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Countering the Problem of Falsified and Substandard Drugs

(2013)
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ISBN 978-0-309-38780-4 | DOI 10.17226/18272
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GET THIS BOOK Gillian J. Buckley and Lawrence O. Gostin, Editors; Committee on Understanding
the Global Public Health Implications of Substandard, Falsified, and
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Committee on Understanding the Global Public Health Implications of

Substandard, Falsified, and Counterfeit Medical Products
Board on Global Health
Gillian J. Buckley and Lawrence O. Gostin, Editors
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COMMITTEE ON UNDERSTANDING THE GLOBAL

PUBLIC HEALTH IMPLICATIONS OF SUBSTANDARD,
FALSIFIED, AND COUNTERFEIT MEDICAL PRODUCTS
LAWRENCE O. GOSTIN (Chair), the Linda and Timothy O’Neill
Professor of Global Health Law; Director, WHO Collaborating
Center on Public Health Law and Human Rights, Georgetown
University Law Center, Washington, DC
DANIEL CARPENTER, Allie S. Freed Professor of Government, Harvard
University, Cambridge, MA
HANS HOGERZEIL, Professor of Global Health, Groningen University, The
Netherlands; Former Director, Essential Medicines and Pharmaceutical
Policies, World Health Organization, Geneva, Switzerland
THOMAS P. LAYLOFF, Senior Quality Assurance Director, Supply Chain
Management System, Arlington, VA
ANN MARIE KIMBALL, Senior Program Officer of Epidemiology and
Surveillance, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, Seattle, WA
PATRICK LUKULAY, Director, Promoting the Quality of Medicines
Program, U.S. Pharmacopeia, Rockville, MD
MARGARETH NDOMONDO-SIGONDA, Pharmaceutical Coordinator,
New Partnership for Africa’s Development, Pretoria, South Africa
ARTI K. RAI, Elvin R. Latty Professor, Duke University School of Law,
Durham, NC
MARCO ANTONIO STEPHANO, Professor, University of São Paulo,
School of Pharmaceutical Sciences, Brazil
JOHN THERIAULT, Former Vice President of Security, Apple Inc.,
Cupertino, CA; Former Vice President of Security, Pfizer, Inc.,
New York, NY
MARY E. WILSON, Adjunct Associate Professor of Global Health and
Population, Harvard University School of Public Health, Boston, MA
PRASHANT YADAV, Director, Healthcare Research, William Davidson
Institute, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
IOM Staff
GILLIAN BUCKLEY, Program Officer, Study Director
KENISHA PETERS, Research Associate
MEGAN GINIVAN, Research Assistant
KATHLEEN BURNS, Intern
JULIE WILTSHIRE, Financial Associate
PATRICK W. KELLEY, Director, Boards on Global Health and African
Science Academy Development


Reviewers
This report has been reviewed in draft form by individuals chosen

for their diverse perspectives and technical expertise, in accordance with
procedures approved by the National Research Council’s Report Review
Committee. The purpose of this independent review is to provide candid
and critical comments that will assist the institution in making its published
report as sound as possible and to ensure that the report meets institutional
standards for objectivity, evidence, and responsiveness to the study charge.
The review comments and draft manuscript remain confidential to protect
the integrity of the deliberative process. We wish to thank the following
individuals for their review of this report:
Georges Benjamin, American Public Health Association

Martha Brumfield, Martha A. Brumfield, LLC
Stephen Byrn, Purdue University
Philip Chen, formerly of Georgetown University Law Center
Charles Clift, Chatham House
Michael Green, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
William Greene, St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital
Noel Greis, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Harparkash Kaur, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine
Thomas Kubic, Pharmaceutical Security Institute
Joshua Sharfstein, Maryland Department of Health & Mental Hygiene
Marv Shepherd, University of Texas at Austin
Andy Stergachis, University of Washington
Chen Yang, Sidley Austin, LLP
vii

viii REVIEWERS
Although the reviewers listed above have provided many constructive

comments and suggestions, they were not asked to endorse the conclusions
or recommendations, nor did they see the final draft of the report before its
release. The review of this report was overseen by Harold Fallon, Medical
University of South Carolina, and Elaine Larson, School of Nursing and
Mailman School of Public Health, Columbia University. Appointed by the
National Research Council and the Institute of Medicine, they were respon-
sible for making certain that an independent examination of this report was
carried out in accordance with institutional procedures and that all review
comments were carefully considered. Responsibility for the final content of
this report rests entirely with the authoring committee and the institution.

Acknowledgments
This report is a product of the cooperation and contributions of

many people. The committee and staff are especially grateful to Danielle
Turnipseed and Livia Navon for their work on the manuscript, and to
Deepali Patel and Susan McCutchen for their fast and accurate refer-
ence review. The project ran smoothly because of the contributions of
Jim Banihashemi, Sarah Ziegenhorn, Laura Harbold DeStefano, Anne
Claiborne, and Vilija Teel of the Institute of Medicine. Janice Mehler of the
Report Review Committee oversaw a careful peer review of the manuscript.
Many experts outside of the Academies helped the committee and staff
with this project. Bryan Liang of the University of California, San Diego,
was not able to serve on the committee but contributed to the first meeting.
Michael Deats, Jitka Sabartova, and Sabine Kopp of the WHO shared their
technical expertise; Tom Kubic of PSI, Inc. shared and explained his orga-
nization’s unpublished data; Vincent Ahonkai of the Bill & Melinda Gates
Foundation, Kelly Catlin of CHAI, and James Droop and Saul Walker of
DFID shared information about medicine procurement and quality assur-
ance; Mark Paxton of the FDA explained RFID technology; Ashifi Gogo
of Sproxil explained mobile verification; Mariam Khan of BMI shared
pharmaceutical sales data; and Lynda Scammell of the MHRA shared her
technical expertise.
Members of the committee and staff traveled to Brasília, Delhi, Ge-
neva, Hyderabad, London, and São Paulo, during this project. Their
meetings abroad were made easier because of the help and hospitality of
Teija Katajainen of the WHO; Maria Alves of the EMA; Arthy Santhaku-
mar of Chatham House; A. Srinivasa Chakravarthy, K.V. Surendra Nath,
ix

x ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
and Syed Mohammed Arifullah of the U.S. Pharmacopeia–India; Carlos

Morel of FIOCRUZ; and Laura Oliveira of the University of São Paulo.
Charles Nwasor of the Altarum Institute, Kelley Badiane of USAID, Monica
Eimunjeze of NAFDAC, Henrietta Williams of the Catholic Medical Asso-
ciation of Nigeria, and Isaac Umunna also helped the staff and committee
prepare for their meetings.
The committee is grateful to the following participants who spoke at
meetings and helped staff plan agendas:
Martin Harvey Allchurch Laurie Garrett

P.V. Appaji David R. Gaugh
Amir Attaran Debora Germano
Martin Auton Raj Shankar Ghosh
Sunil Bahl Ashifi Gogo
Roger Bate Antony Raj Gomes
Ilisa Bernstein Subhash Gouda
Katherine Bond L.C. Goyal
Regina Brown Wendy Greenall
Gian Luca Burci Jeffery Gren
Claudio Henrique Cabral Catherine Hill-Herndon
Nicholas Cappuccino Meghana Inamdar
Ranjan Chakrabarti Mariaou Tala Jallow
Ranjit Chaudhury Kees de Joncheere
Lim Chin Chin Connie Jung
John Clark Mohga Kamal-Yanni
Charles Clift Harparkash Kaur
David Cockburn Sabine Kopp
Emer Cooke Alan Leather
Ediná Alves Costa Jamie Love
Alan Coukell Rohit Malpani
Elize Massard da Fonseca Paola Manchisini
Filipe Soares Quirino da Silva Linda Marks
Ashok Dang Sylvia Meek
Joelle Daviaud Mayira Milano
Leandro Teixeira de Morais Bejon Misra
Jenifer Devine Archna Mudgal
Pritu Dhalaria Koduru Surendra Nath
Albinus D’Sa Paul Newton
Douglas Duarte Fernando Nogueira
Paul Ellis Doroteia Koparanova Ollivier
Frederico Benite Filho Arun Panda
Michele Forzley Sharon Peacock
Odile Frank Patrícia Oliveira Pereira

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xi
Rebeca Mancini Pereira Nirupa Sen

Greg Perry Dilip Shah
Terezinha de Jesus Andreoli Pinto Sangeeta Shashikant
Aline Plancon Janice Soreth
Flávia Poppe Sadu Srivinas
Tiago Lanius Rauber Fergus Sweeny
Subbi Reddy Nirmalya Syam
Christophe Rérat Paulo Teixeira
Judit Rius Mary Lou Valdez
Nicolina Romano-Lieber German Velasquez
Francis Roodt Tarun Vij
Luciano Gonçalves Rosado Simeon Wilson
Bruce Ross Mark Witkowski
Percy Alberto Ocampo Rujel Shunmay Yeung
Niall Sargent Regina Zamith
Philippa Saunders Anthony Zook
Lynda Scammell Howard Zucker
Aluísio Segurado


Acronyms and Abbreviations
ACTA Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement

ADDO Accredited Drug Dispensing Outlet
AIDS acquired immune deficiency syndrome
AMRH African Medicines Regulatory Harmonization
Anvisa National Health Surveillance Agency of Brazil
API active pharmaceutical ingredient
BMI Business Monitor International
CDC Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

CHAI Clinton Health Access Initiative
DFID Department for International Development

DOTS Directly Observed Treatment–Short Course
EMA European Medicines Agency
ESI electrospray ionization
EU European Union
FDA U.S. Food and Drug Administration

FIP International Pharmaceutical Federation
GC-MS gas chromatography and mass spectrometer

Global Fund Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria
xiii

xiv ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
HIV human immunodeficiency virus

HPLC high-performance liquid chromatography
ICH International Conference on Harmonisation of Technical

Requirements for Registration of Pharmaceuticals for
Human Use
IFC International Finance Corporation
IMPACT International Medical Products Anti-Counterfeiting
Taskforce
Medicrime Council of Europe Convention on the counterfeiting of

Convention medical products and similar crimes involving threats to
public health
MSF Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders)
MSH Management Sciences for Health
NABP National Association of Boards of Pharmacy

NGO nongovernmental organization
NIST National Institute of Standards and Technology
NSF National Science Foundation
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and

Development
OPIC Overseas Private Investment Corporation
PhRMA Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America

PQM Promoting the Quality of Medicines
PSI Pharmaceutical Security Institute
PSM Partnership for Safe Medicines
RFID radio frequency identification
SBIR Small Business Innovation Research

SSFFC substandard, spurious, falsely-labeled, falsified, counterfeit
TLC thin layer chromatography

TRIPS Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights
Unicef United Nations Children’s Fund

UNODC United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
USAID United States Agency for International Development
USP U.S. Pharmacopeia

ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS xv
VIPPS Verified Internet Pharmacy Practice Sites
WCO World Customs Organization

WHA World Health Assembly
WHO World Health Organization
WIPO World Intellectual Property Organization
WTO World Trade Organization
WWARN WorldWide Antimalarial Resistance Network


Contents
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ix
ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS xiii
SUMMARY 1
1 INTRODUCTION 15
Background and Terms, 17
Intellectual Property and Public Health, 18
TRIPS and the Doha Declaration, 18
Patent and Trademark Infringement, 20
Competing Meanings of the Term Counterfeit, 22
Substandard and Falsified Drugs, 24
The Problem of Unregistered Medicines, 26
A Proposed Vocabulary, 28
Drug Quality Standards, 30
Pharmacopeia, 30
Registration Agencies and National Pharmaceutical
Authorities, 31
References, 48
2 THE EFFECTS OF FALSIFIED AND SUBSTANDARD DRUGS 55

Public Health Consequences, 55
Poisoning, 55
Untreated Disease, Disease Progression, and Death, 57
xvii

xviii CONTENTS
Medications for Chronic Diseases, 58

Medications for Infectious Diseases, 60
Treatment Failure, 62
Antimicrobial Resistance, 63
Antimalarial Resistance, 65
Other Antiparasitic Resistance, 67
Economic and Social Consequences, 67
Costs to the Health System, 68
Social and Developmental Costs, 72
References, 78
3 THE MAGNITUDE OF THE PROBLEM 85

Industry and Government Data, 85
The Pharmaceutical Security Institute Incident Reporting
System, 86
Government and Intergovernmental Investigations, 90
The FDA Office of Criminal Investigations, 90
International Police Investigations, 92
Case Reports and Convenience Samples, 94
Case Reports, 95
Convenience Samples, 96
Antimicrobial Drugs, 96
Systematic Random Samples of Drug Quality, 100
A Need for More Field Surveys, 102
Global Prevalence Estimates, 103
The WHO Global Capacity-Building Project, 107
References, 134
4 CAUSES OF FALSIFIED AND SUBSTANDARD DRUGS 137

Reasons for Substandard Drugs, 137
Uneven Manufacturing Quality, 137
The IFC and OPIC, 142
Tiered Production, 144
Procurement and Substandard Medicines, 146
Applying the Model Quality Assurance System to
Secondary Procurement, 152
Reasons for Falsified Drugs, 153
Corruption and Organized Crime, 154
Enforcement and Punishment, 157
Reasons for Both, 162
Expense and Scarcity, 162
Reducing the Costs of Market Authorization, 165
Weak Regulatory Systems, 166

CONTENTS xix
Gaps in Regulatory Oversight, 171

Lack of Awareness and Action, 173
Uneven Awareness, 173
Public Action, 176
References, 187
5 WEAKNESSES IN THE DRUG DISTRIBUTION CHAIN 197

An Overview of Drug Distribution in Developed and
Developing Countries, 197
The Wholesale System, 203
The U.S. Wholesale Market, 208
The Wholesale Market in Low- and Middle-Income
Countries, 209
Drug Diversion, 210
Pilfering and Heists, 211
Drug Resale and Late Diversion, 213
Tracking and Tracing Products Through the Supply Chain, 214
Barcodes, 215
Electronic Product Codes and Radio Frequency
Identification, 217
Mobile Verification, 218
Medicines Retail, 222
Unregistered Pharmacies in Low- and Middle-Income
Countries, 223
Shortage of Quality-Assured Drug Shops, 224
Shortage of Trained Pharmacy Staff, 224
Improving Retail, 228
Pharmaceutical Task Shifting, 229
Giving Incentives to Pharmaceutical Personnel, 232
Internet Pharmacies in Middle- and High-Income Countries, 233
The Legality of Internet Drugs Retail, 233
The Attraction of Internet Pharmacies, 236
Distinguishing Rogue Pharmacies from Legitimate Ones, 238
References, 243
6 DETECTION TECHNOLOGY 255

Qualitative and Quantitative Methods, 255
Overview of Detection, Screening, and Analytical
Techniques, 257
Visual Inspection and Package Technologies, 257
Physical and Bulk Property Testing, 260
Colorimetry and Other Chemical Testing, 261
Chromatography, 261

xx CONTENTS
Spectroscopy, 265
Mass Spectrometry, 271
Emerging Technologies, 273
Using Technology, 274
Combining Techniques, 277
Using Technology in Developing Countries, 279
Field Technologies, 279
Detection in Every Setting, 281
The Technological Landscape, 284
References, 290
7 AN INTERNATIONAL CODE OF PRACTICE FOR

FALSIFIED AND SUBSTANDARD MEDICINES 295
The Role of the WHO, 297
Engaging Stakeholders, 298
Content of the Code, 300
International Surveillance, 300
Medicines Regulation, 301
Law Enforcement, 303
Compliance by States and Stakeholders, 304
References, 305
APPENDIXES
A GLOSSARY 309
B COMMITTEE BIOGRAPHIES 331
C MEETING AGENDAS 339

Boxes, Figures, and Tables
BOXES
1-1 Statement of Task, 18
1-2 Definitions of Terms, 29
2-1 Defective Glucose Test Strips, 59

2-2 Deaths from Substandard and Falsified Vaccines, 61
2-3 The WorldWide Antimalarial Resistance Network, 68
4-1 The Medicines Manufacturing Process, 140

4-2 Fatal Falsified Iron, 155
4-3 Adulterated Cancer Drugs, 156
4-4 Pharmaceutical Security Institute Crime and Arrest Data, 159
4-5 Manuel Calvelo, 161
4-6 Dissolution of the Pakistani Drug Regulatory Authority, 169
4-7 A National Awareness Campaign in Nigeria, 175
4-8 Health Worker Guidelines, 177
5-1 Drug Distribution in Humanitarian Emergencies, 202

5-2 Falsified Avastin’s Circuitous Path to the United States, 206
5-3 CareShop Franchisee Profiles, 230
5-4 The Australian Rural Pharmacy Workforce Program, 234
6-1 Classifying Falsified Medicines, 257

6-2 PharmaCheck, 273
xxi

xxii BOXES, FIGURES, AND TABLES
6-3 Chinese Mobile Laboratories, 280

6-4 The Global Pharma Health Fund Minilab, 282
FIGURES
1-1 A two-dimensional description of medicine quality and
registration, 27
2-1 Increasing incidence of multidrug-resistant tuberculosis

(MDR-TB), 64
2-2 Percentage of nosocomial Staphylococcus aureus isolates with
resistance to meticillin in studies in Latin American countries, 66
2-3 The increasing costs of drug development, 71
2-4 Comparative values of trafficking flows in West Africa, 73
3-1 Results of packaging and product analysis, 2011, 90

3-2 Geographic distribution of pharmaceutical sales in $U.S. billions,
2011 data, 91
3-3 Geographic distribution of Pharmaceutical Security Institute incident
reports, affected countries, 2011 data, 91
3-4 Registration status of antimalarial samples by distribution level, 98
3-5 Quality failures of registered and unregistered antimalarials in 267
samples, 99
3-6 Results of full quality-control analysis in 267 samples, 99
4-1 Schematic block diagram of a pharmaceutical manufacturing

process, 140
4-2 Arrests by activity, 2010-2011, 159
4-3 Average of country-level mean percentage availability of medicines
by World Bank income group, 164
4-4 Number of sub-Saharan African countries out of 26 surveyed
meeting the main functions of a regulatory authority, 168
4-5 An FDA public service announcement that promotes the Verified
Internet Pharmacy Practice certification, 179
4-6 The English translation of a Cambodian poster encouraging
consumers to buy medicines only from licensed pharmacies and to
examine the drug’s color, shape, and taste for abnormalities, 180
5-1 The drug distribution system, 199

5-2 The private, public, and NGO drug distribution systems for
essential medicines in developing countries, 200
5-3 Risks in the medicine distribution system, 212

BOXES, FIGURES, AND TABLES xxiii
5-4 Number of pharmacists per 10,000 people and number of

pharmacies per 10,000 people in 50 countries, 226
5-5 The world’s pharmacists, pharmacy technicians, and pharmacy
assistants, 2006 data, 227
5-6 Legislation of internet pharmacy operations by WHO region, 235
6-1 More sophisticated fakes require more sophisticated technologies to

detect them, 258
6-2 The printing on a fake Cialis blister pack is less crisp at 32×
magnification, 260
6-3a An HPLC chromatogram with distinct peaks for chloroquine,
quinine, and mefloquine can be used to identify cheap chloroquine
and quinine treatments labeled as the more expensive
mefloquine, 264
6-3b The similar chemical structures of chloroquine, quinine, and
mefloquine, 264
6-4 Infrared Spectra for artemisinin (top) and artemether, an
artemisinin-derivative (bottom) illustrate differences in their
chemical composition, 266
6-5 Use of FT-IR spectroscopy to distinguish between real (left) and
falsified (right) packaging in Singapore, 267
6-6 Image (a) is a pain relief tablet, image (b) its near-infrared
spectra, 268
6-7 Proton NMR spectrum of aspirin (o-acetoxybenzoic acid), 270
6-8 Nearly identical analogues of tadalafil (left, 389.40 g/mol),
aminotadalafil (right, 390.39 g/mol), 272
6-9 CODFIN analysis flowchart, 276
6-10 Genuine (left) and falsified (right) holograms on artesunate blister
packs found in Southeast Asia, 284
TABLES
1-1 Definitions of Counterfeit Pharmaceuticals, 34
1-2 National Definitions of Counterfeit Pharmaceuticals, 37
1-3 Definitions of Substandard Pharmaceuticals, 42
1-4 National Definitions of Substandard Pharmaceuticals, 44
1-5 Other Terms of Interest, 45
2-1 Medicines Use to Treat the Most Common Causes of Child Death
Are Compromised in Developing Countries, 75
3-1 Ranking of Seizures or Detections by Country, 2011, 88

3-2 Ten Countries Most Named in PSI Incident Reports, 2011, 89

xxiv BOXES, FIGURES, AND TABLES
3-3 Operation Pangea Against Online Pharmacies, 2008-2012, 93

3-4 Operations Storm, Mamba, and Cobra, 2008-2011, 94
3-5 The Pharmaceutical Security Institute’s 2011 Open-Source
Review, 111
3-6 Major Studies of Falsified and Substandard Antibiotics,
1996-2006, 118
3-7 Reports of Poor-Quality Antimalarial Drugs by Region in Southeast
Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, 1999-2011, 126
3-8 Medicine Quality Assessment Reporting Guidelines, 105
3-9 Information Collected in the WHO Rapid Alert System, 109
4-1 Overview of Selected Donors’, Procurement Service Agencies’, and

Quality-Assurance Organizations’ Quality-Assurance Policies, 149
4-2 Pharmaceutical Procurement Best Practices, 153
4-3 Top Countries for Arrests, 2011, 158
4-4 Top 10 Countries Ranked by Number of Counterfeit Drug Seizures
and Discoveries in 2006, 160
4-5 Penalties for Falsifying Medicine, 182
4-6 Penalties for Patent Infringement, 184
4-7 Penalties for Trademark Infringement, 186
4-8 Response to the Question “Are You Aware of the Presence of Fake
Medicine in This Country?”, 174
5-1 Differences in Overall Structure of the Pharmaceutical Market in

Developed and Developing Countries, 201
5-2 Number of Pharmaceutical Thefts in the United States, 2006-
2011, 213
5-3 Advantages and Disadvantages of Internet Pharmacies, 237
6-1 Techniques for Detecting Poor-Quality Drugs, 286

6-2 Product Quality Attributes and Assessments, 275

Summary
The adulteration and fraudulent manufacture of medicines1 is an old

problem, vastly aggravated by modern manufacturing and trade. In the
last decade, impotent antimicrobial drugs have compromised the treat-
ment of many deadly diseases in poor countries. More recently, negligent
production at a Massachusetts compounding pharmacy sickened hundreds
of Americans. While the national drugs regulatory authority (hereafter, the
regulatory authority) is responsible for the safety of a country’s drug supply,
no single country can entirely guarantee this today. Illegitimate2 drugs are
an international problem, and there is wide consensus that action depends
on international cooperation.
Productive international discourse has been stymied, however, by dis-
agreement about how to frame the problem. The once common use of the
term counterfeit to describe any drug that is not what it claims to be is
at the heart of the argument. In a narrow, legal sense, a counterfeit drug
is one that infringes on a registered trademark. The lay meaning is much
broader, including any drug made with intentional deceit. Some generic
drug companies and civil society groups object to calling bad medicines
counterfeit, seeing it as the deliberate conflation of public health and in-
tellectual property concerns. This report accepts the narrow meaning of
counterfeit, and, because the nuances of trademark infringement must be
1 The terms medicine, drug, and pharmaceutical are used interchangeably in this report in
accordance with the definitions listed in the American Heritage Stedman’s Medical Dictionary.
2 Illegitimate, as explained later in the report, is a parent category for falsified and substan-
dard medicines.

2 COUNTERING THE PROBLEM OF FALSIFIED AND SUBSTANDARD DRUGS
dealt with by courts, case by case, the report does not discuss the problem
of counterfeit medicines.
The trade in illegitimate drugs is, however, a problem of public health
consequence and the topic of this report. In order to discuss this problem
more precisely, the report distinguishes two main categories of poor-quality
drugs. First, there are substandard drugs, those that do not meet the specifi-
cations given in the accepted pharmacopeia or in the manufacturer’s dossier.
The other main category of illegitimate products is falsified drugs, those
that carry a false representation of identity or source or both. Many coun-
tries also have problems with unregistered medicines, those not granted
market authorization in a country. Unregistered drugs may be of good
quality, though some research indicates they often are not. Unregistered
medicines usually circulate outside the controlled distribution chain and
are therefore suspect.
The drug failures of public health concern can be divided into two main
categories: falsified and substandard. Admittedly, the distinction between
the two categories is not always clear. Falsified drugs are usually also sub-
standard; national specifications referenced in the definition of a substan-
dard drug can vary.3 However, these terms cover the two main divisions of
interest with sufficient precision. International endorsement of these two
categories could advance public discourse on the topic.
Recommendation 1-1: The World Health Assembly should adopt defi-

nitions consistent with the following principles. Substandard drugs do
not meet national specifications.4 Falsified products have a false repre-
sentation of identity or source or both. Products unregistered with the
regulatory authority are also illegal.
The spirit of these definitions and the exclusion of the term counterfeit
are central to this recommendation. The exact wording suggested is not.
THE HEALTH EFFECTS OF FALSIFIED

AND SUBSTANDARD DRUGS
Falsified and substandard drugs may contain toxic ingredients; some of
the most compelling stories of pharmaceutical crime are of frank poisoning.
By far the more common problem, however, is medicine that simply does
3 Some regulatory authorities may accept standards below those in international phar-
macopeias. In such cases, a drug that would be generally regarded as substandard might be
technically acceptable in a given country.
4 An emphasis on quality system failures is not essential to the idea of a substandard drug
and was removed from the recommendation after the report release. The supporting text
describes the committee’s understanding of a substandard drug.

SUMMARY 3
not work. Poor-quality medicines cause treatment failure, but doctors do

not generally suspect medicines as a cause of disease progression. Lifesaving
medicines can be of poor quality, which may be an uncounted root cause
of high mortality in low- and middle-income countries.
No class of drug is immune to being compromised. Medications for
chronic and infectious diseases alike have been found falsified and sub-
standard. A considerable body of research indicates that inexpensive anti-
microbial drugs in low- and middle-income countries are frequently of poor
quality. Such drugs not only put patients at risk but also encourage drug
resistance, thereby threatening population health for future generations.
Substandard antimicrobials often contain low and erratic drug doses,
while falsified ones can be diluted. In either case, exposing pathogens to
subtherapeutic doses of medicines selectively allows the growth of resistant
organisms. Poor-quality drugs have contributed to the rise of drug-resistant
tuberculosis. Drug-resistant staphylococcus infections are an emerging
problem, especially in India, Latin America, and sub-Saharan Africa. An-
timalarial resistance threatens to undo the good that artemisinin therapies
have done, threatening global malarial control programs.
THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL EFFECTS OF

SUBSTANDARD AND FALSIFIED MEDICINES
Falsified and substandard drugs increase costs to patients and health
systems. Medicines are expensive; patients and governments waste money
on ineffective ones. Lingering illnesses decrease productivity, causing work-
ers to forgo pay and spend more on treatment. Through encouraging
antimicrobial resistance, illegitimate medicines reduce the effective life of
a drug. Society must bear the cost of drug development, an expense that
increases as drugs become more complex.
Substandard and falsified medicines undermine confidence in the health
system and in all public institutions. Fake5 drugs are often the business of
criminal cartels. Their sale finances other crimes, buys weapons and ammu-
nition, and conveys power to corrupt officials. Victims of falsified and sub-
standard drugs usually do not even know they are victims and are therefore
deprived of their right to redress. In many ways, the trade in illegitimate
pharmaceuticals further erodes the already weak political infrastructure
that allows them to circulate, part of a vicious cycle of poverty and crime.
5 As the report explains later, fake is a commonly used synonym for falsified.

THE MAGNITUDE OF THE PROBLEM

It is difficult to measure the population burden of falsified and substan-
dard drugs. Governments and industry monitor problems with drug qual-
ity, but this information is not usually public. The Pharmaceutical Security
Institute, a network of the security divisions of 25 major pharmaceutical
companies, has data that indicate that the illegal trade and manufacture of
medicines is a global problem. It affected at least 124 countries in 2011,
and the burden is disproportionately felt in the developing world.
Data from the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) Office of
Criminal Investigations indicate that pills and tablets are the most com-
monly compromised products they investigate, mostly produced by in-
dividual criminals, not negligent businesses. Interpol, an international
organization that facilitates police cooperation, has conducted 11 opera-
tions against illicit medicines since 2008. Police working in Interpol raids
have confiscated tons of suspect products, leading to hundreds of investiga-
tions and arrests.
Much of the scientific literature about drug quality is in case studies:
reports from clinicians who uncover substandard or falsified drugs in their
routine work. This kind of report provides context on how and when dif-
ferent kinds of drugs are compromised; it can also trigger epidemiological
investigation. Nonprobability or convenience samples are by far the most
commonly used method to study drug quality. Such studies indicate serious
problems with antibiotics in poor countries and antimalarial drugs in sub-
Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia.
The best estimate of the burden of illegitimate drugs comes from sys-
tematic random samples, collected by patient actors from a representative
cross section of drug sellers. Such studies are logistically complicated and
few. More research in accordance with the recent guidelines on medicine
quality assessment reporting would advance understanding and monitoring
of the problem.
Lack of clarity regarding the magnitude of the falsified and substandard
medicines market holds back coordinated international action. The World
Health Organization (WHO) is developing a system for the global surveil-
lance and monitoring of falsified and substandard drugs. Consistent use of
this system, eventually linking it to national pharmacovigilance systems,
would advance international action and give a more nuanced understanding
of the type of falsified, substandard, and unregistered medicines in circula-
tion and the extent of the trade.
Recommendation 3-1: Governments should establish or strengthen

systems to detect substandard, falsified, and unregistered medicines.
This surveillance should be integrated with established public health

SUMMARY 5
surveillance systems. Analysis and reporting should precisely describe

the product’s quality, packing, and registration.
CAUSES OF SUBSTANDARD DRUGS

The factors that encourage the proliferation of falsified and substan-
dard drugs are different but overlapping. Failure to adhere to good manu-
facturing practices is the root cause of substandard drugs. Quality-control
processes and verification add expense to manufacture, as does maintaining
sterile water filtration and air handling systems. Proper quality control in-
cludes dealing only with quality-assured suppliers, but small- and medium-
sized manufacturers often neglect supplier quality because of logistical
obstacles and cost.
Multinational companies, both innovator and generic, operate on a
scale that allows them to recoup the costs of running high-quality factories.
Initial capital investments and infrastructure problems stand between qual-
ity medicines and many small- and medium-sized medicine manufacturers.
Small- and medium-sized firms and companies in Africa have a difficult time
securing business improvement loans. The only capital available to these
companies is their profits, and reinvesting profits is not a quick or reliable
path to building a modern manufacturing infrastructure. The companies
need hard currency loans, which their national banks cannot supply.
The International Finance Corporation and the Overseas Private Invest-
ment Corporation can work to encourage better private sector pharmaceu-
tical manufacturing in developing countries. With the initial investments
made, governments can take on the more manageable role of encouraging
partnerships with foreign manufacturers.
Recommendation 4-1: The International Finance Corporation and the

Overseas Private Investment Corporation should create separate invest-
ment vehicles for pharmaceutical manufacturers who want to upgrade
to international standards. Governments can complement this effort
by encouraging partnerships between local and foreign manufacturers.
In practice, it is difficult to distinguish the quality failures that are to

blame on a manufacturer’s inability to meet international best practices
from those that come from a decision to cut corners and produce inferior
products for poorly regulated markets. When a producer capable of meet-
ing international standards fails to do so consistently and only in product
lines sold to the poor, one may conclude that noncompliance is part of a
more insidious system.
Rich countries enforce high quality standards for medicines, and manu-
facturers recognize the need to use quality ingredients and good manufac-

turing practices to sell in these markets. United Nations agencies and larger
international aid organizations will also refuse to do business with com-
panies that cannot meet stringent regulatory authority quality standards.
Manufacturers are aware, however, that low- and middle-income countries
are less likely to enforce these standards. When a manufacturer produces
medicines of inferior quality for less exacting markets it is known as tiered
or parallel production.
When regulatory checks on production are inconsistent, good procure-
ment practices can ensure that quality medicines get the largest market
share. The firms that offer the cheapest prices do so by buying impure
ingredients and cutting corners in formulation. Good procurement dictates
that the cheapest tenders are not accepted if they are of dubious quality,
but it is difficult not to be swayed by price. Proper precaution in medicines
procurement can prevent poor-quality products from infiltrating the mar-
ket. Good procurement puts a strong emphasis on controlling corruption
and promoting transparency. The WHO’s Model Quality Assurance System
for procurement agencies lays out the steps necessary for efficient and open
procurement of the best-quality medicines possible.
Recommendation 4-2: Procurement agencies should develop a plan,

within the next 3 to 5 years, to comply with the World Health Orga-
nization’s Model Quality Assurance System for procurement agencies
and work to remove any barriers to compliance.
CAUSES OF FALSIFIED DRUGS

In practice, one difference between falsified and substandard medicines
is that the drugs regulator, having the authority to license manufacturers and
register medicines, can act against unscrupulous or careless manufacturers.
There is no such remedy when the manufacturer is falsely represented. The
regulator can only confirm that the producer is unknown and turn the case
over to law enforcement. The police and detectives who inherit these cases
have a difficult job gathering sufficient evidence for a prosecution there is
usually little if anything to tie the falsified drug in the market to the culprit.
Criminals run lucrative businesses making and trafficking fake medi-
cines, and these crimes are mostly opportunistic, emerging where regulatory
systems are weakest. When criminals target the products of multinational,
innovator pharmaceutical companies, the companies’ security staff build
evidence for a conviction. Police are also investigating more pharmaceuti-
cal crimes, but most police action is limited to brief raids. It is difficult for
police to keep up momentum for sustained action on pharmaceutical crime,
especially given the immediate pressure to investigate murders and other
violent crimes.

SUMMARY 7
CAUSES OF BOTH FALSIFIED AND SUBSTANDARD DRUGS

Much as poor-quality drugs are often both falsified and substandard,
some potentiating factors encourage both kinds of problems. The high
demand and erratic supply of drugs, weak regulatory systems, and un-
even awareness contribute to the trade in both falsified and substandard
drugs.
Medicines are what economists describe as an inelastic good; changes
in the unit price of the medicine have proportionately little effect on the
demand. Price inelasticity, combined with a high relative price, make medi-
cines a major expense for patients around the world. The drug market is not
stable; both price and supply fluctuate. Drug shortages drive up the price
of medicines and push consumers to unregulated markets.
Reducing the costs and increasing the availability of medicines would
help prevent drug scarcity. The WHO has recommended generic substitu-
tion as a way to keep medicine costs down, but this depends on a supply
of quality generic medicines on the market. For generic manufacturers,
companies that generally run on low margins, the costs of proving bio-
equivalence and preparing a manufacturer’s dossier for regulatory review
can be prohibitive to market entry. Different regulatory authorities have
different, often widely divergent, requirements. To complicate the problem,
many small regulatory authorities lack the technical depth to evaluate the
bioequivalence data that generics manufacturers submit.
The high cost of market authorization impedes the development of a
strong generics industry in poor countries. A more robust generic drug mar-
ket could help prevent the drug shortages and price spikes that encourage
the sale of poor-quality products. Regulatory authorities can work to better
harmonize their procedures, thereby improving their own efficiency and
reducing barriers to market entry for good-quality generics manufacturers.
The use of the International Conference on Harmonisation of Technical
Requirements for Registration of Pharmaceuticals for Human Use Com-
mon Technical Document format for registration would ease the regulatory
burden on generics companies. Regulators also reap a spillover benefit of
more convergent regulatory systems without negotiating cumbersome mu-
tual recognition agreements.
Recommendation 4-3: Regulatory authorities in low- and middle-

income countries should use the International Conference on Harmoni-
sation Common Technical Document format for product registration
to better harmonize their procedures and reduce application costs for
manufacturers. To the same end, they should also conduct joint inspec-
tions and use a common inspection report.

An influx of generic medicines will only reduce the circulation in falsi-

fied and substandard drugs when there is a system to assure consumers
of medicines’ quality. A functioning medicines regulatory authority is a
necessary condition for a robust generic medicines market. Strengthening
the drugs regulatory system, building the inspectorate, enforcing quality
standards, and licensing in accordance with international standards are es-
sential to improving drug quality. Without a competent regulatory authority
to inspect wholesalers, distributors, and manufacturers, opportunities to
corrupt the drug supply abound.
A strategy for compliance with international standards can help reduce
redundant work and fragmentation. Both industry and regulators should
agree to work toward the priorities identified in the strategic plan, an
openly shared document.
Recommendation 4-4: Governments in low- and middle-income coun-

tries should support their regulatory agencies to develop strategic plans
for compliance with international manufacturing and quality-control
standards. In the least developed countries, international organizations
should support their efforts.
Large pharmaceutical manufacturing nations such as India and China

suffer from fragmented regulatory systems and an unclear division of re-
sponsibilities between state and national governments. The United States
has similar problems, evidenced by the recent fungal meningitis outbreak
brought on by a contaminated injectable steroid drug, compounded under
unhygienic conditions at the New England Compounding Center. Lack of
clarity about the relative authority of the FDA and state pharmacy councils
to regulate compounding pharmacies contributed to the outbreak. Neither
the state of Massachusetts nor the FDA had clear control over the New
England Compounding Center. Confusion about their responsibilities cre-
ated a regulatory gap. Similar confusion causes regulatory gaps in other
countries where national and local governments share responsibilities for
drug regulation.
During times of crisis, such as the meningitis outbreak, public inter-
est in drug quality peaks, but it can be difficult to maintain. Patients in
developed countries have long taken a safe drug supply for granted. They
may not realize the risks of circumventing the regulated distribution
system. In poor countries, patients are often more aware of the problem,
but there are knowledge gaps, especially among the poorest and least
educated. Effective communication campaigns can raise awareness of the
problem and give consumers empowering messages on how to protect
themselves. Such campaigns have effectively promoted change in rich and
poor countries alike.

SUMMARY 9
Recommendation 4-5: Governments and donor agencies should fund

development of effective communication and training programs for
consumers and health workers on understanding the quality and safety
of medicines.
Targeted health worker education on falsified and substandard medi-

cines would improve understanding of the problem around the world. This
education should emphasize the correct reporting channels health workers
can use to confirm suspected cases of bad drugs. Illegitimate drugs are a
potential threat in all countries, though risk varies widely from country to
country. An effective communication campaign should present accurate
information in a way that empowers patients to protect their health.
THE DRUG DISTRIBUTION CHAIN

The modern pharmaceutical supply chain is complex. Medicines are
made from ingredients sourced from different countries. Final formula-
tions are then exported, and packaging, repackaging, and sale can happen
in many other countries. Drugs change hands many times between the
manufacturer and patient; every transaction is an opportunity for falsified
and substandard products to infiltrate the market. Drug quality around
the world could be improved with changes to the drug distribution system.
The systems differ markedly between developed and developing coun-
tries, however. Fewer, larger firms control manufacture and the wholesale
drug markets in developed countries, where most patients get medicines
from licensed pharmacies or dispensaries. In low- and middle-income coun-
tries, multiple parallel distribution systems of varying efficiency run in the
same country. It is also difficult and expensive to transport medicines over
poor roads to remote villages, as supply chain managers in poor countries
must do.
The first step on the drug distribution chain is the wholesale market.
There are two kinds of drug wholesalers: primary wholesalers who have
written distribution contracts with manufacturers and buy directly from
them, and secondary wholesalers who buy from other intermediaries. Both
kinds of wholesalers buy and sell medicines to accommodate market de-
mand. When they see that a medicine is scarce in one region, they can buy
the same medicine from other wholesalers that may be flush with it. The
markets are constantly fluctuating; products change hands many times.
Wholesalers may repackage products repeatedly, and in the repackaging
fake products can gain authentic labels.
In the United States, thousands of secondary wholesalers trade medi-
cines, causing drug shortages and exploiting them for profit. Limiting the

secondary wholesale market to vetted firms would improve the U.S. drug
supply. The National Association of Boards of Pharmacy (NABP) whole-
saler accreditation process requires criminal background checks on senior
staff and proof of professional standards in record keeping and drug stor-
age and handling. Some states require NABP accreditation of wholesalers,
but unscrupulous businesses can seek out states with lower standards for
their headquarters. And, because the wholesale trade is national, weak-
nesses in one state’s system can become vulnerabilities in another.
Recommendation 5-1: State licensing boards should only license whole-

salers and distributors that meet the National Association of Boards of
Pharmacy accreditation standards. The U.S. Food and Drug Adminis-
tration, in collaboration with state licensing boards, should establish
a public database to share information on suspended and revoked
wholesale licenses.
Similar weaknesses plague the wholesale system in developing coun-

tries, and action in the American market might give regulators around
the world example and encouragement to tighten controls on the chaotic
wholesale market.
More stringent licensing requirements can improve the wholesale sys-
tem, but drugs will still need to move from factory to the vendor, passing
through many hands before reaching the patient. With every transaction
on the chain, there is a risk of the drug supply being compromised. Crimi-
nals take advantage of places where the distribution chain breaks down
and medicines depart from the documented chain of custody. Drugs that
leave the proper distribution system are called diverted drugs; the markets
that trade diverted drugs or, more generally, markets that trade with little
authorized oversight are called gray markets.
Drug diversion is the means through which medicines approved for sale
in one country are sold in others, where they may not be registered. Small
thefts and large heists compromise the integrity of the drug distribution
chain and confidence in the quality of medicines. In rich and poor countries
alike, drugs often circulate outside of the main distribution channels with-
out a drug pedigree, a record of a drug’s every sale and owner.
Drug pedigrees depend on attaching some form of unique identifying
numbers to products. Products that lack identification numbers, or products
with identification numbers that cannot be accounted for throughout the
distribution chain, must be treated as falsified and removed from the market
even if they come from licensed manufacturers. Radio frequency identifica-
tion, traditional and two-dimensional barcodes, and mobile verification are
methods for serialization that can facilitate drug tracking.

SUMMARY 11
Recommendation 5-2: Congress should authorize and fund the U.S.

Food and Drug Administration (FDA) to establish a mandatory track-
and-trace system. In the interim, the FDA should convene a working
group of stakeholders, including the International Federation of Phar-
maceutical Manufacturers and Associations and the Generic Phar-
maceutical Association, to promote voluntary track-and-trace for all
supply chain actors in accordance with existing guidance.
Tracking pharmaceuticals through the global distribution chain with

unique serial numbers is a good defense against criminal infiltration. A
method of tracking individual packages of medicines from the factory to
the consumer could greatly reduce the chances of a dangerous product
being sold at a reputable pharmacy. Problems will remain, however, with
unlicensed drug shops. Medicines retail, the last leg of the drug distribution
system, is often the most chaotic.
The drug distribution system becomes more disordered as the prod-
ucts leak out of regulated distribution chains. The risk increases as drugs
move farther from manufacturer. Licensed pharmacies and dispensaries can
control the quality of their stock, at least insomuch as they can trust their
wholesalers. There are no such efforts at quality control in the unlicensed
market. Unlicensed vendors may approach medicines dispensing as any
other sales job and not want a customer to leave without making a pur-
chase. In general, these vendors exploit the chaos inherent to street markets
and dry goods shops in low- and middle-income countries and online drug
stores in middle- and high-income ones.
A simple lack of alternatives pushes consumers in developing countries
to buy medicine from unlicensed vendors, who may sell pills loose from
large plastic bags or subdivide blister packs. Despite this and other gross
violations of good practice, the shops often operate with the regulators’
tacit approval, because they are the only source of medicines outside of
major cities.
There are also too few trained pharmacy staff in developing countries,
especially in sub-Saharan Africa and South and Southeast Asia. In many
countries, the few trained pharmacists work in industry. Community phar-
macy practice, especially in rural areas, suffers. Having a trained commu-
nity pharmacist oversee every drug store is not an option in the parts of
the world most hurt by falsified and substandard medicines. Governments
should take action to increase the reach of legal drug shops staffed by sellers
with appropriate minimum training.

tries should provide an environment conducive to the private sector
establishing high-quality medicines retail in underserved areas. Govern-

ment incentives could encourage this. To the same end, governments,

the World Health Organization, and the International Pharmaceutical
Federation should support national pharmacy councils and education
departments to train tiers of pharmaceutical personnel.
The private sector will invest in medicines retail if there is a good busi-
ness reason to do so. Governments can take steps that would encourage
private sector investment and create an environment where responsible
private drug sellers will thrive. Governments can provide low-interest loans
for improving drug shops and encourage private-sector accreditation or
franchising programs. They can also work with their national pharmacy
councils to set out tiers of training, including vocational training, for phar-
maceutical personnel. Governments can also give incentives to keep trained
staff in underserved areas.
Disorganized medicines retail is not confined to developing countries.
Through the internet, unlicensed drug vendors sell around the world, mostly
in middle- and high-income countries. Unlicensed internet pharmacies are
similar to street drug bazaars, both in the quality of the products they stock,
which is poor, and in the lack of official oversight of their operations.
In the United States the NABP runs the Verified Internet Pharmacy
Practice Sites (VIPPS) accreditation program to recognize safe online drug
stores. Accredited online pharmacies comply with state licensing require-
ments for both the state that the pharmacy is in and all the states in which
it sells. Chief among these requirements are the authentication of prescrip-
tions, observance of quality-assurance standards, and submission to regular
state inspection. Accredited pharmacies display the VIPPS seal, and, because
this seal could be copied, the project website lists both certified pharmacies
and known fraudulent ones.
DETECTION TECHNOLOGY
The main categories of techniques for pharmaceutical analysis can
be broken down as visual inspection of product and packaging; tests for
physical properties such as reflectance and refractive index; chemical tests
including colorimetry, disintegration, and dissolution; chromatography;
spectroscopic techniques; and mass spectrometry. Within each of these
categories, some technologies are appropriate for field use, while others
require sophisticated lab equipment and a high level of technical expertise.
Understanding when, where, and why to use the various techniques
can be difficult. The information a technique provides, as well as its reli-
ability, cost, speed, and portability, make it more or less appropriate in any
given situation. While any one test may suffice to label a drug substandard
or falsified, no single analytical technique provides enough information

SUMMARY 13
to confirm that a drug is genuine. One challenge in both field and labora-
tory testing is determining how to combine tests for maximum efficiency.
It is usually best to work through tests beginning with the easiest or least
expensive ones. Only if samples pass these tests should the inspector move
on to more difficult or expensive ones.
Making detection technology more accessible in low- and middle-
income countries would be invaluable to controlling the trade in falsified
and substandard drugs. Technologies can protect consumers and are useful
to surveillance staff working to generate accurate estimates of the magni-
tude of the problem of poor-quality drugs. An understanding of the tech-
nological landscape, the range and gaps in available technologies, and the
likely improvements in the near future is essential for using technologies in
developing countries.
Recommendation 6-1: The National Institute of Standards and Tech-

nology should fund the development of a central repository for existing
and newly innovative detection, sampling, and analytical technologies,
ranging from field and rapid screening technology to sophisticated
laboratory-based assessments, to identify substandard and falsified
medicines.
CODE OF PRACTICE
Individual countries have the responsibility for protecting the national
drug supply. This includes regulating good-quality manufacturers, prevent-
ing poor-quality drugs from entering the market, detecting them when they
do, and punishing those who manufacture and trade them. Drug regulation,
surveillance, and law enforcement are the necessary components of any
national response to the problem.
A voluntary soft law such as an international code of practice could
encourage international action against falsified and substandard drugs. The
code of practice would contain guidelines on surveillance and international
reporting of drug quality problems. The code would facilitate passage of
national laws on how to punish and, when necessary, extradite those re-
sponsible for falsified drugs and criminally negligent manufacture. It would
also promote harmonized regulatory standards for drug manufacture and
licensing.
Recommendation 7-1: The World Health Assembly, in partnership with

the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and the World Customs
Organization, and in consultation with major stakeholders, should
institute an inclusive, transparent process for developing a code of
practice on the global problem of falsified and substandard medicines.

The code should include guidelines on surveillance, regulation, and law

enforcement, empowering states and the international community to
prevent and respond to drug quality problems.
The manufacture and trade in falsified medicines is a growing, global

problem. It is difficult to estimate the amount of falsified and substandard
drugs in the market or to know the toll these products take on society, the
number of deaths or excess illness they cause, or the amount of time and
money wasted using them in treatment. There is evidence from some conve-
nience surveys that antimicrobial drugs are often compromised in Southeast
Asia and sub-Saharan Africa. In a larger sense, all drugs sold outside of
legitimate chains are suspect. This includes medicines sold in unregulated
markets and most drugs sold on the internet.
This report suggests a combination of actions that could reduce the
global trade in falsified and substandard medicines. Some recommendations
aim to improve medicine quality in the low- and middle-income countries
that unquestionably bear a disproportionate burden of the problem. Other
recommendations could improve weaknesses in the U.S. system, which
would help the American consumer and build momentum for global action.
Eliminating falsified and substandard drugs from the market requires inter-
national cooperation. A voluntary soft law could help advance harmonized
systems for surveillance, regulation, and law enforcement.

Introduction
In the 1949 film The Third Man and the novel of the same name, Holly
Martin learns that his childhood friend Harry Lime has made a fortune
diluting stolen penicillin and selling it on the black market. In a dramatic
confrontation on the Vienna Ferris wheel, Martin refers to Lime’s earlier
racketeering, asking, “Couldn’t you have stuck to tires?” No, explains
Lime, one of the American Film Institute’s 100 greatest villains, “I’ve al-
ways been ambitious” (AFI, 2003).
The theft, adulteration, careless manufacture, and fraudulent label-
ing of medicines1 continue to attract villains who, like Harry Lime, grow
wealthy off their business. Although the problem is most widespread in
poor countries with weak regulatory oversight, it is no longer confined to
underground economies as in postwar Vienna. As of January 2013, gross
manufacturing negligence at a compounding pharmacy in Massachusetts
had sickened 693 Americans and killed 45 (CDC, 2013). Less than a year
earlier, 76 doctors in the United States unknowingly treated cancer patients
with a fake version of the drug Avastin (Weaver and Whalen, 2012).
International trade and manufacturing systems obscure connections
between the crime and the criminal; in modern supply chains, medicines
may change hands many times in many countries before reaching a patient.
To complicate the problem, medicines are mostly for sick people. The ef-
fects of inactive, even toxic, drugs can go unnoticed or be mistaken for the
1 The terms medicine, drug, and pharmaceutical are used interchangeably in this report in
accordance with the definitions listed in the American Heritage Stedman’s Medical Dictionary
(2012a,b,c).
15

natural course of the underlying disease. This is most true in parts of the
world with weak pharmacovigilance systems, poor clinical record keeping,
and high all-cause mortality, where “friends or relatives of those who die
are obviously saddened, but not necessarily shocked” (Bate, 2010).
Deaths from fake drugs go largely uncounted, to say nothing of the
excess morbidity and the time and money wasted by using them. The manu-
facture and trade in fake pharmaceuticals is illegal and hence almost impos-
sible to measure precisely. Even crude copies can blend in with legitimate
products in the market. The camouflage succeeds because drug quality is
not something consumers can accurately judge. This imbalance, also called
information asymmetry, makes the medicines trade vulnerable to market
failure (Mackintosh et al., 2011). In short, “At every step of the supply
chain there is this unequal knowledge, and people are exploited because of
[it]” (Mackintosh et al., 2011, p. 2).
Market controls and oversight aim to correct the information imbal-
ance in the medicines market, but supervising sprawling multinational dis-
tribution chains is a “regulatory nightmare” (Economist, 2012). National
drugs regulatory agencies (hereafter, regulatory agencies) are responsible
for assuring drug quality in their countries, a job that increasingly requires
cooperation with their counterpart agencies around the world (IOM, 2012).
The World Health Organization (WHO) has worked to facilitate this co-
operation since 1985, but advancing the public discourse on this topic has
proven more difficult than anyone would have predicted then (Clift, 2010).
To start, different countries and international stakeholders cannot agree
on how to define the problem. When it is framed as one of counterfeit
and legitimate drugs, many civil society groups and emerging manufactur-
ing nations see a thinly veiled excuse to persecute generic drug industries
(Clift, 2010; Economist, 2012). Large innovator pharmaceutical companies
have the most experience in finding and prosecuting pharmaceutical crime.
This expertise brought them a place in the WHO’s International Medical
Products Anti-Counterfeiting Taskforce (IMPACT), the largest interna-
tional working group on drug safety to date. Involving these companies
with a WHO program, however, raised suspicions of civil society groups
(TWN, 2010). Objections to the taskforce’s inception and confusion about
its mandate from WHO governing bodies further eroded support (TWN,
2010). The WHO distanced itself from IMPACT after 2010; the taskforce’s
secretariat moved to the Italian drugs regulatory authority (Seear, 2012;
Taylor, 2012).
IMPACT may no longer be active, but criminals and unscrupulous drug
manufacturers are. The Economist recently described the 21st century as “a
golden age for bad drugs” (Economist, 2012). There is an urgent need for
international public discourse on the problem. In an effort to advance this
discourse, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) commissioned

INTRODUCTION 17
the Institute of Medicine (IOM) to convene a consensus committee on un-

derstanding the global public health implications of falsified, substandard,
and counterfeit pharmaceuticals. Box 1-1 presents the committee’s charge.
(See Appendix B for committee member biographies.)
The committee met in March, May, July, and October of 2012 to hear
speakers and deliberate on its recommendations for this report. Small travel
delegations of committee members and staff also visited experts in Brasília,
Delhi, Geneva, Hyderabad, London, and São Paulo in the summer of 2012.
In total, the committee heard input from 106 experts in its information
gathering meetings. (See Appendix C for meeting agendas.) Additional lit-
erature review informed the conclusions and recommendations presented
in this report.
BACKGROUND AND TERMS

The committee’s first step in deliberating on the task in Box 1-1 was
agreeing on common terms to describe the products of interest. They re-
viewed the competing and often overlapping definitions of the terms coun-
terfeit, falsified, and substandard, as well as similarly important concepts
such as unregistered. As Tables 1-1 through 1-6 make clear, some of these
definitions have evolved over time, with the trade and intellectual property
debates of the last 20 years coloring how people use words like counterfeit.
The following brief background on intellectual property, public health, and
patent and trademark infringement gives some context to this discussion.
Key Findings and Conclusions
• A long and acrimonious history of applying intellectual property rights

to medicines colors the discussion about drug quality.
• A counterfeit medicine is one that infringes on a registered trademark.
The broad use of the term counterfeit, meaning made with intention
to deceive, is insufficiently precise for formal, public discourse.
• Substandard drugs fail to meet the specifications outlined by an ac-
cepted pharmacopeia or the manufacturer’s dossier.
• Falsified drugs are those that carry false representation of identity or
source.
• Unregistered drugs circulate without market authorization. Unregis-
tered medicines are suspect, though some may be of good quality.

BOX 1-1
Statement of Task
The Institute of Medicine (IOM) is requested to convene an ad hoc

consensus committee of diverse experts to gather information and de-
liberate on approaches to mitigating the global problem of substandard,
falsified, and counterfeit pharmaceuticals and products used in their
manufacture. It will begin by developing among the committee members
and for this context consensus working definitions for the terms substan-
dard, falsified, and counterfeit. The committee will carefully distinguish
between the application of these terms to meet public health and legal
needs. Then, focusing specifically on the public health aspects of the
problem, the IOM committee will address the following issues:
• T rends: Using available literature, identify high-level, global trends

in substandard, falsified, and counterfeit (SFC) medicines, includ-
ing differences and similarities in different global regions. Identify
gaps in the evidence that complicate the analysis of these trends.
This is intended to provide context to the study but not to serve
as an in-depth analysis.
• Risks in the supply chain: Identify the weaknesses in the supply
chain that allow falsified, substandard, and counterfeit drugs to
circulate.
• Health effects: Explain the public health consequences, to pa-
tients and at the population level, of SFC drugs and how to mea-
sure this.
• Standards: Identify areas where convergence of standards could
contribute to stronger regulatory actions.
Intellectual Property and Public Health

Intellectual property rights, particularly patent rights, allow the owner
of a new product or technology to recoup their research and development
costs by charging prices far above the marginal cost of production. There-
fore, patent-protected medicines are expensive; the cost of these drugs puts
them out of the reach of many patients. In developed countries, govern-
ments or large private insurers can mitigate this problem (Rai, 2001). But
in poor countries, health insurance is limited and noncompetitive pricing
can exclude entire countries from the medicines market (Yadav and Smith,
2012).
TRIPS and the Doha Declaration

The recent history of the international patent controversy began with
the 1994 Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property

INTRODUCTION 19
• I dentification: Describe global regulatory processes (e.g., track-

and-trace, authentication) that distinguish genuine and high-
quality drugs from fake or substandard drugs and identify what
factors could be used for additional scrutiny of the genuineness
of the product.
• Technology: Identify detection, sampling methods, and analytical
techniques used to identify counterfeit, falsified, and substandard
drugs. Explain how these technologies can be best used and
implemented in a system to stop the circulation of harmful drugs.
• Collaboration: Assess effectiveness of regulatory approaches
around the globe, including prevention, detection, track-and-
trace systems, compliance, and enforcement actions.
o Based on such an assessment, identify areas where collective
action among government regulatory authorities is most rel-
evant and sustainable;
o Identify ways government, industry, and other stakeholders
can work together to strengthen supply chains and fight coun-
terfeit, falsified, and substandard drugs;
o Identify areas where industry or other stakeholders are best
equipped to act; and
o Recommend a collaborative path forward. This includes rec-
ommending definitions for the products in question that
would be sensitive to the needs of drug regulators around
the world and focuses on the public health. It also includes
recommending how various regulators could collaborate on a
global and regional level to best address the problem.
Rights (TRIPS), which required signatories to make patents available, either

immediately or after a transition period (Barton, 2004; WTO, 1994). How-
ever, a provision allowed governments to grant compulsory licenses, that is,
to grant a license to use a patent without the patent holder’s consent, sub-
ject to conditions laid down in the agreement (WTO, 1994). Compulsory
licenses are subject to prior negotiation with the patent holder, but these
negotiations too can be waived in cases of national emergency or extreme
urgency or for public noncommercial use (WTO, 1994).
As TRIPS entered into force, antiretroviral drugs for HIV and AIDS
were becoming widely available in developed countries, reducing AIDS
mortality dramatically within 4 years (CASCADE Collaboration, 2003;
Osmond, 2003). The expense of the patent-protected drugs put them out
of reach for all but 2 percent of the approximately 2.5 million HIV and
AIDS patients in low- and middle-income countries (WHO, 2002). Tensions
over patent protection came to a head in 2001 when the Pharmaceutical

Research and Manufacturing Association, representing 39 major pharma-

ceutical companies, sued the South African government over a law that
allowed the manufacture of patent-protected AIDS drugs (BBC, 2001a;
Simmons, 2001). The association “bow[ed] to mounting public pressure”
and dropped the case after disastrous press (BBC, 2001b; Economist, 2001;
Pollack, 2001; Swarns, 2001). After 2001, innovator drug companies began
issuing more voluntary licenses at lower prices (Flynn, 2008).
Antiretrovirals would still have been too expensive for the poorest
patients if not for Indian drug companies, exempted from TRIPS patent
protections until 2005. In February 2001, the Indian drug company Cipla
offered its triple therapy combination of stavudine, nevirapine, and lami-
vudine to Doctors Without Borders (an organization known by the French
acronym MSF [Médecins Sans Frontières]) for less than $1 per patient per
day, undercutting the cheapest voluntary license offer by about 65 percent
(McNeil, 2001; t’Hoen et al., 2011).
More recently, regulators and innovator pharmaceutical companies
have devised other ways to make patent-protected drugs available in de-
veloping countries. The U.S. government uses the FDA tentative approval
process to guarantee drugs supplied through the President’s Emergency
Program for AIDS Relief (FDA, 2013). Through this program, the FDA
approves both drug combinations (many not available in the United States
because of patent controls) and the producers in Asia and Africa that make
the drugs at greatly reduced costs (FDA, 2013). Drugs granted tentative ap-
proval “[meet] all safety, efficacy, and manufacturing quality standards for
marketing in the U.S., and, but for the legal market protection, . . . would
be on the U.S. market” (FDA, 2013).
Patent and Trademark Infringement

Patents, not trademark or trade dress, are the main source of ten-
sion between intellectual property and public health. But both patent and
trademark questions surfaced in 2008 and 2009 when European customs
officials seized consignments of generic medicines in transit from India to
Latin American and sub-Saharan Africa (Brant and Malpani, 2011). The
drugs were not under patent in India, nor in the counties they were destined
for, but a European Union (EU) regulation allows customs officials, acting
either on their own behalf or after a request from the rights holder, to seize
goods that may infringe on patents, trademarks, or copyrights (Ho, 2011;
Miller and Anand, 2009). Dutch courts interpreted this to mean that cus-
toms authorities are allowed to treat in-transit goods as if they had been
made in Holland (Ho, 2011). French and German customs officials also
seized drug shipments in the same period (Taylor, 2009).
Sometimes trademark misunderstandings delay consignments. In May

INTRODUCTION 21
2009, German authorities suspended a shipment of amoxicillin bound for

Vanuatu in the Frankfurt airport on the grounds that it might infringe on
GlaxoSmithKline’s trademark name for the same drug, Amoxil. When con-
tacted, GlaxoSmithKline denied any suspicion of trademark infringement,
by which time the shipment had been delayed for 4 weeks (Mara, 2009;
Singh, 2009).
Whether the use of national law to seize in-transit drug shipments is
consistent with international law, particularly the TRIPs agreement, re-
mains an open question (Ho, 2011; Ruse-Khan, 2011). Developing coun-
tries argue that such seizures violate TRIPs agreement safeguards allowing
the export of cheap generic drugs to countries unable to manufacture them
(Ho, 2011). On the other hand, the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement,
signed by Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, Korea, Morocco,
New Zealand, Singapore, and the United States, does allow parties to en-
force their national trademark law against goods-in-transit, thereby poten-
tially endangering certain generic shipments2 (USTR, 2011).
In any case, there are ambiguities in determining trademark infringe-
ment. U.S. law, for example, determines trademark infringement based on
likely consumer confusion, something the 13 federal circuits employ 13
different multifactor tests to identify (Beebe, 2006). Drug trademarks can
be contentious when companies register trademark names similar to the
nonproprietary name (as in the case of Amoxil and amoxicillin) and when
drug manufacturers attempt to trademark characteristics such as color.
TRIPS requires World Trade Organization (WTO) member countries
to treat “willful trademark counterfeiting . . . on a commercial scale” as a
criminal offense3 (Clift, 2010). This kind of crime may be different from the
civil offense of trademark infringement, if the willfulness of the crime is un-
clear, for example, or if the trademark is not identically copied (Clift, 2010).
These distinctions are not important to some stakeholders. As a 2011
Oxfam policy paper explained, “whether a falsely labeled, substandard,
or unregistered product is also the result of willful trademark infringement
on a commercial scale, as criminalized under the TRIPS Agreement, is ir-
relevant from the perspective of public health” (Brant and Malpani, 2011,
p. 23).
Oxfam’s point is well taken. The goals of patent and trademark law are
not those of public health. Trademarks can give an incentive to invest in
quality and cultivate a brand loyalty, but this depends on consumers’ evalu-
2 Anti-Counterfeiting
Trade Agreement (ACTA). October 1, 2011.
3 TRIPS:
Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, Apr. 15,
1994, Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization, Annex 1C, THE
LEGAL TEXTS: THE RESULTS OF THE URUGUAY ROUND OF MULTILATERAL TRADE
NEGOTIATIONS 320 (1999), 1869 U.N.T.S. 299, 33 I.L.M. 1197 (1994).

ating quality correctly, something difficult to do with medicines (Landes

and Posner, 1987). The inability of the consumer to evaluate drug quality
is the reason why medicines quality is monitored by an independent, gov-
ernment regulatory agency. The courts enforce trademark and patent laws;
drugs regulators enforce quality standards. It is unreasonable and unfair to
mix those jobs. Such was the logic of the International Negotiating Body
on a Protocol on Illicit Trade in Tobacco Products, which recently removed
all references to counterfeits from its treaty, noting that decisions about
trademark infringement in tobacco products was not within their purview
(New, 2012).
The committee recognizes that many poor-quality medicines also in-
fringe on registered trademarks. At times, trademark infringement can
become a public health problem, but it is not a public health problem in
itself, even insomuch as it pertains to medicines.
Competing Meanings of the Term Counterfeit

The contentious history of drug patent and trademark enforcement col-
ors discussions of drug quality, particularly the use of the term counterfeit.
The U.S. Code, the WTO, the TRIPS Agreement, and Oxfam all use the
legal meaning of a counterfeit medicine as one that infringes on a registered
trademark (Brant and Malpani, 2011; Clift, 2010; WTO, 1994, 2012).
Nevertheless, the word counterfeit, like material and harmless, means one
thing to lawyers and judges and something else in common discourse.
It is the widely used common meaning of counterfeit as “made in exact
imitation of something valuable with the intention to deceive or defraud”
(Oxford Dictionaries, 2012) that inspires the way the term is used by the
WHO, the Pharmaceutical Security Institute, the Council of Europe, and
the governments of India, Kenya, Nigeria, Pakistan, and, in some cases, the
United States (see Table 1-1). The WHO definitions of counterfeit lean on
the intent to deceive; Table 1-1 shows how most WHO definitions use the
words “deliberately and fraudulently mislabeled.”
There is elegance to a definition that stresses the intention to deceive.
Its proponents rightly observe that this is what most people understand
the word to mean anyway. This definition has at its center the effort to
distinguish between deliberate and accidental problems. The manufacturer
is not to blame if a drug is sold after the expiry date or if it has been kept
in conditions that encourage rapid degradation. The 2008 contamination of
Baxter heparin was a reminder that even expert companies sometimes pro-
duce bad products, but the failure was not intentional (Attaran and Bate,
2010). The regulatory system typically punishes such mistakes, whereas the
law enforcement system punishes intentional crimes.
In practice, however, it is extremely difficult to distinguish accidental

INTRODUCTION 23
and intentional problems in drug manufacture. Making the distinction, like

determining trademark infringement, is a matter for the courts. Further-
more, competing meanings of the word counterfeit—one narrow, meaning
infringement on a registered trademark, and one broad, meaning intention-
ally deceptive—frustrate many.
When bad drugs are all called counterfeit, some see in this definition an
attempt to conflate the enforcement of intellectual property rights and pro-
tection of public health (Brant and Malpani, 2011; Clift, 2010; MSF, 2012;
Oxfam International, 2011; TWN, 2010). International nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs), such as Oxfam and MSF, are concerned with access
to medicines in the world’s poorest countries, access that cannot be possible
without the generics companies that produce medicines for a fraction of the
cost innovator companies charge. Generics companies may be vulnerable to
accusations of trademark infringement or even deception. When a generic
and an innovator drug company market bioequivalent medicines under
similar-sounding names or with similar-looking pills, it is debatable whether
or not these characteristics are copied or made with an intention to deceive
the consumer. These are questions for the courts to decide case by case.
Counterfeit is a word that almost everyone uses to talk about bad
medicines, but as Tables 1-1 and 1-2 indicate, often with widely divergent
meanings. The ambiguity confuses discussions even within governments.
The FDA, for example, endorses on its website a definition different from
that in the U.S. Code or that used by the Department of Justice and other
U.S. government agencies. The use of the word counterfeit to describe any
poor-quality drug does not serve the cause of intellectual precision or pro-
ductive discussion. The committee accepts the narrow, legal meaning of a
counterfeit drug as one that infringes on a registered trademark. Trademark
infringement is not a problem of public health concern, nor, in most cases,
is it even readily identifiable. Drug companies, both innovator and generic,
have the legal right to challenge counterfeiting; sorting out the nuances of
trademark infringement should be left to the courts.
This report is about drug quality as a public health problem; it is not
concerned with trademark infringement. Therefore, this report does not
discuss the problem or solutions to the problem of drug counterfeiting, or
make mention to counterfeit drugs, except in cases where to do otherwise
would be a misrepresentation of someone else’s work. Scientific literature
and public health campaigns, especially those more than 2 or 3 years old,
often describe poor-quality drugs as counterfeit. The committee hopes that
all parties will break this habit but believes that most speakers who use
the term use it broadly with no ulterior motives or ill will toward generics.

