the cotton crop would be divided, the ten-
ant's share being one-third to one-half, depending on the time and place and
who furnished what. The corn crop, too, would be divided, the divisions
depending on who furnished the work stock and perhaps other factors. The
share-crop system was unsuited to livestock production.

A landowner might make advances of various supplies to his tenant,

these becoming a charge against the tenant's share of the crop. If the
landowner lacked the necessary resources, resort had to be had to a merchant,
perhaps with the granting of a lien on both land and crop. The tenant was
responsible for the lien, but so was the landlord. Conflict developed be-
tween landowners and merchants over their respective legal rights to the
control over both tenants and crops, conflicts which state legislatures were
unable to resolve conclusively. The outcome is observable in a tendency for
merchants to become landowners and planters and vice versa.

The declining productivity of the soils gave rise to various efforts to

find solutions to the agricultural problems. Some enterprising farmers
worked to develop more efficient methods, experimenting with new crops and
with commercial livestock production and dairying and with increased use of
fertilizers, but they found the technical and economic problems to be far
from easy of solution--and very few farmers could afford to experiment.

The establishment of land-grant agricultural schools and experiment

stations at Auburn in Alabama and Starkville in Mississippi brought attention
to agricultural problems but little immediate practical improvement on the
farm. A boy attending one of these institutions of enlightenment soon
learned that the farm was no place of opportunity for him.

123
 --- V.

In the Black Prairie areas there were extensive bottom lands with poor
drainage. If these could be drained, they might replace exhausted upland
soils. In the 1880s there was some experimentation with drainage on the
basis of individual farms and small areas in Mississippi, but it was not
until 1910 that extensive drainage districts were organized under state law
with the power to levy charges against the landowners who would benefit.
Then for the next twenty years in several of the counties extensive works of
drainage were under way. The drained lands with heavy bottom soils became
the most productive areas of the Prairie. The course of creeks was changed,
so that some ran almost in straight lines for miles. Rainwater no longer
flooded the adjacent lowlands, so new alluvial deposits largely ceased. The
silt was carried off in the rapid-running water and settled in the flood
plains of the Tombigbee and its major upper branches. Better drainage solved
some problems, but it also created new ones. Man-created environmental
change in the Upper Tombigbee Valley thus did not start with the Tennessee-
Tombigbee Waterway.

Manufacturing operations in the Upper Tombigbee Valley were few, and the
successful ones were almost entirely connected either with agriculture or
with the exploitation of the forests. The protection which high transporta-
tion costs had given to handicraft manufacturing for local consumption had
largely been removed by the construction of the Mobile and Ohio Railroad in
the 18SOs. Competing with large and well-organized northern industries in
local markets became difficult as transportation became cheap and reliable,
and the people's disposable income for purchase of anything beyond necessi-
ties was not such as to provide an encouraging market for new products.
Extreme scarcity of capital and inexperience in industrial production mili-
tated against the development of manufacturing industries, except when the
factors were exceedingly favorable. The local economy was oriented towards
agricultural production, and neither planters nor merchants wished to lose
either their labor supply or their social position to industry and industrial
developers.

Yet there were opportunities in processing local raw materials and sell-
ing them in distant markets. Cotton and cotton seed were in abundant supply,
and both hardwood and pine timber were plentiful in various parts of the
area. Processing these raw materials and marketing the products in distant
places offered various opportunities when local labor was cheap and the
railroads and waterways provided low-cost transportation for heavy raw
materials and products. For a variety of reasons, however, the manufacture
of cotton products at Bay Springs and at the unsuccessful Cibolo Mills at
Artesia amounted to very little.

The lumber industry on a commercial scale developed rather quickly after

the end of the depression of the 1S70s. The Upper Tombigbee River and its
tributaries proved quite useful in floating logs from the woods downstream
to lumber mills along the river, and the construction of new railroads tapped
additional sources of raw material. Competition in the distant markets,
however, limited the financial potential of the lumber business. Manufacture
of staves became a specialty of some of the mills of the Upper Tombigbee.

The amount of cotton that could be carried in a freight car or a ship

was limited by the volume of the bales rather than by their weight. A large

124
part of the southern cotton crop was sent to foreign nations by sea, and the
amount to be packed on any particular ship could be vastly increased by
compressing the bales. Doing this work close to the source could also
increase the carrying capacity of the railroad cars used to move the cotton
to ports. A cotton compress required heavy equipment and the power of stexz,.
The bagging and ties on a bale would be loosened, and then under heavy pres-
sure applied to the sides of the bale its dimensions would be drastically
reduced. Then bagging and ties would be readjusted and the pressure %ould
be released. This was a specialized industrial operation that required a
considerable volume to be economical. The business of compressing cotton
was tied to and largely controlled by railroad rates and conditions of trans-
portation. Compresses were usually found in trade centers of considerable
size where rate relationships were favorable, such as Columbus, Aberdeen, or
West Point. Local interests in Macon established a compress in the early
1880s. It must have operated only at the sufferance of the Mobile and Ohio
Railroad Company, but it had the potential for strengthening Macon as a trade
center as opposed to Shuqualak or Brooksville, which were also on the rail-
road, and to the little river ports of the Tombigbee. Noxubee County was
such a large producer of cotton that it needed a market with the convenience
of Macon, although that place never had the competitive power of the larger
trade centers in the counties to the north, where there were also cotton
compresses.

The economy of the cotton seed oil business was governed to a large
extent by transportation factors. An establishment called a "cotton seed
oil mill" would commonly re-gin cotton seed twice, with very sharp gin saws
to remove the short fibers called "linters." Then the seeds would be crushed
to separate the hulls from the "meats" or yellow, oily interiors, the latter
being squeezed in presses to produce cotton seed oil and cotton seed meal,
both of which were valuable products. Linters were baled like other cotton
for market, and the left-over "motes" (essentially trash) even had a market.
The problem of the mills was not in marketing their products but in securing
their raw materials at favorable prices. Railroad rates and other transpor-
tation expenses determined the "territory" of a cotton mill and controlled
the magnitude of its operations. Oil mills appeared at the transportation
centers. In the 1880s one of the principal interests in the operation of
steamboats on the Upper Tombigbee River arose from the desire to secure
access at a minimum cost to sources of cotton seed, which seed were usually
shipped in bags. This helps to account for the operation of little river
steamboats from Aberdeen, Columbus, and Demopolis, where oil mills were
anxious to increase their supply of cotton seed. There were three oil mills
in Columbus in 1912, and the other trade centers with competitive railroad
rates also had them.

In 1885 the industries of Columbus included: a woolen mill, an ice

factory, cotton gins, grist mills, a cotton compress, a wooden ware manu-
facturing plant, a gasworks, a cotton-seed oil mill, a flour mill, sawmills,
and a stave mill. There were hotels, livery stables, cotton sheds, and
cotton yards.

In 1885 Aberdeen industries included a cotton compress, an oil mill,

saw and planing mills, cotton gins, a grist mill, and a stave mill. There
were also hotels, livery stables, cotton sheds, and cotton yards.

125
 In the 18SOs the economic pattern of the Upper Tombigbee Valley was
largely set, and the basic character thus established dominated the scene
until 1940. As the statistics published herewith show, there was a tendency
through this period to economic degeneration rather than development. Be-
tween 1900 and 1930 there are traces of improvement, but the economic and
social bondage of sharecrop tenantry and peonage seemed to be extending its
grip. There was little change in the character of industrial operations.
One might think that conditions could not get worse, but in the 1930s they
did. Markets for the products of the area collapsed, and agricultural income,
already at the bare subsistence level, fell below it. In 1933 the federal
government moved to the rescue of people threatened with starvation and
helped to keep many thousands of those in the Upper Tombigbee Valley alive,
but recovery did not come. In 1940 survival remained the prime object of
life.

12b

AL "
 CHAPTER XII

TRAFFIC, TRADE, AND THE RIVER IN TH.E lS70s

The generation following the Civil War saw vibrant economic expansion
in the nation, exploitation of natural resources, and the accumulation of
capital--but the Upper Tombigbee Valley did not share in the great material
benefits of all this. Its lot was agricultural stagnation and decline. With-
out prosperity, however, there were great economic changes associated with
improvements in transportation. Cheap freight rates and reliable movement
of traffic made it possible for the heavy foods-cuffs of the North to invade
the territory and lay the groundwork for the credit system supporting the new
agriLulture. The materials were so heavy and the freight rates so low that
supply by the roundabout route of Mobile and the Tombigbee River became
impracticable.

Traffic figures of the Mobile and Ohio Railroad Comnany show that by the
early ISTOs it was successful in squeezing off the northward movement of
cotton, and that nearly all of that important commodity was moving southward
to Mobile, whi:h remained a trade center handling an enormous amount of
cotton. The harbor at Mobile, however, was inadequate for the larger ocean
vessels now coming into the trade. Even before the Civil hWar many vessels
had had to anchor at Navy Cove some thirty miles south of the city and rely
on the service of lighters for loading. With the building of a railroad from
Mobile to New Orleans in the iS-Os an interesting change took place. and the
cotton from Mobile was sent in railroad cars to dockside in New Orleans for
loading on the ships. Mobile remained a great cotton center, but by ISSO
New Orleans had become the port of Mobile.

Another element in the trade of the Upper Tombigbee Valley was the dis-
tribution of manufactured goods which come maily from eastern manufacturers
and suppliers. Some of these were purchased directly from New York and other
eastern places, and some were obtained through Mobile merchants, according to
the same divided pattern discerned in pre-Civil War days. Transportation
costs on such goods were relatively a small part of their value, so freight
rates on them were less restrictive and controlling of the routes of trade
than on cotton shipped out or on foodstuffs shipped into the agricultural
regions of the Upper Tombigbee Valley.

The Mobile and Ohio Railroad Company generally favored Mobile and foi-
lowed a policy of keeping Mobile's freight rates equalized with those of New
Orleans.

The reliable, all-year, all-weather transportation of the railroads was

much superior to the seasonal and erratic movements of freight and passeng2rs
by steamboat, although the latter could be more convenient to those who lived
close to the river and who might be willing to await the boating season.

127
While their limited needs did help to keep steamboats in operation, the
orincipal role of the river in the economic affairs of the region .,as on a
different basis, Thich will be unfolded in the following pages.

In the early ,-cars after the Civil War the trade of Columbus wvith Mobile
appears to have been primarily by steamboat, although the NI O's railroad
spur line to Columbus had been completed in 1859. Columbus received some
cotton by rail and sent some by that means to Mobile, but most of the bales it
shipped out by rail went northward on the %I q 0 to junctions with other lines.
This last traffic, however, was much reduced in the IS70s.

Aberdeen had suffered heavily from its lack of a rail connection, but a
spur line from that town to the NI " 0 was finally opened late in IS69, so
that by January, 1S70, Aberdeen appears in the railroad traffic figures. The
rejuvenation of that trade center began quickly.

In Greene County the railroad from Meridian to Tuscaloosa to Chattanooga,

construction on which had been underway in the 1850s, was revived after the
war, and by 1870 or 1871 Eutaw had a rather unreliable railroad connection
with Meridian and thereby with Mobile. It was several years before this
troubled line, the Alabama and Chattanooga, was in reliable and complete
oneration, however. While Eutaw was not on the Tombigbee River, it was the
dominant trade center of Greene County and a considerable agricultural area,
including Pleasant Ridge, on or near the Tombigbee.

Along the Mobile and Ohio Railroad was a string of shipping points which
became local trade centers. These competed with Aberdeen and Columbus, which
had no special rate advantages except when steamboats were in port. All were
concerned almost exclusively with local trade, and railroad traffic figures
from 1869 through 1873 show only a rather unimpressive wholesale trade of
Columbus and Aberdeen with the neighboring towns, although Meridian traffic
figures show considerable wholesale trade.

Presumably with the aid of drummers moving along the railroad, merchants
at the little railroad towns were able to establish credit in the West and
operate without the aid of southern jobbers. Eastern goods could be obtained
from New York and the East now either by rail or through Mobile jobbers,
credit and convenience being the ruling factors in the supply. While pre-war
trade connections might be reestablished, the traffic in food items was
governed by new economic forces. Self-sufficiency in food was a thing of the
past, and now cheap and reliable transportation made it possible for food to
be obtained where various factors made its production most economical. But
meat and bread produced heavy tonnage of low value per ton. A large element
in the value of foodstuffs was place value, in which the cost of transporta-
tion was a prime factor. The rate per pound or per ton had to be low or the
traffic would not move. A difference of a couple of cents per hundred pounds
would build one trade center up at the expense of another.

Merchants of towns aspiring to grow as wholesale centers gave their

attention to securing differential advantages in freight rates, and the
crucial rates were those from the West on foodstuffs. Competition between
routes could force rates down at the points of competition. Towns adjacent
to waterways wanted them improved for navigation, and these towns and all the

t 128
others craved to have the service of additional railroads. The capital-
starved, destitute Upper Tombigbee Valley lacked resources to do much on its
own, but this limitation did not prevent it from seeking means of improvement.
One device was to subsidize new railroads by borrowing on the public credit
of states, counties, and municipalities, but by 1873, when the financial Danic
struck, that means was in general disrepute with both borrowers and lenders.
The area got no new railroads until the depression of the seventies was over.

But there were the streams, mainly the Upper Tombigbee River, and there
was Congress, which had shown little regard for southern interests for many
years. Now, however, the Granger movement grew strong, and the Democrats got
control of the United States House of Representatives.

Congress, by an act of June 23, 1874, authorized the Army Corps of

Engineers to make a survey of a route for a canal to connect the Upper Tombig-
bee with the Tennessee River (see Chapter II, supra), and a report was made
in 1875. Such a canal would have given strong competitive advantage to both
Columbus and Aberdeen and would presumably have greatly stimulated their
growth, but it was not built. One of the problems was that the Tennessee
River needed improvement first. The scheme appears not to have originated out
of the special interests of Columbus and Aberdeen but out of a broad Granger
scheme outlined in the Windom Report of 1874 (Sen. Rep. 207, 43rd Cong., ist
Sess., Vol. I, pp. 71-78) for securing lower railroad rates for American
farmers.

The depression following the Panic of 1873 was very hard on the railroad
companies of the South. They were faced with rapidly increasing competition
at numerous points, which they had to meet with rate cuts, and yet their over-
all traffic showed little tendency to grow, and rate cuts did not seem to
stimulate business. The M & 0 was desperately trying to survive on the
traffic of an impoverished country by charging all it could where it could,
while trade centers and merchants struggled with equal desperation for com-
mercial advantage in their competition with each other, burdened as they were
with diminished trade and uncollectable debts.

The rate reductions which were compelled at some points by competition

made people at other points think they were being overcharged and discriminated
against and provided fuel to the fire of public antagonism to the railroad
companies and stirred the hostility of juries in damage suits. Anger at the
Mobile and Ohio rose in Columbus, and merchants at that place schemed to force
the company to reduce its rates and give Columbus greater advantages. Against
river competition the railroad could fight back by cutting the rates to Mobile
just as a steamboat appeared around the bend, then raise them after the boat
had departed empty. Railroad rates might be raised whenever the level of the
river was too low for steamboats, and there were other railroad devices for
fighting steamboat competition. The Mobile and Ohio completed and opened its
branch from Artesia to Starkville in 1874, but it was already in default on
its first mortgage bond interest, and it fell into receivership in 1875. In
March, 1875, a rumor was circulated that the M & 0 intended to cut off its
branch line from Columbus to Artesia because of the patronage extended to
the boats by Columbus merchants and because of the levy on the road by the
county of a $5,000 tax (Columbus Index, quoted without date by Carrollton
West Alabamian, March 3, 1875). Nevertheless, the fight by Columbus interests

129
to beat the rates down continued. In November the W.S. Holt, a light-draft
steamboat, appeared at Columbus. It was partly owned by Columbus mercantile
interests and partly by the Central Railroad and Banking Company of Georgia.
Its purpose was to serve the commercial interests of Columbus and Savannah
and not those of Mobile, with the aid of a railroad connection at Demopolis
on the Tombigbee River.

The W.S. Holt was a sternwheel vessel of 225 tons, capable of carrying
700-800 bales of cotton and thirty passengers, with a draft of only sixteen
inches. It was 131 feet long and had a deck width of twenty-six feet, boilers
twenty-two feet long and forty-two inches in diameter. It had two engines of
forty horsepower each with ten-inch cylinders and a .5-foot stroke of
pistons. On its maiden trip to Columbus in early November, 1S75, it found
the water at Doss Ford at the mouth of Coal Fire Creek to be only sixteen
inches deep, but the vessel was pulled over the ford with a rope without much
difficulty, presumably by the aid of a capstan (Columbus Weekly Index,
November 12, 1875). Said the local newspaper:

we have heretofore paid the Mobile & Ohio railroad five dollars per
bale for freight on cotton from Mobile. Aberdeen, West Point, Starkville,
Macon and places as far south as Scooba, in Kemper County, paid the same
high tariff. The railroad will now be forced to reduce its rates to a
dollar and a half to Mobile, or lose fully forty thousand bales of cotton
and, consequently, sixty thousand dollars. . . . Aberdeen has no arrange-
ments for cheap transportation. Columbus will, therefore, pay more for
cotton and get several thousand bales which now go to Aberdeen. Of
course, those who sell their cotton here will buy their goods here.

The boating season began early and was very good in 1875-76. On
December 15 a Pickens County newspaper reported six boats running on the
river, some going as high as Cotton Gin Port and all going to Mobile with full
loads of cotton, much of which had formerly traveled by rail. The boats
charged a dollar and a half per bale (plus insurance) from Pickensville on
cotton going to New Orleans. (A steamboat tariff of 1875, given in Appendix 4,
shows in detail the items of freight moved or sought to be moved on the river.)

The W.S. Holt did not long remain in the Columbus trade, nor did it need
to, for the alternative trade route via the river had been effectively
brandished in bargaining with the M & 0 over rates. The W.S. Holt was soon
performing services on the Chattahoochee River, where it served as the
Central's subsidized "pirate boat" against competing steamboats.

It may be conjectured that on the heavy western freight for Columbus

there may have been competition established via water down the Mississippi to
Vicksburg, then by rail to Demopolis, and by water again up the Tombigbee to
Columbus. Although this route was roundabout, its water components were
cheap when they were available, and it may have been effective against the
% & 0. Later in the decade, when the Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad was put
into regular and reliable operation, Columbus secured another connection by
steamboat at Miller's Landing at Jones Bluff (Epes) on the Upper Tombigbee.

The town government of Aberdeen in April, 1870, pledged financial support

to the Selma, Marion, and Memphis Railroad, which was to build its main line

130
through Aberdeen. While reconstruction politics and other troubles preventd
the portion of the line through Aberdeen from being constructed Rodabouilh,
May 1, 1975), the carpetbag government did manage to get a bridge built acress
the Tombigbee. Aberdeen was not as well situated as Columbus to use the don-
river water connections, but its merchants actively pursued measures to draw
in the trade of the surrounding cotton country. in 1370, soon after the
opening of the N1F&0 branch railroad, the large Planters' W'arehouse of
Aberdeen was opened for business. It provided ample facilities for farmers
to camp and take care of their stock. Rooms were furnished them free of
charge, with plenty of fuel and water, and there were stalls for horses
(Rodabough in Aberdeen News Herald, May 8. 1975).

Mobile and Ohio Railroad traffic figures for the early 180s show some
wholesale trade of Aberdeen with the nearby railroad towns. While in com-
neting with Columbus Aberdeen was at some disadvantage in shipping cotton to
Mobile, it was better positioned for the growing business of distributing food-
stuffs brought in from the North. Aberdeen sought to use the east and west
branches of the Upper Tombigbee and other seasonally navigable streams to tap
a wider trade territory by barge and small steamboat.

The Mobile district engineer observed in 1879 that there was a consider-
able way business on the Upper Tombigbee, associated with Aberdeen, Columbus,
and Demopolis, on which he was unable to get statistics (Chief of Engineers,
Annual Report, 1879, p. 832). In the fall of IS7S Aberdeen interests had
a small steamboat built at Johnson's Lumber Mill, situated a little above
Cotton Gin Port on the East Fork. This boat, the Lillie Lou, was simply
described as a "first class light draught freight boat capable of carrying six
hundred bales of cotton" (Aberdeen Examiner, January 9, IS79). It was a little
sternwheeler of 58 tons. In January, IS79, the Lillie Lou and the locally-
built barge Maggie Virginia were tapping for Aberdeen the trade of the upper
river. Returning from Camargo, on Old Tow-n Creek (West Fork) the Lillie Lou
took on a cargo of 203 bales of cotton, sixty sacks of plasterers' hair from
Newman's Tannery, and fifty-six oil barrels and went to Mobile for inspection
and registration (ibid., Feb. 13, 1879). In April the Lillie Lou went up the
river as far as Barr's Ferry, opposite Smithville, eighty-five miles above
Aberdeen by, water. Meanwhile, the Corps of Engineers was preparing to improve
the channel north to Fulton. Aberdeen shipped over eighteen thousand bales of
cotton that season, up from a few hundred ten years earlier. The larger
steamers such as Lotus No. 2 (rebuilt as the Annie Waggoner). Hale, Ruth, and
Fleta made regular runs between Aberdeen and Mobile.

The barge Maggie Virginia made regular trips upriver. On one trip in
early March, 1879, it carried the following for the outports (ibid., Mar. t,
1870):

WILrLIAMS LANDING
W.W. Grady: 3 barrels flour, 1 plow, 15 sides meat; W.C. Wells: 2 sides
meat, 1 sack salt, 1 keg molasses.

COTTON GIN PORT

G.T. & S.J. Williamson: 44 sides meat, 2 tierces lard; J.M. Grizzle: 5
sides meat; W.M. Snider: 3 sides meat; J.S. Davis: 1 berrel flour, 5
sides meat, 1 sack salt; Knowles & Mayfield: I sack bran; W. Nabors: 1
barrel flour, 4 sides meat; Dr. Watkins: 100 fruit trees.

131
 CARDSVILLE
Boulden: 18 sides meat, 1 trunk, 1 sack potatoes, 1 keg molles, 1 sack
salt.

SMITHVILLE
A.E. Dalrymple: 1 bed stead, etc., 1 safe, 7 boxes, I stove, 1 spring
mattress, 15 shoulders, 11 sides meat, 1 sack salt, 1 keg molasses, 2
barrels kerosene oil, 1 box merchandise.

Macon, on the main line of the M 4 0, complained in 1872 that its cotton
rate to Mobile was five dollars per bale, compared with two dollars and a half
at Meridian and Corinth and three dollars and a half at Columbus (Macon Beacon,
December 21, 1872). In the 1871-72 season Macon shipped 10,209 bales, in 1S72-
73 9,842 bales, and in 1873-74 11,530 bales (figures from annual reports of
Mobile and Ohio Railroad Company). All but a tiny part of these bales went
to Mobile. The numbers were substantially higher than those of the neighbor-
ing towns of Shuqualak and Brooksville. Macon, of course, wanted lower rates.
It was located far up the crooked little Noxubee River, but no steamboat had
reached it since the railroad arrived in 1856. It was located in a region of
heavy cotton production, but in transportation rates it was hardly to be
distinguished from the other stations in the area along the M & 0. According
to the Macon Beacon, July 11, 1877, between May 1, 1876, and May 1, 1S77,
Macon shipped 11,110 bales of cotton. (For freight received see Table 22.)

Discontent with the railroad at Macon was great. On November 10, 1877,
there appeared in the Beacon an advertisement of J.A. Eddins and Brother at
Fairfield on the Tombigbee: "Bring all your cotton either to buy or ship, 10
cents a bale for house & shipping or $1.25 through freight to Mobile." The
advertisement was headed: "Come to the River!" In an advertisement of Feb-
ruary 8, 1879, in the Beacon, a merchant of Memphis, on the Tombigbee, of-
fered storage of cotton at twenty-five cents a bale "including marketing,
weighing, and every effort made to ship at the cheapest rate." Cotton from
Noxubee County might be sent by wagon to Fairfield, Memphis, or Gainesville
for shipment on the river.

Gainesville merchants often sent barges a few miles up the Noxubee River
to pick up cotton. Gainesville relied so much on water transportation that
the M & 0 Railroad's Gainesville branch was unprofitable. That cash-starved
company sold it for nineteen thousand dollars to a private buyer in April,
1879, and he apparently took up the track for salvage (Macon Beacon, April
19, 1879).

Eutaw, which was the principal trade center 'or Greene County, was well
located on the Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad, which came into reliable and
full operation in the late iS7Os, and Eutaw was less than three miles from
good landings on the Warrior River and in a position to control the trade of
its limited area, which, essentially, was Greene County.

The situation of the little river ports continued to be mildly favorable

for serving a limited area adjacent to the Tombigbee River and occasionally
taking traffic away from the Mobile and Ohio Railroad to the west. They were
not favorably situated for the handling of western freight (foodstuffs), how-
ever, on a competitive basis. Their operation was seasonal, depending on the

132
 TABLE 22

IMPORTANT ARTICLES OF FREIGHT RECEIVED AT MACON

Via Mobile and Ohio Railroad

1876-1877

Bacon 546 casks, 306 tierces

Whiskey 658 barrels, 126 half-barrels, 284 kegs
Flour 4 barrels
Beer 650 kegs
Sugar 84 casks, 660 barrels
Molasses 240 barrels, 200 half-barrels, 150 kegs
Coffee 690 sacks
Rice 114 barrels
Tobacco 744 boxes, 288 caddies
Vinegar 100 barrels
Lard 120 tierces, 50 barrels, 156 kegs
Data from Macon Beacon, July ii, 1877.

TABLE 23

IVIE'S WAREHOUSE CHARGES

Pickensville, 1878
Cotton. per bale 12.5 cents
Hh'd of meat 62.5 cents
Tierce of meat 30 cents
Molasses, per barrel 20 cents
Whiskey, per barrel 20 cents
Flour, per barrel 10 cents
Nails, per keg 5 cents
All other freight in proportion.
Data from Carrollton West Alabamian, December 4, 1878.

133
stage of the river and the condition of the wagon roads. Minimal facilities
included a warehouse or cotton shed and means of getting to the river boats,
perhaps with the aid of a cotton slide. A platform at the top of the bluff
could be helpful. A warehouse or shed would not necesarily have to be im-
mediately adjacent to the river. Warehouses too close to the river sooner or
later were flooded, and even those on fairly high bluffs were not entirely
immune to the flood danger. Charges were made by the proprietor for the
storage and handling of cotton or other articles shipped and for the storage
of articles received. The operation of such facilities was limited to the
steamboat season, although cotton might be received in anticipation of a rise
in the river.

Pickensville was such a little river port, fairly well equipped and
having more than one warehouse (see also Chapter VIII). The manuscript
records of the 1880 Census show a population of 214. Besides two retail
grocers there were seven men listed as merchants and eight as clerks in
stores. There were two blacksmiths, a barber, two carpenters, three music
teachers, two attorneys, four schoolteachers, one art teacher, one warehouse
keeper, one physician, one jeweler, one post office clerk, and nine females
from twelve to twenty years of age listed as "at school."

Pickensville itself was on high ground nearly a half a mile from the
river. There were several cotton warehouses in the neighborhood, accessible
to the river, in the postbellum years. The Pickensville Warehouse was closest
to town, on the river. Upstream on high ground close to the river was
Pulliam's Warehouse, also known as the Upper Warehouse. In 1878 Thomas J.
Ivie, formerly of the Pickensville Warehouse, opened a new one at Ivie's
Landing, on the west side of the river at Nance's Ferry, a mile from Pickens-
ville, where he also operated a store and in 1891 opened a bar. In 1875
Robert T. Stringfellow built a warehouse across the river from Pickensville.
He seems to have been at Nance's Ferry, presumably on the west side. A.J.
Peterson advertised a new warehouse at Peterson's Landing, halfway between
Pickensville and Nance's Ferry. Probably all these establishments had camping
grounds and other convenient facilities such as stock pens for farmers arriv-
ing with their cotton wagons. In 1879 Peterson advertised that he was "erec-
ting a commodious warehouse and cotton shelters" and was "building a camping
house for the accommodation of all who may haul their cotton to my landing."
The Pickensville warehousemen charged twenty-five cents per bale for storing
cotton in the fall of 1874, but they were soon after this down to 12.5 cents.
These merchants appear also to have operated farms with the aid of tenants.
(Data from Carrollton West Alabamian and Pickens County News, various dates.)
For Ivie's scale of charges in 1878 see Table 23.