Substandard and Falsified Drugs

Use of the term substandard is less controversial (see Tables 1-3 and
1-4). There is consensus among most organizations that substandard drugs
are those that fail to meet established quality specifications. When regu-
lators approve a drug, they approve a quality standard, outlined in the
accepted pharmacopeia or in the manufacturer’s approved dossier. As the
WHO explains, substandard products “do not meet the quality specifica-
tions set for them in national standards” (WHO, 2009).
As Table 1-3 indicates, the emphasis on national standards is a rela-
tively recent change to the definition of a substandard drug. Before 2009,
the emphasis was on an official pharmacopeia, not the national standard.
Critics of the addition point out that the regulatory authority is responsible
for approving national drug standards, a job that exceeds its capacity in
many low- and middle-income countries (Ravinetto et al., 2012). Accept-
ing the national standard might appear to endorse multiple, possibly inad-
equate standards (Ravinetto et al., 2012).
On the other hand, an emphasis on national standards improves the
precision of the definition. There are many internationally accepted phar-
macopeias; some give, for example, different acceptable ranges for drug
concentration.4 The committee agrees with the WHO’s 2009 revision to
the definition of substandard to specify the standards authorized by the
national regulatory authority. It is more practical to let the national regula-
tory authority name the standard for a drug and test against that standard.
In any case, most countries use standards set out in the large, international
pharmacopeias. More than 100 nations, including most of the Common-
wealth, accept British Pharmacopoeia standards (GIZ, 2012); 140 recognize
the U.S. Pharmacopeia (USP, 2013), and 37 the European Pharmacopoeia
(Council of Europe, 2013). (Some countries reference different pharmaco-
peial standards for different drugs and may therefore officially use more
than one pharmacopeia.)
Some understandings of a substandard medicine emphasize the manu-
facturer’s market authorization. (See Table 1-3.) This distinction becomes
important when a substandard product is found in commerce. The regu-
latory agency can then take corrective action with the manufacturer and
recall other products from the same batch. During this process, the manu-
facturer may prove with verified records and batch samples that the poor-
4 For amodiaquine hydrochloride tablets, the acceptable drug concentration range under
U.S. Pharmacopeia is 93 percent to 107 percent of labeled amount (USP, 2011a); under Inter-
national Pharmacopoeia it is 90 percent to 110 percent (WHO, 2011c). For quinine sulfate
tablets, the acceptable drug concentration range under U.S. Pharmacopeia is 90 percent to 110
percent of the labeled amount (USP, 2011b); under British Pharmacopoeia, it is 95 percent to
105 percent (British Pharmacopoeia, 2012c).

INTRODUCTION 25
quality drug is not in fact its own. In such a case, the manufacturer is the
victim of fraud. The drug in question was falsified and therefore in the
domain of law enforcement.
The committee considers a drug falsified when there is false represen-
tation of the product’s identity or source or both. Falsified medicines may
contain the wrong ingredients in the wrong doses. A fake product in legiti-
mate packaging is falsified, as is a good-quality product in fake packaging
(EMA, 2012). The producer’s intention is theoretically important to the
understanding of a falsified drug, though in practice it is often impossible to
known what these intentions were. That is, when a licensed manufacturer
makes bad drugs, the deliberateness of the mistake is at least debatable.
When an underground producer makes a bad-quality product there is not
even a pretense of adhering to drug quality standards. This understanding
of a falsified medicine is consistent with the broad definition of counterfeit
used by WHO and other organizations. A falsified drug may also be called
fake, a synonym used in this report and by some scholars, governments,
and international NGOs (Bate, 2011; Björkman-Nyqvist et al., 2012; MSF,
2012; Newton et al., 2011). (See Table 1-5.)
Often, the difference between a substandard and a falsified medicine is
the difference between a known and unknown manufacturer. Manufactur-
ers may produce substandard drugs because they failed to adhere to good
manufacturing practices or because their internal quality systems failed.
Degraded or expired products are also substandard; in some ways, failure
to pull these drugs from the market is a quality system failure. Inspection
of the manufacturer’s records can usually distinguish between a degraded or
expired drug and one that left the factory already outside of specifications.
Falsified drugs are usually also substandard. Drug regulators have no
authority over underground manufacturers; nothing can be said about
The Indian generics house V.S. International’s authentic ciprofloxacin (left) and a
falsified version (right).
SOURCE: Bate, 2012b.

their quality controls or adherence to good manufacturing practices. It is

unlikely, though not unheard of, that an illegal manufacturer would go to
the trouble of making a quality-controlled medicine from quality-assured
substrate.
Distinguishing between falsified and substandard drugs is a necessary
first step when discussing the problem in any depth. It is admittedly some-
thing of an academic exercise, though. In many parts of the world, drugs
are sold without proper packaging and emphasis on label claims has no
practical value. Details of the pharmacopeial standard can also cause confu-
sion. The U.S. Pharmacopeia, for example, gives a dissolution standard; the
British Pharmacopoeia, widely used in the Commonwealth, often does not
(British Pharmacopoeia, 2012b; Paleshnuik, 2009). A drug that does not
dissolve is substandard nonetheless. Critics of these definitions might also
point out that drug labels usually reference the pharmacopeial standard.
Therefore, failing to meet the standard is also a false representation.
The definitions proposed can inevitably be caught on exceptions, but
the committee believes that public discourse is best advanced by considering
two main types of bad drugs: falsified and substandard. This report aims
to set out useful, general terms for public discussion. Defining the products
of interest is valuable only insomuch as it advances the discussion of the
root causes and solutions of the problem; making definitions is not an end
in itself.
Similarly, the lumping together of many competing and contradictory
terms with unwieldy acronyms such as SSFFC (short for substandard,
spurious, falsified, falsely labeled, and counterfeit) only encourages con-
fusion. Speakers seeking a parent category for substandard and falsified
drugs could consider illegitimate or even bad, but not SSFFC (Attaran et
al., 2012).
The Problem of Unregistered Medicines

Medicines registration is one of the main responsibilities of a drugs reg-
ulatory authority (Ratanawijitrasin and Wondemagegnehu, 2002), which
maintains the medicine register, “a list of all the pharmaceutical products
authorized for marketing in a particular country” (WHO, 2011b, p. 43).
The regulatory authority issues a market authorization, proof of entry to
the medicines register, to the manufacturer of any medical product sold or
distributed for free in a given country (SADC, 2007). Market authorization
documents usually include the name and address of the manufacturer and
information about the registered product (SADC, 2007).
Maintaining an accurate medicines register is difficult in developing
countries, where the regulatory authority is often understaffed and under-
funded (IOM, 2012; Ratanawijitrasin and Wondemagegnehu, 2002). To

INTRODUCTION 27
complicate the problem, medicines travel quickly among small, landlocked

countries with porous borders. The WHO found about 1,000 unregistered
drugs on the Cambodian market, for example (WHO, 2003b). The amount
of unregistered products on the market is also unpredictable. Sometimes
bilateral trade negotiations end in large shipments of unregistered medicines
in a country (Morris and Stevens, 2006; Newton et al., 2010).
In a conceptual illustration of the problem, Attaran and colleagues
show that unregistered drugs may be of good quality (see Figure 1-1). This
figure shows drug quality standards on the y-axis and registration on the
x-axis. In this framework, drugs that fail to meet the regulatory authority’s
standards are divided into failures of negligence (substandard drugs) and
willful failures (falsified drugs). This diagram separates the good-quality
unregistered medicines from other types of illegitimate drugs. In practice,
however, the distinction is not always clear.
Some research suggests that unregistered medicines can be dangerous.
Legal
Illegal – Negligent
Illegal – Willful
Fails standard
(bad treatment)
Illegitimate drugs
Medicines regulatory authority unapproved

Medicines regulatory authority approved
Regulatory failure: Public health crime:

substandard (various causes) falsified
(no intentional wrong)
Manufacturing error
(intentional wrong)
Degradation
Expiration
Illicit diversion or theft
Complies with all laws: Regulatory violation:

proprietary or generic unregistered
Legitimate drugs
Meets standard
(good treatment)
FIGURE 1–1 A two-dimensional description of medicine quality and registration.

SOURCE: Attaran et al., 2012. Reprinted with permission from BMJ Publishing Group.

A field survey of uterotonic drug quality in Ghana found that all unreg-
istered drug samples tested were substandard; one of the unregistered
products contained no active ingredient at all (Stanton et al., 2012). Many
of the samples might have degraded during disorganized transport, but the
explanation is never clear with unregistered drugs.
Unregistered medicines are vulnerable to quality failures. They do not
enter the market through reputable channels and are often transported un-
der poor conditions. These problems can easily go undetected. Postmarket
surveillance is, by definition, a way to monitor the safety of those drugs
authorized for a particular market. Therefore, the quality failures of un-
registered medicines resist detection in postmarket surveillance (Amin and
Snow, 2005). The proliferation of unregistered medicines suggests problems
with the market authorization process in a country and, more generally,
with regulatory oversight. Although unregistered drugs are not by defini-
tion falsified or substandard, they are conceptually related and part of the
problem.
A Proposed Vocabulary
The lack of a consistent vocabulary has held back public discourse on
the problem of poor quality medicines in the market. As Tables 1-1 through
1-5 indicate, different countries often have widely different interpretations
of the same terms, creating a confusion that holds back international co-
operation (Clift, 2010). Defining a common vocabulary is important, not
just for this report but for all discourse on the topic.
Box 1-2 presents the definitions of the terms falsified, substandard,
counterfeit, and unregistered used in this report. As this chapter explains,
distinguishing between substandard and falsified medicines in the field can
be difficult. In practice, there is often considerable ambiguity in real-life
examples of unlabeled, poor-quality drugs. Nevertheless, falsified and sub-
standard are good categories to describe problems with poor-quality drugs.
Consistent use of these terms would ease the measuring of trends, analysis
of causes, and discussion of proposed solutions to the problem.
Recommendation 1-1: The World Health Assembly should adopt defi-

nitions consistent with the following principles. Substandard drugs do
not meet national specifications.5 Falsified products have a false repre-
sentation of identity or source or both. Products unregistered with the
regulatory authority are also illegal.
5 An emphasis on quality system failures is not essential to the idea of a substandard drug
and was removed from the recommendation after the report release. The supporting text
describes the committee’s understanding of a substandard drug.

INTRODUCTION 29
BOX 1-2
Definitions of Terms
Counterfeit: A counterfeit drug bears an unauthorized representa-

tion of a registered trademark on a product identical or similar to one for
which the trademark is registered.
Falsified: A falsified drug is one that falsely represents the product’s

identity or source or both.
Substandard: A substandard drug is one that fails to meet national

specifications cited in an accepted pharmacopeia or in the manufac-
turer’s approved dossier.
Unregistered: An unregistered product lacks market authorization

from the national regulatory authority. Though it may be of good quality,
an unregistered product is illegal.
The committee agrees with the emerging consensus that falsified and
substandard are the two main categories of poor-quality drugs (Bate,
2012a; Clift, 2010; MSF, 2012; Newton, 2012; Oxfam International,
2011). The World Health Assembly (WHA) is the decision-making body
of the WHO (WHO, 2013) and the international authority on questions
of health policy. WHA endorsement of these two main categories would
advance public discourse on the topic. The spirit of the definitions, not
the exact wording suggested in Box 1-2, are key to this recommendation,
as is the exclusion of the term counterfeit. Counterfeit is an overly broad
term and should be used only to describe trademark infringement, which
is not a problem of primary concern to public health organizations. As
WHO Director-General Margaret Chan explained in the opening remarks
of the November 2012 member state meeting on illegitimate drugs, “trade
and intellectual property considerations are explicitly excluded” from the
WHO’s discussions (Chan, 2012).
Falsified and substandard products are two useful categories in think-
ing about drug quality problems. There is overlap between these catego-
ries, but they are sufficiently precise for public discussion. Similarly, the
problem of unregistered medicines is intimately linked to problems of drug
quality.

DRUG QUALITY STANDARDS

The previous section mentions how national regulatory authorities set
the quality standards for drugs. This section gives more detail on the history
of modern medicine regulation.
Pharmacopeia
National governments have long created officially recognized lists of le-
gal drugs. Starting in the 16th and 17th centuries, city-based pharmacopeia
attempted to standardize the apothecaries’ products (Brockbank, 1964).
Modern pharmacopeias have been published since the 19th century: the
U.S. Pharmacopeia in 1820 and the British Pharmacopoeia in 1864 (British
Pharmacopoeia, 2012a; USP, 2012).
The strength of regulation by pharmacopeial standards depends on
the regulatory agency to enforce the standards. In the United States, the
Drug Import Act of 1848 made the U.S. Pharmacopeia the national drug
compendium (USP, 2012). This recognition made the drug quality standards
legally binding. In the latter half of the 19th century, state governments
created licensing boards for pharmacists and pharmacies, and these boards
emphasized the importance of the pharmacopeial standards (USP, 2012).
The Pure Food and Drugs Act of 1906 recognized the U.S. Pharmacopeia
standards as official and to be enforced by the Bureau of Chemistry in the
U.S. Department of Agriculture, the forerunner of today’s FDA (Swann,
2009; USP, 2012).
Terra silligata, medicinal clay from the Greek island of Lemnos (left), was
stamped with a seal of authenticity (right), an early example of a drug
trademark.
SOURCE: Wellcome Library, London.

INTRODUCTION 31
The passage of the Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act in 1938 gave the
FDA new authorities and recognized the quality, packaging, and labeling
standards published in the pharmacopeia and the national formulary (USP,
2012). The act also gave the FDA inspectorate the authority to enforce
these standards (USP, 2012). The 1960s saw several changes to accepted
drug regulation, including the creation of an Adopted Names Council, an
organization that establishes the United States Adopted Names, unique
nonproprietary names for drugs (AMA, 2012; USP, 2012). Eventually the
U.S. Pharmacopeia purchased the National Formulary and Drug Standards
Laboratory from the American Pharmacists’ Association (USP, 2012). They
merged the formulary and pharmacopeia in 1975, creating a collection of
more than 4,000 monographs (USP, 2008).
Around the same time in Europe, the unified economic community was
encouraging the use of regional pharmacopeial standards (EDQM, 2012).
The first official European pharmacopeia was published in 1964 and is
currently in its seventh edition (EDQM, 2012; European Pharmacopoeia,
2012). The European Directorate for the Quality of Medicines maintains
and revises the European Pharmacopoeia and runs chemical and biologi-
cal laboratories devoted to testing pharmaceutical products intended for
the EU market (EDQM, 2012). While the FDA enforces pharmacopeial
standards in the United States, both the national regulatory authorities and
the European Directorate enforce the pharmacopeial standards in Europe
(AVMA, 2012; EDQM, 2012). The European Medicines Agency (EMA),
often described as the counterpart of the FDA, is primarily a medicines
registration (review and approval) agency. The European Directorate has
more responsibility for enforcing quality standards (EDQM, 2012).
In China and India, national pharmacopeial standards and organiza-
tions have developed rapidly in the last two decades. The government of
India began enforcing pharmaceutical standards more systematically after
the Drugs and Cosmetics Act of 1940 (Gothoskar, 1983). Only in 2009,
however, did the Indian Pharmacopoeia Commission became an indepen-
dent agency under the Ministry of Health, separate from the drug regula-
tory authority (Indian Pharmacopoeia Commission, 2011). The Indian
government also maintains a pharmacopeia on ayurvedic medicines, first
published in a single volume in 1978 (Pharmacopoeial Laboratory for In-
dian Medicine, 2011).
Registration Agencies and National Pharmaceutical Authorities

National regulatory authorities are responsible for approving new
drugs, also known as drug registration or medicines licensing (Rägo and
Santoso, 2008). These agencies conduct the premarket safety and effi-

cacy reviews. They also conduct inspections and enforce quality control
regulations.
The USDA Bureau of Chemistry was the forerunner of the FDA and
one of the first agencies dedicated to quality enforcement for food and
drugs (FDA, 2010). This agency enforced drug quality and antiadulteration
standards in accordance with the Pure Food and Drugs Act of 1906. In
1927 it became a separate agency in the Department of Agriculture (Swann,
2009). Premarket review for drugs was not part of the drug registration
process in the United States until the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic
Act of 1938, though premarket authorization of vaccines was mandatory
after 1902 (FDA, 2012c).
The development of national registration entered a new phase in the
two decades following World War II. In the 1940s and 1950s, before the
thalidomide crisis of the early 1960s, federal drug regulators in the United
States began to regulate efficacy (Carpenter, 2010; FDA, 2012c). In 1958,
the Netherlands Medicines Act created an advanced administrative drug
registration system and established, but did not yet use, the Medicines
Evaluation Board to regulate market approval of new drugs (Carpenter,
2010; MSH, 2012).
The global thalidomide tragedy in the early 1960s changed all these
institutions. Thalidomide was a sedative and antiemetic developed in Ger-
many, used widely throughout Australia, Europe, and Japan in the late
1950s (Kim and Scialli, 2011). It was effective against morning sickness
and commonly prescribed to pregnant women (Bren, 2001; Kim and Scialli,
2011). By 1961, however, thalidomide was identified as the cause of severe
birth defects in more than 10,000 children. Birth defects included abnor-
mally short limbs, toes sprouting directly from the hips, flipper-like arms,
or no limbs at all; eye and ear defects; and congenital heart disease (Bren,
2001; Kim and Scialli, 2011). The drug was pulled from the market in 1961
and 1962 (Fintel et al., 2009; Kim and Scialli, 2011). Thalidomide had been
licensed in 46 countries, but in the United States, the FDA had refused to
approve its application and the drug never entered the market (Bren, 2001).
After the tragedy, governments worldwide revamped their drug regula-
tion systems. The Drug Amendments of 1962 officially added efficacy to
safety as a basis for FDA regulation and as a necessity for marketing au-
thorization in the United States and imposed clinical trial requirements on
drug development (FDA, 2012b). Australia, Britain, and Germany changed
their systems of drug regulation in 1963 and 1964 (Daermmrich, 2003;
Rägo and Santoso, 2008; TGA, 2003). Following the European Economic
Community resolutions in 1965 and the 1970s, Britain, France, Germany,
and other European nations took further steps to build stronger, more sci-
entific regulatory agencies based in part upon the FDA model (Carpenter,
2010; ECHAMP, 2012). Hence, although thalidomide was not a problem of

INTRODUCTION 33
substandard or falsified drugs, the reforms in its wake profoundly affected

drug registration and quality control around the world.
Good manufacturing practices and bioequivalence standards, in addi-
tion to traditional pharmacopeial standards, are two of the most important
conceptual instruments of modern drug quality regulation. Good manufac-
turing practices issued from the 1938 Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic
Act’s stipulation that if “the methods used in, and the facilities and controls
used for, the manufacture, processing, and packing of such [new] drugs
are inadequate to preserve its identity, strength, quality and purity,” the
FDA would reject the new drug application.6 After the 1941 sulfathiazole
disaster, FDA officials strengthened inspection protocols, requiring manu-
facturers not simply to prove drug quality but to demonstrate and maintain
practices that assured uniformly standard drugs as well. Good manufactur-
ing practices have now been adopted worldwide and are used not only by
national regulatory authorities but also by pharmacopeial organizations
like the EDQM, international health organizations like the WHO, and the
International Conference on Harmonisation. They are applied to traditional
medicines as well as to allopathic drugs (Carpenter, 2010).
The rise of generic drugs in the 20th century raised new questions
about bioequivalence. From the 1950s to the late 1970s, bioequivalence
standards, which required measuring metabolites in urine and blood, re-
placed older standards of chemical equivalence, which required only labora-
tory and dissolution tests (Carpenter and Tobbell, 2011). Between 1973 and
1977, the FDA issued bioequivalence rules and, in 1979, published a book
of therapeutically equivalent products. These rules, coupled with the Hatch-
Waxman Act of 1984, cemented a new generic drug approval process and
bioequivalence regulations (Carpenter and Tobbell, 2011).
6 The Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, 21 U.S.C. § 355(d)(3)(2012).

34
TABLE 1–1 Definitions of Counterfeit Pharmaceuticals
Organization Definition
WHO 1992 “A counterfeit medicine is one which is deliberately and fraudulently mislabeled with respect to identity and/or
source. Counterfeiting can apply to both branded and generic products and counterfeit products may include
products with correct ingredients, wrong ingredients, without active ingredients, with insufficient quantity of active
ingredient or with fake packaging” (WHO, 1992, p. 1).
2003 “Counterfeit medicines are part of the broader phenomenon of substandard pharmaceuticals. The difference is
that they are deliberately and fraudulently mislabeled with respect to identity and/or source. Counterfeiting can
apply to both branded and generic products and counterfeit medicines may include products with the correct
ingredients but fake packaging, with the wrong ingredients, without active ingredients or with insufficient active
ingredients” (WHO, 2003a).
2006 “Counterfeit medicines are part of the broader phenomenon of substandard pharmaceuticals. . . . They are
deliberately and fraudulently mislabeled with respect to identity and/or source. Counterfeiting can apply to both
branded and generic products and counterfeit medicines may include products with the correct ingredients but
fake packaging, with the wrong ingredients, without active ingredients or with insufficient active ingredients”
(WHO, 2006).
2009 “A counterfeit medicine is one which is deliberately and fraudulently mislabeled with respect to identity and/or
source. Counterfeiting can apply to both branded and generic products and counterfeit products may include
products with the correct ingredients or with the wrong ingredients, without active ingredients, with insufficient
active ingredients or with fake packaging” (WHO, 2009).
2011 Never explicitly defined, except as part of the so-called spurious, substandard, falsified, falsely labeled, counterfeit
(SFFC). “There are no good quality SSFC medicines. By definition SSFC medicines are products whose true identify
and/or source are unknown or hidden. They are mislabeled . . . and produced by criminals” (WHO, 2011a).

IMPACT 2008 “The term counterfeit medical product describes a product with a false representation (a) of its identity (b) and/
or source (c). This applies to the product, its container or other packaging or labeling information. Counterfeiting
can apply to both branded and generic products. Counterfeits may include products with correct ingredients/
components (d), with wrong ingredients/components, without active ingredients, with incorrect amounts of active
ingredients, or with fake packaging.
Violations or disputes concerning patents must not be confused with counterfeiting of medical products. Medical
products (whether generic or branded) that are not authorized for marketing in a given country but authorized
elsewhere are not considered counterfeit. Substandard batches of, or quality defects or non-compliance with Good
Manufacturing Practices/Good Distribution Practices (GMPs/GDPs) in legitimate medical products must not be
confused with counterfeiting.
Notes:
a) Counterfeiting is done fraudulently and deliberately. The criminal intent and/or careless behavior shall be
considered during the legal procedures for the purposes of sanctions imposed.
b) This includes any misleading statement with respect to name, composition, strength, or other elements.
c) This includes any misleading statement with respect to manufacturer, country of manufacturing, country of
origin, marketing authorization holder or steps of distribution.
d) This refers to all components of a medical product” (IMPACT, 2008).
Oxfam A medicine that infringes on a trademark (Brant and Malpani, 2011).
World Trade “Unauthorized representation of a registered trademark carried on goods identical or similar to goods for which the
Organization trademark is registered, with a view to deceiving the purchaser into believing that he/she is buying the original goods”
(WTO, 2012).
World Bank “Counterfeits are usually defined as drugs that are deliberately made as fake copies of the original branded or generic
drugs, imitating design, colors and other visible features. In many cases they contain only filling materials without any active
ingredients. Or they may contain insufficient or an excess of active ingredients, or active drug substances other than the ones
specified in the label” (Siter, 2005).
World Medical “Counterfeit medicines are drugs manufactured below established standards of safety, quality and efficacy and therefore
Association create serious health risks, including death” (WMA, 2012).

35
continued
TABLE 1–1 Continued
36
TRIPS “[Counterfeit trademark goods] shall mean any goods, including packaging, bearing without authorization a trademark which
Agreement is identical to the trademark validly registered in respect of such goods, or which cannot be distinguished in its essential
aspects from such a trademark, and which thereby infringes the rights of the owner of the trademark in question under the
law of the country of importation” (WTO, 1994).
Doctors Without “Counterfeit medicines are products that are presented in such a way as to look like a legitimate product although they are
Borders not that product. In legal terms this is called trademark infringement. They are the result of deliberate criminal activity that
has nothing to do with legitimate pharmaceutical producers—be it generic or brand producers” (MSF, 2009).
Pharmaceutical Counterfeit medicines are products deliberately and fraudulently produced and/or mislabeled with respect to identify and/
Security or source to make it appear to be a genuine product. This applies to both branded and generic products. They can have
Institute more or less than the required amount of active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs) or have the correct amount of API, but
manufactured in unsanitary, unsafe conditions. This definition can also be extended to genuine medicines. Genuine medicines
can be placed in counterfeit packaging to extend its expiry date (PSI-Inc., 2012).
The Partnership “Counterfeit drugs are fake medicines intentionally made by unknown manufacturers who hide their identity. These drugs do
for Safe not meet established standards of quality. Counterfeit drugs deceive consumers by closely resembling the looks of a genuine
Medicines drug. They are made without approval of the regulator, such as the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA). Counterfeiters
create fake versions of branded, generic and over-the-counter drugs. Counterfeit medicines have been found to be made
missing key ingredients; too strong or too weak; with the wrong active ingredient; with dangerous contaminants; in unsanitary
or unsterile conditions; using unsafe methods; and with improper labels” (PSM, 2012).
International “Counterfeiting in relation to medicinal products means the deliberate and fraudulent mislabeling with respect to the
Pharmaceutical identity, composition and/or source of a finished medicinal product, or ingredient for the preparation of a medicinal product.
Federation Counterfeiting can apply to both branded and generic products and to traditional remedies. Counterfeit products may
include products with the correct ingredients, wrong ingredients, without active ingredients, with insufficient quantity of
active ingredient or with false or misleading packing; they may also contain different, or different quantities of, impurities
both harmless and toxic” (FIP, 2003).
International “Counterfeit medicines threaten the full spectrum of legitimate medicines. They can be falsified versions of patented
Federation of medicines, generic medicines or over-the-counter medicines and exist in all therapeutic areas (even traditional medicine).

Pharmaceutical They range from medicines with no active ingredients to those with dangerous adulterations” (IFPMA, 2010).
Manufacturers
and Associations

TABLE 1–2 National Definitions of Counterfeit Pharmaceuticals
Country Definition
Cambodia “A counterfeit pharmaceutical product is a medicine:

1. which is deliberately produced with the incorrect quantity of active ingredients or wrong active ingredients, or
2. a medicine that is either without active ingredients, or with amounts of active ingredients that are deliberately outside the
accepted standard as defined in standard pharmacopoeias, or
3. a medicine that is deliberately and fraudulently mislabeled with respect to identity and/or source, or one with fake
packaging, or
4. a medicine that is repacked or produced by an unauthorized person” (Phana, 2007).
United States Food, Drug, and “A drug which, or the container or labeling of which, without authorization, bears the trademark,
Cosmetic Act trade name, or other identifying mark, imprint, or device, or any likeness thereof, of a drug
manufacturer, processor, packer, or distributor other than the person or persons who in fact
manufactured, processed, packed, or distributed such drug and which thereby falsely purports
or is represented to be the product of, or to have been packed or distributed by, such other drug
manufacturer, processor, packer, or distributor.”a
U.S. Food and Drug “Counterfeit medicine is fake medicine. It may be contaminated or contain the wrong or no active
Administration ingredient. They could have the right active ingredient but at the wrong dose. Counterfeit drugs
Website are illegal and may be harmful to your health” (FDA, 2012a).
United States Code Having a spurious trademark, not genuine or authentic, identical with, or substantially
indistinguishable from the genuine trademark, registered on the principal register in the U.S.
Patent and Trademark Office and in use. The counterfeit mark is likely to cause confusion, to cause
mistakes, or to deceive. [general trademark counterfeit]b

continued
37
38
Country Definition
China Drug Administration “A drug is a counterfeit drug in any of the following cases:
Law of the People’s 1. the ingredients in the drug are different from those specified by the national drug standards; or
Republic of China
2. a non-drug substance is simulated as a drug or one drug is simulated as another.
A drug shall be treated as a counterfeit drug in any of the following cases:

1. its use is prohibited by the regulations of the drug regulatory department under the State
Council;
2. it is produced or imported without approval, or marketed without being tested, as required by
this Law;
3. it is deteriorated;
4. it is contaminated;
5. it is produced by using drug substances without approval number as required by this Law; or
6. the indications or functions indicated are beyond the specified scope.”c
Philippines “Medicinal products with correct ingredients but not in the amounts as provided there under, wrong ingredients, without active
ingredients, with insufficient quantity of active ingredients, which results in the reduction of the drug’s safety, efficacy, quality,
strength, or purity. It is a drug which is deliberately and fraudulently mislabeled with respect to identity and/or source or with
fake packaging and can apply to both branded and generic products. It shall also refer to: 1) the drug itself, or the container or
labeling thereof or any part of such drug, container, or labeling bearing without authorization the trademark, trade name, or
other identification mark or imprint or any likeness to that which is owned or registered in the Bureau of Patent, Trademark, and
Technology transfer in the name of another natural or juridical person; 2) a drug product refilled in containers by unauthorized
persons if the legitimate labels or marks are used; 3) an unregistered imported drug product, except drugs brought in the
country for personal us as confirmed and justified by accompanying medical records; and 4) a drug which contains no amount
of or a different active ingredient, or less than 80% of the active ingredient it purports to possess, as distinguished from an
adulterated drug including reduction or loss of efficacy due to expiration” (Clift, 2010, p. 15).
Pakistan “A drug, the label or outer packaging of which is an imitation of, resembles as to be calculated to deceive, the label or outer
packing of a drug manufacturer” (Clift, 2010, p. 15).

Nigeria “a) Any drug product which is not what it purports to be; or
b) any drug or drug product which is so colored, coated, powdered or polished that the damage is concealed or which is made
to appear to be better or of greater therapeutic value than it really is, which is not labeled in the prescribed manner or which
label or container or anything accompanying the drug bears any statement, design, or device which makes a false claim for
the drug which is false or misleading; or
c) any drug or drug product whose container is so made, formed or filled as to be misleading; or
d) any drug product whose label does not bear adequate directions for use and such adequate warning against use in those
pathological conditions or by children where its use may be dangerous to health or against unsafe dosage or methods or
duration of use; or
e) any drug product which is not registered by the Agency in accordance with the provisions of the Food, Drugs and Products
(Registration, etc.) Decree 1993, as amended” (Clift, 2010, p. 15).
India Mashelkar Report “The term, ‘counterfeit’ that is commonly used worldwide for spurious drugs does not appear in
Drugs and Cosmetic Act but the definition of spurious drug comprehensively covers counterfeit
drugs. According to the Drugs and Cosmetic Act (by the Amendment Act of 1982, section 17-B)
spurious drugs are:
a) manufactured under a name which belongs to another drug; or
b) an intimation of, or a substitute for, another drug or resembles another drug in a manner likely
to deceive or bear upon it or upon its label or container the name of another drug unless it is
plainly and conspicuously marked so as to reveal its true character and its lack of identity with
such other drug; or
c) labeled or in a container bearing the name of an individual or company purporting to be the
manufacturer of the drug, which individual or company is fictitious or does not exist; or
d) substituted wholly or in part by another drug or substance; or
e) purporting to be the product of a manufacturer of whom it is not truly a product”
(Government of India, 2003).

continued
39
40
Country Definition
Indonesia 2000 Per the Republic of Indonesia’s Ministry of Health (MOH) Regulation No. 242/2000, counterfeit
medicine(s) is/are the medicine(s) that are produced by the party/parties who has/have no
authority to produce it based on the government’s act.
There are five kinds of counterfeit medicines:
1. Product containing API with required concentrations; produced, packaged, and labeled as the
original product, but this product is produced by the party without license.
2. The medicine contains API, but the concentration is outside of requirements.
3. Product is made as the original form and package, but no content of API.
4. The product is similar to the original, but content is of different substances/materials.
5. Products that are produced without a permit from the MOH. Per Republic Indonesian MOH
Regulation No. 949/MenKes/SK/VI/2000 imported product/s that are illegal can be grouped
as counterfeit without a permit for circulation issued by the National Agency of Food and Drug
Control.
2008 Per the republic of Indonesia’s Regulation No. 1010/2008, counterfeit medicines are produced by
the party/ies who has/have no authority to produce the medicines by the government’s act, or
medicines whose identities are imitated by other medicines that already have a circulating permit.
There are three categories of counterfeit medicine:
1. The volume of substance (API) and the trade name is the same as the original medicine, but
produced by the party who has no license to produce it.
2. The trade name is the same as the original medicine, but the volume of substance (API) is
different and produced by the other producer.
3. The trade name is the same as the original, but the content of substance (API) is not medicine
and not clear how the processing produced the drug.

Kenya 2008 Anti- “‘Counterfeiting’ means taking the following actions without the authority of the owner of any
Counterfeit Bill intellectual property right subsisting in Kenya or elsewhere in respect of protected goods—
a) the manufacture, production, packaging, re-packaging, labeling or making, whether in Kenya
or elsewhere, of any goods whereby those protected goods are imitated in such manner and
to such a degree that those other goods are identical or substantially similar copies of the
protected goods;
b) the manufacture, production or making, whether in Kenya or elsewhere, the subject matter of
that intellectual property, or a colorable imitation thereof so that the other goods are calculated
to be confused with or to be taken as being the protected goods of the said owner or any
goods manufactured, produced or made under his license;
c) the manufacturing, producing or making of copies, in Kenya or elsewhere, in violation of an
author’s rights or related rights.”d
Mexico It is considered a falsificado product when it is manufactured, packaged, or sold with reference to an authorization that does
not exist, or uses a permit granted by law to another or imitation of legally manufactured and registered products.e
Europe Council of Europe A false representation as regards identity and/or source (Council of Europe, 2011).
European Medicines “Counterfeit medicines are medicines that do not comply with intellectual-property rights or that
Agency infringe trademark law” (EMA, 2012).
Vietnam “Counterfeit drugs mean products manufactured in any form of drug with a deceitful intention, and falling into one of the
following cases:
a) they have no pharmaceutical ingredients;
b) they have pharmaceutical ingredients, which are, however, not at registered contents;
c) they have pharmaceutical ingredients different from those listed in their labels;
d) they imitate names and industrial designs of drugs which have been registered for industrial property protection of other
manufacturing establishments.”f
a Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act. As amended December 19, 2002. Chap. II, Sec. 201, (g)(2).
b 18 U.S.C. § 2320. (f)(1). (2012).
c Drug Administration Law of the People’s Republic of China. (China). 2001. Chap. V, Art. 48.

d The Anti-Counterfeit Bill, 2008. (Kenya). Part I, 2 (a-c).
e Ley General de Salud. (Mexico). 2013. Tit. 1, Chap. 1, Art. 208 bis.
f Law on Pharmacy. (Vietnam). 2005. Chap. 1, Art. 2. (24).
41
TABLE 1–3 Definitions of Substandard Pharmaceuticals
42
World Health 2003 “Substandard medicines are products whose composition and ingredients do not meet the correct scientific
Organization specifications and which are consequently ineffective and often dangerous to the patient. Substandard products
may occur as a result of negligence, human error, insufficient human and financial resources or counterfeiting”
(WHO, 2003a).
2006 “Substandard pharmaceuticals [are] medicines manufactured below established standards of safety, quality and
efficacy” (WHO, 2006).
2009 “Substandard medicines (also called out of specification [OOS] products) are genuine medicines produced
by manufacturers authorized by the [national medicines regulatory authority] which do not meet quality
specifications set for them by national standards” (WHO, 2009).
2010 “Each pharmaceutical product that a manufacturer produces has to comply with quality standards and
specifications at release and throughout the product shelf-life required by the territory of use. Normally, these
standards and specifications are reviewed, assessed and approved by the applicable national medicines regulatory
authority before the product is authorized for marketing. Substandard medicines are pharmaceutical products
that do not meet their quality standards and specifications” (WHO, 2010).
2011 Substandard medicines are pharmaceutical products that do not meet their quality standards and specifications.
“They arise mostly due to the application of poor manufacturing practices by the producer or when a good
quality medicine is stored and distributed under improper conditions leading to deterioration of the quality of the
product” (WHO, 2011a).
Oxfam “Substandard medicines do not meet the scientific specifications for the product as laid down in the WHO standards. They
may contain the wrong type or concentration of active ingredient, or they may have deteriorated during distribution in the
supply chain and thus become ineffective or dangerous” (Brant and Malpani, 2011).
The Partnership “Substandard drugs are produced by a known manufacturer, but they do not meet the quality standards of the drug
for Safe regulator. In the United States, these high standards are set by the United States Pharmacopeia and the National Formulary.
Medicines There is no intent to fool or defraud the consumer. Substandard medications are a result of manufacturer that do not
follow approved Good Manufacturing Practices, which is regulated by the FDA. Simply stated, these drugs fall below the
established standard—hence the term ‘substandard drugs’” (PSM, 2012).

U.S. “Substandard drugs can be found in a variety of forms. A substandard product is a legally branded or generic product, but
Pharmacopeia one that does not meet international standards for quality, purity, strength, or packaging. To be considered ‘substandard’ a
product could:
• Contain no active ingredient, but harmless inactives;
• Contain harmful or poisonous substances;
• Not be registered, or have been manufactured clandestinely, or smuggled into the country and thus be on sale illegally;
• Have been registered inadvisably by a weak agency; or
• Have passed its expiration date” (Smine, 2002, p. 1).
World Bank “Substandard drugs are manufactured with the intent of making a genuine pharmaceutical product, but the manufacturer
saves costs by not following GMP (Good Manufacturing Practice) or using poor quality raw materials. Another potential
problem relates to inadequate storage or transport conditions, leading to deterioration of the product. The performance of
such medicines is questionable” (Siter, 2005).
International “All substandards are not counterfeits. A medicine which is approved and legally manufactured but does not meet all
Federation of quality criteria is substandard, and may pose a significant health risk, but should not be regarded as counterfeit. However, all
Pharmaceutical counterfeits are, by their nature, at high risk of being substandard” (IFPMA, 2010).
Manufacturers
and Associations

43
TABLE 1–4 National Definitions of Substandard Pharmaceuticals
44
Country Definition
Cambodia A substandard drug is a registered product, whose specifications are outside of accepted standards as defined by reference
pharmacopoeias (Phana, 2007).
China “A drug with content not up to the national drug standards is a substandard drug. A drug shall be treated as a substandard
drug in any of the following cases:
1. the date of expiry is not indicated or is altered;
2. the batch number is not indicated or is altered;
3. it is beyond the date of expiry;
4. no approval is obtained for the immediate packaging material or container;
5. colorants, preservatives, spices, flavorings or other excipients are added without authorization; or
6. other cases where the drug standard are not conformed.”a
Philippines “Substandard product means the product fails to comply, with an applicable risk of injury to the public.”b
Thailand Substandard drugs are:

“1. Drugs produced with active substances which quantity or strength are lower than the minimum or higher than the
maximum standards prescribed in the registered formula to a degree less than the stated in Section 73 (5) [of the Thai
Drug Act of 1967].
2. Drugs produced so that their purity or other characteristics which are important to their quality differ from the standards
prescribed in the registered formula under Section 79 or drug formulas which the Minister has ordered the drug formula
registry under Section 86 bis [of the Thai Drug Act of 1967].”c
a Drug Administration Law of the People’s Republic of China. (China). 2001. Chap. V, Art. 49.
b Republic Act No. 7394, The Consumer Act of the Philippines. (Philippines). Tit. I, Art. 4 (bt).
c Thailand Drug Act, B.E. 2510 (1967). (Thailand). Chap. VIII, Sec. 74.

TABLE 1–5 Other Terms of Interest
Organization Term Definition
Oxfam Falsified Medicines for which the identity, source, or history was misrepresented (parent category for fake and
falsely labeled) (Brant and Malpani, 2011).
Falsely labeled The true properties of the product do not correspond to the information provided (Brant and Malpani,
2011).
Fake Does not contain the correct type of concentration of active and/or other ingredients (Brant and Malpani,
2011).
European Falsified “Falsified medicines are fake medicines that pass themselves off as real, authorized medicines. Falsified
Medicines medicines may:
Agency • contain ingredients of low quality or in the wrong doses;
• be deliberately and fraudulently mislabeled with respect to their identity or source;
• have fake packaging, the wrong ingredients, or low levels of the active ingredients.
Falsified medicines do not pass through the usual evaluation of quality, safety and efficacy, which is
required for the European Union (EU) authorization procedure. Because of this, they can be a health
threat” (EMA, 2012).
Brazil Falsification “Illicit reproduction of registered medicine, made by [a] third [party], with the fraudulent intention of
of medicines giving a legitimate appearance of what is not legitimate” (Anvisa, 2006).
Adulteration “Intervention of [a] third [party], with the purpose of altering legitimate medicine in [a] way to commit
therapeutic effectiveness and/or to turn it noxious to the health; or intervention that modifies the
specifications of the registration fraudulently, changing its registered formulation” (Anvisa, 2006).
Alteration “Modification for addition or subtraction of components of the medicine and/or if the pharmaceutical
formula, without previous and expressed approval of the National Agency of Health Surveillance” (Anvisa,
2006).

continued
45
46
Organization Term Definition
Council of the Falsified “Falsified medicinal product [is] any medicinal product with a false representation of:
European Union a) its identity, including its packaging and labeling, its name or its composition as regards any of the
ingredients including excipients and the strength of those ingredients;
b) its source, including its manufacturer, its country of manufacturing, its country of origin or its marketing
authorization holder; or
c) its history, including the records and documents relating to the distribution channels used.
This definition does not include unintentional quality defects and is without prejudice to infringements of
intellectual property rights.”a
Thailand Deteriorated The following are deteriorated drugs:

Drugs “1. A drug the expiry date of which as shown on the label has been reached.
2. A drug which has so denatured as to have the characteristics of a fake drug.”b
Fake The following drugs or substances are fake drugs:

“1. A drug or substance which is wholly or partly an imitation of a genuine drug;
2. A drug which shows the name of another drug, or an expiry date which is false;
3. A drug which shows a name or mark of a producer, or the location of the producer [of] the drug, which
is false;
4. Drugs which falsely show that they are in accordance with a formula which has been registered; and
5. Drugs produced with active substances which quantity or strength [is] lower than the minimum
or higher than the maximum standards prescribed in the registered formula by more than twenty
percent.”c
India Misbranded “A drug shall be deemed to be misbranded—

a) if it is so colored, coated, powdered or polished that damage is concealed or if it is made to appear of
better or greater therapeutic value than it really is; or
b) if it is not labeled in the prescribed manner; or
c) if its label or container or anything accompanying the drug bears any statement, design or device which
makes any false claim for the drug or which is false or misleading in any particular.”d

Adulterated “A drug shall be deemed to be adulterated—
a) if it consists, in whole or in part, of any filthy, putrid or decomposed substance; or
b) if it has been prepared, packed or stored under insanitary conditions whereby it may have been
contaminated with filth or whereby it may have been rendered injurious to health; or
c) if its container is composed in whole or in part, of any poisonous or deleterious substance which may
render the contents injurious to health; or
d) if it bears or contains, for purposes of coloring only, a color other than one which is prescribed; or
e) if it contains any harmful or toxic substance which may render it injurious to health; or
f) if any substance has been mixed therewith so as to reduce its quality or strength.”e
a Directive 2011/62/EU on the community code relating to medicinal products for human use, as regards the prevention of the entry into the legal supply chain of falsified
medicinal products [2011] OJ L174/77-78.
b Thailand Drug Act, B.E. 2510 (1967). (Thailand). Chap. VII, Sec. 75.
c Thailand Drug Act, B.E. 2510 (1967). (Thailand). Chap. VII, Sec. 73.
d The Drugs and Cosmetics Act and Rules. (India). As corrected up to 30th April, 2003. Chap. III, 9C.
e The Drugs and Cosmetics Act and Rules. (India). As corrected up to 30th April, 2003. Chap. III, 9A.

47
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The Effects of Falsified and

Substandard Drugs
A safe medicines supply is fundamental for public health. This chapter

describes consequences of falsified and substandard drugs. Drawing on
a range of examples from both academic literature and other sources, it
discusses the relationships between drug failure and health problems at the
individual and population levels. The chapter does not attempt to present
an exhaustive analysis of every health consequence of substandard or falsi-
fied drugs, but it gives an overview of the kinds of health problems these
products cause. The second section of this chapter analyzes the economic
and social costs of a substandard drug supply, including loss of confidence
in the health care system.
PUBLIC HEALTH CONSEQUENCES

A reliable, good-quality medicine supply is essential for health, but it is
often missing in countries with weak regulatory systems (Ratanawijitrasin
and Wondemagegnehu, 2002). The fallout of falsified and substandard
medicines includes poisoning, untreated disease, early death, and treatment
failure.
Poisoning
Some of the most compelling stories of pharmaceutical fraud are
those of frank poisoning. Between November 2008 and February 2009,
84 Nigerian children died from acute kidney failure brought on by the
industrial solvent diethylene glycol in teething syrup (Akuse et al., 2012;
55

• F alsified and substandard drugs may contain toxic doses of danger-

ous ingredients and cause mass poisoning.
• Poor-quality medicines compromise the treatment of chronic and
infectious diseases, causing disease progression, drug resistance, and
death.
• As chronic diseases increase in low- and middle-income countries, so
will the need for reliable medicines.
• Substandard and falsified medicines encourage drug resistance,
threatening the health of populations today and in the future.
Polgreen, 2009). The contaminated product, My Pikin, was registered with

the Nigerian regulatory authority and made in Lagos, the national manu-
facturing hub (Akuse et al., 2012). Inspectors traced the problem back to
deliberate fraud by a chemical dealer in Lagos, eventually leading to 12
prosecutions (Poisoned teething drug arrests, 2009; Polgreen, 2009).
A similar tragedy unfolded on a larger scale the previous year in Pan-
ama when a Chinese chemical manufacturer sold diethylene glycol, the ac-
tive ingredient in antifreeze, as pharmaceutical-grade glycerin to a European
company (Bogdanich and Hooker, 2007). The poison caused acute kidney
failure in the people who ingested it, often as the solvent in cough syrup
(Bogdanich and Hooker, 2007; CDC, 2009). The Panamanian government
counted 219 deaths from kidney failure brought on by diethylene glycol
poisoning (Núñez, 2011). Given that more than 60,000 bottles of cough
syrup and some lotions were contaminated, the Ministry of Health and the
World Health Organization (WHO) assume that these confirmed deaths are
probably only a fraction of the total mortality (Rentz et al., 2008).
The 2006 diethylene glycol poisoning was an international tragedy, and
18 of the causalities were Chinese (Bogdanich, 2007). In the early 2000s
some sources called China “the world’s largest producer of bogus medi-
cines”; Chinese newspaper accounts contain stories of similar mass poison-
ings (Fackler, 2002). In 2001 reporters described the death of a southwest
China mine owner from a poisoned albumin drip (Fackler, 2002). A decade
later, the Chinese State Food and Drug Administration (SFDA) found that
13 percent of capsule manufacturers are making drugs containing unsafe
levels of chromium, a toxic metal (Rickman, 2012). The SFDA identified
254 separate companies as sources of the chromium-tainted medicines
(Rickman, 2012).
Though poisonous drugs are part of the story, the more insidious

THE EFFECTS OF FALSIFIED AND SUBSTANDARD DRUGS 57
problem is medicine that simply does not work. Ineffective medicines of-
ten contain benign ingredients, such as chalk, pollen, or flour, instead of
medicinal chemicals. More dangerously, some contain substances intended
to mask the illness and feign treatment, such as paracetemol added to fake
antimalarials to lower fever. Patients taking ineffective drugs die of appar-
ently natural causes, making these products more difficult to identify.
Untreated Disease, Disease Progression, and Death

Medicine is intended to cure patients, or at least to relieve symptoms
or slow the progression of a disease. There is also useful information
in treatment failure. When prescribing medicines of known content and
potency, the clinician may suspect inadequate dosing, drug resistance, or
misdiagnosis if the patient does not respond to treatment as expected.
These inferences are central to the practice of medicine. The Partnership
for Safe Medicines, an American nonprofit, encourages doctors to suspect
counterfeit1 drugs in cases of treatment failure (PSM, n.d.), but there is little
published evidence to suggest they do so. Advising physicians to consider
the possibility of medicine fraud suggests that they have a way to verify it.
In parts of the world where such assays are too costly or too technologically
complicated to pursue, this information is usually unknowable. Confirmed
accounts of drug failure are only a fraction of the larger, mostly invisible,
problem.
Research at the medicine store can help illuminate these problems. A
random sample of all known medicine shops in three districts of Ghana
found the uterotonic drugs oxytocin and ergometrine to be of uniformly
poor quality: 89 percent of the samples tested were below British Pharma-
copoeia specifications though only 2 percent were expired (Stanton et al.,
2012). Unicef, the United Nations Children’s Fund, estimates the maternal
mortality ratio in Ghana to be 350 per 100,000 live births (Unicef, 2003),
of which hemorrhage, a condition treated with uterotonic drugs, is the most
common cause (Asamoah et al., 2011). Even in Ghanaian hospital studies,
where one would expect hemorrhage to be an uncommon cause of death,
it accounts for an estimated 17 to 22 percent of maternal deaths (Ganyaglo
and Hill, 2012; Lee et al., 2012). Increasing access to emergency obstetric
care is a key piece of any strategy to reduce maternal mortality (Campbell
and Graham, 2006), one that lies on the assumption that lifesaving utero-
tonic medicines are of reliable potency. Research suggests they are not, even
in a middle-income country like Ghana.
The type of study Stanton and colleagues undertook in Ghana is rare.
1 The Partnership for Safe Medicines uses the term counterfeit broadly, the way this report
uses falsified. See page 23.

They were able to draw conclusions about uterotonic drug quality because
their data represented a random sample of drugs from an almost exhaustive
sampling frame of known pharmacies, chemical shops, and other dispensa-
ries in their study area (Stanton et al., 2012). The identification of falsified
and substandard medicines is more often incidental, found in newspaper
accounts or uncovered in research that had a different primary aim.
Medications for Chronic Diseases

In 2009 a southwest China newspaper reported on a substandard
version of the diabetes drug glibenclamide (also called glyburide) found
to contain six times the pharmacopeial standard dose (Xiang, 2009). The
medicine was tested only after killing two people and injuring nine (Cheng,
2009; Xiang, 2009). Like oxytocin and ergometrine, glibenclamide is a
WHO essential medicine, as is only one other oral diabetes drug, metformin
(WHO, 2011c). Metformin too has been the subject of quality concerns. In
a convenience sample of pharmacies in Lagos, Nigeria, researchers found
that four of eight popular brands of metformin tablets failed one or more
pharmacopeial tests of bioequivalence (Olusola et al., 2012). These are
troubling findings, given that an estimated 80 percent of the world’s 347
million diabetics live in low- and middle-income countries, where medi-
cines quality is most variable, and diabetes case-fatality exorbitantly high
(Unachukwu et al., 2008; WHO, 2011a). Dora Akunyili, the former direc-
tor of the Nigerian drug regulatory authority, worked against pharmaceu-
tical fraud, a cause she committed to after her diabetic sister’s death from
fake insulin (Cheng, 2009; Lemonick, 2005).
Medication for other chronic diseases has been compromised in devel-
oping countries. A Rwandan study on drug stability found that 20 percent
of medicines in a sample of Kigali and Butare pharmacies were substandard
at the time of purchase (Twagirumukiza et al., 2009). Two studies of the
antihypertensive amlodipine’s quality in south Nigeria found problems:
one study reported 30 percent of samples failed pharmacopeial tests for
content uniformity (Eichie et al., 2011) and, in another, all samples failed
(Olajide et al., 2010). The management of diseases such as type 2 diabetes
and hypertension depend on maintenance medication and monitoring. The
sheer amount of products used to treat these conditions raises the patients’
lifetime risk of encountering a bad product, even in countries with strin-
gent regulatory authorities (see Box 2-1). The need for reliable medicines
in low- and middle-income countries will become more pronounced as the
burden of chronic disease increases in these countries. Already cardiovascu-
lar disease is the main killer of adults in low- and middle-income countries,

BOX 2-1
Defective Glucose Test Strips
In October 2006, the FDA recalled two batches of blood glucose test
strips used in LifeScan, Inc. OneTouch Ultra brand blood glucose moni-
tors after LifeScan notified the agency that it had received a number of
customer complaints. The strips produced inaccurate blood glucose level
readings, the results of which are used by diabetics to monitor their condi-
tion and determine medication dosing (Bloomberg News, 2007). Diabetics
rely on their blood glucose monitors to manage their self-treatment, and
incorrect readings can lead patients to administer the wrong dosage of in-
sulin or induce unnecessary panic. Improper insulin dosing is a potentially
fatal error. In the LifeScan recall, the FDA identified the problem strips and
instructed consumers to inspect the serial numbers on their boxes and
replace any fake or unidentifiable strips (FDA, 2006; WHO, 2006).
Investigation traced the strips back to Halson Pharmaceuticals in
Shanghai. The manufacturer sold approximately one million substandard
test strips to importers, and from there the strips went through the sup-
ply chain to reach U.S. and Canadian pharmacies. Over the course of the
next year, the test strips made their way to 8 countries and 35 U.S. states.
The Chinese authorities eventually arrested and imprisoned Henry Fu,
owner of Halson Pharmaceuticals (Bloomberg News, 2007).
The LifeScan recall is a reminder that substandard medical products
can find their way into countries with strong regulatory systems. The
United States and Canada have systems in place for prompt recalls, al-
lowing them to mitigate the threat the product poses to public health.
Within 2 years the fake test strips were fully recalled in the United States,
but between 2009 and 2011 customers and investigators still found them
in other countries, including Egypt, India, and Pakistan (Loftus, 2011).
As the prevalence of diabetes increases rapidly in the developing
world, new, loosely regulated markets attract potential counterfeiters.
India is home to more than 50 million diabetics, more than any other
country, and the number is expected to increase dramatically over the
coming years (World Diabetes Foundation, 2013). In 2007, not long after
the first bad test strips appeared in the United States, there were ap-
proximately 40.9 million diabetics in India; by the time they reached the
country’s growing diabetic population the number had risen by more
than 10 million (Mohan et al., 2007). As the chronic disease burden in-
creases in developing countries, falsified and substandard versions of the
expensive products used to treat them pose new risks.

the proper medical treatment of which is often neglected (Gaziano, 2007;

Yusuf et al., 2011).
Maintenance medication for cardiovascular disease is a vulnerable
target for fraud, but the need for these drugs is still unmet in much of the
world (Gaziano, 2007). In developing countries, there has been a greater
emphasis on controlling infectious disease, especially the infectious diseases
of childhood. Considerable research indicates that the anti-infective drugs
used to do this are often compromised in poor countries.
Medications for Infectious Diseases

Since 1999 the WHO has known that antibiotics are commonly falsi-
fied or made improperly (Wondemagegnehu, 1999). In the 1990s antibiotics
accounted for over 45 percent of the 771 cases of falsified and substandard
medicines brought to the WHO’s attention (Wondemagegnehu, 1999). A
more recent survey in Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, and Saudi Arabia found
more than half of antibiotics sampled to be substandard (Kyriacos et al.,
2008). A similar survey in Burma uncovered substandard drugs in 16 per-
cent of amoxicillin and 13 percent of ampicillin samples (Wondemagegnehu,
1999). More recently, a survey of amoxicillin in the capital of Papua New
Guinea found all samples outside of pharmacopeial specifications; 14 per-
cent had undetectable levels of active ingredient (Nair et al., 2011). Chapter
3 describes the depth of the problem of fake antibiotics in more detail.
In most low- and middle-income countries β-lactam antibiotics, an
inexpensive and widely available class of drugs that includes penicillin and
amoxicillin, are the first-line treatment for dozens of bacterial infections,
including scarlet fever, pneumonia, and respiratory and urinary tract infec-
tions (Byarugaba, 2004). Pneumonia, for example, is the leading cause of
death in children under 5 and accounts for 18 percent of all child deaths in
the world (Unicef and WHO, 2006; WHO, 2011b). The pathogen Strep-
tococcus pneumoniae causes most of the world’s pneumonia. Alone it ac-
counts for as much as 12 percent of all child deaths worldwide (O’Brien et
al., 2009). Unicef’s recommended strategy for preventing pneumonia deaths
is recognizing sickness in the child, seeking medical care, and treating with
antibiotics (Unicef and WHO, 2006). This will remain the best strategy un-
til the pneumococcal conjugate vaccine becomes more widely available. The
treatment of pneumonia and other devastating bacterial infections depends
on effective antibiotic supply. No research to date has attempted to quan-
tify the proportion of child deaths attributable to falsified and substandard
medicines, but Table 2-1 presents the most common causes of child death
and links them to verified reports of substandard medicines.
Vaccines are also important in the control of infectious disease.
Chapter 5 describes the medicines supply chain in developing countries; in

general, the vaccine supply chain is simpler, if only because Unicef manages
the parts of the chain between the manufacturer and the national port of
entry (Kauffmann et al., 2011). Cases of falsified and substandard vaccines
are rare, but Box 2-2 describes some.
If antibiotics are some of the oldest and most widely used medicines in
the world, antiretrovirals are their opposites: new medicines, prescribed in
complicated regimes, to a relatively small segment of the population. An
exhaustive WHO survey of antiretroviral drug quality in seven sub-Saharan
African countries and a variety of treatment centers found reliable good
quality in HIV medications (WHO, 2007). Only 1.8 percent of the drugs
tested failed to meet quality specifications, and even those were “[not] seri-
ous failures, i.e., no critical deficiencies which would pose a serious risk to
patients” (WHO, 2007, p. 19).
BOX 2-2
Deaths from Substandard and Falsified Vaccines
Vaccines are complicated to make, and there are relatively few

manufacturers supplying the world market. Vaccines are generally pro-
cured in bulk by governments or UN agencies in a supply chain with
few intermediaries. Though cases are rare, substandard vaccines can
permeate this supply chain. In 1995, during a meningitis epidemic, about
60,000 Nigeriens were injected with water disguised as meningitis vac-
cine (Cockburn, 2005). The substandard vaccine caused about 2,500 to
3,000 excess deaths (BASCAP, 1996).
More recently, in China, substandard hepatitis B and rabies vaccines
killed or sickened about 100 babies (Jia and Carey, 2011). Precise infor-
mation regarding the event is scarce due to the Chinese government’s
denial of a connection between the vaccines and the incidents as well as
its control over the Chinese media. According to the Associated Press,
the original article in the China Economic Times that exposed the scan-
dal stated that four children who died never had a precise diagnosis,
but suffered from fevers and convulsions before their deaths; others
who became ill were later diagnosed with encephalitis, among other
conditions, and some suffered permanent damage (Associated Press,
2010a). About 200,000 doses of substandard rabies vaccine circulated in
Jiangsu province in 2010 before a manufacturer recall (Associated Press,
2010b). These vaccines, like the falsified meningitis vaccine used in Niger,
convey no immunity to the patient. When herd immunity is an important
result of vaccination, there is no such benefit to society. Assuming the
patients survive injection with nonsterile, unidentified liquids, they are
still at risk for death from the disease they were not inoculated against.

Some more recent reports suggest that falsified antiretroviral drugs may
circulate in African countries. In September 2011, falsified and substandard
versions of the triple combination therapy Zidolam-N surfaced in Kenya,
many samples molding and crumbling in the packages (Taylor, 2011). A
year later, in Tanzania, the regulatory authority uncovered falsified anti-
retrovirals at a district hospital (Athumani, 2012). These failures put HIV
patients at risk for disease progression and favor the selection of resistant
virus strains (WHO, 2003). As their viral loads increase, these patients are
also more likely to transmit the infection, impeding efforts to control the
virus.
Although data suggesting compromised antiretroviral drug quality are
mixed, there is substantial evidence, presented in Chapter 3, that antima-
larials are often of poor quality. Substandard and falsified malaria drugs
are especially common in malaria-endemic parts of Africa and Asia. In
2003, substandard sulfadoxine-pyrimethamine was used to treat a malaria
epidemic in northwest Pakistan refugee camps (Leslie et al., 2009). Re-
searchers concluded that, as the strain of P. falciparum they identified was
90 percent curable when using standard sulfadoxine-pyrimethamine drugs,
the substandard medicines, procured from local manufacturers because of
drug shortages, were a causal factor in what initially presented as drug-
resistant malaria (Leslie et al., 2009). In this example, the effects of the
substandard medicine were promptly mitigated. Health workers diagnosed
the parasite with microscopy, monitored drug resistance, and checked drug
quality using procedures described in the U.S. Pharmacopeia monograph.
Good care during initial infection and treatment with an effective second-
line drug prevented any deaths, and the onset of cooler weather stopped
transmission (Leslie et al., 2009). The prognosis for most people treated
with poor-quality antimalarial drugs is worse. Not only will their malaria
be untreated, but inadequate treatment favors the selection of resistant
parasites, which threaten their entire communities.
Treatment Failure
Individual patients have much to lose from substandard and falsified
medicines. These products also encourage drug resistance and thereby
threaten population health today and for future generations. This is a par-
ticular concern with substandard products where the dose of active ingredi-
ent is low and variable and with falsified products diluted by criminals in
an effort to pass screening assays. Drug resistance is common in pathogens
with short life cycles: viruses, bacteria, and protozoa. Poor-quality anti-
microbial medications, taken frequently and, in poor countries, generally
taken without professional supervision, contribute to drug resistance.

Antimicrobial Resistance
Antibiotics should be used only when indicated, in the appropriate
dose, and for the correct length of time. Ensuring the proper treatment
with the right combination of drugs is the underlying principle of Directly
Observed Treatment–Short Course (DOTS), the internationally accepted
method of tuberculosis surveillance and treatment (WHO SEARO, 2006).
DOTS also depends on a safe and reliable drug supply. Poor-quality drugs
have been cited as a causal factor for the rise of multidrug-resistant tubercu-
losis (Kelland, 2012). Over time, the bacteria causing tuberculosis have be-
come increasingly drug resistant. Multidrug-resistant tuberculosis precedes
extensively drug-resistant tuberculosis, and finally, sometimes, totally drug-
resistant tuberculosis (Udwadia, 2012). Extensively drug-resistant strains of
tuberculosis account for about 6 percent of incident infections worldwide,
but much more in China, India, and the former Soviet Union (Jain and
Mondal, 2008). Figure 2-1 shows the increasing incidence of multidrug-
resistant tuberculosis around the world.
Drug-resistant bacteria often surface in hospitals, causing infections
that are difficult to treat and are an important killer of adults in low-
and middle-income countries (Okeke et al., 2005b; WHO, 2012a). It is
difficult to estimate the burden of antimicrobial resistance in low- and
middle-income countries, in part because of the dearth of data, especially
from francophone Africa, the Asian Pacific, and the former Soviet Union
(Okeke et al., 2005a). The data that do exist are grim. Multidrug-resistant
staphylococcus, an emerging problem in India and sub-Saharan Africa
(Parasa et al., 2010; Vincent et al., 2009), accounts for more than half of
all nosocomial infections in parts of Latin America (Guzmán-Blanco et al.,
2009). (See Figure 2-2.)
In a qualitative study in Orissa, India, doctors, veterinarians, and phar-
macists cited poor-quality antibiotics as a cause of drug resistance, but men-
tioned it only in passing, focusing more on patient and provider behaviors
(Sahoo et al., 2010). This is consistent with most public health literature,
which gives great deal of attention to the overuse of antibiotics as contrib-
uting to the rise of antimicrobial resistance in general (Byarugaba, 2010;
Okeke et al., 2005b) and drug-resistant pneumonia in particular (Unicef
and WHO, 2006). Comparatively little work, however, discusses the role
of drug quality in encouraging bacterial resistance. Antibiotics that contain
low doses of active ingredient cause low circulating levels of the drug in
the patient. This contributes to treatment failure and selectively favors the
growth of drug-resistant organisms (Okeke et al., 2005b). Resistance is
most common among the oldest and least expensive families of antibiotics
(Okeke et al., 2005b).

64
MDR-TB among
new TB cases (%)
0-2.9
3-5.9
6-11.9
12-17.9
> 18
No data
Subnational data only
Not applicable

FIGURE 2-1 Increasing incidence of multidrug-resistant tuberculosis (MDR-TB).
SOURCE: WHO, 2011b.
According to a recent Tufts University estimate, it costs more than

$1.3 billion to bring a new drug to market (Kaitin, 2010). Antibiotics in
particular offer pharmaceutical companies a low return on investment; pa-
tients take them for only a week or two, in contrast to lifetime regimes of
maintenance drugs. There would be even less monetary incentive to develop
antibiotic for only the poorest parts of the world. Preserving antibiotics is
imperative and depends on maintaining drug quality as much as on encour-
aging rational use.
Antimalarial Resistance
Through a conceptually similar mechanism, selectively allowing the
growth of drug-resistant parasites by exposing them to subtherapeutic doses
of medicines, falsified and substandard drugs favor survival and spread of
resistance to antimalarial medicines. Drug-resistant parasites of particular
concern are the malaria parasites Plasmodium falciparum and Plasmodium
vivax.
Artemisinin combination treatments are effective in treating falciparum
malaria (WHO, 2011d). They have been the recommended first-line treat-
ment for falciparum malaria everywhere in the world since 2001 (WWARN,
2012d). In areas where these drugs are available and appropriately used,
malaria deaths have dropped dramatically (WHO, 2011d).
Drug resistance could undo the success that artemisinin therapies have
won, however (see Box 2-3). A recent review estimates that about 35 per-
cent of the antimalarial medicines in Southeast Asia are substandard, and
36 percent can be classified as falsified (Nayyar et al., 2012). The same
researchers found similar patterns in sub-Saharan Africa, where about
35 percent of antimalarials are substandard and 20 percent are falsified
(Nayyar et al., 2012). In both regions, underdosing the active ingredients
is far more common than overdosing (Nayyar et al., 2012). Already, 8
of the 12 major antimalarial drugs used in the world have been falsified,
including products labeled as of mefloquine, but containing sulphadoxine-
pyrimethamine and no mefloquine, and a product labeled as artesunate, but
containing 6 percent chloroquine and no artesunate (Newton et al., 2006).
Poor-quality medicines supply a subtherapeutic dose that selectively encour-
ages the emergence of partially resistant pathogens (Talisuna et al., 2012).
Underdosing with antimalarials causes low concentrations of ac-
tive drugs in patients and selective pressure to breed resistant parasites
(Dondorp et al., 2011; Sengaloundeth et al., 2009; White et al., 2009). In
Thailand investigators have observed a progressive lengthening of the time
it takes for patients to clear malaria parasites from their bloodstream dur-
ing treatment, suggesting that the parasites are becoming more resistant to
artemisinin (Phyo et al., 2012). Resistance is heritable from one generation

Mexico
32–52% Cuba
6%
Hondoras 12%
Guatemala Nicaragua 20%
64%
Panama Venezuela
Costa Rica 28% 25–36%
58%
Colombia
34–47%
Ecuador
25%
Brazil
Peru 54–93%
80–85%
Bolivia
36–55%
Paraguay
30–44%
Chile Argentina
29–80% 42–51%
Uruguay
24–59%
FIGURE 2–2 Percentage of nosocomial Staphylococcus aureus

isolates with resistance to meticillin in studies in Latin American
countries.
NOTE: Countries in orange are those with >50 percent of nosocomial S. aureus
isolates were found to be meticillin-resistant in at least one report.
SOURCE: Guzmán-Blanco et al., 2009. Reprinted with permission from Elsevier.
of parasite to the next; the relatively resistant parasites persist and are
transmitted (Anderson et al., 2010). So far, artemisinin resistance has been
documented only in Southeast Asia, but its persistence and spread could
threaten global malaria control programs. No other antimalarial drugs are
available as alternatives. If the current first-line therapy is lost because of
resistance, malaria deaths will again increase.

Other Antiparasitic Resistance

Confirming drug resistance in parasites is more complicated than the
same assessment in bacteria (Cabaret, 2010). There is good evidence, how-
ever, that underdosing with anthelmintic medication has favored survival
of resistant worms, and substandard medicines are a noted contributor to
anthelmintic resistance in both humans and animals (Geerts and Gryseels,
2001).
Drug resistance threatens efforts to contain other neglected tropical
diseases. Visceral leishmaniasis, also called kala azar, is a parasitic dis-
ease that affects a half a million people per year, mostly in South Asia,
and also in Brazil and Sudan (Sundar, 2001). Untreated kala azar is fatal,
but pentavalent antimonial drugs have been a reliable therapy since the
1930s. Pentavalent antimonials are still a first-line treatment today, but
drug resistance has diminished the potency of these drugs (Sundar, 2001). A
high-osmolarity batch of pentavalent antimonials induced congestive heart
failure, killing three kala azar patients and sickening many more at Benares
Hindu University hospital in the late 1990s (Sundar et al., 1998). Since
then, substandard medicines have been a suspected factor in the increas-
ing resistance of the kala azar parasites to traditional treatment (Sundar,
2001). Newer therapies, such as miltefosine, hold promise for containing
the disease, but this promise will not be realized unless the drugs are of
reliable quality. As recently as 2012, a convenience sample of miltefosine in
Bangladesh found the drugs to be uniformly devoid of any active ingredient
(Dorlo et al., 2012).
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES

Substandard and falsified medicines effect health directly and pose a
danger to individual patients and to public health. They also have economic
Key Findings
• Treatment with substandard and falsified drugs wastes time and

money, raising drug costs to patients and the health system.
• Drug resistance reduces the effective life of a drug, and society must
bear the cost of new drug development.
• A compromised drug supply causes consumers to lose confidence in
medicine, health care providers, and national regulatory agencies.
• The sale of falsified medicines funds criminal activities and conveys
power to corrupt officials.

BOX 2-3
The WorldWide Antimalarial Resistance Network
Despite the success of malarial control programs starting in 2004,

malaria is still a major cause of death, especially in Africa (Murray et al.,
2012). WHO estimates that about 655,000 people die from malaria ev-
ery year, though a recent systematic analysis suggested the true annual
mortality is closer to 1.24 million (Murray et al., 2012). Inexpensive oral
drugs—chloroquine and sulfadoxine-pyrimethamine—were once common
treatment for malaria, but resistance to these treatments is widespread
(WHO, 2012c). Since 2001, the WHO has recommended treating malaria
with artemisinin combination therapies (WWARN, 2012c). The use of
artemisinin combination drugs as first-line therapy is essential to malaria
control. As of 2006, however, there is evidence of artemisinin resistance
in Southeast Asia (WWARN, 2012c).
The WorldWide Antimalarial Resistance Network (WWARN) is a mul-
tidisciplinary, worldwide network of malaria experts run by Oxford Uni-
versity. WWARN is divided into six scientific working groups, including a
group that works to encourage research on antimalarial drug quality. To
this end, they give step-by-step guidance on field surveys, develop stan-
dard reporting and data collection forms, and review chemical assays and
packaging analysis protocols (WWARN, 2012a). They also manage online
forums to discuss drug quality in English and French (WWARN, 2012a).
WWARN also created a interactive internet database that shows the
spread of poor-quality antimalarials over time and space (Tabernero and
Newton, 2012). The system maps scientific and lay reports of antimalarial
medicine quality. Users can view hotspots as points on a map or in table;
they can filter information by medicine, report type, data collection
method, medicine source, and date. This tool makes information about
antimalarial quality more readily available to regulators and malaria con-
trol teams, which in turn improves action against the problem. Future
versions of the surveyor will include brand and manufacturer information,
as well as graphs of emerging trends and photos of different medicines
and packaging (WWARN, 2012b).
and social consequences, including the direct costs of additional treatment

and indirect social costs of lost confidence in the health system and the
government.
Costs to the Health System

First, the use of falsified and substandard medicines costs the health
care system. Providers do not usually suspect that the drugs they prescribe
are of poor quality and will respond to a poor therapeutic response by

A WWARN online drug quality map.
ordering more tests or by repeating the course of treatment. In poor coun-

tries, where medicines rank second only to food as a household expense
(Cameron et al., 2008), an increase in the family medicines bill can be a
palpable hardship. When government or donors supply medicines, they
shoulder the added costs of falsified and substandard drugs.
Chapter 4 describes the pressure on procurement agencies to fill drug
orders for the lowest prices, a false frugality that can cause the wasting of
an entire medicines budget on drugs with insufficient active ingredients.
The costs only grow when expensive drugs are targeted or when they are

Pharmacy in Cambodia.
SOURCE: Hen Sophal in Pharmacide Arts, an exhibit of Southeast Asian artists.
sold in rich countries. It is not yet clear how much patients and insurance
companies paid for falsified Avastin during the 2012 crisis, but the Wall
Street Journal found that the fake product sold for almost $2,000 per vial
(Weaver and Whalen, 2012).
Drug resistance will increase costs to the health system, and not only
because of increased clinical attention. Drug resistance reduces the effective
life of a drug. Already the cheapest, oldest classes of anti-infective drugs
are becoming useless. Society must bear the expense of new drug develop-
ment, an ever-increasing cost (see Figure 2-3), because resistant pathogens
require treatment with more complex drugs. A 2010 estimate put the cost
of developing a single drug at $1.3 billion (Kaitin, 2010), and a 2003 study
showed that the cost of drug development grew 7.4 percent faster than
inflation (DiMasi et al., 2003).
Aside from the direct financial costs of treatment, there are opportunity
costs incurred to patients who miss work for additional doctors’ visits or
become too sick to work. Chapter 3 will explain that the burden of falsi-
fied and substandard medicines is borne mostly by the poor in South and
Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan Africa. Transport costs and opportunity
costs are a known obstacle to health care for these patients (Whitty et al.,
2008). Customers at gray pharmaceutical markets, including flea markets,

$1.4
$1.3B
$1.2
Billions (Constant dollars, 2000)
$1.0
$0.8
$800M
$0.6
$0.4
$300M
$0.2
$100M
$0.0
1975 1987 2000 2005
Fiscal Year
FIGURE 2–3 The increasing costs of drug development.

SOURCE: PhRMA, 2012.
unlicensed medicine shops, and bazaars, are often there because they can-
not afford to miss work for a formal consultation (Whitty et al., 2008).
For example, participants at the São Paulo site visit for this study explained
that although medicines are free through the public health system in Brazil,
miners and other daily-wage workers circumvent this system. They continue
working and self-treat with medicines of dubious quality from the gray
market. In Brazil, as in many parts of the world, falsified and substandard
medicines extract the highest costs from those who can afford the least.
Scientists and policy makers in developing countries are aware of the
toll falsified and substandard drugs take on their health systems. A 2009
WHO expert working group rated fake medicines as a top priority for
research in developing countries (Bates et al., 2009).
Patients may begin to distrust modern pharmacies after experiences
with falsified and substandard drugs. In Ugandan villages, the proportion
of positive responses to the question “Do you expect that the antimalarial
medicines sold by the nearest drug shop are fake?” correlates roughly

with the actual percentage of poor-quality drugs (Björkman-Nyqvist et al.,

2012).
As well as having accurate doubts about individual pharmacies, con-
sumers in places where fake drugs circulate have reason to lose faith in
the public health system. A recent systematic review suggests that patients
across a range of developing countries already have poor perceptions of the
health system, especially the technical competence and clinical skills of the
staff and the availability of medicines (Berendes et al., 2011). Poor-quality
medicines stand to damage the perception of the health system even more.
Qualitative research in China suggests that patients view the loosely regu-
lated private health care system poorly, seeing it as rife with “fake doctors”
and “fake drugs” (Lim et al., 2004, p. 227).
During a site visit to Brazil, the IOM delegation heard that, although
the Brazilian drugs regulatory authority is strong, the public still doubts the
quality of many medicines. Participants consistently attributed this poor
confidence to unplanned pregnancies following a 1998 lapse in the quality
of oral contraceptives (Associated Press, 1998; Goering, 1998). Anvisa, the
Brazilian drugs regulatory authority, was created in response to this and
other medicine quality problems (Csillag, 1998). Rumors about contracep-
tive quality linger in Brazil, a kind of urban folklore. They are evidence,
however, that fake medicine can do long-term damage to the reputation of
the health system.
Social and Developmental Costs

In a larger sense, trade in falsified and substandard medicines under-
mines not just the health system but all public institutions. Corruption in
the health system can cause patients to assume the drug supply is substan-
dard (BBC, 2012). Falsified medicines are often the business of criminal car-
tels, including the Camorra crime group in Naples, the Russian mafia, and
Latin American drug cartels, and terrorist organizations, such as Al-Qaeda
and Hezbollah (Findlay, 2011). These organizations run profitable and
untaxed businesses. Organized crime flourishes under authoritarian gov-
ernments and weak rule of law, both common in developing countries
(UNODC, 2009). Criminals grow wealthy under either system, eventually
wealthy enough that tacit (or active) collaboration becomes necessary for
private citizens and politicians to survive (UNODC, 2009). When criminals
control politicians, governments cannot be trusted. Donors are then obliged
to withhold development aid, as several countries have done in response
to corruption in the Zambian health ministry (BBC, 2010; WHO, 2009).
The sale in falsified medicines funds other criminal activities, buys
weapons and ammunition, and conveys power and influence to corrupt
officials (Findlay, 2011; UNODC, 2009). The United Nations Office on

1,200
1,000
1,000 1,010
800
774
US$ millions
600
400 438
285
200
167
95
75
0 Cocaine
Workers
Toxic waste
Arms
Trafficking victims
Antimalarials
Cigarettes
Oil
FIGURE 2–4 Comparative values of trafficking flows in West Africa.

SOURCE: UNODC, 2009.
Development and Crime (UNODC) reckons that in West Africa the sale
in falsified medicines may be worth as much as the billion-dollar oil and
cocaine trafficking industries; their estimate of the worth of trafficked anti-
malarials alone is more than $400 million (see Figure 2-4).
Chapter 4 describes why medicines fraud is sometimes called the perfect
crime. Fake medicines generate income for criminals, and only the weakest
evidence, if any, ties them to their crime. Acute cases of medicine poisoning
can elicit public outcry, but more often bad drugs go unnoticed, blending
in with lawful business. Victims of falsified and substandard drugs usually
do not even know they are victims and are therefore deprived of their right
to redress. The UNODC described the traffic in fake drugs as both as cause
and an effect of political instability, explaining, “Living in a society where

such widespread and serious fraud can occur undermines confidence in gov-
ernment, but the effects are so diffuse and uncertain that they are unlikely
to generate an organized political response” (UNODC, 2009, p. 6). In many
parts of the world, falsified and substandard medicines further erode the
already weak political infrastructure that allows them to circulate, part of
a vicious cycle of poverty and crime.

TABLE 2–1 Medicines Used to Treat the Most Common Causes of Child Death Are Compromised in Developing Countries
Known Falsified or
Substandard or
Common Pathogen Essential Medicine Both?
Pneumonia Streptococcus pneumoniae Amoxicillin Yes a,b,c
Amoxicillin + clavulanic acid Yes a,d
Ampicillin Yes a,b,e
Trimethoprim-sulfamethoxazole
Yes a
Pneumocystis carinii Trimethoprim-sulfamethoxazole
Mycoplasma pneumoniae Erythromycin Yes a,f,g
Haemophilus Influenzae type b Ampicillin Yes a,b,e
Diarrheal Diseases Rotavirus Oral rehydration solution (ORS); zinc sulfate

Campylobacter jejuni Oral rehydration solution (ORS); zinc sulfate
Erythromycin Yes a,f,g
Escherichia coli Oral rehydration solution (ORS); zinc sulfate
Vibrio cholerae Oral rehydration solution (ORS); zinc sulfate
Erythromycin Yes a,f,g
Doxycycline Yes a,h
Shigella Oral rehydration solution (ORS); zinc sulfate
Ampicillin Yes a,b,e
Trimethoprim-sulfamethoxazole Yes a

Ceftriaxone Yes a
continued
75
76
Known Falsified or
Substandard or
Common Pathogen Essential Medicine Both?
Malaria Plasmodium vivax/ovale/ Amodiaquine Yes i,j

falciparum/malariae
Artemether Yes i,k,l
Artesunate Yes k,l,m
Plasmodium vivax/ovale/ Doxycycline Yes a,h

falciparum/malariae
Mefloquine Yes k,n
Sulfadoxine/pyrimethamine Yes l,j,o
Quinine Yes j,k,o
Artesunate + amodiaquine Yes l
Artemether + lumefantrine Yes l
Plasmodium vivax Chloroquine Yes f,k,p
Primaquine
Yes q,r
Plasmodium ovale Primaquine

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The Magnitude of the Problem
It is difficult to accurately measure the burden of falsified and sub-

standard drugs. As Chapter 2 mentions, some of the understanding of
the problem comes from alerts in gray literature, including investigative
journalism and industry and association reporting. Although these sources
provide some insight, they do not provide an accurate estimate of the true
magnitude of the problem. National regulatory authorities and drug com-
panies keep records on fraudulent medicines; a broader understanding of
the problem comes from peer-reviewed literature. There are few epidemio-
logically rigorous, peer-reviewed studies on the prevalence of falsified and
substandard drugs.
This chapter presents the results of a cross section of government and
industry data and peer-reviewed and gray literature about the global burden
of falsified and substandard drugs. It does not summarize every study, but
rather gives an overview of important trends.
INDUSTRY AND GOVERNMENT DATA

Both industry and governments have data on medicines quality, but
little of this information is public. There was a time when this was a con-
scious secrecy, an effort to avoid discrediting the public health system and
drug companies, expressed in the Royal Pharmaceutical Society’s 1989
statement “no great publicity [about fake drugs] should be sought because
it could damage public confidence in medicines” (Cockburn et al., 2005;
More UK debate on counterfeits, 1989). The society has since changed its
policy, but the essence of the problem remains. Governments may wish to
85

• Public data on the magnitude of the problem of substandard and

falsified medicines are limited.
• The illegal trade and manufacture of medicines are a global problem,
disproportionately affecting low- and middle-income countries.
• Countries with weak regulatory oversight and law enforcement attract
illegitimate manufacturers, while countries with strict law enforcement
repel them.
• Government and intergovernmental agencies, such as the U.S. Food
and Drug Administration and Interpol, have taken action against sub-
standard and falsified medicines.
control rumors that can be seen as damaging to their institutions. Similarly,

drug companies, both innovator and generic, may withhold information
about falsified and substandard medicines on the grounds that such stories
discourage patient confidence in their products (Cockburn et al., 2005).
There is a difference between secrecy and appropriate discretion with
evidence for pending criminal prosecutions. The committee recognizes that
undercover intelligence informs law enforcement agencies’ actions against
criminals. Prematurely releasing confidential information about pharma-
ceutical crime can compromise an investigation. Too often, however, gov-
ernments and industry withhold information years after incidents pass
(Cockburn et al., 2005). Regulators should be able to access this data so
that they can communicate it to the public as appropriate, as it informs
consumer safety and can trigger epidemiological research on drug quality.
There is also value in sharing information on falsified and substan-
dard medicines internationally. The modern pharmaceutical supply chain
is complex. Drug manufacturers source chemicals from around the world,
and different factories process ingredients into a final formulation that is
packaged, repacked, and sold in many different countries. The chances that
a drug quality problem in one country affects that country alone decrease
when products travel along global supply chains. The interconnectedness of
the drug supply chain makes it imperative that countries share information
on falsified and substandard drugs.
The Pharmaceutical Security Institute Incident Reporting System

The Pharmaceutical Security Institute (PSI) is a nonprofit organization
composed of the security departments of 25 major pharmaceutical compa-

THE MAGNITUDE OF THE PROBLEM 87
nies (PSI-Inc., 2012b). These companies share information on illegal phar-

maceutical manufacture and trade. Because criminals who make and traffic
illegal drugs target a wide range of companies’ products, cooperation and
data sharing among companies adds depth to their collective understanding
of the problem.
The institute maintains a secure database to which members report
cases of fraudulent manufacture and mislabeling of drugs, as well as cases
of fraudulent packaging. The database is organized into incidents, “discrete
event[s] triggered by the discovery of counterfeit, illegally diverted, or stolen
pharmaceuticals” (PSI-Inc., 2012a). A unique tracking number links every
incident to a distinct date, time, place, and product. Incidents can vary in
size; sometimes, small amounts of a single product are affected, other times
large quantities of many products (PSI-Inc., 2012a). Some incidents last for
years while others are resolved in 1 year. Incidents that lasted several years
are dated with the year in which the incident started (PSI-Inc., 2012a).
An analysis of the institute’s data gives an understanding of where law
enforcement and regulators are active against the illegal trade and manu-
facture of drugs. Some countries with serious problems never appear in
incident reports because there is little political will for action. For the same
reason, some countries with transparent and accountable governments
consistently appear in the ranking of numbers of seizures by countries (PSI
data shared with the committee, Thomas Kubic, PSI-Inc., July 11, 2012).
Table 3-1 presents the 2011 rankings of the top 12 countries where PSI
members detected1 or where police, customs, or drug regulators seized
falsified products.
The illegal manufacture and trade of medicines is transnational. Table
3-1 shows only those countries where government or industry staff found a
bad product; many more countries stand to be affected by those products.
If a shipment of falsified pills comes from China to the United States via
India, then the incident report names all three countries. Table 3-2 ranks
the 10 countries most often cited in PSI incident reports. The countries
listed in Table 3-2 account for 56 percent of illegal manufacture, trade, or
sale and 47 percent of diversion cases in the PSI 2011 database (personal
communication, Thomas Kubic, PSI-Inc., December 26, 2012).
In addition to naming affected countries, every incident report in the
PSI database mentions the drugs targeted. Every therapeutic class of drugs
is represented in these reports, though genitourinary, anti-infective, and
cardiovascular drugs are the most often implicated (PSI data shared with
the committee, Thomas Kubic, PSI-Inc., July 11, 2012). Criminal interest
in cardiovascular disease drugs is a new trend; only in 2011 did that class
1
Detection means confirming though chemical or package analysis that the product is not
what it purports to be.

TABLE 3–1 Ranking of Seizures or

Detections by Country, 2011
Country Incidents
1 China 279
2 United States 141
3 Japan 79
4 Germany 62
5 Pakistan 61
5 Peru 61
7 Colombia 59
8 United Kingdom 56
9 South Korea 47
10 Brazil 45
10 Russia 45
12 Taiwan 44
SOURCE: PSI data shared with the committee,

Thomas Kubic, PSI-Inc., July 11, 2012.
of medicines move into the top three most commonly targeted (PSI data
shared with the committee, Thomas Kubic, PSI-Inc., July 11, 2012). This
is consistent with other industry reports that drugs sold and restocked fre-
quently are most often targeted (Mukherjee, 2012).
PSI member companies identified 1,623 counterfeiting incidents in
2011. In about half of these incidents (n = 810) companies were able to
do product and packaging analysis. Investigators found that most samples
were fraudulent in both product and packaging (see Figure 3-1). A false
product in legitimate packaging was the second most common result; Chap-
ter 5 discusses this problem in more detail.
Analysis of PSI data supports two main conclusions. First, falsified and
substandard drugs are a global problem that affected at least 124 countries
in 2011 (PSI data shared with the committee, Thomas Kubic, PSI-Inc., July
11, 2012). Twelve more countries were affected in 2011 than in 2010;
African countries accounted for most of this increase (PSI data shared
with the committee, Thomas Kubic, PSI-Inc., July 11, 2012). The data do
not suggest anything about the relative burden of the problem in different
countries, however. Indeed, countries with lax enforcement attract illegal
manufacturers, and countries with vigorous law enforcement repel them.

TABLE 3–2 Ten Countries Most Named in PSI Incident Reports, 2011
Total
Country Counterfeit a Diversion Theft b Incidents
1 China 504 8 0 512
2 United States 145 62 8 215
3 India 95 23 0 118
4 Brazil 47 47 3 97
5 Colombia 62 32 0 94
6 Japan 81 0 0 81
7 United Kingdom 61 17 2 80
8 Germany 64 10 0 74
9 Uzbekistan 35 37 0 72
10 Pakistan 64 7 0 71
NOTE: PSI = Pharmaceutical Security Institute; WHO = World Health Organization.

aPSI uses the term counterfeit broadly, in accordance with the WHO definition: “one which is deliberately
and fraudulently mislabeled with respect to identity and/or source. Counterfeiting can apply to both
branded and generic products and counterfeit products may include products with the correct ingredients,
wrong ingredients, without active ingredients, with insufficient quantity of active ingredient or with fake
packaging” (WHO, 1992, 2009). See page 23.
bIncident reports include thefts worth roughly $100,000 or more.
SOURCE: PSI data shared with the committee, Thomas Kubic, PSI-Inc., July 11, 2012.
Second, PSI data suggest that the problem is borne disproportionately

by low- and middle-income countries. Figure 3-2 shows Business Monitor
International’s (BMI’s) global distribution of pharmaceutical sales; Figure
3-3 shows geographic distribution of PSI’s 2011 incidents. Admittedly, the
Asia category in both figures includes rich countries such as Australia and
Japan (personal communication, Mariam Kahn, Business Monitor Inter-
national, October 23, 2012). The higher cost of living, higher incomes,
and greater access to medicines in North America and Europe also account
for these regions’ large share of pharmaceutical sales. Nevertheless, North
America and Europe make up almost two-thirds of the world’s combined
pharmaceutical sales but account for only a quarter of global trade in illegal
medicines. PSI data come from the investigations of multinational, innova-
tor pharmaceutical companies. One would expect a bias in these data to
developed country markets, where PSI member companies earn most of
their profits. However, even PSI data suggest a serious problem with falsi-
fied medicines in low- and middle-income countries.

34 12
70
Fake product,
fake packaging
Fake product,
legitimate packaging
Legitimate product,
145 549 fake packaging
Undeclared active
ingredient
Fake active ingredient,

otherwise legitimate
product and package
FIGURE 3–1 Results of packaging and product analysis, 2011.

Government and Intergovernmental Investigations

National regulatory agencies have the main responsibility for monitor-
ing drug safety (WHO, 2012a). This includes routine postmarket surveil-
lance and enforcement of regulations. Much of their information about
falsified and substandard drugs is confidential, but their publications give
a sense of the types of violations regulators find.
The FDA Office of Criminal Investigations

The FDA Office of Criminal Investigations takes action against criminal
violations of the Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, such as illegal drug manu-
facture, manufacture and sale of unapproved drugs, illegal importation,
drug adulteration, and promotion of off-label uses for approved products
(FDA, 2009a,b). In May 2012, the office briefed the committee on their
work from 2003 to 2008. This presentation and a 2011 review of the
agency’s drug criminal cases give some understanding of common problems
with the drug supply in the United States (Devine and Jung, 2012; FDA,
2011). These data illustrate certain problems with the drug supply chain but
are not a “scientific representation of current . . . trends or a comprehensive
review of problems” (FDA, 2011, p. 4).
The FDA has investigated increasingly more drug quality cases since

Latin America $70

Middle East $16
Africa $19
Asia
$265
North America
$358
Europe
$329
FIGURE 3–2 Geographic distribution of pharmaceutical sales

in $U.S. billions, 2011 data.
SOURCE: BMI, 2012.
Latin America
16%
Middle East 5%
Africa 3%
Asia
51%
North America
10%
Europe
15%
FIGURE 3–3 Geographic distribution of Pharmaceutical Security

Institute incident reports, affected countries, 2011 data.
SOURCE: Personal communication, Thomas Kubic, PSI-Inc., October 18, 2012.

19972 (Devine and Jung, 2012). Solid oral dosage forms (pills and tablets)
are the most commonly investigated product types (FDA, 2011). Zyprexa,
Viagra, Lipitor, Zoloft, and Risperdal are the top 5 brand-name products
implicated in the 10 highest-volume cases (FDA, 2011). Problems with
individual criminals are more common than problems with negligent busi-
nesses; the FDA’s 2003-2008 review found that 86 percent of criminal in-
vestigations were of individual suspects, and 14 percent were of companies
(FDA, 2011).
International Police Investigations

Interpol is an international organization that facilitates police coopera-
tion around the world (Interpol, 2012c). The organization gives training
and investigative support to police in 190 member countries (Interpol,
2012c). Pharmaceutical crime, which the organization defines as “counter-
feiting and falsification of medical products, their packaging and associated
documentation, as well as the theft, fraud, illicit diversion, smuggling, traf-
ficking, [and] the illegal trade of medical products and the money launder-
ing associated with it” has been an Interpol work area since 2005 (Interpol,
2012d; Plançon, 2012). Interpol organizes their work into four operations:
Operation Pangea (against illegal online pharmacies), Operation Mamba
(in East Africa), Operation Storm (in Southeast Asia), and Operation Cobra
(in West Africa) (Interpol, 2012a). Tables 3-3 and 3-4 give an overview of
these operations.
As Table 3-3 and 3-4 indicate, police have seized millions of pounds
of suspect drugs in Interpol operations. Some police forces sample and re-
port the quality of the products found in these seizures. The police are not
obliged to undertake such investigations or report their results to Interpol;
in many countries, testing even a small sample of confiscated product would
overwhelm the national drug quality laboratory. Interpol does not publish
information on the testing and sampling of seized products.
Interpol has raised international awareness about falsified and substan-
dard drugs through their media campaigns and work with police (Interpol,
2011a; Mullard, 2010). Nevertheless, the information presented in Tables
3-3 and 3-4 does not indicate which kinds of drugs are targeted or if the
problem is changing over time.
2 The FDA refers to these as counterfeit drug cases. The agency uses a definition of coun-
terfeit that includes both falsified and substandard as this report defines them. See Table 1-2.

TABLE 3–3 Operation Pangea Against Online Pharmacies, 2008-2012
Number of
Operation Countries
Name Participating Duration Year Results
Pangea V 100 1 week 2012 • 3.75 million pills confiscated

• Estimated value: $10.5 million
• 18,000 websites shut down
• 133,000 packages inspected
and 6,700 confiscated
• 80 suspects under investigation
or arrest
Pangea IV 81 1 week 2011 • 2.4 million pills confiscated

• 13,500 websites shut down
• 45,500 packages inspected and
8,000 confiscated
or arrest
Pangea III 44 1 week 2010 • 2 million pills confiscated

• 297 websites shut down
or arrest
Pangea II 25 5 days 2009 • Identification of 1,200 websites

engaged in pharmaceutical
crime
• 153 websites shut down
• 59 suspects investigated
Pangea I 10 1 day 2008 • Commercial websites taken

down
• Postal deposits monitored
and parcels examined,
packages containing suspected
counterfeit medicines
intercepted
• Thousands of medicines
withdrawn from circulation
SOURCE: Adapted from Interpol, 2012b.

TABLE 3–4 Operations Storm, Mamba, and Cobra, 2008-2011
Number of
Operation Countries
Name Participating Duration Year Results
Storm II 8 1 month 2010 • 20 million pills seized

• More than 100 illicit drug
outlets closed
• 33 arrests
Storm I 8 5 months 2008 • 186 raids

• 27 arrests
Mamba III 5 2 months 2010 • 200,000 pills seized

• 375 premises targeted
• 120 police cases opened,
78 prosecutions, 34 convictions
Mamba II 3 1 month 2009 • Thousands of tablets seized

• 270 premises targeted
• 83 police cases opened
• 4 convictions
Mamba I 2 1 week 2008 • More than 100 different

products seized
• 262 premises inspected
• 82 police cases opened
Cobra 7 1 week 2011 • 5,500 boxes of medicines

seized
• More than 100 arrests
SOURCE: Adapted from Interpol, 2010a,b, 2011b.
CASE REPORTS AND CONVENIENCE SAMPLES

Scientific literature contains valuable reports of drug contamination;
often clinicians uncover fake drugs in the course of their practice. News-
papers, court documents, and other gray literature sources also contain
valuable information about drug quality lapses. Convenience surveys and
case reports can be useful for identifying a problem in particular product
lines or building momentum for further research.
The following brief analysis of convenience surveys and case reports in-
dicates that drug quality lapses happen around the world. In countries with
strong regulatory systems, the problems are often confined to gray market
purchases of the so-called lifestyle drugs, medicines for erectile dysfunction
and cosmetic conditions. In poor countries a wide range of products are
compromised, including most essential medicines.

• C ase studies and postmortem investigations generate interest in sub-

standard and falsified drugs. These reports can drive epidemiological
research.
• Convenience surveys suggest serious problems with antimicrobial
drug quality in low- and middle-income countries, and especially with
antimalarial quality in sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia.
Case Reports
A great deal of literature on falsified and substandard drugs describes
problems that emerge only after patients have been harmed (Ravinetto et
al., 2012). These reports do not set out to comment on the regional burden
of poor drug quality or trends in compromised products, but they are useful
for other reasons. Many of these stories receive significant media attention,
encouraging public interest in the problem. Case studies also give under-
standing of the social and environmental conditions that foster problems
with falsified and substandard drugs (Pew, 2012).
Patient case studies are a common type of incidental investigation.
For example, the rapid deterioration and death of a Burmese patient with
uncomplicated malaria triggered a drug analysis that found the medicines
used to treat him were both falsified and substandard (Newton et al., 2006).
A postmortem investigation in a previously healthy, 58-year-old Canadian
woman found that her death was from acute metal poisoning from a variety
of falsified and substandard drugs, many of them antianxiety and antide-
pressive medications she bought from the internet (Solomon, 2007).
Individual deaths can trigger drug quality investigations; mass causali-
ties are clearly more likely to rouse suspicion. Chapter 2 describes one such
incident, when a Panamanian physician reported on a spike in cases of
acute renal failure, accompanied by neurological dysfunction, abdominal
symptoms, urinary irregularities, anorexia, and fatigue (Rentz et al., 2008).
A case-control investigation found diethyelene glycol poisoning to be the
cause of the outbreak (Rentz et al., 2008). Later investigations, including
a Pulitzer Prize–winning New York Times series, implicated falsified ingre-
dients from China in an international poisoning crisis (Bogdanich, 2007;
Rentz et al., 2008).
Newspaper reports and other gray literature sources also contain a
wealth of information about drug quality problems. Monitoring this litera-
ture is a valuable way to follow what drugs are compromised and where.
The U.S. Pharmacopeia’s Media Reports on Medicine Quality Focusing on

USAID-Assisted Countries is a useful gray literature compendium (PQM,

2012). Reports are organized by country and medicine affected. The com-
pendium contains links to government and academic surveys as well. The
reports presented in the compendium suggest that a range of drugs are com-
promised in low- and middle-income countries. Antimicrobial drugs are of-
ten mentioned, but oral contraceptives, the anti-influenza drug oseltamivir,
antihypertensives, antidepressants, blood thinners, and drugs for erectile
dysfunction are also frequently named (PQM, 2012). The last section lists
international and global incidents, many tied to the internet (PQM, 2012).
The Pharmaceutical Security Institute also monitors gray literature;
their open-source database contains publicly available records of the types
of medicines compromised, arrests for pharmaceutical crime, and other
details staff can glean from public reports (PSI data shared with the com-
mittee, Thomas Kubic, PSI-Inc., July 11, 2012). Table 3-5 summarizes the
organization’s 2011 open-source review.
An overview of case studies and gray literature is helpful to understand-
ing falsified and substandard drugs. Gray literature compendiums and peer-
reviewed case studies indicate where and in what product lines drug quality
problems occur. Such reports raise awareness of the problem and can trigger
scientific investigation and convenience sampling. Gray literature reports do
not often give details of quality testing of compromised samples, but they
generally describe products so grossly and obviously compromised that
confirmatory lab testing would be unnecessary.
Convenience Samples
A convenience sample is a no-probability sample chosen for its acces-
sibility to researchers, not from an a priori sampling frame. Research on
drug quality often uses convenience samples of pharmacies or dispensaries.
Convenience studies are logistically simpler than probability-based stud-
ies and can be less expensive (Newton et al., 2009). Although useful for
identifying problems, results of these studies cannot accurately estimate the
population prevalence of poor-quality drugs. They do, however, suggest
signals for further research (Newton et al., 2009). This section presents the
results of some key convenience studies and review papers.
Antimicrobial Drugs
Antimicrobial drugs treat bacterial, viral, fungal, and parasitic diseases.
There are considerable data to suggest that antimicrobial drug quality, par-
ticularly the quality of antibiotics and antimalarials, is a problem in low-
and middle-income countries. In 2007 Kelesidis and colleagues conducted
a comprehensive literature review on antimicrobial drug quality, reviewing

gray literature sources as well as English-language papers published be-

tween 1966 and 2006 (Kelesidis et al., 2007). They found that a lack of
methodological detail prevented pooling or interpreting aggregate results
(Kelesidis et al., 2007). As Table 3-6 indicates, they found reason for con-
cern with antibiotic quality in low- and middle-income countries, though
reports of poor-quality antibiotics surface all over the world, including the
United States and Europe (Kelesidis et al., 2007). A year later, a study of
111 amoxicillin samples collected in four Arab countries found that 56
percent failed U.S. Pharmacopeia testing (Kyriacos et al., 2008). It is diffi-
cult, however, to draw firm conclusions about substandard drug production
from these studies. Antibiotics degrade quickly in warm climates; it is hard
to distinguish substandard manufacture from poor storage and handling.
Weaknesses in drug registration may complicate convenience surveys.
When researchers test only authorized products, they bias their sample
against the unregistered products used by the poorest (Seear et al., 2011).
Some convenience samples have compared the quality of approved and un-
approved products. Between 2008 and 2012, Bate and colleagues collected
samples of 2,652 anti-infective drugs from around the world: 11 African
cities, 3 Indian cities, Bangkok, Beijing, Istanbul, Moscow, and São Paulo.
They found that less than one-third of products had stringent-regulatory
agency approval or WHO prequalification (Bate et al., 2012). While only
1.01 percent of stringent-regulatory-agency–approved products failed qual-
ity testing, 6.80 percent of WHO-approved drugs failed, and 13.01 percent
of products approved by neither the WHO nor a stringent regulatory
agency failed (Bate et al., 2012). The report mentions that the failure rates
were higher among samples from Africa than among samples from middle-
income nations (Bate et al., 2012). Similarly, a WHO study in found that
only 43 percent of essential anti-infective medicines3 sampled in Vietnam
were registered, 20 percent of unregistered products failed pharmacopeial
testing, but only 3 percent of registered ones failed (Wondemagegnehu,
1999).
Antimalarials in Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan Africa There is consis-

tent survey evidence that antimalarial drugs, medicines bought around 200
million times per year, mostly for children under the age of 5, are often
of poor quality (WHO, 2011b). The demand for these drugs is highest
in sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia, which together account for 94
percent of malaria cases (WHO, 2011b). Acute malaria episodes come on
quickly and often; antimalarials are bought on short notice from the most
3 Including, but not limited to, amoxicillin, ampicillin, chloroquine, rifampicin, and
co-trimoxazole.

13%
Registered
Unregistered
8%
24%
Level 1 – Central Level 2 – Outlets Level 3 – Informal

(132 samples) (706 samples) (97 samples)
FIGURE 3–4 Registration status of antimalarial samples by distribution level.

SOURCE: WHO, 2011a.
convenient vendor. For these reasons, they are often the target of criminals
and unscrupulous manufacturers.
A WHO study of antimalarial drug quality in six African countries4
used a stratified convenience sample (WHO, 2011a). In the spring of 2008,
regulatory agency staff in the six countries collected samples from central
stores, licensed outlets, and unlicensed markets (WHO, 2011a). Investi-
gators screened all samples in the field and sent a subset for full quality-
control testing (WHO, 2011a). Investigators found unregistered medicines
least often at the central distribution level (see Figure 3-4). Quality analysis
on a subset of products found no evidence that the unregistered drugs were
of lower quality than the registered ones (see Figure 3-5) (WHO, 2011a).
Field screening of 893 samples detected ingredient failures in 12 percent
(WHO, 2011a). Of the 267 samples selected for full quality-control testing,
28 percent failed (see Figure 3-6) (WHO, 2011a).
The WHO study findings are cause for concern, especially as they sam-
pled heavily from national central medicine stores, the most controlled set-
ting. A recent review paper includes some higher estimates of poor-quality
antimalarial drugs (Nayyar et al., 2012). The review included 28 published
and unpublished studies, mostly (n = 22) from convenience samples, but
also 7 that included some type of randomized design (Nayyar et al., 2012).
4 Cameroon, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, and Tanzania.


100
100
90
90
(%)
testing(%) 80
80 Domestic
Domestic
laboratorytesting
Imported
Imported
70
70
30%
30% 20%
20%
QClaboratory
60
60
50
50
ratesininQC
40
40
Failurerates
30
30
Failure
20
20
10
10
0
0
Registered
Registered Unregistered
Unregistered
(n=227)
(n=227) (n=40)
(n=40)
FIGURE
FIGURE 3–5
3–5 Quality
Quality failures
failures of
of registered
registered and
and unregistered
unregistered
antimalarials
antimalarials in
in 267
267 samples.
samples.
NOTE: QC = quality control.
NOTE: QC = quality control.
SOURCE: WHO, 2011a.
SOURCE: WHO, 2011a.
31
31
Compliant
Compliant with
with
45 specifications
specifications
45
Noncompliant
Noncompliant
with specifi
with specifications—
cations—
nonextreme
nonextreme deviations
deviations
Noncompliant
Noncompliant
with
with specifi
specifications—
cations—
extreme
extreme deviations*
deviations*
191
191
FIGURE
FIGURE 3–6 3–6 Results
Results of
of full
full quality-control
quality-control analysis
analysis inin 267
267 samples.
samples.
** In this survey, extreme deviations were defined as a deviation by at least 20% from
In this survey, extreme deviations were defined as a deviation by at least 20% from
the declared content of one or more active ingredients, and/or dissolved percentage
the declared content of one or more active ingredients, and/or dissolved percentage
of one or more active ingredients less than the pharmacopoeial limit (Q) minus 25%.
of one or more active ingredients less than the pharmacopoeial limit (Q) minus 25%.
SOURCE: WHO, 2011a.
SOURCE: WHO, 2011a.

Of 1,437 samples from Southeast Asia, 35 percent (n = 497) failed chemical

testing. Of the 497 samples that failed chemical testing, 34 percent had no
active ingredient; 4 percent had low active ingredient. In a subset of 919
samples with intact packaging and a verified, genuine packaging sample
for comparison, 46 percent failed packaging analysis (Nayyar et al., 2012).
Investigators classified all drugs failing packaging analysis as falsified, as
well as those substandard drugs that contained no active ingredient or an
ingredient not listed on the label (Nayyar et al., 2012). They classified 36
percent of 1,260 eligible samples as falsified.
Nayyar and colleagues used the same criteria to categorize samples
from sub-Saharan African countries (Nayyar et al., 2012). Thirty-five per-
cent (n = 796) of 2,297 samples failed chemical analysis. Forty-five percent
of the studies reported active ingredient test results, finding that 121 (15
percent) had low active ingredient and 3 percent had excessive active ingre-
dient (Nayyar et al., 2012). Only one study reported packaging analysis,
and it found 36 percent failure (Nayyar et al., 2012). Nayyar and colleagues
had fewer African samples (n = 389) from which to calculate the percentage
of falsified drugs; they found 20 percent falsified (see Table 3-7) (Nayyar
et al., 2012).
A consistent problem with all convenience surveys of drug quality is
that they tend to sample heavily from the formal market: licensed phar-
macies and dispensaries. Results of these studies will likely underestimate
the burden of falsified and substandard drugs in places where much of
the population buys essential medicines in unregulated bazaars. Sampling
from these vendors is difficult, but a convenience sample of informal and
private medicine sellers in Guyana and Surinam found 58 percent of the
antimalarial samples from Guyana and all the samples from Surinam to
be falsified or substandard (Evans et al., 2012). In a Burkina Faso study,
Tipke and colleagues compared antimalarial drug quality in licit and illicit
vendors. They found that 90 percent of samples from street vendors and
open markets were substandard, and only 10 percent of samples from legal
vendors were substandard (Tipke et al., 2008).
SYSTEMATIC RANDOM SAMPLES OF DRUG QUALITY

Drug quality is a global problem. Research estimating the precise ex-
tent of this problem is hard to find. There are few epidemiologically rig-
orous surveys of drug quality. This section presents the results of a few
population-based random surveys of drug quality.
Kaur and colleagues analyzed antimalarial quality in drugs drawn
from a systematic, random sample of a range of Tanzanian retail outlets,
including drug stores, general stores, street hawkers, and medicine kiosks

• Few published studies use systematic random samples to estimate the

burden of falsified and substandard drugs.
• Those that do indicate serious problems with antimalarial, antibiotic,
and antituberculosis drugs in sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia.
• Adherence to the Medicine Quality Assessment Reporting Guidelines
would improve understanding of the problem.
(Kaur et al., 2008). Investigators stratified districts according to their par-

ticipation in a national bed net program, chose districts at random from
among the strata, and then surveyed 30 percent of wards in each study
district (Kaur et al., 2008). They divided wards into major and nonmajor
trading centers and drew half the samples from each type of market (Kaur
et al., 2008). Between May and September 2005, investigators collected
1,080 samples from 2,474 vendors, one from each store that had them in
stock on the day of the study visit (Kaur et al., 2008). After excluding 166
expired samples and 32 with no labeled expiry date, investigators had 882
samples, from which they systematically chose 301 for chemical analysis
(Kaur et al., 2008); 12.2 percent failed quality testing (Kaur et al., 2008).
An older study in West Africa found more widespread quality prob-
lems. Taylor and colleagues collected 581 drugs from 35 randomly selected
registered pharmacies in urban Nigeria (Taylor et al., 2001). They found
42 percent of antimalarials, 41 percent of antibacterials, and 54 percent
of antituberculosis drugs outside of British Pharmacopoeia limits (Taylor
et al., 2001). A stratified random sample of medicine shops and licensed
pharmacies in Laos found 90 percent of artesunate samples failed quality
testing (Sengaloundeth et al., 2009).
Researchers in southeast Nigeria attempted to include unlicensed
private medicine dealers in their sample of antimalarial drug quality
(Onwujekwe et al., 2009). They collected samples of a range of antimalari-
als from patent medicine dealers, pharmacies, public and private hospitals,
and primary health care centers (Onwujekwe et al., 2009). Thirty-seven
percent of drugs tested failed to meet U.S. Pharmacopeia specifications,
by either not containing the active ingredient listed or containing it in low
doses (Onwujekwe et al., 2009). Among the failed samples, 60 percent
came from low-level shops, mostly the patent-medicine shops (Onwujekwe
et al., 2009).

Malaria medicine dispensed at a clinic in Sittwe, Burma.

SOURCE: Paula Bronstein/Getty Images.
Though most epidemiologically rigorous research on drug quality has

tested antimicrobial drugs, there is some information about other essential
medicines. In a 2012 study, Stanton and colleagues prepared an exhaus-
tive sampling frame of formal and informal drug sellers in three districts
in Ghana (Stanton et al., 2012). They chose 75 vendors at random from
the sampling frame, from which patient actors collected 101 samples of
ergometrine and oxytocin, the thermally unstable, uterotonic drugs used to
treat postpartum hemorrhage (Stanton et al., 2012). A total of 89 percent
of samples failed pharmacopeial testing; none of the ergometrine samples
and only 26 percent of oxytocin samples met pharmacopeial specifications
(Stanton et al., 2012). All oxytocin samples (n = 46) were from unregistered
manufacturers, though 18 were from manufacturers with registration pend-
ing; 69 percent of ergometrine samples (n = 38) came from unregistered
manufacturers, though 11 were from manufacturers with registration pend-
ing (Stanton et al., 2012). All unregistered samples failed quality testing
(Stanton et al., 2012).
A Need for More Field Surveys

The best estimates of the scope of the drug supply affected come from
systematic, random sampling and testing of medicines drawn from a rep-

resentative cross section of the market. Such studies are uncommon (Seear,
2012). The expense of required assays, discussed further in Chapter 6, is
one barrier, but a large part of the problem is logistical. The first step in
drawing a systematic random sample of drugs is identifying the sampling
frame, the list of every drug vendor in a given area. In developed coun-
tries, registered pharmacies and dispensaries are the only place most of the
population gets medicine. In low- and middle-income countries, however,
there is often an extensive pharmaceutical gray market. Identifying all the
vendors is difficult and can be further complicated by the blurry lines be-
tween licit and illicit commerce (Seear et al., 2011). Health workers may
supplement their incomes by selling medicine informally (Peters and Bloom,
2012); peddlers may trade medicines occasionally, along with any number
of dry goods, at bazaars and flea markets. Without formative research to
catalogue the sampling frame, research on medicines quality is vulnerable
to bias.
There is also opportunity for bias in sample collection. Samples should
be bought by patient actors, local study staff posing as shoppers who
conceal from the vendor that they are working on an epidemiological
investigation.
Without taking steps to protect study validity, the researchers risk wast-
ing time and money on a study that does not produce reliable estimates.
For example, in 2009 the Indian government conducted a massive survey of
drug quality across the country, estimating that only 0.04 percent of drugs
are substandard (CDSCO, 2009). Questions about the methodological rigor
of the survey, particularly the choice of sampling frame and methods for
sample collection, have called these results into question both within India
and internationally (Bate, 2009, 2010; Pandeya, 2009).
The committee supports the guidelines on field surveys of medicine
quality that Newton and colleagues proposed in March 2009 (Newton
et al., 2009). They provide a standard protocol for collecting medicines
samples and concrete advice on sampling techniques (Newton et al., 2009).
More research adhering to the checklist in Table 3-8 would allow for a
better understanding of the burden of falsified and substandard drugs, and
it would facilitate valid comparisons of the problem among countries and
over time.
GLOBAL PREVALENCE ESTIMATES

The committee believes that more research in adherence with the guide-
lines put forth in Table 3-8 would give a better understanding of where and
to what extent falsified and substandard medicines circulate. There is no
substitute, however, for pharmacovigilance and postmarket surveillance.
It is not a coincidence that falsified and substandard medicines circulate

• Falsified and substandard medicines circulate in countries where there

are not sufficient systems to monitor drug safety and adverse events.
• There are currently no accurate estimates of the global burden of falsi-
fied and substandard drugs. This lack of clarity impedes coordinated
international action.
• The WHO rapid alert system is a promising program to track falsified
and substandard drugs in low- and middle-income countries.
in countries where there are not sufficient systems to monitor drug safety
and adverse events. A 2012 IOM report called for greater international
investment in low- and middle-income-country surveillance systems (IOM,
2012). The committee agrees with this report, especially the call for tech-
nical support for surveillance tools and protocols (IOM, 2012). National
surveillance systems should work to detect signals of substandard and falsi-
fied drugs. Incorporating pharmacovigilance into the broader public health
surveillance system will help ensure the system’s survival.
Recommendation 3-1: Governments should establish or strengthen

systems to detect substandard, falsified, and unregistered medicines.
This surveillance should be integrated with established public health
surveillance systems. Analysis and reporting should precisely describe
the product’s quality, packing, and registration.
As Chapter 4 explains, governments can be slow to act against falsi-

fied and substandard medicines. In emerging economies, officials may see
enforcing drug quality standards as at odds with building the nascent manu-
facturing sector (IOM, 2012). It is also difficult to promote international
effort against a threat as amorphous as fake medicines. Concrete data spur
politicians and policy makers to action—information such as the number
of doctor’s appointments repeated because of falsified and substandard
drugs, the number of hospital beds taken by victims of pharmaceutical
crimes, premature deaths from untreated disease, and productive years lost
to society from medicine poisoning. Pharmacovigilance is the first step to
generating the needed data. When pharmacovigilance systems indicate lack
of medicines’ efficacy, these signals should be followed. In-depth investiga-
tions can eventually produce data on the specific consequences of falsified
and substandard medicines.

TABLE 3–8 Medicine Quality Assessment Reporting Guidelines
Section and Topic Item Description
Title/abstract/keywords 1 • Identify the article as a study of medicine quality

• Provide an abstract of what was done and what
was found, describing the main survey methods
and chemical analysis techniques used
Introduction 2 • Summarize previous relevant drug quality

information and describe the drug regulatory
environment
• State specific objectives
Methods
Survey details 3 The timing and location of the survey; when

samples collected and when samples analyzed
Definition 4 The definitions of counterfeit, falsified,

substandard, and degraded medicines used
Outlets 5 The type, including indices of size (e.g., turnover),

of drug outlets sampled
Sampling design 6 • Sampling design and sample size calculation

• Type and number of dosage units purchased/
outlet
• Definition of sampling frame
• Question of interest, assumptions, sampling
method(s) (including method of randomization if
random sampling used)
Samplers 7 Who carried out the sampling and in what

guise? What did the collector say in buying the
medicines?
Statistical methods 8 Describe the data analysis techniques used
Ethical issues 9 Whether ethical approval was sought and whether

the study encountered any ethical issues
Packaging 10 Packaging examination and reference standards
Chemical analysis 11 Chemical analysis and dissolution testing

procedures and location(s) of laboratory.
Description of validation and reference standards
used
Method validation 12 Details of laboratory method validation results,

including but not limited to: certificate of analysis
for reference standard, within and between
run repeatability (RSD% for n = 5–8), detection
and quantization limits, accuracy observed for
reference samples, linear range for all analytes,
sample preparation recovery studies, selectivity.
Possibly, validation against a reference method or
inter-laboratory study
continued

Blinding 13 Whether chemistry was performed blinded to

packaging and vice versa
Results
Outlets 14 The details of the outlets actually sampled, class

of pharmacy (e.g., public, private for profit, private
not for profit, informal, itinerant)
Missing samples 15 The reasons why any outlets chosen for sampling
did not furnish a sample. Do these outlets differ
systematically from those in which samples were
obtained?
Packaging and chemical 16 • Packaging and chemistry results and their

results relationship
• Details of products sampled—how many, in what
drug classes, countries of origin, batch numbers,
manufacture and expiry dates
• Results for each analysis—packaging, % active
ingredient, dissolution
• Additional information could be included in
supplementary material
Category of poor-quality 17 A clear statement for each medicine sample

medicine detected, whether the investigators class it as
genuine, counterfeit, substandard, or degraded,
with an explanation as to why and whether the
medicine was registered with the government in
the location(s) sampled
State company and 18 If the names of companies and addresses are not
address as given on given, give a reason as to why this information is
packaging not provided.
Sharing data with the 19 Whether the data shared with the appropriate
regulatory authority regulatory agency
Dissemination 20 Description of any noncovert packaging features

that would allow others to detect counterfeit
medicines. If publication is not possible, consider
disseminating via web-based supplementary
material.
Discussion
Key Results 21 Summarize key results with reference to study

objectives
Limitations 22 Discussion of limitations of study, especially how

robust the estimates of prevalence are and how
applicable they may be to wider geographical
areas. Discuss the direction and extent of any
potential bias.

Interpretation 23 An interpretation of the results, in conjunction with

prior studies, in relation to public health
Intervention 24 Whether interventions are thought appropriate

and, if so, what type
Other information
Conflict of interest 25 State any potential conflicts of interest.
Funding 26 Give the source of funding and role of funders in

the study.
NOTE: RSD = relative standard deviation.

SOURCE: Newton et al., 2009.
There is some reason to suspect problems with unregistered medicines

in developing countries, but these problems resist detection (Amin et al.,
2005). Postmarket surveillance systems, by definition, follow only those
products registered and granted market authorization in a given country.
The committee believes that unregistered medicines are as important a sur-
veillance target as falsified and substandard ones. Research on the quality of
unregistered medicines indicates that they are often of poor quality (Bate et
al., 2010; Lon et al., 2006; Stanton et al., 2012; Wondemagegnehu, 1999).
Furthermore, drugs for sale in a country where they are not registered have
often been trafficked. Chapter 5 will explain why any product that has left
the licit chain of custody is suspect.
A complete picture of the magnitude of the problem of poor-quality
medicines depends on thorough and novel surveillance. This surveillance
should advance systematic investigation of drug quality failures to build
evidence for changing policy. The WHO is developing such a system and
training surveillance staff in 10 counties on its use. The committee sees
great promise in this system for other developing countries.
The WHO Global Capacity-Building Project

There are currently no accurate estimates of the global burden of
falsified and substandard drugs. This lack of clarity hinders coordinated
international action. Evidence suggests, however, that the problem is most
common in low- and middle-income countries. Unscrupulous manufactur-
ers and criminal cartels take advantage of the comparatively weak drug
regulatory systems in these countries, knowing that the regulators are

A pharmacy in Macau advertises safe drugs.

SOURCE: Mark Obusan/Getty Images.
poorly equipped for surveillance or enforcement. A recent WHO project

attempts to correct this problem by building a “coordinated, continuous,
and ongoing global surveillance and monitoring system” for falsified and
substandard drugs (WHO, 2012b, p. 11). The committee believes this
project is promising for the 10 countries5 participating in the pilot program
and, eventually, for the world.
The system makes use of rapid alert forms—Excel spreadsheets with
mandatory fields and detailed guidance in dropdown menus (personal com-
munication, Michael Deats, WHO, October 12, 2012). The investigator
5
Cambodia, Croatia, Georgia, Indonesia, Kyrgyzstan, Malaysia, the Philippines, Russia,
Ukraine, and Vietnam.

TABLE 3–9 Information Collected in the WHO Rapid Alert System
Rapid Alert Details
Reporting person Contact details
Suspect product details Full details of all suspect products (up to 30 per report)
How suspect product Regulated or unregulated supply chain

was discovered
Product analysis Laboratory results on medicine and packaging
Photographs Photographs of product, packaging, method of

concealment
Impact on public health Record of adverse reactions in patients
Action Taken Details
Communication Details of recall or public announcements
Dissemination Record of those other organizations, member states, or

stakeholders informed
Investigation Details of agencies involved in investigating the case
Comments Specifically what aroused suspicion concerning the product
NOTE: WHO = World Health Organization.

SOURCE: Personal communication, Michael Deats, WHO, October 12, 2012.
.
who finds an illegitimate drug completes the form and sends it to WHO
headquarters, copying regional and country offices. At the WHO, the
spreadsheet data populate a master database. Receipt of the form triggers
a follow-up contact from a WHO investigator, who queries the reporter on
the drug’s packaging, registration, and physical and chemical attributes and
if the incident might be connected to other criminal activity (personal com-
munication, Michael Deats, WHO, October 12, 2012). Table 3-9 shows
more detail about the data collected in the rapid alert form.
Regulators from the 10 pilot countries testing the rapid alert form
and incident investigation system had training on the system in September
2012. The pilot testing ran until December 2012 (personal communication,
Michael Deats, WHO, October 12, 2012). Already the system has allowed
investigators to link incidents in multiple countries. Eventually, regulators
may link falsified and substandard reporting to national pharmacovigilance
systems, which would give more depth to information about lack of efficacy
(personal communication, Michael Deats, WHO, October 12, 2012).
The lack of consensus on how to define falsified and substandard
medicines has held back all public action on the topic, even surveillance.

The WHO project gets around this problem by recording problems with
medicines and by not attempting to make the observed problems fit the
confusing and contradictory national definitions of substandard, falsely
labeled, spurious, counterfeit, etc.
Patient reporting triggers most investigations in the pilot countries.
This depends on motivated and knowledgeable patients, and a longer-term
improvement to the project might aim to increase reporting from health
workers. However, Michael Deats, the WHO technical officer in charge of
the program, explained that while he was working as a regulator in Brit-
ain, some of his best leads came from patients, especially ones who take
medication for chronic disease. One informant was a patient in the habit of
rubbing his pill in his hand before taking it and was immediately suspicious
when the color rubbed off (personal communication, Michael Deats, WHO,
November 11, 2012). A similar signal came from a patient accustomed to
cutting his pills in half, who noticed irregular friability when he cut them
(personal communication, Michael Deats, WHO, November 11, 2012).
The committee recognizes that building surveillance systems will be
challenging in many countries. Nevertheless, taking steps to establish a
system or to strengthen the existing system is a reasonable first step in
most of the world. Developing countries may benefit from momentum for
building surveillance among donor governments and international orga-
nizations (IOM, 2012). The WHO is also encouraging action in the same
direction. At a meeting in November 2012, representatives of 200 member
states agreed to develop instruments to more accurately measure the burden
of substandard and falsified drugs (WHO, 2012c). To this end, the WHO
capacity-building project is testing and developing surveillance tools spe-
cifically for use in low- and middle-income countries. As the pilot project
goes on, the regulators and WHO staff may identify revisions that make
the protocol more accessible in poor countries.
The WHO monitoring format advances understanding of the scope
of the problem without depending on common variable names. The com-
mittee sees the WHO rapid alert system as an uncommonly thorough and
precise tool for data collection. These data will inform tailored drug quality
programs. For example, if the data indicate that substandard medicines are
the main drug quality problem in one part of the world, then better regula-
tion of manufacturers can do much to improve the problem. Similarly, if
it becomes clear that a country has a problem with diverted medicines in
commerce, then some of the distribution chain improvements presented in
Chapter 5 would enhance the national drug safety program. Consistent
use of this rapid alert form and eventually linking it to national pharmaco-
vigilance systems would advance international discourse and give a more
nuanced understanding of the extent and type of falsified, substandard, and
unregistered medicines that circulate around the world.

TABLE 3–5 The Pharmaceutical Security Institute’s 2011 Open-Source Review
Therapeutic
Country Action Justificationa Quantity Category Drugs Value Arrests
Afghanistan Destroyed Substandard & 32 tons Unknown Unknown $- 0
expired
Angola Seized-arrests Illegal 1,000 kilos Unknown Unknown $- 419
Bangladesh Arrests Counterfeit Unknown Unknown Unknown $- 2
Brazil Seized Diverted Cytostatic, Cancer and $120,000 0

metabolism transplant
Brazil Sentence Counterfeit $2.5 million in damages Unknown Androcur $- 0
Brazil Seized Counterfeit 46,688 dosage units Multiple Multiple $- 0
Brazil Seized Unknown 168 seizures Unknown Unknown $- 0

Canada Seized-arrests Counterfeit 100,000 dosage units Genitourinary ED $1,000,000 1
Chile Seized-arrests Illegal 12,000 dosage units CNS Psychotropic $- 2
China Destroyed Counterfeit & 60 tons Genitourinary, ED & diabetes $6,000,000 0

substandard metabolism
China Sentence Counterfeit Cytostatic Oncology $- 1
China Sentence Counterfeit Cytostatic Oncology $- 11
China Seized-arrests Counterfeit Unknown Unknown $3,000,000 263
China Seized-arrests Counterfeit 6,900,000 dosage units Genitourinary ED $- 15
China Seized-arrests Counterfeit 201 types of drugs Unknown Unknown $- 23

China Seized-arrests Counterfeit Unknown Unknown $314,000,000 1,770
continued
111
112
Therapeutic
China Sentence Counterfeit Unknown Unknown $- 1
China Sentence Counterfeit 840,000 dosage units Unknown Unknown $4,720,000 8
China Seized Counterfeit 800 boxes, 121 types of Unknown Unknown $253,440 0
drugs
China Seized-arrests Illegal 14,000 dosage units Hormones Abortion $- 1
Colombia Seized Adulterated & 7.5 tons Unknown Unknown $- 0

expired
Colombia Sentence Unknown Unknown Unknown $- 288
Colombia Seized Illegal 436,180 dosage units Unknown Unknown $- 0
Colombia Seized-arrests Counterfeit 150,000 dosage units Cytostatic, Cancer & HIV/AIDS $- 22
anti-infective
Cyprus Seized Counterfeit & 7,500 dosage units Unknown Unknown $- 0

illegal
Czech Republic Seized-arrests Counterfeit Unknown Hormones Anabolic steroids $- 11
Dominican Seized-arrests Adulterated Unknown Unknown $31,000 3

Republic
Ghana Arrest Illegal Anti-infective Antimalarial $- 1

Ghana Arrest Illegal Anti-infective HIV/AIDS $- 0
Ghana Detection Illegal Anti-infective Antimalarial $- 0

India Seized-arrests Counterfeit 32 packs Unknown Blood glucose test $- 3

strips
India Seized-arrests Counterfeit 250,000 dosage units Respiratory Coscold (cough $- 3

tablets)
India Arrests Counterfeit Unknown Glucose-D $- 3
India Seized-arrests Counterfeit Unknown Unknown $74,800 3
India Seized-arrests Counterfeit 600 boxes Unknown Crocin suspension $- 2
India Seized-arrests Counterfeit Unknown Unknown $5,610 5
India Arrests Unknown Unknown Unknown $- 4
India Seized Spurious 388,000 dosage units Anti-infective Antibiotics $- 0
India Arrests Unknown Unknown Unknown $- 4
India Seized-arrests Spurious & Unknown Unknown $48,620 2

contraband
India Seized-arrests Illegal CNS Psychotropic $4,114,072 10
India Seized Counterfeit Unknown Unknown $233,754 0
Indonesia Seized Illegal Unknown Unknown $8,899 0
Israel Seized-arrests Counterfeit 230,000 dosage units Metabolism, Weight loss & ED $- 1
genitourinary
Israel Sentence Unknown Genitourinary ED $- 1
Israel Seized Counterfeit 100,000 dosage units Genitourinary ED $- 0
Kenya Detection Counterfeit 1,340 batches Anti-infective HIV/AIDS $- 0
Lebanon Seized-arrests Counterfeit 200 large boxes Unknown Unknown $- 2

Mexico Theft Stolen 98 cases Unknown Unknown $- 0
113
continued
114
Therapeutic
Mozambique Seized-arrests Diverted Anti-infective HIV/AIDS $5,200 9
Nigeria Seized Illegal Anti-infective Antimalarial $- 0
Nigeria Seized Counterfeit & 844 cartons Unknown Unknown $1,906,577 0

unregistered
Nigeria Arrest Illegal Unknown Unknown $- 0
Nigeria Seized Counterfeit Unknown Unknown $- 0
Nigeria Seized Illegal Unknown Unknown $- 5
Nigeria Seized Illegal Unknown Unknown $- 0
Nigeria Arrests Illegal Unknown Unknown $- 30

Nigeria Seized Illegal Anti-infective Antibacterial $1,900 0
Nigeria Detection Counterfeit Unknown Unknown $12,710 0
New Zealand Arrests Unknown Unknown Unknown $- 1
Pakistan Charged Unlicensed & Unknown Unknown $- 0

spurious
Pakistan Arrests Spurious & Unknown Unknown $- 1

substandard
Pakistan Seized-arrests Counterfeit Anti-infective Antibiotics $- 3
Pakistan Charged Spurious Unknown Unknown $- 0
Pakistan Arrests Spurious & Unknown Unknown $- 4

unauthorized
Pakistan Sentence Spurious & Unknown Unknown $- 1

substandard

Pakistan Seized Spurious Anti-infective Vaccine $- 0
Pakistan Seized-arrests Counterfeit Anti-infective Antibiotics $220,535 12
Pakistan Charged Spurious & Unknown Unknown $- 11

substandard
Peru Seized Unknown 15,000 dosage units Unknown Unknown $7,000 0
Peru Destroyed Adulterated & 22 tons Unknown Unknown $7,000,000 0

expired
Philippines Seized Counterfeit 1,000 boxes Genitourinary ED $70,375 0
Portugal Seized Unknown 133,000 dosage units Genitourinary, ED & weight loss $- 0
metabolism
Russia Seized Illegal 2.9 million counterfeited Unknown Unknown $- 0

goods
Singapore Seized Illegal Metabolism, Weight loss & $10,896 0

hormones birth control
Slovakia Seized Counterfeit 128,000 dosage units Hormones, Steroids & ED $- 0

genitourinary
South Korea Charged Counterfeit Genitourinary ED $- 15
Spain Seized-arrests Counterfeit & 710,000 dosage units Hormones, Steroids & ED $- 26
illegal genitourinary
Spain Seized-arrests Illegal 23,000 dosage units Hormones Anabolic steroids $- 1
Taiwan Seized-arrests Counterfeit & Metabolism, Weight loss & ED $- 168

illegal genitourinary

Tanzania Detection Illegal Anti-infective Antibiotics & $- 7
antimalarial
continued
115
116
Therapeutic
Thailand Seized-arrests Counterfeit Metabolism Weight loss $969,932 10
Thailand Seized-arrests Illegal CNS, genitourinary Sleeping & ED $3,233 2
UAE Seized Illegal 1,000,000 dosage units Genitourinary ED $- 0
UAE Arrest Illegal 70,000 dosage units Genitourinary ED $- 0
Uganda Detection Counterfeit Anti-infective Anti-malarial $6,072 0
UK Sentence Counterfeit & Unknown Genitourinary ED $- 1

illegal
UK Sentence Illegal Unknown Hormones, HGH & ED $- 1

genitourinary
UK Seized Counterfeit & 8.5 million dosage units Genitourinary ED $- 0

illegal
UK Seized-arrests Counterfeit & Unknown Unknown $1,615,600 3

illegal
UK Sentence Counterfeit Genitourinary ED $- 5
UK Sentence Counterfeit 896,000 dosage units Multiple Multiple $- 1
UK Sentence Counterfeit 800 dosage units Respiratory Inhalers $- 1
UK Arrest Illegal CNS Pain management $- 1

UK Sentence Stolen Multiple Multiple $- 1
UK Seized Counterfeit & 1.2 million dosage units Multiple Multiple $- 0

illegal

UK Sentence Illegal 6,100 dosage units Genitourinary ED $- 1
UK Sentence Conspiracy Unknown Unknown $- 1
Vietnam Seized-arrests Counterfeit 1,000 dosage units Genitourinary ED $- 2
West Africa Seized-arrests Counterfeit & illicit 10 tons Unknown Unknown $- 100
Totals: $408,324,203 3,547
NOTES: $- = value unknown; CNS = central nervous system; ED = erectile dysfunction; HGH = human growth hormone; UAE = United Arab Emirates; UK = United Kingdom.
a As noted in footnote a under Table 3-2, PSI uses the term counterfeit broadly, in accordance with a WHO definition. See page 89. The organization’s open-source review
presents each case as it is in the open source.


117
TABLE 3–6 Major Studies of Falsified and Substandard Antibiotics, 1996-2006
No. of Method of Detection

Author Drugs Category of of Counterfeit or
(year) Analyzed Country Drugs Studied Substandard Drug
Hu et al. Not reported China Macrolides: FCIS consisting of two color
(2006) erythromycin, reactions based on functional
clarithromycin, groups in molecules of
roxithromycin, macrolide antibiotics and two
azithromycin, TLC methods were developed
erythromycin for screening of fake macrolide
ethylsuccinate, drugs.
kitasamycin,
leucomycin A3,
acetylspiramycin,
acetyl-kitasamycin,
midecamycin and
meleumycin
Kayumba 33 Rwanda and Essential antimicrobials Commercially available

et al. Tanzania (amoxicillin capsules, drug formulations, USP 24
(2004) metronidazole tablets, dissolution tests, HPLC.
TMP–SMX tablet)
Syhakhang 300 Laos Ampicillin, HPLC, potentiometric

et al. tetracycline titration, and ultraviolet
(2004) spectrophotometry. The
identity was confirmed by TLC,
UV, or color reactions.