Vienna, another of the little river ports, was described by the Carroll-
ton West Alabamian, January 27, 1875, as "a flourishing little village with
two stores." Henry C. Connerly and Company and M.F. Crooks and Company had
their names on the stores. W.B. Peebles was also mentioned as a merchant,
and Mrs. Haynes as the operator of a boarding house. Small flatboats were
bringing cotton down the Sipsey River to Vienna.

As early as 1869 the Alabama legislature created a commission for the

improvement of the bay and harbor of Mobile and the state had already con-
tracted for the removal of obstructions in the lower Tombigbee between

134
McGrew's Shoals and Demopolis. The harbor commission was to employ funds
obtained from the counties involved, but Congress also soon appropriated a
considerable sum. By an act of July 11, 1870, Congress directed the Secretary
of War to make an examination or survey of the Tombigbee River from its moutn
to the head of navigation. At the same time steamboat captains were strongl'
complaining of the hazard to navigation caused by the drawbridge of the Alabama
and Chattanooga Railroad across the Upper Tombigbee at Jones Bluff. (Chief
of Engineers, Annual Report, 1871, pp. 68-69, 575; IS73, p. 67.j

The first survey of the Corps of Engineers was made in the winter of
1870-71 by Thomas Pearsall. It was done hastily at high water, and the report
declared that from Columbus, the head of navigation, to the mouth, the Tombig-
bee River was not susceptible of permanent improvement by the use of locks
and dams (ibid., 1871, p. 573). A more thorough investigation by Henry C.
Fillebrown, which immediately followed, brought forth a report that the
objectionable bridge, being located on a sharp bend of the river, could not be
seen by pilots descending the river in time to take protective action in case
the draw span should be closed. The district engineer at Mobile recommended
appropriations for improvement of the lower Tombigbee and for removing snags
from the Upper Tombigbee at Ten Mile Shoal below Columbus or cutting a new
channel across the neck of land at Wild Cat Bend in that shoal (ibid., pp.
574-575).

An act of Congress of June 10, I72, appropriated S10,000 for snag

removal on the Tombigbee below Demopolis, part of which was subsequently
transferred to the Mississippi portion of the Tombigbee (ibid., 1873, p. 67).
Under the same act engineer Powhatan Robinson made a survey with the purpose
of ascertaining the cost of establishing all-year navigation between Columbus
and Fulton. He cut through heavy canebrakes to carry in his instruments,
measured the flow of water at various points, and calculated the amount of
earth required to be removed by dredging to secure a channel sixty feet wide
by two and a half feet deep from Columbus to Waverly. He found the cost of
improvement by this method to be prohibitive. Then he considered a plan for
building locks and dams for slack-water navigation and again found the cost
prohibitive when compared with expected benefits. Ten dams raising the water
level by six feet each, he said, would be required between Columbus and
Aberdeen, to provide all-year navigation.

Engineer Robinson then descended the Tombigbee in a skiff from Fulton to

Columbus and recorded his observations of the river in some detail (ibid.,
p. 551):

The Tombigbee appears to drain a terraced basin, passing through

broad plateaus, connected by inclined planes, over which the water flows
with greatly increased velocity. These planteaus are broken by minor
rapids, while, on the other hand, the principal rapids are relieved by
the interposition of shoal pools. I did not notice this conformation
until I had passed over the route, and therefore am not prepared to
assign definite limits to the pools and rapids; but I will say that for
about forty miles from Fulton down, there is probably as little fall as
in any portion of the river for an equal distance. The first of the
principal inclined planes commences some distance above "Martin's Fish-
Trap," and continues in broken rapids down to "Cotton Gin Port."

135
 From Aberdeen to the mouth of the Buttahatchie to Columbus there is,
perhaps, as great a fall or greater than on any other portion of the
route of equal distance, although two pools intervene, of two miles and
three miles length, respectively.

From Fulton to Town Creek the river is narrow and very tortuous.
The banks are densely clad with woods throughout the entire distance,
and the bed much obstructed by logs, drifts, &c.

The bottoms are wider and subject to deeper overflows than below,
and the hills present themselves less frequently in bluffs on the banks.

From Town Creek to Aberdeen there is a perceptible improvement.

From Aberdeen to Columbus the improvement is very striking. The river
is straighter and very much wider, the channel less obstructed, and the
banks not so uniformly covered with trees. It preserves throughout its
characteristics of shifting sand-beds and banks somewhat subject to
caving.

The distances are popularly very much overestimated. I will give

them according to my own computation, noting the principal points along
the river. I made this computation by observing the times by my watch
and compounding them with the estimated velocities of my movement.

I performed this work attentively, and I think I am not far out,

though much below the general estimate.

Carefully evaluating the physical and economic aspects of improvements in

the Upper Tombigbee, Robinson recommended as follows (ibid., p. 552):

Dismissing, then, all schemes for the improvement of low-water

navigation, I am prepared to offer a plan for the improvement of naviga-
tion during the high-water period. It can be accomplished at a very
moderate outlay and will confer great benefits on the people of that
section. It consists simply in the removal of all logs, drifts, stumps,
fish-traps, and other obstacles in the bed, down to the level of low
water; and for a width of not less than sixty feet, provided the channel
be that wide; and in the felling of all leaning trees which may interfere
with navigation at high water. The removal of the trees and logs will be
effected by cutting them up into sections, say of 15 or 20 feet in
length, so that they will easily float off at high water. if any logs
should not float they must be dragged to one side or into deep water.

I have gathered all the collateral information that I could obtain

from the citizens all along the route. I had an interview at Fulton
with Mr. David Campbell, Mr. M.C. Cummings, Capt. I.V. Thomas, and other
prominent citizens of Itawamba County. They informed me that Itawamba
County, of which Fulton is the county seat, produces annually about
10,000 bales of cotton. This they must haul eighteen or twenty miles
over very bad roads to Tupelo, on the Mobile and Ohio Railroad, where
they must pay $5 per bale to ship it to Mobile. Altogether it costs them
from $7.50 to $8 per bale to get their cotton to market, and they are
proportionally taxed for their return supplies. This is a most grievous

136
burden, whereby they are shorn of the profits of their industry. They
are a thrifty and industricus population, but they are too much impover-
ished to deliver themselves from this oppressive taxation, and unless
speedy aid be rendered them, they say they will be compelled to quit
the country in self-defense. All they ask is that the river be restored
to its condition before the war. If they can get but from three to five
months high-water navigation they will be content. It is all they need,
but this much they need badly. It will enable them to send their produce 4

to market and get their return supplies with a reduction of 50 per cent,
on the freight, and this will make them comparatively easy and comforta-
ble.

The Mobile and Ohio Railroad Company certainly does make an ex-
traordinary discrimination in their tariffs against the residents along
their line. For example: I am told that the freight on cotton from
Jackson, Tenn., and from Corinth, Miss., is $2.50 per bale, while from
all the way-stations down at least to Artesia, at the junction of the
Columbus branch, the charges are $5 per bale. I am also informed that
the freight on flour per barrel from Saint Louis to Columbus is $1.58,
but if it is shipped to Mobile, two hundred miles further, it is only
65 cents. Also that it costs 35 cents per barrel more to ship flour to
Columbus than to ship it via Mobile to Tuscaloosa, Ala., involving two
hundred miles additional transportation by rail, reshipment, and some
five hundred miles more of river transportation. Other instances could
be cited. I have not had access to the tariff-lists of the Mobile and
Ohio Railroad Company, but I received this information from sources that
I esteemed entitled to credit.

To overcome this monopoly, the citizens of Columbus have already

organized a chartered company, designated as the "Tombigbee Carrying
Company." They propose to purchase boats at once to run as far as
possible up the river, and to connect below with competing lines of rail-
road at Jones's Bluff and Demopolis. A large amount of money, quite
sufficient to put this scheme into operation, has been subscribed already
by the most substantial citizens of that section, and the list will be
largely increased. I mention this to show that the proposed improvements
will not be inoperative.

As evidence of the capacaLy of the river at high water, I would

mention that in past days a boat left Fulton with about four hundred
bales of cotton and passed Cotton-Gin Point [Port] with 1200 bales. This
portion of the river is now effectually blocked up.

The work on the plan proposed may be satisfactorily executed from

Columbus to Aberdeen for about $6,000; from Aberdeen to Fulton for
$25,000; let us say for the whole $35,000, and we may rest assured that
by the expenditure of this sum the river can be placed in better naviga-
ble condition than it has ever been in times past.

I most earnestly recommend the adoption of this plan. .

137
The survey of Powhatan Robinson made it clear, said the district engineer,
that "neither the character of the river nor the amount of good to be ac-
complished would justify any attempt to secure a low-water navigation. He
thinks that any effort at improvement should be limited to the removal of
snags, logs, drifts, fish traps, overhanging trees, &c., which would insure
good navigation at high water, a thing desired by the people of the vicinity."
The district engineer endorsed Robinson's opinion (ibid., p. 548).

With a very small sum already available for improvement, the question
arose as to whether to expend it above Aberdeen or below Columbus, and the
respective interests of the two towns made themselves heard. Robinson ob-
served that navigation was practicable but not good below Aberdeen, but that
above Aberdeen the planters had no railroad and were subject to heavy costs in
getting their cotton to market, so the work was begun above Aberdeen and
pushed northward in 1873-74 to a point five or six miles above Cotton Gin Port.
On this subject Engineer Robinson said (ibid., 1874, p. 581):

In these operations many thousands of trees, large and small, have

been cut down and a good many logs removed, and islands denuded of the
small growth which covers them, in order that they might not obstruct
the passage of boats during the high-water stage.

Late in 1874 the work was completed to Barr's Ferry, consisting in "the
removal of snags, drift, and overhanging trees, in order to help the high-
water navigation of this part of the Tombigbee." No attempt was made to make
the river navigable at low water. Barr's Ferry was near the border of Monroe
and Itawamba Counties, where the road from Smithville west crossed the Tombig-
bee. (Ibid., 1875, pp. 76, 791.)

The next important development in planning improvements affecting the

Tombigbee River was the survey by engineer Powhatan Robinson in 1875 of a
route for the Tennessee-Tombigbee Canal, which was discussed in Chapter I,
supra. His report was adverse.

There was no further appropriation for improvements of the Upper Tombig-

bee until Congress appropriated $12,000 by an act of June 18, 1878, to be
used for the removal of snags, sunken logs, and overhanging trees, and the
improvement of the worst bars above Columbus (ibid., 1878, pp. 593-94). Then
an act of March 3, 1879, charged the Corps of Engineers with making surveys
of the Sipsey River and the Noxubee River (ibid., 1879, p. 106), and it added
another ten thousand dollars for work above Columbus. Meanwhile, considerable
work of improvement was going on on the Warrior River and the lower Tombigbee.

138
 CHAPTER XIII

RAILROAD BUILDING AND RIVER IMPROVEMENTS IN THE 1880s

On January 1, 1879, the United States returned to the gold standard by

resuming specie payments at the Treasury, and almost immediately there was a
revival of confidence and a new availability of capital in the nation that
stirred economic development and expansion. In its own way the Upper Tombig-
bee Valley felt the effects, and there began a period of intense economic
activity that brought change without prosperity to that area. The economic
drive was intense, and the competition between centers of trade was fierce.
Transportation was the key, and efforts were concentrated upon building more
railroads and forcing them through competition to cut their rates at favored
points.

Steamboats, when the streams were open to navigation, could cut their
rates to figures on which the railroads could not survive, so there was a
drive to secure river improvements, not for the benefit of the little river
ports on the Tombigbee but to force railroad rates down at points which could
be reached by steamboat. The important thing was not to get cheaper carriage
by steamboat but to get the railroads to favor particular points with dis-
criminatory rates. Not actual but potential steamboat traffic was the object.
Columbus, Aberdeen, and Macon were trade centers seeking advantage, but other
points on railroads hoped to secure competitive rates by obtaining more rail-
roads. West Point, not on a river, was the most interesting beneficiary of
new railroad construction. It happened to be in the right place. None of the
towns had sufficient capital to build a railroad, so outside interests had to
be persuaded to build them. The federal government was the principal instru-
ment for improving the streams, and political maneuvers were resorted to to
obtain the necessary appropriations. The work was done by the Army Corps of
Engineers. The object was to secure all-season navigation on the Tombigbee.

In 1879 the Corps decided that, contrary to previous opinions, it could

by cutting through bars and removing logs from the channel obtain a minimum
depth of four feet at ordinary low water as far up the Tombigbee as Demopolis
and three feet from that point to Columbus. Methods to be used included snag-
ging, cutting overhanging timber, blasting, scraping, and the building of
wing dams and providing of shore protection. (Chief of Engineers, Annual
Report, 1879, pp. 381-32.)

In 1880 an engineer of the Corps made an examination of the Sipsey River,

which flows into the Tombigbee below Vienna, to determine the feasibility of
improving it for navigation. He found it to traverse areas from which produce
could not be taken to a railroad without a wagon trip of fifty to sixty miles.
Coal seams were found in the upper areas, which might be reached by barges.
However, he found in that little river vast numbers of obstructions that
would be troublesome to remove. At great expense, he said, it might be made

139
navigable for several months of the year. The district engineer described
the river as "narrow, crooked, shallow, and very much obstructed by snags,
logs, overhanging trees, bridges, fish traps, and mill dams." ,Ii.Ex. Doc.,
46th Cong., 3rd Sess., pp. 35-38, 10S). No recommendation was made, and the
matter apparently died there.

In 1879 work was earnestly undertaken to improve the Upper Tombigbee

between Demopolis and Columbus, with crews working from both ends. Because of
the shallowness of the river, jetties were employed on the lower end. The
work force from Columbus had a formidable task with obstructions at Ten Mile
Shoals. The annual report of the Chief of Engineers for 1880 says (ibid.,
1880, p. 1089):

At Ten Mile Shoals (so called from their length) the river meanders
between low alluvial banks of light sandy soil that yields readily to the
action of the current. Every bend is a caving bank, with a gravel bar
opposite. As the banks recede, throwing their timber into the stream, the
gravel bars advance, covering up the fallen trees, so that the river bed,
from bank to bar, is choked with logs. Navigation at low-water, is, of
course, impossible, and boats seldom attempt it on less than a 6-foot
stage. Shoals appear at intervals, affording only 14 to 18 inches of
water. These occur at the "crossings; ' that is, where the current crosses
over from bend to bend. In bends the water is deep, often as much as
twenty feet. The improvement needed is to remove the logs, deepen the
shoals, and protect the caving banks to make them permanent. To accom-
plish this last result the plan adopted is to build spurs of brush and
gravel, secured between rows of small piles, from the top of the bank
sloping down to the water and extending into it 10 or 15 feet. It is
generally possible to select, as the terminus of a spur, a large root of
a tree lately fallen, the trunk of which lies parallel to the bank. The
logs removed from the channel are placed along the bank below the spurs,
with the expectation that a deposit will take place in the eddies caused
by the spurs, and in time cover the logs. When a rise in the river oc-
curs, the banks, which are only 8 to 12 feet above low-water, are soon
overflowed, and the current sweeps through the swamps, being almost
destroyed in the channel. Hence, it is reasonable to suppose that the
spurs will prove effective. Up to this time nearly 1 mile at the lower
end of Ten Mile Shoals has been improved according to the plan above
described.

The completion of the improvements contemplated on the Tombigbee River

was intended to give an uninterrupted water communication from Columbus to
Mobile. With the river open to navigation throughout the year it was expected
that competition between railroads and steamboats would be such as to bring a
saving in freight charges of considerable magnitude. (Ibid.)

Work on improvements north of Aberdeen was renewed in August, 1879, and

was sufficiently completed to permit light-draft steamboats to reach Fulton
during the high-water season which followed (ibid., p. 1091).

A report on a survey of the Noxubee from its mouth to Macon was made on
March 6, 1880, and was very detailed and comprehensive. Except for a few
shoals, the principal obstructions to navigation were found to be snags, drift

140
logs, fish traps, and overhanging trees. The shoals were found to be of white
lime rock, easily excavated and removed. Improvement of the river was found
to be practicable and comparatively inexpensive. 'Ibid., p. 1093.1 No steam-
boat had gone to Macon since the arrival of the railroad there in 1856, al-
though flatboats or barges from Gainesville had continued to ply the lower
part of the Noxubee to move out cotton. The river was obstructed bv many mill
dams and fish traps. Overhanging trees constituted a menace to high-water
navigation, and snags made low-water navigation impossible. On the benefits
to be derived from the opening of the river to navigation, the engineer
reported tibid., p. 1097):

The direct benefits to be derived from the improvement of the river

consist principally in facilitating transportation of all produce raised
in the vicinity of the river, with the adequate return freights, all of
which has now to be transported by the Mobile and Ohio Railroad, which
for some distance runs nearly parallel with the river, about on an
average fifteen miles west, compelling the planters to haul their produce,
&c., that distance, and, as already alluded to, through a heavy prairie
soil, which during wet weather is almost impassable; and I have frequently
seen four or even six yokes of oxen with only one bale of cotton, weiqh-
ing 500 pounds, stuck fast in the prairie mud, unable to reach the rail-
road.

Besides, the universal complaint through the whole country is that

the charges on all kinds of freights on the railroad have been and are so
exceedingly exorbitant, without any prospect whatever of a reduction,
that the navigation of the Noxubee is looked upon as one of the greatest
blessings which could be bestowed upon the community living in the vicin-
ity of the river.

He also thought the Noxubee could be useful for bringing in coal from abundant
deposits near the Sipsey River, provided that that river also were improved.
The Corps adopted the project of creating a navigable channel on the Noxubee
during nine months of the year from the river's mouth to Macon and started to
work on it in August, 1880.

The effort to secure a year-round navigable depth for the river between
Columbus and Demopolis ran afoul of problems at Ten Mile Shoals below Colum-
bus. The report of the Chief of Engineers for ISSI says (ibid., 1181, pp.
1206-07):

These shoals have always been a serious obstacle to navigation,

being so badly choked with loas that a passage was seldom attempted on
less than a 5 or 6 foot stage of water. They were also obstructed by
11 bars that afforded them 10 to 20 inches only at low-water.

The work attempted was to deepen the bars to 3 feet, and to remove
the logs. The latter object was mainly accomplished, and 7 bars were
improved by the 1st of September. At that time the river rose 17 feet
and did not again recede sufficiently to continue work on the shoals.

The work force moved to Curtis Island, finishing the improvement at

chat point, and on the 6th of November, the river continuing high, work

141
 was suspended. After July 1, the work was done under the act of June 14,
1380, appropriating $12,000 to the Tombigbee from Columbus to Vienna. On
tle 15th of Aprfl the lo-boat commenced dragging the crest of the bar at
the head of the shoals, to dislodge the embedded logs and drift, and al-
low the sand to scour out. The same thing was done at Harrison's Chute,
Butler's Island, and Gaston's Shoals with good effect, the full stage of
water at that time affording a strong current. The work is being sup-
plemented with wing-dams, in order to retain and, when necessary,
increase the depth gained.

Building of jetties was commenced at Gaston's Shoals, and the log boat at the
same time went to work on Rock Shoals, three miles below Columbus.
With the prosDect of all-season navigation Columbus interests employed

a steamboat to run between Columbus and Miller's Landing, where there was a
connection with the Alabama Great Southern Railroad, which ran between Meridian
and Chattanooga, thus subjecting the N1 & 0 to increased competition. This was
the Billy Collins, a 60-ton side-wheeler, built in 1872 at Ironton, Ohio. In
four and a half months the boat carried eight thousand bales of cotton from
Columbus to Miller's, 804 bales from way landings to Columbus, 3,032 sacks of
cotton seed from way landings to Columbus, and 250,000 pounds of meat from
Miller's to Columbus (ibid., p. 1208). The through rate on compressed cotton
from Columbus to Mobile by railroad was forced down to two dollars per bale,
and reductions were also secured on return freight. The outlook of Columbus
as a trade center was thus brightened. The next year, 1S81-82, the Billy
Collins carried even larger quantities of the same commodities, in addition
to 4.195 sacks of guano and "about 100 car loads of miscellaneous merchandise"
(ibid., p. 1208; 1882, p. 1293). The M 1 0 followed a policy of cutting rates
when the water was high and raising them when it was too low for navigation.
The Billy Collins, apparently having served its purpose, moved on to opera-
tions elsewhere.

The construction of new railroads in the Upper Tombigbee Valley in the

1870s was conspicuous by its absence. The NI& 0 opened a branch from Artesia
to Starkville in 1874, but that company was already in default on interest
payments on its first-mortgage bonds, and it was soon in receivership. While
still in the hands of receivers it opened an extension from Columbus, Kentucky,
to the Ohio River opposite Cairo on December 1, 1881. from which it could ferry
its cars across the river. The company's property was not sold at auction
but was returned to the stockholders in January, 1883. After changing its
track to the standard gauge, the company became the lessee of a narrow-gauge
line from Cairo to St. Louis, which it proceeded to convert also to the stan-
dard gauge. It opened an important branch from Columbus, Mississippi, to
Tuscaloosa and Montgomery in Alabama in 1898 and finally bridged the Ohio
River at Cairo in the same year.

There was a great growth of railroads in the Upper Tombigbee Valley in

the 1880s (see Fig. 16). The new lines consisted of feeder branches extended
into the area and transit lines built across it to connect distant points.
In 1884 the Illinois Central opened a branch from Durant, on its main north-
south line in western Mississippi, to West Point and Aberdeen. This intro-
duced competition at those points and gave them a good connection with New
Orleans, and soon the completion of the New Orleans and Northeastern provided

142
 143~

-- \
:;EOPG;A P C C 3. R. I 143
. ,-;.,,.-,

FIG.
16. RIRO. S ] TORSO.H PPRTMIBEVALYI 80

..
I.....II......I. . . . _
' '......
......
a rival route to the same place via the M1 0 and Meridian. In the early
ISSOs the Georgia Pacific Railway Company, a subsidiary of the Richmond and
Danville, proiectvd a line from Atlanta to the Mississippi River at Greenville,
via Birmingham and Columbus. The Panic of 1884 caught the company before it
could complete its line and left it with three unconnected divisions. One of
these reached seventy-six miles from Columbus eastward to the coal fields in
Walker County, Alabama, providing an important supply of coal to the Upper
Tombigbee Valley. The line was subsequently built westward from Columbus,
crossing the Tombigbee at Waverly and passing through West Point, and it was
put through to Greenville in 1S88.

In 1887 the Kansas City, Memphis, and Birmingham opened a line across
northeast Mississippi from Memphis to Birmingham. Its construction bypassed
Cotton Gin Port by two miles, quickly killing that little river port but at
the same time giving rise to the town of Amory nearby. In January of the
following year the company opened a branch from Anory to Aberdeen. As a result
of the new construction Aberdeen became the terminus of three branch lines.
Three railroads passed through West Point, two through Tupelo, and with the
opening of the New Orleans and Northeastern, Eutaw as well as the towns on the
N1& 0 main line, secured a new connection with New Orleans.

The resources of local people were too slender to exert much influence
upon these developments, which were mainly instituted for the benefit of out-
siders. Nevertheless, merchants of the local trade centers had every reason
to be deeply concerned. As the new traffic routes were opened, there was a
rapid intensification of commercial competition. Competition meant not only
lower rates but also sharper discriminations in rates, discriminations which
gave one point an advantage or disadvantage with respect to another. There
was a strong tendency for favored centers to grow and for others to decline.
Yet, general growth was stunted by the basic poverty of the region. Lacking
economic resources to control their own destiny, the merchants turned to the
federal government and enlisted its support in the cause of reducing the
heavy burden of railroad rates or compelling greater discriminations in their
favor. The larger river towns wanted to send out steamboats to bring in local
business on the Tombigbee and its tributaries, and they wanted to establish
potential water competition at all seasons in order to force railroad rates
down. The railroads had basic overcapacity, and there was no fundamental
economic need of the waterways except for strictly local traffic, which was at
the high-water season only.

Congress responded to the demands for waterway improvement with increas-

ingly generous appropriations, but the government showed a tendency to appor-
tion appropriations on the basis of actual or probable traffic. Work by the
Corps of Engineers went on through the 1880s on the lower Tombigbee, the Upper
Tombigbee, and the Noxubee as appropriations became available.

On the Upper Tombigbee the Lillie Lou, Aberdeen's little steamboat,

reached Fulton on December 26, 18'80, and made several additional trips while
the high-water season lasted (Rodabough, in Itawamba County Times [Fulton],
February 17, 1966; Chief of Engineers, Annual Report, 1882, p. 1313).

Old Town Creek (West Fork of the Tombigbee) had been navigated at high
water as far up as Camargo, sixteen miles from its mouth, prior to the con-

144

' A.. - . ,
struction of the M 0 Railroad, and in the early IS50s a steamboat was
reported to have gone within two miles of City Point. An examination of the
creek in October, 1881, brought a report that "obstructions consisted entirel>
in accumulations of fallen trees, drift and overhanging trees. There were no
shoals or rapids in the stream and no artificial obstructions except a bridge
6 miles below City Point" (Chief of Engineers, Annual Report, 1883, p. 999).
City Point was four miles from Verona, on the N1& 0 Railroad. A project for
the improvement of Old Town Creek by the removal of snags. logs, and over-
hanging trees to City Point, thirty miles from its mouth, was adopted in 1SS3
(ibid., p. 192), and the next vear the creek was opened for high-water naviga-
tion to Camargo by the removal of overhanging trees from its banks.

With the East Fork open as far up as Fulton, Engineer Horace Harding was
sent in 1881 to examine the possibility of extending navigation as high as
Warren's Mill, on Mackey's Creek, five miles above where the creek joined
Brown's Creek to form the East Fork. The engineer concluded that between
Warren's Mill and the mouth of Brown's Creek steamboat navigation was not
practical, because the creek was only twenty-five feet wide and had abrupt
bends. Navigation for small flatboats and lumber rafts might be possible, he
said, but that would require the raising of Walker's Bridge, a county bridge
that crossed the East Fork immediately below the junction of Mackey's and
Brown's creeks. Between Walker's Bridge and Fulton, however, he found the
stream as well adapted to high-water navigation as it was below Fulton and "a
sluggish stream, free from rapids, shoals, or artificial obstructions of any
kind." Navigation might be facilitated by cutting overhanging trees and re-
moving logs, stumps, and snags. (Ibid., 1882, pp. 1312-1313). The district
engineer added the following comment:

The benefit to be derived would be the saving of $2.50 per bale on

freight of about 4,000 bales of cotton annually, and corresponding
reduction on return supplies of at least 80 per cent on the value of the
cotton. The cotton and return supplies are now hauled over bad roads
20 and 35 miles, to and from the Mobile and Ohio, and the Memphis and
Charleston railroads respectively.

So the project was adopted of extending high-water navigation to Walker's

Bridge, and a project it remained until bypassed by the Tennessee-Tombigbee
Waterway. Walker's Bridge has never seen a steamboat.

Ambitious interests at Macon hoped that by opening navigation on the

Noxubee they could force the M & 0 Railroad to reduce its cotton rates to the
point where they might be able to compete with Columbus and Meridian merchants
in buying cotton (Mississippi Sun, October 7, 1881). They established a
steamboat landing at Macon, with a warehouse, and organized the Noxubee River
Improvement Association in 1881. They looked forward to reducing the freight
charge on cotton to Mobile. After several seasons of work with limited funds
by the Corps of Engineers, in late January, 1883, the steamboat Dove arrived
at Macon from Mobile. It was a vessel of 140 tons, built in Pittsburgh in
1880, 132 feet long, twenty-seven wide, drawing twelve inches of water when
empty, capable of carrying 500 bales of cotton and thirty cabin passengers
(Macon Beacon, January 27, 1883). In February the Dove was back at Macon
again, followed closely by Aberdeen's little Lillie Lou, but neither boat
seems to have gotten much cotton (ibid., February 17, 1883).

145
 In the 1882-83 season the average rate of freight from Macon to Mobile by
railroad was said to be $3.- per bale, while the rate by river steamer,
including insurance, ran about $2.50 per bale. representing a difference of
S1.25 (Chief of Engineers, Annual Report, 1883, p. 1024). The Macon Beacon
'Feb. 3, 1883) exulted that now was the turning point in the commericial his-
tory of the town, which must next have a large warehouse and a steam compress.