Characteristics Pharmaceutical
of Counterfeit or Companies Involved or
Results Substandard Drugs Country of Manufacture
Two lots of capsules and No active ingredient, wrong China
one lot of granule had no ingredient, no color change in
active ingredients imitating sulphuric acid reaction
erythromycin ethylsuccinate
capsule and azithromycin
granule, respectively, one lot of
erythromycin tablets imitating
roxithromycin tablets, and two
lots of meleumycin capsule
imitating midecamycin capsule.
At the time of purchase, Poor in vitro drug release TPI (metronidazole), Holden
the drug content of all the profiles and dissolution Medica (metronidazole),
formulations was within the (four formulations [three Labophar (TMP–SMX, sulfadoxine
limits recommended by the sulfamethoxazole/trimethoprim and pyrimethamine), Shalina
USP 24, but after 6-month and one sulfadoxine/ (sulfamethoxazole), ACE (TMP–
storage, the drug content pyrimethamine combination]). SMX). Rwanda and Tanzania.
of one sulfamethoxazole/ Some of the formulations tested
trimethoprim was found to be were not stable in terms of drug
substandard. Immediately after content (one sulfamethoxazole/
purchase, four formulations trimethoprim) and dissolution
(three sulfamethoxazole/ (three metronidazole
trimethoprim and one formulations), upon storage
sulfadoxine/pyrimethamine under simulated tropical
combination) failed the USP 24 conditions.
dissolution test. Except for three
metronidazole, dissolution tests
performed after 6 months of
storage under simulated tropical
conditions showed that drug
release remained within the USP
24 recommended values. In total,
24% of the sampled formulations
(8/33) failed the dissolution test.
The percentage of substandard No active ingredient (ampicillin 24% (23 out of 97) of the drugs
drugs decreased significantly and tetracycline), too little from Lao factories, 17% (24 out of
from 46% to 22% (66 out of (ampicillin) or too much 143) of the drugs from Thailand
300) between 1997 and 1999 (tetracycline) active ingredient, and 47% (17 out of 36) of the
(P < 0.001). Substandard weight variation outside drugs of unknown origin were
ampicillin and tetracycline were pharmacopoeial limits substandard.
reduced significantly from 67%
to 9% and from 38% to 12%,
respectively (P < 0.001). In total,
3% versus 1% contained no active
ingredient, 12% versus 4% had
too little or too much active
ingredient and 35% versus 14%
had weight variation outside
pharmacopoeial limits.
continued


Prazuck et al. 21 Northern Antimicrobials Drug quantitative analysis was
(2002) Myanmar (benzathine performed with titrimetry and
benzylpenicillin, visible UV spectrophotometry.
ceftriaxone, Qualitative analysis was
chlortetracycline, performed with TLC.
ciprofloxacin, TMP–
SMX doxycycline and
erythromycin)
Taylor et al. 581 Nigeria Antibacterial and HPLC

(2001) antituberculosis drugs
Okeke and 5 Nigeria Five samples of

Lamikanra ampicillin capsules
(2001)
Laserson 71 Colombia, INH and RIF single and TLC kit

et al. Estonia, FDC formulations
(2001) India, Latvia,
Russia, and
Vietnam

Among the 21 different specialty Inappropriate labeling, expired Lombisin, Unicorn, China
products, only 3 displayed the drug, no active ingredient (chlortetracycline), Yong Fong,
official “registered” label. Three (chlortetracycline), reduced Myanmar (co-trimoxazole),
drugs were expired and the active ingredient China (benzylpenicillin),
expiration date was not available Helm Pharmaceutical GMBH,
for six others. One product did Hamburg, Germany (benzathine
not contain the active drug benzylpenicillin), Cadila
declared (chlortetracycline) and Lab, Ahmedabad, India, Dr.
did not show any in vitro activity Reddy’s Lab, Bollaram, India
against bacteria. Seven of 21 (ciprofloxacin), Remedica Ltd,
products (33%) did not contain Limassol, Cyprus (erythromycin
the stated dosage (one more and doxycycline), ICPA Lab Ltd,
than stated dosage and six less Bombay, India (TMP–SMX)
than stated dosage). The highest
deficit observed was 48% in two
products (co-trimoxazole and
benzylpenicillin). The dosage
was not available for five drugs.
As a result, only 8 of 21 products
(38%) did not contain the stated
dosage of active drug.
For all groups of drugs, Zero (metronidazole Most drugs that failed to pass
antibacterial and antituberculosis suspension), or very low the test were manufactured in
agents, more than 50% failed (ampicillin [syrup and countries such as China, Holland,
to comply with specifications. capsules], amoxicillin [syrup], India, Malaysia, Nigeria, Pakistan,
For some individual drug pyrimethamine and sulfadoxine Romania, Switzerland, and the
preparations, all samples [syrup], cloxacillin [syrup and United Kingdom or were of
assayed were within capsules], and ampicillin and unknown origin.
pharmacopoeial limits. These cloxacillin [syrup and capsules])
included trimethoprim and quantities of active ingredient
sulfamethoxazole tablets. No
metronidazole suspension met
pharmacopoeial specifications.
Several antibacterial preparations
contained very low quantities of
active ingredient (ampicillin and
amoxicillin 24% to 40%), and for
five metronidazole suspension
preparations, no active ingredient
was detected.
Three of the five (60%) capsule

samples from dispensing points
were found to be of lower quality
than the officially prescribed
standards of pharmaceutical
quality. The quality lapses
observed were sufficient to bring
about determinable differences
in biological availability.
Overall, 10% (4/40) of all Reduced content of active Not reported

samples, including 13% (4/30) ingredient, extra component
RIF samples, contained < 85% of
stated content. More FDCs (5/24,
21%) than single-drug samples
(2/16, 13%) were substandard.
Two RIF samples and one INH
sample had an extra component.
continued


Kenyon et al. 13 Republic of FDC antituberculosis TLC as a screening method,
(1999) Botswana (TB) drugs and UV or LC as confirmation
Pillai et al. 10 FDC South Africa FDC antituberculosis Not reported

(1999) formulations formulations
Stenson et al. 366 Laos Ampicillin (tablets Three tests were used: identity,
(1998) and capsules) and assay, and measurement of
tetracycline (tablets weight variation. The identity
and capsules) was confirmed by TLC, UV, and
color reactions. Titrimetric,
UV, and HPLC methods were
used for assay. Potentiometric
titration method.
Nazerali and 789 samples Zimbabwe Injectable Not reported. Drug quality was
Hogerzeil of 26 benzylpenicillin, measured by level of active
(1998) brands of amoxicillin, ampicillin, ingredient as percentage
13 essential doxycycline, phenyl- of stated content and by
drugs methoxypenicillin, and compliance (pass/fail) with
tetracycline assay standards of the British
Pharmacopoeia. Drug stability
was measured by comparing
mean assay values at central
and rural levels and by paired
analysis of central and rural
samples of the same batch.
Shakoor 96 (81 Nigeria, Amoxicillin, HPLC

et al. Nigeria, 15 Thailand tetracycline, TMP–SMX,
(1997) Thailand) ampicillin–cloxacillin

All 13 FDCs contained the stated Reduced (rifampicin) or excess Not reported
drugs. However, four (31%) were (rifampicin and pyrazinamide)
substandard, including two (15%) content of active ingredient
with low rifampicin content, one
(8%) with excessive rifampicin
and one (8%) with excessive
pyrazinamide. Both FDCs with
low rifampicin contained four
drugs and failed TLC screening.
The FDC with excessive
rifampicin was not detected by
TLC screening. Using UV as the
gold standard, the sensitivity of
TLC for low rifampicin was 2/2
(100%) and the specificity was
9/10 (90%).
The maximum serum The poor relative bioavailability Not reported

concentration for rifampicin in 7 of rifampicin from some FDCs
of 10 FDC formulations was not has been documented. The
found to be bioequivalent to the implications for tuberculosis
reference administered as loose programs are extremely serious
(separate) formulations. and warrant urgent attention.
12 (3.3%) out of the 366 drugs No active ingredient (ampicillin), Out of the 61 samples that were
contained no active ingredient, low concentration of active found to contain no active
42 (11.5%) had levels of active ingredient (ampicillin and ingredient or to be substandard
ingredient outside acceptable tetracycline), weight variation according to the assay, only
limits in assay, 128 (35.0%) had outside pharmacopoieal limits 37 were labeled. Of these, 20
excessive weight variation and (all), bad retail management originated from Laos, 5 from
4 (1.1%) were managed badly in (ampicillin) Thailand and 3 from Vietnam,
the pharmacy, 67% of ampicillin whereas 9 were of unknown
samples and 38% of tetracycline origin.
had bad quality.
Poor initial quality accounted for Reduced level of active Not reported
problems in injectable ampicillin ingredient
(2/10 central samples failed,
with 87% and 91% content). An
aqueous formulation of injectable
procaine benzylpenicillin showed
moderate instability with 4%
(1% to 6%) loss after 4.3 months
but the assay remained within
pharmacopoeial limits.
36% of samples from Nigeria and Zero (amoxicillin) or very The countries of origin were
40% of samples from Thailand low (amoxicillin, TMP–SMX, India, Italy, Nigeria, Pakistan,
were substandard with respect ampicillin–cloxacillin) quantities Thailand, and the United
to British Pharmacopoeia limits. of active ingredient Kingdom, but no patterns
One amoxicillin sample from emerged with respect to quality
Nigeria contained no active of product and country of origin.
ingredient at all.
continued


Roy 137 brands Bangladesh Ampicillin, TMP–SMX Not reported
(1994)
Taylor et al. 40 Nigeria Antibacterial capsules

(1995) and suspensions of
amoxicillin
Santosh et al. 7 brands India Tetracycline: chemical Fluorimetric method

(1992) estimation of seven
different marketed
brands of tetracycline/
HCl capsules for
tetracycline content
NOTE: The complete references for the studies cited in this table can be found in Kelesidis et al., 2007.
Kelesidis and colleagues use the term counterfeit broadly, the way this report uses the term falsified. See
page 23. FCIS = fast chemical identification test; FDC = fixed-dose combination; HCI = ondansetron hydro-
chloride; HPLC = high-performance liquid chromatography; INH = isoniazid; LC = liquid chromatography;
MIC = minimum inhibitory concentration; RIF = rifampicin; TLC = thin layer chromatography; TMP-SMX =
trimethoprim-sulfamethoxazole; USP = U.S. Pharmacopeia; UV = ultraviolet spectrophotometry.
SOURCE: Kelesidis et al., 2007. Reprinted with permission from Oxford University Press.

A significant proportion of a It appeared that active Not reported
variety of drug preparations was ingredients had been
substandard (27%). Ten brands deliberately kept below the
of ampicillin were found to be required levels.
substandard in this study and
8 of them had already been
assessed as substandard by the
regulatory authorities. This was
also true of the two brands of
co-trimoxazole suspension found
to be substandard.
Two amoxicillin capsules (0% The reason why British

and 50%) contained ≥50% Pharmacopoeia requirements
of the stated amount of were not met is unknown.
active ingredient. Ten other Decomposition is not likely
samples outside the British to be a major factor (no large
Pharmacopoeia’s range had at amounts of decomposition
least 90% or up to 126%. products found), poor quality
assurance probably plays a part
but the very small amounts
found in some samples point
to fraudulent manufacture or
tampering.
Chemical estimation of seven The dissolution rate and Not reported

different marketed brands of disintegration time of
tetracycline/HCl capsules for substandard drugs were
tetracycline content showed that in accordance with USP
six brands were not meeting specifications. The bioavailability
the pharmacopoeia prescribed of substandard product as
standards. The power content determined from 48 h urinary
of four brands was well below tetracycline excretion was
the labeled amount of the significantly lower when
standard drug. Comparative compared with standard
analysis of bioavailability of product both in well-nourished
substandard versus standard and in undernourished
product indicates that the use subjects. The plasma steady-
of substandard tetracycline state concentrations with
products in undernourished the substandard product
subjects may lead to therapeutic were below the generally
failures and/or result in the recommended MICs, more so in
development of resistant undernourished subjects.
microorganisms.

TABLE 3–7 Reports of Poor-Quality Antimalarial Drugs by Region in Southeast Asia

and Sub-Saharan Africa, 1999-2011
Date of Sample
Location Collection Drug Tested Method of Testing
Southeast Asia
Newton et al. Cambodia, Laos, 1999–2000 Artesunate HPLC, colorimetric

(2001) Myanmar (Burma), testing (fast red
Thailand, Vietnam dye), packaging
analysis
Newton et al. Cambodia, 1999–2005 Artesunate HPLC, colorimetric

(2008) Laos, Myanmar, testing (fast red
Thailand-Myanmar dye), packaging
border, Vietnam analysis
Dondorp et al. Cambodia, Laos, 2002–2003 Artesunate, HPLC, colorimetric

(2004) Myanmar, Thailand, artemether, testing (fast red
Vietnam dihydroartemisinin, dye), packaging
mefloquine analysis
Lon et al. Cambodia 2003 Artesunate, quinine, HPLC, thin layer

(2006) chloroquine, chromatography,
tetracycline, packaging
mefloquine analysis,
disintegration
analysis
Sengaloundeth Laos 2003 Artesunate HPLC, colorimetric

et al. (2009) testing (fast
red dye), mass
spectroscopy,
pollen analysis,
X-ray diffraction,
packaging analysis
U.S. Pharmacopeia China 2004 Artesunate, quinine, HPLC, thin layer

(2004) chloroquine, chromatography,
sulfadoxine- visual inspection,
pyrimethamine, dissolution
mefloquine analysis
Bate et al. India 2008–2009 Chloroquine Thin layer

(2009) chromatography,
disintegration
analysis
Sub-Saharan Africa
Ogwal-Okeng JO Uganda 2001 Chloroquine tablets HPLC

et al. and injections
(2003)
Basco et al. Cameroon 2001 Chloroquine, Colorimetric

(2004) quinine, test, thin layer
sulfadoxine- chromatography
pyrimethamine
Amin et al. Kenya 2002 Sulfadoxine- HPLC, dissolution

(2005) pyrimethamine, tests
amodiaquine

Samples That Failed Testing

Total
Sampling Sample Chemical Packaging
Obtained From Technique Tested Assay Analysis Tests Falsified*
Private Convenience 104 39/104 (38%)† 31/84 (38%) 39/104 (38%)

pharmacies
and outlets
Private Convenience 391 196/391 (50%) 195/391 (50%) 195/391 (50%)

pharmacies and randomly‡
and outlets
Public and Convenience 303 103/303 (34%); 99/303 (33%) 99/303 (33%)
private 99/103 (96)†
pharmacies
and outlets
and facilities
Public and Convenience 451 122/451 (27%); 72/111 (65%) 88/111 (79%)§
private 30/122 (25%)†
pharmacies,
and outlets
and facilities
Private Stratified 30 27/30 (90%) 26/30 (87%) 27/30 (90%)

pharmacies random
and outlets sampling
NS Convenience 39 2/39 (5%)† Not tested 2 (5%)
Private Systematic 119 8/119 (7%) Not tested NA

pharmacies random
and outlets sampling
Private and Convenience 92 57/92 (62%) Not tested NA

public outlets
Private Convenience 284 112/284 (39%) Not tested 49/284 (18%)

pharmacies sampling
only from various
vendors
Public and Convenience 116 47/116 (41%) Not tested NA

private outlets
continued

Date of Sample
Thoithi et al. Kenya 2001–2005 Artemether, Tests of uniformity

(2008) dihydroartemisinin, of weight,
quinine, content of active
sulfadoxine- pharmaceutical
pyrimethamine, ingredient,
amodiaquine dissolution
Atemnkeng et al. Kenya and 2004 Artemether, HPLC with

(2007) Democratic arteether, European
Republic artesunate, Pharmacopoeia
of Congo dihydroartemisinin standards
Tipke et al. Burkina Faso 2006 Artesunate, Packaging

(2008) artemether analysis,
lumefantrine, disintegration
quinine, analysis,
chloroquine, colorimetric
sulfadoxine- tests, thin layer
pyrimethamine, chromatography,
amodiaquine ultraviolet-visible
spectroscopy
U.S. Pharmacopeia Madagascar, 2008 Artermisinin- Compendial

(2009) Senegal, Uganda combination quality testing
treatment, according to U.S.
sulfadoxine- Pharmacopeia
pyrimethamine standards
WHO Cameroon, 2008 Artermisinin- Compendial

(2011) Ethiopia, Ghana, combination quality testing
Kenya, Nigeria, treatment, according to U.S.
Tanzania, sulfadoxine- Pharmacopeia
pyrimethamine standards
Kibwage Kenya Not provided Sulfadoxine- Dissolution

(2005) pyrimethamine analysis
Jande et al. Tanzania Not provided Sulfadoxine- Dissolution

(2006) pyrimethamine analysis
Taylor et al. Nigeria Not provided Quinine, HPLC with British

(2001) choroquine, Pharmacopoeia,
sulfadoxine- dissolution
pyrimethamine, analysis
proguanil
Smine et al. Senegal Not provided Choroquine, U.S. Pharmacopeia

(2002) sulfadoxine- standards
pyrimethamine for active
pharmaceutical
ingredient testing
Minzi et al. Tanzania Not provided Sulfadoxine- HPLC, dissolution

(2003) pyrimethamine, tests
amodiaquine


Total

private outlets
Randomly, Convenience 24 9/24 (38%) Not tested NA

from both sampling of
public and different forms
private of drug
pharmacies or
outlets
Private Convenience 77 32/77 (42%); 28/77 (38%) 29/77 (38%)

and public 1/32 (3%)†
pharmacies or
outlets
Private Convenience 197 64/197 (32%) Not tested NA

and public
pharmacies
and outlets

private outlets

private outlets

private outlets
Private Random 284 119/284 (42%) Not tested NA

and public
pharmacies
and outlets
Public and Random 27 15/27 (56%) Not tested NA

private outlets

private outlets
continued

Date of Sample
Maponga Gabon, Ghana, Not provided Choroquine, HPLC, dissolution

et al. Kenya, Mali, sulfadoxine- analysis, drug-
(2003) Mozambique, pyrimethamine specific assays
Sudan,
Zimbabwe
Gaudiano Angola, Burundi, Not provided Quinine, HPLC with U.S.

et al. Congo choroquine, Pharmacopeia
(2007) sulfadoxine- standards,
pyrimethamine, uniformity of mass,
mefloquine disintegration
analysis
Aina et al. Nigeria Not provided Choroquine British

(2007) tablets, syrups, and Pharmacopoeia
injections dissolution
tests, active
pharmaceutical
ingredient assay,
disintegration
tests
Kaur et al. Tanzania Not provided Artemisnins, HPLC and

(2008) quinine, antifolates, dissolution
sulfadoxine- analysis with U.S.
pyrimethamine, Pharmacopeia
amodiaquine standards
Bate et al. Ghana, Kenya, Not provided Artesunate, Thin layer

(2008) Nigeria, Rwanda, artemether, chromatography
Tanzania, Uganda dihydroartermisinin, or dissolution
artemether- analysis
lumefantrine,
sulfadoxine-
pyrimethamine,
mefloquine,
amodiaquine
Ofori-Kwakye Ghana Not provided Artesunate Colorimetric tests,

et al. (2008) disintegration
tests, European
Union
Pharmacopoeia
standards
Onwujekwe Nigeria Not provided Artesunate, HPLC and

et al. (2009) dihydroartemisinin, dissolution
chloroquine, analysis with U.S.
quinine, Pharmacopeia
sulfadoxine- standards
pyrimethamine


Total
Private Convenience 278 5–100%¶ Not tested NA

and public
pharmacies
and outlets
Mainly small, Convenience 28 16/28 (57%); Not tested 1/28 (4%)

private 1/16 (6%)†
pharmacies
and outlets
Public outlet Convenience 32 19/32 (59%) Not tested NA
Private Random 301 38/301 (12%) Not tested NA

and public
pharmacies
and outlets
Private Convenience 210 73/210 (35%) Not tested NA

pharmacies
and outlets

private outlets
Private Stratified 225 60/225 (27%) Not tested NA

and public random
pharmacies sampling
and outlets
continued

Date of Sample
Newton et al. Burkina Faso, 2002–2010 Artesunate, HPLC, mass

(2011) Chad, Cameroon, dihydroartemisinin, spectroscopy,
D.R. Congo, Ghana, dihydroartemisinin- pollen analysis,
Kenya, Nigeria, piperaquine X-ray diffraction,
Rwanda, Senegal artemether- packaging analysis
lumefantrine,
artemether-
amodiaquine,
amodiaquine,
halofantrine
NOTE: DFID = Data are n/N (%), unless otherwise indicated. Samples failing chemical assay analysis might
have failed packaging analysis; HPLC = high-perfomance liquid chromatography; NA = not applicable;
NS = not specified.
* Falsified is used as a synonym for counterfeit.
† Samples with no active pharmaceutical ingredient.


Total
Pharmaceutical Convenience 59 35/59 (59%); 26/36 (72%) 14/59 (24%)

companies, 11/35 (31%)*¶
private
and public
pharmacies
‡ 115 samples from Laos were randomly selected.

§ Only tetracycline, quinine, and artesunate were tested.
¶ Varies substantially by drug and country; not included in analysis.
SOURCE: Nayyar et al., 2012. Reprinted from the Lancet with permission from Elsevier.

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falsely-labelled/falsified/counterfeit” medicines. Geneva: WHO.
———. 2012c. New global mechanism to combat substandard/spurious/falsely-labelled/
falsified/counterfeit medical products. Geneva: WHO.
Nam. Geneva: WHO.

Causes of Falsified and

Substandard Drugs
The committee recognizes that the factors that encourage the prolifera-
tion of substandard and falsified medicines are different but overlapping.
In general, neglect of good manufacturing practices, both accidental and
deliberate, drives the circulation of substandard drugs, while falsification
of medicines has its roots in crime and corruption. Both types of products
circulate because of the erratic supply and constant demand for medicines
and weaknesses in the regulatory system. An inaccurate or inadequate
understanding of the problem among health workers and the public con-
tributes to the problem.
REASONS FOR SUBSTANDARD DRUGS

As Chapter 1 explains, substandard drugs are those products that fail
to meet the specifications set by the regulatory authority and delineated in
a pharmacopeia or the manufacturer’s dossier. Substandard medicines may,
for example, be made in such a way that they do not dissolve properly;
they may be of incorrect hardness or osmolarity; they may contain im-
proper doses of the active ingredients; or be made from impure or unstable
ingredients. Failure of good manufacturing practices is the root cause of
substandard drugs.
Uneven Manufacturing Quality

Any company can make mistakes, but adherence to good manufactur-
ing practices makes mistakes less likely and easier to correct. A factory
137

• There are equipment, staffing, and process costs necessary to meet

international good manufacturing practices in the pharmaceutical
industry.
• Lack of investment capital and poor infrastructure hold back some
small- and medium-sized drug companies in developing countries
from meeting international standards.
• For want of investment in pharmaceutical manufacturing, the poor
pay more for substandard medicines.
• Unscrupulous manufacturers will deliberately produce poor-quality
drugs, if the odds of getting away with it are favorable.
• When regulatory checks on production are inconsistent, procurement
practices can help ensure that honest manufacturers get the largest
market share.
• The World Health Organization’s (WHO’s) Model Quality Assurance
System for procurement is a useful independent standard for procure-
ment agencies.
• National and international procurement agencies should follow the
WHO’s guidelines for procurement. Small agencies should not procure
directly from manufacturers.
run in accordance with best practices does not need to be the most tech-
nologically advanced or use state-of-the-art equipment, but there are costs
to bring a factory up to standard, train staff on appropriate protocols, and
observe them consistently. There are many exemplary manufacturers in de-
veloping countries that observe international best practices. There are also
many that do not, but they operate anyway, either because the regulatory
authority is unaware of the problem, or because regulators are under pres-
sure to ignore it in the name of promoting industry.
Quality control is a part of good manufacturing practices sometimes
neglected in developing countries. The WHO compendium on pharma-
ceutical manufacture describes the importance of having quality-control
staff who are separate from production staff, working in an independent
department (WHO, 2007b). A manager trained in quality control should
supervise this department and run an equipped quality-control laboratory
(WHO, 2007b). Quality-control staff should verify that everything that
is a part of the factory’s product, including packaging, starting materials,
intermediates, and finished products, meets requirements (WHO, 2007b).
They may also do internal inspections and quality audits and evaluate the
quality controls used by their suppliers (WHO, 2007b). The majority of the
pharmaceutical industry in the poorest countries only formulates and re-

CAUSES OF FALSIFIED AND SUBSTANDARD DRUGS 139
packages finished medicines, also called secondary and tertiary production

(see Box 4-1). Confirming the quality control measures used by suppliers,
who are often in other countries, is particularly difficult for these firms.
Formulation companies have about a 6-month lag between placing
an order for an active ingredient and selling a finished drug (Bumpas
and Betsch, 2009). This delay can be even longer for firms in landlocked
countries or places where customs clearance and transportation from the
port of entry are slow or unpredictable (McCabe, 2009). It takes substan-
tial working capital to cover costs during those lags (Bumpas and Betsch,
2009). Adding to the expense are the active ingredients themselves, which
can cost thousands of dollars per kilogram; buying from WHO-prequalified
or stringent-regulatory-authority–approved suppliers can add a 100 percent
markup to the sale price (Bumpas and Betsch, 2009). The market for active
ingredients has been especially volatile in recent years because of increas-
ing costs of raw materials and growing environmental regulation in India
and China (Bumpas and Betsch, 2009). Price volatility further complicates
business for smaller firms, who tend to deal with less consistent (therefore
cheaper) suppliers who are more vulnerable to market shocks. Although
proper quality-control measures require purchasing only from suppliers
who observe good manufacturing practices, supplier quality is often ne-
glected because of logistical and financial obstacles. And, because the cost
of active ingredients is by far the largest fraction of overall cost, a small
reduction in active ingredient can vastly increase the profit margin.
Good quality comes at a price, either from equipment costs, better
ingredients, or the higher process cost of quality assurance. The water
filtration system is a high risk for microbial growth in any pharmaceutical
plant and should be monitored vigilantly (WHO, 2007b). Microbial con-
tamination is more of a threat in countries with poor water quality; much
equipment cannot run on erratic power supplies (Anderson, 2010). Drug
manufacturers also need an air handling system that will prevent dust and
residue from one work area from contaminating other parts of the factory
(WHO, 2007b). The adequacy of the air handling becomes more impor-
tant in areas of the factory where different products are being processed at
the same time and opportunities for cross-contamination abound (WHO,
2007b).
Some small-scale pharmaceutical companies make few finished formu-
lations, but others make a wide range of products. Small firms are not gen-
erally able to dedicate equipment to specific products; equipment cleaning
and cleaning validation become especially important. When equipment used
for multiple products is not properly cleaned, and the cleaning not validated
prior to changing the product line, the drugs produced can become con-
taminated. This type of contamination is difficult to detect. Quality-control
assays generally test for the presence of the known ingredients, not the wide

BOX 4-1
The Medicines Manufacturing Process
Drugs are made with four or five main steps between the raw ma-
terials and the packaged final formulation (Figure 4-1). Medicines manu-
facture in the poorest countries is generally limited to the last steps in
this process: formulation and packaging (Bumpas and Betsch, 2009; IFC,
2007). Of the 46 countries in sub-Saharan Africa, about 80 percent have
local pharmaceutical industries, but only South Africa produces active
ingredients (Bumpas and Betsch, 2009). South Africa alone accounts for
70 percent of the region’s medicines production (Bumpas and Betsch,
2009).
The firms that make final formulations in developing countries buy
excipients and active ingredient from chemical suppliers abroad, mostly
from China and India. China supplies about 43 percent of the world’s
active ingredients for anti-infective medicines and exports 77 percent of
the active ingredient made in the country, a $4.4 billion industry. India
exports 75 percent of the $2 billion worth of active ingredients it pro-
duces (Bumpas and Betsch, 2009).
COMPONENTS
Sterile
API
API
Raw materials Intermediates APIs Finished products

PROCESSES
Chemical synthesis Formulation Packaging

Fermentation
Extraction
Primary production Secondary production Tertiary production
FIGURE 4–1 Schematic block diagram of a pharmaceutical manufacturing process.

NOTE: API = active pharmaceutical ingredient.
SOURCES: Adapted from Kaplan and Liang, 2005; Wilson et al., 2012.
range of possible unknown contaminants. Good pharmaceutical manufac-

turing requires drug producers to follow a cleaning protocol laid out in
their standard operating procedures and to follow cleaning with validation
testing (APIC, 1999; WHO, 2007b).
There is significant expense necessary for pharmaceutical companies
to follow good manufacturing practices. Multinational companies, both

innovator and generic, operate on a scale that allows them to recover the
costs of running high-quality factories. This is not true for many smaller
manufacturers in developing countries. In India, for example, large pharma-
ceutical companies supply medicines and vaccines of the highest quality to
every country in the world, but thousands of small manufacturers struggle
to implement quality-assurance and quality-control procedures (Kaplan and
Laing, 2005). A World Bank study found that one-tenth of Indian regis-
tered pharmacies report substandard medicines, most of them coming from
small- and medium-sized producers (Kaplan and Laing, 2005). Because the
registered pharmacy is the most strictly regulated medicines outlet in India,
the proportion of substandard medicines sold in the informal market is
presumably much higher. The problem is not limited to India. In a survey
of antibiotic quality in Indonesia, investigators found 89 percent of samples
of one local company’s cotrimoxazole were substandard (Hadi et al., 2010).
Critics of local manufacture have cited these problems as reasons
against pharmaceutical manufacturing in low- and middle-income coun-
tries (Ahmed, 2012; Bate, 2008). This may be a short-sighted argument.
Domestic manufacture of medicines is an important part of health and
industrial policy in many countries. Governments are understandably eager
to ensure a safe drug supply for their population. In theory, locally made
products could be cheaper because of lower shipping costs incorporated
into the final price (Kaplan et al., 2012). Manufacturing medicines also
gives people jobs and facilitates technology transfer (Wilson et al., 2012).
Companies that start out packaging only finished drugs will slowly develop
the trained workforce needed for more complicated secondary and primary
manufacturing.
Initial capital investments and infrastructure problems stand between
quality medicines and many small- and medium-sized medicine manufactur-
ers. There are companies in developing countries that want to meet inter-
national quality standards and buy from reliable suppliers, but they fail to
do so for reasons beyond their control. Governments alone cannot supply
the technical depth or money to fix these problems (Wilson et al., 2012).
The private sector must be involved. The International Finance Corporation
(IFC) and the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) can work
to encourage private sector growth in developing countries. With the initial
investments made, governments can take on the more manageable role of
encouraging partnerships with foreign manufacturers.
Recommendation 4-1: The International Finance Corporation and the

Overseas Private Investment Corporation should create separate invest-
ment vehicles for pharmaceutical manufacturers who want to upgrade
to international standards. Governments can complement this effort
by encouraging partnerships between local and foreign manufacturers.

Poor infrastructure, management problems, and insufficient training for

staff can all hold back pharmaceutical manufacturers in low- and middle-
income countries. While the extent to which each of these factors impedes
progress varies among countries, there is a common problem of lack of
capital (Cho et al., 2012; Patricof and Sunderland, 2005). Small- and
medium-sized businesses have a particularly difficult time securing business
improvement loans, as do firms in Africa (Patricof and Sunderland, 2005).
The only capital available to many small- and medium-sized drug
manufacturers is the company’s already meager profits. Reinvesting profits
in capital improvements is not a quick or reliable path to develop a modern
manufacturing infrastructure (UNDP, 2004). In developed countries small-
and medium-sized firms might mortgage their assets to raise money, but
mortgage laws and bank policies often disallow this in low- and middle-
income countries (UNDP, 2004). The equipment and supplies needed to
observe good manufacturing practices must be bought on foreign markets
with hard currency, which banks in poor countries may only have at certain
times of year (McCabe, 2009).
Manufacturers in developing countries often have to absorb their cus-
tomer’s debts, further reducing their working capital (McCabe, 2009).
Therefore, small- and medium-sized companies are risky investments. Their
national banks find the costs of the initial risk assessment both too costly
and too complicated to make loans attractive (UNDP, 2004). Barriers to ac-
cessing capital hold back small- and medium-sized businesses, the “engines
of job creation,” in the parts of the world most desperate for more and
better jobs (Economist, 2012b; UNDP, 2004, p. 4). When these enterprises
are drug companies, there is an added drawback. For want of investment
capital, the poor pay higher prices for substandard drugs (UNDP, 2004).
The IFC and OPIC

The IFC and OPIC both promote private-sector development as a
means to reduce poverty. The IFC’s goals include promoting open markets
and jobs that deliver essential services in developing countries (IFC, 2012c).
To this end, it provides investment services to help promote private-sector
growth in developing countries. Through investments, advisory services,
and asset management, the IFC aims to reduce poverty and encourage eco-
nomic growth (IFC, 2012d). The IFC works with the World Bank Group,
but with financial and legal autonomy. Its membership is made up of 184
developed and developing countries (IFC, 2012f).
The IFC accepts applications for ventures in member countries, often
when a company cannot access the requisite capital in its home country
(IFC, 2012a,d). The organization serves a wide range of industries, includ-
ing health, education, infrastructure, agribusiness, and manufacturing (IFC,
2012b).

There is precedent for the IFC working with pharmaceutical companies

in developing countries (IFC, 2012e). Alongside investment in upgrading
pharmaceutical standards, its membership structure could be used to set up
partnerships between pharmaceutical companies in developing countries
and those in countries with strict regulatory authorities. The IFC does not
lend directly to small- and medium-sized enterprises but can invest in orga-
nizations that will in turn lend to smaller companies (IFC, 2012a).
OPIC, the U.S. government’s development finance agency, does make
loans to small businesses (OPIC, 2012a). Its loans and guaranties for small-
and medium-sized business financing range from $350,000 to $250 million
(OPIC, 2012a). OPIC often finances capital costs such as equipment and
construction (OPIC, 2012a). It also funds national lenders to expand their
lending capacity to small- and medium-sized enterprises (OPIC, 2012a).
Although the agency does not grant requests that are solely for acquisitions
or working capital, it will support the expenses if they are part of a larger
project (OPIC, 2012a).
OPIC creates ways for investing in developing countries, to the benefit
of both development abroad and private firms in the United States (OPIC,
2012a). OPIC’s investment policies promote sustainable development and
human rights; investment in medicines manufacture is well aligned with
these priorities (OPIC, 2012b).
Investment in upgrading pharmaceutical manufacturing standards ad-
vances the goals of both organizations; there is also precedent for such in-
vestments. In August 2012, the IFC invested $47 million in Fosun Pharma,
a leading Chinese drug company that makes, among other products, anti-
malarials for aid organizations (Yu and Hindenburg, 2012). OPIC sup-
ported the development of generic drug manufacturing in Afghanistan in
2005 (OPIC, 2006). The committee commends these projects and encour-
ages OPIC and the IFC to make more similar investments in a wider range
of companies.
Investment in pharmaceutical manufacturers in low- and middle-income
countries has immediate benefits to the manufacturers trying to upgrade
their production. There are also spillover benefits to a cohort of workers
trained in good manufacturing practices and the use of modern equip-
ment. These workers may eventually find new positions in other industries,
sharing their knowledge about manufacturing, and contributing to a more
competent workforce. IFC and OPIC investment will help buyers identify
manufacturers who are serious about running a responsible business and
willing to make expensive changes to their methods. Firms that make these
investments are clearly trying to eliminate substandard production. Building
responsible firms gives procurement agencies that are forced to buy locally
produced medicines a high-quality alternative to the status quo.
Governments in low- and middle-income countries can complement
investments in the private sector by encouraging partnerships between for-

eign and local manufacturers who upgrade their production. Partnerships

can continue the cross-fertilization of ideas that direct investment sparks.
Manufacturing staff in developing countries who work with their counter-
parts abroad learn about regulatory science and business management, for
example. This exposure benefits all parties and advances an international
network of high-quality drug manufacturers.
Tiered Production
In practice it is difficult to distinguish the quality failures that are to
blame on a manufacturer’s inability to meet international best practices
from those which come from a decision to cut corners and produce inferior
products for poorly regulated markets. When a producer capable of meet-
ing international standards fails to do so consistently and only in product
lines sold to the poor, one may conclude that the noncompliance is part of
a more insidious system.
Rich countries enforce high quality standards for medicines, and manu-
facturers recognize the need to use good-quality ingredients and good
manufacturing practices to sell in these markets. United Nations (UN)
agencies and the larger international aid organizations will also refuse to
do business with companies that cannot meet stringent regulatory author-
ity quality standards. Manufacturers are aware, however, that low- and
middle-income countries are less likely to enforce these standards. Some
companies exploit this and produce drugs of lower quality for the loosely
regulated markets (Caudron et al., 2008). When a manufacturer produces
medicines of inferior quality for less exacting markets, it is known as tiered
or parallel production (Caudron et al., 2008; World Bank, 2007).
Tiered production is a complicated problem, in part because some
kinds of tiered production are legal. International manufacturers may sup-
ply to multiple markets which use different legal product quality standards.
For example, the British Pharmacopoeia monograph for amoxicillin gives
no dissolution standard (British Pharmacopoeia, 2012); the U.S. Pharma-
copeia does (USP-NF, 2010). Assay limits may also be different, making a
product illegal by one pharmacopeia but legal by another. A manufacturer
may supply to one country that stipulates a uniformity of dosage at 90-120
percent of declared dosage and to another country that stipulates 85-115
percent, for example. Both these standards aim to correct for the fact that
drugs such as antibiotics degrade quickly, making a high initial dose accept-
able. However, manufacturers could technically aim to fill only the lower
bound of the dosage requirements and be within the letter of the law. A
study of amoxicillin samples in Arab countries found that most samples’ ac-
tive ingredient concentrations were bordering the U.S. Pharmacopeia lower
limit (Kyriacos et al., 2008). The authors admitted, however, that many of

the problematic samples would have been judged acceptable by the wider
British Pharmacopoeia standard (Kyriacos et al., 2008).
Participants at the public meetings for this study mentioned concerns
with parallel production, but evidence for it is largely anecdotal. There is
reason to suspect tiered manufacturing when the dose of active ingredient
is consistently lower, never higher, than the label claim (Bate et al., 2009b).
Drugs, especially tablets, of less than half the labeled potency before the ex-
piry date are particularly dubious. In a hospital dispensary in rural Nepal,
a bottle of pediatric amoxicillin from a WHO-certified producer with
many obvious labeling and packaging defects also suggests either parallel
manufacturing or diversion, a problem discussed in Chapter 5 (Brhlikova
et al., 2007).
Tiered manufacturing is a rising problem in emerging manufacturing
nations. A 2006 Lancet report described a shift in Russia from most bad
medicines being falsified drugs made “in basements and small backroom
enterprises” to ones coming from legitimate companies running “a ‘night
shift’ to produce extra quantities of a certified drug that does not pass
quality control, or sophisticated copies of well-known drugs . . . often with
reduced levels of expensive active ingredients” (Parfitt, 2006, p. 1481). The
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) described a similar
case in India. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) revoked
market authorization from an Indian drug manufacturer found to be pro-
ducing antibiotics with no active ingredients (UNODC, 2010). After losing
its license, “the factory continued to operate at night, until an evening
raid by police uncovered an underground cellar in the factory, where exact
look-alikes of several popular, fast-moving, high-cost medicines were being
manufactured, most of which contained no active ingredient” (UNODC,
2010, p. 187).
Jiben Roy reported on a similar case: A Bangladeshi company delib-
erately kept the active ingredients in paracetemol, ampicillin, and cotri-
moxazole below the labeled concentrations after repeated warnings from
the regulatory authority (Roy, 1994). In the same paper he attributed the
manufacturer’s quality failures in their cheaper product lines to negligence
alone. Their B-vitamins, for example, contained the proper ingredients,
but in erratic doses (Roy, 1994). This paper was able to make distinctions
between the deliberate quality failures and negligence because the author
had close knowledge of the manufacturer and its history. Usually only the
national regulatory authority could have the information needed to make
this distinction. In many countries, even the regulatory authority would
not have that information or the political will to act on it (Christian et al.,
2012b).
Pinpointing cases of deliberate tiered manufacturing is difficult to do,
though it is easier to see practices that allow it happen. Poor oversight of

contract manufacturers is one such practice. A combination of technologi-

cal sophistication and low labor costs in some developing countries attract
drug companies, both innovator and generic, to contract with manufactur-
ers abroad (PWC, 2010). Setting up a drug factory in India, for example,
costs companies about 40 percent of what they would pay in North Amer-
ica or Europe (PWC, 2010).
Companies provide contract manufacturers with the materials, includ-
ing packaging, to make their products. As Dilip Shah, Secretary General of
the Indian Pharmaceutical Alliance, explained to a committee delegation
in India, “Very few companies, foreign or domestic, monitor the [contract
manufacturer’s] process loss of raw materials, active ingredients, and pack-
aging materials. I have known of cases of 15 to 20 percent packaging mate-
rial losses and companies are not bothered.” These contract manufacturers
have established distribution channels; it is not difficult for them to intro-
duce falsified drugs into the market. Because the contract manufacturers
have the processes and materials needed to produce a proper drug, they will
sometimes sell perfectly made drugs outside of the licit distribution system.
More often, they will use legitimate packaging to disguise a false product.
Pharmaceutical exporting countries can also unintentionally facilitate
tiered manufacturing by not requiring the same evaluations for exported
drugs as for those sold domestically (Caudron et al., 2008). In general,
regulatory agencies are responsible for protecting their country’s domestic
medicine supply; ensuring quality for exported products is often beyond
their mandate and budget. Importing countries’ regulatory agencies have
the right to inspect producers abroad, but the breadth of international
supply chains makes this a difficult job even for the most mature agencies
(IOM, 2012). It is more difficult for low- and middle-income countries to
ensure checks on drug quality during manufacture, a problem discussed
later in this chapter.
Procurement and Substandard Medicines

When regulatory checks on production are inconsistent, procurement
practices can help ensure that quality medicines get the largest market
share. The Global Fund explains the goal of good procurement as supplying
medicine “meeting agreed quality standards at the lowest possible price and
in accordance with national and international laws” (Global Fund, 2009,
p. 6). Government agencies procuring medicines have to reconcile a tension
between quality and price (Torstensson and Pugatch, 2012). The WHO
Operational Principles for Good Pharmaceutical Procurement discusses
the hidden costs of cheap drugs, including poor shelf life and health threats
(WHO, 1999, 2002a). The firms that offer the cheapest prices may do so
by buying impure ingredients or cutting corners in formulation.
Good procurement dictates that the cheapest tenders are not accepted

if they are of dubious quality, but it is difficult not to be swayed by price,

especially for provincial health offices and other small procurement agen-
cies (Bate, 2007; Harper et al., 2007). Chinese provincial procurement, for
example, is known for “pressuring manufacturers to produce the lowest
cost possible while preserving their profits” (Burkitt, 2012). These agencies
face pressure to supply medicines for entire populations on tight budgets;
sometimes there is added demand to support local manufacturers (Dickens,
2011; Torstensson and Pugatch, 2012). Openness in procurement can bal-
ance these pressures by exposing unnecessarily high costs or bad quality,
but transparency, which also includes vetting procurement officers for con-
flicts of interest, auditing suppliers, documenting decisions, and scrutinizing
procurement agents, adds costs to the process (Torstensson and Pugatch,
2012). For these reasons the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development (OECD) recommends “an adequate degree of transparency
in the entire procurement cycle to promote fair and equitable treatment for
potential suppliers” (OECD, 2009, p. 11).
Over the longer term, more openness is a good investment. In Argen-
tina, for example, a health transparency program brought down the pro-
curement costs of medicines (Lewis, 2006). Reducing costs of procurement
would be especially helpful in the poorest countries, which tend to spend
a higher proportion of their health budget on drugs and where medicines
are often expensive (Torstensson and Pugatch, 2012). In a study of 36 low-
and middle-income countries, Cameron and colleagues found that public
procurement agencies in the western Pacific, Africa, and the former Soviet
bloc pay an average of 34 to 44 percent above the international reference
prices (Cameron et al., 2008).
Donors may attempt to cover unmet demand for drugs, though donor
procurement also has problems. Methods for assuring the quality of do-
nated medicines vary by donor. The United States Agency for International
Development (USAID) requires FDA, or other stringent regulatory agency,
approval on donated medicines. It also has a prequalification process to
vet the wholesalers it works with (GAO, 2012). USAID contractors are
often responsible for implementing these rules in the field (Moore et al.,
2012). The Global Fund will accept WHO prequalification, the approval
of stringent regulatory authorities, or the review of an expert panel, espe-
cially for finished pharmaceuticals that are not prequalified by the WHO
(GAO, 2012). Many European donors ask their recipients to assure quality
of medicines procured with donated funds (Moore et al., 2012). Table 4-1
gives an overview of different agencies’ quality assurance policies.
Proper precaution in the medicines procurement process can prevent
poor-quality products from infiltrating the market. Good procurement
involves separating the various steps of procurement process identified in
Table 4-2. Good procurement also puts a strong emphasis on controlling
corruption and promoting transparency. The WHO’s Model Quality Assur-

ance System for procurement lays out the steps necessary for efficient and
open procurement of the best-quality medicines possible (WHO, 2007a).
Recommendation 4-2: Procurement agencies should develop a plan,

within the next 3 to 5 years, to comply with the World Health Orga-
nization’s Model Quality Assurance System for procurement agencies
and work to remove any barriers to compliance.
The technical aspects of good pharmaceutical procurement and dis-

tribution practices have always been part of training courses on medicine
supply management (MSH, 2012). The most complete and modern pro-
curement guideline is the 2006 Model Quality Assurance System for Pro-
curement Agencies, a United Nations interagency document endorsed by
the WHO, Unicef (the United Nations Children’s Fund), the UN Develop-
ment Program and Population Fund, and the World Bank (WHO, 2007a).
The model draws on the accumulated experience of these agencies’ procure-
ment experts and combines advice on the procurement of medicines, vac-
cines, diagnostic kits, and devices. The model focuses on four key activities:
prequalification of pharmaceutical products and manufacturers and drug
purchase, storage, and distribution. It presents the recommended practices
in great detail (WHO, 2007a).
At its launch in 2006, the model had an aspirational element; it de-
scribed standards that few if any of the international procurement agencies
were able to maintain at that time. In the past 6 years, large procurement
agencies have made great progress toward meeting the standards laid out
in the model (van Zyl et al., 2012). The committee sees the model quality
assurance system as a useful independent standard to assess procurement
agencies. The system is a practical tool that can be used by national and
international procurement agencies. Eventually, agencies can use the WHO
tool to prequalify suppliers; prequalification is a recommended piece of a
procurement system (MSH, 2011).
Modern pharmaceutical chains are international. No country is self-
sufficient in its medicine supply. Pharmaceutical procurement almost always
means working with foreign suppliers; a practice that exceeds capacity of
national regulators, who cannot hope to inspect foreign manufacturers as
they would domestic ones. Good procurement also means that only organi-
zations that follow the model system should import medicines. Small-scale
importation and procurement by small actors threaten the medicines supply
chain. This risk is not only present in developing countries. In many OECD
countries, pharmacies and private clinics import drugs directly from sup-
pliers, greatly increasing the risks of introducing a poor-quality product to
the market.

TABLE 4–1 Overview of Selected Donors’, Procurement Service Agencies’, and Quality-Assurance Organizations’ Quality-Assurance
Policies
Organization Policy Standards Assessment Tool
WHO Stringent regulatory authority WHO Good Manufacturing Dossier reviews and site inspections;
approval; WHO prequalification; Practices (GMP) and WHO recognition of approval by stringent
or expert review panel Model Quality Assurance System regulatory agencies (FDA, EMA,
recommendation (MQAS) for procurement etc.)
agencies
Global Fund WHO prequalification; stringent WHO GMP and WHO MQAS Expert review panel dossier reviews
regulatory authority approval; or (Global Fund, 2012) and inspections (Daviaud and Saleh,
expert review panel 2010)
recommendation (Daviaud and
Saleh, 2010)
European Commission’s Quality-assurance guidelines are “Every activity in the procurement None
Humanitarian Aid based on WHO prequalification and process should be carried out
Department (ECHO) model quality assurance system according the WHO standards
and norms relating [to] the quality

assurance of pharmaceutical
products which include good
manufacturing practices;
good distribution practices;
good storage practices; good
procurement practices based on
WHO’s Model Quality Assurance
System for procurement agencies”
(European Commission, 2011,
p. 46).
World Bank Prequalification of bidders WHO GMP Audits and inspections

(not products)

continued
149
150
USAID FDA or other stringent regulatory WHO GMP; WHO MQAS; U.S. Dossier reviews and inspections and
approval; WHO manufacturer Pharmacopeia; and International product quality assessments
and product prequalification; Pharmacopoeia
and Supply Chain Management
System procurement agency
prequalification
Department for International Procurement of commodities are Stringent regulatory approval; Third-party compliance is monitored
Development (DFID) done through third parties such national drug regulatory authority through normal channels of
as multilateral organizations, approval; WHO prequalification; oversight such as boards, steering
partnerships, or procurement and expert review panel approval committees and program reviews
agencies. DFID relies on the quality- (DFID, 2012) (personal communication, James
assurance policies of those third Droop, DFID, October 17, 2012).
parties (personal communication,
James Droop, DFID, October 17,
2012).
The Bill & Melinda Gates WHO prequalification of Grantees and partners use Funds WHO to conduct dossier
Foundation grantees and partners (personal WHO GMP and the WHO MQAS reviews and required inspections
communication, Vincent (personal communication, Vincent through its prequalification process.
Ahonkhai, The Bill & Melinda Gates Ahonkhai, The Bill & Melinda The foundation also reviews grantee
Foundation, October 3, 2012). Gates Foundation, October 3, and partner prequalification
2012). performance reports provided by
WHO (personal communication,
Vincent Ahonkhai, The Bill & Melinda
Gates Foundation, October 3, 2012).
Clinton Health Access Stringent regulatory approval Stringent regulatory authority Independent evaluations of product
Initiative (CHAI) of product dossiers and good approval and participation in dossiers (personal communication,
manufacturing approval for the Pharmaceutical Inspection Kelly Catlin, CHAI, October 3, 2012).
manufacturing sites (personal Cooperation Scheme (personal

communication, Kelly Catlin, CHAI, communication, Kelly Catlin,
October 3, 2012). CHAI, October 3, 2012).

UNITAID, UNAIDS, and Stringent regulatory authority WHO GMP; WHO MQAS Dossier reviews and inspections
UNICEF approval; WHO prequalification; (Unicef, 2011)
expert review panel
recommendation; and WHO/PAHO
pooled procurement (Unicef, 2011)
Doctors Without Borders MSF Qualification Scheme, WHO WHO GMP; WHO International Product dossier and manufacturing
(MSF) prequalification and stringent Pharmacopoeia; European site audits (MSF, 2006)
regulatory authority approval Pharmacopoeia;
(MSF, 2006) British Pharmacopoeia;
U.S. Pharmacopeia; and MSF
specifications for pharmaceutical
products (MSF, 2006)
NOTE: DFID = Department for International Development; ECHO = European Commission’s Humanitarian Aid Department; EMA = European Medicines Agency;
FDA = U.S. Food and Drug Administration; GMP = Good Manufacturing Practice; MQAS = Model Quality Assurance System for procurement agencies; PAHO = Pan Ameri-
can Health Organization; UNAIDS = Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS; Unicef = United Nations Children’s Fund; USAID = United States Agency for International
Development; WHO = World Health Organization.

SOURCE: Adapted from Moore et al., 2012.

151
Applying the Model Quality Assurance System to Secondary Procurement

The requirements for infrastructure, policies and documentation,
prequalification, purchasing, receipt, and distribution of medicines laid
out in the model quality assurance system are written for large national
or international agencies (WHO, 2006a). Much of the most problematic
procurement happens at subordinate levels, however. District hospitals
and health posts in poor countries will not likely meet the model standards
for premises, equipment, or staffing any time in the near future (Dickens,
2011).
In the meantime, if full preselection of quality suppliers is not possible,
interim solutions such as a two-envelope system can help reduce bias to-
ward the cheapest firms. In this system, used by the Delhi hospital system,
bidders submit their technical statement of work and their costs in sepa-
rate, sealed envelopes (Chaudhury et al., 2005). The reviewers evaluate the
quality controls in the statement of work. Only if the quality controls are
sufficient do they open the second envelope, containing the project budget.
Ultimately, medicine procurement is complicated and requires consid-
erable investment in staff and procedures. While the WHO model system
should guide drug procurement at the national level, small agencies will
never command the economies of scale necessary for good and open pro-
curement (Dickens, 2011; Rao et al., 2006; WHO, 1998). Cutting corners
in procurement creates opportunities for substandard products to infiltrate
the supply chain. Therefore, smaller organizations such as district health
offices should be free to choose the products and amounts they need from
licensed, national wholesalers or importers, but they should not procure
directly from manufacturers.
The committee recognizes that licensing wholesalers and importers
requires political will. It might take time to build momentum for this step,
as discussed further in Chapter 5. Therefore, the committee recommends
that national and international procurement agencies take 3 to 5 years to
develop and implement their compliance plans. These plans will identify
those agencies with the technical depth and buying power necessary to
comply with the WHO system. These agencies can develop their quality-
assurance system within the next 5 years. The regulatory authority can then
license national procurement agencies to buy medicines directly from manu-
facturers. Agencies that are not able to comply with the WHO’s minimum
standards will not be licensed for procurement. Instead, these organizations
will be able to order their medicines from licensed procurement agencies,
thereby making more efficient use of their staff and budgets and avoiding
the dangers of primary procurement.

TABLE 4–2 Pharmaceutical Procurement Best Practices
Pre-Procurement Stage
Ensure an adequate procurement infrastructure is in place.
Ensure health professional and technical capacity is high among officials.
Use written quality manual and written standard operating procedures.
Use of prescreening and prequalification is recommended for procurement agencies with

limited capabilities.
Prequalification must include quality assurance and quality testing through product and
manufacture assessments, including testing of batches.
Have management information systems in place to monitor actual supply and payment of
drugs as well as post-supply quality.
Estimates of medicines needed should be based on data like past use, morbidity records,
and consumption predictions.
Separate duties of pre-procurement process.
Procurement Stage
Procurement should be transparent, following formal written procedures and clear public
selection criteria.
International competitive bidding ensures economy efficiency and transparency and

should be used.
Separate duties of selection, product specification, and adjudication.
Quality assessment of drugs upon receipt, including lab testing, inspection of shipments,
and certificate of analysis of delivered products.
Domestic preferencing should not compromise quality standards.
Ensure technical specifications are right (e.g., dosage, storage, shelf life, delivery
expectations, etc.) in bidding documents.
Post-Procurement Stage
Continue to monitor quality of received drugs through independent testing.
Establish pharmacovigilance and adverse event reporting.
Conduct independent and transparent audits of procurement and supplier performance.
Regular new tenders should open to new bidders.
SOURCE: Adapted from Torstensson and Pugatch, 2012.
REASONS FOR FALSIFIED DRUGS

As Chapter 1 explains, the drug regulator, having the authority to li-
cense manufacturers and register medicines, can act against products made
by known manufacturers. When the manufacturer is falsely represented

• M aking fake medicine is an opportunistic crime, more common in

places where regulatory oversight is weak or inconsistent.
• Corruption allows for the manufacture, trade, and distribution of falsi-
fied medicines. Complicit government officials are often bribed with
revenue from the illicit pharmaceutical business.
• Criminals may intentionally price falsified products slightly lower than
legitimate drugs in order to guarantee their market share but avoid
consumer suspicion.
• Major pharmaceutical companies have security departments that
work with regulators and law enforcement agencies. These depart-
ments gather 80 percent of the evidence for criminal prosecution.
• Law enforcement agencies are cracking down on pharmaceutical
crime. Seizures of falsified medicine have tripled in Brazil and led to
1,900 arrests in China.
this is not possible. The regulator can only confirm that the producer is un-
known and turn the case over to law enforcement. The police and detectives
who inherit these cases have a difficult job gathering sufficient evidence for
a prosecution; there is usually little if anything to tie the falsified drug in
the market to the culprit (see Box 4-2). It is also hard to convince agents to
investigate pharmaceutical crime when they are under immediate pressure
to prosecute murders and other violent felonies. For all these reasons, falsi-
fying medicines has been called the perfect crime (Dobert, 2012; Kontnik,
2004; Nelson et al., 2006).
Corruption and Organized Crime

Making fake medicine is not difficult. The least sophisticated opera-
tions manage with empty capsules bought in the open market or a hand-
held pill press and any powder to load into it. Production costs on fake
drugs are low (Clark, 2008; Perrone, 2012). And, because the licit and
illicit supply chains mix in unregulated markets (described in Chapter 5),
the odds of getting away with the crime are good. As Chapter 3 describes,
the global burden of falsified and substandard medicines is borne dispro-
portionately by low- and middle-income countries. There is wide evidence
that criminals frequently target inexpensive anti-infective medicines, mostly
because they are bought often and by the largest segment of the population.
The UNODC therefore describes making falsified medicines as an “oppor-

BOX 4-2
Fatal Falsified Iron
When a drug that had been on the market for 40 years killed a
young, generally healthy woman in 2004 despite her six previous doses
with no side effects, the technical director of the AstraZeneca subsidiary
in Río Negra, Argentina, was alarmed and suspected impropriety. The
drug was Yectafer, an injectable iron supplement given to the patient for
her anemia. She died of liver failure within weeks of receiving the fatal in-
jection, unable to undergo transplant surgery quickly enough to save her
life (Loewy, 2007). A sample of the drug was sent for testing at the plant
and was immediately identified as a fake: the package labels were ap-
plied incorrectly, the name of the drug written in a different font, and the
color of the liquid significantly altered. Chemical analysis confirmed that
the bottle did not contain iron sorbitol, the active ingredient in Yectafer,
but a different form of iron at three times the stated dosage (Loewy,
2007). Despite an attempted recall, one more woman died in the ensuing
months, and at least eight women undergoing the same treatment were
hospitalized for liver damage, including a 22-year-old pregnant woman
whose condition caused her to deliver her baby prematurely at 26 weeks
(Loewy, 2007; WHO, 2006b).
Although some of the people involved in distributing the danger-
ous fake were charged for their crimes, lack of an effective paper trail
prevented Argentine authorities from tracking down the manufacturer.
The victims’ youth lent an emotional appeal to this incident, making it
the public face of drug regulation agenda, but Argentina was no stranger
to tragedy of this sort. Fake drugs for treating Parkinson’s disease circu-
lated in 1997 and exacerbated the symptoms they were taken to prevent
(Loewy, 2007). Weak regulation and the legal confusion made Argen-
tina’s drug supply vulnerable and hampered efforts to prosecute those
involved (WHO, 2006b).
tunistic crime, emerging where regulatory capacity is low, not where profits
would be highest” (UNODC, 2010, p. vi).
This is not to say that profits generated from falsifying drugs are
insignificant. In a study of fake malaria medications in Southeast Asia,
Dondrop and colleagues found the falsified artesenuate to be cheaper, but
only somewhat, than the authentic one (Dondorp et al., 2004). By pricing
their product just slightly under the legitimate drug, criminals can guaran-
tee market share, but they avoid pricing it so low as to arouse suspicion.
Falsified medicines can be priced less cautiously in the wholesale market,
however, because these markets are less regulated and customers are not the
general public but buyers for retail who are sometimes complicit. Tempo,
an Indonesian news magazine, reported on “astonishingly low” prices

in a medicines wholesale market in Jakarta (Silverman et al., 1992). The

story described how pharmacists unwilling to buy from the illegal markets
probably could not survive in business (Silverman et al., 1992). Box 4-3
describes the profit motive of one American pharmacist dealing in diluted
cancer drugs.
Interpol uses the term pharmaceutical crime to describe “the manufac-
ture, trade and distribution of fake, stolen or illicit medicines and medical
BOX 4-3
Adulterated Cancer Drugs
Robert Courtney, a pharmacist in Kansas City, Missouri, made mil-

lions selling adulterated drugs to patients and physicians throughout the
1990s until 2001, when he was prosecuted for his crimes. Most famous
for diluting chemotherapy drugs such as Taxol, Gemzar, Paraplatin, and
Platinol, Courtney regularly sold tampered versions of 72 different pre-
scription drugs. His first foray into pharmaceutical crime was illegally
purchasing drugs at low cost and selling them at market value, as well
as disguising generic drugs as their name-brand counterparts and charg-
ing the associated higher price. Seeking higher profits, he left the gray
market and turned to dilution (Belluck, 2001; Draper, 2003).
Traditionally, oncologists purchase chemotherapy drugs and dis-
solve them in saline at their offices. Robert Courtney was one of the first
pharmacists in the area to begin selling convenient, premixed cancer
drugs. By adding extra saline he stretched out his drug supply and made
enormous profit selling the expensive therapies. The practice was so lu-
crative that he began diluting more extensively, going so far that during
the investigation it was found that all of the mixtures sampled contained
39 percent or less of the proper dose and one even contained less than
1 percent. The substantial profit margin on the diluted drugs was the
motivating factor; in one case he allegedly made more than $700 from
one prescription. Courtney has admitted that his actions were “out of
greed” (Belluck, 2001).
Communication between Eli Lilly Corporation, which manufactures
Gemzar, and a physician prescribing the drug brought the scandal to
light. A sales representative noticed the discrepancy in the amount of
Gemzar that Courtney was buying from them and the amount he was
selling, which led to an investigation by the company (Belluck, 2001).
Although Eli Lilly dropped the investigation when it found no evidence
of Courtney’s buying drugs elsewhere, the representative mentioned the
finding to an affected physician, who sent samples of some of the drugs
for testing. When the samples contained approximately one-third of the
stated amount, she alerted authorities. After more than a decade of sell-
ing poor-quality drugs to more than 4,000 patients, Robert Courtney
was investigated by the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the FDA for
his crimes and sent to federal prison (Draper, 2003).

A medicines seizure in Shagamu, Nigeria, 2007.

SOURCE: © 2007 Opara Adolphus, Courtesy of Photoshare.
devices” (Interpol, 2012b). Pharmaceutical crime includes theft, trade, and

the money laundering criminals use to cover their tracks (Interpol, 2012b).
Corruption allows the crime to continue. Complicit government officials are
often bribed with revenue from the underground pharmaceutical business
(UNODC, 2010); criminal executives may be embedded in the government
hierarchy (Parfitt, 2006). Threats and bribery are the purview of members
of organized crime, who are often responsible for trafficking falsified medi-
cines, perhaps attracted by the mild punishments discussed below (Beken
and Balcaen, 2006; Interpol, 2012a). Interpol has evidence linking the trade
in falsified drugs to Al-Qaeda and transnational crime syndicates (Beken
and Balcaen, 2006; Liberman, 2012).
Enforcement and Punishment

When falsified medicines are also counterfeits that infringe on the
trademarks of multinational pharmaceutical companies, the company tar-
geted tries to respond. Major pharmaceutical firms have designated security
departments that work with regulators and law enforcement to gather
evidence for criminal prosecution (Cockburn et al., 2005). In general these
companies collect evidence and build 80 percent of the case against the

criminals, then hand the investigation over to law enforcement (Economist,

2012a).
Law enforcement agencies, for their part, are cracking down more on
pharmaceutical crime. The Chinese government, perhaps driven to improve
China’s reputation as the world leader in fake drugs, arrested more than
1,900 suspects from about 1,100 manufacturers in late July 2012 (Burkitt,
2012; Palmer, 2012; Quingyun, 2012). The 18,000 police officers working
in simultaneous raids across the country seized a range of falsified products,
including saline labeled as rabies vaccine and an obesity drug recalled from
the Chinese market because of toxic side effects (Quingyun, 2012). It was
not clear what products were destined for the domestic market and which
were meant for export (Palmer, 2012).
In an analysis of the Brazilian federal police reports, Ames and Souza
found that police seizure of falsified medicines roughly tripled between
2007 and 2010 (Ames and Souza, 2012). Most falsified products entered
Brazil from Paraguay, and the arrests were made at the border (Ames and
Souza, 2012). Some data suggest that arrests at the point of sale, manufac-
ture, and distribution are more common, however (see Table 4-3). Box 4-4
presents the Pharmaceutical Security Institute’s (PSI’s) 2010 and 2011 data
on arrests for pharmaceutical crime.
PSI data indicate that China and Brazil took the most police action
TABLE 4–3 Top Countries for Arrests, 2011
Country POS Trans Dist Mfg Theft Unk Total
1 China 74 3 92 120 0 110 399
2 Brazil 36 74 50 2 1 0 163
3 United States 47 1 62 0 1 1 112
4 Colombia 4 10 30 7 0 3 54
4 India 22 1 3 28 0 0 54
6 Pakistan 3 0 1 47 0 0 51
7 Thailand 37 0 3 10 0 0 50
8 South Korea 42 1 1 4 0 0 48
9 Israel 19 4 0 0 0 20 43
10 Poland 3 1 16 0 0 17 37
11 Spain 0 0 27 0 0 0 27
NOTES: Dist = distributing; Mfg = manufacturing; POS = point of sale; Trans = transporting; Unk = unknown.

BOX 4-4
Pharmaceutical Security Institute Crime and Arrest Data
The Pharmaceutical Security Institute, a nonprofit network of 25

major pharmaceutical companies’ security departments, maintains a da-
tabase on compromised medicines (PSI-Inc., 2012c). In PSI records, every
report of a fake product, either from member companies or from public
sources, is an incident. Incidents vary in their size and time frame (PSI-
Inc., 2012a). PSI also keeps records on arrests, gathered from members,
law enforcement officers, and open sources. These data indicate 1,311
arrests for pharmaceutical crime in 2011, a 14 percent increase from their
2010 records (PSI-Inc., 2012b). For 44 percent of their 2011 arrests data
and 59 percent of 2010 arrests data, PSI has sufficient information to tie
an arrest to an incident report in their database (PSI-Inc., 2011).
In both 2010 and 2011, about one-quarter of incidents ended in an
arrest. In 2011 PSI identified an increase in arrests at the point of sale
and during distribution (PSI-Inc., 2011). Figure 4-2 compares PSI data
from 2011 and 2010, excluding 191 incidents for which PSI had insufficient
information to confidently identify the point on the supply chain where
the arrest was made.
400
380 2010
350 355
2011
300 308
288
Number of arrests
250
239
231
200
150
131 126
100
50
32
20
0
Point of sale Manufacturing Distributor Transporting Theft
Type of activity
FIGURE 4–2 Arrests by activity, 2010–2011.

SOURCE: PSI-Inc., 2011.

TABLE 4–4 Top 10 Countries Ranked by

Number of Counterfeit Drug
Seizures and Discoveries in 2006
Number of
Country Seizures
1 Russia 93
2 China 87
3 South Korea 66
4 Peru 54
5 Colombia 50
6 United States 42
7 United Kingdom 39
8 Ukraine 28
9 Germany 25
10 Israel 25
NOTE: PSI uses the term counterfeit broadly,

the way this report uses the word falsified. See
page 23.
SOURCE: PSI-Inc., 2006.
against falsified medicines in 2011. Table 4-3 presents the number of ar-
rests in the PSI incident database by country. The countries with the most
serious problems might have no arrests in a year, as arrests depend on
government motivation to marshal the police. The momentum for labor-
intensive police raids is difficult to sustain. Only half of the countries on
PSI’s 2006 arrests list appear on the same list in 2011 (see Table 4-4). In
2006 Russia led in arrests for pharmaceutical crime after a series of raids
reported in the Lancet (Parfitt, 2006). At the time, Gennady Shirshov,
director of a Russian pharmaceutical industry association, predicted that
other criminal manufacturers would quickly replace the closed ones (Parfitt,
2006). Mr. Shirshov mentioned insufficient law enforcement interest in the
problem but concluded, “The legislation is inadequate. It’s a civil liability,
not a criminal one . . . and the fines are negligible” (Parfitt, 2006, p. 2).
As Box 4-5 mentions, perpetrators who are caught falsifying medicine
are punished leniently in some countries (Kyriacos et al., 2008; WHO,
2012a). In the United States, the Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act dictates
a penalty of 1 year in prison, a fine of no more than $1,000, or both
(Donaldson, 2010). Even repeat offenders are punished with no more than
3 years in prison or a fine of $10,000 (Donaldson, 2010). Considering that
the profit margin for falsified drugs runs in the billions, the risk-to-profit

BOX 4-5
Manuel Calvelo
From 2005 to 2008, Manuel Calvelo operated internet pharma-

cies selling misbranded and falsified drugs for sale without prescription
(DOJ, 2011). Calvelo sold $1.4 million worth of drugs on websites such
as allcheapdrugs.com, cheapdrugspharmacy.com, and trustgeneric.com.
He offered more than 40 products including Viagra, Zoloft, Lipitor, Cialis,
and Xanax (Kake.com, 2011). Many were purported generic versions of
patent-protected heart attack, stroke, and diabetes medications (PSM,
2011b).
Calvelo, a Belgian citizen, operated his business across borders. His
customer service call center was in the Philippines; he paid his employees
through wire transfers from Costa Rica, the Philippines, and the United
States. Internet companies in Ohio and Kansas hosted his websites and
he received payments through Dutch credit card processors from mostly
American customers (DOJ, 2011).
In 2007, an undercover agent from the FDA’s Office of Criminal
Investigation bought drugs from Calvelo’s websites (DOJ, 2011). These
drugs appeared legitimate. Chemical testing, however, proved they were
fake (PSM, 2011b). The agent later posed as a pharmaceutical wholesaler
looking to establish an internet pharmacy (PSM, 2011a). Calvelo de-
scribed the internet pharmacy scheme and the details of his operation
to the agent (DOJ, 2011).
Calvelo was arrested in Costa Rica and extradited to Kansas. In Janu-
ary 2011, he plead guilty to one charge of conspiracy to commit drug
trafficking and one charge of conspiracy to defraud the United States
(DOJ, 2011). According to Patrick Holland, the special agent in charge
of the FDA’s Office of Criminal Investigation’s Kansas City Field Office,
“The investigation and [Manuel Calvelo’s] sentencing reflect the serious-
ness of importing counterfeit and misbranded pharmaceutical drugs into
the United States” (DOJ, 2011). Calvelo was sentenced to 48 months in
prison and, as part of his plea, agreed to pay $1.4 million in fines (DOJ,
2011; Kake.com, 2011).
analysis favors the crime. Table 4-5 shows the penalties for falsifying medi-
cines in a selection of countries. The leniency in many countries may be a
function of outdated laws. Tables 4-6 and 4-7 show penalties for patent
and trademark infringement, which are dealt with more severely in some
countries.
Stricter and more consistent penalties could do much to fight the public
health crime of producing and trading fake medicines. Chapter 7 discusses
this solution in more detail, describing how a global code of practice could
encourage consistent strict minimum punishments for these offenses.

REASONS FOR BOTH

As Chapter 1 explains, falsified and substandard medicines overlap a
great deal. Much as poor-quality drugs are often both falsified and sub-
standard, some potentiating factors encourage both kinds of problems. The
high demand and erratic supply of drugs, weak regulatory systems, and lack
of political will contribute to the trade on both falsified and substandard
drugs.
Expense and Scarcity

Medicines are what economists describe as a comparatively inelastic
good (Arnold, 2008); changes in the unit price of the medicine have pro-
portionately little effect on the demand (Siminski, 2011). Price inelastic-
ity, combined with a high relative price, make medicines a major expense
for patients around the world. In the United States, health expenditures
on medicine rise sharply in middle life and average between $1,000 and
• T he demand for medicines is relatively consistent, though the sup-

ply is not. The private medicines market can be expensive and drug
scarcity drives up prices.
• Reducing the costs and increasing the availability of medicines would
remove some of the financial incentive to produce falsified and sub-
standard drugs.
• A robust generics market can keep drug prices down, but there are
cost barriers to market entry for many good-quality generics com-
panies. A more straightforward registration and application process
would reduce burdens on industry and regulators.
• Falsified and substandard medicines circulate because of weaknesses
in the regulatory system. Regulators in low- and middle-income coun-
tries need training, equipment, and technology, as well as guidelines
for strategic decisions about what to invest in first.
• In countries where state and federal governments share regulatory
oversight, the division of responsibility is not always clear. Substan-
dard drug production at the New England Compounding Center
happened because of insufficient clarity between state and national
responsibilities.
• Awareness of the problem of substandard and falsified medicines is
uneven. Patients and providers need accurate information about the
risks, communicated in way that empowers them to take reasonable
precautions to protect their safety.

$2,000 per person per year after age 45 (Paez et al., 2009). The cost of
medicine is even more of a burden in low- and middle-income countries,
where it accounts for 20-60 percent of health spending, and 90 percent
of the population pays for medicine out-of-pocket (Cameron et al., 2008;
WHO, 2004a,b).
The drug market is not stable; both price and supply fluctuate. Some-
times the supply falters because of shortages in the raw materials, as in 2004
when increased demand for artemisinin, combined with a poor Artemesia
annua harvest, drove up the price and led to stock-outs (Kindermans et al.,
2007; Newton et al., 2006b; Pilloy, 2009). More generally, drug supply
problems are driven by the economy. In the United States, for example,
manufacturers sometimes stop producing products with low profit margins,
such as sterile injectables—inexpensive products that are complicated to
make (Hoffman, 2012). Manufacturers also can lose interest in a drug after
its patent expires, when revenues from the product drop (Hoffman, 2012).
Although the United States has a more stable drug supply than most devel-
oping countries, there have been regular shortages for the past 15 years, es-
pecially among injectables, cancer drugs, and antibiotics (Hoffman, 2012).
Drug shortages are more common in developing countries (MDG Gap
Task Force, 2008). Survey data from the WHO and Health Action Inter-
national suggest that although medicines may be available free or cheaply
in public health centers, these centers often do not have the medicines
needed; availability is generally better in the private sector but for a much
higher price (Cameron et al., 2008; MDG Gap Task Force, 2008). Figure
4-3 shows that although private-sector outlets have a higher percentage of
drugs available than public-sector ones, there is still a great deal of unmet
need. A month’s course of the lowest-priced generic ulcer medication, for
example, is still more than 3 days’ wages for a low-paid government worker
in much of Africa, Eastern Europe, and the Middle East (Cameron et al.,
2008).
Reducing the costs and increasing the availability of medicines would
remove some of the financial incentive to produce and procure falsified
and substandard medicines. If patients had a plentiful supply of reliable,
affordable medicines, there would be less need to shop at unregulated gray
markets.
The WHO has recommended generic substitution as a way to keep
medicines costs down (MDG Gap Task Force, 2008), but this depends
on a supply of high-quality generic medicines on the market. For generic
manufacturers, companies that generally run on low margins, the costs of
proving bioequivalence and preparing a manufacturer’s dossier for regula-
tory review can be prohibitive to market entry (Lionberger, 2008). Different
regulatory authorities have different, often widely divergent, requirements
for establishing bioequivalence (Mastan et al., 2011). To complicate the

100
164
90
80
76.3
70
64.3 65.8
60.7 61.8
60
50
44.3 43.1
40
37.8
36.1 36.1
Average availability (%)

30
27.0
22.3
20
10
0
Low Other Lower– Upper– Low Other Lower– Upper– Low Other Lower– Upper–
income: low middle middle income: low middle middle income: low middle middle
India income income income India income income income India income income income
(n=7) (n=15) (n=9) (n=3) (n=7) (n=17) (n=11) (n=3) (n=7) (n=17) (n=11) (n=4)
Public sector, generics Private sector, generics Private sector, originator brands
World Bank income group

FIGURE 4–3 Average of country-level mean percentage availability of medicines
by World Bank income group. Data are mean (maximum/minimum).
SOURCE: Cameron et al., 2008. Reprinted from the Lancet with permission from Elsevier.
problem, many small regulatory authorities lack the technical depth to

evaluate the bioequivalence data that generics manufacturers submit (Hill
and Johnson, 2004).
Reducing the Costs of Market Authorization

The International Conference on Harmonisation of Technical Require-
ments for Registration of Pharmaceuticals for Human Use (ICH) brings to-
gether industry experts and regulators from Europe, Japan, and the United
States to promote harmonized product registration requirements (ICH,
2010). To this end, ICH developed the Common Technical Document, a
common application for medicines registration (ICH, 2012). The WHO has
published guidance on preparation of generic product dossiers in keeping
with the Common Technical Document format (Rägo, 2011; WHO, 2011).
The committee believes this format could be useful to regulators and gener-
ics companies in low- and middle-income countries.
The use of a common form has made drug registration more efficient
in Europe (Brousseau, 2012; ICH, 2010; Sahoo, 2008). It also controls the
demands that registration puts on manufacturers. Harmonized applications
also give regulators a common format to discuss their product registration
process. Like sharing inspections and other harmonization efforts, the use
of the common document increases efficiency and promotes a common
language among regulators.
Recommendation 4-3: Regulatory authorities in low- and middle-

income countries should use the International Conference on Harmoni-
sation Common Technical Document format for product registration
to better harmonize their procedures and reduce application costs for
manufacturers. To the same end, they should also conduct joint inspec-
tions and use a common inspection report.
A more robust generic drug market in low- and middle-income coun-

tries could help prevent the drug shortages and price spikes that encourage
the sale of poor-quality products. Regulatory authorities can work to better
harmonize their procedures, thereby improving their own efficiency and
reducing barriers to market entry for good-quality generics manufacturers.
The use of the ICH Common Technical Document format for registration
would ease the regulatory burden on generics companies. Regulators also
reap a spillover benefit of more convergent regulatory systems without
negotiating cumbersome mutual recognition agreements. The Singaporean
drugs regulatory authority has promoted the common format, citing its ease
of use and the way it facilitates sharing information among other regula-
tors in the region (Poh, 2011). Similarly, Southeast Asian companies benefit

from the common format which allows them to prepare submissions for
several countries at once (Poh, 2011).
The cost of bioequivalence testing runs from $50,000 to $200,000
(GIZ, 2012). Bioequivalence testing also requires sophisticated laborato-
ries that are not available in many countries. This baseline cost to generic
companies does not include several person-months of staff costs for revis-
ing registration application data into a new dossier. The costs of market
authorization are prohibitively expensive, especially for entry into a small
country’s market. When the overwhelmed regulatory authority will allow
it, companies avoid the expense by submitting no proof of bioavailability;
others falsify bioavailability data (Silverman, 2011).
Evidence suggests that these high costs keep generics companies out
of the market and increase costs to the consumer (Mastan et al., 2011;
Rawlins, 2004). Even multinational, innovator pharmaceutical companies
struggle to convert applications between FDA and EMA formats. A 1996
industry study estimated that converting applications took between 2 and
10 months and significant staff time and expense (Molzon, 2009). Differ-
ent standards for bioequivalence assessment also encourage the problem
of widely divergent national drug quality standards (Mastan et al., 2011).
If the application and registration process were more straightforward
then more good-faith companies could enter the market, increasing the sup-
ply of reliable drugs and controlling costs. The committee also believes that
a consistent use of the common registration format could further the cause
of regulatory harmonization, which would improve the drug regulatory
systems in low- and middle-income countries. Harmonization also controls
the burdens regulation puts on manufacturers; shared inspections are more
efficient and less disruptive to industry. Generics companies, which gener-
ally have fewer staff than innovator companies, are disproportionately
disturbed by frequent inspections.
Weak Regulatory Systems

A competitive generics market benefits consumers, as does a rigorous
and unpredictable inspection regime (Mackintosh et al., 2011). In many
developing countries, lack of confidence in the regulatory system breeds
low enthusiasm for generic medicines (Hassali et al., 2009; Kaplan et al.,
2012; Russo and McPake, 2010). Doctors and patients may perceive these
products as lower quality (Chua et al., 2010; Gossell-Williams, 2007). An
influx of generic medicines will only reduce the circulation in falsified and
substandard drugs when there is a system to assure consumers of medicines
quality. In their review of policy actions to promote generic medicines,
Kaplan and colleagues conclude that a functioning medicines regulatory

authority is a necessary condition for a robust generic medicines market

(Kaplan et al., 2012).
The drugs regulatory authority has the ultimate responsibility for the
quality of medicines in the country. That includes registering medicines,
issuing licenses and market authorization, postmarket surveillance, quality
control testing, oversight of drug trials, and manufacturer and distributor
inspections (IOM, 2012; WHO, 2010a). The regulatory authority also
provides health workers and the public with accurate information on the ra-
tional and safe use of medicines and punishes illegal trade in drugs (WHO,
2012b). This range of responsibilities requires significant technical depth in
staffing and political will to enforce regulations. Staffing shortages are often
a problem in the public sector in low- and middle-income countries, where
regulators are poorly paid and not well respected (IOM, 2012).
Staffing shortages at the regulatory authority are a particularly serious
problem in India and China, two main pharmaceutical producing nations
with massive industries to oversee. In 2003 the Mashelkar Commission
estimated about 5,877 licensed manufacturers in India; other estimates cite
as many as 20,000 Indian drug manufacturers, some very small (Govern-
ment of India, 2003; KPMG International, 2006). In any case, only 250 to
300 of them are major producers (KPMG International, 2006). China has
a comparatively more manageable 3,500 companies, down from roughly
5,000 in 2004; the reduction is partly the result of heightened enforcement
in the wake of a series of drug contamination scandals (Reuters, 2008).
The pharmaceutical industry in both countries is exceptionally frag-
mented. The top 10 pharmaceutical companies in India cover about 30 per-
cent of the domestic market (KPMG International, 2006); in China the top
10 companies account for only 10 percent (Sun et al., 2008). In contrast,
the top 10 innovator pharmaceutical companies control about 42 percent
of the international market (Sun et al., 2008). Inspecting and licensing so
many factories would be an overwhelming task for a well-funded regula-
tory agency with sufficient staff. In both China and India, the understaffed
provincial authorities oversee licensing and inspecting manufacturers, with
uneven results. In 2007 a Chinese provincial regulator issued 67 forged
manufacturing licenses for a bribe (Liu, 2010). Indian regulators sometimes
approve medicines without trials or valid expert review and authorize ir-
rational, even dangerous, fixed-dose formulations of multiple active com-
pounds (Vaidyanathan, 2012). Drugs that neighboring countries ban are
often available in India because the regulatory agencies cannot enforce bans
or execute recalls (Shaji and Lodha, 2010).
There are similar problems in less industrialized countries. A WHO sur-
vey of 26 drug regulatory authorities in sub-Saharan Africa found that only
one country’s regulator published guidelines on good distribution, while
only 20 percent published internationally rigorous manufacturing practices

25
20
Number of NMRAs
15
10
0
Marketing Licensing Inspection Quality Pharmaco- Control of Control of
authorization control vigilance promotion clinical trials
Done by NMRA Done by NMRA+other

Done by other body Assigned to NMRA but not done
Not assigned
FIGURE 4–4 Number of sub-Saharan African countries out of 26 surveyed

meeting the main functions of a regulatory authority.
NOTE: NMRA = National Medicines Regulatory Authority.
SOURCE: WHO, 2010a.
(WHO, 2010a). The same study found that several regulatory authorities
grant licenses and renewals with no inspections, that operating procedures
for conducting inspections were woefully weak, and that 35 percent of
the regulatory authorities have no legal authority for inspections (WHO,
2010a). Figure 4-4 shows the number of agencies out of the 26 surveyed
that can perform drug regulatory functions. All of these weaknesses allow
for falsified and substandard drugs to circulate. As one of the participants
in the WHO study explained, “The illicit medicines market has become a
real plague. . . . All therapeutic classes can be found, including psychotro-
pic medicines, and there is no national strategy to combat this situation”
(WHO, 2010a, p. 16).
Governments in low- and middle-income countries need a strategy to
act against falsified and substandard medicines. Any viable solution will
include strengthening the drug regulatory system, including building the
inspectorate, enforcing quality standards, and licensing in accordance with
international standards. Without a competent regulatory authority to in-
spect wholesalers, distributors, and manufacturers, opportunities to corrupt
the drug supply abound. Box 4-6 describes a patient safety disaster follow-
ing the disbanding of the Pakistani national regulatory authority.
A 2012 Institute of Medicine report called for greater international
investment in building food and drug regulatory systems in developing
countries and for an international training and credentialing system for

BOX 4-6
Dissolution of the Pakistani Drug Regulatory Authority
Over the course of several weeks in January 2012, more than 120
patients in Lahore, Pakistan, died of drug overdoses and hundreds more
suffered adverse reactions after being treated with contaminated heart
medicine at the Punjab Institute of Cardiology (Arie, 2012). The drug
responsible was Isotab (isosorbide mononitrate, 20 mg), manufactured
by Efroze Chemical in Karachi, Pakistan (Arie, 2012). Each Isotab tablet
contained isosorbide mononitrate, as well as 14 times the normal dose
of the antimalarial drug pyrimethamine. The overdose caused rapid bone
marrow, white blood cell, and platelet depletion (BBC, 2012). The drug’s
packaging did not contain dates of manufacture or expiration, and the
drugs were given to patients for free (Arie, 2012). Drug pricing was a
concern at Punjab Institute of Cardiology. Anonymous sources at the
hospital reported significant pressure to buy the lowest cost drugs avail-
able. Under Pakistani law, when the lowest bidder does not win a sale,
rejected firms can bring lawsuits against the hospital (BBC, 2012).
Pharmaceutical regulation in Pakistan is particularly weak. Though
the government approved an independent drug regulatory authority in
2005, political tensions prevented action (Arie, 2012). In 2010, a con-
stitutional amendment further debilitated regulation by abolishing the
ministry of health. Provincial governments, many with weak infrastruc-
tures, were given sole responsibility for drug regulation. Manufacturers
exploited the confused system by rapidly registering thousands of drugs
(Khan, 2012).
Following the Isotab scandal, the Pakistan Supreme Court ordered
action on the independent agency. Doctors have expressed doubts, fear-
ing that insufficient regulatory expertise and ineffective execution will
impede the new agency’s success (Khan, 2012). Their concerns appear
to be well founded. The new agency’s board includes only one position
for an expert in medicine or pharmacy (Khan, 2012).
Protesters in Lahore, January 2012.

SOURCE: Owasis Asam Ali, Demotix News.

regulators (IOM, 2012). This committee supports these recommendations.

It also recognizes that the magnitude of the task facing these agencies is
overwhelming and that governments need to make drug quality a priority,
and then empower their regulatory agencies to improve.

tries should support their regulatory agencies to develop strategic plans
for compliance with international manufacturing and quality-control
standards. In the least developed countries, international organizations
should support their efforts.
International quality standards for drug manufacture depend on the

competence of the national regulatory authority. Regulators in low- and
middle-income countries need training, equipment, technology, and refer-
ence standards (IOM, 2012). The agencies’ budgets do not allow for im-
provements in all these areas, and the scope of the needs can overwhelm
the agencies, leading to inaction. It is important for regulators to make
strategic decisions about what to invest in first. A strategic plan can help
identify an organization’s priorities and guide activities that advance these
priorities (Tominaga, 2012).
The committee believes that making a strategic plan is feasible for
almost all poor countries. The process of making the plan helps regulators
advocate for better support from their ministers and identify places for do-
nors to contribute. At a strategic planning workshop in 2010, for example,
the Namibian health minister asked the regulatory authority to propose
ways to build capacity in the agency and to advance harmonized regulatory
systems in southern Africa (TIPC, 2010).
Agencies in the poorest countries should first enforce standards in man-
ufacturing, wholesale, and retail. The WHO and more developed regulatory
agencies should support these improvements. There is good precedent for
such collaboration. The WHO prequalification program has a capacity-
building function. As part of the program, regulators from low- and middle-
income countries serve 3-month rotations at WHO headquarters (WHO,
2010b). Their rotations require close work with prequalification assessors
and allow for sharing ideas about how to monitor manufactures (WHO,
2010b). A similar partnership among regulators could also be useful. Some
regulatory agencies in emerging economies have made great progress in
a relatively short time. These agencies are well positioned to help their
counterparts in other developing countries set out their goals. For example,
experts from the Brazilian drug regulatory agency, Anvisa, could work with
their counterparts in Mozambique or Angola to help develop realistic plans.
A strategic plan for compliance with international standards can help
reduce redundant work and fragmentation. Both industry and regulators

would agree to work toward the priorities identified on the strategic plan,
and all work would be directly related to the plan, an openly shared docu-
ment (Tominaga, 2012). For many smaller countries the plan should include
a strategy for sharing work and pooling resources. At the regional level,
the New Partnership for Africa’s Development recently published a 5-year
strategic plan for regulatory harmonization (NEPAD, 2011). This docu-
ment identified the technical barriers facing African regulators, clarified
the mission of the African Medicines Regulatory Harmonization (AMRH)
project, and identified objectives for 2011-2015 (NEPAD, 2011).
Multilateral agencies, such as development banks, should support the
development and implementation of strategic plans for compliance with
international standards. The pharmaceutical market is international, and
everyone has an interest in promoting global standards. There is precedent
for such investment. The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, the British De-
partment for International Development, the World Bank, and the WHO
all support the AMRH program (AMRH, 2012). Donor agencies can do
similar work, as USAID has in support of postmarket surveillance in Latin
America, Southeast Asia, and Africa (Miarlles, 2011).
Regulators will welcome the strategic investments this planning would
bring. Governments need to support these investments as well. Compliance
with international standards will demand a wide range of activities, includ-
ing research, education, supply chain management, and incentives for the
private sector. The regulatory agency alone cannot effect change and will
need government support to marshal the involvement of all stakeholders.
Developed country governments also need to improve support for their
regulatory agencies. At the time this report was prepared, substandard
injectable drugs caused a fungal meningitis outbreak in the United States,
bringing the topic of drug regulatory oversight to the forefront of the U.S.
political discourse.
Gaps in Regulatory Oversight

On September 21, 2012, the Tennessee Department of Health notified
the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) about an outbreak
of meningitis caused by fungal infection through a contaminated epidural
steroid injection from New England Compounding Pharmacy Center in
Framingham, Massachusetts (CDC, 2012). By early 2013, the CDC had
counted 693 illnesses and 45 deaths in 19 states from the contaminated
drug (CDC, 2013). The FDA’s October 2012 inspection report indicated
gross violations of good manufacturing practices, including visible contami-
nation of equipment and drug ingredients at the New England Compound-
ing Pharmacy (FDA, 2012b).
The outbreak brought to light a gap in the U.S. regulatory system. The

FDA’s MedWatch system had identified drug quality problems with meth-
ylprednisolone acetate, the steroid that caused the 2012 outbreak, at New
England Compounding Center in 2002 and 2004 (Energy and Commerce
Committee, 2012). The FDA and Massachusetts state inspectors uncov-
ered sanitary violations in a joint inspection and issued the manufacturer a
warning in 2006 (Energy and Commerce Committee, 2012). The problem
is not confined to New England Compounding Center. In 2002, nonsterile
practices at a South Carolina compounding pharmacy caused a similar,
though smaller, outbreak (CDC, 2002). Since 2001, the FDA has issued
67 warning letters to various compounding pharmacies (Markey, 2012),
but the FDA’s authority over these organizations is unclear and has been
for some time. In 1996, David Kessler, then FDA commissioner, testified
that compounding pharmacies threatened to create “a shadow industry” of
unregulated drug manufacture (Kessler, 1996).
In the United States, professional practice, including the practice of
medicine and pharmacy, is regulated by the states. Compounding phar-
macies, which were traditionally small operations that prepared custom
drugs for individual patients, fall under state jurisdiction (Burton et al.,
2012). Pharmacy councils have long resisted federal interference in their
practice, including oversight of compounding pharmacies (Calvan, 2012;
Markey, 2012). At the same time, enforcement of the Food, Drug, and
Cosmetic Act, which controls the marketing and manufacture of medicines,
is the FDA’s responsibility. Large compounding pharmacies are in practice
much closer to small manufacturers than pharmacies (Burton et al., 2012),
though compounding pharmacies do not register with the FDA as manu-
facturers (Outterson, 2012). A 2007 bill aimed to increase FDA oversight
of compounding pharmacies, but met the vociferous opposition of the
International Association of Compounding Pharmacists and died in com-
mittee (Burton et al., 2012). Confusion over the regulation of compounding
pharmacies was evident at congressional hearings on November 14, 2012
(Grady, 2012). New York Times reporter Denise Grady observed, “The
hearing was titled ‘The Fungal Meningitis Outbreak: Could It Have Been
Prevented?,’ but the question was never really answered” (Grady, 2012).
Disagreement over what authority the FDA has promotes a degree of
paralysis. Neither the state of Massachusetts nor the FDA had clear control
over the New England Compounding Center. Confusion about their re-
sponsibilities created a regulatory gap that the company exploited. Similar
confusion causes regulatory gaps in other countries where national and
local governments share responsibilities for drug regulation. In 2003, the
Mashelkar Report raised concerns with Indian states’ uneven implementa-
tion of drug regulations (Government of India, 2003). More recent testing
and sampling confirms that drug quality is still more reliable in states with
stricter regulations (Bate et al., 2009a). Brazil, China, Russia, and many

other large countries face similar problems (Mooney, 2010; Vashisth et al.,
2012).
Lack of Awareness and Action

As Chapter 3 explains, there is a dearth of reliable estimates of the
scope of the problem of falsified and substandard medicines. Without a
clear picture of the extent of the problem, which products are compro-
mised, and where the products surface, it is difficult to develop an appropri-
ate prevention strategy and monitor progress. An insufficient understanding
of the scope of the problem also contributes to a lack of awareness about
substandard and falsified drugs among health workers and the general
population. Increasing public awareness will not in and of itself decrease
falsified and substandard medicines, because consumers cannot distinguish
safe and unsafe medicine in the marketplace. However, public awareness is
a useful way to drive political will for correcting the problem and to edu-
cate people on warning signs of compromised medicines.
Uneven Awareness
Starting in the early 2000s, medicines counterfeiting (as it was then
called) has been the topic of some media attention. General awareness of
the problem was still poor, however (Cockburn et al., 2005; Newton et al.,
2006a). Reporting was “alarming[ly] low”: between 2002 and 2004 the
WHO received no reports of fake drugs from any member states (Newton
et al., 2006a). This began to change in 2006 when the International Medical
Products Anti-Counterfeiting Task Force (IMPACT) made raising aware-
ness one of its main goals (Liberman, 2012).
IMPACT, and the larger debate about pharmaceutical fraud that it was
a part of, appears to have had success in raising awareness of the problem
in some parts of the world. A 2010 Gallup poll in sub-Saharan African
countries found that the majority of the public in 15 of the 17 countries
surveyed were aware that fake medicines were a problem (see Table 4-8)
(Ogisi, 2011). The leadership of drugs regulators in Nigeria, one of the
largest and most influential African countries, might have contributed to
the public consciousness in Africa (see Box 4-7). More recently, Interpol
launched an awareness campaign featuring South Africa’s Yvonne Chaka
Chaka and Senegal’s Youssou N’Dour, two of the continent’s biggest ce-
lebrities (Interpol, 2011). Awareness of the problem is also growing in
Southeast Asia (Christian et al., 2012a; Gleeson, 2012).
Other research suggests gaps in awareness, especially among the poor-
est people in society. A qualitative study of Sudanese policy makers and
pharmacists suggested that awareness of counterfeit products is lowest

TABLE 4–8 Response to the Question “Are

You Aware of the Presence of Fake Medicine
in This Country?”
Country % Yes
Cameroon 91
Sierra Leone 83
Nigeria 83
Liberia 79
Ghana 74
Mali 74
Central African Republic 72
Burkina Faso 71
Uganda 70
Zimbabwe 69
Tanzania 66
Senegal 65
Kenya 63
Niger 62
Chad 58
Botswana 32
South Africa 25
NOTE: Data collected by Gallup in 2010. By fake medicine, we

mean a product that looks like the real one but doesn’t provide
the same effect and could even have bad side effects.
SOURCE: Ogisi, 2011.
among the poor and people living in remote areas (Alfadl et al., 2012).
Participants at overseas site visits for this study mentioned similar patterns
in many developing countries. Often, well-educated urban consumers un-
derstand the threat of fake drugs and take precautions to avoid them. The
poorest patients, and those living in areas with few to no reliable pharma-
cies, are often the least aware. Moreover, as Chapter 5 will discuss, they
often have no choice but to buy medicines in the open market or have no
money to buy from a registered pharmacy.
It is not clear how well informed populations in other parts of the

BOX 4-7
A National Awareness Campaign in Nigeria
In February 2005, the Nigerian drugs regulatory agency launched a

national awareness campaign about fake medicines in Nigeria (Akunyili,
2005). The success of this program may account for Nigerians’ high (83
percent) awareness of the problem (Ogisi, 2011).
The awareness campaign had several pieces. The agency broadcast
short public service announcements on television and radio in English
and local languages. “There is a development,” a young businessman tells
an obvious kingpin in one television piece; “you can no longer use my
warehouse or any of my outlets for the distribution of your fake drugs!”
(NAFDAC, 2011). The piece ends with the villain arrested at gunpoint to
voiceover assurance of the agency’s commitment to protect the Nigerian
public.
Other pieces of the public awareness campaign intended to change
consumer behavior (Akunyili, 2005). The regulators reasoned that if
consumers were informed about falsified medicines and empowered to
make safe choices, they would. To this end, they published lists of known
fake products and photos illustrating warning signs in daily newspapers
(Akunyili, 2006; Raufu, 2006). High school consumer safety clubs helped
enlist youth in the cause. Since 2002, the agency has sponsored an es-
say contest on medicine safety for students, awarding cash prizes to the
winners and computers to their schools (Akunyili, 2006).
A public health campaign poster from Nigeria.

SOURCE: Jack, 2007. Reprinted with permission from BMJ
Publishing Group LTD.

world are about falsified and substandard drugs. People in developed coun-
tries, who have long taken medicines regulation for granted, are among
the least knowledgeable. An Inter-Press Service story reported that 20
percent of Western Europeans did not consider it dangerous to circumvent
traditional pharmacies to buy medicine (Stracansky, 2010). The same be-
havior has long been normal in the United States, where pharmacy tourism
to Canada and Mexico has been common since the 1970s (Rabinovitch,
2005). Chapter 5 will discuss the internet pharmacies that have largely
replaced in-person cross-border shopping.
Public Action
Educating the public on the problems of falsified and substandard
medicines is important, but only insomuch as education empowers people
to act. In an international site visit for this report, a procurement agency
informed the IOM delegation that when they uncover manufacturers mak-
ing substandard drugs they do not report the offense to the authorities.
The reasons they gave included doubt that the regulator would act on their
information and fear of litigation.
Similar attitudes may underlie a lack of reporting of adverse drug reac-
tions among health workers in developing countries. Health workers are
the first line for monitoring the safety of medicines. Their role in surveil-
lance is important in low- and middle-income countries, where falsified
and substandard drugs are common, and less than 27 percent have func-
tional pharmacovigilance systems (Pirmohamed et al., 2007). Reporting of
adverse drug events is generally low in these countries (Chedi and Musa,
2011; Fernandopulle and Weerasuriya, 2003; WHO, 2002b). Few staff are
trained in pharmacovigilance, a practice sometimes seen as adding to the
responsibilities of already overworked health professionals (Olsson et al.,
2010; Sharma and Ahuja, 2010).
The increasing awareness of falsified and substandard medicines could
drive improved pharmacovigilance in developing countries. Awareness cam-
paigns and investigative reporting reach health workers as well as they
reach the rest of the public. There is also a need for targeted health worker
education on falsified and substandard medicines, emphasizing the correct
reporting channels health workers can use to confirm suspected cases of
falsified and substandard drugs. Much useful work has been done on the
first steps of this process; clinicians struggling to broach the topic with their
patients can consult the World Health Professionals Alliance guidelines on
how to inquire about suspicious medicines (see Box 4-8).
Chapter 3 describes governments’ and drug companies’ reluctance to
share information on substandard and falsified drugs (Cockburn et al.,
2005). Pharmaceutical companies fear damage to their branding from

BOX 4-8
Health Worker Guidelines
It is important for health care workers to query gently, by asking
1. Where patients will or did buy the medicine. Emphasis can be placed
on the importance of buying medicine from a pharmacy or other
known and reliable sources.
For example: “Did you purchase the medicine from a known and reli-
able source?”
2. W
hat patients should look out for when they buy medicines. It can be
suggested that patients check the packaging, the product, and the
patient leaflet when they purchase medicine.

For example: “Was the packaging of the product intact, properly
sealed, clearly labeled with dosing, manufacturer, batch number, and
expiry date?”
3. H
ow the medicine is expected to take effect. By explaining what
should happen when patients take medicine, health professionals can
help patients identify anything unusual.
For example: “Did the medicine cause any unexpected side effects?”
4. When the first improvements in condition should be experienced. If

a medicine is supposed to start relieving symptoms within 24 hours,
for example, then patients should know, so that if the medicine does
not take effect, then can notify their health professional.
For example: “Has the medicine taken longer than anticipated to have
an effect?”
SOURCE: WHPA, n.d.
rumors of poor quality, whereas governments can see such information as

undermining confidence in the health system (Cockburn et al., 2005). These
concerns are well grounded, and an appropriate communication strategy
will convey accurate information is a way that is sensitive to all stakehold-
ers. Falsified and substandard medicine is a sensitive and dynamic problem,
and the public has a right to accurate information about it. This informa-
tion can be presented in such a way as to empower the consumer to make
safe choices and to build confidence in the regulatory system. A professional

communication strategy provides the best guarantee that sensitive informa-

tion is conveyed clearly and well.
Recommendation 4-5: Governments and donor agencies should fund

development of effective communication and training programs for
consumers and health workers on understanding the quality and safety
of medicines.
Falsified and substandard drugs are a potential threat around the world,
though risk varies widely from country to country. Awareness of the prob-
lem also varies and may be most limited in countries with strong regulatory
systems but where, because of the global drug supply chain, substandard
and falsified drugs still reach consumers. An effective communication cam-
paign should present accurate information in a way that empowers patients
to protect their own health. For example, the FDA website discourages buy-
ing drugs from foreign websites (see Figure 4-5) (FDA, 2012c). The CDC
website gives similar guidance, discussing poor-quality antimalarials and
alerting prospective travelers to avoid buying drugs abroad (CDC, 2010).
Education and communication are feasible in rich and poor countries
alike. Representatives of 200 WHO member states stressed the importance
of educational initiatives for consumers and health workers at the first
meeting of the WHO global mechanism against falsified and substandard
drugs (WHO, 2012c). Many developing countries have already made head-
way in consumer education. Figure 4-6, for example, shows a Cambodian
health education poster promoting licensed pharmacies. Similarly, as Box
4-7 explains, the Nigerian drugs regulatory authority improved public
understanding of the problem with relatively simple steps: public service
announcements, newspaper ads, and school essay contests. This kind of
campaign is realistic in many low- and middle-income countries.
While information about the problem is important, it is also important
to link this information to action. The messages communicated and the ac-
tion promoted will vary by country or region. In many countries, the most
useful messages will be about specific drugs and vendors. Buying antima-
larials from street markets, for example, is a dangerous behavior in most of
Africa and Southeast Asia. Chapter 5 discusses some of the safe medicine
outlets that the communication campaigns could promote.
The most wide-reaching communication strategies make use of many
channels, including print media, television, radio, the internet, mobile de-
vices, and social media. Governments and NGOs have made good progress
using these channels to promote understanding of the problem (Besançon,
2008, 2012; Elliot, 2012; FIP, 2011). Educated consumers may now be
more receptive to messages about the correct appearance or taste of medi-
cines, the normal responses to it, and possible side effects. Patients who

Counterfeit
medicines
filled with empty promises.
Counterfeit medicines are fake or “copycat”

medicines. They may not be safe and effective,
and could be dangerous to your health.
Don’t be a victim!
Buy medicines only from state-licensed
pharmacies that are located in the United
States. Find your state’s contact information
from the National Association of Boards of
Pharmacy (NABP) at www.nabp.info
or
Look for this seal on Internet pharmacy Web

sites. Pharmacies that carry this seal are
listed at www.vipps.info.
Learn more at www.fda.gov/counterfeit

V I CES •
SER US
AN A
M
HU
HE A L T H &
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services

Food and Drug Administration
OF
NT
www.fda.gov 1-888-INFO-FDA
E
TM
DE P AR
FIGURE 4-5 An FDA public service announcement that promotes the Verified Internet
Pharmacy Practice certification discussed in Chapter 5. This is an example of an em-
powering consumer education message.
NOTE: The poster uses the term counterfeit broadly, the way this report uses falsified. See page 23.
SOURCE: FDA, 2012.

FIGURE 4-6 The English translation of a Cambodian poster encouraging consumers to buy
medicines only from licensed pharmacies and to examine the drug’s color, shape, and taste
for abnormalities.
NOTE: The poster uses the term counterfeit broadly, the way this report uses falsified. See page 23.
SOURCE: U.S. Embassy, Phnom Penh, Cambodia.
understand the correct attributes of their medication will be better able to

identify suspicious products.
Therefore, governments and donors should consider developing medi-
cine checklists that remind patients of dangers and help them identify
problem drugs. A checklist or authentication database might include the
reasonable price range for the drug (thereby reminding people that low
costs are suspicious); a check for sealed, complete packaging; a check for
the correct shape and markings on the pills; and a check for other physi-
cal properties such as stickiness or hardness. Mobile phones might be the
most efficient way to disseminate this information. Consumers could also
use their phones to photograph suspicious drugs and relay the image to a
central site for review. Mobile phones and the internet have a wide reach
and will be useful tools for promoting such a checklist. Patients and provid-
ers could use mobile phones to access a database with information about
poor-quality drugs.
Health workers are the first line of pharmacovigilance and will be point
persons in any consumer education campaign. Their training should include
information on falsified and substandard drugs. Providers should be made

more aware of their role in the postmarket surveillance of medicines, a new

responsibility in many developing countries (Sharma and Ahuja, 2010). A
health worker checklist might remind providers to ask patients for informa-
tion about lack of response to treatment, slow response, and appearance of
unusual symptoms. The list would also remind health workers about the
proper channels for reporting an adverse event.
The next 10 years will see the introduction of many new drugs and
vaccines in low- and middle-income countries (Kaufmann et al., 2011;
Lienhardt et al., 2012). Messages of caution about dangerous medicines
should not be presented in such a way as to scare people or to discourage
appropriate use of medicines (Larson et al., 2011). To this end, awareness
and communication campaigns could take some inspiration from success-
ful vaccine safety campaigns (Leitmeyer et al., 2006; Mansour-Ghanaei et
al., 2008). Awareness campaigns should also be tailored for their audience.
Programs for policy makers would include a broader summary of the con-
ditions encouraging the trade in falsified and substandard medicines, as
presented in this chapter.
In summary, careless manufacturing, whether deliberate or accidental,
causes substandard medicine. Making falsified medicines is driven by the
interests of criminals, who weigh the millions of dollars in potential profits
against low odds of getting caught. To complicate the problem, medicines
are expensive and often scarce. There is a financial incentive to produce a
poor-quality or imitation drug. These products circulate because national
regulatory authorities are often poorly equipped to detect problems and
act against them.

TABLE 4–5 Penalties for Falsifying Medicine*
Maximum Civil Monetary Penalty

Maximum Prison (Quantified Penalties in U.S.
Sentences Country Dollars)
Up to 6 months Indonesia a Up to $30
Up to 2 years Tanzania b Up to $57,000
Up to 3 years Japan, c Malaysia d Up to $40,000
Canada e Up to $5,000
Lebanon f Up to $30,000
Singapore g Up to $100,000
Up to 5 years Jordan h Up to $15,000
France, i
South Africa, j $100,000 or more
Switzerland k,l
Up to 10 years Colombia, m Germany,n Monetary penalty not disclosed

Peru o
Uganda p Up to $2,000
Pakistan q Up to $5,000
Argentina,r Cambodia s Up to $15,000
South Korea,t Taiwan u $100,000 or more
* Additional penalties and fines may be associated with specific infractions.

a WHPA. 2011. Background document on counterfeit medicines in Asia. Paper read at WHPA Regional
Workshop on Counterfeit Medical Products, Taipei, Taiwan.
b The Tanzania Food, Drugs and Cosmetics Act, 2003. (Tanzania). Part IV, Sec. 76 (2).
c WHPA. 2011. Background document on counterfeit medicines in Asia. Paper read at WHPA Regional
Workshop on Counterfeit Medical Products, Taipei, Taiwan.
d Business Monitor International. 2010. Malaysia pharmaceuticals and healthcare report 2010. London: Busi-
ness Monitor International.
e Food and Drugs Act (R.S.C., 1985, c.F-27). (Canada). Sec. 31 (a);(b).
f Ghosn, Z. 2008. Lebanon launches campaign to counter fake drugs. http://www.scidev.net/en/news/
lebanon-launches-campaign-to-counter-fake-drugs.html (accessed October 4, 2012).
g Health Products Act (Chapter 122D). (Singapore). 2007. Part IV, Art. 16, Sec. 1 (b); 2 (b).
h Saba & Co. IP. 2009. Jordan: Relentless efforts to curb counterfeit drugs. http://www.sabaip.com/
NewsArtDetails.aspx?ID=514 (accessed October 4, 2012).
i Institute of Research Against Counterfeit Medicines. 2012. Tracking and condemning fake drug traffickers.
Institute of Research Against Counterfeit Medicines.
j Counterfeit Goods Act 37 of 1997. (South Africa). Art. 19, Sec. 1 (a);(b).
k Betts, A. B. 2010. Fight against counterfeit medical products: The Medicrime Convention and the Swiss
experience. Presentation given at International Conference of Drug Regulatory Authorities, Singapore.
l Therapeutic Medicines Act. (Switzerland). (December 15, 2000). Chap. 8, Art. 86 (1) a-g.
continued


Up to 15 years Nigeria v Up to $5,000
Brazil w, x Up to $98,000
Kenya y Up to 5x the value of the medicine
Up to 20 years Grenada, z Mexico aa $100,000 or more
Up to life China bb, cc Up to 5x the value of the medicine

imprisonment
or death India dd Up to $20,000 or 3x the value of
the medicine
Philippines,ee United States ff $100,000 or more
Thailand gg Up to $1,700
m Bate, R. 2012. Phake: The deadly world of falsified and substandard medicines. Washington, DC: AEI Press.
n Medicinal Products Act. (Germany). (2010). Chap. 17, Sec. 95 (3) 3.
o AEI. 2012. The deadly world of fake drugs. AEI.
p The National Drug Policy and Authority Act of 2003. (Uganda). Chap. 206, Part IV, Sec. 30.
q The Drugs Act, 1976. (Pakistan). Chap. IV, Sec. 27 (1);(2).
r AEI. 2012. The deadly world of fake drugs. AEI.
s Phana, C. 2007. Country presentation: Cambodia. Presented at First ASEAN–China Conference on combat-
ing counterfeit medicinal products. Jakarta, Indonesia.
t WHPA. 2011. Background document on counterfeit medicines in Asia. Paper read at WHPA Regional Work-
shop on Counterfeit Medical Products, Taipei, Taiwan.
u WHPA. 2011. Background document on counterfeit medicines in Asia. Paper read at WHPA Regional Work-
shop on Counterfeit Medical Products, Taipei, Taiwan.
v Counterfeit and Fake Drugs and Unwholesome Processed Food (miscellaneous provisions) Act
of 1999. (Nigeria). Sec. 3 (1).
w Capell, K., S. Timmons, J. Wheatley, and H. Dawley. 2001. What’s in that pill? Bloomberg Businessweek
Magazine.
x Lei Nº 6.437 De 20 De Agosto De 1977. (Brazil). Tit. 1, Art. 2, §1º.
y The Anti-Counterfeit Bill, 2008. (Kenya). Part VI, Sec. 35 (a); (b).
z AEI. 2012. The deadly world of fake drugs. AEI.
aa Ley General De Salud, 2012. (Mexico). Titulo Decimo Octavo, Capitulo VI, Artículo 464 Ter. (I); (II).
bb Drug Administration Law of the People’s Republic of China. (China). 2001, No. 45. 20th meeting, 9th Cong.,
Chap. IX, Art. 74.
cc Jailing, D. 2011. China broadens scope of counterfeit drugs criminal prosecution, but definition still murky.
Elsevier Business Intelligence.
dd Sinha, K. 2009. From Monday, spurious drug sellers can be jailed. Times of India.
ee Special Law on Counterfeit Drugs. (Philippines). 1996. Republic Act No. 8203, Cong. of the Philippines
Metro Manila, 2nd sess., Sec. 8 (b); (e); (f).
ff Counterfeit Drug Penalty Enhancement Act of 2011, HR 3468. 112th Cong., 1st Sess., Sec. 2 (a); (b).
gg Thailand Drug Act, B.E. 2510 (1967). (Thailand). Chap. X, Sec. 117.

TABLE 4–6 Penalties for Patent Infringement*

Maximum Prison (Quantified Penalties in
Sentences Country U.S. Dollars)
No imprisonment Grenada,a India,b Damages are recovered

for infraction Malaysia,c Pakistan, d
Philippines, e South Africa,f
Uganda, g United States h
Taiwan i Infringer must may patentee

profits earned
Jordan, j Nigeria k Patentee may file a civil or

criminal lawsuit
China,l Peru m $100,000 or more
Mexico n $80,000 or more
Up to 1 year Brazil o Monetary penalty not disclosed
Canada p Up to $500
Singapore q Up to $10,000
Switzerland r $100,000 or more
* Additional penalties and fines may be associated with specific infractions.

a Patents Act (Cap. 227). (Grenada). (May 16, 1898). Art. 20.
b The Patents Act, 1970. (India). Chap. XVIII, Sec. 108.
c Malaysia Patents Act. Amended by Act 1264 of 2006. (Malaysia). (August 16, 2006). Par. XII, Sec. 60 (1).
d Patents Ordinance, 2000 as amended by Patents (Amendment) Ordinance, 2002. (Pakistan). Chap. XVII,
Sec. 61.
e Intellectual Property Code of the Philippines. (Philippines). (June 6, 1997). Part II, Chap. VIII, Sec. 76 (1); (2).
f Patents Act No. 57 of 1978. (South Africa). (April 26, 1978). Chap. XI, Art. 65 (3); (6).
g The Patents Act. (Uganda). (October 15, 1993). Part V, Sec. 26 (2).
h U.S. Patent Law, 35 U.S.C. § 284. (2007).
i Patent Act. (2011). (Taiwan). Sec. 7, Art. 97 (2); (3).
j Patent Law, No. 32. (Jordan). 1999. Art. 33.
k Patents and Designs Act (Chapter 344). (Nigeria). Sec. 25 (1); (2).
l Patent Law of the People’s Republic of China. (China). No. 8. 11th Cong. (December 27, 2008). Chap. VII,
Art. 63; 65.
m Peru Industrial Property Law. (Peru). (May 24, 1996). Tit. XVI, Art. 242.
n Industrial Property Law. (Mexico). (Last amended January 26, 2006). Chap. II, Art. 214 (I); (V).
o Law No. 9,279 of May 14, 1996. (Brazil). Tit. V, Chap. 1, Art. 183 (I).
p Canada Consolidation Patent Act, R.C.S., 1985, c. P-4. (Canada). (Last amended September 21, 2006.) Sec.
75 (a); (b); (c).


Maximum Prison (Quantified Penalties in
Sentences Country U.S. Dollars)
Up to 2 years Thailand s Up to $13,150
Up to 3 years Germany t Monetary penalty not disclosed
Lebanon u Up to $33,000
Up to 4 years Indonesia v Up to $50,000
Up to 5 years Cambodia w Up to $5,000
France x Up to $650,000
Japan y Up to $100,000 with labor
Kenya z Up to $6,000
Tanzania aa Up to $300
5 or more years Argentina bb, cc Monetary penalty not disclosed
South Korea dd Up to $100,000 with labor
q Singapore Patents Act as amended by Act No. 2 of 2007. (Singapore). (April 1, 2007). Part XVIII, Sec.
99 (1).
r Loi fédérale sur les brevets d’invention. (Switzerland). (June 25, 1954). Tit. 3, Chap. 3, Art. 81 (1).
s Patents Act Consolidation. (Thailand). No. 3. (1999). Part VI, Chap. VI, Art. 85.
t Germany Patent Act. (Germany). (July 30, 2009). Part 9, Sec. 142 (1).
u Patents Law of Lebanon, Law No. 240. (Lebanon). (August 7, 2000). Chap. 2, Sec. 1, Art. 42.
v Law of the Republic of Indonesia Regarding Patents. (Indonesia). No. 14. 2001. Chap. XV, Art. 130.
w Law on the Patents, Utility Model Certificates and Industrial Designs. (Cambodia). 8th sess., 1st legis.
(December 31, 2002). Chap. 7, Art. 133.
x Intellectual Property Code. (France). (July 1, 1992). Chap. V, Sec. II, Art. L615-14 (1).
y Patent Act (Act No. 121 of 1959). (Japan). Chap. XI, Art. 196-2.
z The Industrial Property Act, 2001. (Kenya). Part XVI, Sec. 109 (1); (2).
aa The Patents (Registration) Act. (Tanzania). Part XV, Sec. 70 (1).
bb Penal Code of Argentina. (Argentina). Law 11,179 (1984). Chap. IV, Art. 172.
cc Legal Intellectual Property Regime (Argentina). Law No. 11.723, Art. 71.
dd Patent Act (Act No. 950 of December 31, 1961, as last amended by Act No. 9985 of January 30, 2009).
(Republic of Korea). Chap. XII, Art. 225 (1).

TABLE 4–7 Penalties for Trademark Infringement*

No imprisonment Cambodia, a Germany,b Damages are recovered

for infraction India,c Pakistan,d
Philippines, e Singapore, f
South Africa, g Uganda,h
United States, i
Korea j Up to $47,000
China, k Taiwan l Infringer must pay the trademark

owner profits earned from the
infringement or the amount of losses
that the trademark owner has
suffered
Jordan m Up to $8,500
Up to 3 days Mexico n Up to $70,000
Up to 1 year Switzerland o Up to $110,000
Brazil p Monetary penalty not disclosed
Up to 2 years Argentina q Up to $30,000,000
Up to 3 years Lebanon r Up to $0.40
Up to 5 years Japan s Up to $60,000 with labor
Indonesia t Up to $105,000
*Additional penalties and fines may be associated with specific infractions.

a The Law concerning Marks, Trade Names and Acts m Abu Ghazaleh Intellectual Property (2008). New
of Unfair Competition. (Cambodia). Chap. 8, Art. amendments to Jordan’s trademark law. Retrieved
27. December 28, 2012, from http://www.ag-ip-news.
b Germany Trademark Law (as amended on July 16, com/news.aspx?id=24580&lang=en.
1998). (Germany). Chap. 3, Sec. 14 (6). n Arenas, A. (2012). Country correspondent: Mexico,
c The Trade Marks Act, 1999. (India). No. 47 of 1999. Olivares & Cía.
Chap. XIII, Sec. 135 (1). o Federal Law of August 28, 1992 on the Protec-
d Trade Marks Ordinance, 2001. (Pakistan). Chap. V, tion of Trademarks and Indications Source (as last
Sec. 46 (2). amended on March 24, 1995). (Switzerland). Tit. 3,
e Intellectual Property Code of the Philippines. (Phil- Chap. 2, Art. 61.1 (a); (b).
p Industrial Property Law No. 9.279, of May 14, 1996
ippines). (June 6, 1997). Part III, Sec. 156.
f Trade Marks Act (Chapter 332). (Singapore). Part (as amended by Law 10.196 of February 14, 2001).
(Brazil). Chap. 3, Art. 189.
III, Sec. 31.
q Law on Trademarks and Designations (No. 22,362
g Trade Marks Act No. 194 of 1993. (South Africa).
of December 26, 1980). (Argentina). Chap. III, Tit. 1,
Part VIII, Sec. 34, (3) c; d.
Sec. 31 (b).
h The Trademarks Act, 2010. (Uganda). Part VIII, Sec.
r Resolution No.2385/1924 issued on January 17,
79 (4).
1924, (amended by the law of 31/1/1946). (Leba-
i U.S. Trademark Law of 1946. § 32, 15 U.S.C. § 1114
non). Part 6, Chap. 2, Art. 105.
(2012). s Trademark Act (Act No.127 of April 13, 1959).
j Trademark Act. (Korea). Chap. VI, Art. 67; 67-2.
(Japan). Chap. IX, Art. 78-2.
k Trademark Law of the People’s Republic of China. t Law of the Republic of Indonesia, No. 15/2001
(China). October 27, 2001. Chap. VII, Art. 56. Regarding Marks. (Indonesia). Chap. XIV, Art. 90.
l Kuo, Y., and J. Wong (2012). Taiwan overhauling
the trademark law, Formosa Transnational.

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Weaknesses in the Drug

Distribution Chain
The modern pharmaceutical supply chain is complex. Medicines are

made from ingredients sourced from different countries. Final formulations
are then exported. Packaging, repackaging, and sale can happen in many
other countries. Drugs change hands many times between the manufacturer
and patient; every transaction is an opportunity for falsified or substandard
products to infiltrate the market. Changes to the drug distribution system
could improve drug quality around the world.
This chapter gives an overview of the drug distribution chain, explain-
ing differences between the systems in developed and developing countries.
The drug wholesale system is a weak point where the licit and illicit supply
chains mix. Better controls on the wholesale market could improve the se-
curity of the distribution chain. Drug tracking systems could also improve
security by preventing products that leave the legitimate supply chain from
returning to it. These solutions can improve drug safety as long as the sup-
ply chain does not disintegrate at the point closest to the patient. Disorga-
nized drug markets, both real and on the internet, undermine regulatory
checks on medicines distribution.
AN OVERVIEW OF DRUG DISTRIBUTION IN

DEVELOPED AND DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
Figure 5-1 describes the drug distribution chain in developed countries,
where most patients get medicine from a doctor’s office or a licensed phar-
macy or dispensary (Yadav and Smith, 2012). For example, in the United
States about three-quarters of all pharmaceuticals are bought in retail
197

• A few national firms control most of the primary wholesale market in

rich countries. In developing countries, hundreds, sometimes thou-
sands, of firms control tiny shares of the same.
• Drug distribution chains in developing countries are often fragmented
and complicated.
• The final leg of the drug distribution chain is exceptionally expensive
and inefficient in developing countries.
pharmacies, about half of which are national chains or food stores with an
internal pharmacy (Yadav and Smith, 2012). These vendors handle a wide
variety of products sold in an even wider variety of packaging. Retailers in
developed countries would find it logistically impossible to buy their stock,
in its many different packages, directly from manufacturers (Yadav et al.,
2012). Therefore, most vendors buy their inventory from pre-wholesalers
and wholesalers.
The drug distribution system in low- and middle-income countries
has the same basic steps as that described in Figure 5-1, but with more
intermediaries between the manufacturer and patient (Yadav and Smith,
2012). Instead of having one coordinated distribution chain that reaches
the whole country, there are many small chains and many small companies
at every step (Yadav and Smith, 2012). Figure 5-2 describes the drug flow
for public, private, and nongovernmental organizations, and their separate,
but sometimes overlapping, intermediaries.
A comparison of Figures 5-1 and 5-2 and Table 5-1 illustrate some
important differences in drug distribution in developing and developed
countries. For example, a few large firms generally control the national
wholesale market in developed countries. Cardinal Health, McKesson, and
AmerisourceBergen distribute 90 percent of drugs sold in the United States;
four or five major firms distribute to 90 percent of the market in West-
ern Europe and Japan (Yadav and Smith, 2012). In developing countries,
hundreds, even thousands, of companies control tiny shares of the drug
wholesale market (Yadav and Smith, 2012).
Excessive fragmentation is an important difference between developed
and developing countries’ drug distribution systems. In developed countries,
comparatively few large firms control the market and regulatory authorities
require some chain of custody documentation. In low- and middle-income
countries, the system is vastly more complicated. Sometimes multiple par-
allel distribution systems of varying efficiency run in the same country.

Supplier(s) Manufacturer Wholesaler distributor Pharmacy Patient

(primary) or hospital
Repackager Wholesaler distributor

(secondary)
FIGURE 5–1 The drug distribution system.

SOURCE: FDA, 2011b.

199
PRIVATE SECTOR PUBLIC SECTOR NGO SECTOR
200
NGO international
International Manufacturers Procurement agents
warehouse
Manufacturer’s NGO national

Central medical stores
national subsidiary warehouse
National
Importers and
wholesalers
Regional Regional NGO regional

Distributors
medical stores warehouse
Sub- Private District medical stores

District wholesalers subscribers and district hospitals
City or large town

Pharmacies
Health center
Small town or
rural community
Second-tier pharmacies Community
NGO clinics
and chemical sellers health worker
PATIENTS

FIGURE 5–2 The private, public, and NGO drug distribution systems for essential medicines in developing countries.
NOTE: NGO = nongovernmental organization.
SOURCE: Yadav et al., 2011.
WEAKNESSES IN THE DRUG DISTRIBUTION CHAIN 201
TABLE 5–1 Differences in Overall Structure of the Pharmaceutical Market in

Developed and Developing Countries
Factor Developed Countries Developing Countries
Payer or Strong presence of public or Mostly payments are made

reimbursement private insurance companies out of pocket. Social health
and limited out-of-pocket insurance systems are
expenditure. expanding in many emerging
markets. Private insurance
plans are also growing in some
emerging market countries.
Regulatory Strong, well-defined laws and Weak fragmented regulatory

structure overall good ability to enforce structures, ill-defined laws
regulations. in some instances, and poor
ability to enforce regulations.
Patented, generic The market for prescription drugs Poor regulatory structure
vs. branded generic consists of patented drugs and creates a strong market for
generics. branded generics (brand is
used as a signal of quality by
the patient).
Prescription Prescription drugs can only Retail drug shops often

adherence be dispensed with a formal dispense medicines and also
prescription. act as the first point of health
care contact for many patients.
Balance of power Buyer (insurance companies or Balance of power is tilted

in the system national health system) monopoly toward the manufacturer
creates good balance of power and the distribution channel.
between the manufacturer and The large fraction of patients
the patients. In the United States, purchase with out-of-pocket
pharmacy benefit managers and funds and have little bargaining
drug formularies are commonly power.
used as a means to ensure further
balance of power.
SOURCE: Adapted from Yadav and Smith, 2012.
Box 5-1 describes the confusing drug distribution systems often found in
humanitarian emergencies.
In OECD countries, private companies ship and transport almost all
pharmaceuticals, but in developing countries, despite their vastly smaller
tax base, the government does (Yadav, 2010). In sub-Saharan Africa, a
government-owned-and-operated central medical store manages the distri-
bution of drugs, transporting goods around the country in a government-
owned fleet. Donors and developing-country governments favor this system,
wherein the central store manager can neither hire people with business
experience nor fire incompetent workers (Yadav, 2010). Inefficient supply
chain management directly drives up costs and causes drug stock-outs in

BOX 5-1
Drug Distribution in Humanitarian Emergencies
A donated batch of Ringer’s Lactate Infusions made its way to

humanitarian aid workers in Darfur through a UN agency and other
suppliers. Despite its many stops along the way, only at one of the final
destinations did a volunteer doctor notice fungal spores contaminating
the product (Caudron et al., 2008). The infusions had been distributed
so widely and haphazardly that, despite a product recall, only 15 per-
cent were ever collected (Caudron et al., 2008). Such problems are not
uncommon during emergencies, when quality control throughout long
supply chains becomes difficult.
Despite the good intentions of aid agencies, nongovernmental or-
ganizations (NGOs), and individual and corporate donors, the chaos
inherent in humanitarian emergencies often leads to a proliferation of
fake, substandard, and otherwise poorly regulated medical products.
The dangers of poorly regulated drugs lead some bodies, such as the
European Commission’s Directorate-General for Humanitarian Aid, to
stipulate that quality-assurance guidelines not be relaxed during emer-
gencies, even though quality-assurance steps can slow down response
(Pomatto and Schuftan, 2006).
After the tsunami in Sri Lanka, only 50 percent of the drugs donated
had expiration dates on them; of that half, 5 percent had already expired
or would expire within days; 62 percent of the medication labels were
not in English, the language of the Sri Lankan health system (Mahmood
et al., 2011). Such inappropriate drug donations cause serious problems
because disposing of such drugs, especially in large quantities, is a
lengthy and expensive project (Pomatto and Schuftan, 2006). After the
2000 floods in Venezuela, 70 percent of the drugs donated for humani-
tarian assistance needed to be destroyed, requiring the government to
pay $16,000 to cover the extra personnel needed to sort the donations
(Hechmann and Dune-Birouste, 2007).
During emergencies, little about patients, their diagnoses, or medi-
cal history is collected at most health facilities. Drug quality signals can
be difficult to spot when infrastructure is disrupted: Patients are seen
quickly and only minimal information is recorded. NGOs often arrive with
few or no pharmacists on staff, and although local health workers may
be aware of substandard and falsified drugs, visiting doctors often are
not (Villacorta-Linaza, 2009).
The World Health Organization published its “Guidelines for Drug
Donations” in 1996 after particularly problematic donations during the
Bosnian War (Berckmans et al., 1997; Hechmann and Dune-Birouste,
2007). At times the guidelines are followed closely; for example, humani-
tarian emergencies in East Timor and Gujarat State saw few inappropri-
ate donations (van Dijk et al., 2011).

low- and middle-income countries (Yadav, 2010). As Chapter 4 explained,

this drug scarcity in turn creates a vacuum for poor-quality products to fill.
Of course, donor demands alone do not drive the costs of supply chain
management in developing countries. It is expensive to transport products
over rough terrain with poor roads. In India, for example, nearly 70 percent
of the population lives in rural areas, where the health posts may be few
and lacking in staff, electricity, and supplies (Langer and Kelkar, 2008). The
costs of drug distribution in India are two to three times greater than in
the United States or the European Union, despite vastly lower labor costs
(Langer and Kelkar, 2008). Supply chain managers are always concerned
with the last-mile problem: the disproportionately expensive and inefficient
final leg on the distribution chain. In developing countries, the last mile
is exceptionally long, extending to sparsely populated villages far from a
paved road and farther from a supply center (USAID, 2011).
Managing the drug distribution system in developing countries means
containing the costs of the last mile, moving medicines to patients quickly,
and keeping records of all transactions between the manufacturer and the
consumer. The first step on this chain is the drug wholesale market. Around
the world, drug wholesale is a common point of vulnerability to falsified
THE WHOLESALE SYSTEM

There are two kinds of drugs wholesalers: primary wholesalers who
have written distribution contracts with manufacturers and buy directly
from them, and secondary wholesalers who buy from other intermediaries.
In some countries, including the United States, there are also large regional
wholesalers (Fein, 2012; White and Bothma, 2009). Regional wholesalers
may be primary or secondary wholesalers (Fein, 2011). They often serve
independent pharmacies or hospitals and may have strong distribution
networks (Levy, 2006).
As Figure 5-1 suggests, the distinction between the primary and second-
ary wholesalers is not always clear. Primary wholesalers may, for example,
buy products from secondary wholesalers as well as manufacturers (Ziance,
2008). The back-and-forth sales are common among drug wholesalers, who
buy and sell medicines to accommodate market demand. That is, when they
see a medicine is scarce in one region, they can buy the same medicine from
other wholesalers that may be flush with it. The markets are constantly
fluctuating; products change hands many times.
Sometimes secondary wholesalers fill a void; they supply to rural phar-
macies or markets that national or regional wholesalers do not reach. But
they choose stock based on demand forecasts, price, margin, and their
customers’ willingness to pay (Yadav, 2009). The costs of the transactions

• The U.S. drug wholesale market is made up of a combination of

primary and secondary wholesalers. There are three major national
wholesalers, a few regional wholesalers, and thousands of secondary
wholesalers.
• Secondary wholesalers are the weakest point in the U.S. pharmaceuti-
cal distribution chain.
• Wholesalers buy and sell drugs in response to market demand, re-
peatedly repackaging products. In wholesale repackaging, illegitimate
products can gain authentic packaging, and clean, authentic packag-
ing is removed and not always destroyed.
• In the United States, state pharmacy boards or other state agencies
license wholesalers. Their licensing requirements vary widely. Unscru-
pulous wholesalers seek out states with the most lenient requirements
and move from state to state when caught in violations.
• There is no national database on drug wholesalers.
• Raising the minimum standards for drug wholesale in the United
States could build momentum for increased control of the drug
wholesale market in low- and middle-income countries.
required when dealing with many suppliers and their generally poorer bar-
gaining power give the secondary wholesalers weak incentives to stock a
wide variety of products or brands (Yadav, 2009).
Wholesalers may sell and resell medicines repeatedly among themselves
before filling a pharmacy order. Wholesalers often repackage products with
every sale, or at least repackage individual containers for final sale (Catizone,
2006; Laven, 2006). Through a process called salting, legitimate and fake
drugs are mixed at wholesale, and in the wholesale repackaging, the fake
products gain authentic labels (Donaldson, 2010; Liang, 2006). Salting
can be done unknowingly, such as when primary wholesalers buy from
other intermediaries, accidentally launder fake products, package them in
authentic labels, and send them to pharmacies (Spies and VanDusen, 2003).
In repackaging the manufacturer’s expensive fraud-protection packaging
can be removed, and batch numbers reprinted (Satchwell, 2004). Not only
does this interfere with tracking requirements, but it leaves the wholesaler
repackagers with clean, unused packaging that is not always destroyed
(Satchwell, 2004).
Manufacturers usually have no distribution agreements with secondary
wholesalers (Ziance, 2008). The firms may trade in many kinds of prod-
ucts other than pharmaceuticals. Their staff are not required to show skills

in pharmaceutical warehousing and management, often with disastrous

consequences (Ziance, 2008). In 2001, for example, a falsified version of
Epogen, one of the most expensive drugs in the Medicare formulary, killed
a 16-year-old boy in New York (Gressit, 2007; Ziance, 2008). Eleven sec-
ondary wholesalers had traded the Epogen that killed him (Engelberg et al.,
2009; Gressit, 2007; Whoriskey, 2012). Though it is impossible to recreate
the drug’s exact path, it was briefly stored in a drinks cooler above a Florida
strip club (Brown, 2005).
Small secondary wholesalers act negligently in part because they do
not have the reputational risks that major national or regional wholesalers
do. There are thousands of secondary wholesalers in the United States, all
legally supplying to pharmacies, the product of lax licensing requirements
(Appleby, 2003). In a recommendation to the state legislature, a Florida
grand jury described some of the states’ drug wholesalers as “uneducated,
inexperienced, . . . rank amateurs, many with criminal records” (Appleby,
2003). As the grand jury description implies, many of these companies are
looking to increase their profits at any cost.
These companies exploit problems in the regulated drug market, such
as drug shortages. Hospital pharmacists are under pressure to fill prescrip-
tions even during drug shortages, forcing them to buy from gray market
vendors at up to 10 times the standard prices for some drugs, including
anesthetics and cancer drugs (Aleccia, 2011; ISMP, 2011). More than half
of surveyed hospitals in the United States buy cancer medicines from the
gray market (Gatesman and Smith, 2011). A similar proportion of U.S. hos-
pital pharmacists and drug buyers report daily inquiries from gray market
pharmaceutical salesmen about their inventories (ISMP, 2011). One survey
respondent told the Institute for Safe Medication Practices, an NGO, “You
are hesitant to tell gray market vendors what you need because they will
buy it all up if they find it, and then harass you [to buy it] for months af-
terwards” (ISMP, 2011). Box 5-2 describes one such gray market purchase.
Some changes to the drugs wholesale system could protect the Ameri-
can consumer. One option would be requiring all organizations that sell
wholesale medicines to hold National Association of Boards of Pharmacy
(NABP) accreditation. The NABP wholesale accreditation process reviews
wholesalers’ record keeping, licensing, and drug verification procedures
(NABP, 2012a). Accreditation also involves criminal background checks on
the most senior operations, buying, and inventory staff, their supervisors,
and anyone owning greater than 10 percent interest in the company if it is
not publically held (NABP, 2012a). Indiana, North Dakota, and Wyoming
require NABP accreditation for wholesalers; wholesalers in other states may
voluntarily seek out certification as evidence of their standards (Cherici et
al., 2011).
Direct-to-pharmacy distribution is another alternative to the current

BOX 5-2
Falsified Avastin’s Circuitous Path to the United States
A fake drug originally manufactured in Turkey took a winding path

to the United States in late 2011 and early 2012, where it found its way to
several physicians’ offices. The drug, Avastin, is manufactured by Roche
Holding AG of Switzerland and is often used alongside chemotherapy to
treat certain lung, colon, and kidney cancers (Faucon and Whalen, 2012).
The fake batches contained salt, starch, and various chemicals, but no
active ingredients (Blair, 2012). In February and March 2012, the FDA
warned approximately 20 practices that they may have received fake
Avastin. Later that spring, they expanded the number to 76 potentially
affected practices in 22 U.S. states (Weaver and Whalen, 2012) .
The precise origins of the drugs are unknown, as the Turkish com-
pany listed on relevant paperwork was not registered with the Turkish
authorities, and a trip to its stated address led investigators to a textiles
warehouse (Faucon and Whalen, 2012). A Swiss drug distributor, appar-
ently unaware of the problem, purchased the Avastin from Turkey from a
Syrian middleman in Egypt, and subsequently sold it to another distribu-
tor in Copenhagen (Faucon and Whalen, 2012). From there, the drugs
traveled through several companies in Britain and the United States
under the parent company Canada Drugs, which operates an online phar-
macy that often uses overseas companies to source discount drugs. Ulti-
mately, two U.S. companies sold the drug directly to physicians (Weaver
and Whalen, 2012). The high cost of such drugs, at times exacerbated
by shortages, may tempt physicians to seek out alternative suppliers to
lower their own and their patients’ costs and assure a steady supply. At
a price several hundred dollars lower per vial than the standard, the fal-
sified Avastin was a good deal for such practices (Weaver and Whalen,
wholesale systems. In this system, manufacturers eliminate secondary

wholesalers and use logistics companies to ship directly to the vendor. It
has been used, with varying success, in Europe and Australia (Galve and
Campos, 2011; Kanavos et al., 2011; Taylor, 2011). There is some concern,
however, that direct distribution drives up medicines costs (Exel, 2003;
OFT, 2007). It also puts impractical storage and warehousing demands on
retailers (Exel, 2003). If direct-to-pharmacy distribution replaces wholesal-
ers with an equally porous network of transport and logistics companies,
then it is no improvement.
More rigorous licensing and regulation of the wholesale market, es-
pecially the secondary wholesalers, is another solution. The committee
believes the secondary wholesale market is the weakest link in the U.S. drug
distribution system. Improvements to the secondary wholesale system could

2012). The same forces that lead patients to buy unreliable drugs can
lead doctors to do the same, creating yet another vulnerable link in the
medicines supply chain.
Path of Fake Avastin
The fake Avastin traveled through a series of overseas

suppliers before reaching the Canada Drugs’ network.
Companies controlled by Canada Drugs procured the
counterfeit cancer medicine, marketed it to U.S. doctors, Copenhagen,
Denmark
and shipped it through a contractor in Tennessee, court
records and business documents show. Doctors identified
by the FDA as the network’s customers were warned
that they may have bought the fake Avastin.
Nottingham,
UK
Istanbul,
Winnipeg, Manitoba Zug, Turkey
Switzerland
Belgrade, MT
Corporate Headquarters
Supplier
Gainesboro, TN Marketing
Not in Canada Drugs’ network
In Canada Drugs’ network
Number of medical practices warned by the FDA

that they may have bought the fake Avastin
1–4 Total
SOURCE: Weaver and Whalen, 2012.