The Lillie Lou, however, did not make it back to the Tombigbee. Said the
Beacon on February 17:

At Cards Ferry about 17 miles below Macon there is a slight bend in

the river which the pilot Capt. Newbold attempted to round without
slackening speed. A heavy gust of wind caught the boat and drove it into
the bank. As the boat swung around the stern struck a stump on the bank
and a hole was made big enough to sink it in 15 or 20 minutes. It now
lies on the west side of the river on a level bank outside the channel
and can easily be gotten to if the river falls. It had about eighty
bales of cotton "half of which floated off was recovered below."

The Billy Collins rendered assistance, and the hole in the hull was repaired.
Lillie Lou was back in service the next season. By that time the N1& 0 had
reduced the cotton rate from Macon to Mobile to 52.75 a bale. In February,
1884, the former captain of the Lillie Lou brought the larger Niobara to
Macon. It was a vessel 165 feet long by thirty-three feet wide. Work on
improving the Noxubee was tapered off, and in the 1884-85 season there was no
rise in the river until the cotton-shipping season was over. (Macon Beacon,
Oct. 20, 1883; Feb. 23, 1884; May 30, 1885.)

Except for barges operating on the lower part of the Noxubee there was
not much traffic on that river. However, Gainesville merchants continued to
tap it for trade. Early in 1887 they leased the little steamboat Viola to
run on the Noxubee, and it finally reached Maconin February of 1887. It
offered to take cotton to Mobile for $1.50 a bale but obtained little. The
Mobile and Ohio Railroad was soon hauling to Mobile for $1.60 a bale and to
Memphis for $2.25. (Ibid., Feb. 26, Aug. 20, 1887.)

Railroad construction and competition of the lS0s firmly established

Columbus, Aberdeen, and West Point as the principal distribution centers of
the Upper Tombigbee Valley, with Macon and Eutaw being places of local impor-
tance, as were Tupelo and Corinth to the northwest. Other business centers
within the area were confined to a local trade. Columbus and Aberdeen over-
shadowed everything else on the river. The commercial growth of Aberdeen is
reflected in the number of bales of cotton handled annually (see Table 24).

Under the new conditions of competition the little river ports suffered
heavily and tended to dry up, but at some of them there remained a continuing
business. In 1882 warehouseman Robert T. Stringfellow advertised himself as
the Pickensville agent of the Columbus Oil Mill, presumably meaning that he
was a local buyer for cotton seed to be shipped upriver to the mill. There
may also have been at Pickensville a buyer for the rival mill at Demopolis,
in the other direction. In that same year it was reported that on one occa-
sion A.J. Peterson received twenty thousand pounds of meat by steamboat and
that in six days it was all gone. Nance's Perry seems to have been leased

146
 'FABLE 24

COTTON HXk\DLED AT ABERDEEN

By Years, 18-1-1901
Year Bales Year Bales
1871 t,350 1887 24,288
1872 10,195 1888 25,886
iS73 13.208 1889 21,240
1874 12.507 1890 12.31)
1873 11,703 1891 17,659
1876 15,009 1892 17,368
1877 16.085 1893 S,914
1878 17,400 1894 18,454
1879 18,876 1895 26,173
1880 20,623 1896 30,634
1881 21,228 1897 48,460
1882 18,838 1898 41,275
1833 24,323 I, 1899 35,175
1884 23,200 1900 38,72b
1885 24,495 I 1901 21,836
1886 27,050 _ _ _ _
Data from Rodabough, March 11, 1971.

147
out annually to the highest bidder. Less than half a mile to the west of the
ferry were Nance's steam mills for grinding corn and sawing wood. By 1891
Thomas J. !vie, another warehouseman, was charging only five cents per barrel
for handling flour and fifteen cents for whiskey. Ivie already had a store,
but in that year he added a bar. In 1892 there came a great flood in which
Stringfellow lost his warehouse, account books, and two mules. Ivie lost his
warehouse and grocery store and various other buildings. Peterson's cotton
houses were destroyed. As the river reached forty-two feet above low water
mark the losses of others were also heavy. (Data from Carrollton West Alabam-
ian, various dates.)

The project depth for the Tombigbee from Mobile to Demopolis was four feet
at ordinary low water, from Demopolis to Columbus three feet. After years of
work all that had been accomplished by 1886 was the following: from Mobile to
Demopolis three feet at ordinary low water, from Demopolis to Columbus three
feet on a two-foot rise above ordinary low water (this translates into one
foot at ordinary low water). The river was navigable to Fulton for small
boats on a stage of four feet above low water. (Chief of Engineers, Annual
Report, 1886, pp. 119b-1198). The district engineer described the benefits of
the improvements made as follows:

The immediate commercial advantage that may be expected upon the

completion of the improvement will arise, not so much from the increased
amount of business done upon the river, as from the reduction of freight
charges on the whole traffic of the Tombigbee Valley. When the freight
tariff shall be regulated by competition between rail and river, main-
tained perennially, the advantage to the community of the improved river
is to be measured by the amount of business affected by competition
rates, and this will be all the transportation business of the Tombigbee
Valley, whether handled by river or rail.

The engineers appear to have been very slow to realize that cutting of
bars and removal of snags had reached its limit as a means of providing all-
season navigation on the Tombigbee River. Cutting a bar had the effect of
draining the pool above it and reducing its depth, so there was a definite
limit to the advantage which bar cutting could bring to the deepening of low-
water channels.

148

- ,. . . .. . . . . . .* .. . -. .
 CHAPTER XIV

THE RIVER IN THE ECONOMIC LIFE OF THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY:

1890-1940

From the middle 1880s work on the Upper Tombigbee River and its branches
by the Corps of Engineers was largely confined to the maintenance of existing
improvements. Larger funds were made available for the improvement of the
Warrior River than for the Upper Tombigbee, because of the possibility of
providing cheap transportation for coal from the Warrior Coal Fields to market.
Experience soon showed that the heavy coal barges could not be economically
handled without a greater depth of water than could be provided in dry seasons
by bar cutting. The answer was slack-water navigation, which could be pro-
vided only by the construction of locks and dams. Such improvements would be
expensive. If the Warrior were provided with a system of locks and dams,
their usefulness would be very limited unless the lower Tombigbee could also
be so provided. The Upper Tombigbee was tied to the system at Demopolis. The
Rivers and Harbors Act of August 5, 1886, required surveys to ascertain wheth-
er such improvements were necessary and practical for the Tombigbee River from
Vienna to Walker's Bridge and for the Noxubee also.

An elaborate engineering report of 1890 recommended a system of improve-

ments for the Warrior and lower Tombigbee Rivers to provide a channel with a
low-water depth of six feet, to be maintained by a system of locks and dams.
Considering the rivers as one system, a further recommendation was made to
extend the six-foot depth up the Upper Tombigbee River as far as Columbus by
the installation of dams with pneumatic gates. (Chief of Engineers, Annual
Report, 1890, pp. 1716-1717). The planned improvemeits of the Tombigbee-
Warrior system were put into effect, but those for the Upper Tombigbee remained
in limbo for the very good reason that there was no expected commerce on the
Upper Tombigbee to justify the expense. They were not, however, forgotten.
In 1897 the annual report of the Chief of Engineers recommended a six-foot
channel from Demopolis to Columbus, to be secured by a system of ten locks and
dams like those under construction on the lower Tombigbee and the Warrior, to
provide a six-foot channel as high as Columbus.

Some work was done from time to time on the Noxubee, but the navigation
season for that river was found to be much shorter than previously anticipat-
ed. The district engineer in 1889 remarked that the proposed completely-
improved channel from the mouth of the Noxubee up to Macon had substantially
been attained. He went on to add that "no further improvement should be
considered until the Tombigbee River below Gainesville is completely improved"
(ibid., 1889, p. 1142). Only an occasional steamboat showed up at Macon,
none after 1889. The railroads lowered freight rates to such an extent as to
keep all business away from that river, but the river was cleared of obstruc-
tions again in 1894.

149
 In December, 1894, the district engineer made a report on the feasibility
of clearing the Noxubee above Macon for river traffic. He concluded that this
portion of the river was not worthy of improvement, because it was small and
crooked, averaging thirty feet in width, with a minimum of twelve feet and a
depth of eight inches at low water. Two bridges without draws crossed it, he
said, and the saving to those on or near the river in freight on cotton, lumber,
and other products of the country by the improvement would be very small (ibid.,
1895, p. 1716). There was some navigation of the lower part of the Noxubee in
1899, and in that year some further work was done in removing obstructions
(ibid., 1899, p. 1716), but a local dispute arose over the desirability of
abandoning the river as a navigable stream. Fish traps were soon reported in
the channel, and no further work was done on the Noxubee after 1899. Other
forces then governed the railroad rates of Macon.

The River Between Walker's Bridge and Columbus

In the 1880s the production of lumber and staves became an important

industry from Aberdeen northward. In 1885 the owners of a stave factory at
Aberdeen built a new steamboat, the Hattie Belle, of 57 tons, which with the
Lillie Lou made two homemade steamboats for that town to ply the upper :iver
areas (ibid., 1885, p. 1353; Proceedings of . . . the Supervising Inspectors
of Steam Vessels, 1890, p. 267). Forest industries developed along the entire
Upper Tombigbee River from its mouth to the upper reaches of Mackey's Creek
and the other tributary streams. Logs, heavy timbers, lumber, and staves were
heavy commodities, in the production and marketing of which cheap transporta-
tion was a vital factor. The streams served with the railroads in providing
that cheap transportation, and forest products gradually came to be the princi-
pal commodities transported on the river.

Between Walker's Bridge and Fulton the channel was originally navigable
only for small rafts at high water, and very troublesome for them. By June
30, 1891, the project of clearing the river in that area was sufficiently
complete to permit timber rafts of a larger size than formerly to be floated
down without breaking them. Rafts eighty-eight feet long by twenty-two feet
wide with a four-foot draft might now be used when the water was five feet
above low water (Chief of Engineers, Annual Report, 1891, p. 1779). In 1891
lumber floated down this portion of the river amounted to 3,000 tons, in 1892
to 8,250 tons, in 1893 11,880 tons. Firewood and staves were in addition to
these figures. In 1895 there were 30,000 tons of logs and lumber, 100 tons of
staves, and forty tons of firewood shipped. (Ibid., 1891-1893). After the
building of the Kansas City, Memphis, and Birmingham Railroad bridge across
the Tombigbee at Amory, two large lumber mills were located at that point on
the river. The clearing of the river above encouraged the lumbermen to open
up the tributary creeks to float the timber down to these mills, which were
actively operating in 1894. In 1895 the log traffic amounted to 30,000 tons.
With occasional channel improvement by the Corps of Engineers this section of
the river continued to be used in the succeeding years for bringing down logs
and timber at high water. In 1901 the district engineer recommended that the
availability of the channel for high-water navigation be maintained (ibid.,
1901, p. 1839).

130
 The log traffic above Amory, with the logs floating directly in the river,
remained important well into the twentieth century, for Itawamba County had no
railroad, and none was convenient to the forested areas on the upper tribu-
taries of the Tombigbee. The Mississippian Railroad, a logging road, started
from Amory in 1921, running close to the East Fork, was not completed to Fulton
until 1925, but the population of that little center increased from 200 in
1920 to 800 in 1930.

While the stretch of the Tombigbee between Fulton and Columbus was in-
creasingly used after 1890 for logs and timber, it was used for little else.
Although fitful efforts were made from time to time to remove obstructions to
high-water navigation, there was scant steamboat activity except for that of
the small boats owned at Aberdeen and Columbus. To aid the loggers in 1896
the Corps of Engineers ordered the quarter boat Fulton and the snag boat
Pickensville into the river above Columbus. The Pickensville was snagged and
sunk in going through a chute just above Columbus, but within a few days it was
raised and repaired. Work was done near the railroad bridge at Amory to close
up Long Chicken Slough and Boiling Slough, where high water had been carrying
rafts of timber into the swamps. (Ibid., 1896, p. 1445.) Pine, cypress, and
oak logs continued to be floated downstream at high water, the amount varying
with the state of business.

In 1908 the People's Oil Mill and Fertilizer Works of Aberdeen built a
little boat to carry thirty tons of freight, powered with a thirty-two horse-
power gasoline engine, named Aberdeen. With a barge named Itawamba, it was
expected to gather cotton seed at points along the river between Fulton and
Aberdeen, but the river proved to be so clogged with obstructions that the
enterprise was not effective (Rodabough, March 3, 1866 [sic]).

The River Between Columbus and Demopolis

The rapid improvement of the railroad connections of Columbus in the

1880s diminished the importance of river traffic at that trade center at the
same time that the plan to proviae all-season navigation by bar cutting was
proving a failure. Locks and dams to provide slack-water navigation on the
river lacked economic justification. By 1889 few steamboats were venturing
above Vienna, but the area below that point continued to be served by them in
the handling of cotton, grain, iron, lumber, and general merchandise. The
volume of cotton traffic on the river is shown in Table 25. (Data from Chief
of Engineers, Annual Report, 1890, p. 1704; 1892, p. 1452; 1893, p. 1760;
1894, p. 1316.) With at least four bales of cotton per ton the figures
represent a considerable amount of cotton still being moved on the river from
Vienna and points to the south.

Apparently there was no commerce in this period on the river between

Columbus and Vienna until Columbus interests built at Columbus the little
steamboat City of Columbus, of fifty-six tons, which went into operation in
1893. There were also small steamboats which operated out of Demopolis,
apparently in the interest of that place. The Baltimore, forty-six tons,
built in Pittsburgh in 1877, seems to have been based in Demopolis in 1893.
Larger boats from Mobile continued to traverse the river regularly as far up
as Vienna. Removal of obstructions was continued each year by snag boats

151
 I

3U LF 1, O0
B LE A N D ', 4 10 R . R z " . t

SOUTERN
. R.R.

ST. '.ulS-"

SAN FRANCISCOR. R.
S' !ATER ND
-. OCTAWR. R. -

LABAMAGREAT - "
CUTHERN R. R.
..
. .. ..
. Ism
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AL.;aAMA. ENNESSEE
AND NCR TERN R. R /

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MILES
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FIG. 17. RAILROADS AND TOWNS OF THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY IN 1948.

152

-
III~~~~' e "11 III II i '
II I I I Il
 TABLE 25

COTTON TRAFFIC ON UPPER TOMBIGBEE RIVER

Between Columbus And Demopolis

Year i Tons of Cotton
1889 11,489
1890 8,982
1891 N.A.
1892 3,000
1893 2,000
1894 2,400
Data from Chief of Engineers. Annual Report, 1890. p. 1704; 1892, p. 1452;
1893, p. 1760; 1894, p. 1316. With at least four bales of cotton per ton the
above figures represent a considerable amount of cotton still being moved on
the river from Vienna and points to the south.

TABLE 26

TOMBIGBEE RIVER TRAFFIC IN 1912

Between Demopolis and Columbus

Articles Tons
Cotton 1,038
Cotton seed 655
Staves 11.737
Logs 21,576
Fertilizer 947
Corn 504
Data from H. Doc.1137,64th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 11.

13
between Demopolis and Columbus, although the channel was not really well main-
tained. No commercial statistics appear at all for the river between Columbus
and Demopolis for the years 1897 and 1898; in 1899 813 tons of cotton and a
total tonnage of 1,013 were reported. In 1901 the tonnage was 45,053, which
included about forty thousand tons of logs and lumber. (Chief of Engineers,
Annual Report, 1899, p. 1714; 1902, p. 1298.)

The packet boat Vienna, a vessel of 17o tons, was built at Columbus by
Columbus interests in 1898, equipped with boilers of 1885. The Vienna re-
mained in operation until it struck a hidden obstruction at Ten Mile Shoals
below Columbus on January 19, 1907, and sank. This was apparently the last
regular packet boat in operation on the Upper Tombigbee River. Various other
steamboats, however, continued to be used, either as freight boats or in the
towing mode, for special purposes from time to time, particularly in the han-
dling of lumber and logs. The Cornelius C., 26 tons, was built at Columbus in
1904 and was still there in 1906. The four-ton towboat Lillie, built at
Pensacola in 1900, was apparently based at Columbus in 1909. Besides these
vessels the snag boats of the Corps of Engineers made their appearance from
time to time on the Upper Tombigbee River.

The commercial vessels continued to perform in a limited way their old

functions of gathering trade for the local trade centers, moving cotton from
the little river ports to railroad connections or to Mobile, and serving to
some extent as a club over the heads of the railroads in rate matters. By far
the largest tonnage, however, came to be that of logs, lumber, and other
forest products. Below Columbus the mode of floating logs and timber in the
river was gradually abandoned, until practically all such were carried on
barges. Logs werc commonly loaded by hoisting equipment carried on board the
barges. In 1920 there was not a real wharf on the river, and cargo-handling
facilities were described as totally lacking but adequate.

The Alabama, Tennessee, and Northern Railroad, constructed during the

first decade of the twentieth century, reaching northward from Mobile, ran up
the western side of Sumter County to Stone's Ferry near Fairfield, where it
crossed the Tombigbee and went on to Aliceville and to a connection at Reform
with the Columbus-Tuscaloosa-Montgomery branch of the Mobile and Ohio (see
Fig. 17). Despite the railroad, the river maintained a limited usefulness for
the movement of forest products. The St. Louis and San Francisco Line (Frisco)
from Columbus to Pickensville, Aliceville, Boligee, Demopolis, and Pensacola,
was not built until 1927.

Locks and Dams on the Tombigbee-Warrior System

After 1890 the Warrior River and the Tombigbee below Demopolis underwent
a rapid canalization, which in time produced an all-season, six-foot channel
from Mobile to the coal fields above Birmingham. After the completion of the
first three locks and dams at Tuscaloosa in the middle 1890s, others were
gradually constructed until in 1916 the last of seventeen dams and eighteen
locks was opened for business. Tow boats could move heavy coal barges over
the full distance through the locks. At high water the steamboats could move
up or down stream right over all of the dams except one. The actual develop-
ment of traffic was rather slow, but the new competition had its effect on the

154
rates of the railroads, particularly after the establishment at Demopolis,
Tuscaloosa, and Birmingport of terminal facilities for general cargo with
railroad connections. The effects were accentuated by the establishment of
the subsidized Federal Barge Lines. All this, however, passed the Upper
Tombigbee by.

Railroad Competition and Regulation

The establishment of the Mississippi Railroad Commission in 1884 intro-

duced a new factor into the railroad rate structure and the competition of the
trade centers of northeast Mississippi. Rigidity of the regulations estab-
lished by the commission made it difficult for railroads to change rates arbi-
trarily or to raise rates seasonally or to make variations in published tar-
iffs. In its 1886 annual report the Mobile and Ohio Railroad Company com-
plained that the commission had tried arbitrarily to reduce the local tariffs
of the state's railroads to a confiscatory degree. The company's 1887 report,
complaining of decreased revenue from cotton, said this "was mainly the direct
result of the reduction of rates forced upon us by the Mississippi Railway
Commission, and further by the active competition of new lines entering our
territory, which resulted in drawing cotton away from our line and reducing
our haul to junction instead of our own terminal points." The fact was that
too many railroads were competing for an agricultural business that was show-
ing little growth. Competing lines drove down the rates at competitive points,
and the railroad commission sought to force down the local rate scale, which
was exceedingly high for short-to-modest distances.

Rates were adjusted, as they generally were throughout the South, so as

to equalize the position of competitive points as far as possible. The through
rate to a non-competitive point would be the rate to a nearby competitive
point, plus the local rate back or forward to the non-competitive point. This
meant that goods received by a merchant at a non-competitive point would pay
the same over-all rate, whether the goods were bought from a distant wholesaler
direct or were purchased and sold by a wholesale merchant at the nearby com-
petitive point. Columbus, Aberdeen, and West Point were thus enabled to be-
come wholesale centers for a distributive trade in which they competed with
each other and with distant suppliers but not with the merchants at the non-
competitive points. These latter had only a local distributive trade. This,
the basing-point system, became standard throughout the South. The main
conflict was over the overlapping wholesale-trade territories of the basing-
point towns. After adjustments were made to it, the system did not necessar-
ily hurt anyone, but it determined very clearly which towns would be the
wholesale centers and which would not, thus affecting very deeply the trade
patterns of the Upper Tombigbee Valley.

The Columbus and Greenville Railroad, originally a part of the Georgia

Pacific line from Atlanta to Greenville, never prospered, but it was probably
a more important part of the competition at Columbus than was the Tombigbee
River, for it introduced an alternative route, via the Mississippi River, for
the heavy tonnage traffic in foodstuffs from the Midwest, a circuitous route
that might not haul much but which could maintain cut-rates on a traffic which
might not come to it at all at fully-remunerative rates. It served West Point
in similar fashion.

155
 Columbus, Aberdeen, and West Point were successful in securing standing
as basing points for railroad rates, thus assuring their preeminence, but
their growth was nevertheless stunted by the failure of the production and
wealth of the territory to grow. Their limitations lay in the limitations of
the economic base of the region.

Documents in the Southern Class Rate Investigation of the Interstate

Commerce Commission in the early 1920s (ICC Docket No. 13494, Exhibit No. 300)
reveal an elaborate pattern of competitive readjustment of rates on western
freight to Mississippi basing points, showing an intensive rivalry among these
centers. Most of the rates of Aberdeen, Columbus, West Point, and Starkville
had been equalized to put them on the same competitive basis. One might expect
these Mississippi wholesale centers to grow large enough to become industrial
and commercial centers of considerable local importance, and to an extent they
did just that.

Proposed Improvements of the Upper Tombigbee River

In 1905 there was an examination of the Tombigbee River from Demopolis to

Columbus with the purpose of ascertaining the practicability of improvements
in the river (H. Doc. 334, 59th Cong., 2nd Sess., 1906). The recommendation
made was that although improvement by locks and dams was physically feasible,
the small benefits to be derived therefrom did not justify such a development.

Another investigation was made in 1912 (H. Doc. 1137, 64th Cong., 1st
Sess.). On the section between Columbus and Demopolis the report observed:

Plantations line both banks of the river through almost this entire
section, though there are reaches where one or both banks are heavily
timbered. The principal farm products are cotton, corn, and alfalfa.
The soil is especially adapted to all kinds of agriculture and the yield
per acre is high. The alfalfa yield is remarkably heavy near the river.
Cotton is the chief crop. A large business is done in cotton seed
products. Much of the region is heavily timbered with pine, oak, cypress,
gum, and sycamore. The making of staves is an important industry. The
forests are not extensively utilized for lumber, on account of the high
cost of transportation.

The report observed that three packet boats from Mobile regularly plied the
river when it was navigable, but it did not say that these went as high as
Columbus. The principal articles of traffic in 1912 are shown in Table 26.

After a preliminary examination the supervising board concluded that the

Tombigbee from Demopolis to Columbus was worthy of improvement by the construc-
tion of locks and dams and recommended a more detailed survey. Further examin-
ation, however, and detailed plans for a system of nine locks and dams to
provide a six-foot channel brought such an expensive proposal for canalization
that the board to decided to defer undertaking the improvement. Since there
was no large manufacturing, mining, or commercial industry to create a large
tonnage, reasoned the board, reliance must be placed upon farm production for
prospective commerce. The anticipated business would thus justify only re-
moval of snags to permit safe navigation during the high stages of the river.

136
The report, rendered April i, 1916, said that the bottom lands adjacent to
the river were largely under cultivation and that the principal products at
that time were cotton, corn, and alfalfa. (H. Doc. 1137, 64th Cong., ist
Sess., pp. 4, 12. For landings described see Table 27.)

The facilities at Columbus were described in 1916 as follows (ibid., p.

9):

Columbus, Miss., is located on the east bank of the Tombigbee River,

379 miles from Mobile by river, and has a population of about 9,000.
There are no improved water terminals at the city; such terminals as exist
are the natural banks of the river, without wharves or improvements of
any kind. The landing is open to all water carriers on equal terms with-
out charge. The river as high as Columbus for some years past has been
used very little by steamers, practically all of its commerce, consisting
principally of cotton, cottonseed products, etc., handled by rail. The
Southern Railway and the Mobile & Ohio Railroad enter Columbus; they have
no tracks along the river to the water terminal, no mechanical facilities
for handling freight, and no traffic arrangements with any water carrier.
These roads have no transfer facilities at the river and can take no
freight direct from water carriers. If any freight comes from the river
to the railroad it must be hauled by the consignor to the local depot of
the company and shipped in the same manner as freight from inland. There
are no improved or adequate highways to the water terminals.

Conditions on the Upper Tombigbee are described in a government report of 1921

as follows (H. Doc. 652, 66th Cong., 2nd Sess., p. 1044):

The existing project provides for a channel 6 feet deep at low water
by snagging, tree cutting, bank revetment, the construction of locks and
dams from Demopolis to Columbus, 149 miles, and for a high-water channel
by the removal of obstructions from Columbus to Walkers Bridge. No pro-
vision has as yet been made by Congress for lock and dam construction.

The comerce during 1918 amounted to 28,349 short tons, of which 98

per cent consisted of logs, lumber, and staves, originating at the mills
located along this section of the river. This commerce was handled in
rafts, and by towboats and barges with a maximum draft of 5 feet, and
only during mean and high stages of the river.

There are no terminals along this river other than the usual log
landings, the heaviest material being loaded by floating derricks which
accompany each tow, and the light material, such as staves and stave
bolts, by improvised frame chutes fed by hand. There is no interchange
in traffic from the railroads to the river boats. No terminals are
needed, as the present and prospective commerce, which consists of logs,
lumber, staves and stave bolts, can be no more economically handled than
by the present methods.

The facilities are considered ample for present and prospective

commerce.

i57

• . I -I
 22

- s z Z-a

7vJA t A .

- i
- r ~- Z - p ~ - -
 There was no subsequent significant revival of traffic on the Upper Tom-
bigbee River. The Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers for 1932 (p. 81S,
says of the Tombigbee between Demopolis and Walker's Bridge:

There are no terminal facilities along this waterway and none are
required, as there are no transportation lines using this section of the
Tombigbee River, and the commerce consists almost entirely of forest
products handled to mills.

In the report for the next year (p. 712), we read the following: "Under date
of October 17, 1932, the Chief of Engineers recommended the abandonment of the
project for slack water improvement of the Tombigbee River above Demopolis."
(See also H. Doc. 56, 73rd Cong., Ist Sess.) Snag removal and river improve-
ment after that time were not dropped, but they were kept to the minimum.

In the depression years, under authority of the Flood Control Act of June
22, 1936, a project was authorized forthe alleviation of floods in Itawamba
County for a distance of fifty-three miles along the East Fork of the Tombig-
bee from Walker's Bridge to the Monroe County linebyclearing the banks of
trees and underbrush, removal of drift jams, and excavation of thirteen cutoff
channels to protect people and valuable agricultural property from the over-
flow waters of the river. The work was done by the Corps of Engineers in 1938
and 1939. The further concern of the federal government with the Upper Tombig-
bee was associated with plans for the Tennessee-Tombigbee Waterway, as explained
in Chapter If supra.

The improvement of roads in the Upper Tombigbee Valley was not notable
between 1860 and World War 1. However, a significant development occurred
with the passage of the Federal Highway Act in 1916. This measure provided
matching grants to the states for the purpose of highway building, according
to a system of allotments based upon area and population rather than wealth.
To meet the requirements of the act Mississippi created a state highway depart-
ment and strained itself to make the necessary matching appropriations. As a
result, during the 1920s the construction of a system of gravel roads to
connect county seats and commercial centers was actively pushed. The road
improvements were quite substantial, but hard-surface, all-weather roads were
not to be found in the area until after the middle 1930s.

Since Mississippi was overall the poorest state in the Union, and Alabama
was not far above, the principle of distributing federal funds where the
people were rather than where the money was had startling potential, even on a
token basis. The devastating effect of the depression in the early 1930s was
felt nationwide, and the failure of other approaches quickly led to the dis-
tribution of huge relief funds to keep people alive. Relief money was spent
where the people in need were, and Mississippi got a larger share than its
share paid in taxes. The effect beyond the immediate objectives was certainly
rather limited, but new thinking was going on and new concepts were being
developed and accepted which were to bring great changes within a few years.
Their effect, however, was hardly noticeable before the end of the terrible
decade of the 1930s.