Barbados
5–10
10–25 76
reduce the number of transactions in the drug distribution chain, thereby

improving security.
Recommendation 5-1: State licensing boards should only license whole-

salers and distributors that meet the National Association of Boards of
Pharmacy accreditation standards. The U.S. Food and Drug Adminis-
tration, in collaboration with state licensing boards, should establish
a public database to share information on suspended and revoked
wholesale licenses.
The committee finds that peculiarities of the American wholesale sys-

tem account for much of the United States’ vulnerability to falsified and
substandard drugs. Limiting the wholesale market to vetted firms would

make the drug distribution chain less permeable to criminals (Donaldson,

2010). Similar weaknesses plague the wholesale system in developing coun-
tries, and action in the American market might give regulators around the
world an example and encouragement to tighten controls on the chaotic
wholesale and distribution systems.
This recommendation should be implemented in phases over the next
2 years. Collaboration between state licensing boards and the FDA should
happen first. Next, the regulators should design the database and publish
the processes for collecting accurate, reliable, and timely information about
the suspension or revocation of wholesale licenses.
The U.S. Wholesale Market

In the United States, state governments control professional practice,
including the practice of pharmacy, which includes medicine distribution
and wholesale. Some states have enacted tighter regulations on the market,
with unintended spillover effects (Laven, 2006). After the state of Nevada
increased oversight of drug wholesale, for example, “some wholesalers
simply moved operations across the state line into California” (Flaherty
and Gaul, 2003). When unscrupulous businesses can seek out the softest
regulatory systems to work in, they do. As the previous section explains,
the wholesale trade depends on buying and selling medicines in response to
shortages and gluts in different parts of the country. Therefore, the weak-
nesses in one state licensing system can become vulnerabilities for the oth-
ers. The committee recognizes the authority of states to license wholesalers
but believes that public health will be best protected if all businesses adhere
to the strict standards laid out by the National Association of Boards of
Pharmacy accreditation process.
Every state has an interest in promoting high minimum standards for
medicine sale and manufacture. The recent fungal meningitis outbreak
from an steroid injection compounded under unhygienic conditions at New
England Compounding Center in September 2012 is a reminder of the risks
of competing state standards (Grady et al., 2012; Tavernise and Pollack,
2012). The outbreak and associated infections, which as of January 2013
had killed 45 patients and sickened 693 others in 19 states, was driven by
the interstate sale of a compounded steroid (CDC, 2013). Compounding
pharmacies are not held to the same standards as big pharmaceutical manu-
facturers; courts have questioned the FDA’s authority over them (Grady et
al., 2012). As in the wholesale market, states regulate these businesses in
isolation. Though the Massachusetts Department of Health registered three
complaints against New England Compounding Center, there is no man-
datory national system for sharing these complaints (Grady et al., 2012).
Similarly, there is no way for state authorities to share information on

criminal or negligent wholesalers. As part of a stronger wholesale system,

states should report violations and revocations of wholesale licenses to a
national, public database. This will impede unscrupulous wholesalers from
moving from state to state and starting over when caught in violation of
one state’s rules. The FDA should facilitate the sharing of this information
among states and with the public. The recent tragic meningitis outbreak
has brought to light the importance of sharing information on dangerous
actors in the drug distribution chain. Although the states have the author-
ity to license wholesalers, the nation’s interests are best served by enabling
communication among the states.
The Wholesale Market in Low- and Middle-Income Countries

As the previous section explains, the wholesale market is a common
vulnerability in medicines distribution around the world. One potential
positive outcome of raising the standards for U.S. wholesalers is that it
would build international momentum for a leaner, more organized whole-
sale drug market. Other countries are already working toward more con-
trolled drug wholesale. For example, in 2004 the Chinese drug regulatory
authority cut the number of drug wholesalers in the country from 16,000
to 7,445 (Yadav et al., 2011). This is still many more than in the United
States, Europe, or Japan, but it is an admirable move in a more sustainable
direction.
Proponents of the current drug wholesale system maintain that a small
number of wholesalers cannot serve the drugs market of developing coun-
tries. They reason that a system of three or four large primary wholesalers
may work in Europe or North America, but in developing countries a few
companies could never guarantee fine-mesh distribution (Foundation Strat-
egy Group, 2005; McCabe, 2009). Medicine shops in Kenya, for example,
report buying from a range of pharmaceutical and general wholesalers both
in and outside of the shop’s district, as well as mobile vendors and manu-
facturers (Amin and Snow, 2005).
Others argue that raising the quality standards for drug distribution
carries an inherent trade-off of decreased access to medicine (OFT, 2007).
Analysis of successful distribution chains, such as the Coca-Cola distribu-
tion chain, suggests this is a false dichotomy, however (Yadav et al., 2013).
ColaLife, a nonprofit, has been using Coca-Cola’s fine-mesh distribution
chain to bring oral rehydration and zinc supplements to remote areas
since 2008 (ColaLife, 2012). Steps toward a more controlled and efficient
wholesale market can protect patients in the markets most hurt by bad-
quality drugs. A reduction in the number of licensed wholesalers and use
of more efficient distribution chains can help the wholesale market around
the world.

DRUG DIVERSION
More stringent licensing requirements can improve the wholesale sys-
tem, but drugs will still need to move from the factory to the vendor, pass-
ing through many hands before reaching the patient. With every transaction
on the chain, there is a risk of the drug supply’s being compromised. Crimi-
nals take advantage of places where the distribution chain breaks down and
medicines depart from documented chain of custody. Drugs that leave the
proper distribution system are called diverted drugs; the markets that trade
diverted drugs, or more generally, markets that trade with little authorized
oversight, are called gray markets.
Drug diversion is the means through which medicines approved for
sale in one country are sold in others, where they may not be registered.
These schemes depend on false statements, forged customs declarations, or
smuggling (PSI data shared with the committee, Thomas Kubic, PSI-Inc.,
July 11, 2012). On the surface, drug diversion is not the public health threat
that falsified and substandard medicines are (Bate, 2012). Some countries
have made legal provisions for importation of unregistered lifesaving drugs
that are not available in local markets (Zaza, 2012). Others argue that
thieves bring good-quality drugs to otherwise neglected markets, and that,
issues of fraud aside, the end consumer is no worse off (Bate et al., 2010a).
If thieves trafficked solely in quality-assured medicines, then this point
might be valid. Once a medicine leaves the responsible chain of custody,
there is no way to ensure that it has been properly stored. As Chapter 3
explains, drug quality research indicates that unregistered medicines are
sometimes dangerous (Bate et al., 2010b; Lon et al., 2006; Stanton et al.,
2012; Wondemagegnehu, 1999). By chance, drug diversion may bring good
• When stolen drugs are reintroduced to the legitimate supply chain,

there are no records of the products’ handling or storage conditions.
Diverted drugs are often sold abroad and are of dubious quality.
• A drug pedigree is a record of the drugs’ chain of custody. Pedigree
requirements prevent stolen drugs from entering the legitimate mar-
kets and facilitate efficient recalls.
• There are many methods to create a drug pedigree; all depend on
unique serial numbers on the primary pack label.
• A reliable system for tracking and tracing drugs through the distribu-
tion chain would reduce the likelihood of illegitimate medicines reach-
ing patients.

products to some patients, but it hurts many more, not only by defrauding
the official channels.
Drug diversion is roughly synonymous with theft, and trade in diverted
drugs is an indicator of the relative ease with which criminals exploit weak-
nesses on the distribution chain. Figure 5-3 shows common diversion points
in the distribution chain. In the United States, for example, the resale of
prescription drugs is a common problem, but illicit vendors also circumvent
the regulated distribution chain at other points. In developing countries, the
sale of donated drugs for profit is a common type of diversion (World Bank,
2005). Small-scale theft, also called pilfering, happens mostly between the
vendor and patients; larger cargo heists tend to happen to bulk drug pack-
ages, generally between the manufacturer and the vendor.
Pilfering and Heists

Many diverted drugs are donated ones, pilfered and resold by health
workers (Ferrinho et al., 2004; Vian, 2008). The theft and resale of free
drugs is engrained in the pharmacy and clinical culture in some countries,
where it is seen as a professional perk for otherwise underpaid government
health workers (Lim et al., 2012). This theft defrauds donors and con-
tributes to drug shortages at legitimate dispensaries (Bate, 2012), thereby
encouraging the distal causes of poor-quality drugs.
Medicines can also be stolen in large quantities earlier in the supply
chain. In March 2010, $75 million worth of medicines were stolen from
an Eli Lilly warehouse in Connecticut (Efrati and Loftus, 2010) and later
partially recovered in Florida (Muskal, 2012). Freight Watch International,
a supply chain security company, estimates that theft of pharmaceuticals
in the United States increased 283 percent between 2006 and 2008 and
have remained roughly constant since then (FreightWatch, 2011b). Ware-
house heists such as the Lilly theft are relatively difficult to orchestrate;
by far the more common route is theft of a loaded trailer (see Table 5-2)
(FreightWatch, 2011b). The companies and the FDA issue warnings about
batch and lot numbers of stolen products, but warnings are of limited value
when some of the stolen goods are either laundered back into the legitimate
supply chain or sold abroad (Burnham, 2012).
Cargo theft is not confined to the United States; Freight Watch Interna-
tional sees it as a serious problem in Brazil, Great Britain, India, Mexico,
Russia, and South Africa as well (Fischer, 2012; FreightWatch, 2011a).
Indeed, cargo security is generally more of a problem in low- and middle-
income countries, where poor roads and slow transit times put shipments
at risk for a long time, and in politically volatile places (SCMS, 2012). In
any case, the goal of the theft is to sell the diverted shipment.
Sometimes diverted drugs in the market are easy to spot. The Global

212
Legitimate National Retail

VVVVVVVVVVV
manufacturers wholesalers pharmacy
Prescription
Hospitals VVVVVVVVVVV
resellers
Secondary Patients
wholesalers
DispensingVVVVVVVVVVV
VVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVV
clinics
Illegitimate
manufacturers
V VV
VVVVVVVVVVVVVV
Internet
VVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVV
pharmacies
FIGURE 5–3 Risks in the medicine distribution system.

TABLE 5–2 Number of Pharmaceutical

Thefts in the United States, 2006-2011
Number
Event Type of Thefts
Theft of a trailer 167
Theft from a trailer 4
Hijacking 12
Facility burglary 9
Facility robbery 1
SOURCE: FreightWatch, 2011b.
Fund finances a line of artemisinin combination therapies for the Affordable

Medicine Facility in eight countries, including Nigeria and Ghana (Global
Fund, 2012). These drugs are packaged differently from those meant for the
public sector (Bate, 2012; Bate et al., 2010a). Roger Bate was therefore able
to recognize Global Fund products meant for Nigeria and Ghana in Lomé,
Togo (Bate, 2012). Thirty percent of the diverted samples he collected in
Togo failed quality tests, a failure his team attributed to degradation (Bate,
2012).
Outward evidence of diversion is not always so clear, but a drug sold
in a country where it is not registered is often diverted and therefore sus-
pect. A national sample of essential medicines in Cambodia found that
unregistered drugs are six times more likely to be falsified than registered
ones (Khan et al., 2011). Similarly, in Ghana, researchers found unregis-
tered oxytocin samples to be uniformly substandard (Stanton et al., 2012).
Diverted drugs are dangerous partly because there is no reliable record of
what conditions they have been transported in. The uterotonic drugs ana-
lyzed in Ghana are unstable at room temperature, for example (Stanton et
al., 2012). They might have failed quality testing because of exposure to
tropical temperatures and humidity in travel.
Drug Resale and Late Diversion

Drugs can also be diverted late in the distribution chain, after the drug
has reached the patient. This is a far less common point of diversion than
diversion at the vendor level and earlier. Figure 5-3 refers to this problem
as prescription resale. Drug diversion through resale is a growing concern
in the United States, where a 2008 survey estimated that between 5 and
10 percent of American high school students take prescription pain killers,

sedatives, tranquilizers, and Ritalin for nonmedical uses (DuPont, 2010).

A study of American college students found that more than one-third of
those taking a prescription drug had diverted it at some time, but generally
this diversion was infrequent sharing among friends, not predictable sales
(Garnier et al., 2010).
Other research suggests that Medicaid recipients and other patients
sell their medicines for profit in unregulated street markets (Inciardi et al.,
2007). Pill brokers may buy medicines from patients, especially elderly
ones, or work with unscrupulous doctors to arrange prescriptions for kick-
backs (Inciardi et al., 2007). In some ways, drug resale is similar to pilfering
as both methods of drug diversion happen in small amounts and attract
little attention from the authorities.
Small thefts and large diversions compromise the integrity of the drug
distribution chain and confidence in the quality of medicines. In rich and
poor countries alike, drugs often circulate outside of the main distribution
channels without a drug pedigree, a record of “each prior sale, purchase,
or trade of a drug, including the date of those transactions and the names
and addresses of all parties to them” (FDA, 2011a). Between the factory
and the patient, drugs change hands many times. A drug pedigree controls
diversion and gray market sales by preventing a stolen product from com-
ing back into commerce and by recording every merchant who handles the
product, thereby deterring prospective thieves.
Tracking and Tracing Products Through the Supply Chain

A strong chain of custody through the drug distribution system can
reduce the risks introduced with product diversion and porous supply
chains. Track-and-trace systems allow all interested parties to know where
the product is at any time and see a record of where it has been previously
(Altunkan et al., 2012). These systems allow manufacturers and others to
track their products, meaning to follow drugs forward in the distribution
chain. They also allow patients or pharmacists to trace the drug, or to verify
its past locations.
Track-and-trace systems rely on serialization, the assigning of unique
identifying numbers to products. Products that lack identification num-
bers, or products with identification numbers that cannot be accounted
for throughout the distribution chain, must be treated as falsified and
removed from the market, even if they come from licensed manufacturers
(Altunkan et al., 2012). The unique identifier may be stored in a barcode,
electronic product code, or radio frequency chip, or it may be a long-digit
serial number.

Barcodes
Mass-produced items such as packaged foods and electronics use
machine-readable barcodes to store product information. Some countries
require the pharmaceutical industry to mark drugs with unique product
codes that contain the product’s tracking and identification number. The
FDA, for example, requires all human drugs to carry a 10-digit universal
identifier called a national drug code (FDA, 2012b). The first digits of the
number identify the firm that manufactures, repackages, or relabels the
product; the second segment identifies the product, its dosage form, and
formulation, and the last digits identify the packaging (FDA, 2012b). The
use of national drug codes predated the widespread use of electronic readers
(HIMSS, 2003; Simonaitis and McDonald, 2009). In 2004 the FDA issued
a rule requiring some human drugs and biologics to carry the national drug
code in a linear barcode (FDA, 2011b).1
Machine-readable barcodes have many advantages. When used in the
hospital or at the point of dispensing medication, these codes can verify
that the drug is of the correct dose and dosage form (Pedersen et al., 2003).
There is a limit to how much data a simple linear barcode can hold, how-
ever. Two-dimensional barcodes can encode more information in a small
space and are therefore gaining popularity for supply chain management
(McCathie and Michael, 2005).
Two-dimensional barcodes Two-dimensional barcodes, also called matrix

barcodes, carry a product serial number, expiration date, batch code, and
other information, and they are compatible with older barcode technolo-
gies (Lefebvre et al., 2011). Any camera, or even a smartphone, can read
a matrix barcode (Altunkan et al., 2012). The camera has to be within the
line of sight of the barcode to read it, however, so technicians scan them
slowly and one at a time.
Matrix barcodes are printed onto primary packages, and the manufac-
turer keeps track of the code in a corporate database (Barlas, 2011a). The
unique serial numbers carried in the barcode can be downloaded into a
regulatory agency database accessible to pharmacists and medicine vendors
(Barlas, 2011a). When intermediaries scan the matrix, they record the prod-
uct’s transfers in the database. Information in the barcode should link the
bulk and primary packaging. When it fails to do so, much time is wasted
in packing, scanning, and repacking shipments (Davison, 2011).
In 2011 the Turkish drug regulatory authority implemented a manda-
tory pharmaceutical track-and-trace system using two-dimensional bar-
1 Bar
Code Label Requirement for Human Drug Products and Biological Products, 69 Fed.
Reg. 9120 (Feb. 26, 2004).

codes (Barlas, 2011b). Multinational pharmaceutical companies are obliged

to provide two-dimensional barcodes for all products bound for Turkey,
though some may print serial labels separately and attach them to pack-
ages in-country (Taylor, 2010). The logistics company DHL manages the
Turkish labels for some companies (Taylor, 2010). Brazil has a similar re-
quirement, rolled out over 3 years starting in 2009 and allowing a 1-year
grace period to sell all warehoused products that predated the requirement
(Taylor, 2010).
The use of matrix barcodes for tracking and tracing is not foolproof;
barcodes can be forged. They are also not helpful when a patient does
not receive the manufacturer’s packaging. The system also demands ac-
tive participation from every intermediary on the distribution chain. If a
pharmacist fails to scan the barcode, the information it carries is of no use.
Nevertheless, electronic track-and-trace can do much to thwart criminals
and protect the drug supply. The systems in Brazil and Turkey give vendors
and motivated consumers a way to verify the safety of their products, and
they allow regulators to better understand where and how frequently prod-
ucts leave the distribution chain.
A data matrix or two-dimensional barcode

on a medicine package.
SOURCE: Altunkan et al., 2012, reprinted with
permission. © 2012 IEEE.

Electronic Product Codes and Radio Frequency Identification

Electronic product codes are a form of product code stored in radio
frequency identification tags about the size of a grain of rice. The radio
frequency tag contains an antenna and a chip (EPCglobal, 2007; Wunder
and Roach, 2008). The chip holds the product’s unique serial number,
expiry date, batch code, and information about its previous transactions;
the antenna, when activated by the tag reader, conducts radio energy to the
chip to send and receive data (Lefebvre et al., 2011; RFID Journal, 2012).
The technician reading the chip does not need to position the reader within
sight of the tag to read it; the signal is sent by radio waves, not sight. The
amount of information encoded in electronic product codes and the ease
of accessing this information make the system attractive for drug pedigrees
(Lefebvre et al., 2011).
Though some see radio frequency identification (also called RFID) as
one of the greatest technological achievements of recent times (Bendavid
et al., 2007; Srivastava, 2004), others call it disruptive and over-hyped
(Bendavid et al., 2007). The technology clearly has innovative potential,
but a critical mass of intermediaries on the drug distribution chain need to
upgrade their systems for it to be useful (Lefebvre et al., 2011). Consumer
electronics and other expensive products are commonly labeled with radio
frequency tags, but using the technology for medicines presents obstacles.
Radio frequency tags are expensive. A 2008 estimate put the cost at
$0.11 per tag when bought in lots of 1 million (Wunder and Roach, 2008).
After marking each primary package (the smallest unit of packaging) with
a radio frequency tag, access to the electronic product code database neces-
sary to decipher the information in the chip costs about $50,000 in the first
year (Wunder and Roach, 2008). RFID infrastructure can cost a medium-
sized hospital between $200,000 and $600,000 (Yao et al., 2010). The
high costs led the U.S. Generic Pharmaceutical Association to call unique
serialization “prohibitively expensive” (GPhA, 2012).
Generics companies in many parts of the world share this sentiment,
although the generics industry is not at consensus on the question (Barlas,
2005; Jagdale, 2010; Wolinsky, 2006). Even if the technology were cheaper,
it is unclear that it would be practical in the markets most hurt by falsi-
fied drugs. Chapter 3 explains that the burden of falsified medicines is
borne mostly by the poor, especially the poor in low- and middle-income
countries, who buy drugs at unlicensed drug stores and unregulated street
markets. As a packaging expert explained to Express Pharma, an Indian
trade publication, “If you imagine a rural town or village in India—are
we really talking sense when we expect an RFID scanner at the outlet?”
(Jagdale, 2010).

Mobile Verification
For the time being, the poorest countries are not likely to use electronic
tracking systems below the tertiary or bulk packaging at the warehouse
level. Mobile phone verification, an ingenious form of mass serialization,
can fill in for an electronic pedigree at a drug’s last step to the consumer.
Mobile verification companies such as Sproxil take subscriptions from drug
companies and wholesalers. Sproxil provides labels to their clients; each
label is marked with a visible serial number and secret code hidden under
the scratch-off surface. When the label is attached to the final package,
the manufacturer enters the visible serial number in the Sproxil database
through a secure web portal. The visible serial number links the product
manufacturer, batch number, manufacture, and expiry dates to the secret
scratch-off code.
At the point of purchase, the consumer sends a text message or, in
some systems, an e-mail to the verification company, the company that
makes the scratch-off labels and manages the linked database. The mes-
sage is sent to a secure server, usually for no charge. An immediate text
message response confirms if the secret code number is registered with the
manufacturer, or if it is from a shipment reported to have left the legitimate
supply chain. Mobile verification of pharmaceuticals is gaining users in 17
sub-Saharan African countries and India (Mukherjee, 2012; Sproxil, 2012;
Versel, 2012). An elegant system for assigning unique product numbers,
mobile verification empowers consumers to act for their own safety.
Mobile verification cannot prevent fraud, nor is it a substitute for phar-
macovigilance and postmarket surveillance. A product could be substan-
dard at the factory but still gain a valid mobile verification label. Mobile
verification, however, appeals to good-quality manufacturers, who see the
service as an investment in their brand or as a way for consumers to have
Sproxil standard labels with visible serial number and scratch-off covering the secret
code number.
SOURCE: Ashifi Gogo.

confidence in the quality their internal records already show. A more likely
problem would be a wholesaler assigning a legitimate label to a falsified
drug. Also, the verification service only confirms a product’s identity at the
end of the distribution chain, at purchase. These systems cannot track the
chain of custody or monitor if the product has been stored and transported
properly.
A reliable system for tracking and tracing drugs through the distribu-
tion chain would greatly reduce the likelihood of falsified and substandard
medicines reaching patients. Recent technological advances, such as the use
of radio frequency identification and the expansion of mobile phones in de-
veloping countries, hold promise for supply chain security. The committee
believes that manufacturers and governments should use these technologies
to integrate all records of a drug’s chain of custody.
Recommendation 5-2: Congress should authorize and fund the U.S.

Food and Drug Administration (FDA) to establish a mandatory track-
and-trace system. In the interim, the FDA should convene a working
group of stakeholders, including the International Federation of Phar-
maceutical Manufacturers and Associations and the Generic Phar-
maceutical Association, to promote voluntary track-and-trace for all
supply chain actors in accordance with existing guidance.
A mandatory track-and-trace system for drugs is the best way to moni-

tor the chain of custody and protect patients from unsafe drugs. A full
track-and-trace system would allow all parties in the drug distribution
chain to see a complete record of the product’s path from the manufacturer
to the patient (Rappeport and Jack, 2012). Track-and-trace systems place
unique demands on drug manufacturers, retailers, and wholesalers. Some
may see the imposition of a drug pedigree system as a matter of pharmacy
practice, and therefore under the jurisdiction of state boards of pharmacy,
the state health department, or another state authority. To avoid confusion
on this question, Congress should clearly authorize the FDA to require
manufacturers to trace back finished dosage forms to their constituent
ingredients. This authority should accompany an increase in funding to
allow the agency, which has received many unfunded mandates in recent
years, the staffing and technical upgrades necessary to monitor compliance
(McCain, 2011; Palmer, 2010).
A track-and-trace system would allow pharmacists to identify suspi-
cious drugs before dispensing them and would facilitate more efficient
product recalls (Buynak, 2011; DeCardenas, 2007). Some versions of track-
and-trace exist in the system already. Companies tag drug pallets or other
bulk packages with radio frequency tags, for example, but use barcodes
or other identifiers on smaller units (Lefebvre et al., 2011). Full track-and-

A child uses a cell phone at a market in Ghana.

SOURCE: © 2006 Joitske Hulsebosch, courtesy of Photoshare.

trace will require changes to drug primary pack labels and changes to the
packaging and repackaging practices at wholesale. These changes have
delayed acceptance of full track-and-trace (Yukhananov, 2012).
Nevertheless, consumers and governments have demanded a stronger
chain of custody (DeCardenas, 2007). This problem has been lingering for
years and should be addressed promptly (Palmer, 2012). Without a clear
federal mandate on the problem, companies and state governments work
in a state of uncertainty, not knowing where and how to make the neces-
sary investments that track-and-trace will require. If Congress does not
set a mandatory requirement, then the competing demands of state track-
and-trace systems will create an unmanageable burden for manufacturers,
wholesalers, and retailers. For example, in 2015 California will require
unique serial numbers on pill bottles and drug vials (GPhA, 2011; Norman,
2012).
In 2011, the FDA held a workshop on tracking and tracing prescription
drugs. Stakeholder comments on the workshop mentioned the importance
of track-and-trace and “the need for one standard, without variations
imposed, for example, by individual states” (Ducca, 2011). There is risk
to allowing a piecemeal approach to pharmaceutical track-and-trace. Any
track-and-trace system will be an expense to manufacturers and industry,
but the expense can be contained by making one national requirement.
Other stakeholders commented on the expense of implementing a na-
tional track-and-trace system (GPhA, 2011). Generic manufacturers and
drug wholesalers operate on lean margins (Berndt and Newhouse, 2010;
CBO, 2007). An increased track-and-trace requirement will put a financial
burden on these companies, even if the added cost is low. There are also
costs to pharmacies, between $84,000 and $110,000, about 0.88 percent of
annual sales (RFID Update, 2008). Therefore, the committee recommends
that the FDA bring all industry stakeholders together to work toward vol-
untary use of track-and-trace technology. This can help control the burden
an inevitable shift to drug tracking will put on these businesses.
Tracking primary packages through the drug distribution chain with
unique serial numbers is a good defense against criminal infiltration
(Ludwig, 2012; Pellek, 2009; Power, 2008). A method of tracking medi-
cines from the factory to the consumer could greatly reduce the chances of
a dangerous product being sold at a reputable pharmacy. These solutions
are of limited value in the vast pharmaceutical gray markets, however. Ig-
norance, convenience, and desperation, or some combination thereof, drive
patients to unlicensed pharmacies in street bazaars and on the internet.
Medicines retail, the last leg of the drug distribution system, is often the
most chaotic.

MEDICINES RETAIL
The drug distribution system becomes more disordered as the products
leak out of regulated distribution chains. The risk increases as drugs move
farther from the manufacturer en route to the vendor. Licensed pharmacies
and dispensaries can control the quality of their stock, at least insomuch
as they can trust their wholesalers. There are no such efforts at quality
control in the unlicensed market. Unlicensed vendors are often minimally
educated. They may approach medicines dispensing as any other sales job
and not want a customer to leave without making a purchase. In general,
these vendors exploit the chaos inherent to street markets and dry goods
shops in low- and middle-income countries and to online drug stores in
middle- and high-income ones. Their stock is poor because the stockists are
either unable or unwilling to judge quality.
Their customers are similarly ill-equipped to evaluate the dangers of
buying medicine outside of controlled chains. Unlicensed medicine vendors
fill a need, especially in poor countries, when time, expense, and distance
impede access to registered pharmacies. Internet pharmacies can fill a simi-
lar void, appealing to customers eager to save time and money or to pur-
chase discretely. Both types of market are dangerous and more similar than
they may appear at first glance. A Chinese military pharmacist described
the appeal of unlicensed medicine shops: “There are people who choose
to seek medical help from these places, possibly because of lower prices or
privacy concerns, which may increase their chances of getting counterfeit
products” (Quingyun, 2012). The observation is true of all unregulated
• There are few high-quality, licensed drug shops in developing coun-

tries, especially outside of cities.
• Drug sellers in developing countries often do not have the training to
oversee the purchasing and dispensing of medicines.
• Drug seller accreditation and franchising programs have improved
drug retail in some developing countries. Task shifting and vocational
training in medicines retail can alleviate the shortage of pharmacists.
Government incentives can help keep trained staff in underserved
areas.
• Internet pharmacies are often the disorganized drug markets of de-
veloped countries. Only 7 percent of countries have a system for
verifying legitimate online drug stores.
• In the United States, the expense of drugs contributes to the draw of
online drug stores.

pharmacies. Street markets and the internet are a main source of falsified
and substandard medicines for patients around the world (WHPA, 2011).
The committee believes some changes to medicines retail could improve the
world’s vast and disorganized pharmaceutical bazaars.
Unregistered Pharmacies in Low- and Middle-Income Countries

The packaging of falsified drugs contains clues that are lost in un-
regulated pharmacies (Dondorp et al., 2004). Epidemiological research
suggests that falsified medicines are often sold without packaging (Basco,
2004), by street vendors (Tipke et al., 2008) or by patent medicine dealers
(Onwujekwe et al., 2009). The dangers of these vendors are clear: Some sell
loose pills from large plastic bags or cut apart and subdivide blister packs;
none has training in the proper storage, buying, or dispensing of medicines.
Even when packaged medicines happen into these markets, their customers
are not often sophisticated enough to analyze packages for irregularities.
Illiteracy is a known predictor of buying falsified and substandard drugs
(Erhun et al., 2001), and it is the poorest and least educated patients who
buy medicines from unauthorized dealers (Nkamnebe, 2007). As David
Peters and Gerald Bloom observed, “The wealthiest people in developing
Medicine for sale in a Côte d’Ivoire street market.

SOURCE: Issouf Sanogo/Getty Images.

nations tend to use highly regulated services. The poor, by contrast, usually
seek care elsewhere” (Peters and Bloom, 2012, p. 164).
Shortage of Quality-Assured Drug Shops

A simple lack of alternatives pushes the poorest consumers to buy
medicine at unregulated shops. High taxes and overhead costs make a diffi-
cult business environment for pharmacists; there are few incentives to work
in underserved areas (McCabe, 2009). Research on drug shops in rural
Tanzania found that despite gross regulatory violations, including stocking
of controlled medicines, selling loose tablets, selling of unregistered drugs,
and near universal lack of qualified staff in sales, the shops operated with
the government’s tacit permission (Goodman et al., 2007).
The regulatory authority might not have enough inspectors to monitor
all drug shops on the prescribed timetable (Goodman et al., 2007; MSH,
2012). The Ghanaian Pharmacy Council, for example, inspects only about
20 percent of all drug sellers annually (Segrè and Tran, 2008). Inspectors
commonly find the shops selling restricted medicines, the products that
bring in about half of the stores’ total revenues (Segrè and Tran, 2008). The
low likelihood of being caught in a violation and the social and financial in-
centives to ignore regulations outweigh the threat of punishment for many
shopkeepers (Segrè and Tran, 2008). When infrequent inspection does
identify violations, regulators are loath to enforce the rules, as this would
remove from many communities their only medicine store (Goodman et
al., 2007).
These inspectors realize that even unlicensed drug shops serve a pur-
pose in developing countries, especially outside of cities, where there are
no licensed pharmacies (MSH, 2012). People in rural areas use these shops
for more than just retail; the shopkeepers are a source, sometimes the sole
source, of health advice in their communities (Anderson et al., 2009; Azhar
et al., 2009; Bustreo et al., 2003; Goel et al., 1996; Peters and Bloom,
2012). The accuracy of the information they give is doubtful, however
(McCabe, 2009). In some parts of the world, so-called pharmacy assistants
may have less than a middle-school education (Goel et al., 1996). These
shopkeepers are not properly trained for medicines retail, let alone patient
counseling.
Shortage of Trained Pharmacy Staff

Poor supervision of medicines retail allows falsified and substandard
products to circulate. Pharmacists oversee the responsible purchase of drugs
from legitimate wholesalers. They watch for suspicious products in the licit
supply chain, educate patients on warning signs of problem drugs, and are

the first line of postmarketing surveillance (Ziance, 2008). Too few people
are trained to do this job in the parts of the world where falsified and sub-
standard medicines are a systemic problem. As Figure 5-4 shows, poorer
countries often have more pharmacies than pharmacists, sometimes many
times more; in some counties even these estimates may be inflated (FIP,
2009). The International Pharmaceutical Federation (known by the French
acronym FIP) estimates that only slightly more than half of all pharmacists
are active in the workforce (FIP, 2009).
The WHO commented on this problem in a 2010 report, observing
that many types of medicines outlets in sub-Saharan Africa are not man-
aged by pharmacists (WHO, 2010). In general, the region has a pharmacist
for every 23,375 people; 75 percent of these pharmacists live in Nigeria
or South Africa (Kome and Fieno, 2006). After excluding these countries,
the ratio is closer to 1:64,640 (Kome and Fieno, 2006). Though the short-
age is especially acute in sub-Saharan Africa, the ratio of pharmacists to
population in most low- and middle-income countries falls far short of the
WHO-recommended 1:2,000 (Azhar et al., 2009). National estimates in
Malaysia (1:6,207) and Pakistan (≈ 1:19,748) also suggest serious problems
(Azhar et al., 2009).
The world distribution of pharmacists shown in Figure 5-5 indicates
a dearth of pharmacy professionals in sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast
Asia. This map fails to capture the relative privation of rural areas, where
far fewer pharmacists per person work (Hawthorne and Anderson, 2009).
In India, for example, most pharmacists work in the country’s drug manu-
facturing sector (Mohanta et al., 2001). So, although the national average
ratio of pharmacists to population is 1:1,785, this number masks regional
disparities (Basak et al., 2009). In states with less manufacturing the ratio
hovers around 1:4,000 (Basak et al., 2009). All states struggle with a pro-
nounced rural-urban imbalance. Few pharmacists work outside of cities,
and almost none works in remote areas (Basak et al., 2009). This problem
is not unique to India. Survey data indicate that managers around the world
find it difficult to fill pharmacy positions in the public sector and outside of
urban areas (FIP, 2006).
Rural disadvantage starts with education. Pharmacy schools are in cit-
ies and therefore attract urban students who have little interest in working
in the countryside or reason to move there after graduation (Anderson et
al., 2009). Furthermore, pharmacy training in many low- and middle-
income countries, especially in Asia, qualifies people to work in industry
(Azhar et al., 2009; Mohanta et al., 2001). A critic of the Indian pharmacy
education system observed, “Community pharmacy practice does not exist
in its true sense, only drug selling” (Mohanta et al., 2001, p. 810).
Improvements to the practice of community pharmacy would curtail

Density per 10,000 population
0 5 10 15 20
Malta
Japan
Jordan
Spain
Kuwait
Iceland
Republic of Korea
Germany
Belgium
France
Italy
Portugal
Canada
United States
Australia
Switzerland
Great Britain
Syria
Macedonia
Czech Republic
Denmark
Israel
Hungary
Brazil
Austria
Costa Rica
India
Finland
Mexico
Argentina
Paraguay
Colombia
Turkey
Uruguay
Singapore
Albania
Sudan
Vietnam
Zimbabwe
Ghana Density of pharmacists per 10,000
Indonesia Density of pharmacies per 10,000
Kenya
Pakistan
Mali
Nigeria
Nepal
Tanzania
Rwanda
Ethiopia
Uganda
FIGURE 5–4 Number of pharmacists per 10,000 people and

number of pharmacies per 10,000 people in 50 countries.
SOURCE: FIP, 2009 (http://www.fip.org/pharmacy_education).

FIGURE 5–5 The world’s pharmacists, pharmacy technicians, and pharmacy assistants,
2006 data.
SOURCE: Worldmapper, 2006. © Copyright SASI Group (University of Sheffield) and Mark Newman (Univer-
sity of Michigan).
the sale of poor-quality drugs in low- and middle-income countries. How-

ever, having practicing community pharmacists oversee all pharmacies is
an unrealistic solution in the parts of the world most hurt by falsified and
substandard pharmaceuticals. Viable short-term solutions should aim to
increase the reach of legal drug shops staffed by sellers with appropriate
minimal training. The committee believes that governments and the private
sector both have important roles in assuring a safe medicine supply in un-
derserved areas.

tries should provide an environment conducive to the private sector
establishing high-quality medicines retail in underserved areas. Govern-
ment incentives could encourage this. To the same end, governments,
the World Health Organization, and the International Pharmaceutical
Federation should support national pharmacy councils and education
departments to train tiers of pharmaceutical personnel.
The committee recognizes two main problems with medicines retail in

low- and middle-income countries. First, there are not enough high-quality
vendors, driving customers to street markets and unlicensed shops. Second,
there are not enough trained staff to oversee the responsible purchasing and

dispensing of medicines. This is a problem in both rural areas and slums

(Azhar et al., 2009; Riley et al., 2007).
The committee recognizes that supplying cheap, quality-assured drugs
to the population is not a realistic goal for many governments, especially in
poor countries. These countries can encourage private-sector investment in
medicines and facilitate task shifting among pharmaceutical staff, however.
Examples of successful programs that improved medicines access follow.
Improving Retail
Providing safe, affordable medicine to the population is not within
the budget of many countries. The private sector, however, will invest in
medicines retail if there is a good business reason to do so. Governments
can take steps that would encourage private-sector investment and create
an environment where responsible private drug sellers will thrive.
One promising example of government and private-sector investment in
medicine retail is the Accredited Drug Dispensing Outlet (ADDO) program
in Tanzania (MSH, 2012). The Tanzanian regulatory authority was eager
to discourage illegal stocking and improve dispensing practices at unreg-
istered drug stores through an accreditation program (MSH, 2012; Rutta
et al., 2011). The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation funded the program,
which used a combination of training, incentives, and creation of consumer
demand to drive changes in the private sector (MSH, 2005; Rutta et al.,
2011). Trainers from the Tanzanian Ministry of Health educated drug
shopkeepers on proper dispensing techniques, medicines storage, national
regulations, business skills, and ethics (MSH, 2005; Rutta et al., 2011).
The government offered low-interest loans for improving drug shops, many
of which had been stuffy, hot, humid (therefore unsuitable for medicine
storage), and not properly secured against theft (MSH, 2012). Participants
who met the program’s standards were rewarded with legal authority to sell
some controlled drugs (MSH, 2005). The government has made efforts to
increase the ADDO customer base, allowing ADDOs in some districts to
dispense subsidized artemisinin combination therapies (Rutta et al., 2011).
The subsidy also ensures that good-quality antimalarials are as affordable
to poor customers as the ubiquitous falsified ones.
The ADDO certification program conferred a competitive advantage
on participating shopkeepers. A widespread social marketing campaign on
access to malaria drugs promoted the outlets as reliable vendors (Hetzel et
al., 2007). This publicity helps build consumer confidence in the program
and create demand for the outlet’s services. An emphasis on customer ser-
vice and good management in the accreditation process gave the shops a
professional quality that enhanced consumer satisfaction.

Franchising is another private-sector approach to improving drug retail.

The Ghanaian Social Marketing Foundation, a national NGO, founded the
CareShop franchising program to improve access to good-quality medicines
in Ghana (Segrè and Tran, 2008). The foundation recruited franchisees
from among licensed chemical sellers, attracting them with an improved
supply chain. The drug sellers had been spending an average of 30 percent
of their time purchasing from an unreliable wholesale market (Segrè and
Tran, 2008). The franchiser guaranteed supply and direct delivery of the
shop’s entire inventory, thereby saving the shopkeeper time and about $227
per year in travel expenses (Segrè and Tran, 2008). This system also puts
wholesale buying in the hands of a purchaser qualified to judge product
quality. The purchaser’s frequent large orders command a collective buying
power that controls costs.
Customer loyalty to the CareShop franchise grew quickly in the pro-
gram’s first 4 years (Segrè and Tran, 2008). With 270 outlets, CareShop is
one of the largest drug store franchises in Africa (Segrè and Tran, 2008).
Box 5-3 present profiles of two typical CareShop franchisees.
Drug seller accreditation improves medicine quality at the place most
patients will, from convenience and habit, turn to first (MSH, 2012). In
Kenya, the United States Agency for International Development funded a
public–private drug seller accreditation program that increased the rational
dispensing of antimalarials among participating shopkeepers (MSH, 2012;
Tavrow et al., 2002). Drug seller accreditation requires making the best use
of the shopkeepers already selling medicines. Part of the project’s success
came from its training of motivated drug shopkeepers.
Pharmaceutical Task Shifting

Training and credentialing of drug shop staff must accompany any
successful accreditation program. Task shifting, delegating responsibilities
from doctors, nurses, and pharmacists to less specialized lay health work-
ers, is a way to improve the shortage of health professionals in developing
countries (Fulton et al., 2011; WHO, 2008). There is international sup-
port for task shifting in pharmacy, especially in the training of pharmacy
technicians, which is often a kind of post–high school vocational training
in dispensing medicines (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2012; Hawthorne and
Anderson, 2009).
International organizations such as the FIP and the WHO cannot
dictate the best training programs and levels of pharmacy staff needed in
hundreds of different countries (Anderson et al., 2009). They can, however,
help ministries of education and national pharmacy councils identify the
competencies a vocational pharmacy worker would need in their coun-
try. Their efforts in-country should aim to identify the competencies and

BOX 5-3
CareShop Franchisee Profiles
Rose Kaade Apreku
“Upon the completion of primary school, Ms. Apreku worked on

her family farm prior to saving enough money to start her own licensed
chemical shop. She estimates that it cost $300 to open her shop. Ms.
Apreku explained that the CareShop franchise drastically improved her
business in several ways. First, she is able to advise her customers more
confidently on the nature and appropriate treatment of their afflictions.
Second, she is able to offer her patients better customer service through
complementary selling techniques. Lastly, she is able to track her sales
and pricing using a ledger. Ms. Apreku’s sales are five times higher than
they were prior to conversion, and she runs the store from 7 am to 10
pm every day with the help of Adams, her son (also pictured)” (Segrè
and Tran, 2008, p. 31).

Kofi Asiam
“Mr. Asiam inherited his chemical shop, a converted space attached

to his home, from his father and was a licensed chemical seller for nearly
20 years prior to his conversion to CareShop. Commenting on the differ-
ence between his business before and after conversion, Mr. Asiam notes,
‘It is a tremendous difference. CareShop has enlightened us. Our custom-
ers now see our place as a beautiful place.’ During his renovation process,
Mr. Asiam spent roughly $200 on improvements, which include ceiling
fans, a refrigerator, and glass display cases. These are important differ-
entiators because Mr. Asiam has four competing LCS [licensed chemical
sellers] within a kilometer of his own shop” (Segrè and Tran, 2008, p. 31).

minimum training necessary to work in medicines retail. They might also

consider developing chains of supervision wherein minimally educated staff
manage stock and then report their needs up to someone who is qualified
to identify good-quality wholesalers and buy from them. The committee
believes that national pharmacy councils are best able to articulate what
the proper reporting chain should be in their country and what minimum
qualifications their countries’ patients will accept. The minimum training
for a drug dispenser or pharmacy technician in rural Canada will be dif-
ferent from what is suitable to rural Nepal. In any case, there should be
emphasis on vocational training to credential medicine shopkeepers and
include them in the health system.
There is evidence that task shifting can alleviate the pharmacist short-
age in developing countries. In Malawi, an emergency training and cre-
dentialing program for health workers increased the number of pharmacy
technicians by 84 percent between 2004 and 2009 (O’Neil et al., 2010).
Malawian pharmacy technicians supervise pharmacy attendants, the lower-
level staff who stock and dispense drugs, allowing the technician more time
for stock management and other more complicated tasks (Shulman et al.,
2009). Because of task shifting, pharmacy technicians monitor adherence
to antiretroviral treatment in Zambia and tuberculosis treatment in urban
Uganda (Bolton-Moore et al., 2007; Mafigiri et al., 2011; Stringer et al.,
2006).
Training and task shifting programs that recruit minimally educated
shopkeepers are also promising. For example, Kilifi, Kenya, is a rural area
of 70,000 people with 15 licensed dispensaries and pharmacies and 316
general stores that sell medicine (Marsh et al., 2004). A training program
for Kilifi shopkeepers more than doubled the proportion of antimalarials
sold in adequate dosage (Marsh et al., 2004). A similar Kenyan program
trained mobile wholesalers or wholesaler counter attendants to teach drug
retailers about correct malaria drug dosing (Tavrow and Shabahang, 2002).
After 6 months, mystery shoppers were nine times more likely to receive
the correct drugs in the correct dose from retailers who had participated in
the program (Tavrow and Shabahang, 2002).
Giving Incentives to Pharmaceutical Personnel

Using workers more efficiently could do much to remedy chaotic drug
retail in low- and middle-income countries, but there is also a problem of
retaining trained staff in underserved posts. Even minimal technical train-
ing confers a competitive advantage in the labor market, especially in poor
countries (Attanasio et al., 2009; GTZ, n.d.; Kasipar et al., 2009). Newly
minted pharmacy technicians or drug dispensers can easily leave their rural

assignment for better paying jobs in places with a higher standard of living
and better opportunities for their children. This pattern can undermine the
best efforts to improve rural-urban equity and should be discouraged, while
respecting the individual right to emigrate.
Governments should reward service in underserved areas and attempt
to mitigate the hardships of these posts. The people who take advantage
of training programs are bright and ambitious. They naturally want their
children to be at least as educated as they are. Scholarships for the children
of pharmacy staff in underserved areas could assuage fears that a rural
posting puts their children at a disadvantage. Efforts to guarantee good
schooling for children, possibly through boarding schools or scholarships,
could remove a barrier to rural service (Rao et al., 2010). Better salaries can
draw trained staff to cities, but tax breaks and hardship pay can alleviate
this obstacle (CSG, 2008; Rao et al., 2010).
Health workers also have concerns about quality of life and physical
hardships in rural posts (Rao et al., 2010). Subsidized housing or provi-
sion of modern living quarters could help in places where this is a common
concern. It is also possible to recruit pharmacy technicians and pharmacy
assistants from underserved communities. Training students from rural and
remote areas is a known way to reduce attrition in these posts (Rabinowitz
et al., 1999). The Australian Rural and Remote Pharmacy program has
successfully increased service to rural and isolated communities, in part
through giving scholarships to students from rural backgrounds (see Box
5-4).
Internet Pharmacies in Middle- and High-Income Countries

Disorganized medicines retail is not confined to developing countries.
The previous section describes the large gray market for medicines in ba-
zaars and unlicensed drug shops in low- and middle-income countries. The
internet serves the same purpose, but mostly in middle- and high-income
countries. Illegitimate internet pharmacies are similar to unlicensed drug
shops both in the quality of the products they stock, which is poor, and in
the lack of official oversight of their operations (Crawford, 2003). And,
because the internet facilitates easy international sales, online drug stores
have spread the problem of falsified and substandard drugs “from small,
unprofitable, markets in developing nations to the [drug] industry’s most
lucrative markets” (Lybecker, 2007, p. 512).
The Legality of Internet Drugs Retail

A 2011 survey of 114 WHO member states found that the majority
of countries had no laws governing the operation of internet pharmacies

BOX 5-4
The Australian Rural Pharmacy Workforce Program
The Australian government began the Rural Pharmacy Workforce

Program in 1999 as part of a broader effort to improve rural and indig-
enous people’s health care (Australian Government, 1999). The program
aims to improve access to pharmacy services in rural or remote regions
and includes a variety of initiatives to improve recruitment and retention
of rural pharmacists.
One part of recruitment is raising awareness of rural pharmacy as an
attractive career choice (KPMG, 2010). Recruitment materials emphasize
the benefits of a rural career, including increased patient interaction, di-
verse career paths, a more laid-back lifestyle, close-knit community life,
altruism, and excitement (PGA, 2011). A 2009 DVD campaign promotes
the same messages to high school students (KPMG, 2010).
The program also increases pharmacy students’ exposure to rural
work during their training. Australian pharmacy students work in com-
munity or hospital pharmacies as part of their studies. Most will do so
in an urban area (PGA, 2012b). By paying housing and transportation
costs, the program allows universities to place students in rural intern-
ships (PGA, 2012b). Positive internship experiences encourage students
to practice in rural areas during their careers (FIP, 2009).
The program also supports students from rural backgrounds to
pursue pharmacy degrees. Rural students are twice as likely to return to
rural areas after graduation as students from cities (FIP, 2009). The Rural
Pharmacy Scholarship Scheme awards rural students $10,000 per year
of study and pairs them with a mentor who also works in rural pharmacy
(PGA, 2012a).
Professional isolation can lower retention of rural pharmacists
(KPMG, 2010). A continuing education program aims to avoid this pitfall
by funding rural pharmacists’ professional development (KPMG, 2010).
Another successful initiative to improve retention is the program’s emer-
gency locum service. This offers rural pharmacists direct, 24-hour access
to replacement pharmacists in emergency situations when they need to
leave their practices (KPMG, 2010). The service ensures that rural phar-
macies remain open and that communities have continued pharmacy
access (FIP, 2009).
The FIP has praised the Australian program as the world’s most com-
prehensive rural pharmacy improvement (FIP, 2009). An independent
evaluation found that both rural pharmacists and consumers valued its
initiatives (FIP, 2009). The program is credited with expanding pharmacy
service in rural Australia by 13 percent, eight times faster than the na-
tional average (FIP, 2009).

(WHO, 2011). Of those countries that have legislation about internet phar-
macies, more disallow (19 percent) than allow them (7 percent) (WHO,
2011). Figure 5-6 shows the geographic breakdown of the 30 countries that
have legislation on the operation of internet pharmacies.
One of the most common tools for governing internet pharmacy is ac-
creditation and certification, though only 7 percent of responding countries
have a national process for certifying, accrediting, or regulating internet
pharmacies (WHO, 2011). Most of these countries are in Europe, and all
are either in the World Bank’s high-income or upper-middle-income groups
(WHO, 2011). A few countries have an accreditation process for their own
internet pharmacies, but internet commerce is transnational. Legislation on
internet pharmacies outside of a country’s jurisdiction is even less common;
only 25 percent of the 144 countries surveyed have legislation governing the
purchase of medicine from foreign countries (WHO, 2011). The countries
that allow purchasing from online pharmacies abroad are mostly in Europe
(WHO, 2011), where the single market has hastened consideration of trans-
60
Prohibits
50
Allows
40
Percent of countries
30
20
10
0
Africa Eastern Europe Americas Southeast Western
Mediterranean Asia Pacific
Legislation by WHO region
FIGURE 5–6 Legislation of internet pharmacy operations by WHO region.

NOTE: WHO = World Health Organization.
SOURCE: WHO, 2011.

national commerce. Perhaps concern about the practicality of enforcing

laws against internet drug sales prevents countries from passing them. It
may also seem futile to ask internet drug sellers to observe the same stan-
dards registered pharmacies do, such as requiring doctor’s prescription for
controlled medicines, when “national rules banning the sale of drugs with-
out a prescription can be easily overcome” (Levaggi et al., 2012, p. 245).
Just as often, restrictions and quality controls for online pharmacies
are not, in fact, violated because many internet pharmacies operate out
of countries that have no such restrictions. Rogue internet pharmacies,
those that sell dangerous products and avoid inspections, commonly op-
erate from low- and middle-income countries (Baert and De Spiegeleer,
2010; FDA, 2005). The United Nations Office on Development and Crime
(UNODC) reckons India supplies the most drugs for illegal online phar-
macies (UNODC, 2010). Although regulatory agencies can ask foreign
governments to close online drug stores, it is difficult to prevent them from
reopening at a different address (Ivanitskaya et al., 2010). Because the
products are sent through courier or postal services, customs and border
officers may also stop the imported drugs at the port of entry (Ivanitskaya
et al., 2010).
The Attraction of Internet Pharmacies

Some of the more reputable-looking internet drug sellers keep up the
pretense of having patients complete a health questionnaire before buying
drugs, but many do not (Ivanitskaya et al., 2010; Orizio et al., 2011). Far
more variable is the requirement for a doctor’s prescription (Orizio et al.,
2011). A European study found 62 percent of medicines bought online to
be falsified or substandard or both (EAASM, 2008). The U.S. Government
Accountability Office found that only about 20 percent of the 21 online
pharmacy samples were falsified, though another three samples were pos-
sibly degraded (GAO, 2004).
Bostwick and Lineberry proposed four main categories of customers
at internet pharmacies: bargain hunters, the poor or elderly, the “life-
style libertines” who prefer to self-prescribe, and drug addicts (Baert and
De Spiegeleer, 2010; Bostwick and Lineberry, 2007). Of these groups, ad-
dicts are the least likely to purchase prescription drugs online (Inciardi et
al., 2010). Internet drug stores cater to people who like to buy drugs with-
out, or even against, a physician’s advice (Levaggi et al., 2012), or to those
who cannot otherwise afford their medication (Baert and De Spiegeleer,
2010). Table 5-3 shows other perceived advantages and disadvantages of
online pharmacies.
Other online shoppers seem motivated by a belief, sometimes a mis-
taken one, that internet pharmacies sell cheaper drugs. In a sample of 19

TABLE 5–3 Advantages and Disadvantages of Internet Pharmacies
Advantages of Online Pharmacies Disadvantages of Online Pharmacies
Available 24 hours per day, 7 days per week Limited participation by third-party payers
Lessened perceptions of intimidation Pharmacists not always immediately

when obtaining embarrassing or sensitive available online to answer important
drugs questions patients may have
Some sites allow patients to check Concerns about issues of privacy of

medication profiles online information
Medications delivered directly to patient’s Concerns about security of financial

home via standard or special mail information transmitted
Convenience Questions about the integrity of

drugs shipped
Medication availability to patients with Questions about the quality of drug

physical or other disabilities that hinder information provided
retail patronage
May bypass the pharmacist/patient and

physician/patient relationship
Difficult to ascertain whether licensed

practitioners are dispensing drugs or
providing consultations
SOURCE: Crawford, 2003.
websites, Levaggi and colleagues found that one-third of their drug orders
never arrived, though no company issued refunds (Levaggi et al., 2012).
On average, the investigators paid more for the drugs that never arrived
than for those that arrived (€0.83 per pill for those that arrived, €1.27 for
those that did not). Investigators cited other hidden costs, including ship-
ping and customs fees, as well as the cost of time spent waiting for the slow
transactions to process (Levaggi et al., 2012). More importantly, of the 13
pharmacies that filled orders, only two were not of substandard quality
(Levaggi et al., 2012).
Levaggi and colleagues are an Italian research group. They criticized
the false economy of online drug sellers in part because the products they
bought sell for less in Italian regulated, storefront pharmacies (Levaggi et
al., 2012). For consumers in the United States, the cost-to-benefit analysis
is not as clear. A 2001 study of Parkinson’s disease medications found on-
line drug stores offered substantial savings off U.S. list prices; brand-name
drugs were 7 to 58 percent cheaper, generics 31 to 76 percent less expensive
(Wagner et al., 2001). A study of American shoppers at internet pharmacies
found that 37.6 percent perceive the costs as one of the main advantages of
internet drug sellers (Crawford, 2003).

Some internet pharmacy shoppers choose to bypass the regulated medi-

cine channels out of arrogance or ignorance. Others understand the risks
but have no better alternative. A Forbes magazine contributor explained,
“My wife needs the meds to stave off a recurrence of cancer, so avoiding
[online pharmacies] is not an option” (Wasik, 2012). The risks of online
purchases are, especially in the United States, inextricable from larger
questions of affordable drug pricing (Financial Times, 2012). Every year
more Americans, and others accustomed to using the internet for bargain
shopping, import “incremental amounts” of medicines to their countries
though gray market internet purchases (Laven, 2006; Shepherd, 2007b).
Many of these patients presumably struggle with the dilemma the UNODC
described: “In some cases, cheaper but lesser quality medication is better
than nothing; in other cases, it clearly is not” (UNODC, 2010, p. 184).
Distinguishing Rogue Pharmacies from Legitimate Ones

In late September 2012, Interpol, an intergovernmental organization
for police cooperation, organized an international raid of online pharmacies
A GlaxoSmithKline ad campaign about the dangers of online pharmacies purporting to

sell Canadian medicines.
SOURCE: Lybecker, 2007.

(Interpol, 2012a). The operation, known as Pangea V, is part of Interpol’s

enforcement against pharmaceutical crime. Regulatory, customs, and law
enforcement agencies in 100 other countries took part in the operation,
which shut down over 18,000 internet pharmacies and led to 79 arrests
(FDA, 2012a; Interpol, 2012b; Shelton, 2012; TechNewsDaily, 2012). In
the United States, the FDA estimates that Pangea V led to closing of more
than 4,100 illegal online drug sellers (FDA, 2012a).
By the agency’s own admission however, such efforts are futile. Ilisa
Bernstein, acting director of the FDA Center for Drug Evaluation and Re-
search, explained, “We don’t know how many websites are out there, but
there are a lot more . . . they can pop up days or weeks later using another
URL and another way to deceive consumers” (Shelton, 2012). Although
there is value to shutting down criminal online drug stores, in the longer
term, it may be more helpful to recognize the e-commerce division of le-
gitimate pharmacies.
The challenge of recognizing legitimate online pharmacies As Table 5-3

mentions, online pharmacies can be a boon to people who live in remote
areas or who cannot manage in-person shopping. These consumers need
reliable advice on how to navigate the confusing internet marketplace.
There are many reputable pharmacies with licensed e-commerce divisions,
but identifying them can be difficult.
Both the United States and Europe have accreditation programs for
legitimate online pharmacies. In the United States, the National Association
of Boards of Pharmacy runs the Verified Internet Pharmacy Practice Sites
(VIPPS) accreditation program (NABP, 2012b). To earn accreditation, on-
line pharmacies must comply with state licensing requirements for both the
state the pharmacy is in and for all the states in which it dispenses medicines
(NABP, 2012e). Chief among these requirements are the authentication of
prescriptions, observance of quality-assurance standards, and submission to
regular state inspections (NABP, 2011, 2012e). Accredited pharmacies are
rewarded with the VIPPS seal, but because the seal would be easily copied,
the project website lists both certified pharmacies (the good list) and known
fraudulent ones (the bad list) (Ivanitskaya et al., 2010; NABP, 2012c,d).
Most VIPPS-certified pharmacies are online divisions of national chain drug
stores (deKieffer, 2006). The program also recognizes some independent
internet businesses such as Medco’s Express Scripts (Medco Health, 2012).
The certification process is not perfect, however. An online drug store later
exposed for dispensing narcotics inappropriately briefly enjoyed VIPPS ac-
creditation (deKieffer, 2006). As of 2012, 30 pharmacies have earned VIPPS
accreditation (Bate et al., 2012).
Similarly, the European Medicines Agency (EMA) has made controlling
internet sales one of the four pillars of their falsified medicines legislation

Customs and border police inspect packages during Pangea V.

SOURCE: © Carabinieri NAS (Italia).
(Cockburn, 2011). They are planning a consumer education campaign

starting in the summer of 2013 that will empower consumers to give their
business to a reputable online pharmacies (Cockburn, 2011; EMA, 2011;
personal communication, David Cockburn, January 18, 2013). In addition
to patient education materials, the agency’s website will link patients to na-
tional regulatory authorities’ websites that will maintain a list of authorized
online pharmacies. The authorized pharmacies will in turn post an accredi-
tation logo that links back to the regulatory agencies’ website (Cockburn,
2011). The Royal Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain also has a regis-
tration logo that legitimate online pharmacies can display (EAASM, 2008).
The VIPPS system and its EMA counterpart rely on accreditation from
trusted national health organizations. The committee agrees that indepen-
dent accreditation is a useful tool for consumers trying to make sense of
the chaotic world of online medicine retail. Even the accreditation can add
to confusion, however. A 2008 study found that about 20 percent of online
drug stores displayed an approval of a regulatory or accrediting agency, but
about 80 percent of these approvals were phony (Mayor, 2008).
Although there are many good-quality online drug stores, the illicit

ones outnumber them. The American National Association of Boards of

Pharmacy found the vast majority (97 percent) of a sample of more than
10,000 online drug sellers they examined to be in violation of pharmacy
laws and standards (DrugTopics, 2012). Furthermore, the internet con-
fuses the cues customers might usually use to judge quality. There is no
pharmacist to counsel patients on online pharmacy, and a website claiming
affiliation with a respected local chain might be lying. A 2005 study found
that of the more than 11,000 online drug stores claiming to be Canadian,
only 214 were registered with the Canadian authorities (Clabaugh, 2005).
Proponents of online drug stores maintain that consumer demand
can keep online sellers to standards by driving the development of “pri-
vate verification services” (Bate et al., 2012). Research indicates, however,
that even patients with a sophisticated understanding of both health and
technology are poorly equipped to judge the quality of online drug sellers.
Between 2005 and 2008, 1,914 undergraduates completed the e-Health
literacy assessment, rating highly suspect online drug sellers (Ivanitskaya
et al., 2010). The investigators reasoned that if even American college stu-
dents, who are savvy users of technology, and undergraduate students of
health science, who are well educated about health, could be deceived by
internet pharmacies, then how much greater the risk to the average con-
sumer (Ivanitskaya et al., 2010)? They found that participants were quickly
deceived by professional-looking websites and unsuspicious of very low
list prices. Sixty percent of respondents attributed the low prices to fewer
regulatory restrictions; 16 percent thought people should be advised to buy
drugs on the internet to save money (Ivanitskaya et al., 2010).
This committee commends the NABP on the VIPPS accreditation sys-
tem for online pharmacies. This system should be more widely promoted
as a valuable consumer tool. Beyond promoting the verified pharmacies, it
is unclear what novel actions could better control internet drug sales. One
possible solution is asking Congress to make all online pharmacies illegal
except for the VIPPS-accredited ones (Shelton, 2012). There is no value,
The Verified Internet Pharmacy

Practice Sites logo.
SOURCE: NABP, 2012.

however, to an unenforceable law, as legislation about internet pharmacies

would be.
To complicate the problem, even unlicensed internet pharmacies have
advocates who believe the stores empower them to avoid artificially inflated
medicine prices (Wasik, 2012). They may maintain that individual impor-
tation from foreign pharmacies improves the competiveness of the drug
market (Shepherd, 2007b). Taking advantage of these countries’ price con-
trols could, they reason, drive down prices in the United States (Shepherd,
2007b). However, internet importation is, at best, an exploitation of other
countries’ price controls (Shepherd, 2007a). At worst, it exposes patients to
an unregulated medicine supply. Encouraging internet importation is also
a shortsighted solution to American problems with drug pricing. As the
director of the University of Texas Center for Pharmacoeconomic Studies
explained, “Our high drug prices are our problem . . . not the problem of
Canada or any other country” (Shepherd, 2007a, p. 1290).
Trustworthy, accredited online drug stores do not sell medicine more
cheaply than any other registered pharmacy would. Steep online discounts
attract customers but come from illegitimate vendors. In the United States,
reducing the draw of unlicensed drug stores requires either regulating the
internet, a fool’s errand, or completely renegotiating national drug price
controls, which is outside the scope of this report (deKieffer, 2006).
Controlling the sale of medicine is a complicated problem the world
over. Some unlicensed vendors work in street bazaars; others sell on the
internet. In either case, regulatory accreditation can help consumers by
identifying the good-faith sellers. The NABP’s VIPPS accreditation does this
for trustworthy online drugstores in the United States; the EMA is working
on a similar program for Europe. In developing countries, the most useful
drug-seller accreditation programs are those that work with the private
sector to improve retail, especially in rural areas and slums. Training and
task shifting could also improve the quality of patient counseling and drug
dispensing in low- and middle-income countries.
Consumer confidence in drug safety could be improved by strengthen-
ing the ability of every intermediary on the supply chain to track drugs’
movement from the manufacturer to the patient. Understanding a drug’s
history and path is important, especially as it moves through the unpre-
dictable wholesale market. The United States needs stricter drug wholesale
and tracking requirements. Implementing changes to the American sys-
tem would build momentum for stronger medicines regulation around the
world.

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Detection Technology
This chapter provides an overview of the technologies commonly used

to detect substandard and falsified drugs, ranging from inexpensive field as-
says to highly sophisticated laboratory methods. It does not describe every
technique used or the pharmaceutical application of each technology, but
rather explains how technology can be used to identify illegitimate drugs.
Modern science has opened up immensely powerful and expensive fo-
rensic chemistry techniques that can give investigators information on the
unique fingerprints manufacturers leave on their products. Such an analysis
can give prosecutors the evidence necessary to tie falsified drugs to particu-
lar sources, but such sensitivity comes at a cost. Forensic chemistry assays
cost $5,000 to $15,000 per test on average (personal communication, Ben
Paulson, Chemir, January 25, 2013). They are not practical for routine
product quality market surveillance in any country and may be out of reach
entirely in many of the low- and middle-income countries most affected by
the problem (Fernandez et al., 2008; Power, 2008). Keeping in mind the
high costs of these laboratory analyses, this chapter discusses inexpensive
and sustainable detection technologies that can be used for routine product
quality assessments in all markets.
QUALITATIVE AND QUANTITATIVE METHODS

Detection technologies provide varying degrees of qualitative and quan-
titative data about medicines. Qualitative techniques provide information
about a drug’s identity, such as its active ingredient, color, or labeling.
Quantitative techniques provide information about a drug’s content and
255

•
As criminals become more sophisticated, there will be an increased
need for expensive technologies to detect falsified medicines.
•
There are several categories of techniques to analyze pharmaceuti-
cals. They include visual inspection of product and packaging; tests
for physical properties such as disintegration, reflectance spectros-
copy, and refractive index; chemical tests including colorimetry and
dissolution; chromatography; spectroscopic techniques; and mass
spectrometry.
•
Novel technologies are constantly being developed to detect falsified
how that content will be absorbed in the body. Qualitative assays may be
used to quickly detect the least sophisticated falsified drugs, such as those
with the wrong or no active ingredient. Quantitative deficiencies, such as
an unacceptably high level of impurities or an unacceptably low or high
dosage of active ingredient, are more common among substandard drugs.
Tests for drug quality use both qualitative data (e.g., the identity of ingredi-
ents, the presence and nature of any packaging and inserts, the presence or
absence of impurities, and any data referring to the drug’s appearance) and
quantitative data (e.g., the amount of an ingredient present, tablet hardness,
the rate and extent of disintegration and dissolution, and measured levels
of impurities).
A full evaluation of drug quality requires a range of qualitative and
quantitative testing to verify the identities and amounts of active ingredi-
ents, check for impurities, and ensure acceptable disintegration, dissolu-
tion, stability over time, and sterility (USP, 2007). Identifying falsified and
substandard drugs does not always follow the same process as a rigorous
quality evaluation. A few simple tests can identify a product with no active
ingredient or one made under gross manufacturing negligence. More so-
phisticated fakes resist easy detection. Appearance, content, and therapeutic
effect can all be considered in classifying falsified drugs. Box 6-1 outlines
one method for making categories.
Criminals in the business of making falsified drugs can buy crude active
ingredients, chemicals that have not undergone the appropriate purification
steps required to meet pharmacopeial standards or manufacturer’s dossier
requirements, for example. The drugs made from such chemicals would
pass most tests. Only highly sophisticated and expensive assays could de-

DETECTION TECHNOLOGY 257
BOX 6-1
Classifying Falsified Medicines
One way to classify falsified medicines is to assign categories

based on the sophistication of the fake. This is an example of such
categorization.
• Category 1: Completely fraudulent products with unknown con-

tents and therapeutic effects significantly different from the gen-
uine drug.
• Category 2: Look somewhat similar to the drug being imitated,
but the drug composition is not known.
• Category 3: Look very similar or identical to the genuine product
but contain an entirely different drug, if any.
• Category 4: Look very similar or identical to the actual product
but contain an alternative drug or synthetic analogue provid-
ing similar therapeutic value to that of the authentic product;
intended to create repeat business.
• Category 5: Visually identical, highly sophisticated copies or syn-
thetic analogues with some therapeutic value that cannot be
detected using most field and laboratory methods.
tect trace contaminates. Figure 6-1 gives an overview of the different levels
of technology needed to catch progressively more complex falsified drugs.
Overview of Detection, Screening, and Analytical Techniques

The main categories of techniques for pharmaceutical analysis can be
broken down as follows: visual inspection of product and packaging; tests
for physical properties such as disintegration, reflectance spectroscopy, and
refractive index; chemical tests including colorimetry and dissolution; chro-
matography; spectroscopic techniques; and mass spectrometry. Within each
of these categories, some technologies are appropriate for use in the field
with minimal training, while others require sophisticated lab equipment and
a high level of technical expertise.
Visual Inspection and Package Technologies

An expert can identify some drug quality problems by sight. Therefore,
visual inspection of a product and its packaging by someone who knows
the properties of the authentic drug or is able to compare the sample to

SOPHISTICATION OF TECHNIQUES
258
Someone with little to TLC and colorimetry can

no training can detect detect falsified products
falsified drugs with that look genuine but con-
obvious physical differ- tain no active ingredient or
ences including color, an incorrect active ingredi-
weight, and size (Box 6–1, ent. Physical differences
categories 1–2). including color, weight,
and size may also be useful
(Box 6-1, category 3).
TLC and colorimetry can Some falsified drugs HPLC can detect falsified
SOPHISTICATION OF DRUGS
sometimes detect falsified lacking active ingredients drugs containing an alter-
drugs containing an or containing the wrong nate drug therapy (Box
alternate drug therapy active ingredients are 6–1, category 4) and drugs
(Box 6–1, category 4) detectable with near- with the wrong amount of
and drugs with the infrared, Raman, or UV- active ingredient.
wrong amount of active visible spectroscopy
Dissolution tests can
ingredient. (Box 6–1, category 4).
detect substandard and
Physical tests such as falsified drugs with poor
disintegration and weight dissolution.

may detect fakes that
Gas chromatography
appear identical to the
and HPLC can detect
authentic product.
impurities.
The most sophisticated

falsified drugs, such as
those containing analogues
of active ingredients, may
require nuclear magnetic
resonance spectroscopy
or mass spectrometry to
detect minute structural
differences (Box 6–1,
category 5).