159
 rP

CHAPTER XV

STEAMBOAT TYPES AND OPERATIONS ON THE TOMBIGBEE RIVER

The development of the steamboat was centered primarily in the Northeast

and on the banks of the Mississippi River system, the "Western Waters." The
early boats, particularly in the East, were adapted from marine types with
hulls designed for strength. They were built and operated like ocean-going
vessels. A vertical one-cylinder, double-acting steam engine moved an over-
head beam up and down, from which a connecting rod drove a transverse crank-
shaft that spun a small propelling wheel on each side of the vessel. A heavy
flywheel was necessary to absorb the surges of power from the engine and pro-
vide smooth operation. These engines were of the Watt and Boulton type, using
low pressure. The exhaust steam went into a drum, where it was condensed by a
spray of water, thereby forming a vacuum of perhaps ten pounds per square inch.
Rods from the beam drove two pumps, one to get the water out of the condensing
drum and the other to force water into the boiler. In the early 1840s the
first auxiliary engine, "the doctor," appeared on a steamboat for pumping
water into the boiler, and the use of the device gradually spread. Another
engine to operate a fire pump came to be added to the equipment on some boats.

The horizontal boiler was cylindrical in shape, made of wrought iron

except that the ends were of heavy iron castings. Steam pipes, difficult to
make, were frequently of cast iron. A tall, wrought iron chimney provided a
draft for the fire and carried the hot gases away. The firebox was stoked
with wood, which provided an abundance of heat. Light-wood knots could be
added to supply additional heat. The vessel was steered with a rudder at the
stern. Using river water, the boilers tended to accumulate mud, which some-
times had to be removed by the laborious process of taking off one of the ends
of the boiler and washing the system out.

As long as there were side wheels extending outside the hull of the
vessel, the hull had to be relatively narrow. To protect the wheels the decks
were extended on either side, these extensions being known as the "guards."
The guards provided valuable additional deck space for stowing cargo, and on
the upper decks where the cabin passengers lived, a promenade for passengers.
Deck passengers and deck hands remained on the main deck and slept wherever
they could stretch out.

Shallow draft was found desirable for navigating small rivers and even
some places on large ones. Hulls underwent evolutionary changes, which elim-
inated the keel and made most of the bottoms nearly flat. Strength,not much
needed on river boats, was sacrificed for navigability and carrying capacity.

The first steamboat on the lower Mississippi was of about three hundred
gross tons. Although later vessels in use on the Mississippi grew to more
than two thousand tons, a vessel of three hundred tons was about as large as

161 Ita "... PUZ RIANK -NOT ",

was practical to use on the Upper Tombigbee River, and only two or three steam-
boats of over four hundred tons were ever used on that stream.

The low-pressure engines and boilers were heavy and cumbersome in construc-
tion, features which discouraged redesigning to supply greater power. To
solve the problem the high-pressure engine was tried, It could supply the
power, and it was simpler to operate, but at modest boiler pressures it was
claimed to be less efficient than the low-pressure engine. However, since
fuel was cheap, few people cared about this. The high-pressure engine did not
require a condenser, and the steam was discharged through an exhaust pipe
reaching through the top deck, creating a great noise. A device to cut off the
steam before the piston had traveled more than two-thirds or three-quarters of
its stroke improved efficiency and reduced the noise.

In time, some steamboats came to have two engines, one for each side
wheel. This eliminated the main crankshaft and made the wheels operate inde-
pendently, so that one could be run in one direction and the other in the
other to turn the vessel. In this system each side wheel seems to have been
driven by a crosshead and pitman (connecting rod) instead of an overhead beam,
and the cylinders were slanted upward from the horizontal (with the beam en-
gine the cylinder was vertical).

To supply additional steam a second boiler might be added parallel to the

first and the boiler length might be increased. Two chimneys, resulting from
two boilers, provided less obstruction than one to the view of the river from
the pilot's wheelhouse on the top deck. The boilers were operated in parallel,
with connections for water at the bottom and steam at the top without check
valves. They were improved gradually in reliability and efficiency, but the
materials used and the operating practices followed entailed a considerable
risk of explosions. The introduction of boiler tubes (fire tubes) in the
boilers improved efficiency, but a boiler explosion might be caused by a
collapse of one of these tubes. Making of boiler heads from wrought iron
required equipment and skill that were developed rather slowly, but in time
this material replaced the riskier cast iron in boiler heads. Making steam
pipes of wrought iron instead of cast iron reduced another hazard. The larger
vessels had donkey boilers to provide steam for auxiliary equipment that was
gradually added and perhaps also to provide heat for the passengers.

While wood provided good fuel for the steam boilers when it was dry, it
was bulky, and the boilers and propulsion equipment were inefficient. Fre-
quent stops for wood had to be made. For pioneer steamboats the crew had to be
sent out to cut the wood, but the practice arose among residents along the
river of operating private woodyards as a business, so that steamboats could
stop and buy their fuel as it was needed. By the end of the century coal had
come into common use.

Before the Civil War most steamboats were side wheelers. It became popu-
lar to locate the wheels about two-thirds of the way back from the bow. With
the passage of time larger and larger wheels came to be used. There were a
few sternwheelers, but they were generally looked upon with disfavor. They
were not easy to handle, and the weight of the wheel projecting over the stern
tended to make the center of the vessel rise up, and effect known as "hogging."

162
 In time various technical developments occurred that made the sternwheel-
ers more attractive. Hogging was checked by the installation of heavy iron
rods, one on each side, which extended up from the hull and towards the
center of the vessel at an angle, and then were bent down horizontally to be
joined by turnbuckles. These rods were known as "hog chains." The difficulty
of steering a sternwheel vessel was solved by the use of multiple rudders just
forward of the wheel, rudders which extended partly under the vessel and
partly under the wheel and could be turned in parallel, giving excellent con-
trol. With the wheel operating in reverse, the water was projected directly
against the rudders, making steering more responsive in reverse than in going
forward. Power was applied to the wheel by a double-acting steam cylinder on
each side of the vessel driving a crosshead, which in turn was coupled to a
crank at the end of the wheel by a long pitman. The stroke was long and the
movement relatively slow. The cranks were set ninety degrees apart, providing
a smooth flow of power, and the wheel was made large and heavy enough to elim-
inate any need for a flywheel.

Eliminating the side wheels made it possible to reduce the width of the
guards and to widen the hull, making a vessel of shallow draft, suited to
small and shallow rivers. Few sternwheel vessels were seen on the Tombigbee
before the Civil War, but after the war they gradually took over the steamboat
business.

Better boilers, made of better materials, gradually made possible the

increasing of steam pressures, with somewhat greater efficiency in the engines.
After the Civil War steam pressures of over one hundred pounds per square
inch became common. The development of auxiliary equipment improved the
effectiveness of steamboat operation. An old device was the capstan, a verti-
cal, concave drum, turned by sticks thrust into holes at the top. It might be
turned by one man or forty, depending on the space available and the length of
the sticks. With several turns of the rope around the drum one man would put
tension on the fall of the rope, thus regulating the slippage. It was a
wonderful shock-absorbing device to pull on a heavy rope with a minimum risk
of breakage. A capstan operated by steam power could be controlled by one
man. Some vessels were also provided with steam winches.

The lower deck of a steamboat was usually open in the central part of the
vessel, and the upper decks did not extend over the forward part. The lower
deck was used for cargo, fuel, boilers, and deck passengers, as well as for
the engines. Mud drums below the boilers proved useful in keeping boilers
clear of mud.

The steering of the vessel was accomplished by means of a wheel with

projecting spokes. Around a drum on the hub of the wheel would be several
turns of a rope that ran aft to operate the rudders. A steering wheel on a
large steamboat might be eight feet or more in diameter, and operating it in
a crooked river required considerable exertion. In the center of the vessel
at the forward edge of the upper decks there would be a pole, used an aid in
steering the vessel and perhaps in supporting a boom to raise the gangplank
or landing stage. A few feet on either side of this pole would be heavier
masts with booms used in handling cargo and for other purposes. Use of a
landing stage, a long and heavy gangplank, supported at midpoint by a boom,
made it possible to receive or land either passengers or cargo well up the
bank.

163
 Since the deck space for cargo, especially bulky cargo such as cotton,
was rather limited, many a boat carried a barge on one side, perhaps a "model"
barge with each end shaped like a steamboat bow, somewhat narrower than the
steamboat itself. There might even be such a barge on each side. It was
possible to leave barges behind and continue up a narrow river in search of
cargo and then pick up the barges on the return downstream.

In the last quarter of the nineteenth century the towing mode of handling
traffic was used increasingly. Unpowered scows might be loaded with no tow-
boat present, then picked up by the towboat, which might move several of them
together either up or downstream. River "towboats" almost invariably pushed
instead of pulling the tow. Floating logs also might be chained together and
moved alongside a towboat. Many boats were designed especially for towing,
and many other steamboats had a structure built over the bow that facilitated
the pushing of barges.

The Army Corps of Engineers had various boats especially designed for
special service. Of particular interest were snag boats, of which there were
several designs. One type, used by Henry Shreve before the Civil War in clear-
ing the Red River, had two hulls; the snag would be drawn up on a platform
between them with the aid of heavy mechanical equipment. Later snag boats
tended to be simpler and would raise a snag ahead of the bow with the aid of
an A-frame or a boom. Sometimes the snag equipment would be built on a barge,
complete with boiler and steam winch, and pushed around by a towboat when
needed. Special grappling devices were developed to seize the snags.

The Corps also operated dredges. From a distance these unbeauteous

vessels looked like houses built on scows. They carried various devices for
dredging the bottom of the river, one of which was a clumsy rotary cutter
with a suction pipe in the center, operated by a large pump on the vessel, to
take the spoil away through the pipe and dispose of it several hundred feet
away.

There were many controlling factors in the operation of steamboats, one

of the most obvious of which was water depth. The Upper Tombigbee River was
made up of a series of pools, dammed up by sand bars or mud bars. At low
water it might be difficult or impossible to get a steamboat over a bar, but
there were many devices and techniques that could be tried. To get a boat off
a bar a heavy spar might be launched over the bow at an angle and shoved
downward and outward by a rope and blocks with a heavy purchase and the use of
a capstan. Operated with the sternwheel forcing water under the boat, this
device would raise the forward part of the vessel slightly and push it back-
ward. The practice was known as "booming off." To get over a bar there was
a popular practice called "grasshoppering," but whether this was applied on
the Upper Tombigbee has not been determined. By this method a spar on each
side of the bow, supported by a boom, would be lowered through a chain loop,
made fast to the gunwales, then forced downward against the bottom as in
booming off. Using the proper angles and aided by the sternwheel, the boat
might thus be able to get over the bar. Sometimes an officer would be sent
ahead in a small boat called a yawl to search out a boatable channel. It was
of course possible to pull a small steamboat by making a rope fast to a tree
on the bank and working the capstan. To get over a mud bank it was sometimes
possible to turn the vessel around and back over it, letting the stern wheel
cut into the mud and at the same time force water under the boat.

164
 Despite all these devices and techniques it was impossible to operate
steamboats on the Upper Tombigbee River and its tributaries during much of the
year. The effective season for boating was generally limited to the months of
December to June, but conditions varied widely from year to year.

On small rivers there were problems with snags at low water and with over-
hanging trees at high water. A tree on a caving bank might fall into the river
at flood time and be shoved gradually downstream. With the passage of time its
limbs would be sheared off, leaving only the heavier elements. The stump would
hold the tree down and the more or less pointed ends would extend downstream,
often out of sight and below the surface of the water. The hull of a vessel
striking such a snag might be penetrated, letting in the water and sinking the
vessel. Steamboat sinkings were exceedingly common, but most sunken boats
were later raised and put back into service.

Steamboats were dangerous to operate, but striking snags was only one of
the perils. There were often no guard rails around the lower deck, and many
a man fell overboard. It was not generally understood how dangerous the waters
around a traveling steamboat were for swimmers. There is the story of two
deck hands who got into a fight. One knocked the other overboard and the
captain seized the first, who broke away and jumped overboard to escape. Both
were drowned. One of the greatest menaces was fire, which could spread very
rapidly on a steamboat. Cotton, hay, cotton seed, wood and coal, and other
combustibles were easily ignited and sometimes were stored very close to the
fires under the boilers on a crowded steamboat. The vessels were built of
wood. Water might be pumped to put out a fire, but often the pumps could not
be operated or the fire-fighting was otherwise ineffective. If the tiller
ropes got burned through, the vessel became uncontrollable.

The reckless operation of steamboats was notorious, and crew members were
often poorly qualified for their work. The engineer and his assistant operated
the engines and controlled the boilers. While the boilers were equipped with
safety valves, the early ones lacked pressure gauges, and the safety valves
were often unreliable. The efficiency of the propulsion equipment was greater
at higher steam pressures. An engineer tended to be regarded as a competent
and effective officer when he could operate the engines at a high speed. So
boilers were commonly operated at pressures well above those for which they
had been designed. It is said that some boilers would "pant." That is, the
sides of the boiler would make pulsating movements in and out to correspond
with the strokes of the engine.

The problem of securing the safe operation of steam engines on vessels,

on both salt and fresh water, led to the adoption of the law of August 30,
1852, providing for the inspection of steam boilers on vessels by an agency
of the United States Government. Its records, for the Mobile District, supply
a good deal of information on Tombigbee steamboats. Standards were adopted
for boilers of particular size, thickness of plate, and strength of materials,
and the steamboat inspectors could resort to elaborate tables to determine the
safe operating pressure of a particular boiler. They could inspect safety
valves but could do nothing to prevent the adding of extra weights to safety
valves after the vessel had left port. The seams of an abused boiler might
eventually open and cause an explosion, but a collapsed boiler tube could be
nearly as damaging, and so zould an exploded steam pipe. Breakage of a long,

165
iron-bound, wooden pitman could cause damage to the engine and permit the
escape of steam. Most steam accidents did not result in the destruction of
the vessel, but they did scald those exposed to the escaping steam and kill a
good many.

In a report of 1866 the supervising inspector of steam vessels at New

Orleans remarked (Proceedings of the Fifteenth Annual Meeting of the Board of
Supervising Inspectors of Steam Vessels, . . . 1866 [Baltimore, 18661):

Engineers have had too much confidence in the strength of iron, and
too little in the power and force of steam, and as a consequence, have,
when they could do so without detection, overloaded their safety valves.
This, in my opinion, has been the cause, either immediate or remote, of
nine-tenths of the sad disasters that have so frequently shocked the
country, and disgraced our engineering skill. I am by no means disposed
to place all the blame in this particular upon the engineers, but must
allow of masters, owners and passengers even, to share in the responsi-
bility. If an engineer gets the reputation of a low steam or slow
engineer, he may as well quit the business, for however skillful he may
be, he is only employed when no high steam or fast engineer can be had.
His reputation as an engineer depends upon his ability or willingness to
push the boat ahead as fast or faster than any other, no matter by what
means. The late law of Congress, together with the action of this Board,
relating to the Locked Safety Valve, will remedy all this, and give
engineers a chance to show their skill in engineering and not as firemen.
Old boilers that have long been subject to this unlawful pressure may
occasionally give way.

The following account, published in the Montgomery Advertiser of Septem-

12, 1949, is derived from the reminiscences of Dr. J.M. Glenn of Midway,
Alabama. It relates to two steamboats well known on the Upper Tombigbee for
many years. It is presented to illustrate the spirit in which steamboats
were sometimes operated:

Once, about 60 years ago, and near where the writer was living, the
"brag boat of the Tombigbee," the Hattie B. Moore, was proceeding down
that river, when ahead the crew saw the old Hard Cash coming quite
sedately toward Mobile. The Hattie B. very proudly swept by the much
older and less famous boat, with loud yells from its crew to "come on
down to Mobile," mingled with whistle-blowing and many derisive comments
from both crew and passengers, about its alleged very stupendous lack of
speed.

Upon the Hard Cash the crew on duty, including the captain, mate,
pilot, and engineer, immediately held a council of war. Then one of them
went down to the boilers and told the colored firemen, "Shake 'em up,
boys, shake 'am up. It means a dollar apiece, and a drink all around,
when we get to Mobile, if you will help to pass the Hattie."

As the colored deckhands and firemen had been included very inten-
sively--as usual in such cases--in the jeers from the colored contingent
on the newer boat, they also felt that they had a debt to pay, and they
proceeded to "shake 'em up" very decidedly. Selected fat wood was rushed
into the fireboxes, with maybe some oil added. The long rakes were put

1b6
 into unusually busy use, to stir up the fires, and the old boat began ro
skake from stem to stern under the increased pressure. The engineer,
entering into the spirit of the occasion, began to "exhaust through the
smokestacks," in other words to send the exhaust steam from the engines
through the smokestacks, instead of the usual pipes at the rear, thereby
increasing very much both the draft and the speed.

Those on the Hattie B. Moore, proceeding very contentedly down the

river, and chuckling very happily over their "victory" above, did not
know what was happening up the river, as they went along at the usual
gait.

Suddenly from around a bend above, there came an entirely unexpected

apparition--a steamboat with dense black smoke pouring from its stacks,
and its furnaces roaring as seldom ever they did. Then woe, and alas,
for the "brag boat of the Tombigbee," the old Hard Cash swept grandly
right by it, with loud whistle-blowing, cat-calls, and loud whoops and
yells from both crew and passengers to "come on down to Mobile," as it
dashed like a reigning queen down the river, leaving the newer boat far
behind.

It so happened that Captain Woodie Stone, of the Hattie B. Moore,

was asleep at the time and when at last he awoke and learned what had
happened he was not only amazed, but he said, "I wouldn't have had the
Hattie B. beaten by the old Hard Cash for $500." However, it already had
been did.

Steamboats were not generally operated by men of a saltwater background.

Their officiers, and sometimes crew members, had often been operators of flat-
boats and keelboats, and they knew the rivers and the traffic. On the western
rivers the captain was often a part-owner of the boat, but only occasionally
was he a pilot. It was the pilot who controlled the boat's operation. Condi-
tions on the Tombigbee, however, were different. The boats were smaller, the
crews were smaller, and it seems probable that the captain was commonly as-
sociated with the actual operation of the vessel. Assisting the captain would
be one or more mates, and there might be special pilots when needed. The
person who dealt with the public in the business of the boat was called the
"clerk." For the comfort and convenience of passengers there had to be cooks
and stewards, but on a small boat functions would be less specialized than on
a large one. Cargo was handled primarily by the deck crew, which had to move
it on and off boats by muscle power at many landings. A long, wide, and heavy
landing stage at the front of the vessel was supported by a boom and manipu-
lated by the crew at landings.

The techniques of operating steamboats at night were developed rather

early, and it was customary for them to run both day and night except under
especially difficult or unfamiliar conditions. Fog was a frequent menace on
the rivers and could quickly force a boat to tie up to the bank until visibil-
ity improved.

A boat which operated on a regular schedule was known as a "packet." Two

or more boats cooperating in a schedule would be called a "line," whether
under a common ownership or not. The regularity of their operation made

167

. .. ..
.. . . ..
. .. ... ' •. . '". - ' , ,, .J -. . ..
packet boats attractive to users. A great many boats, however, went where the
traffic was but did not follow a regular schedule. Since the Upper Tombigbee
was boatable only for a limited season, and since the handling of the traffic
might be accomplished in an even shorter season, a boat would have to find
some other place to work during the rest of the year or be laid up. Many of
the boats entering the Upper Tombigbee came there from distant places to oper-
ate for a limited season. Steamboating on the Upper Tombigbee was only a tiny
fragment of a much larger picture in the operation of steamboats on American
rivers, including those reaching into the interior of the southern states from
the Gulf of Mexico. Many a boat came from the Mississippi River at New
Orleans, through the Mississippi Sound to Mobile to operate on the Alabama
rivers and even the upper reaches of the Tombigbee. Some boats well known on
the Upper Tombigbee turned up on the Apalachicola and Chattachoochee rivers.
The clear meaning of this is that they had to go out to sea. Steamboats were
not structurally designed for use on the open sea, and such a boat would prob-
ably break up in rough water; the surprising thing is that they could operate
at all. The river craft had little freeboard and their shallow hulls and
nearly-flat bottoms were not suited to the open water.

A steamboat was constructed of wood and might be built almost anywhere:

Mobile, Demopolis, or Columbus. Nevertheless, most of the steamboats used in
Alabama came from such distant places as Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, or Jefferson-
ville, Indiana, on the Ohio River. Many remained on the rivers of Alabama and
Mississippi only for a season. Mobile was the principal center of operations,
and a boat found on the Tombigbee one week might be on the Alabama River the
next. The life of a steamboat was generally short. If it were not sunk by a
snag or destroyed by 'ire or explosion, the hull would soon rot. As with
other wooden vessels, the maintenance of steamboat hulls required frequent
work. Planking had to be replaced and seams had to be caulked. For such
purposes a marine railway was convenient. A carriage on railway tracks sloping
gently down to the water and extending below the draft of the boat could be
pulled up the bank with the boat riding upon it. Then work on the hull could
take place on dry land. In the water wood rotted rapidly, although various
preservatives were tried upon it. Of these, pressure creosoting in the end
proved the most effective. But the wood still rotted. The hulls leaked, too,
and had to be watched carefully and pumped out. The same was true of associ-
ated barges.

The places for the manufacture of boilers and engines for steamboats were
nowhere near the Tombigbee River. Boats built along the Tombigbee often uti-
lized boilers and engines of other boats either scapped or sunk. Many an
engine was older than the boat which it propelled, for engines and boilers
outlasted boats. In the early years of steamboats, the life of a boat might
be expected to be four or five years, although some boats had exceptional
longevity. A great many steamboats were destroyed by accidents before they
had time to rot. By the end of the nineteenth century, however, some boats,
such as the Hard Cash and Hattie B. Moore, with proper maintenance might last
for fifteen or twenty years or even more.

Enrollment records in the National Archives in Washington make it possible

to trace the ownership of nearly every steamboat. For many boats, there were
very frequent changes of ownership. When a boat was traded or raised from the
bottom and refitted, it might take on a new name. The most prominent center

168
for ownership and operation of steamboats on the Upper Tombigbee was Mobile,
which was the principal commercial center serving that region by water. Some
boats, however, were owned by local interests along the river at Demopolis,
Gainesville, Columbus, or Aberdeen. The captain was likely to be a part owner.
A locally-owned boat might be expected to serve the special interests of the
local owners. The Corps of Engineers boats are a story unto themselves.

Steamboats competed with railroads in a violent and erratic manner. The

economics of the two modes of transportation so differed that they commonly
could not operate well in harmony. When conditions were favorable, steamboats
could operate more cheaply than railroads, which had to own and maintain their
tracks, and the boats could charge lower rates between the points they served.
The railroads fought back with a variety of measures.

The great day of the steamboats on the Upper Tombigbee belongs to the
1840s and 1850s. After the Civil War steamboats continued in use, especially
for points located right on the river, but the river towns, except when they
had railroads, tended to dry up, while the business moved away to the nearest
railroad.

1o9
 CHAPTER XVI

THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY

SINCE 1940

The patterns of life in the Upper Tombigbee Valley had taken a set by
1885 that saw little basic change down to 1940. The draining of the bottom
lands and the building of all-weather gravel roads were developments of some
significance, but agricultural production, trade patterns, and industry re-
mained rather firmly fixed in character, and the role of the Tombigbee River
saw little change.

The depression of the 1930s hit the area hard and brought great distress,
and relief came from the federal government. Although this intervention was
thought to be a temporary, emergency phenomenon at the time, it laid the basis
for a new departure. As years passed and no strong revival appeared, more and
more radical legislation was adopted by Congress. Recovery had not really
come when a new collapse arrived in 1938. Southern representatives in Congress,
dissatisfied with President Roosevelt's wages and hours bill, blocked the
measure for several months and sought special attention to the problems of
their region. He responded by appointing a large conunittee of representative
Southerners, who, in a fact-filled booklet, called Report on Economic Condi-
tions of the South. tersely told him what he needed to know.

Congress went to work to study intensively the nation's economic problems

through the Temporary National Economic Committee, but what might have been
the result of all this cannot be determined, for the effect of the war in
Europe soon overshadowed everything else. The war gave rise to economic de-
mand, which stimulated a rapid increase in employment in the United States.
As this country moved into preparation for participation in the war, a strong
economic stimulus was broadly felt, but with little immediate effect in the
Upper Tombigbee Valley.

Then the United States entered the war in December, 1941, and a tremendous
effort was made to mobilize the nation's resources of ever" kind. There was
a huge amount of slack in the economy, and it was not until 1943 that the
relief programs could be abandoned, but meanwhile there were job opportunities
opening up on all sides. Over ten million people were employed at one time
in the armed services, and great numbers were required for war-supporting
industry. By 1944 the nation had reached full employment, and there were more
jobs than there were people to fill them.

All of this had a gradually-increasing effect upon the people of the Upper
Tombigbee Valley. As labor became scarce, industries were established where
the people were, at the expense of the federal government. The Upper Tombig-
bee Valley perhaps had less than its proportionate share of these, but it

171

, AECJ.6DkNG pAF BLANK-NOT TILPM

obtained the great air base north of Columbus, which continues in operation to
this day. War work was available outside the area, and many people left to
seek employment where the jobs were. Existing industries found a ready market
for all they could produce.

Those who entered the armed services and their dependents were paid at
the same rate nation-wide, so a region of low incomes was in an advantageous
position. Jobs were available for the uneducated, unskilled, and the "un-
employable," who previously had had trouble in job competition. Training
opportunities were widely available. Furthermore, there was a demand for
agricultural products, as accumulated surpluses disappeared and farmers moved
into war work. Opportunities were broadly available for black as well as
white people, and all were deeply affected.

One of the most striking effects of the war was that the country was able
to fight the greatest war in history and greatly raise the national standard
of living at the same time, as the slack in the economy disappeared. National
production went up. The depression was over.

If the stimulus of demand created by the war could bring about economic
prosperity, could not the same stimulus be maintained in peacetime with the
same effect? The mechanism of all this was not, and is not yet, fully under-
stood, but Congress in 1946 dedicated itself to policies which would maintain
full employment opportunities for the American people. This was a large order,
but conditions were favorable. The pent-up needs of the depression years were
converted into demand when people had the money with which to buy. Expansion-
ary economic policies, new credit institutions designed to promote the free
flow of capital into regions where it was scarce, and a host of federal pro-
grams were put to work to bring about a rapid reconversion of the economy to
a peace-time basis. The G.I. Bill of Rights giving advantage to war veterans
helped formerly disadvantaged people and disadvantaged regions. Farm price
supports and quotas were very helpful to an area which depended primarily upon
agriculture for support. Keeping national demand at a high level brought
opportunity to poorly-educated and inexperienced people and entrepreneurs in
all parts of the country. There seemed to be a market for everything now,
including farm products, and the prices were good.

Technological change finally hit agriculture with terrific force. The

mechanical cotton picker and new cultivation techniques reduced the amount of
labor required to produce a bale of cotton within a few years to about one-
seventh of what it had been in 1930, and synthetic fibers were competing to
keep the market for cotton from growing. The effect of this on an area that
specialized in cotton production and had a large, poorly-educated population
not readily adaptable to anything else was extremely serious. As the cotton-
picking machines lumbered across the fields, one two-row mechanical picker
could do the work of a hundred human pickers, who sometimes could be seen in
the field trying with futility to meet the competition. The inevitable out-
come was that thousands of agricultural workers ceased to be needed, and a
large part of them were not readily adaptable to other kinds of work.

By maintaining price supports and quotas for cotton, Congress made it

possible for many of the older share-croppers to continue operating on one-
mule farms for some years. after which several kinds of charitable aids from

172
the same source made it possible for them to remain where they were and con-
tinue their lives much as before, while younger members of their families,
more adaptable, obtained benefits of education and training for different kinds
of work. Vast numbers emigrated, particularly the young and unattached, in
search of economic opportunities.

The Upper Tombigbee Valley counties began a vast transformation to adapt

themselves to the new conditions and opportunities. Without much sympathy
from people of more fortunate regions, but with much help, and also much inter-
ference, from the policies of the federal government, great changes were
effected.