FIGURE 6–1 More sophisticated fakes require more sophisticated technologies to detect them.
NOTE: HPLC = high-performance liquid chromatography; TLC = thin layer chromatography; UV = ultraviolet.
the authentic product is the standard first step in any drug quality analysis
(Martino et al., 2010). These visual inspections provide qualitative data
about drugs’ identities. Differences from the authentic materials in color,
size, shape, tablet quality, and packaging indicate a possible falsified or
substandard drug. These differences range from subtle to obvious. An
educated consumer could probably identify a very-poor-quality fake, such
as a pill of entirely the wrong color or shape, if they knew some proper-
ties of the authentic product, but even experts struggle to recognize more
subtle inconsistencies. The Global Pharma Health Fund’s Minilab toolkit
promotes visual inspection as the first step to identifying falsified and sub-
standard drugs but admits that this is challenging even for experts (Jähnke
et al., 2008; Sherma, 2007). In recent years, criminals have produced very
accurate reproductions of legitimate packaging. And, as Chapter 4 men-
tions, poor-quality drugs can sometimes be hidden in legitimate packaging
(Sherma, 2007).
Visual inspection of a product can yield useful information, however.
Some substandard drugs are of visibly low quality. Tablets that are cracked
or falling apart are products of poor manufacturing practices (Kaur et al.,
2010). Falsified drugs’ packaging may have missing or misplaced expiry
dates, lack instructions or manufacturing information, not have a batch
number, or differ from the genuine packaging in many other ways. Some-
times poorly written instructions and spelling errors expose fake medicines;
poor-quality inks may dissolve in water (Kaur et al., 2010). Similarly, the
drugs may be the wrong color, size, or shape, have the wrong markings on
them, have a different coating or texture, or be otherwise different from
what is expected (Kaur et al., 2010). Sometimes the differences are obvi-
ous: fake Viagra seized in Hungary was pink instead of the well-known
blue color of the genuine product. Further analysis revealed that the tablets
contained 15 milligrams of amphetamine instead of the correct active ingre-
dient (U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration Office of Forensic Sciences,
2004).
Visual inspections are often unreliable because substandard and falsi-
fied drugs and their packaging often appear identical or very similar to the
genuine products. Criminals have copied holograms, barcodes, packaging
styles, and tablet colors and markings with astonishing accuracy (Lim,
2012). Microscopic packaging analysis can identify some of these very care-
ful copies. Under magnification, fine differences in printing, imprints, and
alignment become clear. Figure 6-2 shows a high-magnification comparison
of the lettering on a legitimate and fake blister pack. As this illustration sug-
gests, visual inspection alone is not adequate to test for drug quality (Lim,
2012; Martino et al., 2010). Though a trained inspector can draw conclu-
sions about drug quality by visual inspection, physical analysis is generally
a more reliable way to identify fakes.

FIGURE 6-2 The printing on a fake Cialis blister pack is less crisp at 32× magnification.
SOURCE: Lim, 2012.
Physical and Bulk Property Testing

As Chapter 4 explains, active ingredients are the most expensive com-
ponent of drugs; dilute or impure active ingredients can translate into
vastly increased profits for an unscrupulous manufacturer. Some tests that
rely on pH and other bulk properties can help identify active ingredients.
Bulk properties, also called intensive properties, are properties that do not
depend on the amount of the chemical sampled. Density, solubility, reflec-
tance spectra, refractive indices, and optical rotation are examples of bulk
properties (Brown et al., 2011). The malaria drug artesunate, for example,
has some distinctive physical properties: It yields characteristic crystals
when precipitated from water, and its extract acidifies water (Deisingh,
2005; Newton et al., 2006). These properties can be used to distinguish
some authentic and fake antimalarials.
The refractive index, the measure of how light passes through a sub-
stance relative to the speed at which light passes through a vacuum, is a
similarly useful bulk property. The refractive index can be used to measure
the purity of pure liquids and can detect materials separated by liquid chro-
matography. Field inspectors can use handheld refractometers to measure
the refractive index and use it as a quantitative test for some active ingre-
dients (Kaur et al., 2010). Green and colleagues explored the practical use
of refractive index to measure the amount of active ingredients selectively
dissolved in certain solvents (Green et al., 2007). They found that while the
refractive index can measure the amount of an unknown active ingredient,
colorimetry can be used to help confirm its presence (Green et al., 2007).

Colorimetry and Other Chemical Testing

A variety of simple chemical reactions can test for the presence of active
ingredients. Colorimetry is one such technique. It relies on chemicals that
undergo color changes when reacted with certain compounds to provide
qualitative data about a drug’s identity. Colorimetry protocols exist for the
active ingredients in many essential drugs. Fast Red TR dye tests for the
active ingredient in some antimalarials by turning yellow in the presence of
artesunate (Green et al., 2001). In addition to verifying the presence of an
active ingredient, colorimetry can serve as a semi-quantitative technique to
provide information about tablet potency; a more drastic color change or
deeper color generally indicates a larger amount of ingredient. More precise
colorimetric testing is possible with a handheld photometer, a spectroscopic
device that measures absorbance of light through a substance (Newton et
al., 2006). Colorimetry gives limited information and destroys the sample
under investigation, but it is invaluable to field inspectors because it is an
inexpensive technique that requires very little training.
Disintegration and dissolution testing may identify common formula-
tion problems. Disintegration tests measure how rapidly solid dosage forms
disintegrate in a solution; dissolution tests analyze the rates at which drugs
dissolve (USP, 2007). Dissolution tests require more training than colorim-
etry and disintegration testing but may help predict the bioavailability of
drugs, an important aspect of their efficacy. If a drug has poor dissolution,
then the target dose of active ingredient may not be available to the patient.
Incorrect excipient formulation, poor-quality manufacturing, and improper
storage conditions can all lead to poor dissolution (Kaur et al., 2010). Even
if the drug contains the correct dose of active ingredient, disintegration
and dissolution tests may be able to identify an illegitimate drug (Deisingh,
2005). Disintegration tests are fairly simple and can be done in the field,
but dissolution tests require sophisticated equipment (Kaur et al., 2010).
Chromatography
Chromatography separates mixtures into their constituent parts based
on a variety of chemical and physical properties. It can be used to separate
drug ingredients for further testing and, when used with appropriate detec-
tors, provides both qualitative and quantitative information about active
ingredients and impurities (Kaale et al., 2011). Chromatography is there-
fore the most common analytical method used in drug evaluations (Martino
et al., 2010). Chromatographic techniques range from basic techniques,
such as thin layer chromatography (TLC) with visual inspection, to more
specialized laboratory methods, such as high-performance liquid chroma-

tography (HPLC) coupled with mass spectrometry. Like colorimetric tests,

chromatographic analysis destroys the drug sample.
TLC is a planar chromatographic technique that is ideal for field drug
testing (Martino et al., 2010). In TLC comparisons, authentic samples
travel the same distance on a TLC plate and yield main spots of highly
similar shapes, colors, intensities, and sizes as reference standards. TLC is
a qualitative and, when used with visual detection, semi-quantitative tech-
nique. The distance the sample travels is associated with its identity; the
intensity of the spot correlates with the amount of the drug present. High
concentrations of impurities may be visible on a TLC plate as well (Kaur et
al., 2010). In a convenience sample of tuberculosis drugs in Botswana, TLC
indicated 31 percent of the samples tested were substandard (Kenyon et al.,
1999). In China, researchers used TLC to distinguish between authentic and
falsified versions of several antibiotics (Hu et al., 2005).
TLC is an uncomplicated assay useful in developing countries because it
yields “versatile and robust” results at a low cost (Kaale et al., 2011). Each
TLC plate costs about $2, and most solvents used in TLC are common and
inexpensive. The plates are only used once, preventing contamination and
limiting maintenance requirements (Kaale et al., 2011). Compared to other
chromatographic techniques such as HPLC, TLC requires significantly
less equipment and expertise. Modern instrumental TLC applications give
quantitative assessments similar to those obtained with other instrumental
chromatography procedures. High-performance TLC is a more effective
and efficient version of TLC. Disposable HPLC plates cost about $15 each
but can run 18-36 samples at the same time (Kaale et al., 2011).
The main drawbacks to TLC are its limited semi-quantitative data
(when used with visual detection) and the need for accurate technique
(Kaale et al., 2011). TLC solvents are often toxic or flammable, so these
chemicals may be difficult to transport for field use. Furthermore, TLC pro-
vides limited information about a drug’s identity; two samples that travel
different distances are definitely not the same substance, but two different
substances could appear identical using any chromatography technique if
they are chemically similar enough. The inspector running the TLC assay
must spot the plate correctly with the sample, which requires some training,
and then compare the results to those obtained with reference standards.
Accurately estimating the amount of drug on a TLC plate can be difficult
without experience (Kaale et al., 2011). Despite its limitations, a trained
operator can glean significant information from a TLC experiment with
visual detection (Jähnke et al., 2001; Kaale et al., 2011).
Advanced chromatography techniques HPLC is a more selective tech-

nique and, when coupled with sensitive detectors, is generally regarded as
the definitive technique for drug content analysis (Martino et al., 2010).

Depending on the associated detection technology, it can be expensive and

require skilled operators and expensive, often scarce, solvents. The systems
also require reliable electrical power, which can be an obstacle in develop-
ing countries.
Figure 6-3a shows an HPLC chromatogram that clearly distinguishes
between the antimalarials chloroquine, mefloquine, and quinine. Although
the drugs are chemically similar (see Figure 6-3b), mefloquine is signifi-
cantly more expensive, and the cheaper drugs are sometimes sold labeled
as mefloquine (Gaudiano et al., 2006). HPLC can identify and measure
active ingredients and many impurities, but may not detect excipients that
are not soluble in the mobile phase. It can be used with an array of detec-
tion technologies such as mass spectrometry and UV-visible spectroscopy
(Martino et al., 2010).
Diode array detection is now standard with many HPLC assays and can
be used to confirm the presence of active ingredients. It is a type of UV spec-
troscopy that is particularly useful because it can operate at varying wave-
lengths, allowing it to be fine-tuned for analyses, and can help detect the
presence of several components hidden in a single HPLC peak (Kazakevich
and McNair, 1996). Titier and colleagues developed an HPLC with diode
array detection method to detect and quantify eight antidepressants for use
in cases of suspected poisonings (Titier et al., 2003). The main advantages
of the method were its speed, ease of use, and accuracy.
Gas chromatography, the most powerful chromatographic technol-
ogy, provides similar information as the other chromatography systems.
However, it may only be used for separation of volatile materials, such as
residual solvents, undeclared ingredients, and any volatile impurities. This
technique can only be used when the compounds of interest are gaseous in
the analytical temperature range and do not degrade at or before the assay’s
minimum temperature. For example, artemisinin derivatives for treating
malaria are too unstable for gas chromatography (Martino et al., 2010).
Investigators can use gas chromatography to develop profiles of drugs’
volatile impurities and use those profiles to link batches of drugs from the
same source. The great deal of natural variation in impurities allows this;
even batches of genuine product from different sources are distinguishable,
and the same is true among different falsified and substandard versions.
In a review of the forensic applications of impurity profiles, Mulligan and
colleagues concluded that drugs with very similar impurity profiles may
be from the same place. Statistical analysis of impurity data can determine
the probability that different samples have a common source (Mulligan et
al., 1996).
Unlike TLC, advanced chromatography techniques require consider-
able investment; the equipment needed is expensive to buy and maintain
(Kaale et al., 2011). These tests can only be done in central laboratories,

1,000
800
Mefloquine
Absorbance (mAU)
600
Chloroquine Quinine
400
200
0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Time (minutes)
FIGURE 6–3a An HPLC chromatogram with distinct peaks for

chloroquine, quinine, and mefloquine can be used to identify
cheap chloroquine and quinine treatments labeled as the
more expensive mefloquine.
NOTE: HPLC = high-performance liquid chromatography;
mAU = milli absorbance unit.
SOURCE: Adapted from Gaudiano et al., 2006. Reprinted with
permission from Elsevier.
CF3
N N CF3
HN HO
N
O
H H
Cl N N
N HO
Chloroquine molecule Quinine molecule Mefloquine molecule
FIGURE 6–3b The similar chemical structures of chloroquine,

quinine, and mefloquine. .

and countries most affected by falsified and substandard drugs have lim-
ited access to such facilities (IOM, 2012). HPLC and gas chromatography
are time-consuming, especially considering the time spent preparing the
samples for analysis. The return on the time investment is mixed, as chro-
matography separates a minimum number of components present in a
sample. A peak assumed to represent one compound may be hiding several
other compounds.
Spectroscopy
Spectroscopy is a class of analytical techniques that measures the in-
teraction of matter and radiation, thereby giving insight into chemical
structure and contents. These techniques all provide qualitative data, and
some provide significant quantitative data as well. Often referred to as the
chemical fingerprints of drugs, the various spectra produced using these
techniques elucidate different aspects of drug composition; characteristic
absorption or emission peaks correspond to aspects of chemical composi-
tion and molecular structure. A chemist can extract detailed chemical and
structural information from a spectrum, and an inspector with minimal
training can also identify falsified and substandard medicines by comparing
the drug spectra to reference materials in drug spectra databases (Kaur et
al., 2010). The WHO maintains a digital version of the International Phar-
macopoeia with drug quality determination protocols for many common
medicines (WHO, 2011). This guide includes a reference infrared spectrum
for each drug.
Molecular vibration and rotation energies occur in the infrared regions
of the electromagnetic spectrum, and these movements may be observed
with infrared, near-infrared, or Raman spectrometers. These techniques
are relatively straightforward to use and moderately expensive, and routine
comparative applications do not require extensive training. Chemists ana-
lyze the absorption peaks in these spectra primarily to identify molecular
functional groups; most active pharmaceutical ingredients and some or-
ganic excipients and impurities have characteristic spectral peaks or spectral
fingerprints that can be used to help identify them.
Infrared spectroscopy The infrared range of the electromagnetic spectrum

can be divided into three subregions: the near-infrared, mid-infrared, and
far-infrared. The mid-infrared range is the more discerning and commonly
used region (Deisingh, 2005). Figure 6-4 shows the different infrared spec-
tra of the antimalarial artemisinin and its derivative, artemether. This
comparison can identify the common substitution of artemisinin for more
effective and expensive antimalarials (Kaur et al., 2010).
There are several ways to collect infrared spectra, each having ad-

100
266
80
CH3
60 O O
H O
%T
H3 C
O
40 H
O
H
CH3
20
0
3600 3200 2800 2400 2000 1800 1600 1400 1200 1000 800 600 400
cm-1
100
80
CH3
H
O
60 H3 C
O
O
%T
H H
40 O
CH3
O
20 H3C
0
3600 3200 2800 2400 2000 1800 1600 1400 1200 1000 800 600 400
cm-1
FIGURE 6–4 Infrared Spectra for artemisinin (top) and artemether, an artemisinin derivative (bottom)

illustrate differences in their chemical composition. Artemisinin’s carbonyl (C=O) functional group,
missing from the derivative molecule, produces a characteristic peak between 1700 and 1800 cm-1.
NOTE: cm-1 = wave number; %T = percent transmittance.
SOURCE: Spectra from WHO, 2008.
FIGURE 6-5 Use of FT-IR spectroscopy to distinguish between real (left) and falsified
(right) packaging in Singapore.
SOURCE: Lim, 2012.
vantages and disadvantages. Attenuated total reflectance and Fourier-

transformation infrared (FT-IR) is particularly useful for drug quality
analyses because it does not require sample preparation, does not destroy
the sample, and provides information about the distribution of active in-
gredients and excipients on the surface of tablets (Martino et al., 2010). A
creative application of FT-IR can distinguish between some types of real
and falsified packaging. Some manufacturers label their packaging to take
advantage of the fact that only inks that absorb in the infrared range will be
visible under infrared radiation. In an example from Singapore (see Figure
6-5), an inspector could see only a small amount of writing on a genuine
Levitra package under IR radiation but could see all of the text on a falsi-
fied package (Lim, 2012).
Near-infrared and Raman spectroscopy Recent developments of portable

near-infrared and Raman spectrometers have led to an increase in the use
of these techniques for drug quality analysis (Fernandez et al., 2011). Both
techniques are nondestructive, fast, and require no sample preparation;
radiation can pass through samples in blister packs (Kaur et al., 2010;
Martino et al., 2010).
Near-infrared is better suited than mid-infrared to quantitative analysis
of drug contents. Computer modeling can produce limited quantitative
characterization from all vibrational spectroscopy, but near-infrared and
UV-visible spectroscopy yield more reliable quantitative data (Hsu, 1997).
Near-infrared can identify active ingredients and is particularly useful for
detecting incorrect concentrations of excipients, a common inconsistency in
falsified and substandard drugs (Deisingh, 2005). When used with imaging
techniques, near-infrared can yield information about a tablet’s composi-
tion. Koehler and colleagues demonstrated this by comparing images of a
pain relief tablet, one captured using near-infrared imaging and the other

FIGURE 6-6 Image (a) is a pain relief tablet, image (b) its near-infrared spectra. The
red spots indicate active ingredient and other colors indicate other ingredients.
SOURCE: Adapted from Koehler et al., 2002. Reprinted with permission from John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
not, and illustrating that the homogenous-looking tablet surface actually

contained a heterogeneous mix of active and inactive ingredients (see Figure
6-6) (Koehler et al., 2002).
Near-infrared spectra of two different compounds are often only subtly
different, and accurately interpreting results may require significant training
(Martino et al., 2010). Portable, battery-powered near-infrared spectrom-
eters are a more accessible alternative to traditional spectrometers (Dowell
et al., 2008). Bate and colleagues compared the effectiveness of a handheld
model to TLC and disintegration tests and found that the handheld spec-
trometer detected significantly more poor-quality antimalarial drugs and
antibiotics than the other tests (Bate et al., 2009a). The model they used
weighed 4 pounds and contained a battery that could operate for 10 hours
after a full charge, making it a powerful field tool (Bate et al., 2009a).
Raman spectroscopy can readily identify many active ingredients and
give further information about excipients, as well as the relative concen-
tration of active ingredients to excipients (Deisingh, 2005). These ratios
can be key to detecting falsified and substandard drugs, because criminal
manufacturers often take care to use the correct amount of active ingredi-
ent but may not be as exacting about the excipients, which may vary even
among genuine manufacturers (Deisingh, 2005; Nyadong et al., 2009). For
example, artesunate tablets may contain either of the highly similar sugars
lactose or sucrose, depending on the manufacturer (Nyadong et al., 2009).
Raman can distinguish between these, and a Raman spectrum of Cialis
identifies both the active ingredient, tadalafil, and the primary excipient,
lactose (Lim, 2012). Raman spectroscopy is particularly useful for detecting

inorganic substances in drugs, such as titanium dioxide, a common compo-

nent of tablet coatings (Witkowski, 2005).
On the other hand, some blister packs, capsule materials, and tablet
coatings can interfere with Raman scattering and make readings difficult
(Martino et al., 2010). If the materials used produce fluorescence, they
interfere with Raman signals, especially those read with handheld Raman
spectrometers. Though far more widely available and useful for field in-
spections, these portable devices have less tolerance for fluorescence than
their full-sized counterparts. This is especially problematic in screening
antimalarials, as artesunate is somewhat fluorescent (Martino et al., 2010).
But some investigators maintain that the fluorescence of genuine artesunate
can serve as a tool to distinguish between good- and poor-quality samples,
as those without sufficient active ingredient will not produce as much
fluorescence (Ricci et al., 2008). Ricci and colleagues found that fluores-
cence interfered more with their readings on the handheld scanner, but it
ultimately produced as reliable results as the Fourier-transformed Raman
scanner (Ricci et al., 2008).
Nuclear magnetic resonance Nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) spec-

troscopy analyzes the interaction of nuclei with electromagnetic radiation
A handheld Raman spectrometer.

SOURCE: Zook, 2012.

14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0
ppm
FIGURE 6–7 Proton NMR spectrum of

aspirin (o-acetoxybenzoic acid).
NOTE: NMR = nuclear magnetic resonance;
ppm = parts per million.
SOURCE: SBDSWeb.
while in magnetic fields. Like Raman and near-infrared spectrometry, it is

a nondestructive, reliable technique, applicable to nuclei that have a non-
zero spin, such as those in hydrogen and carbon-13, that yields quantitative
data with little sample preparation. Figure 6-7 shows an NMR spectrum
for o-acetoxybenzoic acid, the active ingredient in aspirin.
However, NMR instruments are expensive and require stable electrical
power supplies, controlled temperatures, and skilled analysts for their oper-
ation. Integrating the area under each absorption peak can provide detailed
information about molecular composition and structure; the area under
each peak corresponds to the number of nuclei (in protons or carbon-13
atoms) contributing to that particular signal. Many common chemical con-
taminants produce characteristic absorption peaks (Gottlieb et al., 1997).
In NMR analysis, all of the compounds in the mixture (including ac-
tive ingredients, excipients, and impurities) that contain the nucleus under
analysis will contribute to the spectrum. This can produce ambiguous
spectra that may contain overlapping signals, so chemists typically isolate
the components before analyzing them with NMR. However, newer, more
sophisticated NMR technologies may be capable of separating drug com-
ponents and producing clearer signals. Diffusion-ordered proton-NMR
spectroscopy, for example, can identify the various types of ingredients in
a mixture by taking advantage of differences in molecular mass (Martino
et al., 2010). The downside to this type of technique is that it is not quan-
titative, like normal NMR is, but, by using the two techniques together, a

fuller, clearer molecular picture can be developed. Using these methods, sci-
entists have successfully differentiated between many authentic and falsified
versions of antimalarials, erectile dysfunction drugs, and antidepressants
(Martino et al., 2010).
X-ray diffraction and X-ray fluorescence are other techniques that can
give substantial information about drug contents. X-ray diffraction can be
used to analyze active ingredients and excipients, while X-ray fluorescence
is used for elemental analyses that can often distinguish real from falsified
drugs (Kaur et al., 2010; Martino et al., 2010).
Mass Spectrometry
Mass spectrometry, generally called mass spec, is a sophisticated ana-
lytical technique that requires extensive training and expertise to use. It
provides abundant structural information and the precise molecular weight
of the compound under investigation. Mass spec can identify many ac-
tive ingredients and excipients, as well as some impurities (Kaur et al.,
2010; Martino et al., 2010). This technique successfully detected falsified
halofantrine syrup, an antimalarial, in West Africa that instead contained
a sulphonamide antibiotic (Wolff et al., 2003). When mass spectrometers
were the size of a dishwasher (Stroh, 2007), their value in the poorest
countries was hard to realize, but newer, portable machines can take this
sophisticated technology into the field (Yang et al., 2008). However, mass
spectrometers require a stable electrical power source, which may be dif-
ficult to obtain in some developing countries.
An isotope ratio mass spectrometer provides detailed information
about the abundance of various elemental isotopes. Many elements have
naturally occurring isotopes that are present in minute quantities in any
sample. The exact ratio of isotopes varies over time and space and with dif-
ferent production techniques. Isotopic ratios have been able to distinguish
different sources of drugs and therefore may be useful for combating highly
sophisticated copies (Lim, 2012). Regulators and law enforcement can use
isotopic ratios to connect seemingly disparate events and build evidence
that separate drug seizures have a common source. Documenting the iso-
topic ratios of a selection of common elements, such as carbon, hydrogen,
oxygen, or nitrogen, can help identify these patterns (Lim, 2012).
Other kinds of mass spectrometry (e.g., direct ionization, tandem,
time-of-flight, secondary ion, and electrospray ionization [ESI]) can be used
alone and in combination with other analyses to detect illegitimate drugs
(Deisingh, 2005; Martino et al., 2010; Wolff et al., 2003). Direct ionization
mass spec, for one, is a relatively new class of mass spectrometric analysis
that does not require lengthy sample preparation. Other techniques, such as
direct analysis in real time (DART) mass spec and desorption ESI mass spec,

can identify correct and incorrect active ingredients and some excipients.
Desorption ESI mass spec in particular provides information about tablet
surface homogeneity and the distribution of active ingredients and excipi-
ents in or on the surface of a tablet (Martino et al., 2010). For example,
an artesunate sample with homogeneous surface distribution of lactose
and paracetamol, a fever reducer, is illegitimate; an authentic, good-quality
sample should have homogeneous distribution of artesunate and scattered
distribution of lactose (Martino et al., 2010).
The most sophisticated drug copies may resist identification with any
technology other than mass spectrometry. Among these are very close ana-
logues of genuine active ingredients. These analogues can be so chemically
and structurally similar that they behave the same under nearly any analy-
sis. Mass spectrometry’s ability to precisely measure molecular weight and
compare fragmentation patterns can help distinguish between compounds
that differ by only one or two atoms. For example, the erectile dysfunction
drug Cialis is often copied with varying degrees of sophistication (Putze et
al., 2012; Trefi et al., 2008). U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA)
forensic chemists have discovered several analogues of the active ingredi-
ent, tadalafil, in so-called herbal remedies (Gamble et al., 2008). Figure 6-8
compares the molecular structure of one such analogue, aminotadalafil, to
tadalafil. The two differ only by the substitution of an amino (-NH2) group
for a methyl (-CH3) group, making aminotadalafil slightly heavier. The
health threats posed by such products have led researchers to investigate
ways of reliably detecting and identifying these illicit drug compounds;
other sophisticated techniques have been shown to detect some analogues,
but the high specificity and sensitivity of mass spec makes it the most popu-
lar method (Singh et al., 2009; Venhuis and Kaste, 2012).
CH3 NH2
N O N O
O N O N
O O
O HN O HN
FIGURE 6–8 Nearly identical analogues of tadalafil (left,

389.40 g/mol), aminotadalafil (right, 390.39 g/mol).
The only difference between the two compounds is the
substitution of an amino group for a methyl group.

Emerging Technologies
Innovative technologies to detect falsified and substandard drugs are
constantly emerging. Many of the most promising examples draw from
a range of scientific disciplines. Researchers in Pakistan found that the
relative susceptibility of ofloxacin-sensitive bacteria to various samples of
ofloxacin is a good indicator of drug quality (Iqbal et al., 2004). A team of
researchers from U.S. Pharmacopeia and Boston University is developing
another new technology called PharmaCheck (see Box 6-2). PharmaCheck
uses microfluidics, the control of fluids at a sub-millimeter scale, for rapid
field drug testing (EurekAlert, 2012). PharmaCheck, which will weigh less
than 10 pounds and fit in a shoebox, promises to greatly reduce the need
for confirmatory laboratory testing (Barlow, 2012; Gaffney, 2012).
Capillary electrophoresis, a separation technique, has recently been
BOX 6-2
PharmaCheck
In a combined effort with the U.S. Pharmacopeial Convention, the

United States Agency for International Development (USAID), and the
Wallace H. Coulter Foundation, Muhammad Zaman of Boston University
has been developing a PharmaCheck, a portable drug analysis device
(Barlow, 2012). Called a “pharmaceutical lie detector” by the campus
newspaper BU Today, Zaman’s machine uses fluorescence and imaging
technologies to measure a sample’s potency (Barlow, 2012). The current
prototype is the size of a shoebox, uses solar energy or battery power,
and is designed as an “easy-to-use, robust system” for drug compa-
nies, nongovernmental organizations, and government agencies, among
others (Barlow, 2012; Seiffert, 2012). Although originally developed for
testing often copied malaria drugs, PharmaCheck will also be able to
test other kinds of medications (Barlow, 2012). Zaman has said that the
device should be undergoing testing in developing countries by early
2013 (Seiffert, 2012).
Saving Lives at Birth, a project developed by USAID, the Norwegian
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, Grand
Challenges Canada, and the UK Department for International Develop-
ment, runs a competition designed to find and support innovations in
care for mothers and newborn children in developing countries (Saving
Lives at Birth, 2012a,b). The organization recognized PharmaCheck’s
potential with a $250,000 grant given to Zaman and his partners over
the next 2 years to further develop the device, one of only 15 projects
chosen out of the more than 500 applications (Saving Lives at Birth,
2012c; Seiffert, 2012).

demonstrated to be a useful tool in the process of analyzing suspect phar-

maceuticals (Marini et al., 2010). Staub and colleagues developed a capil-
lary electrophoresis system paired with time-of-flight mass spectrometry for
analyzing protein-based drugs, such as insulin, without sample preparation
(Staub et al., 2010).
Researchers at King’s College London and Lund University in Swe-
den have received a Translation Award from the Wellcome Trust to help
bring their portable nuclear quadrupole resonance (NQR) device to market
(Wellcome Trust, 2012). Based on technology similar to nuclear magnetic
resonance spectroscopy, NQR uses radiofrequencies to provide qualitative
and quantitative information about medicines and can scan them through
packaging (Wellcome Trust, 2012; Wilkinson, 2012). Unlike most other
techniques, NQR can analyze large quantities of medicine (an entire bottle
or package) at one time (Barras et al., 2012). Radio wave technologies
similar to those used in bomb detection are also being tailored for pharma-
ceutical analysis (Sprey, 2010).
USING TECHNOLOGY
The previous section outlined the main categories of techniques for
detecting falsified and substandard drugs. A summary of a selection of the
techniques discussed is presented in Table 6-1. Understanding when, where,
and why to use the various techniques can be difficult. The information a
technique provides, as well as its reliability, cost, required expertise, speed,
and portability make it more or less appropriate in any given situation.
In order to conclude that a drug is of good quality, an inspector must
test a sample for all of the main deficiencies of substandard and falsified
drugs: fake packaging, incorrect color, shape, or markings, absent or incor-
rect active ingredients, incorrect quantities of ingredients, impurities, and
reduced dissolution or disintegration. Table 6-2 outlines which classes of
analytical techniques can test for these problems and how well they can be
used in the field. In general, field use describes a relatively straightforward
assay or technique that depends on portable or sturdy equipment. Most
field methods can be used by professionals such as regulators, pharmacists,
or health workers, but some, like mobile verification, are accessible to a
layperson.
The Counterfeit Drug Forensic Investigation Network (CODFIN) uses
a systematic analytical process to detect and classify substandard and falsi-
fied drugs (Fernandez et al., 2011). Figure 6-9 shows how investigators in
the network test samples in national drug quality surveys (Fernandez et
al., 2011). The steps shown in green can be done in the field, but samples
are generally sent to a central laboratory for the steps show in brown
(Fernandez et al., 2011). Fernandez and colleagues have used this system

TABLE 6–2 Product Quality Attributes and Assessments
Detection Techniques
Chemical or Spectroscopy Physical
Visual Package Microbiological and Mass Measurements
Problems Inspection Technologies Tests Spectrometry or Examination Chromatography Reflectance
Absent or incorrect
active ingredient
Wrong color
Wrong shape or
markings
Fake packaging
Incorrect quantities of
ingredients
Impurities
Dissolution
Disintegration
Uniformity of dosage
units
Microbial
contamination

275
Collect Document using sample
276
samples submission form

Biological content
Rerun any inconsistent analysis (info. about origins)
Split each sample N

into 2 or 3 subsets IRMS analysis
Investigation of (mineral origin)
Packaging inspection Confirmed Y
spectral characteristics Fake
and documentation fake?
of packaging links XRD or DOSY NMR
Subset 1 Quantitative HPLC (identify excipients)
screen
XRF (characterize
Subset 2 Raman, NIR, elemental comp.)
colorimetric testing
Subset 3
(if available)
Wrong AIs,
Ambient MS analysis
excipients, coatings, Y Identify sample Quantify by
Forward or store (accurate mass Any toxic?
or packaging ingredients HPLC
subset 3 for fingerprints)
defects
national medicine
regulatory agency N
Ambient MS analysis
Degradation
AI amount N (selective reaction Y
products Degraded
within +15% monitoring of
present?
degradation products)
Y
N
Dissolution
Substandard FIGURE 6–9 CODFIN analysis flowchart.
testing
NOTE: AI = active ingredient; CODFIN = Counterfeit
Drug Forensic Investigation Network; DOSY NMR = diffu-
sion ordered spectroscopy nuclear magnetic resonance;
HPLC = high-performance liquid chromatography; IRMS =
isotope-ratio mass spectrometry; MS = mass spectrometry;

Y Pass N NIR = near infrared; XRD = x-ray diffraction; XRF = x-ray
Genuine Substandard
dissolution? fluorescence.
SOURCE: Fernandez et al., 2011.
• T here is no single analytical technique that provides enough informa-

tion to confirm that a drug is genuine, but combining techniques gives
more precision.
• It is often difficult to test for drug quality in low- and middle-income
countries. Poorly trained chemists and dilapidated infrastructure are
common obstacles in performing accurate drug quality testing.
• Making detection technologies easily accessible in low- and middle-
income countries will help curtail the trade in falsified and substan-
dard medicines.
• Field technologies and techniques are useful for detecting most falsi-
fied and substandard drugs. They should be easy to use and maintain,
cheap, and durable.
• The costs associated with developing new detection technologies are
a barrier to having robust, sustainable, easy-to-use, and inexpensive
technologies available in the field.
to investigate malarial drug quality in developing countries (Fernandez et

al., 2011).
Combining Techniques
Although any one test may suffice to label a drug substandard or falsi-
fied, no single analytical technique provides enough information to con-
firm that a drug is genuine. Similarly, while colorimetry and TLC are field
techniques for testing for the presence of a particular ingredient, knowing
a sample’s full content requires more testing. Spectroscopic techniques are
useful for identifying active ingredients but cannot rule out the presence
of countless possible impurities. Chromatographic techniques may suggest
that the drug contains sufficient active ingredient, but they do not provide
any information about how much of that active ingredient will reach the
patient. Time and budget allowing, the best understanding of drug quality
comes from the several complementary experiments.
Even combinations of techniques from within a class, such as spec-
troscopy, can be helpful. One study illustrated how, due to differences in
the ranges of their spectral regions, infrared spectroscopy may at times be
better at identifying organic substances in tablet coatings, whereas Raman
spectroscopy may better identify the inorganic components (Witkowski,
2005). Experiments that looked at the coating on Cialis tablets found that

Klaus Boehm of Merck presents minilabs to Hiti Sillo, head of the Tanzanian Food and
Drugs Authority.
SOURCE: GPHF, 2012e.
Raman spectroscopy did not distinguish between the real coating and falsi-
fied coating, but infrared spectroscopy did (Lim, 2012).
Chemists typically pair mass spec with separation techniques, such as
HPLC, to achieve a more definitive analysis. These hyphenated techniques
have broad capabilities. For example, liquid chromatography-mass spec-
trometry is a highly reliable separation technique, but does not directly
provide quantitative data about the amount of active ingredient present;
analysts must compare results to standards to determine content (Kaur
et al., 2010). A type of combined gas chromatography and mass spec
(GC-MS) can provide information missing in HPLC-MS analysis. Mulligan
and colleagues found that automated equilibrium headspace sampling with
capillary gas chromatography provides information about volatile impuri-
ties, but adding mass spec analysis provides extra qualitative information
about the identity of any impurities present (Mulligan et al., 1996).
When Captagon, a stimulant drug popular in the Middle East, was out-
lawed, illegal manufacturers began selling the drug (Alabdalla, 2005). The
copies were generally falsified drugs containing amphetamines and caffeine
meant to mimic Captagon’s therapeutic effects. Early investigations primar-
ily relied on ultraviolet, infrared, and TLC analysis to determine the active
ingredients in suspect tablets (Alabdalla, 2005). In 2005, Alabdalla and

colleagues used GC-MS analysis to further identify substitute ingredients,

including chloroquine, ephedrine, caffeine, amphetamine, and metham-
phetamine (Alabdalla, 2005). The combined analysis also indicated, with
reasonable certainty, which drugs were from the same batches (Alabdalla,
2005). Where applicable, GC-MS plots are an unequivocal way to identify
substances (Rivier, 2003). Courts prefer them to other analytical techniques
as forensic evidence (Rivier, 2003).
Combining analytical techniques is a challenge both in the field and in
the laboratory. It is difficult to determine which tests can be combined to
allow inspectors to use the minimum number of different techniques. It is
usually best to work through tests beginning with the easiest or least ex-
pensive ones and to only move on to the more expensive or difficult tests if
the sample passes the earlier ones. For example, a drug that fails an identity
test does not need to be tested for the amount of incorrect active ingredient.
This is the basis of the minimum testing scheme used by the Pharmaceutical
Security Institute (USP, 2007).
Using Technology in Developing Countries

The question remains as to how to use analytical methods in parts of
the world with limited laboratory capacity and trained chemists. Reliable
reference materials to test samples against are often scarce in poor countries
(Fernandez et al., 2011). Manufacturers are reluctant to release reference
standards when they fear the information could be used to make an illegiti-
mate drug. In any case, the most sophisticated analytic technologies were
not designed for the field.
Field Technologies
Technologies for field detection of falsified and substandard drugs in
developing countries must be portable, relatively simple to use, sturdy, and
inexpensive to buy, use, and maintain. They must also provide reliable,
useful data. Field techniques (including visual inspection, colorimetry, disin-
tegration tests, TLC, and handheld spectrometry) can detect many falsified
and substandard drugs. As the previous section explains, these techniques
are durable, fast, relatively inexpensive, and fairly easy to use, making them
attractive to regulators interested in monitoring drug quality. Box 6-3 de-
scribes the Chinese regulatory authority’s mobile verification labs. Package
verification technologies can also aid in field detection of falsified drugs,
although these methods are useful more to the patient at the point of use
than to the regulator.
The more reliable field analytic tools are also more expensive. Although
fairly inexpensive TLC and disintegration testing are useful field techniques,

BOX 6-3
Chinese Mobile Laboratories
The Chinese drug regulatory authority uses mobile labs for drug
surveillance (Jin, 2007). First used in Henan province in March 2006,
mobile labs quickly spread to 29 provinces (Jin, 2007). The mobile lab
program also trained 760 technicians to operate the labs, which bring
drug screening technology to rural areas (Jin, 2007).
The mobile labs, housed in vans, can carry out rapid on-site screen-
ing of suspicious drugs (NICPBP, 2012). Each van carries chemical analy-
sis technologies, including TLC systems, a near-infrared spectrometer,
and portable computers (NICPBP, 2012). The vans also house information
on 200,000 manufacturers, including names, addresses, and licensed
products, as well as a provincial “Drug Quality Bulletin” with annually
updated information on known poor-quality drugs (Jin, 2007). The labs’
operations are designed to be simple, fast, and easily executed (NICPBP,
2012). A mobile lab can test the quality of more than 800 drugs, includ-
ing antimalarials, antiretroviral, tuberculosis medication, other essential
drugs, and traditional Chinese herbal medicines (Jin, 2007; NICPBP,
2012).
In the first 6 months of operation, mobile labs screened 110,426
batches of drugs and confirmed 3,122 of them to be substandard (Jin,
2007). The project’s success has inspired the regulatory authority to
help other countries develop similar mobile labs and to use them in drug
procurement (Jin, 2007). Members of the Thai FDA, for example, visited
Chinese mobile labs in 2006 (Jin, 2007).
A mobile lab in China.

according to Bate they are less reliable than handheld spectrometric devices
(Bate et al., 2009a). Of 78 samples tested in one study, 17 passed both TLC
and disintegration tests but did not pass either Raman or near-infrared
spectroscopic analysis (Bate et al., 2009a). Field tests are no substitute for
definitive laboratory techniques and cannot test all aspects of a product’s
quality, including its drug content, impurity profile, and dissolution profile.
Noting the cost of laboratory pharmaceutical testing and the dearth
of qualified laboratories in developing countries, the German Pharma
Health Fund (now known as the Global Pharma Health Fund) devel-
oped the Minilab, a portable quality-analysis laboratory described in Box
6-4 (Jähnke et al., 2001; Kaale et al., 2011). During a November 2012
Minilab training session in Angola, trainees tested an illegal shipment of
various pharmaceuticals seized by customs officials along the African coast
(Minilab Saves Lives, 2012; World Customs Organization, 2012). Using
the TLC and visual inspection techniques, they identified many drugs with
no or little active ingredient (Minilab Saves Lives, 2012). Merck S.A. in
Portugal provided 10 Minilabs to Angola, which has no drug testing labs
(Minilab Saves Lives, 2012). Other similar field kits also exist, such as the
Thermo Scientific FirstDefender and TruDefender field laboratory devices
used by the Singaporean regulatory authority (Lim, 2012).
Detection in Every Setting

There is a wide range of technology available to detect falsified and
substandard drugs; a good prevention strategy makes use of a wide variety
of them. As Chapter 5 describes, some technologies, such as scratch-off
codes, can be used by the consumer. There are also package technolo-
gies manufacturers may use to distinguish their products at the point of
purchase. Holograms and reactive ink are examples of such package tech-
nologies. Holograms can be convincingly copied, as illustrated in Figure
6-10, but may give customers an extra level of assurance. Similarly, Brazil
requires all drug companies to mark packages with a scratch-off label made
from a reactive ink (Filho et al., 2010), though participants at the São Paulo
site visit for this study expressed consistent doubt that consumers were
adequately informed about how to use the label.
Informed patients can assist in identifying falsified and substandard
drugs. Visual inspection of drug packages and color can identify gross dif-
ferences between authentic and fake medicines. Similarly, patients might
detect microbial contamination, seen as black specks on the surface of the
product with the naked eye, or notice defects in a drug’s hardness when
handling it. Table 6-2 describes the limits of visual inspection and other
types of inspection.
Pharmacists are able to run a wider variety of tests to detect problems

BOX 6-4
The Global Pharma Health Fund Minilab
The Global Pharma Health Fund Minilab is a portable drug quality

analysis toolkit (Kaale et al., 2011). The Minilab was designed to help con-
trol the proliferation of substandard and falsified drugs in countries with
weak or absent regulatory systems (Jähnke et al., 2001).
The Minilab relies on a combination of accessible techniques for
simple, fast, and reliable detection of falsified and substandard drugs.
With the exception of running water and a flat surface on which to work,
the kit contains all the labware, reagents, standards for comparison, and
instructions necessary to run quality tests on many common medicines.
SOURCE: GPHF, 2012d.
with medicine quality. If properly equipped, a pharmacist can run colori-

metric tests and TLC on suspect samples in the pharmacy. The pharmacist,
or a lower-level pharmacy worker, is also key in monitoring the chain of
custody in track-and-trace systems. Field inspectors can take a similar role,
especially in places where there are few trained pharmacists. As Boxes
6-3 and 6-4 explain, mobile testing is an important piece of drug quality
monitoring in much of the world. Field inspectors can use handheld spec-
trometers and Minilabs to evaluate drug quality.
Field inspectors feed useful information about drug quality into the
regulatory system. Regulators have higher-level controls to detect poor
manufacturing and product quality in the market. Ultimately, no detec-

Each Minilab fits into two suitcases for durable portability. Price and
simplicity guided the kit’s design; the solvents and reagents used in the
assessments are safe for use with very little training and are widely avail-
able and inexpensive. Each Minilab quality test costs no more than $3 to
run (GPHF, 2012c; Kaale et al., 2011).
The kit includes equipment and instructions for thin layer chroma-
tography (TLC), chemical colorimetry, and disintegration tests, as well
as a visual inspection protocol. Testing and inspection protocols and
materials are included for more than 50 World Health Organization es-
sential medicines, including reference standards for 63 drug compounds
(GPHF, 2012a; Kaale et al., 2011). By using colorimetry, which tests for the
identity of active ingredients, and TLC, which provides information about
potency, the kit is capable of testing for the top three kinds of substan-
dard and falsified drugs: those that contain no active ingredient, those
that contain too little active ingredient, and those that contain the wrong
active ingredient (GPHF, 2012c; Jähnke et al., 2001). Since the reliability
of TLC is based in large part on the tester’s level of training, the Minilab
attempts to simplify the analysis by providing reference tablets that can
be used to prepare 100 percent and 80 percent dosage strengths for
comparison (Kaale et al., 2011).
Currently, there are more than 500 Minilabs in 80 countries, and
many prominent national and international organizations recommend the
kits for field testing (GPHF, 2012c). The U.S. Pharmacopeial Convention
distributes and administers trainings for Minilabs in developing countries
through its Drug Quality and Information program, in collaboration with
USAID (Smine and Hajjou, 2009). The lab has also been used by the
WHO’s Roll Back Malaria program and by several local nongovernmental
organizations in countries such as Tanzania and Ghana (Jähnke et al.,
2001).
tion technology can replace stringent drug regulation in the fight against
falsified and substandard drugs. The sentiment that no one can test quality
into drugs is true to a certain extent. It is important to be able to test drug
quality, but also important to impose good manufacturing practices on
companies to prevent quality problems before they arise. However, effective
use of technology can help improve drug quality. A study on drug quality
in Nigerian pharmacies before and after handheld spectrometers were dis-
tributed indicated that drug quality improved when testing became more
reliable and convenient (Bate and Mathur, 2011).
Making detection technology more accessible in low- and middle-
income countries is invaluable to controlling the trade in falsified and sub-

FIGURE 6-10 Genuine (left) and falsified (right) holograms on artesunate blister packs
found in Southeast Asia.
SOURCE: Newton et al., 2008.
standard drugs. Technologies can protect consumers and also help generate
accurate estimates of the magnitude of the problem. An understanding of
the technological landscape, the range and gaps in available technologies,
and the likely improvements in the near future is necessary for using tech-
nologies in developing countries.
The Technological Landscape

Technology is a constantly evolving field. New techniques developed
specifically for detection and analysis are always emerging. As some of the
standard assessment techniques become smaller, lighter, cheaper, and more
durable, the boundary between field and laboratory testing is blurring.
Navigating the technological landscape is a formidable challenge, espe-
cially in low- and middle-income countries. The committee believes that
interdisciplinary collaboration yields the best and most efficient advances
in detection technologies, especially technologies that can be useful in de-
veloping countries.
Regulators in these countries have relatively infrequent opportunities to
interact with academic and industry experts (IOM, 2012). Working in rela-
tive isolation translates into few opportunities to advocate for research on
their behalf. This chapter gives some overview of the detection technologies
that exist now, but a different expert working group could better articulate
what technologies will be useful in the future. It is also unclear under what
conditions the cost-to-benefit analysis favors the use of different detection
technologies.

Recommendation 6-1: The National Institute of Standards and Tech-

nology should fund the development of a central repository for existing
and newly innovative detection, sampling, and analytical technologies,
ranging from field and rapid screening technology to sophisticated
laboratory-based assessments, to identify substandard and falsified
medicines.
The cost of development is the main barrier to having robust, sustain-

able, easy-to-use, and inexpensive detection technologies available in the
field. The committee believes that public funding for development would
direct academic interest and attention to this important problem. The
National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST), a division of the
Department of Commerce, has the depth in physical and materials science
necessary for developing and adapting drug testing technologies (NIST,
2008). The institute is committed to innovative interdisciplinary research
for bioscience and health (NIST, 2010). Drug quality analysis draws from
At a Minilab training session in Angola, field inspectors learn how to test drug quality.
SOURCE: Minilab Saves Lives, 2012.

material, basic, and computer science, and a range of engineering disci-

plines. The FDA and the pharmaceutical industry also have technical depth
in these areas, and they should work with NIST on a technical working
group about drug detection technologies. The NIST has worked closely
with the FDA before, such as in their work on the measurement of drug
delivery systems with secondary ion mass spectrometry (NIST, 2009a).
Every year, the institute’s Small Business Innovation Research (SBIR)
program awards contracts to small businesses for science and engineering
research (NIST, 2009b). Proposals need to respond to the specific terms
set out in the SBIR annual solicitation (NIST, 2009b). Although an em-
phasis on field technologies that are useful in developing countries would
be a departure from the Department of Commerce’s charge of promoting
American industry, there is enough of a shared stake in drug safety that
they might consider a SIBR solicitation for innovative technologies to detect
poor-quality drugs.
There is considerable scope for innovative research in drug detection
TABLE 6–1 Techniques for Detecting Poor-Quality Drugs
Technique Good for Cost

Visual inspection Detecting unsophisticated falsified drugs: Inexpensive
wrong color, size, shape, packaging, etc.
Packaging technologies: Detecting fake packaging Inexpensive

holograms, barcodes,
pedigrees
Physical and bulk property Varies, but usually identifying the active Varies
testing (e.g., density, ingredient
solubility, refractive index)
Colorimetry Identifying functional groups in ingredients, Inexpensive

relative amount of active ingredients
Disintegration tests Determining whether product will Inexpensive

disintegrate correctly
Dissolution tests Determining whether product will dissolve Expensive

correctly, a measure of bioavailability
Thin layer chromatography Identifying active ingredients, determining Inexpensive

(TLC) amount of active ingredients

and analysis. All of the methods described in this chapter, for example, are
relevant to small molecules, but hormones, oral contraceptives, low-dose
vaccines, and biologics are also vulnerable to quality failures, failures that
are much harder to detect. Even the existing technologies to detect falsi-
fied and substandard small molecules could be improved. For example, the
Minilab, a useful and elegant kit, can test only 63 drugs (GPHF, 2012b).
The Global Pharma Health Fund should expand this inventory; the WHO
should help identify which products are the first priority for inclusion.
Similarly, expansion of the Raman active ingredient database would
make handheld Raman spectrometers more useful in detecting falsified
drugs. All drug detection technologies would be more powerful if there
were a full authentication database with information about drug color,
shape, size, weight, Raman and near-infrared reflectance, and a TLC proce-
dure for assay. Drug companies may balk at releasing this information, but
the committee believes that stringent regulatory agencies should require it.
Sharing all drug authentication information in a drug quality library would
vastly improve the power of existing drug detection technologies.
Level of Used in
Training Speed Field? Example
Low Fast Yes A sample of falsified Viagra in Hungary was pink
instead of the correct blue color. Further analysis
revealed that the tablets contained 15 mg amphetamine
instead of the correct active ingredient (U.S. Drug
Enforcement Administration Office of Forensic
Sciences, 2004).
Low Fast Yes mPedigree developed scratch-off codes for

prescription boxes. Consumers text the code to a
phone number and receive a confirmation—or not—that
their product is genuine (Sharma, 2011).
Low-high Varies Varies An artesunate extraction should significantly lower the

pH of water, and some falsified versions do not do this
(Newton et al., 2006).
Low Fast Yes Fast Red TR dye turns yellow in the presence of
artesunate (Green et al., 2001).
Low Fast Yes Close to 12% of drugs sampled from Delhi in a study of
drug quality in India failed disintegration testing (Bate
et al., 2009b).
High Slow No In one study, 14% of drugs that initially passed

dissolution testing subsequently failed, rendering them
substandard, after 6 months of storage in tropical
conditions (Kayumba et al., 2004).
Low- Fast Yes Detected substandard tuberculosis drugs with the

moderate wrong amount of active ingredient in Botswana
(Kenyon et al., 1999).
continued

Technique Good for Cost

Gas chromatography (GC) Identifying and quantifying volatile active Expensive
with appropriate detection ingredients, residual solvents, volatile
technology contaminants, undeclared ingredients
High-performance liquid Identifying and quantifying active Moderate

chromatography (HPLC) ingredients, impurities and various
with appropriate detection nonvolatile components
technology
Mid-infrared (IR) Identifying active ingredients and excipients; Moderate-expensive

spectroscopy some techniques can analyze packaging
and tablet coatings
Near-infrared spectroscopy Identifying and quantifying active Moderate-expensive

ingredients, excipients
Nuclear magnetic resonance Identifying and quantifying active ingredients Expensive

(NMR) spectroscopy and excipients; provides detailed structural
information
Raman spectroscopy Identifying active ingredients and excipients, Moderate-expensive

(conventional) relative concentration of ingredients;
identifying tablet coating composition
Raman spectroscopy Same as conventional Raman spectroscopy, Moderate

(portable) but can be less reliable
Mass spectrometry (MS) Identifying active ingredients, excipients, Expensive

undeclared ingredients, impurities
Direct mass spectrometry Identifying active ingredients, excipients, Expensive

(DART-MS, DESI-MS) undeclared ingredients, detecting analogues
Gas chromatography-mass Volatile active ingredients, residual solvents, Expensive

spectrometry (GC-MS) volatile contaminants, undeclared ingredients
High-performance liquid Identifying and quantifying active Expensive

chromatography-mass ingredients, excipients, undeclared
spectrometry (HPLC-MS) ingredients, impurities

Level of Used in
Training Speed Field? Example
High Slow No Organic volatile impurities detected by GC can help link
different batches of falsified drugs back to common
manufacturers (Mulligan et al., 1996).
Moderate-high Slow No Common antimalarials chloroquine, quinine, and

mefloquine produce different peaks in an HPLC
chromatogram (Gaudiano et al., 2006).
Moderate Fast No Artemisinin and artemether produce different IR

spectra. Artemisinin is sometimes substituted for its
derivatives, such as artemether, in falsified products
(Kaur et al., 2010).
Moderate Fast Yes Was able to distinguish real from falsified artesunate
tablets with 100% accuracy in an analysis of samples
from Southeast Asia (Dowell et al., 2008).
High Slow No Diffusion-ordered proton NMR spectroscopy identified

incorrect active ingredients in a study of falsified
artesunate samples and was able to detect excipient
ingredients that two mass spectrometric techniques
could not (Nyadong et al., 2009).
Moderate Fast No Close examination of Raman spectra comparing a

suspected falsified drug to a real sample revealed a
slight discrepancy due to differences in tablet coating
(Witkowski, 2005).
Low Fast Yes Falsified artesunate samples did not produce the strong
fluorescence characteristic of artesunate when scanned
with a portable device (Ricci et al., 2008).
High Slow No Falsified halofantrine containing a sulphonamide

antibiotic detected with MS (Wolff et al., 2003).
Moderate Fast No Detected falsified artesunate that contained

paracetamol (Martino et al., 2010).
High Slow No Detected falsified Captagon tablets containing

alternative stimulants (Alabdalla, 2005).
High Slow No Distinguished between falsified and genuine samples of

Nigerian dihydroartemisinin (Kaur et al., 2010).

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An International Code of Practice for

Falsified and Substandard Medicines
Ensuring a safe, reliable drug supply is ultimately a matter for indi-

vidual countries. To this end, every nation has four main responsibilities:
regulating the responsible manufacture of safe and effective medicines; pre-
venting falsified and substandard drugs from entering the market; detecting
them when they do; and punishing those who knowingly manufacture and
trade them. Executing these responsibilities requires strong national systems
for drug regulation, surveillance, and law enforcement. Governments must
work with key stakeholders in industry, professional associations, and civil
society to protect the drug supply.
However, no country acting alone can protect its citizens from falsified
and substandard medicines. The problem, as seen throughout this report, is
international, fueled by international trade and telecommunications. Crime
and easy money are powerful forces driving the illegitimate medicines busi-
ness. Its perpetrators gravitate to countries where surveillance, regulation,
and law enforcement are the weakest. They take advantage of international
manufacturing and trade to produce and sell their products in the global
market.
The interconnectedness of modern manufacturing systems makes the
“quality and safety of goods . . . that travel in international commerce”
(Gostin and Taylor, 2008, p. 54) a global public health concern. A coherent
system of global governance founded on diplomacy and international co-
operation can improve product safety and protect health around the world
(Gostin and Taylor, 2008). This will require cooperation among countries,
among agencies within governments, and among consumers, manufactur-
ers, professional associations, and civil society groups.
295

This chapter discusses the global governance tools available to fight

the public health problem of falsified and substandard drugs. An emphasis
on the public health risks of illegitimate drugs is central to framing this
problem; protecting drug companies’ proprietary interests is not. In the
past, disagreements about the overlap between public health protection
and intellectual property guarantees have crippled international discussion
on drug safety. Any global governance process will need to focus on public
health, a goal all parties can support and come to consensus around.
Global governance includes hard law, such as treaties, and soft law,
such as resolutions, declarations, memorandums of understanding, and
codes of practice (Gostin, 2013). The committee does not believe that the
time is ripe for hard-law solutions. If countries or regions wish to negoti-
ate a treaty on falsified and substandard drugs, then they should do so, but
international soft law may be a more practical short-term solution to the
problem. A soft-law solution could encourage international momentum
for drug regulation, surveillance, and law enforcement. It would also build
trust among stakeholders and pave the way for a future hard-law solution
if necessary.
Two treaty processes already under way relate to the problem of
substandard and falsified medicines. The Council of Europe’s Medicrime
Convention (officially, “the Convention on the counterfeiting1 of medical
products2 and similar crimes involving threats to public health”) is a multi-
lateral treaty intended to prevent the public health threats of illegitimate
medicines (Council of Europe, 2011). The convention aims to make crimes
of drug adulteration and of the intentional manufacture, supply, or trade
in illegitimate medicines or ingredients, and their accessories (Council of
Europe, 2011). Other criminal offenses under Medicrime include tamper-
ing with the drug pedigree or making false drug documents; putting an
unauthorized drug on the market; and intentionally aiding or abetting a
criminal in one of the named offenses (Council of Europe, 2011). Med-
icrime also gives terms for protecting victims, including victim’s rights
to compensation from perpetrators, and for international cooperation in
investigation, extradition, and mutual legal assistance (Council of Europe,
2011). By December 2012, 22 countries had signed the convention, but
only Ukraine had ratified it (Council of Europe, 2012). Medicrime will
not come into force until five countries ratify it, including three Council of
Europe members (Council of Europe, 2011).
Critics of the convention see in Medicrime an attempt to treat routine
1 The Medicrime Convention defines a counterfeit as a false representation of identity or

source (Council of Europe, 2011).
2 The Medicrime Convention defines a medical product as human and veterinary medicines
and medical devices (Council of Europe, 2011).

INTERNATIONAL CODE OF PRACTICE 297
quality control errors as crimes (Attaran and Bate, 2010). And, though
Susanne Keitel, the director of the European Directorate for the Quality of
Medicines, explained to the committee in March that the Medicrime Con-
vention does not cover infringement of intellectual property rights, some see
hostility to generics companies in the treaty (Attaran and Bate, 2010). This
impression is fueled by the recent memory of European Union (EU) customs
officials seizing as counterfeit generic drug shipments produced in India
and bound for Africa or Latin America (EUbusiness, 2010; Reuters, 2011).
The Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA) is the other treaty
relevant to falsified medicines. ACTA sets international standards for in-
tellectual property protection and creates a regime outside of the World
Trade Organization (WTO) and the World Intellectual Property Organiza-
tion (WIPO) to protect intellectual property (Ilias, 2012). Eight countries3
signed ACTA in October 2011, but Japan is the only country that has for-
mally ratified the treaty (MOFA of Japan, 2012; USTR, 2011). ACTA will
come into force only when six countries ratify it (USTR, 2011).
As Chapter 1 explains, this report is not concerned with intellectual
property rights. The committee believes that the real or perceived mixing
of public health and intellectual property concerns only holds back action
on the problem of falsified and substandard drugs.
THE ROLE OF THE WHO

Protecting public health is the goal of the proposed code of practice on
falsified and substandard drugs. Therefore, the World Health Organization
(WHO) is the natural home for the negotiation, development, and adoption
of the code. Article 2 of the WHO Constitution authorizes the organization,
“to act as the directing and coordinating authority on international health
work.”4 To this end, the WHO Constitution also grants extensive norma-
tive powers to World Health Assembly (WHA), the governing body of the
WHO. The WHA’s jobs include determining the organization’s policies and
budget, appointing the Director-General, directing the Executive Board
on areas for study or action, inviting other organizations to participate in
WHO activities, and maintaining agreements with the United Nations.5
The assembly also has the authority to recommend actions to members and
3 Australia, Canada, Japan, Morocco, New Zealand, Singapore, South Korea, and the
United States have signed ACTA (USTR, 2011).
4 World Health Organization, Basic Documents, Constitution of the World Health Organi-
zation, 45th ed., Supplement, October 2006. Chapter II, Article 2(a).

5 World Health Organization, Basic Documents, Constitution of the World Health Orga-
nization, 45th ed., Supplement, October 2006. Chapter V, Article 18(a), (c), (d), (f), (h), (j).

• T he political climate is not conducive to a hardlaw, such as a multilat-

eral treaty, against falsified and substandard drugs.
• A code of practice is a soft-law solution that would give member
states clear, consistent guidelines and benchmarks for their work
against falsified and substandard drugs.
• The WHO should lead in the development of a code of practice on fal-
sified and substandard drugs, in consultation with the World Customs
Organization (WCO), the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
(UNODC), and other stakeholders.
to require members to give yearly reports on action taken to comply with

recommendations.6
This report makes clear that substandard and falsified medicines are
an international problem. There is a precedent for the WHO establish-
ing international codes on problems of global public health consequence.
Concern about the marketing of infant formula to new mothers led to the
1981 WHO and Unicef International Code of Marketing of Breast-Milk
Substitutes (WHO, 1981). In 2010, the WHO responded to the problem
of international health worker migration with The Global Code of Practice
on the International Recruitment of Health Personnel (WHO, 2010). The
codes were possible because of WHO leadership and an open, consultative,
deliberation process. The committee believes that a similar process, led
by the WHO, will be essential to international action against illegitimate
drugs.
The WHO is also the international leader in the current discussion
about substandard and falsified drugs. In November 2012, WHO mem-
ber states met in Argentina as part of a new effort to collaborate on
illegitimate medical products (WHO, 2012b). In her opening remarks,
Director-General Margaret Chan reiterated the organization’s commitment
to working against harmful products in the drug supply and promoting
the availability of good-quality medicines around the world (Chan, 2012).
Engaging Stakeholders
In developing the proposed code of practice, the WHO should engage
all major stakeholders; the inclusion of scientific experts and civil society
6 World Health Organization, Basic Documents, Constitution of the World Health Organi-
zation, 45th ed., Supplement, October 2006. Chapter V, Article 20, Article 23.

groups is essential. The WHO Essential Medicines division can bring great
technical depth to the discussion, especially the public health aspects of the
problem. Because the problem has legal dimensions, it will also be crucial
to include experts in law enforcement, criminal justice, and customs. In
order to assure the proper range of expertise in the drafting of the proposed
code of practice, the committee recommends that the WHO work with the
UNODC and the WCO.
The UNODC helps member states fight organized crime, trafficking,
corruption, and terrorism (UNODC, 2012a). Its previous work has de-
scribed the trade in illegitimate medicines as the business of terrorist orga-
nizations and criminal cartels (UNODC, 2009, 2011, 2012b). The agency’s
2012-2015 strategy emphasizes that responding to transnational, organized
crime is a priority, and it highlights their work against new kinds of drug
trafficking (UN, 2012). Contributing to the law enforcement and criminal
justice sections of an international code on falsified and substandard medi-
cines would draw on the agency’s strengths and complement the goals set
out in its 3-year strategy.
The WCO, the only international organization dedicated to policing
flows of goods into and out of countries, is the other stakeholder orga-
nization that should contribute to the proposed code. The WCO works
on supply chain security and on the harmonization of simplified customs
procedures (WCO, 2012a). National customs offices are under pressure to
facilitate international trade and to monitor the safety of products enter-
ing the country; they have a unique understanding of the circumstances
through which illegitimate medicines enter commerce. The inclusion of
the WCO in the development of an international code on falsified and
substandard drugs could help ensure the code’s validity to stakeholders
in customs.
The committee recognizes that some stakeholders might object to the
inclusion of the WCO in this process, given the organization’s professed
commitment to protecting intellectual property rights (WCO, 2012b).
Monitoring the trade in illegitimate medicines and enforcing laws against
them depend on customs bureaus, however. Failing to include them in the
development of the code would risk its being unacceptable or impractical
for customs officers, one of the main groups that would need to adhere to
it. While some stakeholders might not approve of the WCO, the committee
sees no value in excluding them from the discussion.
Global governance for health increasingly requires health organiza-
tions such as the WHO to work with other international agencies. There
is precedent for the WHO’s forming partnerships in the development of a
code of practice. The WHO and Unicef collaborated on the International
Code of Marketing of Breast-Milk Substitutes, and, since its release in
1981, 84 countries have enacted legislation implementing all or many of

its provisions (Unicef, 2012; WHO, 1981). Unicef continues to work with
legislators and lawyers to implement maternity protection laws in more
countries (Unicef, 2012). Given the clear relationship between maternal and
child health and Unicef’s mission, it was only appropriate for the WHO
to engage this organization. Similarly, a partnership with the UNODC and
WCO would benefit the development and implementation of the proposed
code of practice.
Recommendation 7-1: The World Health Assembly, in partnership with

the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and the World Customs
Organization, and in consultation with major stakeholders, should
institute an inclusive, transparent process for developing a code of
practice on the global problem of falsified and substandard medicines.
The code should include guidelines on surveillance, regulation, and law
enforcement, empowering states and the international community to
prevent and respond to drug quality problems.
CONTENT OF THE CODE

The code will not be credible unless it is developed through a fair and
inclusive process; such processes take time. At a minimum, however, the
committee recommends that the process give some attention to interna-
tional surveillance, drug regulation, and law enforcement as main areas in
which to give guidance.
International Surveillance
As Chapter 3 explains, surveillance for substandard and falsified drugs
is uncoordinated, largely voluntary, and highly variable. The modern drug
• T he international surveillance component of the code of practice

should provide guidelines on how to develop a surveillance system
for falsified and substandard drugs and how to link it to routine
pharmacovigilance.
• The code should recommend guidelines, minimum standards, and
benchmarks for medicines regulation.
• The code of practice should provide guidance on how to investigate
and punish pharmaceutical crimes, suggest standard minimum pun-
ishments for different crimes, and establish common definitions for
various criminal acts.

supply chain involves many countries; therefore, drug surveillance should

be a coordinated, global effort. International surveillance is necessary to de-
fine the magnitude of the problem and to identify priority areas for action.
The sections of the code that discuss surveillance should give guidance
on how to set up routine drug quality surveillance and how to make stra-
tegic choices about which drugs to monitor in the most vulnerable regions.
Once routine surveillance systems are running, data gleaned from them will
inform some of these choices in an iterative process. It may be necessary
to use active surveillance methods for some high-risk drugs and passive
surveillance for others. The code might also recommend how to choose and
manage key sentinel surveillance sites. The guidelines should also explain
how to tie monitoring for falsified and substandard drugs to routine phar-
macovigilance and how to link surveillance with response.
Drug surveillance also requires laboratories for quality testing. There
are not sufficient drug-quality laboratories in most low- and middle-income
countries to support the regulatory agencies’ routine needs (IOM, 2012).
And, as Chapter 6 explains, these assays are expensive; running even mini-
mal tests could quickly bankrupt a small county’s annual drug testing bud-
get. The code should suggest ways to accommodate the added burden that
surveillance will place on drug quality laboratories. There may be room
for universities to take on more testing or for donors to fund dedicated,
regional drug surveillance laboratories. The use of minilabs and hand-held
detection technologies could also alleviate the added strain surveillance
testing will place on drug quality laboratories.
Building surveillance also requires building a workforce dedicated to
data analysis and the prompt dissemination of public alerts when necessary.
Therefore, using surveillance data effectively requires a strong medicines
regulatory system. Guidelines on surveillance for falsified and substan-
dard drugs will depend on commensurate guidelines for the regulation of
medicines.
Medicines Regulation
The proposed code of practice should give guidelines on the quality,
safety, and efficacy of medicines that all countries can work toward. The
code could suggest national minimum standards for licensing of importers,
distributors, and wholesalers and guidelines on retail and dispensing of
medicines. The WHO has already collected most of this information; the
Medicines Regulatory Package will be a useful reference on how to organize
regulatory authorities and monitor their performance (WHO, 2011).
The code should direct countries to enact comprehensive medicines
legislation that provides for all the drug regulatory functions, including
the licensing of manufacturers and distributors, the issuing of market au-

thorization, the inspection and surveillance of the drug distribution chain,

and the monitoring of medicines on the market (Rägo and Santoso, 2008).
The code should also give guidance on harmonization and mutual rec-
ognition. Having consistent requirements eases the regulatory burden on
industry. Especially in small countries, harmonization allows regulators to
make efficient use of their limited labor. The code might recommend oppor-
tunities for regulatory agencies in small countries to base their decisions on
internationally accepted criteria. The regulatory agencies of Canada, New
Zealand, Singapore, and Switzerland, for example, make more efficient use
of their staff by accepting new chemical entity data from larger regulatory
agencies (ICDRA, 2010; Jessamine, 2010).
The code might support the work the Pharmaceutical Inspection Co-
operation Scheme has begun. The Pharmaceutical Inspection Convention
and the Pharmaceutical Co-operation Scheme, known jointly as PIC/S,
work to advance mutual confidence, training, and information exchange
among 43 participating regulatory agencies (PIC/S, 2012b, 2013). PIC/S
trains inspectors from around the world in pharmaceutical inspections;
its trainings and publications promote harmonized understanding of good
distribution and manufacturing practices (PIC/S, 2012c,d).
Efficient staffing of the regulatory authority depends on sustainable
financing. The code could suggest methods for governments to ensure
sustainable financing for their regulatory authorities. Most regulatory au-
thorities run off public money or market authorization fees; many face an
additional dilemma in soliciting user fees from the pharmaceutical industry
(Abdul-Rahman, 1996). The code might address this problem and give
guidelines on an appropriate financial relationship between the pharmaceu-
tical industry and the drugs regulatory authority. A frank public discussion
of this question might have an added benefit of encouraging investment in
regulatory systems in developing countries. This includes investing in the
training and credentialing of the professional workforce needed to run a
regulatory system.
The code of practice could also lead to the development of accepted
good regulatory practices, and tools regulators can use to benchmark their
performance. The WHO is the ideal organization to lead the development
of good regulatory practices because of its technical depth and experience
in medicines regulation. The WHO has convening power to bring regula-
tory agencies together; its International Conference of Drug Regulatory
Authorities brings regulators together to discuss common challenges and
opportunities for collaboration (WHO, 2012a). The development of good
regulatory practices could also draw on the work that the International
Conference on Harmonisation and the forum for Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation have done to the same end (Lourenco, 2008; Uyama, 2011).