The heavy exodus of population from the area between 1940 and 1960 was
much greater in the black component than in the white. As it was generally
the more enterprising and the better educated of the black people who left,
the region was not relieved of the burden of an illiterate, unproductive black
population. Although there was a heavy exodus of white people, the white
percentage of the population in the ten counties increased from 49.6 in 1930
to 58.2 in 1960. (For detailed figures see Appendix 5.)

The population movement was largely a farm-to-town movement. Most of the

employment opportunities were outside the Upper Tombigbee Valley. Towns and
cities of Mlississippi and Alabama rapidly increased in population but were
unable to absorb fully the rural exodus. Mississippi had an absolute loss in
population, and Alabama's gain was quite small over the twenty years, despite
a great excess of births over deaths.

It was difficult for former farm hands to adapt to non-agricultural work,

when at least a ninth-grade education was required in order to get and hold
sect'rely a job. Those able to qualify, particularly blacks, left the area in
droves, leaving the ineffective workers behind to constitute the population of
the Upper Tombigbee Valley counties.

As might be expected, however, not all of the picture was bleak. Some
local industries were started and others were attracted by the peculiarities
of the local scene in a period of near full employment in the nation. Besides
providing extended agricultural services and continuing to perform the opera-
tions associated with forest products, Columbus saw a considerable development
of manufacturing industry, as did various other communities in the Upper Tom-
bigbee Valley. (See Table 28.)

In Alabama the Upper Tombigbee counties remained essentially devoid of

manufacturing industries except for those associated with agricultural proces-
sing and service and with the forest industries. These counties were primarily
black, and they lost population heavily. But in Aliceville, in Pickens County,
textile industries made headway, in spinning, weaving, and knitting. Paper-
maker's felts and sanforized blankets were also produced there, as well as
carbonated beverages.

In general, most of the new industries were labor-intensive, low-wage

enterprises, with low capital investment. They could easily close down or
move, and they required labor willing to work but of low skill. The federally-
controlled minimum wage helped to keep up the buying power of the employees,

173
 TABLE 28

MANUFACTURED PRODUCTS OF THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY

1967

Columbus

Automobile ignition systems Concrete stave silos

Electrical equipment Bakery products
Large industrial electric motors Steel drums
Packaged milk Rubber goods
Cottage cheese Chemicals
Concrete pipe Furniture case goods
Precast concrete Agricultural implements
Soft drinks Concrete blocks
Face brick Rubber-covered rollers
Soil conditioners Men's and boys' slacks
Steel signs Cotton-picker spindles
Automobile license plates Herbicides
Molded plastics Asphaltic concrete
Marble monuments Wood cabinets
Meat products Fabricated textile parts
Sheet metal products

Aberdeen

Soft Drinks Livestock feed

Fire-ant bait Plastic products
Tree cutters Men's slacks
Road patrol shear cutters Automobile exhaust systems
Lounge and reclining chairs Flexible steel tubing

Amory
Sportswear Upholstered furniture
Trousers Livestock feed
Waistbanding Fertilizer
Refrigerated, custom-made truck Lawn sprinklers
and beverage bodies Tubular products
Metal plating Rail anchors
Bakery products

Smaller Towns in Monroe County

Bermuda shorts Reclining chairs

Wood handle stock Swivel rockers
Men's dress pants and slacks J Fabricated polyurethane products

(Continued)

174
.7

TABLE 28

MAINUFACTURED PRODUCTS OF THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY

1967

(Continued)

Itawamba County

Work trousers Die-cut cardboard

Shoes Sports shirts and western pants
Drapes Wooden furniture
Wood crates Sport and dress shirts
Corrugated boxes______________________

Clay County

Aluminum food containers Processed poultry

Bamboo fishing poles Fabricated structural steel
Steam generating equipment Mixed feed
Playground equipment Cotton tablecloths and napkins
Canned meat Aluminum screens and doors
Fresh beef Men's underwear and sleepwear
Pork i Ready-mixed concrete
Sausage Latex squeeze-toys
Aluminum fishing boats Butter and -heese
Anodized aluminum Caskets
Chrome-plated steel Soft drinks
Fertilizer cMachine shop work
Dairy products )Wooden handles and furniture parts
Work gloves

Tishomingo County

Pants and playclothes Laminated aluminum foil

Cured meat Dairy feed
Building rock Packaged milk
Men's and boys' sports pants Ladies' blouses
and shorts Sports shirts
Prepared food for animals Dress shirts
and fowls Shoes
Utility trousers

(Continued)

173
 TABLE 28

MANUFACTURED PRODUCTS OF THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY

1967

(Continued)

Prentiss County

Chipped beef and ham Sports shirts and work shirts

Corned beef Injection-molded plastic products
Canadian bacon Special truck bodies and trailers
Church furniture Upholstered furniture
Shirts Wood furniture frames
Blouses Women's blouses
Processed soybeans Jeans
Shoes Grinders
Mixed feeds Billiard tables
Hickory ski blanks and Picnic tables
handle blanks Food chopping blocks
Hickory barbecue blocks Upholstered furniture
Hickory sawdust for meat Clay brick and tile
smoking
Pool tables
Cheese
Boys' and men's outerwear
Sorghum syrup

Noxubee County

Livestock feed Commercial feeds

Cheddar cheese Freight pallets
Face brick Chairs and stools
Soft drinks Cattle feed
Creosoted poles and posts Plywood
and lumber Hickory chips
Trousers Wood chips
Data from Mississippi Manufacturers Directory(Jackson: Mississippi Research
and Development Center, 1967).

176
however, and the jobs were generally well suited to the abilities of the
available labor force. They provided opportunity with relatively high pay for
the unskilled and fed money into the local economy.

In agriculture, the number of farmers sharply declined between 1940 and

1960, but farm income rose. The size of farms and the productivity of farm
workers increased mightily, as results of rapidly-improving technology. Cap-
ital investment in equipment greatly increased. The local agricultural labor
force was not easily adaptable to the responsibilities of employment in the
new agriculture, for reliability and capacity in handling and taking care of
equipment were required.

There was a strong tendency in the area to turn to beef and dairy cattle;
these required a large working-capital investment and extensive pasture lands
but less labor than row crops. In the 1950s the production of poultry by new
methods was rapidly expanded, and many a farmer became a kind of chicken-
factory operator, aided by service and processing firms, which supplied the
baby chicks, the mixed feed, and even necessary advice, and which processed
and marketed the product. The widespread construction of hard-surface roads
gave access to towns and made practical the use of large and small trucks
everywhere.

The twenty years from 1940 to 1960 saw the growth of a large rural, non-
farm population. Part of these people commuted on newly-improved roads to work
at a considerable distance. Part of them lived cheaply on government benefits.
They could do without modern conveniences and produce much of their own food.
Some were part-time workers at one kind of remunerative activity or another.
A large part were underemployed.

The influences of the years from 1940 to 1960 brought great improvements,
but the readjustments that great numbers of people had to make were severe.
Better living and prosperity came to some, and there was some capital-building,
but great numbers found it necessary to leave the region. The low educational
level and general unreliability of the black population created an enormous
problem when the agricultural basis of making a living was destroyed. The
direct efforts of the federal government to aid that severely disadvantaged
element were helpful only to a limited degree. The greatest aid came from
expansionary economic policies, which stimulated job creation and opened the
way to the employment to those with poor qualifications. The economic forces
behind that expansion, however, appear to have run their course, and the out-
look for the black population of the Upper Tombigbee Valley appears bleak.

Those who wish to understand the past must inevitably view it through the
eyes of the present, for there are no others. As long as the old conditions
prevailed it was relatively easy to explain life in an agricultural society to
people to whom that life was their own. But the great changes since 1940 have
transformed this land, and few of us left today can remember the old agricul-
tural society and the old agricultural economy of the South. That is the life,
however, that has left its record in artifacts in the Tombigbee River Multi-
Resource District.

177
 APPENDIX 1

SURVEY OF GAINES' TRACE, 1807

Captain Edmund Pendleton Gaines, under orders from the Secretary of War,
in the fall of 1807 surveyed routes to connect the Tennessee River is the
Muscle Shoals area by road with Cotton Gin Port on the Tomibigbee River. His
report is found in a letter of January 29, 1808, to the Secretary of War,
reproduced in The Territorial Papers of the United States, Clarence Edwin
Carter, ed., Volume V, The Territory of Mississippi: 1798-1817 (Washington:
Goverrnment Printing Office, 1937) pp. S98-602, as follows:

ED-MUND P. GAINES TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR

FORT STODDEr.T. on the Mobi~le River January 29. 1808.

SiR, I have the honor to inform you that, agreeably to your instruc-
tions of the 31' July 1807, I have surveyed and marked a way for a
road from 'he head of the -MuscleShoals, Tennessee. to the Cotton
Gin Port, head Navigable waters of the Tonmbigby River, near the
Chickasaw Nation-Distance 89 Miles. I have also explored the
route, from the lower end of the Shoals to the head waters of Bear
Creek, near where the last will intersect the first mentioned route,
distance from lower end of the Shoals to Tombigby River 74 miles,
nearlv.-And from connecting this witn a survey which I made in
1S02, by order of General Wilkinson, I find the distance from Colberrs
fernY to the Cotton Gin Port, 62 Miles;-and 45 Miles from what is
deemed the highest point of Navigation on Bear Creek, about 25
miles South of Colberts, to the Gin Port. About 25 to 30 Miles of
each of the last mentioned routes are not yet Surveyed or marked,-as
I deemed it expedient to have those parts re-explored, in order the
better to ascertain the most eligible ground for a road. The first
mentioned route is, therefore, the only one completely laid off; along
which an excellent road may. at a moderate expense be opened. I am
persuaded that, in good weather, One hundred active pioneers, would
open from 6 to 10, miles pr day. so as to admit an easy passage for
waggons loaded at the rate of 500'' for each Horse of tle team. For
the greater part of this route I found no ascent or descent that exceeded
7. degrees. From the head of the Shoals to the N. E. sources of Bear
creek, distance 35 Miles, is as nearly level as could be wished, either
for making a good road, or for cultivation The land is fir,n.-and
the soil, which in places is mixt with gravel, is deep and of a dark red
colour, thinly timbered with Hickory and Black oak, with little or no
underwood, except on the margitis of some of the creeksand Branches.--
and there, only in small skirts--about 7,8 of this distance, I find to
be upland of the first quality, intersected by beautiful gTavelly-bottom
creeks and rivulets of excellent water,-none of which appear to forn

179

k-...1M PAGE SLAM-NOT 1J. .

any serious obstacle to the intended road. From the 35" to the 46V
Mile, across the head waters of Bear creek, the country is too hilly to
admit of a good road fur ctrriages by going near a straigh t course;
but by waving the course in conformity to the Slopes of the Ridges,
all will be crossed without an ascent or descent of more than 13 1/2
degrees.-The land is stony in places, but generally Strong, and well
timbered and watered. From the 46" to the 75", Mile I find low waving
Ridges, firm land, and thin greyish and redish Soil,-Oak, Hickory
and pine timber, and but little under wood. The route for the greater
part of this Distance, is on the Dividing Ridges, between the waters
of Tennesse'and Mobille,-and between two large branches of the
Tombigby river,-and consequently not subject to the inconvenience
of crossing water courses, save one small creek, and a few rivulets,
which will require but little bridging or causeway. From the 75 Mile
to the Cotton Gin port, the land-is firm and nearly level, and of a good
quality, having Hickory, Oak & some pine timber, and is intersected
by several small rivulets with gravelly bottoms. we here run a small
distance from the low grounds of, and parallel to, a Stream or river
called Lunecisto, which, in 1802 I explored up to the mouth of 20
Mile creek, about 25 miles N. N. W. from the Gin port, and about 45
Miles from Colberts ferry,-and 23 ,Miles from the highest navigable
waters of Bear Creek,-S. of Colberts. At the mouth of 20 mile
creek, Lunecisto is 28 yards wide, increasing in Size to its mouth,
where it is from 50 to 55 yards wide. It is generally from 3 to 12 foot
deep, gravelly, sandy and clay bottom, & gentle current. The passage
is, however considerably obstructed by fallen and Drifted timber,
which in many places extend nearly across the Stream, but which
may be easily removed by cuting loose the largest and lonzest trees
when the river is low, and at the next rise of the water they wil be
drifted down. Between the mouth of Lunecisto and 20 mile creek,
the former receives two large creeks, and several small ones. The low
grounds of Lunecisto are generally from One to three Miles wide, the
greater part of which overflow anually,-but there being little or no
current, the soil receives no injury, but is, in many places benefited
by their inundations: and I am persuaded, if the river was cleared ot
fallen timber, it would not only afford safe and easy Navigation for
Boats, but by giving a free passage to the water, obviate, in a great
degree the injury which the Spring freshes would doubtless do the
cultivation of these lands, and afford, for the culture of cotton, corn,
and rice, Thousands of acres of rich land, that would now be deemed
useless, but for the excellent timber with which it abounds. Iy
survey strikes the River at a handsome Bluff on the left bank, at the
Gin port, a short distance below the junction of Lunecisto and Town
Creek; here I find high land and open woods on both sides the river,-
which renders this a most eligible crossing place for a road,-as well
as a very suitable place for a commercial scat. The River is 62 yards
wide, and S. to 12 foot deep current at the rate of 2 miles pr Hour, &
free of obstruction.
The road from Natchez to the State of Tennesse migh, be much
improved by passing from the head waters of the Big Black, at the
Pizeon Roost, North eastwardly, direct to this place, and hence along
my new Survey to the head of the Muscle Shoals: or, after crossing
Bear creek, to the foot of the Shoals. This road would be of great
utility to those who travel to east Turcessee, or North eastwardly
thereof.- and more particularly for the conveyance of the nails of

180

.....
the U. S. from the seat ouf Government to Natchez.-As b this mncans
the distance from S. W. Point to Natchez would be shortened nearly
an hundred miles; and a much drier and better road be made than the
one now in use. for between this place and Tennesse, there is not a
watercourse but may at all times be crossed without danger or diffi-
culty, even in times of the highest freshes, by the help of foot-logs
and tone of them bordered by swamps that will require causeway,
save a small branch of Sipsey, which may for 60 or 70 perch require
it. In dry weather, or when the rains are not immoderate, these
creeks will not, any of them, take a Horse above the Knee. I have
reconoitred a considerable part of the country betwixt the Gin port
and the head waters of Big Black, and am of opinion that it will admit
of an excellent road. I found no inhabitants on the route from Ten-
nessee, or within Ten miles of the Gin Port,-but was assured by
several Cherokee and Chickasaw Indians, that, so soon as we should
commence opening the road, they would immediately settle at con-
venient places for raising corn and other necessaries for Travellers.
Several Cherokees have designated different places, where they prom-
ise to settle in the course of the present Year, along the way as far as
Bear creek ridge, which they call their So boundary. Mai: Colbert,
I understand was opposed to laying out this road, but his opposition
evidently proceeded from self interstedness; he has a ferry on the
Tennessee, and the road that crosses not at his ferry, he pretends to
consider injurious to the interests of His people. The operation of
this principal however, is by no means confined to Maj' Colbert. It
is to be found amongst the different tribes of savaoes throughout this
country, and no where more conspicuous than in the Creek N'ation,
where hrough the avarice of a few chiefs (some of them partly white)
they contrive to keep our mails and citizens who travel through their
country, exposed zo all the dangers and inconveniencies of an extensive
wilderness, by opposing the erection of stations on the road.
I was unable to purchase at the Gin port, suitable canoes for
descending the River, and was obliged to construct two for the pur-
pose, which my recruits effected in three days. I then commenced a
survey of the River down to Oak Noxaby, to which place from the
mouth of Sinta Bogue was s6me time ago surveyed by Silas Dinsmoor,
Esquire.-a rise in the river of about 4 foot above low water, prevented
a complete examination, and puts it out of my power to give an exact
account of the ordinary depth and Velocity of the water, for it con-
tinued to rise as I descended to S' Stephens, where it is near 10 foot
deeper than usual in dry weather. The inconveniencies which attend
the navigation of this River appear to be confined to the two follow-
ing-viz: first-The Trees which grow near the edge of the water, and
lean obliquely over it. These trees at short turns, and where the river
is divided by Islands, lean over the strongest part of the current,-
and many of them bending up the river, receive small boats betwixt
them and the water, where the side next the Tree is sometimes pressed
so far under it, as to receive water and overset, or sink. But these
trees may easily be removed, or may always he avoided. The next
obstac!e, and all that seems worth notice is, small Islands which in
several places divide the River into S to 5 channels. At these Islands
the velocity of the current is near " miles pr Hour.--and at some of
them I found the water no more than 5 1,2 foot deep.--by which it
 appears that, in low water, these places, are less than 2 foot deep.
Except at these Islands the river is from 8 to 20 foot dteep, and widen-
ing as we descend, from 60 to 120 yards. The Bottom of the River,
at all shoaly places, is composed of gravel, sand, or clay. Near the
Bluffs we sometimes found the Bottom composed of the soft, chalky,
Greyish rock, which forms the base of most of the Bluffs,-with a
nearlv smooth surface, as if worn su by the water itself. I found no
grit or other sort of stone, except in very small quantities, and in but
few places,-and none that would in the least interrup the Navigation
of the river. I have not yet had time to adjust my notes, or finish my
calculations, and cannot at present give you the exact distance from 'r
the gin port to this place,-It is however something under 3S0 mils
as the river meanders,-the greater part of the way bordered with
excellent lands:-and upon the whole one of the most interestinz
channels of communication for commercial purposes. in the.western
or perhaps any other country, for an equal distance from the a sea
port to the Interior.
My pack Horse party have not yet arrived and having some small
payments to make them, cannot at present complete my accounts for
the expenses of the tour, but shall forward them, together with my
notes and sketch of the route from S, W. Point to this place. as soon
as pracacable.'
I have the Honor to be with the greatest Respect, Sir your obdt
Servant,
EDMUND PENDLETON GAINES,
Captain 2a' Reg- U. S. Infantry.
THE HONb e H. DEARBORNE Sec at war.

182

..... .- -. . .. ,,,. .. * 4~
 APPENDIX 2

INVENTORY OF THE STOCK OF A MERCHANT OF FAIRFIELD, ALABAMA, JANUARY 26, 1852

The stock of goods of Ellington & Company, which was changing hands at
the beginning of 1852, is listed in an inventory found in an account book of
the company, a copy of which is in the University of Alabama Library. It
represents the articles of trade at a country store on the Upper Tombigbee
River, from which much may be inferred concerning the lives of the nearby
people of that time. The designation I/- or 2/- indicates one bit or two
bits, i.e., 12.5 cents or 25 cents, and so on for larger sums indicated in
bits. Many items are priced in cents. The full list follows.

I Do: Cups & saucers 12/- $ 1.50 1 Coat $4.00 4.00

I sett plates 5/- .63 1 Boy's Coat $3.50 3.50
5 Soup plates at 4/- a sett .42 1 Boy's Coat $3.00 3.00
2 Bottles Claret 30¢ (ea) .60 3 summer coats $2.00 (ea) 6.00
5 Bots. Pie fruit 45¢ (ea) 2.25 1 Boy's cap 8/- 1.00
2 Bots. Cordial 3/- (ea) .75 1 Fine Coat $10.00 10.00
3 Bots. Mustard 8 (ea) .24 2 Boy's satin vests $2.00 (ea) 4.00
1 1/2 Doz Toy plates 3/- (ea) .56 1 silk vest $2.50 2.50
1 1/2 setts Toys (Cups & 1 pr. pants 14/- 1.75
Saucers) 8/- per doz. .75 1 pr. pants $3.50 3.50
3 China soap dishes 4/- (ea) 1.20 10 pr. gaiters 11/- (ea) 13.75
2 pr. flower vases 8/- (ea) 1.00 6 pr. shoes 8/- (ea) 6.00
1 Box soda powders .10/ .10 4 pr. Black gaiters 14/- (ea) 7.00
15 Cow Hides at 5* (ea) .75 1 pr. " 10/-
1 1.25
I pr. China Candle sticks 20/- 2.50 8 Knives 4/- (ea) 4.00
1 Bot. Lime Juice 30* .30 2 Boxes Cable cord 3/- (ea) .75
1 Tin wash pan 2/- .25 2 Toilet Bottles 8/- (ea) 1.00
3 pr.
shoes 8/- (ea) 3.00 2 Bots cloves 18t (ea) .36
3 pr.
boys' shoes 80¢ (ea) 2.40 20 Paste-boards 5, (ea) 1.00
5 pr.
shoes 70t (ea) 3.50 32 Boxes Hooks & Eyes 29 i/2c
4 pr.
shoes 60* (ea) 2.40 a doz. .79
1 pr.
shoes 10/- 1.25 8 Cards Hooks 4 Eyes 10t (ea) .80
1 pr.
Neapolitan Boots $3.00 3.00 1 pr. suspenders 8/- 1.00
4 pr.
Misses' shoes 60t (ea) 2.40 2 pr. fine scissors 3/- (ea) .75
6 pr.
Childrens shoes and 10 Bunches Fish line 5¢ (ea) .50
gaiters 60* (ea) 3.60 20 Cotton spools thread 4¢ (ea) .80
1 Leghorn Hat 10/- 1.25 11 Iron thimbles 2t (ea) .22
3 palm Hats 20* (ea) .60 4 silver thimbles 3/- (ea) 1.50
I Fur Hats 12/- (ea) 1.50 1 small pen knife 10/- 1.25
1 Boys' Hat 8/- 1.00 8 Bunches grass Rope 1/6 (ea) 1.50
I Mole skin Hat at $3.25 3.25 6 Bunches Cotton " 1/- (ea) .75
1 pr. girls gaiters 8/- 1.00 4 pr. Ladies silk gloves 66
2 Spring coats $6.50 (ea) 13.00 2/3* (ea) 2.6b
1 Coat $4.50 4.50 9 pr. Ladies Black silk mits
42* (ea) 3.78

183

i1
1 pr. Ladies Black gloves 6/- .75 1 Russett Col[ore]d Trunk 32.75 2.75
3 pr. Mens Blue Nerino Hose 20 Common fans 5 (ea) 1.00
27* (ea) .81 3 little finer fans 8¢ (ea) .24
8 ladies Hdkffs 10/- (ea) 10.00 4 Feather fans 2/- (ea) 1.00
11 ladies Hdkffs 72o (ea) 7.92 2 Fine fans $4 (ea) 8.00
S .. . 38¢ (ea) 1.90 1 .. . 22/- 2.75
12 pr. Ladies Black Silk 5 parasols 4/- (ea) 2.50
gloves 21€ (ea) 2.52 3 parasols 1i/- (ea) 4.13
10 pr. Men's Cotton gloves 3 very fine parasols (finest)
9 1/2t (ea) .95 $4 (ea) 12.00
4 Superiour pad locks 1/6 (ea) .7S 2 parasols 22/- (ea) 5.50
5 other pad Locks 10t (ea) .50 2 pr. pants 10/- (ea) 2.50
3 1/2 Quires Common paper 2 Coats 10/- (ea) 2.50
(writing) 10t (ea) .35 2 Coats 9/- (ea) 2.25
pr. Misses Cotton Hose 10€ (ea) .70 3 Coats $1.60 (ea) 4.80
1 Doz Boys Cotton Hose 100 7 Coats $1.57 1/2o (ea) 9.62
(a pair) 1.20 8 Bunches fine flowers $1.36 (ea) 10.88
14 Horn Tuck Combs 4o (ea) .56 9 " common " 1/- (ea) 1.13
3 pr. Horn side combs 5 (ea) .15 6 flasks at 8 1/3t (ea) .50
10 Fine tooth Combs I/- (ea) 1,25 12 3/4 yds. Turkey Red 30o 3.83
i Doz Rolls Cotton tape 3/- .38 23 1/2 " ginghams 2/- 7.13
19 pen-holders 2o (ea) .38 26 It 2/- 6.50
2 Bunches Cotton cord for 40 1/2 it 2/- 10.12
trimming 2/- (ea) .50 38 " 2/- 9.50
7 papers tacks 3 1/2o (ea) .24 40 it 21t 8.40
11 Doz knitting needles 1/- (ea) 1.38 30 of 21¢ 6.30
3 pr. fine silk Hose 12/- (ea) 4.50 8 domestic 8 .64
1 pr. Merino Hose 4/- .50 31 " Nankeen 15o 4.65
9 silk Lacetts at 40o per Doz. .30 38 It 30¢ 11.40
1 pr. gents silk gloves 3/- .38 7 yds. Curtain Calico 1/- .88
9 gun tubes 75o .75 13 " Silk Poplin 58t 3.54
2 1/2 Doz Bunches narrow tape 30 If Blue Cambric 8 1/2t 2.55
2/- (ea) .63 36 " Pink " 8 1/2o 3.06
8 2 inch Butts So (ea) .64 6 " Black " 7o .42
2 papers screws 2/- (ea) .50 31 " Striped domestic 9t 2.79
2 1/2 Doz steel pens 1/6 (ea) .48 30 1/2 yds. plain Linen 2/- 7.62
17 Doz Buttons 2t (ea) .34 6 1/4 yds. Jaconet [?] 22o 1.38
12 Doz buttons 7* (ea) .84 12 1/2 yds. " 18 3/40 2.35
5 Doz buttons 8 1/3o (ea) .42 13 yds. blue Chambray 15o 1.95
22 sticks whalebone --o (ea) 1.50 40 " yellow " 15o 6.00
6 Doz Limeric fish hooks 5 (ea) .30 20 1/2 yds. Pink Chambray 18 3/41 3.84
2 Doz Common " " 3¢ (ea) .06 11 yds. Calico 10o 1.10
16 Curry Combs 10o (ea) 1.60 32 1/4 yds. Calico 11 1/2t 3.71
3 grass skirts 6/- (ea) 2.25 8 " " 10€ .80
1 cotton Corded skirt 9/- 1.13 2 .. . 1/- .25
1 " " 6/- .75 17 yds. Lead Cambric 7o 1.19
1 Satin Bonnet 5.00 6 1/2 yds. Lead Cambric 7o .46
1 Leghorn " $1.75 1.75 6 3/4 " Apson [?] silk 8/- 6.75
2 " " $3 (ea) 6.00 10 yds. Delane @ 2/- 2.SO
2 " " 12/- 3.00 22 1/2 yds. flanel @ 4/- 11.25
2 straw Bonnets 12/- (ea) 3.00 7 2/4 " Gingham @ 14* 1.05
2 straw Bonnets 6/- (ea) 1.SO 8 2/4 " " 3 20o 1.70
2 children Bonnets 9/- (ea) 2.25 12 1/4 .... 2/- 3.06
11 1/2 . 4 20* 2.3 0

184
 -7

7 yds. Linen a 35 2.45 11 1/2 yds Lace Edging &

9 " " 5/- 5.63 instg 2 85 9.78
2 1/4 yds." 1 4/- 1.12 1 ps cotton Edging 7/- .87
8 1/2 yds. Brown Holland ? 17€ 1.45 33 yds Jact Edging I 11€ 3.03
9 yds. Rusa[?] Linen 2 28, 2.52 8 . inserting ? 2/- 2.00
[1] pr. starched Gowns 4/- .50 10 1/2 yds Swep [?] Edging 17; 1.79
30 yds. Curtin Muslin 2 45 13.50 6 of inserting 2 28, 1.o8
35 " Tarlton Muslin 2.60 21.00 15 IT 15c 2.25
2 patrons [?] Bevage [?] '$3.25 6.50 6 It 2 8 r 1.68
Sif Dotted [?] Sump [?] I " Blk Silk FringeS4.004.00
2 4.00 8.00 1 pr Blk Gaiters 14/- 1.75
24 yds patrons plain Delane 1 35 8.40 4 1/2 yds yellow florence 30¢ 1.35
12 .. . Chery Bevage [?] " Green 30¢ 1.50
3/- 4.50 4 3/4 " Purple " 30c 1.42
24 yds patrons [?] Col[ore]d 5 1/2 " veil Bevage 4/- 2.75
Bevage @ 30 7.20 4 veils 3/- 1.50
4 yds patrons Tissue [?] I pr. sleeves $4.75 4.75
Silk @ 35 8.40 1 " 10/- 1.25
1 patron Doted muslin $3.00 3.00 1 12/- 1.50
24 yds patrons fancy Delain 1 " 28/- 3.50
2 90r 21.60 1 " 11/- 1.38
19 1/2 yds Dotted Muslin 2 35 6.83 1 9/- 1.12
9 " Swep " 32 2.88 1 " 9/- 1.13
i0 it 42 4.20 1 9/- 1.12
7 1/2 " " L 60 4.50 5 " " 32¢ 1.60
S yds Doted Muslin 2 30! 1.50 3 " " 8/- 3.00
2 " Paper Cambric @ 1/- .25 1 Lace Cape $4 4.00
12 " Blue Flaxam Silk 2 30€ 3.60 3 cape 10/- (ea) 3.75
10 " thead Lace 2 55p 5.50 2 " 12/- (ea) 3.00
14 " Thead Inserting @ 9/- 15.75 3 collars 11/- (ca) 4.13
21 " Wide Lace @ 16€ 3.36 2 collars 2/- .50
11 " Thead " 2 6/- 8.25 2 pr. Cuffs $1.80 (ea) 3.60
22 " . Edging 2 18€ 3.96 3 Collars 6/- (ea) 2.25
4 3/4 yds "' @ 3/- 1.82 4 Collars 20¢ .80
18 yds Blk Lace @ 14€ 2.52 2 Collars 65¢ 1.30
24 " " " ? 7¢ 1.68 3 Chemisettes 10/- (ea) 3.75
12 .... Silk wide @ 3/- 4.50 2 " 4/- 1.00
14 " Silk Lace 2 3/- White 5.25 1 Mautelet $15 15.00
5 1/2 yds figure Bobnut @ 32¢ 1.76 2 " S10.50 (ea) 21.00
11 3/4 yds Blk. " @ 2/- 2.94 2 silk Black cravats 5/- (ea) 1.25
11 yds plain " if @ 30¢ 3.30 1 Box Colo. puffering $1.83 1/3 1.83
10 " white figd merit 2 55¢ 5.50 1 Red silk Hdkffs 4/- .50
10 1/2 yds plain wht. Bobnut I ps. Black crape $2.50 2.50
2 2/- 2.63 18 doz. buttons 29 1/2, (ea) 5.31
24 yds Bobnut Lace 2 8¢ 1.92 5 pr. Ladies kid gloves $10.50
24 " "2 10 2.40 a dozen 4.38
18 Velmean Edging 9 1/- 2.25 30 Boxes Hooks &4Eyes 29 1/2€
15 1/2 yds Immitation Thead (ea) Doz. .74
Lace @ 91 1.40 1 Box spool silk 10/- 1.25
15 yds Immitation Thead Lace 2 Jenny Lind perfume bags 2/-(ea) .50
I 1/- 1.87 steel trimmings & beads $3.00 3.00
24 yds Cotton Edging 2 1 1/2€ .36 1 pr. scissors 3/'- (ea) .38
48 " i inserting 2 2 1/2€ 1.20 4 Ladies Neck Hdkffs 5/- (ea) 2.50
3 ps Cotton Edging ' 8/- 9.78 8 spools purse silk 2/- (ea) 2.00

185
1Doz. embroidered neck Ribbons 5 Bolts Ribbon 30c (ea) 1.50
6/- (ea) 9.00 2 . 2/- (ea) .50
2 Doz. bunches Col[ore]d silk 8 1/6 (ea) 1.50
Braid 10/- (ea) 2.50 1 Trunk 14/- 1.75
1 Doz. bunches Black silk 2 glass flasks 8 1/3c (ea) .17
Braid 6/- .75 3 1/2 gals. wine $2.00 7.00
9 Bunches Black silk Braid 60 lbs. Copperas 4q 2.40
12/- (a doz.) 1.13 20 " Salasotas 10; 2.00
6 oz. skein silk $3.25 3.25 2 lbs. Indigo 12/- (ea) 3.00
4 pr. embroidered gloves 7/- 3.50 1 1/2 lbs. Cloves & nutmegs 5/- .94
1 pr. Lind Braid 12/- 1.50 16 lbs. spice 15c 2.25
10 Doz. yds draw Ribbonl0/- (ea)12.50 8 lbs. ginger 1/- 1.00
14 'ds blue draw trimming I/-
(ea) 1.75
1 ps. Chenille trimming 16/- 2.00
1 ps. " " 8/- 1.00
3 ps. Cap Ribbon 12/- (ea) 4.50
2 ps. Belt Ribbon 10/- (ea) 2.50
2 ps. Cap Ribbon 8/- (ea) 2.00
4 ps. Belt Ribbon $7.00 7.00
I ps. Ribbon S5.00 5.00
1 ps. Ribbon $7.50 7.50
1 ps. Ribbon $7.40 7.40
I ps. Yellow Bonnet $4.50 4.50
1 " Ribbon 84 $ .84
1 p. Ribbon (White) $4.25 4.25
1 ps.
green figd Ribbon $3.75 3.75
1 ps.
pink Ribbon $4.50 4.50
9 yds
Chery Ribbon 2 58¢ (ea) 5.22
6 3/4
yds Blk Ribbon @ 58¢ (ea) 3.92
1 3/4
yds Ribbon 36¢ (ea) .63
4 3/4. .. 4/- (ea) 2.37
5 1/4 it 60 (ea) 3.25
6 3/4 ft 60t (ea) 4.05
9 1/2 if" 53 (ea) 5.04
10 " mourning Ribbon 30 3.00
12 " White Ribbon . -5 2.25
S ps. Ribbon 60R (ea) 3.00
2 ps. " 30t .60
1 ps. Ribbon 40t .40
1 " " 3/- .37
12 vds Ribbon 34 1/4€ 4.11
9 " R 3/- 3.38
10 .. . 1/6 1.87
4 1/2 yds Ribbon 30 1.35
6 1/4 .. .. 23¢ 1.44
5 3/- 1.88
6 " " 3/- 2.25
1 Bolt Ribbon 203 .20
8 yds Robbon 34 2.72

8 " Blk Ribbon 1/- 1.00

1 Bolt Ribbon 8/- 1.00
1 " " 4/- .50

186
 APPENDIX 3

LIST OF LANDINGS

FROM FULTON TO GAINESVILLE

With Distance in Miles from Mobile

Fulton 535 Butler's 415 Crim's 365

Camargo 530 Erwin's 413 Jones' Landing 363
Terrapin Bluff 492 Mrs. Cox's Woodyard 412 Perkins' 363
Cotton Gin Port 480 Pinhook 409 James Clinton's 363
Mullen's 479 Lowndesville 408 Hines' 362.5
John Thompson's 478 Lindsay's Ferry 408 Gregory's 362.5
Reynolds' Bluff 476 Hairston's 400 Pope's 362
Parrsville 475 Moore's Bluff 399 Hugh Windham 362
Joe May's 473 Harvey's Bluff 397 Cook's Upper 362
Aberdeen 470 Blue Rock 397 Fairfield 361
Martin's Bluff 469 McCarty's Bluff 394 Stone's Ferry 360
Strawhorn's 469 Union Bluff 393 Jim Clanton's 360
N. Whitfield's 469 Nashville 392 Newport 360
Lackay's 468 Blewett's Shed 390 Summerville's 359
Jenkins' Woodyard 467 Petty's Bluff 389 Thomas' or Trantham's 357
Saunders' or Taylor's 467 Lee's Gin 388.5 Cat Fish Bend 349
Dan Willis 464 Albert Cox's Shed 388 Windham's 347
,era Cruz 462 [Pumpkin] Creek 384.5 Drische's 347
Gore's 461 Mouth of Coal Fire 384 Halsey's 346
Ogburne's 459 McLaran's 383 Dean's Upper 346
Allen's or Tatum's 454 Pullam's 381.5 Cuba 344
Hamilton's Old 453 Pickensville 381 Vienna 343
Vinton's Ferry 445 Peterson's 380.5 Mouth of Sipsey 340
Vinton 445 Nance's Ferry 380 Conway's 337/
Barton's 444 Stringfellow's 379 Pleasant Ridge 336
Parker's Bluff 444 Holt's 379 Hill's Upper 335
Barton's Ferry 443.5 Cockrell's 378 Kirkland's 335
Colbert's 443 Goor's 378 Burk's 334.3
Collins' Woodyard 440 Bush's 378 Childers' 33d
Cox's Woodyard 438 Jackson's Ferry 378 Barnes' Gin 333
Malone's Woodyard 434 Big Creek 376 Drake's 33.2.5
Waverly 434 Corbin's 375.5 Hibler's 332.5
Burt's Gin 433 Ringgold's Bluff 373 Jo. Little's Gin 332.5
Barry's 430 McFadden's 372 Hutton's Old Ferry 330.5
Plymouth 426 Carroway's 370 Gresham's Wood Yard 330
Malone's Cotton Shed 423 Turnipseed's 370 Carpenter's 330
West Port 421 Memphis 369 Warsaw 32S
Columbus 420 Isaac Taylor's Shed 366 Warsaw Ferry 328
Law's 419 May's Mill 366 Hellow 327.5
Neal's 418 S.G. Coleman's 365 Clanton's Bluff 326.5

187
 AD-AIl 085 ALABAMA WIIV IN BIRMINGHAMCENTERFOR THE STUDY OF SO-ETC F/6 5/4
HISTORIC SETTLEMENT IN THE UPPERTOMBIGBEEVALLEY.(U)
FEB 81 J F DOSTER. D C WEAVER C-5714(78)

3*3 IIIIIIIIIIIIlflf
UNCLASSIFIED NL

IIEEEIIEEEIIEE
IIIEEEEIIIIEEE
EIIEEEIIEIIIEE
IIIIID

'h•
China Bluff 326 Bracket's 323 1ay's 319.5
Taylor's Upper 325.5 Carpenter's Lower 323.5 M.P. Goodson 319
Craig's Ferry 325 Hicks' 322.5 Whitsitt's Gin 318
Carpenter's Upper 325 Mobley's 322 Mouth of Noxubee 317
Taylor's Lower 324.5 Dr. May's 320 Hill's 316
Mrs. Walker's S24 Smith's Ferry 320 Gainesville 315

188
 APPENDIX 4

STEAMBOAT TARIFFS, 1375

A comprehensive list of articles carried on Tombigbee steamboats is quite

a rarity. Such, however, is found in the freight tariff which is reproduced
below from a broadside advertisement. Some of the steamboats listed are
known to have engaged in the trade of the Upper Tombigbee. The items listed
are presumed to represent articles carried or likely to be carried on the
steamboats, and they throw a good deal of light on the life and the trade of
pec7le in the areas served by the boats. The section on "down freights" lists
the items expected to be carried southward and reflects the items produced for
sale in the Tombigbee area in lS75. The full freight tariff follows.

TARIFF 0 FREIGHTS ADOPTED SZPTErV7f3ZIL 7th, 1875,

FOR THE WARRIOR AND BIGBEE RIVERS,

I)<),I CT. ALL

By FR.A : T.-i
D. . TLLY VCTOIL% MAGGI.E C ~A
LOTUS No..n, LUIU D. VA' NTA, 9k
FRANK STONE, Manager.

BARRELS. CASKS AND HOGSHEADS.

Flour, Onions, Potatoes, Nuts, Apples, Hard ware and White Lead, per 100 lbs 25
Beans, Rice. Meal, Rosin, Crackers, Sugar, each ........................ 4 00
Sundries, and all dry barrels ...... 50 Bacon, Coal ...................... 3 00
Pork, Beet, Mackerel, Sugar, Cider, Claret, Ice ...................... 2 50
Ale. Vinegar, Kront, Bacon, &c.... 75 Crockery, Merchandise, per cubic foot 10
Cement, Plaster, Plaster Paris ...... 50 Beer, Porter, Ale, casks, each ........ 75
Whiskey, Brandy, Gin, Oil, Kerosene, XEGS.
Turpentine, Alcohol, each ......... 1 00
31olisses, in half bart.68 ............ 1 00
*Molasses.......................... 75 Butter, Spice, Groceries,
Oils, Merchandise, Medicines,
'Molasses ....... 175
Empty Barrels in lots .............. 20 -Nails,Lard, White Lead, Pigs Feet.. 25
Empty Half Barrels in lots .......... 10 Shot and Lead, per 100 pounds ....... 25
Hardware in casks, per cwt.......... 25 Liquors ............................ 50
in proportion.. Powder ............................ 1 00
Hams and half
Meatsbarrels
.................... 75 " half" kegs ................... 50
Sugar, Half Barrels ................. S5 " quarter kegs ................ 25
Zlolassss, Half Barrels.............. So Containing can ..................... 25
Fish, Halt Barrels .................. 50 Empty, in lots ...................... I
Lard, Half Barrels ................ 50P S
TIERCES. Wines and Liquors .................
Hams. Lard, Tallow, Bacon, Snndries, " " 4 pipes .......... 2 00
Coffee aud R~ice, each ............. 1 30 " " " pipes .......... 1 50
Hardware in ticrees, per cwt .......... 25 " " " pipes .......... 75

189
 CRATES. CANS.
Crockery. Merchaudise, etc., per cubic Ten Gallons, each,- Oil, etc ........... 5o
foot ............................. 10 Five " $ .................. 30
HAMPERS. Small, each ........................ 25
Bottles, etc., per cubic foot .......... 10 Empty, each ...................... 15
BALES. BI GGING.
Merchandise, Old Goods, Bedding, etc., Kentucky, per roll. hemp ............ 50
per cubic foot ..................... 10 India, ,6 roll 100 yards ........ 75
Hay and Moss, per bale ............. 1 00 " " " 130 "' ........ 1 00
Oakum, per bale .................... 50 11 " " 160 " ........ 1 25
BOXES AND CASES. Jute or Flax, per roll, 100 yards ...... 75
Breakfast Bacon, each .............. 50 Ralf roll Bagging................... 40
Powder (25 Ibs) ..................... 50 ROPE.
" (50 Ibs) ................. 1 00 Baling and Grass, per coil ........... 50
Soan, Candles. Wine, Ftg, Raisins, Small Cords. Plow Lines, etc., pr coil. 25
Vermicelli, Macaroni,Tea, Ink, Cheese, Heavy Cordage, per 100 lbs .......... 5o
Ipes, Buekwheat. Herrings, IRON TIES.
Pickles, Preserves, Sardines, Pie For Baling Cotton, per bundle ...... 20
Fruits, Soda, Oysters, Cordials, " in lots of 50ormore, prbdl 20
Starch, Bitters, Sugar Lemon, Win-
dow Glass, etc., each ............. 25 WOOD AND WILLOW WARE.
Tin Plate, Oranges. Lemons, Apples, Tubs.per nest, (3 or wore).......... so
Claret and Liquors, each .......... 50 Buckets, per dozen ................. 50
Tobacco, boxes anti a boxes .......... 50 Buckets, covered, nest of three ...... 50
4 boxes aud*addies. . 25 Bucketa, well, per dozen ............ 1 00
Axes, double boxes ................. 50 Buckets, well, in hales or bundles, pr ft 10
siugle ....................... 25 Measures, per rack .................. 50
Coffee Mills, Cotton and Wool Cards, Barrel Covers, Wash Boards, etc.,
per box ......................... 25 per dozen .............. ....... 50
Coal Oil and Kerosene ............. 60 Churns, each .................. 50
Hats, Boots. Shoes, Merchandise, per Brooms, per dozen ................. 30
cubic foot ........................ 10 Scythe Snatls, per dozen, or bundle)
Small boxes strapped
ounte.......................
together, each 15
Rakes, " " C0
Hay and Manure Forks, per dozen.
Havana Sugar ...................... 1 50 Clothes Baskets, in nests ............ 75
Market Baskets, per bundle ......... 50
CARBOYS AIND DOG HOUSES. Willow Cabs and Cradles, each ...... 50
Containing Acids, etc ............... 2 00 Bird Cages, large, each .............. 50
It i" Combustibles ..... 4 00 Step Ladders and Clothes Horses, each 1 00
TRUNKS. . " " small, each 50
Merchandise and innests, per cu ft.. 10 Seives, per dozen ................... 25
erchargise ......... ru. 0
1ns Spinning Wheels, each............. 50
Emp~y, large..................... 10 CA..RIAGES ..
medium .......... 10 CARRIAGES.
" small....................10 Fine, each ........................ 8 00
None less than ...................... 25 Rockaways, Barouches, Ambulances,
each . ........................... 8 00
SACKS. Jersey or Spring Wagons, each ...... 6 0
Corn, per bushel .................... I0 O'e horse 81ning Wagons, each. 5 0o
Turk's Island Salt, Meal, each ....... 30 Omnibuses and Stage Coaches, each. .20 00
It s" " ' large, each. 40 Buggies, with top, each .......... .. 5 00
Oats, Bran, Guano, Peas, Onions. Ba- " no top, each .............. 5 00
con, Potatoes, Apples, Rye, Wheat, Sulkies, each ....................... 4 00
Malt, etc., each, ordinary size ...... 40 WAGONS.
Coffee, Pepper, Spice, Almonds, Nuts, Two Horse, with body, each ......... G 00
Rice, each ....................... 50 ' without body, each ...... 5 00
Salt, large lots, over 50 sacks ........ 30 Four Horse, with body, each .......... 7 00
small lots, under 50 sacks...... 40 without body, ewn-k .. 6 00
Shot, Horse Shoe _Nls, Corks, each.. 5 Cane Carts,each ............... 5 o0
Feathers, small, each .................... Cane Wgons, eac25............ 4 00
" large, each in proportion... Co h.D
Cotton Seed, two bushel sacks ..... °5 Drays and Carts, each .............. 4 00
2 Timber WheelA, large, end ...
DEMIJOHNS. It small, each.:
Five Gallons, each .................. 75 Grocery Barrows, each......
Small, each ......................... 50 Mud Carts, each............
Empty, each ...................... 15 Vheel Barrows, each............... 50

190
Dirt Barrows, in lots, each ........... 5 Spring Bottoms, set np, each ........ 7
FURNITURE. " " - rolled up, each ..... .0
Boxed, per cubic foot ................ 10 Sewing Machines, each .............. 1 5o
Bureaus, Fine, with Glass ............ 3 00 Oil Cloth, rolled, per running foot .... 25
" Extra Fine, Marble Top.... 2 00 Pianos, upright, each ............... 5 00
'Medium .................. 1 00 ' horizontal, each ............. 860
" CotmOn .................. 75 Piano Stools each .................. 50
10
Washtand, Common,Marble Top... 50 Carpets and Matting, in bales, pr ca ft
"4 Medium ............... 1 00
Tables, Extension. each ............ 22 00 BUILDING MATERIAL
" Dining, large, eah .......... 00B
" Dining, small, each .......... 1 00 Lumber, per 3 ................. Ioo
" Office, large, each ........... 2 00 Laths. per bundle ............... 20
" Office, small, each ........... 1 00 Bricks, per M .................. 7 50
" Centre, Fine Marble Top, each 2 50 Shingles, per M ................ 1 50
" Centre, Fine MarbleTop, small 1 50 Slate, per square ............... 3 00
" Centre, Medium and Common 1 00 f Tiles, each, small ............... 10
Card, Fine .................. 1 00 t Doors, Panel, each..............50
" " Common .............. 75 " " small, each ........ 25
" Kitchen .................... 50 , Sash in bundles, per cubic foot... 10
glazed, per cuft 15
Side Boards, Marble Top, fine, each..10 00 '

" " medium, e 8 00 Blinds, Door and Window Frames,

"ec
" common, ea 5 00 in bundles, per foot ........... 10
Desks, fine, large, each .............. 4 00 Tin Pipes and Gutters, per run-
6 medium, each ............... 3 00 ning foot ..................... 5
" common, small, each ......... 2 00
Book Cases, fine, each ............... 8 00
" medium, each ........... 5 00 Shing!e Machines, each ......... 10 00
small, each ............. 3 00 Circular Saws, boxed, each..... 2 00
Hat Racks, fine, each ................ 2 00 Straight Saws, bundles of two.. 75
4, medium, each ........... 1 0o Cross-cut Saws, bundles of two.. 50
" common, each ........... 1 00 Garden Engines, each .......... 2 00
What .Nots, fine. large .............. 2 00 Corn Cob Crushers, each...... 8 00
,, medium, each ........... 1 50 Bark Mills, each.......
"6 simall, each ............. 1 00 Chain Pump, boxed.......... M
Sofas, fine, medium, each...
Soas Aemeiureah............ . 00
5 00red. Washing Machine, large, each.. I 50
anl sa'll 1 00
" common, each ........... 3 00 Mill Stones, 36 inch, per pair .... 15 00
Tete-a-Tetes and Divans, each ....... 2 00 " 30 inch, per pair .... 1 0 0
Parlor Chairs, fine. each ............. 50 24 inch, per pair ....8 00
at " medium, each ...... _... "5 12 inch, anridunder, in
Rockers and Easy Chairs, flue, each.. 0; lots, per pair ................. 1 00
" medium, each .............. 75 Fluo 3oilcrs, per runniug root.... 1 50
" common and small, each.... 50 I Cylinder Boilers, per runuing foot 1 0)
Reclining, Dentists and Barbers' Ch'rs 2 00 Chimneys, small, '" " 50
Arm Chairs, each... 75 - larg, " '. 75
Office and
Common and Split Bottom Q Portable Engines, complete, per
Chairs, in bundles of two... 25 horse power ..................
MillEngines, enrvy
Revolvin Chairs, each.. 0MachinerySaw and Gristand Castings, Double
1ieosteads, tiue and cornice, each..... 3 00 Circular Saw Mills, complete,
" common, " each..... 2 00 Planing, Moulding and Brick
" common high post, each... 1 50 Machines, Sugar Rollers, per
" common low post, each .... 1 00 100 pounds ...................
s cottage, double, ench ..... 1 50 Morticing Machines, each ........
at 96 single or trundle,. 1 00 Sugar Kettles, each, per inch .... 10
,,rmoirs, fine. each .................. 5 00 Grind Stones, large lots, pr iu
meldium, and common, each 4 00 diameter ..................... 2
Safes or Cupboards, large, each ...... . 50 Grind Stones, small lots, pr in di.
- medium, each ............ 1 50 ameter ...................... 5
- small, each ............... 1 0K Anvils, each ................... 50
Mattresses, Spring, each ............. 5 Vices and bundles of tongs, each. 25
Is Double, each ............ 7; Smiths' Bellows, each ........... 2 00
Sprine. each ............. 5) Sorghum Mills, each ............ 1 30

191
 AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMEX'TS. Metalic Burial Cases, per cubic foot.. 10
Fanniug .Mills, each, (or C) ........... 3 Do Baskets Champagne, each ........... 75
Corn Mills, small, each .............. 4 00 ,, Oil and Cordial, each ........ 50
44 &1 large, each .............. 7 00 Collars, Eanes and Saddle-Trees, per
" " extra large,eacb ......... 8 0 dozen ....................... 50
Strav Cutters, small and rnedium, ea. 1 00 Kits, Mackerel and Salmon, each..... 25
"4 "1 large, each ........... 3 00 Firkins, Butter, each ................ 50
1 Trucks, for store, small, each ........ 1 00
Corn Shellers, small, each ...........
,1 , large, each ...........
. . 3 00 ,, ,4 and cotton,large, es 1 50
.40 Ice, per ton, (or C) ................. 10 00
Ploughs, each ....................
•' large, each .............. .s Hogsbead Poles, per M (or C) ...... 10 00
in lots over 25, each ....... 50 Barrel Poles, per M. (or C) ........... 10 00
Gang Plows, each ........... 1 5o Chnrch and Plantition Bell,per 100 Tba 50
! Sulky Plows, each .............. 2 00 Ice Chests. p r cubic foot ............ 10
Threshing Machines small, ench.10 00 Farmers' Bo era, per gallon ......... 10
, Threshing Machines, enidlessg 30I Cotton Scales and Frame, complete.. 2 00
0 Marble, in b6cks, perlarge, each(or(or
100 lbs C).. 50
IN
chain, 2 horse
U Threshing Machines, endhess 3
power compl'tej " Tombstones, C) 8 00
O chain, 4 horse power, compl'te .4 medium, each (C) 5 00
it small, each (or C) 3 00
Threshing Machines, endless, chain 6 00 Ordinary Skiffs, each ................ 2 00
Lever and Separato; ............ 5 STOCK.
Cotton Sander and Duster, (or CI.... 10 00
Cotton Ginls, 40 to 50 saws 1c. Race & Blooded Horses, each, pr.con.tr.ct.
- 50 to 80 saws Iper saw. Horses, ules each.............4 00
10 Hogs, Sheep tiud Goats, each, loose.. 50
Cotton Gin Condenser, per foot ......
Smut 3Mills, each ........... 10 00 , " " boxed, 10c per ft.
10 00 Cow and Oxen, each ................. 4 00
Mowing Machines, ea:h ..........
Cotton Planters. lare. each.;......,. 4 00 " Calf ....................... 4 00
"" small, each ....... 2 00
Cultivators, each ........... 2 00 DOWN FREICHTS.
Soades, Shovels & Handle Cotton, from Gainesville, per bale.... I 25
Hoes, per doze ............ 50 0 " Finch's Ferry, 4. ... 1 25
STOVES, IRON AND CASTING. cc
94 "1
1 Tuskaloo.%
Pickensviile, .... I 50
. 170
1
Bars, Bundles, and Slabs, large lots, Osnaborgs and Sheeting, per bale.... 75
Wool, per bale ..... ................ 1 25
per 100 lbs....................25 Sugar, per hogshead ............. 4 00
In small lots, per bar ................ 10 Molasses, per barrel .............. 1 00
Iron Slabs and Bundles, each ........ 25 $ per half barrel ............. so
Hollow-ware, etc., per 100 pounds.... 50 Beef, Dird, Tallow, Wax, in Iota, pr tce 1 00
small lots, per piece.... eL Tla rrl.re 105 7
Sheet Iron. per bundle .............. I Leather,
" per roll, large ...... ..... 50
Boiler Iron, per sheet ............... pe r , lag.............
mall 25
RIronn kilingsnd pr lOalbs amall.............50
CastIron
" " "
iron Pipes, Oramens,
per 100 lbs ....... 5 Corn, Flour, Wheat, Rye, Barley, etc.,
Railroad Iron, per 100 bs .. 25 per sack, ordinary size ........... 25
Pirad
Fig and oldIron,Iron,perper100
100lbs......... Peltries
lbs ......... 25 B e i and e ,iSkins, a ein,pbales, e ' per
, p 100Wlbs l s 30 3
Stoves, Cooking, large, No. 8 and 9... 4 00 Beef
"i ides,
v in bales,
" not it pr
pres'd, ti l00"lbs 30
" I medium, No.6 and7. 3 Dry Hides , each..It .... . 10
-4 1 small, No. 5 and less. 02so DyHdeec .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 1
Cooking LRaes. 6 00 Green Hides, per bnndle, not over two 25
Cooking tanges, each ........... 3 00 Horss &Mules, in droves, pr bead (C) 4 00
Heating Stoves, large, eachC....... 3 0 attle, in droves, per head (Ci...... 4 00
£, "" medium,
mlec ............
each 2 00
IO0 a....
Yearlings, "~ " ' (C) ...... 2 00
Fixtures, o , each ....... 10 Hogs, Sheep and Goats, In droves,
Fxueboxed, per cubic foot ... 1 e el.............
Stove Pipe, per bundle .............. 50 per ...................... bed 30
Stoves.in lots to dealers, 10 pr cent. less Horses and Moles, per head.......4 00
50 Cotton Seed, per ton........... .. 4 00
Iron Safes, per cubic foot, (or C) ..... 75
MISCELLANEOUS. Tar, per barrel...................
DaY, per bale ....................... 75
Jugs, Jars and Churns, per gallon.... 5 Coal, per cask, 1,000 pounds ......... 2 50
Paper, printing, per bundle, small.... 25 Coal, in bulk, per ton ............... 2 50
- large... 50 3I o. s ...... .................. 1 00
' wrapping " " " ... 50 Scrap Iron, per ton ................. 4 00
, I9 s, 81 small .. 25 Staves. per M ........... . ottrct

Nobi~letoiack.soti, 83 00. Mobile toro,,l,;,.. aS 0. Moil,: to Mrricthicr, .7 00. .lul,ile lo Tu d.lnn*,. 8 00

Bladon. 4 0.). " Dern-,is, 4 U0. Warsaw 7 00. " Pjck.ni. '. 00
192

. . . .... . . ., . -* _ . . I m- .
 APPENDIX 5

STATISTICS OF TEN UPPER TOMBIGBEE VALLEY COUNTIES

1850-1960

DATA FROM U.S. CENSUS

The tabulations which follow show comparative values by counties for

selected census years between 1850 and 1960. While there are important
differences between counties, the general trends of development show broad
similarities through time. Not all census years are used, but those thought
to be representative have been chosen. In general there appears to have been
a strong and general economic advance from 1850 to 1860, a sharp drop in 1880,
and a continuing decline to 1930, but a rise of impressive dimensions in 1960.
Decennial Census years may not catch the timing of all trends precisely, but
the general picture seems clear enough. The figures for 1940, not used, are
thought to show little improvement over 1930. It is the years from 1940 to
1960 that represent the great improvement.

Farms grew in size from 1850 to 1860, declined thereafter to 1930, but
rose again in 1960. These trends were general throughout the counties.

There was a shocking decline in the value of farms after 1860. Particu-
larly notable is the destruction of farm values in Greene, Sumter. Lowndes.
and Noxubee counties from 1860 to 1880. These prosperous areas were essential-
ly destroyed by the Civil War and associated developments, and they did not
recover. The improvement in value per farm between 1890 and 1910 partly
reflects mild inflationary trends in that period but also probably represents
a genuine improvement. Even so, the figures remain astonishingly low.

The decrease in the number of hogs per person and cattle per person
reflects the decline of self-sufficiency and the increasing emphasis on the
market crop of cotton. The decrease in cotton production per person, despite
increasing emphasis on that crop, is very general. Some of the figures suggest
a modest increase in the efficiency of cotton production between 1910 and 1930.

The decline of almost all values after 1860 and the rise or improvement
of values after 1930 (really after 1940) appear strongly as trends, which are
discussed in the text.

The poor counties of Itawamba and Tishomingo show resistance to the

advance of the tenant system but a tendency over time to give way to it. The
independent small farmers of these counties were degenerating into tenants,
as were those elsewhere.

193
 An analysis of farm ownership figures for 1910 reveals that 43% of the
white farmers in the ten counties were owners of farms, but only 6% of the
black farmers. Yet in Itawamba and Tishomingo counties black ownership ran to
1b% and 25% respectively. The white-black population ratio varied greatly
from one county to another, from 92% white in Itawamba and Tishomingo counties
in 1910, for example, to 16% in Noxubee and Greene. Social and political
differences accompanied these variations.

Because of changes in counties and county boundaries, not all figures

presented here are strictly comparable. The main effect of the county
changes, however, has been eliminated by presenting the figures on a per
capita, per farm, or percentage basis.

194
 TABLE 29

AVERAGE SIE OF FARIS IN ACRES

By Census Years
State or I I
County 1850 1860 1880 1890 1910 1930 1960
Greene -402 706 136 112 68 03 196
Pickens 267 394 215 149 89 77 243
Sumter 313 799 151 122 80 67 198
Clay 132 88 72 60 149
Itawamba 233 323 182 130 94 -1 103
Lowndes 405 502 126 123 59 65 134
Monroe 394 463 141 92 69 60 122
Noxubee 444 574 174 105 56 53 191
Prentiss 112 135 76 58 95
Tishomingo 259 333 188 156 93 70 102
Alabama Albm 12 96
289 347 139 126 79 68 142
Mississippi 309 370 156 1122 68 55 135
Data from U.S. Census.

TABLE 30

AVERAGE VALUE PER FARM

State or
County 1850 1860
By Census Years

1 1880 1890 1910

T1930 1960
Greene S3,035 $11,572 S 634 S 620 $1,169 $1,202 $ 9,847
Pickens 1,346 3,148 853 724 1,169 1,473 11,244
Sumter 2,870 10,650 699 583 1,360 1,524 12,381
Clay 920 906 1.542 1,616 9,852
Itawamba 647 1,404 546 424 914 1,278 7,424
Lowndes 2,839 12,053 1,089 1,229 1,507 2,179 13,351
Monroe 3,075 7,106 985 837 1,355 1,939 11,683
Noxubee 2,687 14,039 1,400 783 1,157 1,447 9 326
Prentiss 606 669 1,081 1.499 7:980
Tishomingo 734 1,428 538 426 767 1,219 6,464

Alabama 1,533 3,189 581 704 1,096 1,952 12,780

Mississippi 1,612 4,453 912 1 883 1,218 1,818 14,292
Data from U.S. Census.

195
 TABLE 31

PERCENT OF FARMS OPERATED BY OWNERS

By Census Years
tate or
Count" 1850 1860 1880 1890 1910 1930 1960
Greene 82.0 82.0 29.3 23.5 17.1 i 13.0 23.1
Pickens 72.5 53.5 38.9 27.7 1 56.1
Sumter 31.1 23.0 18.4 14.7 25.1
Clay 4. 3 3 3.3 22.1 52.8
Itawamba 80.4 66.1 53.9 38.1 58.4
Lowndes 94.2 92.0 37.3 35.8 22.0 20.2 46.9
Monroe 46.3 30.9 32.8 24.9 46.3
Noxubee 38.2 26.9 16.9 15.6 37.5
Prentiss 60.3 67.4 39.9 29.3 47.7
Tishomingo 75.7 65.0 75.2 j77.2 57.9 38.1 54.9
-9
,
Alabama 53.2 51.4 39.5 35.1 72.1
Mississippi 56.2 47.2 33.6 27.5 67.9
Data from U.S. Census.

TABLE 32

NUMBER OF HOGS PER PERSON

By" Census Years

State or I
County 1850 1860 1880 1890 1910 1930 1960
Greene 2.0 1.6 0.7 0.7 0.8 0.6 0.2
Pickens 2.3 2.6 1.1 1.1 0.6 0.3 0.2
Sumter 2.2 1.8 0.9 1.0 0.8 0.5 0.3
Clay 0.6 0.8 0.5 0.4 0.2
Itawamba 3.0 2.1 1.4 1.5 0.6 0.3 0.7
Lowndes 2.0 1.9 0.6 0.5 0.5 0.2 0.1
Monroe 2.2 2.2 1.1 1. 0.5 0.3 0.4
1. 1. 0.1. 0.4
Noxubee 3.0 .4 0.7 0.6 0.8 0.5 0.6
Prentiss 1.2 1.0 0.5 0.3 0.5
Tishomingo 2.5 1.8 1.1 1.2 0.7 0.2 0.5
Ten Counties 2.4 I2.0 0.9 0.9 C 6 0.4 0.3

Alabamaa 2 2.0 1.0 0.9 0.7 0.5 0.2

Mississippi 2.5 1.6 0.9 0.9 0.6 0.3 0.4
Data from U.S. Census.

196
 TABLF 33

NUMBER OF BEEF CATTLE PER PERSON

By Census Years
State or
Countv 1850 1,360 ISSO 1890 1910 1930 1900
Greene 0.4 0.2
(0. 0.5 0.4 0.5 ,8
Pickens 0.5 0.4 0.4 0.5 0.3 0.3 0.9
Sumter 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.3 0.4 0.0 2.3
Clay 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.5 0.9
Itawam ba 0.- 0.5 0.4 0.5 0.4 0.2 0.4
Lowndes 0.4 0.3 0.1 0.I .2 o -. 5
Monroe 0.5 0..1 0.2 0.4 0.2 0-2 0.7
Noxubee 0.Z 0.4 0.2 0.3 0.3 0.3 2.3
Prentiss 0.4 0.4 0.2 0.2 0.3
Tishomingo 0.5 0.4 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.1 0.2
Ten Counties 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.4 0.3 0.3 0.9

Alabama 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.4 0.4 0.4 1.7

Mississippi 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.4 0.3 0.3 0.8
Data from U.S. Census.

TABLE 34

AVERAGE BALES OF COTTON PRODUCED PER PERSON

By Census Years
State or i 1 1
County 1850 1860 1880 1890 1910 1930 1960
Greene 0.8 1.9 0.7 0.9 0.6 0.7 0.5
Pickens 0.6 1 2.8 0.8 0.8 0.6 0.7 0.3
Sumter 0.6 1.3 0.8 0.9 0.7 0.6 0.3
Clay 0.8 06 0.7 0.7 0.2
Itawamba 0.4 0.7 0.5 0.3 0.5 0.7 0.4
Lowndes 0.8 2..2 0.8 0.o 0.5 0.6 0.4
Monroe 0.8 2.2 0.9 0.6 0.6 0.8 0.b
Noxubee 0.8 2.4 0.8 0.8 0.7 0.8 0.4
Prentiss 0.6 0.3 0.5 0.8 0.6
Tishomingo 0.3 0.5 0.3 0.2 0.3 0.6 0.4

Alabama 0.7 1.0 0.6 0.b 0.5 0.5 0.2

Mississippi 0.8 1.5 0.9 1 0.9 0.6 0.9 0.7
Data from U.S. Census.

197

.. .. . . ,I , . .. . ,,
 TABLE 35

AVERAGE BUSHELS OF CORN PRODUCED PER PERSON

By Census Years
State or
County 1S50 1860 1 1880 1890 1910 1930 1960
Greene 42.5 42.5 18.4 22.5 11.3 1f.6 21.5
Pickens 40.4 b2.0 22.9 2.S 12.9 21i.3 15.3
Sumter 41.7 41.5 24.4 26.b 14.9 13.1 20.7
Clav 22.8 15.8 23.6
Itawamba 39.4 35.5 2S.0 24.0 28.5 32.4 33.4
Lowndes 44.o 49. 200 6 21. 10.3 14.3 5.2
,tonroe 42.o 33.3 4 2b.0 16.6 24.9 20.1
Noxubee 55.0 62.3 24 8 2-.0 11.5 19.6 11.S
Prentiss 30 i 7.2 26.1 34.1 7.0
Tishomingo 34.0 36.6 31.9 25.6 22.3 22.4 6.8

Alabama .3 34.5 10.2 19.9 14.4 13.5 19.2

Mississippi 37.0 3o.- 18.9 20.3 1S.8 1 17.4 19.5
Data from U.S. Census.

TABLE 3b

AVERAGE BALES OF COTTON PRODUCED PER FAFM

By Census Years
State or ,

County 1830 1860 1880 1890 1910 1930 1960

Greene 20 73 7 8 4.0 4.0 4.0
Pickens 9 49 8 - ' .0 4.0 4.0
Sumter 21 73 8 4.0 4.0 3.0
Clay 9 5 4.4 4.0
Itawamba 4 9 4 2 2.6 3.3 3.5
Lowndes i 21 80 11 8 3.6 4.9 11.4
Monroe 21 51 9 5 3.9 4.2 7.7
Noxubee 19 84 14 8 , 3.8 4.4 3.1
Prentiss 4 2 2.9 4.4 5.1
Tishomingo 3 8 2 1.5 1.9 4.0 4.2
Ten Counties 12.7 43.1 7.8 5.8 3.6 4.3 5.1
Alabama 13 5 4.3 5.1 5.9
Mississippi 14 28 10 4.1 6.0 i 11.3
Data from U.S. Census.

198
 A\VERAGE :7SHELS 3F COP-N PRODUCLP FUR F.'
By Census Years
State or
Count Is-0 18tb0 180 1S90 1910 193, 11o0
Greene 1,023 j,,54 So 198 o2 92 182
Pickens o04 1,0S5 239 1- S 2 204
Sumter 1,38- 2,001 240 21- 92 80 2oo
Cav 6u 1jS 103 115 102
Itawamba 3;6 436 21- 104 141 1-1 2S4
Lowndes 1,203 I,SO5 300 1 11 139 4

Monroe 1,094 1,269 -38 193 101 157 259

Noxubee 1.325 2, b2 402 5 108 98
Prentiss 102 - 143 1 62
Tishomingo 422 59S 2o0 -00 138 114 74
Thn Counties Slo 1,15 1
, 199 , 95 33

Alabama 685 603 IS7 117 139 311

Mississippi 661 b7S '10 104 112 308
Data from U.S. Census.

TABLE 38

FARM OWNERSHIP, 1910

By Race
County%, Nunber of
1 Total Farmers
h ite !Black Cwners °,IWhite
iTotal ', JBIaFarms
of Mortgage Free ck %
Greene f
4,099 563 3.536 450 11%, 287 31% ,lr.3 5
Pickens 4,144 1,954 2,190 1,11b 27 965 49%' 131
Sumter , 4,624 744 3,880 5.,2 12% 349 4% 183 50,

Clay 3,092 851 2.241 6b2 21% 484

S ' 17S 8%
Itawamba 2,933 2,731 202 1,155 39% 1,123 -11 3' 16%
Lowndes 4,133 836 3,297 324 13% 376 45% 148 5%
Monroe 3,7 48 2,439 3,309 1,201 21 1,011 41%, 190 o%
Noxubee 5.107 b83 4 , -;2 566 1L' 365 33%, 201 5%
Prentiss 3,091 2.618 473 80 26% 785 30% 22 S%
Tishomingo 2.,114 1,983 ! 131 881 42% 848 43%, 33 25%
Ten Counties 139,085 15,404 1 23.681 7.894 20 , o,593 43% 1,301 6%
Data from U.S. Census.

199
 TABLE 39

FARM VALUE AND PRODUCTION, 1910

Bv Race
Average Value Per Farm Bales Cotton Per Acre! Bushels Corn ?er Acre
Black Black White Black White
All Operated Operated Operated Operated Operated
County Farms Farms Farms Farms Farms Farms
Greene S1,169 S 345 0.2 0.3 7. 8 11.0
Pickens 1,109 591 0.2 0.3 -.4 9.1
Sumter 1,360 611 0.1 0.3 9.7 117
Clay 1.945 1,158 0.2 0.2 11.6 10S.
Itawamba 1,230 671 0.3 0.3 9.b 13.0
Lowndes 1,875 914 0.2 0.3 9.3 12.4
Monroe 1,707 1,102 0.2 0.3 10.8 13.6
Noxubee 1,473 S73 0.2 0.2 8.2 10.2
Prentiss 1,424 S98 0.2 0.3 12.6 14.2
Tishomingo 1,047 597 0.3 0.3 13.7 13.6
Ten Counties) 1,440 796 0.2 0.3 10.1 12.0
Data from U.S. Census.

TABLE 40

PERCENT OF POPULATION WlITE

By Census Years
State or ,
Count" 1850 1860 1880 1S90 1910 1930 1960
Greene 29.4 23.5 1-.2 14.- 15.9 17.6 18.-
Pickens 51.0 43.3 42.5 41.3 48.3 52.1 5.
Sumter 33.1 6 .5 20.1 18.7 21.1 23.7
Clay 30.3 30.2 30.2 38.0 48.7
Itawamba 84.2 80.0 39.6 91.6 91.8 94.2 94.2
Lowndes 32.8 29.2 19.8 2_2.2 29.0 42.1 61.9
Monroe 44.5 40.1 41.3 39.4 44.5 55.4 64.6
Noxubee 30.3 15.0 17.7 17.2 16.0 21.1 28.1
Prentiss 80.0 79.2 83.0 87.1 87.8
Tishomingo 87.3 79.3 86.7 89.3 91.7 93.7 95.3

Alabama 55.3 54.6 52.5 57.5 64.3 69.9

Mississippi 48.8 j4-.7 42.4 45.7 49.7 57.7
Data from U.S. Census.

200
 APPENDIX 6

STEAMBOAT WRECKS

By W. Stuart Harris

In Table 41, below, are listed 17 wrecks ihich occurre i o:n the ': er
Tombigbee River, between the towns of Aberdeen, Mississippi, and X'e XLS11.c,.
Alabama, with the cause of the sinking, the date, and the aprexUvatc >,'it,:r:
of each. Neville's (1962) river mileage figures, which he bvtained :rom
Saffold Berney's Handbook of Alabama (1879), are on the left. L hi>e Sait.:-'
modern figures (Saltus, 1977) are found on the right.

TABLE 41

WRECKS ON THE UPPER TOMBIGBEE RIVER

Steamboats Lost Miles Frow Do>A

Name I Cause I Date %evilIe -- t:-I

1. Allegheny Snagged May 1S25 432

2. Iowa Burned Jan. !837 5ol
3. Triumph Snagged Oct. l",37
4. Isora Snagged Apr. 1842 325 2S9
5. Canebrake Stranded Jan. 1845 328 291
6. Putnam Snagged Feb. 1848 420 ce,4
-. Motive Snagged Mar. 1850 43S 3S2
S. Wm. Bradstreet Snagged Mar. 1S52 46
9. Eliza No. 2 Snagged Dec. 1854
10. Forest Monarch Snagged Apr. 1855 381 334.3
11. Billy Stratton Wrecked Mar. 185t 394 34o
12. Azile Sunk 1856 420 3o4
13. W.H. Gardner Burned Mar. 1887 312
14. City of Columbus Wrecked Early 1900 420 364
15. Vienna Snagged 1907 399 35)
16. American Burned Apr. 1915 381 333
17. Swan Aground ca. 1920 318 282

201
1. ALLEGHENY

This 4S-ton sidewheeler was built in 1832 in Pittsburgh. i'ms

vania
(Neville, 1962). She was serving in the Alabama River trade in 1824 (Cahawba
Press and Alabama State Intelligencer, May 29, 1824). No description of the
vessel has been located. On May lo, 1825, while on a passage from Hamilton,
Mississippi, to Mobile, she was snagged in the Upper Tombigbee River, 12
miles above Columbus. A newspaper reported: "As the water is shallow where
she lies, it is supposed she may be got off when the river is low (Mobile
Commercial Register, May 24, IS25);" however, she was never mentioned in the
newspapers again.

2. IOWA

rhis 143-ton sidewheeler was built in 1834 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania

,Neville, 1902). She was probably used on the western rivers before coming
into the Tombigbee trade, since there is little information pertaining to her
in the Mobile newspapers. She burned at Fairfield, Pickens County, Alabama,
on Jan. 17, IS37 (ibid.).

3. TRIUMPH

This small 68-ton sidewheeler was built in 1837 in Cincinnati, Ohio

il'id. . Saltus, using information from Rodabough (Feb. IS, 1971), stated
that the vessel was snagged below Columbus. In fact, the boat was snagged on
)ctoher 15, IS37, but down river rather than near Columbus, as seen in the
ol.lowing newspaper notice (Mobile Daily Commercial Register and Patriot,
.ther lo, IS37):

The steamboat Triumph, Capt. Drown, from this city, bound to

Columbus, Mississippi, with a full freight and a number of cabin passen-
gers, struck a snag yesterday morning, at about 5 o'clock, at the mouth
of the Tombigbee River, and sank in a short space of 15 minutes. The
water was from 12 to 15 feet deep, and the entire cargo was more or less
damaged. The passengers with their baggage got ashore in safety, and
arrived in this city this morning in the steamboats Cahawba and Anna
Calhoun. It is the opinion of Capt. Drown, that the boat can be raised,
and the cargo secured without material loss.

The Triumph was soon raised and serving in the Aberdeen to Mobile trade
by December of that same year (ibid.). The boat was reduced to third class
status in April, 1839 (Mobile Register and Journal, April 19, 1839), and was
finally abandoned in 1843 (Neville, 1962).

4. ISORA

This 124-ton sidewheeler was built in 1839 at Smithland, Kentucky (ibid.).

In the fall of 1841, it was serving as a light draft steamer on the Alabama
River between Wetumpka and Mobile (Mobile Daily Advertiser and Chronicle,
September 11, 1841) but was hauling cotton out of Aberdeen to Mobile by

202
January of the following year on the Upper Tombigbee (Mobile Register and
Journal, January 29, 1842).

On April 30, 1842, the "Isora" sank, as indicated in the following news-
paper announcement (ibid.):

A letter addressed to Capt. Robertson, received by the Southerner of

last evening, announces the loss of the steamboat Isora. The cause of
the accident is not given. It is simply stated that she struck on land-
ing at Gray's Ferry last Saturday evening, and sunk over deck in a few
minutes. The engine and furniture would be saved, but it: was thought on
the instant, that the boat was past recovery. She sank at sunset, and
at ten o'clock when the letter was written, they had saved most of the
deck load and were stripping the cabin .

5. CANEBRAKE

This 162-ton sidewheeler was built in Cincinnati in 1840 (Neville, 1962).

In the spring of 1842, it was known as the "Mobile and Greene County Packet,"
and one advertisement stated that it "has been throughly repaired, a new &
spacious cabin built during the past summer" (Mobile Daily Advertiser and
Chronicle, March 1, 1842). During the winter of 1842, she was engaged in the
Alabama River trade, between Montgomery and Mobile (Mobile Register and
Journal, November 16, 1842).

This vessel was stranded on the Little Tombigbee River at Warsaw, Sumter
County, on January 1, 1845 (Neville, 1962). The boat was no doubt stripped of
all useful items and probably disassembled at that time, as was the usual case
when boats were left stranded.

6. PUTNAM

This 109-ton sidewheeler was built in Zanesville, Ohio, in 1841 (ibid.).

This boat probably accomplished most of its service on the Ohio or Mississippi
rivers, since it does not appear in Alabama newspapers. While Saltus (1977)
states that it was "snagged" on Feb. 13, 1848, Neville (1962) and Scruggs
(1953) state that it was stranded on that date at Ten Mile Shoals, below
Columbus, Mississippi.

7. MOTIVE

This small 67-ton sternwheeler was built in McKeesport, Pennsylvania, in

1845 (Neville, 1962). The boat was snagged in February, 1850, as indicated
by the following newspaper notice (Daily Alabama Journal [Montgomery], March
5, 1850):

The Motive, Captain Buffington, from Fulton, for Mobile, with about
240 bales of cotton struck a snag near Cox's Woodyard, between Waverly
and Boston, on the Tombigbee river, and immediately sunk. The cotton
on deck, about 174 bales, was taken off by the Sunny South, and brought
to Mobile. The remainder was in the hold and could not be reached.

203
S. W I. BRADSTREET

This 247-ton sidewheeler was built in 1845 in New Albany, Indiana

(Neville, 1962). This large steamer served on the Tombigbee and Warrior
rivers during the winter and spring "as long as the river was navigable"
(Alabama Beacon [Greensboro!, May 6, 1848), but operated as a packet on the
Alabama in the summer (ibid., May 20, 1848). During the winter season of
1851-52, she served on the Alabama River between Wetumpka and Mobile (Mobile
Daily Advertiser, December 14, 1851).

Although no newspaper notice has been located pertaining to her sinking,

she was snagged near Lackey's Ferry, just south of Aberdeen, on the Upper
Tombigbee, in March, 1852 (Neville, 1962).

9. ELI:A NO. 2

Neville stated that this 349-ton sidewheeler was built in 1852 in

Cincinnati, Ohio (ibid.); however, I have found a notice proving that the
vessel was operating on the Alabama River as early as December, 1851 (Mobile
Daily Advertiser, December 14, 1851). By June, 1852, she was engaged on the
Upper Tombigbee River, running between Columbus and Mobile (ibid., June 5,
1852). She was re-built in 1853, as stated below (ibid., December 30, 1853):

The Eliza No. 2.--This low water steamer arrived in port from
Gainesville a few days since so altered in appearance as to be scarcely
recognized. During the summier months she has undergone considerable
repairs, a large portion of her cabin has been taken off and she has
been otherwise lightened so as to enable her to navigate our little
streams in low water with as much ease as others of much less capacity.

Early in April, 1854, the Eliza No. 2 struck a snag while 25 miles below
Columbus and sank with a full load of cotton (ibid., April 12, 1854); however,
she was raised and returned to Mobile for repairs in May (ibid., May 25, 1854).

10. FOREST MONARCH

This 215-ton sidewheeler was built in 1848 in New Albany, Indiana (Neville,
1962), and arrived for service on the Alabama River in November of that same
year (Tri-Weekly Flag & Advertiser [Montgomery], November 30, 1848). By the
month of December, 1851, she was serving as a "Regular Monday Packet for
Columbus" out of Mobile (Mobile Daily Advertiser, December 21, 1851).

The Forest Monarch was snagged and sunk just above Pickensville, on the
Upper Tombigbee River, on April 14, 1855 (ibid., December 27, 1855). When
the steamer Lucy Belle, a 169-ton sidewheeler, was snagged in December, 1855,
it was thought that 7he had struck the wreck of the Forest Monarch, but in
raising her, it was letermined that she had snagged on a stump located to the
side of the Forest Monarch (ibid., December 27, 1855).

204
11. BILLY STRATTON

Unfortunately, there is no directory ot , ..boits, and newspapers seldom

mentioned them except when they sank while hauling valuable cargoes. The
following notice from a Mobile newspaper contains information pertaining to
one of those exceptions (ibid., March 7, 1955):

Flat Boat Sunk.--We find the following memorandum attached to the

manifest of the steamer Le Comte, arrived yesterday from Aberdeen: On
the evening of the 3rd inst., the flat boat "Billy Stratton," Robinson,
master, was wrecked and sunk near McCarty's Bluff, having on board some
300 or 400 bales cotton.

12. AZILE

This 132-ton sidewheeler was built in 1852 in New Albany, Indiana (Neville,
1962). The arrival of this new boat drew the followine comments from a Mobile
newspaper (Mobile Daily Advertiser, May 16, 1852):

The Arrival of the Azile.--This fine, new and neat little passenger
steamer, the departure from Louisville of which we noticed a few days
ago, arrived at our wharves yesterday, sure enough. The want of such a
craft for the summer trade, to run to Bladon and along shore, has long
been felt in this comunity, and notwithstanding that she is rather small,
several of our citizens were aboard to examine her accommodations, and
the general expression were those of entire satisfaction.

Bladon Springs was a popular watering place in southern Choctaw County,

about 143 river miles above Mobile. During the summer months, the Azile
listed her major landings as "Bladon Springs, Demopolis and Gainesville"
(ibid., June 5, 1852). In the latter part of June she had to discontinue her
trip to Gainesville, as the following notice indicates (ibid., June 22, 1852):

The Azile left last Tuesday the 15th for Gainesville but only
succeeded in reaching Demopolis, and was even then much delayed by the
great scarcity of water upon the bars.

In March, 1855, the Azile was sunk by a snag, and it was thought that she
would not be raised, as the following newspaper notice indicates (Alabama
State Centinel [Selma], March 20, 1855):

We learn from the Mobile Register of the 13th inst., that the
steamer Azile on her downward trip, sunk at Burk's landing, and it is
believed the boat, with a good portion of her cargo, will be a total loss.
The Azile had on board 528 bales of cotton, and 23 passengers. . .
About 250 bales of her cotton were brought down by the Cuba, yesterday--
the rest, together with the boat, as we have said, goes for clear loss,
the water being about 20 feet deep where she sank.

The boat was raised and rebuilt to carry passengers; she had been used
in past few seasons exclusively for hauling freight (Mobile Daily Advertiser,
November 6, 1855). She then disappears from the newspapers. Rodabough

205
(November 28, 1974) states that she sank in 1856 at Ten Mile Shoals, south of
Columbus, Mississippi, while Neville (1962) states that she was abandoned in
1857.

13. W.H. GARDNER

This 174-ton sternwheeler was built in 1880 in Mobile (ibid.), and was
operated principally by several Demopolis businessmen. She was destroyed by
fire on March 2, 1887, at Howard's Bar, approximately three miles south of
Gainesville, on the Upper Tombigbee River, killing some 23 persons in the
conflagation. Heavily laden with cotton, the boat was racing with the
steamer D.L. Talley, when a fire was discovered in the cotton carried by the
W.H. Gardner (Montgomery Advertiser, March 4, 1887). A newspaper report said
(ibid., Mar. 3, 1887):

The fire was discovered by Captain Stone. A negro deck hand threw
water on the burning bale, and in throwing another bucketfull his clothes
caught fire. Panic stricken he ran from place to place setting fire to
cotton bales, and in a few minutes the boat was in flames all over. She
was in mid stream and in motion. The crew and passengers jumped over-
board. Those lost were drowned. It is not thought that more than one
or two were burned. . . . Later intelligence shows that the fire
originated from a spark from the chimney and was spread by a negro deck
hand as related.

14. CITY OF COLUMBUS

This small 59-ton sidewheeler was built in 1893 at Columbus, Mississippi

(Neville, 1962). I have found little information pertaining to this insigni-
ficant vessel, which was probably used mainly for local trade. Saltus (1977)
states that she was "wrecked" at Columbus in early 1900.

15. VIENNA

This 176-ton sternwheeler was built in 1898 at Columbus. Three excellent

photographs of this boat may be found in Bert Neville's Directory of River
Packets in the Mobile-Alabama-Warrior-Tombigbee Trades, pages 349-351.

The Vienna was snagged at Moore's Bluff (Ten Mile Shoals) below Columbus
in 1907. Saltus (1977) states that she was "bound for Mobile with a cargo of
cotton, cottonseed meal, and cotton seed chaff" when snagged.

16. AMERICAN

This 190-ton sternwheeler was built in 1902 at Decatur, Alabama, by the

American Oak & Extract Company, for the purpose of hauling lumber and hides.
She was modeled after the Avalon the largest boat on the Tennessee River,
against the advice of pilots who believed that she was too large for her
intended purpose. On her first trip into a creek after a load of chestnut

206
wood, she ran into the trees, losing some of her gingerbread from the pilot
house and some of the boiler deck railings (information from an interview of
W. Stuart Harris with Bert Neville).

The owners sold her to Vicksburg interests for use on the Yazoo River.
When the Vienna sank (see above), Peeples & Stuart, a company operating out of
Vienna and Pickensville, sent Captain Sam Cosper, Sr. to Vicksburg to purchase
a replacement, and the "American" q-as his choice (ibid.).

Peeples & Stuart operated the American out of Demopolis and Columbus to
Mobile during the high water seasons. During the low water seasons, she was
leased for the Alabama River trade from Mobile to Lower Peach Tree or to
Selma. On one occasion she was snagged and sank at Portland, Dallas County,
but %,as soon raised and placed again into operation (ibid.).

Photographs of the American may be found in Neville's directory, pages

141-IJ2, and also in the files of the Special Collections, University of
Alabama Library. She was destroyed by fire on April 4, 1915, at Pickensville,
on the Upper Tombigbee River. I have found no newspaper notice of the destruc-
tion.

17. SWAN

This 47-ton sternwheeler was the only steam towboat listed among these
17 wrecks. First called the Jackson, she was built in Mobile in 1900. and
measured 102.2 x 22.2 x 2.4 feet (Neville, 1964). She was sold to Tuscaloosa
interests around 1907 to take the palce of the Alert and was re-named Swan
about 1913 (ibid.).

She was re-built in 1913, becoming a 60-ton vessel, measuring 100 x 21.5
x 2.5 feet, and was used to transport log rafts from Phifers, Alabama (28
water miles below Tuscaloosa) to Tuscaloosa. She was later sold to a sawmill
near Epes, on the Upper Tombigbee River. Around 1920, she went aground at
Whitsitt's Landing during a flood, where she broke in half and was abandoned.

207
 APPENDIX 7

CLARENCE BLOOMFIELD MOORE AND HIS LITTLE TOMBIGBEE

ARCHEOLOGICAL EXPEDITION

By Kenneth R. Wesson

Clarence Bloomfield Moore was born in Philadelphia on January 14, 1852, the
son of Bloomfield H. and Clara S. (Jessup) Moore. He was graduated from
Harvard with an A.B. degree in 1873; his major area of study was archeology.
After his graduation Moore traveled across much of Europe, Egypt, Syria, Asia
Minor, Greece, Turkey, as well as the United States. He enjoyed big-game
hunts and safari trips (Wardle, 1956, p. 9), and in 1876 he journeyed across
the Andes Mountains and down the Amazon River. During 1878-79 he took another
trip around the world. (Who Was Who in America, 1943, s.v. "Clarence Bloom-
field Moore.")

Subsequent to his extensive world travel Moore spent a considerable

portion of the next thirty years indulging himself in archeological explora-
tion and investigation in the southeastern United States, then but little
known archeologically. By 1893 Moore had become associated with Dr. Milo G.
Miller, secretary, co-worker, physician, and friend, who was to remain Moore's
inseparable companion to the end of his scientific work (Wardle, 1956, p. 9).
Mainly concerning himself with aboriginal sites, Moore traveled the coasts and
many of the inland waterways of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama,
Mississippi, Arkansas, and Louisiana (Who Was Who in America, 1943, s.v.
"Clarence Bloomfield Moore"). Moore utilized a flat-bottomed steamboat, the
Gopher, for his water transportation (Moore, 1905, p. 125; Wardle, 1956, p.
10; Arrow Points 7 [19231:114). The captain of the boat for many years was
one J.S. Raybon, who examined in advance such territory as Moore intended to
explore and obtained permission to investigate from the owners (Moore, 1909,
p. 7). The archeological campaigns were well organized. Expeditions usually
occurred in the spring, while summers were devoted to cleaning, repairing,
photographing, and studying the collection of artifacts; the writing of the
reports followed in the fall (Wardle, 1956, p. 9).

During the winter of 1901 Moore explored sites along the Little Tombigbee
River in Mississippi and Alabama. Starting from Columbus, Mississippi, he
conducted six weeks of "vigorous work" on many sites, while descending the
river. Moore's primary objective was to locate and excavate aboriginal
cemeteries, but only isolated and fragmentary skeletal remains were found;
some pottery and other artifacts were also uncovered. He found no evidence
of aboriginal cremations along the Tombigbee River. The mounds and camp-
sites visited were all measured, examined, and recorded, together with any
information concerning the findings of excavation. Having uncovered compara-
tively little, however, the investigation was abandoned twenty-nine miles

209 1i,.BUiIN, PAta NAMK-NOT Ft14J,

below Demopolis, Alabama, at Bickley's Landing (Moore, 1901, pp. 499, 304,
5141).

In his published account of the 1901 Tombigbee River exploration Moore

included a list of mounds, camp-sites, landings, and locations along the
river from Columbus, Mississippi, to the confluence of the Alabama River.
Included in the list are the names of owners of the property on which mounds
and camp-sites were located, and whether or not the owner had given his
permission to excavate the site. The following list is a reproduction of
Moore's from Columbus, Mississippi, to Gainesville, Alabama. The first item
in each citation is the name of the location. The second item is the
prospective site to be excavated (either mound[s] or {andl camp-siters]). The
third item is the property owner's name(s). The final item, if listed, is
the worJ "permission," meaning that the property owner(s) had given permission
for excavation to be performed on the property; if the word "permission" does
not appear, it is assumed that excavation was not allowed. See Fig. 18.

Butler's Gin, mound, James Cox, Esq.

Chowder Spring, mounds, William S. Mustin, Esq., permission.
Chowder Spring, mound, Messrs. Halbert & Vaughn, permission.
Halbert Lake, mound, P.M. Halbert, Esq.
Moore's Bluff, camp-sites, J.T.W. Hairston, Esq., permission.
Moore's Bluff, camp-site, W. Snowton, Esq.
Blue Rock Landing, camp-sites, A.B. Mybrick, Esq., permission.
Wild Cat Bend, mound and camp-site, J.T.W. Hairston, Esq., permission.
Union Bluff, camp-site, Hon. T.B. Franklin, permission.
Opposite union Bluff, mound, J. T. W. Hairston, Esq., permission.
Jim Creek, camp-site, William Baldwin, Esq.
Pumpkin Landing, camp-site, Mrs. S.C. Monk.
Davis Gin Landing, mound and camp-site, J.E. Stewart, Esq.
McLaren's Landing, mound and camp-site, Winston Jones, Esq.
Pickensville Landing, camp-site, Mrs. W.A. Peterson, permission.
Pickensville Landing, camp-site, W.H. Horton, Esq., permission.
Jackson Landing, camp-site, Mrs. Elizabeth Jones.
Ringgold's Bluff, camp-site, Milton B. Curry, Esq., permission.
Ringgold's Bluff, mound and camp-sites, Mrs. Susan West, permission.
McFatton Landing, mound and camp-site, B.B. Cohen, Esq., permission.
Carraway Landing, camp-site, Mrs. Caroline Carraway.
Memphis Landing, mound, Mr. Mouchett, permission.
Blubber Creek, mounds, Lee Stone, Esq., permission.
Coleman Landing, mounds and camp-sites, A.H. Cooper, Esq., permission.
Clanton Landing, camp-sites, Mrs. Henrietta Bradford, permission.
Stone's Ferry, camp-site, Richard Lang, Esq.
Summerville, mound, James B. Summerville, Esq., permission.
Kearney's Bluff, camp-site, William Hagaman, Esq., permission.
Ballard Lake, camp-site, William Hagaman, Esq., permission.
Cat-fish Landing, camp-sites, James Luke, Esq., permission.
Windham Landing, mound and camp-sites, W.B. Peebles, Esq., permission.
Sipsey Landing, camp-site, D. Poynor, Esq., permission.
Hill's Landing, camp-site, John W. Cook, Esq., permission.
Opposite Barnes' Gin, camp-site, John W. Cook, Esq., permission.
Barnes' Gin, camp-site, Messrs. W.M. and J.A. Halsell, permission.
Hibbler's Landing, camp-site, Messrs. W.M. and J.A. Halsell, permission.

210
 r - - ... .

N , >

% ".. ou-. -

%- ,A

I-..- '

COL~r4BS, 1901

i,,. ,,,., ..,~eJ'~aa,,,,,.. .. ., ,

II-i11i i iiiii...... . iilliii

CL RIEB .. O i M I LII IIORE- MAPI O . TO B C E
THE. iVE E
 China Bluff Landing, camp-site, John W. Cook, Zsq., permission.
Craig's Landing, mounds, John W. Cook, Esq., permission.
Taylor's Landing, mounds, Mrs. Jane Pettit, permission.
Smith's Ferry, camp-site, Hugh Lang, Esq., permission.
Goodson's Landing, mound and camp-site, Logan Waller, Esq., permission.
Noxubee River, camp-sites, R. Hibler, Esq., permission.
Gainesville, camp-site, B. May, Esq.
Gainesville, camp-site, Dr. Williams, permission. (Ibid., pp. 500-01.)

Perhaps Moore's most successful archeological exploration was conducted

in 1905 at Moundville, Alabama. There he discovered highly artistic objects
in shell, pottery, stone, and copper, belonging to a great Indian ceremonial
and burial center. Moore returned to Moundville in 190t and with him were
some ten to fifteen men employed to dig, as well as several trained assistants;
the crew worked there for almost a month. Although not as fruitful as his
first visit, Moore's second excavation at Moundville did expose many Indian
artifacts. (Wardle, 1956, pp. 9-10; Arrow Points 7 [1923]:112.)

Through more than a quarter of a century Moore explored sites where the
Indians of the southern states had made their homes and had buried their dead.
More had carefully recorded his data, and he had uncovered much physical
evidence to be preserved. From 1892 to 1921 Moore published his findings in
more than twenty books and articles. Though some of his writings were
privately printed, most were published through the Journal of the Academy of
Natural Sciences of Philadelphia; his work was also published in The American
Naturalist and in American Anthropologist. Moore donated much of his collec-
tion of American Indian archeological artifacts and materials to the Academy
of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia. With his approval, the collection was
later sold to the Museum of American Indian-Heye Foundation in New York City,
except for a few artifacts given to the Wagner Institute in Philadelphia.
(Wardle, 1956, pp. 10-11; National Union Catalog of Manuscript Collections,
1966, p. 3.) Moore died in 1936.

212
 .. . ... . . . .. .. .

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Introductory Comments

While secondary works have been of real value to this proiect, the back-
bone of the work has been in primary sources. The best results have come from
documentary and cartographic investigations rather than from "literature
search." Opportunities for further advancement of knowledge also lie in this
area.

Libraries and Depositories of Records

Useful records have been found in many places, the most important of which
are listed below, with some of their most interesting collections.

1. Alabama State Department of Archives and History, Montgomery. A vast

collection of material on the history of Alabama. Of special interest:

John Anthony Winston papers (personal and political)

Albert J. Pickett collection
Peter A. Brannon papers
Doy McCall papers (on steamboats)
Thomas M. Owen papers
Biographical collections (very extensive)
Collections of Alabama newspapers (very extensive)
Microfilms of manuscript U.S. Census records

2. Mississippi State Department of Archives and History, Jackson. A well-

managed enterprise with extensive collections of material on Mississippi. Of
special interest:

W.W. Humphries plantation papers (diary, account books, contracts with

sharecroppers, 1879-1883)
Henry B. Whitfield & Co., letter books, 1867-1868. (Lowndes County,
Mississippi, business letters depicting failure of a proposed cotton
gin-grist mill operation)
J.J. Reynolds papers relating to Tishomingo County (letters and tax
receipts)
Bertie Shaw Rollins papers (letters and an account of hotels in Aberdeen,
1847-1951)
William F. Shields papers (Lowndes County plantation records, 1840-1841)
Henry B. Whitfield and Company (letters relating to the unsuccessful
Cibolo Cotton and Grist Mills near Artesia in the Reconstruction
Era)
William F. Shields papers, 1821-1870 (a naval officer's papers, including
plantation accounts in Lowndes County)

213
 George Hampton Young papers, 1836-1845 (a microfilm of documents belonging
to the owners of Waverly plantations, mostly legal documents of
limited usefulness)
Extensive collections of Mississippi newspapers
Works Progress Administration histories of Mississippi counties
Microfilms of manuscript U.S. Census records

3. University of Alabama Main Library, Tuscaloosa. Special collections include

extensive manuscripts and maps. Other items of special interest:

A very extensive collection of U.S. Government publications, especially

congressional documents, an almost complete collection of the annual
reports of the army's Chief of Engineers
Theses on Alabama subjects
Extensive collections of Alabama newspapers
Microfilms of manuscript U.S. Census records

4. Mississippi State University Library, Starkville. Special collections

include maps, monographs, and other documents. Of special interest:

Bertie Shaw Rollins papers, showing various aspects of life in Monroe

County
William F. Shields papers (plantation records) of zowndes County
Randolph-Sherman papers (microfilm), relating to Lowndes County
Microfilms of miscellaneous Lowndes County papers

D. University of Mississippi Library, Oxford. Miscellaneous items on Missis-

sippi, of which the following are of special interest:

Clippings files on Mississippi, arranged by county

Theses on Mississippi counties
Extensive records of the lumber industry
Files of Mississippi newspapers

6. Birmingham Public Library, Birmingham. Here is found the very extensive

Rucker Agee collection of early maps of the Southeast and Gulf Coast, some
very rare.

". Mobile Public Library, Mobile. Here are extensive records of Mobile and
of Mobile's trade, including that on the rivers. Of special interest is the
collection of Mobile city directories, showing businesses, commission merchants,
factors, and names of people in the area. Steamboat landings on the Upper Tom-
bigbee River, with distances from Mobile. are regularly listed in these
directories.

8. Army Corps of Engineers Office. Mobile. Some records of the Upper Tombig-
bee River are kept here, but the Corps has not generally preserved archival
records. Extensive atlases of the Upper Tombigbee, with dates of 191b and
1938, preserved at the Tuscaloosa office, are currently in Mobile. The Mobile
office has current maps and current records that have been useful to this
project.

214
 9. Geological Survey of .\labama Library. at th e Universitv of \labama.
Tuscaloosa. Collections of mavs and documnents here on geoogy and :eo~rarn;
and natural history relate almost entirely to the State )f Alabama. iard-ta-
find tracts and monographs are often available hlre, anc the col!ect:.1s
eions r ::Laps
include some rather rare maps, as 'yell as comprehensive col itcc
showing current geography and geology.

10. Mississippi University for Women Library, Columbus. The nrincipal col-
lection of interest found here is of the records of the Tennes!ee-Tambi :ee
Waterway Authority, which has only very recently been 7ace accessible.

ii. W.A. Evans Memorial Library, Aberdeen. Extensive document inc.udin4

ledgers and other account books of local enternrises. Detailcd lescrinptons
and finding aids are largely lacking, so quick and ,ei!-iirected use of the
collections is not to be anticipated.

12. Lowndes County Public Library, Columbus. This public library has a
special collections section that undertakes to acquire items relating to the
local history of the county. It has various documents, clippings, and photo-
graphs relating to the Tombigbee River.

13. Natchez Trace Parkway Lihrary', Tupelo. The special collection here re-
lates very narrowly to the Natchez Trace and matters directly related to it.
It has a collection of maps.

14. County Courthouses of the ten Upper Tombigbee counties all contain exten-
sive local records, which can provide the basis for research and analysis.

15. Southern Collection, University of North Carolina Library. Chapel Hill.

Extensive manuscript collections cover the entire South. Of special interest
to the Upper Tombigbee area are the following:

Samuel Andrew Agnew (1833-1902) diary (relates to northeast Mississippi)

Billups Family papers, relating to Voxubee County
Elizabeth Amis Cameron (Hooper Blanchard papers, describing antebellum
plantation life in Lowndes County)
Belle Edmundson Diary, describes trip from Shelby County, Tennessee, to
Columbus in 1864
William Ethelbert Ervin journal of Lowndes County plantation. Saw and
grist mill accounts.
Hairston and Wilson family papers (Lowndes County plantation)
James Thomas Harrison papers (Voxubee County plantation)
Charles Eaton Hamilton papers (Lowndes County plantation)
Ernest Hauwood collection (Greene County plantation)
Holliday and Pendleton family papers (antebellum Aberdeen)
Johnston and McFaddin family papers (relates in part to Noxubee County)
John McKee papers (Choctaw and Chickasaw Indians)
Joseph Pickens McQueen papers (Greene County)
William Ruffin Smith papers (Lowndes County plantation)
James Perrin Quarles, Jr., collection (relates in part to Chickasaw lands)
Walton Family papers (Greene County, family and business)
Wetmore Family papers (Sumter Countu)
Gaston Hillary Wilder papers (Greene County plantation and store records)

4
215
 Robert W. Withers papers (Greene County; plantation, business, ard medical
practice records)
Marcus Joseph right papers (Greene County family, plantation, and
legislative)

i. Duke University Library, Durham, N.C. Lnmited manuscripts of interest to

Upper Tombigbee area, oarticularly:

James D. Dunn papers (Greene County business and steamboats)

A.H. Jones Invoice 3ook (N.oxubee County trade, property lists and inven-
tories)

I-. National Archives, ;Vashington. This institution is unsurpassed as a

repository of the archival records of the United States government. Its
facilities are inadequate to cope with recent creations, however. These are
either being stored in temporary facilities or in the Federal records centers
in various parts of the country, which now have archives branches. In the main
building in Washington the following are of special interest:

Land plats from original surveys, with field notes

Records of steam vessels, including steamboats
Archival records of the Army Chief of Engineers
Post Office records
Records of aerial photographic surveys

18. Federal Records Center, Suitland, Maryland. Records of the sales of public
lands are found here, in the archives branch. Still in Records are the records
of the Interstate Commerce Commissions's Docket 13494, the Southern Class Rate
Investigation, which were used in the present study.

19. Federal Records Center, .\rchives Branch, East Point, Georgia. A consid-
erable body of records of the Mobile District Office of the Corps of Engineers
is to be found here, including working papers for feasibility studies of the
Tennessee-Tombigbee Waterway.

20. Library of Congress, Washington. This is a national library of a tremen-

dous scope of operations. In its collections some items of special interest
are:

Thousands of maps of Alabama and Mississippi areas in the Map Division

County histories for Alabama and Mississippi
Pictures of individuals and sites in the Prints and Photographic Division

21. U.S. Bureau of Land Management. Silver Spring, Marland. This bureau
maintains records and maps for its own operations on a very extensive scale.
Its collections contain many maps showing details of survey of areas in the
Upper Tombigbee Valley in Alabama and Mississippi. Of special interest are the
tract books, which show original purchasers of public lands, acres purchased,
precise location, price per acre, and date of purchase, arranged by townships.
Microfilms of the tract books for Alabama and Mississippi have been acquired
by the University of Alabama Library and the Center for the Study of Southern
History and Culture of that institution.

l1b
22. U.S. Postal Serv.ice Library, Washington. This contains published records
of post offices and postmaster appointments.

23. U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Library, Washington. This contains a complete
set of the annual reports of the Chief of Engineers and a very elaborate
comprehensive index to those reports. Most of the working papers and maps of
the Corps appear to have been routinely destroyed then no longer needed in the
conduct of operations.

24. Library of the Bureau of Railway Economics, Association of American Rail-

roads, Washington. Although greatly reduced from its former glory, this is
still a national fountain of information relating to railroads, including those
of the Upper Tombigbee Valley.

Newspapers

[Aberdeen] Evening Tempest. 1856.

Aberdeen Examiner. 1871, 1879-1909, 1974.
[Aberdeen] Mississippi Advertise. 1842-1847.
[Aberdeen] News He rald. 1975.
[Aberdeen] Sunny South. 1856-1859.
[Aberdeen] Weekly Conservative. 1854.
[Aberdeen] Weekly Independent. 1850-1853.
Aberdeen Whig and North Mississippi Advocate. i39.
Amory Advertiser. 1974.
[Carrollton] West Alabamian. 1892.
Cahawba Press & Alabama State Intelligencer. 1824.
Columbus Democrat. 1854-1856.
[Columbus] Southern Argus. 1841.
[Greensboro] Alabama Beacon. 1848.
Macon Beacon. 1872-1894.
[Memphis, Tennessee] Commercial Appeal. 197S.
Mobile Commercial Register. 1825.
Mobile Daily Advertiser. 1851-1856.
Mobile Daily Advertiser & Chronicle. iS41, 1842.
Mobile Daily Commercial Register and Patriot. 1837.
Mobile Register. 1896, 1899.
Mobile Register and Journal. 1839, 1842.
Monroe [County] Democrat. 1849-1850.
Monroeville Journal. 1956.
Montgomery Advertiser. 1887.
[Montgomery] Daily Alabama Journal. 1850.
[Montgomery] Tri-Weekly Flag 1 Advertiser. 1S48.
[Okolonal Prairie News. 1858.
Pickens [County] Republican. 1857-1860.
Pickensville Courier. 1860.
Pickensville Journal. 1860.
Pickensville Register. 1842-1843.
[Selma] Alabama State Sentinel. 1855.
Tishomingo County News--The Vidette--Belmont News. 1976.
[West Point] Southern Broad Axe. 1859-1860.

217
 United States Government Documents

Aerial Photographs in the National Archives, Special List 25. Washington:

National Archives and Records Service, 1973.

Agriculture, Department of. Soil Survey of Various Mississippi Counties,

1910. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1911.

Army, Department of the. Office of the Chief of Engineers. Annual Report of

the Chief of Engineers on Civil Works Activities for 1976. Vol. 2.
Washington: Government Printing Office, 1976.

Alabama and Mississippi Maps in the National Archives, Special List 29.
Washington: National Archives and Records Service, 1971.

"Battle of Ackia." In Commemoration of the Two Hundreth Anniversary of the

Battle of Ackia. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1934.

Carter, Clarence Edwin, comp. & ed. The Territorial Papers of the United
States. Vols.5 and 6, The Territory of Mississippi. Washington:
Government Printing Office, 1937.

Carter, Clarence E., comp. & ed. The Territorial Papers of the United States.
Vol. 18, The Territory of Alabama, 1817-1819. Washington: Government
Printing Office, 1952.

Census, Bureau of the. Census publications are found under such headings as
Census Office and Bureau of the Census (in either Department of the
Interior or Department of Commerce). For rationalization of Census maze
see Dubester, 1950.

Commerce, Department of. Bureau of the Census. Negro Population, 1790-1915.

Washington: Government Printing Office, 1918.

Commerce and Labor, Department of. Bureau of the Census. Thirteenth Census
of the United States, 1910: Population by Counties and Minor Civil
Divisions, 1910, 1900, 1890. Washington: Government Printing Office,
1912.

Commerce and Labor, Department of. Bureau of the Census. Thirteerth Census
of the United States Taken in the Year 1910. Vol. 6, Agriculture, 1909-
1910. Reports by States, with Statistics for Counties: Alabama-
Montana. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1913.

Commerce and Labor, Department of. Bureau of the Census. Thirteenth Census
of the United States Taken in the Year 1910. Vol. 2, Population, 1910:
Reports by States, with Statistics for Counties, Cities, and other Civil
Divisions, Alabama-Montana. Washington: Government Printing Office,
1913.

Congress. American State Papers. 38 vols. Washington: Gales and Seaton,

1832-1861.

218
 -,7

Congress. House. Joint Resolution of the Legislature of Mississippi asking

Congress for an Appropriation for Improving the Navigation of the
Tombigbee River. H. Misc. Doc. 171, 44th Cong., Ist Sess., 1876.

Congress. House. Warrior and Tombigbee Rivers, Alabama and Mississippi. t.

Ex. Doc. 156, 51st Cong., Ist Sess., 1890.

Congress. House. Waterway Between Tennessee and Tombigbee Rivers in the

State of Mississippi. H. Doc. 218, 63rd Cong., 1st Sess., 1913.

Congress. House. Index to the Reports of the Chief of Engineers, U.S. Army
(Including the Reports of the Isthmian Canal Commission, 1899-1914)
1866-1917. H. Doc. 740, 63rd Cong., 2nd Sess., 1916.

Congress. House. Tombigbee River from Demopolis, Alabama, to Columbus,

Mississippi. H. Doc. 1137, 64th Cong., 1st Sess., 1916.

Congress. House. Water Terminal and Transfer Facilities. H. Doc. 632, 66th
Cong., 2nd Sess., 1921.

Congress. House. Warrior and Tombigbee Rivers and Tributaries, Alabama and
Mississippi. H. Doc. 56, 73rd Cong., ist Sess., 1933.

Congress. House. Final Report of the United States De Soto Expedition

Commission. H. Doc. 71, 76th Cong., 1st Sess., 1939.

Congress. House. Waterway Connecting the Tombigbee and Tennessee Rivers.

H. Doc. 269, 76th Cong., 1st Sess., 1939.

Congress. House. Warrior and Tombigbee Rivers, Alabama and Mississippi. H.

Doc. 276, 76th Cong., 1st Sess., 1939.

Congress. House. Improvement of Warrior and Tombigbee Rivers, Below

Tuscaloosa, Alabama. H. Doc. 382, 77th Cong., 1st Sess., 1941.

Congress. House. Waterway Connecting the Tombigbee and Tennessee Rivers.

H. Doc. 486, 79th Cong., 2nd Sess., 1946.

Congress. House. Tombigbee River and Tributaries, Mississippi and Alabama.

H. Doc. 167, 84th Cong., Ist Sess., 1955.

Congress. House. Examination of Rivers and Harbors, Volume 1: Tennessee-

Tombigbee Waterway Development Compact. H. Rep. 1826, 85th Cong., nd
Sess., 1958.

Congress. House. Granting the Consent and Approval of Congress to the

Tennessee-Tombigbee Waterway Development Compact. H. Rep. 2211, 85th
Cong., 2nd Sess., 1958.

Congress. Senate. Tombigbee River. S. Doc. 231, 25th Cong., 2nd Sess.,
1838.

219
Congress. Senate. Memorial of a Committee of the Board of Trade of Columbus,
Mississippi, asking an Appropriation for the Improvement of the Tombig-
bee River. S. Misc. Doc. 119, 43th Cong., 2nd Sess., 1875.

Congress. Senate. Examination of the Sipsey River. S. Doc. 42, 46th Cong.,
3rd Sess., 1880-1881.

Congress. Senate. Examination of Bear Creek, Running from Northeastern

Mississippi, into the Tennessee River. S. Ex. Doc. 92, 47th Cong.,
ist Sess., 1882.

Congress. Senate. Natchez Trace Parkway Survey. S. Doc. 148, 76th Cong.,
3rd Sess., 1941.

Congress. Senate. Tennessee-Tombigbee Waterway Development Compact. S. Rep.

1860, 85th Cor.g., 2nd Sess., 1958.

County maps of the Tombigbee River area. Miscellaneous maps in the

Cartographic Section of the National Archives, Washington.

Dubester, Henry J. Catalog of United States Census Publications: 1790-1945.

Washington: Government Printing Office, 1950.

Hargett, Janet L. List of Selected Maps of States and Territories. Washing-

ton: National Archives and Records Service, 1971.

Hubbert, Charles M. A Cultural Resource Survey of the Bay Springs Segment of

the Tennessee-Tombigbee Waterway. N.p.: National Park Service, 1977.

Interagency Archeological Services--Atlanta and Mobile District Corps of

Engineers. Tennessee-Tombigbee Waterway: Alabama and Mississippi:
Tombigbee River Multi-Resource District Proposed Mitigation Plan. 3
vols. Vol. 1, Overall Study Plan. Vol. 2, Tombigbee River Multi-Resource
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