Law Enforcement
Guidelines for surveillance and drug regulation will be central to a
code of practice on substandard and falsified drugs. This report makes
clear, however, that the problem cannot be solved without input from law
enforcement, a broad category that includes disparate agencies with limited
budgets and competing priorities.
The nature of pharmaceutical crimes and the constraints on law en-
forcement agencies pose challenges to prosecuting and punishing offenders.
The illegitimate drug business is a global industry that mirrors legitimate
business in many ways: it sources materials from around the world and
bases manufacturing in countries with the cheapest labor and most favor-
able regulatory regimes. Criminals and unscrupulous manufacturers use
the internet to identify suppliers and customers. They may also sell drugs
over the internet, on the black market, or even through legitimate distribu-
tion channels. Thorough investigation and successful prosecution of those
responsible is difficult and expensive because of clandestine manufacturing
and distribution networks.
Pharmaceutical crime covers a spectrum of low-risk, high-reward of-
fenses. Many countries have not enacted laws making these acts crimes or
set out terms for international cooperation on investigations (Attaran et al.,
2011). The code of practice on falsified and substandard medicines could
give guidelines on how to investigate and punish the illegitimate medicines
trade, as well as standard minimum punishments for different crimes. The
code could also establish common definitions for different criminal acts
such as the manufacture of an illegitimate drug, the unauthorized reuse of
packaging, tampering with any documents or receipts necessary to recreate
the chain of custody, and knowingly selling or distributing an illegitimate
product.
A code of practice would build momentum for international coop-
eration on the investigation of pharmaceutical crimes. The national police
agencies’ authority stops at the border. Investigating transnational crimes
sometimes requires mutual legal assistance treaties (Attaran et al., 2011;
Palmer, 2012). Pharmaceutical crimes are particularly time-consuming and
expensive to investigate. They put novel demands on the detectives and
prosecutors who are expected to work on homicides and other violent
crimes. The code of practice could suggest guidelines for police agencies on
how to balance priorities. It could also give political cover to police agen-
cies looking to direct more staff time to investigating crimes against the
drug supply. The code would also establish guidelines for both choosing
the venue to prosecute and the terms for extradition.
Chapter 4 describes how police and customs officers may channel their
work against falsified drugs in brief, intense campaigns and not in sus-

tained, coordinated action. The law enforcement guidelines in the proposed

code of practice could explain how to integrate action against falsified
drugs into daily police work. They would also allow police and prosecutors
to make these crimes a priority.
At a minimum, the code should establish definitions for different crimes
involving the medicine supply, establish minimum penalties for these crimes,
recommend protocols for international cooperation on investigations and
extradition, and clarify the role of customs and border police in investigat-
ing medicines trafficking. These actions could go a long way in increasing
awareness of the gravity of pharmaceutical crime.
Compliance by States and Stakeholders

A code of practice is a voluntary agreement. Countries have no for-
mal, legal obligation to conform. A code of practice can do much to raise
awareness and promote harmonized actions among countries. Some recent
commentary has suggested that the WHO should exercise more leadership
on global health problems (Sridhar and Gostin, 2011). The organization is
uniquely poised to convene stakeholders and issue a soft law for address-
ing this problem. An open and transparent convening process will lay the
groundwork for future compliance with the code.
The WHO can also give incentives for compliance and encourage co-
operation among nations. Countries that adopt the code should be able to
report on their progress and share strategies for overcoming obstacles. The
WHO Director-General could then report to the WHA on implementa-
tion and potential barriers to compliance. Nongovernmental organizations
could also have a useful role in monitoring compliance with the code, per-
haps issuing reports on which countries and stakeholder groups make good
on their promises (Gostin, 2013).
One likely barrier to action is limited capacity for drug regulation, law
enforcement, and surveillance in low- and middle-income countries. The
code might suggest incentives, such as funding and technical assistance for
implementation, as well guidance on how law enforcement agencies can
work together across jurisdictions.
Costs are another important barrier to widespread adaption of the code.
The PIC/S funds its activities through membership fees (PIC/S, 2012a). At-
tendance at conferences and trainings is extra (PIC/S, 2012a). The expense
can be a barrier for regulators from poor countries. Furthermore, tracking
countries’ progress to meeting the code and planning member state activi-
ties will take staff time and administrative effort. It may be necessary to
establish a WHO secretariat dedicated to the code of practice on falsified
and substandard drugs. In this case, the WHA should direct the necessary

funds to WHO for a formal secretariat to organize and administer related

activities.
Substandard and falsified drugs are a global problem. It is difficult to
accurately measure the burden of the problem, but illegitimate medicines
appear in all countries, threatening health and undermining confidence in
the medical system. The proposed code of practice will encourage coordi-
nated international monitoring of medicine quality, strong regulatory sys-
tems, and the appropriate investigation and punishment of crimes against
the drug supply. Prominent international action to protect the drug supply
will advance public health around the world.
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Appendix A
Glossary
Active pharmaceutical ingredient (API): Any substance or mixture of sub-

stances that is part of a drug (medicinal) product, intended to furnish phar-
macological activity or other direct effect in the diagnosis, cure, mitigation,
treatment, or prevention of disease, or to affect the structure and function
of the body.
Adulteration: The alteration of a product by deliberately adding something

not ordinarily a part of it.
Adverse drug reaction: A harmful result of drug therapy that is neither

intended nor expected in normal therapeutic use.
Anthelmintic resistance: The ability of worms to survive treatment at the

generally effective recommended dose.
Antibiotic: A drug that fights bacterial infections.
Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA): An initiative signed on Oc-

tober 1, 2011, by key trading partners to strengthen the international legal
framework for effectively combating global proliferation of commercial-
scale counterfeiting and piracy. It calls for strong legal frameworks and
innovative provisions to deepen international cooperation and to promote
strong intellectual property rights enforcement practices.
309

Anti-infective: A substance that aids the immune system by inhibiting infec-

tive microorganisms by destroying their cell wall, slowing their growth, or
interfering with DNA synthesis.
Antimalarial: Drugs designed to prevent or cure malaria.
Antimicrobial: A substance that kills or inhibits the growth of microorganisms.
Antimicrobial resistance: The ability of microorganisms that cause disease

to withstand attack by antimicrobial medicines.
Antiparasitics: A class of medications that treat parasitic diseases.
Antiretroviral drugs: Drugs used to treat people infected with the human
immunodeficiency virus.
Artemisinin: A drug used to treat malaria derived from the Artemisia An-
nua plant family. It and its derivatives are a group of drugs that possess the
most rapid action against the disease.
Artemisinin-based combination therapy: A combination of artemisinin or

one of its derivatives with an antimalarial drug or drugs of a different class.
Artesunate: An artemisinin-derived drug used in the treatment of malaria.
Attenuated total reflection-Fourier transform infrared (ATR-FTIR) spec-

troscopy: A well-established, nondestructive method for determining the
chemical composition of materials based on their chemical bonding.
Beta-lactam antibiotics: A broad class of antibiotics, consisting of all antibi-

otic agents that contain a beta-lactam nucleus in their molecular structure.
This includes penicillin derivatives, cephalosporins, monobactams, and
carbapenems. Most beta-lactam antibiotics work by inhibiting cell wall
biosynthesis in the bacterial organism and are the most widely used group
of antibiotics.
Bioavailability: Bioavailability is a subcategory of absorption and is the

fraction of an administered dose of unchanged drug that reaches the sys-
temic circulation, one of the principal pharmacokinetic properties of drugs.
By definition, when a medication is administered intravenously, its bioavail-
ability is 100 percent. However, when a medication is administered via
other routes (such as orally), its bioavailability generally decreases due to
incomplete absorption and first-pass metabolism. Bioavailability is one of

APPENDIX A 311
the essential tools in pharmacokinetics, as bioavailability must be consid-

ered when calculating dosages for nonintravenous routes of administration.
Bioequivalent: The absence of a significant difference in the rate and extent

to which the active ingredient or active moiety in pharmaceutical equiva-
lents becomes available at the site of drug action, when administered at
the same molar dose under similar conditions in an appropriately designed
study.
Black market: A market of goods or services that operates outside the for-
mal market, not supported by an established state power.
Blister packet: Perforated packaging used for drugs and other consumer
products.
Blockbuster drugs: Popular drugs that generate at least $1 billion in annual

sales for the company that creates them.
British Pharmacopoeia: Established in 1864, the British Pharmacopoeia

provides authoritative official standards for pharmaceutical substances and
medicinal products in the United Kingdom and many other countries that
have adopted it.
Bulk property: A property that does not depend on the size or amount of a
sample. For example, density is a bulk property because it does not depend
on the amount of substance tested. A bulk property may also be called an
intensive property.
Central medical store: Primarily found in developing countries, it is the

Ministry of Health’s procurement arm and national medical store. Central
medical stores are generally responsible for the procurement, quality assur-
ance, storage and distribution of drugs, vaccines, disinfectants, dressings,
and related medical supplies for government health facilities and some
nongovernment organizations.
Chain of custody: A document intended to guarantee the integrity of a drug

product along the distribution chain.
Chromatography: A method for separating a mixture into its constituent

substances. The separation is based on differential partitioning between a
mobile and stationary phase. Subtle differences in a compound’s partition-
ing result in differential retention on the stationary phase, thus effecting

the separation. This method is used to separate mixtures such as drugs for
accurate and precise analysis.
Civil liability: The potential responsibility for payment of damages or other

court enforcement in a lawsuit.
Colorimetry: The experimental measurement of the amount of color pro-

duced by a colorimetric reagent and a sample.
Compounding: The creation of a particular pharmaceutical produce to

fit the unique needs to a patient. To do this, compounding pharmacists
combine or process appropriate ingredient using various tools. This may
be done for medically necessary reasons, such as to change the form of the
medication from a solid pill to a liquid, to avoid a nonessential ingredi-
ent that the patient is allergic to, or to obtain the exact dose(s) needed
of particular active pharmaceutical ingredient(s). It may also be done for
more optional reasons, such as adding flavors to a medication or otherwise
altering taste or texture.
Compulsory license: Also known as statutory license of mandatory collec-

tive management, provides that the owner of a patent or copyright licenses
the use of their rights against payment either set by law or determined
through some form of arbitration. In essence, under a compulsory license,
an individual or company seeking to use another’s intellectual property
can do so without seeking the rights holder’s consent, and pays the rights
holder a set fee for the license. The principal requirement for the issues of
a compulsory license under TRIPS is that attempts to obtain a license under
reasonable commercial terms must have failed over a reasonable period of
time. TRIPS also provides that the requirements for a compulsory license
may be waived in certain situations, in particular cases of national emer-
gency or extreme urgency or in cases of public noncommercial use.
Contract manufacturing: The manufacturing of a product by an organiza-

tion or company other than the marketing company.
Convenience sample: A type of nonprobability sampling which involves

the sample being drawn from the part of the population that is close to
hand. That is, a sample population selected because it is readily available
and convenient. The researcher using such a sample cannot scientifically
make generalizations about the total population from this sample because
it would not be fully representative.

APPENDIX A 313
Counterfeit: A drug that bears an unauthorized representation of a reg-

istered trademark on a product identical or similar to one for which the
trademark is registered.
Crude active ingredients: Chemicals that have not undergone the appropri-
ate purification steps required to meet pharmacopeial standards or manu-
facturer’s dossier requirements.
Degraded: The deterioration of an active pharmaceutical ingredient in a

drug. It can be a result of high temperatures exceeding label requirements,
resulting in decreased potency and efficacy.
Density: The ratio of an object’s mass to its volume.
Developing country: A nation with a low living standard, undeveloped in-

dustrial base, and low human development index relative to other countries.
Development bank: A national or regional financial institution designed to

provide medium- and long-term capital for productive investment, often
accompanied by technical assistance in developing countries.
Diffusion-ordered proton nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy: A type

of nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy that can identify the various
types of ingredients in a mixture by taking advantage of differences in mo-
lecular mass. It separates the nuclear magnetic resonance signals of different
components according to their diffusion coefficient.
Direct ionization: The impulses alpha and beta particles apply to orbital
electrons to ionize, or completely remove an electron from an atom follow-
ing the transfer of energy from a passing charged particle. Specific ioniza-
tion, the number of ion pairs formed per unit path length for a given type
of radiation, is a measure of the intensity of ionization. Because of their
double charge and relatively slow velocity, alpha particles have a high spe-
cific ionization and a relatively short range in matter (a few centimeters in
air and only fractions of a millimeter in tissue). Beta particles have a much
lower specific ionization than alpha particles and, generally, a greater range.
Direct-to-pharmacy: A supply chain model where manufacturers sell di-

rectly to pharmacies.
Directly Observed Treatment–Short Course (DOTS): The internationally

recommended strategy for tuberculosis control. It is a standardized treat-

ment regimen directly observed by health care or community workers.

It has been recognized as a highly efficient and cost-effective strategy to
control the disease.
Disintegration: The process of breaking up a solid dosage form in water or

simulated gastric solution.
Dispensary: A place where medicine or medical or dental treatment is

dispensed.
Dissolution: The process by which a substance is dissolved.
Distribution chain: A series of businesses or organizations involved in trans-

porting, storing, and selling goods from the manufacturer to consumers.
Diversion: The unlawful channeling of products from a legitimate, parallel

marketed, subsidized supply chain into other, unsubsidized markets.
Doha Declaration: A declaration adapted by World Trade Organization

members in 2001. It affirms the right of all countries to protect public
health and enhance access to medicines for poor countries.
Drug: A substance used as a medication or in the preparation of medication.
Drug pedigree: A statement of origin that identifies each prior sale, pur-
chase, or trade of a drug, including the date of those transactions and the
names and addresses of all parties to them.
Drug potency: The extent to which a drug product contains the specified
amount of active ingredient.
Drug resistance: The reduction in effectiveness of a drug in curing a disease

or condition due to mutations in the target organism.
Economies of scale: Factors that cause the average cost of production to

fall as the volume of output increases.
Efficacy: The ability of a drug to produce the desired therapeutic effect.
Electromagnetic spectrum: The entire range of wavelengths or frequencies

of electromagnetic radiation extending from gamma rays to the longest
radio waves, including visible light.

APPENDIX A 315
Electronic product code: A radio frequency identification code, attached to

a product, that contains a wide range of information unique to that item
and may include the manufacturer, stock-keeping unit, product informa-
tion, and batch number. This allows tracking a particular item throughout
all stages of the supply chain.
Electrospray ionization-mass spectrometry (ESI-MS): An ionization tech-

nique that uses electrical energy to assist the transfer of ions from solution
into the gaseous phase before they are subjected to mass spectrometric
analysis. This technique is used to ionize small amounts of large or labile
molecules such as peptides, proteins, organometallics, and polymers. The
multiply charged ions then enter the analyzer. The most obvious feature of
an ESI spectrum is that the ions carry multiple charges. This characteristic
reduces their mass-to-charge ratio compared to a singly charged species and
facilitates obtaining mass spectra for large molecules.
E-pedigree: An electronic record that documents a drug’s pedigree.
Epidemiologic transition: A theory that focuses on the complex change

in patterns of health and disease and on the interactions between these
patterns and their demographic, economic and sociologic determinants
and consequences. The transition portion of the theory is concerned with
changes in population growth trajectories and composition, especially in
the age distribution from younger to older. It also takes into account the
changes in patterns of mortality, including increasing life expectancy and
reordering of the relative importance of different causes of death.
Excipient: A pharmacologically inactive substance used along with the ac-

tive pharmaceutical ingredients in the formulation of a medication.
Expert review panel: A panel of independent experts, who review the po-
tential risks and benefits associated with the use of finished pharmaceutical
products or diagnostic products. The panel makes recommendations as to
whether the products may be procured.
Fake: Widely used as a synonym for falsified in this report and by other
scholars.
Falsified: A drug that falsely represents a product’s identity or source or

both.

Finished product: A finished dosage form of a pharmaceutical product,

which has undergone all stages of manufacture, including packaging in its
final container and labeling.
Forensic chemistry: A field of chemistry focused on analyzing substances in

support of law enforcement.
Formal market: An official market, as recognized by a government.
Formulary: A list of medications approved under a particular insurance

policy. A national formulary contains a lists of medicines that are approved
for prescription throughout the country, indicating which products are in-
terchangeable. It includes key information on the composition, description,
selection, prescribing, dispensing, and administration of medicines. Those
drugs considered less suitable for prescribing are clearly identified.
Formulation: A mixture of substances prepared according to a specific for-

mula; included in a capsule, a pill, a tablet, or an emulsion.
Fraudulent: A product claiming particular qualities with intent to deceive.
Friability: A measure of the ability of a solid substance to be reduced to

smaller pieces with tumbling.
Fourier-transform infrared spectrometry: A measurement technique whereby

infrared spectra are collected based on nondispersive spectral measurements.
As with all other infrared spectral measurements, this technique can identify
unknown materials, determine the quality or consistency of a sample, and
determine the amount of components in a mixture.
Gas chromatography: A common type of chromatography used in ana-

lytical chemistry for separating and analyzing compounds that can be
vaporized without decomposition. It is typically used to test the purity of a
particular substance or separate different components of a mixture. In some
situations, gas chromatography may help identify a compound.
Gas chromatography-mass spectrometer (GC-MS): A tool used for the iden-

tification and quantitation of volatile and semi-volatile organic compounds
in mixtures. The GC-MS consists of two parts: the gas chromatograph and
the mass spectrometer. The gas chromatograph separates the molecules in
the sample, allowing some of them to pass into the mass spectrometer more
rapidly than others. When the molecules move into the mass spectrometer,
they are ionized into fragments and each molecule is identified based on

APPENDIX A 317
mass and charge. The GC-MS spectrometer helps separate and determine
the individual elements and molecules in a sample. It is used for the quan-
titation of drugs and provides forensic investigators the ability to identify
individual substances that may be found within a very small test sample.
Good manufacturing practices: A system for ensuring that products are

consistently produced and controlled according to quality standards. It is
designed to minimize the risks involved in any pharmaceutical production
that cannot be eliminated through testing the final product.
Gray market: A supply channel that is unofficial, unauthorized, or unin-

tended by the original manufacturer.
Hard currency: A globally traded currency that is expected to serve as a

reliable and stable store of value.
Herd immunity: A situation in which a sufficient proportion of a population

is immune to an infectious disease (through vaccination or prior illness)
to make its spread from person to person unlikely. Even individuals not
vaccinated (such as newborns and those with chronic illnesses) are offered
some protection because the disease has little opportunity to spread within
the community.
High-performance liquid chromatography (HPLC): A technique used to

separate a mixture of compounds to identify, quantify, and purify the indi-
vidual components of the mixture. This technique relies on pumps to pass
a pressurized liquid and a sample mixture through a column filled with a
sorbent, leading to the separation of the sample components. The active
component of the column, the stationary sorbent, is typically a granular
material made of solid particles, 2-50 micrometers in size, which may be
coated. The components of the sample mixture are separated from each
other due to partitioning differences with the sorbent particles. The pres-
surized liquid is typically a mixture of solvents (e.g., water, acetonitrile,
or methanol) and is referred to as the mobile phase. Its composition and
temperature play a major role in the separation process by influencing the
partitioning between sample components and stationary sorbent. HPLC is
one of the most powerful tools in analytical chemistry. Depending on the
detection system and stationary phase used, it has the ability to separate,
identify, and quantitate compounds present in any sample that can be dis-
solved in a liquid. Compounds in trace concentrations as low as parts per
trillion can be separated and with appropriate detectors may be identified
using this technique. HPLC can be, and has been, applied to numerous

samples such as pharmaceuticals, food, nutraceuticals, cosmetics, environ-

mental matrices, forensic samples, and industrial chemicals.
Illegal: Not authorized by law.
Illegitimate: Illegal drugs not in accordance with accepted standards. Used

in this report and by some scholars as a parent category for falsified and
substandard drugs.
Information asymmetry: Condition in which at least some relevant infor-

mation is known to some but not all parties in a transaction. Information
asymmetry causes markets to become inefficient, since all the market par-
ticipants do not have access to the information they need for their decision
making processes.
Infrared spectroscopy: The spectroscopy that deals with the infrared region
of the electromagnetic spectrum, that is, light with a longer wavelength and
lower frequency than visible light. It covers a range of techniques, mostly
based on absorption spectroscopy. As with all spectroscopic techniques,
it can be used to identify and study chemicals. A common laboratory in-
strument that uses this technique is a Fourier transform infrared (FTIR)
spectrometer.
Infrastructure: The basic physical and organizational structures needed or

the operation of a society or enterprise, or the services and facilities neces-
sary for an economy to function. It can be generally defined as the set of
interconnected structural elements that provide the framework supporting
an entire structure of development. It is an important term for judging a
country or region’s development. The term typically refers to the technical
structures that support a society, such as roads, bridges, water supply, sew-
ers, electrical grids, telecommunications, and so forth.
Innovator drug: Generally the pharmaceutical product that was first au-
thorized for marketing (normally as a patented product) on the basis of
documentation of efficacy, safety, and quality according to requirements at
the time of the authorization.
Intellectual property: The ownership of creations of the mind. It includes

inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, and designs
used in commerce.
Intermediaries: The parties involved in the distribution of pharmaceuticals.

They include distributers, stockists, and retailers.

APPENDIX A 319
International nonproprietary name: The official nonproprietary or generic

name given to a pharmaceutical substance, as designated by WHO.
International pharmacopoeia: A pharmacopoeia published by the WHO,

established in collaboration with members of the WHO Expert Advisory
Panel on the International Pharmacopoeia and Pharmaceutical Prepara-
tions and with other specialists, intended to serve as source material for
reference or adaptation by any WHO Member State wishing to establish
pharmaceutical requirements.
Lifestyle drug: A term commonly applied to medications that treat non-life-

threatening and nonpainful conditions such as baldness, impotence, wrin-
kles, erectile dysfunction, or acne, which the speaker perceives as either not
medical problems at all or as minor medical conditions relative to others.
Linear barcode: One-dimensional barcodes made up of lines and spaces of

various widths, creating specific patterns. These patterns represent stock-
keeping unit numbers and batch numbers, which can be easily and quickly
read by computer scanners.
Low- and middle-income countries: Countries with a gross national income

per capita of less than $12,475.
Manufacturing dossier: An entire collection of records and documents that

a manufacturer holds for a particular product, which is generally submit-
ted to a regulatory authority as part of a marketing authorization request.
Marginal cost: The change in total cost that arises when the quantity pro-
duced changes by one unit.
Market authorization: An official document issued by the competent drug

regulatory authority for the purpose of marketing or free distribution of a
product after a satisfactory evaluation for safety, efficacy, and quality.
Mass spectrometer: An instrument used to measure the precise masses and

relative amounts of atomic and molecular ions. In order to measure the
characteristics of individual molecules, a mass spectrometer converts them
to ions so that they can move and be manipulated by external electric
and magnetic fields. The molecules of interest are first introduced into the
ionization source of the mass spectrometer, where they are first ionized to
acquire positive or negative charges. The ions then travel through the mass
analyzer and arrive at different parts of the detector according to their
mass-to-charge ratio. After the ions make contact with the detector, usable

signals are generated and recorded by a computer system. The computer

displays the signals graphically as a mass spectrum showing the relative
abundance of the signals according to their mass-to-charge ratio.
Mass spectrometry: An analytical technique that measures the mass-to-

charge ratio of charged particles. It can provide both qualitative (structure)
and quantitative (molecular mass or concentration) information on analyte
molecules after their conversion to ions. This technique is used for deter-
mining masses of particles, for determining the elemental composition of
a sample or molecule, and for elucidating the chemical structures of mol-
ecules, such as peptides and other chemical compounds.
Medicine: A substance or preparation used in treating a disease.
Medicines registration: A system that subjects all pharmaceutical products

to premarketing evaluation, marketing authorization, and postmarketing
review to ensure that they conform to required standards or quality, safety,
and efficacy established by national authorities. The outcome of the medi-
cines registration process is the issuance or the denial of a pharmaceutical
product marketing authorization or license.
Medicrime Convention: The first international treaty established by the

Council of Europe against counterfeit medical products and similar crimes
involving threats to public health. The Convention makes it an offense
to manufacture counterfeit medical products; supply, offer to supply, and
traffic counterfeit medical products; falsify documents; manufacture or sup-
ply medicinal products without proper authorization; and market medical
devices that do not comply with conformity requirements.
Microfluidics: The science and technology of systems that process or ma-

nipulate small amounts of fluids, using channels with dimensions of tens to
hundreds of micrometers.
Microscopy: The technical field of using microscopes to examine samples

and objects that cannot be seen with the unaided eye.
Monograph: A written set of assessment methods and standards that are

used to define an acceptable or compliant article (e.g., drug substance, drug
product, excipient, or food chemical). Monographs are used to help control
the quality of pharmaceutical, dietary supplement, and food ingredient
products.

APPENDIX A 321
Near-infrared reflectance spectroscopy: An analytical technique used for

chemical analyses. It may be used to identify or quantify organic com-
pounds by measuring the absorption of near infrared light by chemical
bonds in organic materials.
Nonprobability sample: Also called a nonrandom sample, wherein the se-

lected units have an unknown probability of being selected. Nonprobability
samples cannot be used to infer from the sample to the general population.
Any generalizations obtained from a nonprobability sample must be filtered
through one’s knowledge of the topic being studied.
Nosocomial infections: An infection whose development is favored by a

hospital environment, such as one acquired by a patient during a hospital
visit or one developing among hospital staff. Such infections include fungal
and bacterial infections and are aggravated by the reduced resistance of
individual patients.
Nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) spectroscopy: A technique that uses

radiofrequency radiation to induce transitions between different nuclear
spin states of samples in a magnetic field. NMR spectroscopy can be used
for quantitative measurements, but it is most useful for determining a com-
pound’s unique structure and identifying the carbon-hydrogen framework
of an organic compound.
OECD countries: Thirty-four countries that signed the Convention on

the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. They are
Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Chile, Czech Republic, Denmark, Es-
tonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Israel,
Italy, Japan, Korea, Luxembourg, Mexico, the Netherlands, New Zealand,
Norway, Poland, Portugal, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Swit-
zerland, Turkey, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
Opportunity cost: The cost of an action measured in terms of the value of

the next best alternative action. For example, if capital is used for one pur-
pose, the opportunity cost is the value of the next best purpose the capital
could have been invested in.
Osmolarity: The number of osmoles or particles of solute per liter of

solution.
Parallel importation: The importation of a product without the permission

of the intellectual property owner. Parallel imports are imports of a pat-
ented or trademarked product from a country where it is already marketed.

Patent: A set of exclusive rights granted to an inventor or assignee for a

limited period of time in exchange for the public disclosure of the invention.
Patent infringement: A violation of the rights secured by a patent.
Pathogen: A bacterium, virus, or other microorganism that can cause

disease.
pH: The degree of acidity in a solvent.
Pharmaceutical: A drug with medicinal property.
Pharmaceutical crime: Involves the manufacture, trade and distribution

of fake, stolen or illicit medicines and medical devices. It encompasses the
counterfeiting and falsification of medical products and their packaging
and associated documentation, as well as theft, fraud, illicit diversion,
smuggling, trafficking, the illegal trade of medical products, and the money
laundering associated with it.
Pharmacist: A person who is licensed to prepare, sell, dispense drugs and

compounds, and write prescriptions. They are also referred to as chemists
or druggists.
Pharmacopeia: A compilation of monographs that define quality assessment

and requirements for acceptable products and the preparation of compound
medicines. Compliance with it generally is mandated by the laws of a sover-
eign state, and it is published by the authority of a government or a medical
or pharmaceutical society.
Pharmacovigilance: The science and activities relating to the detection,

assessment, understanding, and prevention of adverse effects or any other
drug-related problems.
Postmarket surveillance: The process by which a drug’s safety and quality

is monitored on an ongoing basis after it is approved.
Price elasticity: The responsiveness, or elasticity, of the quantity demanded

of a good or service to a change in its price.
Primary packaging: Packaging in direct contact with the product, intended

to protect one or more items and, if needed, to keep it sterile until use.

APPENDIX A 323
Procurement: The process of purchasing or otherwise acquiring any phar-

maceutical product, vaccine, or nutraceutical for human use.
Procurement agency: Any organization purchasing or otherwise acquiring

any pharmaceutical product, vaccine, or nutraceutical for human use.
Quality: The suitability of either an active pharmaceutical ingredient or a

pharmaceutical product for its intended use. This term includes such at-
tributes as identity, strength, and purity.
Quality assurance: A wide-ranging concept covering all matters that indi-

vidually or collectively influence the quality of a product. With regard to
pharmaceuticals, quality assurance can be divided into five major areas:
development, quality control, production, distribution, and storage.
Quality control: The sampling, specification, testing, organization, docu-

mentation, and release procedures that ensure the necessary and relevant
tests are carried out, and that materials are not released for use, nor
products released for sale or supply, until their quality has been judged
satisfactory.
Quality-control laboratory: A laboratory capable of testing product quality.
Radio frequency identification (RFID): A wireless non-contact system that

uses radio frequency electromagnetic fields to transfer data from a tag
attached to an object, for the purposes of automatic identification and
tracking.
Raman spectroscopy: A technique used to observe vibrational, rotational,

and other low-frequency modes in a system. It relies on inelastic scattering
of monochromatic light, usually from a laser in the visible, near infrared, or
near ultraviolet range. The laser light interacts with molecular vibrations,
phonons or other excitations in the system, resulting in the energy of the
laser photons being shifted up or down. The shift in energy gives informa-
tion about the vibrational modes in the system.
Reflectance: The measure of the proportion of light or other radiation strik-

ing a surface that is reflected off it.
Reflectance spectroscopy: A spectroscopic technique that measures the un-

absorbed portion of a beam of light that is shone on the surface of a mate-
rial, such as a drug product. Reflectance spectroscopy is used for samples
that are difficult or inconvenient to analyze by transmission techniques. The

samples can usually be analyzed as is without the need for preparation or

modification, but the radiation absorbed is generally limited to the surface
or a very limited depth of the sample.
Refractive index: The measurement of the bending of a ray of light as it

passes from one medium into another.
Salting: The process by which legitimate and fake drugs are mixed at
wholesale.
Sampling frame: A list or other device used to define a researcher’s popula-

tion of interest. It defines a set of elements from which a researcher can
select a sample of the target population.
Secondary ion mass spectrometry (SIMS): A technique used in materials

science and surface science to analyze the composition of solid surfaces and
thin films. This technique sputters the surface of a specimen with a focused
primary ion beam and collects and analyzes ejected secondary ions. The
mass-to-charge ratios of these secondary ions are measured with a mass
spectrometer to determine the elemental, isotopic, or molecular composi-
tion of the surface. Due to the large variation in ionization probabilities
among different materials, SIMS is generally considered to be a qualitative
technique, although quantitation is possible with the use of standards. SIMS
is the most sensitive surface analysis technique, with elemental detection
limits ranging from parts per million to parts per billion.
Serialization: The assignment and placement of unique markings on a pack-

age. Unique codes are placed on each unit packaged, using variable data
printers or preprinted labels or cartons, and then read by a vision system.
These unique codes are uploaded to an event repository database that can
be accessed by various parties, including pharmacists, law enforcement of-
ficials, and even consumers after the product is shipped and sold.
Slum: A heavily populated urban area characterized by substandard hous-

ing and squalor.
Small- and medium-sized enterprise (SME): Nonsubsidiary, independent

firms that employ fewer than a given number of employees. This number
varies across national statistical systems. The most frequent upper limit is
250 employees, as in the European Union. However, some countries set the
limit at 200 employees, while the United States considers SMEs to include
firms with fewer than 500 employees.

APPENDIX A 325
Small molecule: The term that describes a low-molecular-weight organic

compound.
Solid dose formulation: A mixture of active pharmaceutical ingredients and

nondrug components in solid form, such as a pill, tablet, or capsule.
Solubility: The ability of a substance to dissolve and form a homogeneous

substance.
Spectrometer: An instrument used for measuring the interaction of light

with a substance (e.g., absorption, refraction, reflection, etc.).
Spectrometry: The determination of wavelengths or frequencies in a

spectrum.
Spectroscopy: The study of the absorption and emission of light and other
radiation by matter.
Standard operating procedure (SOP): Detailed, written instructions to

achieve uniformity of the performance of a specific function in pharmaceu-
tical processing and for related clinical studies. The focus is the repeated
application of unchanged processes and procedures and its documentation
in order to segregate origins, causes and effects.
Stringent regulatory authority: A national drug regulatory authority that

participates in the International Conference on Harmonisation of Technical
Requirements for Registration of Pharmaceuticals for Human Use (ICH).
Countries with stringent regulatory agencies include the United States,
European Union member states, and Japan, and observers of ICH through
legally binding mutual agreements. Observers of ICH include Australia,
Canada, Iceland, New Zealand, Norway, and Switzerland.
Substandard: A drug that fails to meet national specifications outlined in an

accepted pharmacopeia or in the manufacturer’s dossier. Substandard drugs
are usually made by legitimate, known manufacturers and are the result of
quality system failures.
Supply chain: A system of organizations, people, technology, activities,

information, and resources involved in moving a product or service from
supplier to customer. Supply chain activities transform natural resources,
raw materials, and components into a finished product that is delivered to
the end customer.

Surveillance: A key component of epidemiology, it can be defined as the

ongoing collection, analysis, interpretation, and dissemination of health-
related data. Surveillance is one of a number of methods used by epidemi-
ologists to gather information on a disease.
Tandem mass spectrometry: A technique involving multiple rounds of mass

spectrometry, usually separated by some form of molecule fragmentation.
For example, one mass analyzer can isolate one peptide from many entering
a mass spectrometer. A second mass analyzer then stabilizes the peptide ions
while they collide with a gas, causing them to fragment by collision-induced
dissociation. A third mass analyzer then sorts the fragments produced from
the peptides. An important application using tandem mass spectrometry is
in protein identification. Tandem mass spectrometry enables a variety of
experimental sequences. Many commercial mass spectrometers are designed
to expedite the execution of such routine sequences as selected reaction
monitoring (SRM) and precursor ion scanning. In SRM, the first analyzer
allows only a single mass through and the second analyzer monitors for
multiple user-defined fragment ions. SRM is most often used with scanning
instruments where the second mass analysis event is duty cycle limited.
These experiments are used to increase specificity of detection of known
molecules, notably in pharmacokinetic studies. Precursor ion scanning re-
fers to monitoring for a specific loss from the precursor ion. The first and
second mass analyzers scan across the spectrum as partitioned by a user-
defined m/z value. This experiment is used to detect specific motifs within
unknown molecules.
Task shifting: The rational redistribution of tasks among health workforce

teams. Specific tasks are moved, where appropriate, from highly qualified
health workers to health workers with shorter training and fewer qualifica-
tions in order to make more efficient use of the available human resources
for health care delivery.
Technology transfer: A process for the transfer of information or technol-

ogy between a technology supplier and a recipient. It can range from the
exchange of technical knowledge through formal documentation, such as a
license to exploit a patent, or through technical know-how and assistance
in reverse engineering an imitation of a product.
Tendering: The process by which a procurement agency invites potential

suppliers to bid for a contract.
Tertiary packaging: Extra packaging intended to protect one or more

wrapped items during transport and storage.

APPENDIX A 327
Thin layer chromatography (TLC): A chromatography technique used to

separate mixtures. TLC is performed on a sheet of glass, plastic, or alumi-
num foil, which is coated with a thin layer of adsorbent material, usually
silica gel, aluminum oxide, or cellulose. This layer of adsorbent is known
as the stationary phase. After the sample has been applied to a plate, a
solvent or solvent mixture (known as the mobile phase) is drawn up to
the plate via capillary action. Because different analytes ascend the TLC
plate at different rates depending on their partitioning between the phases,
separation is achieved. This technique is used in synthetic chemistry for
identifying compounds, determining their purity, and following the progress
of a reaction. Specific examples of TLC’s applications include drug analysis,
analyzing ceramides and fatty acids, detection of pesticides or insecticides
in food and water, analyzing the dye composition of fibers in forensics, as-
saying the radiochemical purity of radiopharmaceuticals, and identification
of medicinal plants and their constituents.
Tiered pricing: The concept that different classes of buyers are charged dif-
ferent prices for the same product.
Tiered production: The production of different-quality product lines for

different markets.
Time-of-flight mass spectrometry: A method of mass spectrometry in which

an ion’s mass-to-charge ratio is determined via a time measurement. In this
technique, ions are accelerated by an electric field of known strength. This
acceleration results in an ion having the same kinetic energy as any other
ion that has the same charge. The velocity of the ion depends on the mass-
to-charge ratio. The time that it subsequently takes for the particle to reach
a detector at a known distance is measured. This time will depend on the
mass-to-charge ratio of the particle (heavier particles reach lower speeds).
From this time and the known experimental parameters, the mass-to-charge
ratio of the ion can be determined.
Track-and-trace: The process of determining past and current locations

of a unique item. It gives manufacturers, distributors, and pharmacies a
systemic method to detect and control counterfeiting, drug diversions, and
mishandling.
Trade dress: Visual characteristics of the appearance of a product or its

packaging.
Trademark: Any word, name, symbol, device, or any combination, used or

intended to be used to identify and distinguish goods and services of one

seller or provider from those of others, and to indicate the source of the
goods and services. Trademarks are registered with the sovereign state and
that registration may be used to protect it.
Trademark infringement: A violation of the exclusive rights of a trademark

without the authorization of the trademark owner or licensee. Infringement
may occur when one party uses a trademark that is identical or confusingly
similar to a trademark owned by another party, in relation to products or
services that are identical or similar to the products or services that the
registration covers.
Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) agreement:

Enforced since 1995, the TRIPS agreement is a multilateral agreement on
intellectual property. It sets global minimum standards for protecting and
enforcing nearly all forms of intellectual property rights, including those
for patents.
Transport costs: Costs associated with transporting goods.
Two-dimensional (2D) barcode: A graphical image that stores information

with both horizontal and vertical lines. It can store large amounts of data
on a variety of goods and products.
Ultraviolet-visible spectroscopy: A technique that examines electronic

transitions and allows the wavelength and maximum absorbance of com-
pounds to be determined. This technique is routinely used in analytical
chemistry for the quantitative determination of different analytes, such as
transition metal ions, highly conjugated organic compounds, and biological
macromolecules.
Uniformity of dosage: The degree of uniformity in the amount of the drug

substance in dosage units.
United States Adopted Names: Unique nonproprietary names assigned to

generic pharmaceuticals marketed in the United States.
United States Adopted Names Council: A five-member council consisting

of one member from each sponsoring organization (the American Medical
Association, the U.S. Pharmacopeial Convention, and the American Phar-
macists Association), one from the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, and
another member-at-large. It is responsible for selecting simple, informative,
and unique nonproprietary names for drugs by establishing logical nomen-
clature classifications based on pharmacological and chemical relationships.

APPENDIX A 329
Unregistered: A product that lacks market authorization from the national

regulatory authority. Though it may be of good quality, an unregistered
product is illegal.
U.S. Pharmacopeia Convention: A scientific nonprofit organization that

sets standards for the identity, strength, quality, and purity of medicines,
food ingredients, and dietary supplements manufactured, distributed, and
consumed worldwide.
Uterotonic drugs: Medications given to cause a woman’s uterus to con-

tract or to increase the frequency and intensity of contractions. The three
uterotonic drugs used most frequently are oxytocins, prostaglandins, and
ergot alkaloids.
Vibrational spectroscopy: The collective term used to describe two ana-

lytical techniques—infrared and Raman spectroscopy. Infrared and Raman
spectroscopy are nondestructive, noninvasive tools that provide informa-
tion about the molecular composition, structure, and interactions within
a sample. These techniques measure vibrational energy levels associated
with the chemical bonds in a sample. The sample spectrum is unique, like
a fingerprint, and vibrational spectroscopy is used for identification, char-
acterization, structure elucidation, reaction monitoring, quality control,
and quality assurance.
Visual inspection: The standard first step in any drug quality assessment.
It is the inspection of a suspected substandard or falsified pharmaceutical
product: looking for differences in color, size, shape, tablet quality, and
packaging, and comparing it to an authentic product.
World Health Organization (WHO) essential medicine: Medicines that

satisfy the priority health care needs of a population. They are selected
according to disease prevalence, evidence on efficacy and safety, and com-
parative cost-effectiveness.
World Health Organization (WHO) Model Quality Assurance System for

procurement agencies: A system that assists procurement agencies to pro-
cure safe, effective pharmaceuticals of suitable quality.
World Health Organization (WHO) prequalification: A service provided

to guide United Nations agencies in procuring good-quality products. The
prequalification procedures established by the WHO include inspections,
dossier reviews, etc., intended to assure the quality, safety, and efficacy of
medicinal products.

World Health Organization (WHO) prequalification program: A program

managed by the WHO that prequalifies pharmaceutical and other health
products that are considered to be acceptable for procurement by the
United Nations and specialized agencies, and laboratories for quality con-
trol of such products.
X-ray diffraction: A technique used by chemists to examine the physico-

chemical makeup of unknown solids. Samples of solids are illuminated with
X-rays of a fixed wavelength and the intensity of the reflected radiation is
recorded. These data are then analyzed for the reflection angle to calculate
the inter-atomic spacing, allowing chemists to identify possible matches to
the sample.
X-ray fluorescence: The emission of characteristic secondary (or fluorescent)

X-rays from a material that has been excited by bombarding the sample
with high-energy X-rays or gamma rays. It is widely used for elemental
analysis to distinguish between authentic and falsified drugs.

Appendix B
Committee Biographies
Lawrence O. Gostin, J.D. (Chair), is professor of law at Georgetown Uni-

versity; professor of public health at the Johns Hopkins University; and
the director of the Center for Law & the Public’s Health at Johns Hopkins
and Georgetown Universities. He is research fellow at the Centre for Socio-
Legal Studies at Oxford University. Professor Gostin is a member of the
Institute of Medicine (IOM) of the National Academy of Sciences. For the
IOM, he serves on the Board on Health Sciences Policy, the Institutional
Review Board, and three expert study committees, including the Commit-
tee on Assuring the Health of the Public in the 21st Century. He is also
an elected lifetime fellow of the Hastings Center. He was appointed by the
Secretary of Health and Human Services to serve on the Advisory Council
of the Office of AIDS Research at the National Institutes of Health. Pro-
fessor Gostin also consults for the World Health Organization, UNAIDS
(Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS), and the Council of In-
ternational Organizations for Medical Sciences. He is the Health Law and
Ethics Editor of the Journal of the American Medical Association. He is
also on the editorial board of scholarly journals.
Professor Gostin has led major law reform initiatives for the U.S. De-
partment of Health and Human Services and a consortium of states. In the
wake of September 11, 2001, the Center for Law and the Public’s Health
drafted the Model Emergency Health Powers Act to combat bioterrorism
and other emerging health threats. Professor Gostin was a member of the
President’s Task Force on National Health Care Reform. His principal
areas of work were on the ethical foundations of the new health care sys-
tem, public health, and privacy. He was formerly executive director of the
331

American Society of Law, Medicine & Ethics and adjunct professor of law
and public health at Harvard University. In the United Kingdom, Professor
Gostin was the chief executive of the National Council for Civil Liberties,
legal director of the National Association of Mental Health, and faculty
member of Oxford University. Professor Gostin received the Rosemary Del-
bridge Memorial Award from the National Consumer Council (UK) for the
person “who has most influenced Parliament and government to act for the
welfare of society.” He also received the key to Tohoku University in Japan
for distinguished contributions to human rights in mental health. Professor
Gostin’s latest books are both published by the University of California
Press and the Milbank Memorial Fund: Public Health Law: Power, Duty,
Restraint (2000) and Public Health Law and Ethics: A Reader (2002).
Daniel Carpenter, Ph.D., A.M., is the Allie S. Freed Professor of Govern-

ment and director of the Center for American Political Studies in the
Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Harvard University. For the 2011-2012
academic year, he was a Walter Channing Cabot Faculty Fellow at Harvard
and a visiting researcher at the Institut d’Études Politiques at the Université
de Strasbourg in France. He graduated from Georgetown University in
1989 with distinction in government and received his doctorate in political
science from the University of Chicago in 1996. He taught previously at
Princeton University (1995-1998) and the University of Michigan (1998-
2002). He joined the Harvard University faculty in 2002. Professor Car-
penter mixes theoretical, historical, statistical, and mathematical analyses to
examine the development of political institutions, particularly in the United
States. He focuses upon public bureaucracies and government regulation,
particularly regulation of health and financial products. His dissertation
received the 1998 Harold D. Lasswell Award from the American Political
Science Association and as a book, The Forging of Bureaucratic Auton-
omy: Reputations, Networks and Policy Innovation in Executive Agencies,
1862-1928, was awarded the APSA’s Gladys Kammerer Prize as well as
the Charles Levine Prize of the International Political Science Association.
His recently published book on pharmaceutical regulation in the United
States is entitled Reputation and Power: Organizational Image and Phar-
maceutical Regulation at the FDA and has received the 2011 Allan Sharlin
Memorial Award from the Social Science History Association. Professor
Carpenter has held fellowships from the John Simon Guggenheim Founda-
tion, the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study, the Center for Advanced
Study in the Behavioral Sciences, the Brookings Institute, and the Santa
Fe Institute. He has received grants from the National Endowment for the
Humanities, the National Science Foundation, the Robert Wood Johnson
Foundation, the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Russell Sage Foundation,
and the Edmond J. Safra Center for Ethics. Professor Carpenter is the win-

APPENDIX B 333
ner of both the 2011 Herbert Simon Award of the Midwest Political Science
Association for a scholar “who has made a significant career contribution
to the scientific study of bureaucracy,” as well as the 2011 David Collier
Award of the American Political Science Association for career contribu-
tions to qualitative and multi-method research. In addition to his ongoing
teaching and scholarship on the political economy of government regula-
tion and health, Professor Carpenter has recently launched a long-term
project on petitioning in North American political development, examining
comparisons and connections to petitioning histories in Europe and India.
He hopes to draw upon the millions of petitions in local, state, and federal
archives to create an educational, genealogical, and scholarly resource for
citizens, students, and scholars.
Hans Hogerzeil, M.D., Ph.D., FRCP Ed., is a professor of global health at

Gronigen University. He qualified as a medical doctor from Leiden Uni-
versity in the Netherlands and received a Ph.D. in public health in 1984.
For five years, he was a mission doctor in India and Ghana. In 1985, he
joined the World Health Organization (WHO) Action Programme of Es-
sential Drugs, first in the Regional Office for the Eastern Mediterranean in
Alexandria, Egypt, and later in the WHO headquarters in Geneva, Swit-
zerland. As a WHO staff member, he has advised more than 40 developing
countries on the development of their national medicines policies, essential
drugs lists, and essential drugs programs. As secretary of the WHO Expert
Committee on the Selection and Use of Essential Medicines, he initiated
the recent changes in procedures for updating the Model List of Essential
Medicines, which places stronger emphasis on evidence-based selections.
He is director of essential medicines and pharmaceutical policies and chair
of the Interagency Pharmaceutical Coordination Group. Dr. Hogerzeil is the
editor of several WHO books on essential medicines policies, the quality
use of medicines, medicines in emergency situations, and essential medicines
for reproductive health. He has published more than 50 scientific papers
in peer-reviewed journals and teaches every year at international courses
all over the world. In 1996 he was invited to become a fellow of the Royal
College of Physicians in Edinburgh, Scotland, and in 1998, he received
an honorary doctorate of science from the Robert Gordon University in
Aberdeen, Scotland.
Ann Marie Kimball, M.D., M.P.H., is a senior program officer in epide-

milogy and surveillance at the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. she was
previously a professor and director of the master’s in public health program
at the University of Washington School of Public Health and Community
Medicine. She is also adjunct professor in medicine with the University of
Washington School of Medicine. Her research interests are in emerging

infections and global epidemic, prevention, surveillance, investigation, and

control of infectious diseases. She has worked extensively in the areas
of trade policy and disease control and telecommunications and disease
surveillance and alert systems. Formerly, Dr. Kimball served as Regional
Advisor for HIV/AIDS with the Pan American Health Organization. She
has also served as director of the Washington State HIV/AIDS/STD Program
with the state Department of Health and as chair of the National Alliance
of State and Territorial AIDS Directors in the United States. Dr. Kimball
has served on numerous editorial and scientific and technical committees.
She serves on the editorial board of the Control of Communicable Diseases
Manual (APHA, 2000) and as a member of the Institute of Medicine com-
mittee to review the Global Emerging Infections Surveillance program. She
is a fellow of the American College of Preventive Medicine. She is chair of
the University of Washington Hogness Symposium.
Thomas P. Layloff, Ph.D., M.S., is a principal program associate at Man-

agement Sciences for Health (MSH) who works on pharmaceutical prod-
uct and laboratory quality issues with both the Rational Pharmaceutical
Management Plus and Strategies for Enhancing Access to Medicines pro-
grams. He has over 25 years’ experience directing U.S. Food and Drug
Administraiton pharmaceutical control laboratory operations and more
than 10 years of service as an elected expert on the Committee of Revision
of the U.S. Pharmacopeia (USP), which included 5 years on the Reference
Standards Committee, 5 years as chair of the General Chapters Committee,
and 2 years as chair of the Division of Standards Development Executive
Committee. Prior to joining MSH, he served at USP as vice president and
director of the Pharmaceutical Standards Division. He is a past president
and elected fellow of AOAC International, a nonprofit scientific association
that publishes chemical analysis methods. He is also a charter member and
elected fellow of the American Association of Pharmaceutical Scientists. Dr.
Layloff received a B.A. in psychology and chemistry and M.S. in organic
chemistry from Washington University in St. Louis, Missouri. He received
a Ph.D. in analytical chemistry with a minor in mathematics from the Uni-
versity of Kansas in Lawrence.
Patrick Lukulay, Ph.D., is currently the director of the United States Agency
for International Development–funded program Promoting the Quality of
Medicines, implemented by U.S. Pharmacopeia. He oversees the work of
about 20 staff to provide technical assistance to developing countries to
strengthen quality assurance and quality systems for pharmaceuticals. Dr.
Lukulay has a Ph.D. in analytical chemistry from Michigan State Univer-
sity. He worked in the pharmaceutical industry for Wyeth and Pfizer for a
combined 12 years as senior principal scientist. He is the author of several

APPENDIX B 335
articles in separation science and spectroscopy and is a frequent speaker

and national and international conferences.
Margareth Ndomondo-Sigonda, M.Sc., M.B.A., served as director general

of the Tanzania Food and Drugs Authority for 7 years and registrar of
the Tanzanian Pharmacy Board for 5 years before that. Ms. Ndomondo-
Sigonda has been involved in medicines regulation harmonization initiatives
in the Southern Africa Development Community and East African Commu-
nity. She has consulted for the World Health Organization on assessment of
medicines regulatory systems in Carribean Community member states, the
Dominican Republic, Egypt, Kenya, Sudan, and Zambia. She has also been
a consultant for the assessment of medicines regulatory systems in Egypt,
Kenya, Sudan, and Zambia. She now works as a pharmaceutical coordina-
tor for the African Union New Partnership for Africa’s Development. Ms.
Ndomondo-Sigonda is responsible for coordinating the pharmaceutical
development programs, including the African Medicines Regulatory Har-
monization initiative. She has a master’s degree in pharmaceutical services
from the University of Bradford in the United Kingdom, an M.B.A. from
Maastricht School of Management in the Netherlands, and a bachelor’s
degree in pharmacy from the University of Dar es Salam.
Arti K. Rai, J.D., is the Elvin R. Latty Professor of Law at Duke University
Law School and a member of the Duke Institute for Genome Science and
Policy. She is an authority in patent law, administrative law, and innovation
policy. Ms. Rai has also taught at Harvard, Yale, the University of Penn-
sylvania, and the University of San Diego law schools. Ms. Rai’s academic
research on innovation policy in areas such as synthetic biology, green tech-
nology, drug development, and software has been funded by the National
Institutes of Health (NIH), the Kauffman Foundation, and Chatham House.
She has published widely in both peer-reviewed journals and law reviews,
including Nature Biotechnology, PLoS Biology, PLoS Medicine, the Annals
of Internal Medicine, and the Columbia, Georgetown, and Northwestern
law reviews. She is the editor of Intellectual Property Law and Biotechnol-
ogy: Critical Concepts (Edward Elgar, 2011) and has also co-authored a
casebook on law and the mental health system.
From 2009 to 2010, Ms. Rai took a leave of absence from Duke Law
School to serve as the administrator of the Office of External Affairs at the
U.S. Patent and Trademark Office. Prior to that, she served on President-
Elect Obama’s transition team reviewing the Patent and Trademark Office
and as an expert advisor to the Department of Commerce’s Office of Gen-
eral Counsel. Prior to entering academia, Ms. Rai clerked for the Honor-
able Marilyn Hall Patel of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District
of California; was a litigation associate at Jenner & Block (doing patent

litigation as well as other litigation); and was a litigator at the Federal Pro-
grams Branch of the U.S. Department of Justice’s Civil Division. Ms. Rai
has served as a peer reviewer for Science, Research Policy, the Journal of
Legal Studies, various National Academy of Sciences reports on intellec-
tual property, and various NIH study sections. She has also testified before
Congress on innovation policy issues and regularly advises federal agencies
on policy issues (including intellectual property policy issues) raised by the
research that they fund. Recently, her work has focused on advising the
Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency. Ms. Rai is currently the chair
of the Intellectual Property Committee of the Administrative Law Section
of the American Bar Association. She is also a fellow of the American Bar
Foundation. In 2011, Ms. Rai won the World Technology Network Award
for Law.
Ms. Rai graduated from Harvard College, magna cum laude, with a
B.A. in biochemistry and history (history and science), attended Harvard
Medical School for the 1987-1988 academic year, and received her J.D.,
cum laude, from Harvard Law School in 1991.
Marco Antonio Stephano, M.S., Ph.D., is a veterinarian and pharmaceuti-

cal biochemist at the University of São Paulo. He worked for 14 years at
the Butantan Institute as a researcher in serums and vaccines in applied
immunology and served as director of quality assurance there for 4 years.
Currently, Dr. Stephano is a professor at the Pharmaceutical Sciences School
in quality assurance and biotechnology. He is a member of the Brazilian
Pharmacopoeia in the area of biological products. He holds a master’s de-
gree in pharmacology from Campinas State University and a doctorate in
pharmaceutical biochemistry from University of São Paulo.
John Theriault, M.B.A., has had senior leadership roles with the Federal
Bureau of Investigation, Pfizer, and Apple. Today, he is recognized interna-
tionally as an expert on the subject of product counterfeiting and the devel-
opment of effective programs to combat its far-ranging impact on society.
Mr. Theriault served as a special agent of the Federal Bureau of Investiga-
tion (FBI) for more than 25 years, rising to the Bureau’s Senior Executive
Service. For 7 years he was diplomatically accredited as the legal attaché at
various U.S. embassies and was responsible for managing all of the FBI’s
law enforcement, counterintelligence, and counterterrorism relationships
with senior government officials of the host countries. In 1996 he joined
Pfizer as vice president and chief security officer. In response to widespread
counterfeiting of their medicines, he created, staffed and led the company’s
global anti-counterfeiting program, which became a model for the industry.
He has testified before the U.S. Senate Special Committee on Aging, the
U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Energy and Commerce, and

APPENDIX B 337
the U.S. Surgeon General’s Drug Importation Task Force. He has briefed
the U.S. Secretary of Commerce and other senior government officials on
the dangers of counterfeit medicines, and he has appeared on a number
of broadcasts including 60 Minutes, Larry King Live, CNN Late Edition,
BBC Radio, and others. In 2007 Mr. Theriault was recruited by Apple to
create a global security organization with a strong focus on combating
their growing counterfeiting problem. In November 2011 he retired from
Apple to return to the East Coast and pursue other interests. Mr. Theriault
earned a B.A. from the University of Memphis and an M.B.A. degree from
Emory University.
Mary E. Wilson, M.D., is an associate professor of Global Health and

Population at the Harvard School of Public Health. Her academic interests
include the ecology of infections and emergence of microbial threats, travel
medicine, tuberculosis, and vaccines. Her undergraduate degree in French,
English, and philosophy was awarded by Indiana University; she received
her M.D. from the University of Wisconsin and completed an internal medi-
cine residency and infectious disease fellowship at the Beth Israel Hospital
in Boston (now Beth Israel–Deaconess Medical Center). Dr. Wilson was
chief of infectious diseases at Mount Auburn Hospital, a Harvard-affiliated
community teaching hospital in Cambridge, Massachusetts, for more than
20 years. She is a fellow in the Infectious Diseases Society of America and
the American College of Physicians. Dr. Wilson has served on the Advisory
Committee for Immunization Practices of the U.S. Centers for Disease Con-
trol and Prevention, the Academic Advisory Committee for the National
Institute of Public Health in Mexico, and on four committees for the Insti-
tute of Medicine of the National Academies, including the Committee on
Emerging Microbial Threats to Health in the 21st Century. She has worked
in Haiti at the Albert Schweitzer Hospital and leads the Harvard–Brazil
Collaborative Course on Infectious Diseases, which is taught in Brazil. In
1996 she was a resident scholar at the Bellagio Study Center, Italy, and in
2002 she was a fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral
Sciences in Stanford, California. Dr. Wilson was member of the Pew Na-
tional Commission on Industrial Farm Animal Production whose report,
Putting Meat on the Table: Industrial Farm Animal Production in America,
was released in the spring of 2008. A former GeoSentinel site director,
she now serves as a special advisor to the global GeoSentinel Surveillance
Network. She has lectured and published widely, serves on several editorial
boards, and is an associate editor for Journal Watch Infectious Diseases.
She is the author of A World Guide to Infections: Diseases, Distribution,
Diagnosis; senior editor, with Richard Levins and Andrew Spielman, of Dis-
ease in Evolution: Global Changes and Emergence of Infectious Diseases;
and editor of the volume New and Emerging Infectious Diseases, published

in 2008. She joined the Board of Trustees for the International Centre for
Diarrheal Disease Research, Bangladesh and is a member of the Board of
Scientific Counselors for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
the FXB-USA board, and the Alliance for Prudent Use of Antibiotics Board
of Directors.
Prashant Yadav, Ph.D., M.B.A., is a senior research fellow and director

of the Healthcare Research Initiative at the William Davidson Institute at
the University of Michigan. Previously he was a professor in Supply Chain
Management at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT)-Zaragoza
International Logistics Program and a research affiliate at the MIT Center
for Transportation and Logistics. Dr. Yadav’s research explores the func-
tioning of pharmaceutical supply chains using a combination of empirical,
analytical, and qualitative approaches. His more recent work involves sup-
ply chains for medicines in sub-Saharan Africa and other poor countries.
In this work he collaborates closely with leading policy organizations and
philanthropic foundations. Dr. Yadav serves as a consultant and adviser in
the area of pharmaceutical supply chains to the World Bank, World Health
Organization, UK Department for International Development, Roll Back
Malaria Partnership, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, the Medicines
for Malaria Venture, and many other global health organizations. He is
the author of many scientific publications and his work has been featured
in prominent print and broadcast media. Dr. Yadav obtained his bachelor’s
degree in engineering from the Indian Institute of Technology, his M.B.A.
from the FORE School of Management, and his Ph.D. from the University
of Alabama. Before academia, he worked for many years in the area of
pharmaceutical strategy, analytics, and supply chain consulting.

Appendix C
Meeting Agendas
March 12-13, 2012

Meeting 1—Agenda
Washington, DC
DAY ONE: MONDAY, MARCH 12, 2012
Session 1 – Closed
IOM Committee Process and Charge to Committee
Room 204
Objective: To review the National Academies’ study process that
includes a bias and conflict of interest discussion; to discuss the role of
the committee in addressing the statement of task; and to ensure the
committee understands its statement of task.
Session 2 – Open
Questions on Statement of Task
Room 100
11:10-11:30 Project Timeline and Statement of Task
Sponsor Representative Introductions
Larry Gostin, Committee Chair
11:30-11:45 The Charge to the Committee

Jennifer Devine, Deputy Director, Global Regulatory
Operations & Policy, FDA
Kate Bond, Associate Director for Technical
Cooperation and Capacity Building, FDA
11:45-12:15 Questions
339

12:15-1:15 Lunch
Session 3 – Open
Technologies for Detecting Unsafe Drugs
Room 100
1:15-1:25 Welcome and Introductions
1:25-1:45 The Strengths and Weaknesses of the Detection

Technologies Currently Available
Mark Witkowski, Supervisory Chemist,
Trace Examination Section, Forensic Chemistry
Center, FDA
1:50-2:10 Importance of Reliable Detection Technologies in the

Field
Ashifi Gogo, Chief Executive, Sproxil
2:15-2:30 Break
2:30-2:50 Using Analytic Detection Technologies in Singapore
Lim Chin Chin, Forensic Laboratory Director and
Forensic Scientist, Singapore Health Science
Authority
2:55-3:15 Using Analytic Detection Technologies in Peru

Percy Alberto Ocampo Rujel, former Executive
Director, Directorate of Control and Health
Surveillance, Peru
3:20-3:40 Case Study on Merck’s Use of Detection Technologies
Anthony Zook, Director of Anti-Counterfeiting,
Merck
3:45-4:30 Panel Discussion, The Future of Reliable Detection

Technologies in the Field
Patrick Lukulay, Moderator
Session 4 – Closed
Committee Planning

APPENDIX C 341
DAY TWO: TUESDAY, MARCH 13, 2012

ROOM 100
Session 5 – Open
Framing and Defining the Problem
8:15-8:30 Opening Remarks
Mary Lou Valdez, Associate Commissioner,
Office of International Programs, FDA
8:45-9:45 Varying Interpretations of the Terms Counterfeit,

Falsified, and Substandard
Howard Zucker, Senior Advisor, Massachusetts
General Hospital
Rohit Malpani, Senior Advisor for Campaigns,
Oxfam America
Roger Bate, Legatum Fellow in Global Prosperity,
American Enterprise Institute
David R. Gaugh, Vice-President for Regulatory
Science, Generic Pharmaceutical Association
9:45-10:15 Panel Discussion on Terminology and the Problem of

Fake Drugs
Bryan Liang, Moderator
10:15-10:30 Break
10:30-11:45 Economic and Trade Interests in Counterfeit, Falsified,

and Substandard Drugs
Nicholas Cappuccino, Chief Executive, Pharmaceutical
Intellectual Resource Services, LLC
John Clark, Chief Security Officer and Vice President
of Global Security, Pfizer
Jamie Love, Director, Knowledge Ecology
International
11:45-12:15 Panel Discussion on Health, Economic, and Trade

Dimensions of the Problem
Prashant Yadav, Moderator

12:15-1:15 Lunch

Session 6 – Open
National and International Collaboration
1:15-2:15 Enforcement in Pharmaceutical Fraud
Susanne Keitel, Director, European Directorate for
Quality of Medicines and Healthcare, Council of
Europe
Aline Plançon, Manager, Interpol Medical Products
Counterfeiting and Pharmaceutical Crime Unit
(by video conference)
Sebastian Mollo, Intelligence Director, Pharmaceutical
Security Institute
Sameer Barde, Federation Indian Chambers of
Commerce and Industry
Daniel Carpenter, Moderator
2:25-3:30 U.S. Government Work Against Pharmaceutical Fraud

Catherine Hill-Herndon, Director, Office of
International Health and Biodefense, U.S.
Department of State
Linda Marks, Attorney, U.S. Department of Justice
Jeffery Gren, Director, Office of Health and
Consumer Goods, U.S. Department of Commerce
Ilisa Bernstein, Director, Office of Compliance,
Center for Drug Evaluation Research, FDA
Margareth Ndomondo-Sigonda, Moderator
3:30-3:45 Break
Session 7 – Open
Scope of Work on the Problem
3:45-4:30 Investigating Trends and Analyzing Policy in
Pharmaceutical Fraud
Laurie Garrett, Senior Fellow for Global Health,
Council on Foreign Relations
Alan Coukell, Director Medical Programs,
Pew Health Group
Judit Rius, U.S. Manager of the Campaign for Access
to Essential Medicines, Doctors Without Borders
Ann Marie Kimball, Moderator

APPENDIX C 343
4:30-5:00 Closing Remarks

5:00 Adjourn
May 9-10, 2012

Meeting 2—Agenda
Washington, DC
DAY ONE: WEDNESDAY, MAY 9, 2012

ROOM 110
All sessions were closed. Committee members discussed the report and
potential conclusions and recommendations.
DAY TWO: THURSDAY, MAY 10, 2012

ROOM 206
Session 5 – Open
FDA Data on Fake Drugs
10:30-11:30 The FDA’s estimates of the scope of the problem

Jen Devine, Regulatory Counsel, CDER Office of
Compliance
11:30-12:00 Questions
June 26-July 4, 2012

Travel Meeting—Agenda
Geneva, London, New Delhi, Hyderabad
DAY ONE: TUESDAY, JUNE 26, 2012

GENEVA, SWITZERLAND
3:15-3:30 Travel to Global Fund
3:30-5:00 Meeting at Global Fund

Joelle Daviaud, Quality Assurance Specialist and
Grant Management Support, the Global Fund to
Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria

Mariatou Tala Jallow, Manager, Procurement Support

Service, the Global Fund to Fight AIDS,
Tuberculosis, and Malaria
DAY TWO: WEDNESDAY, JUNE 27, 2012

GENEVA, SWITZERLAND
9:15-10:00 Working breakfast for committee members and staff at
Movenpick Hotel
10:30-11:30 Amir Attaran, Associate Professor, Faculties of Law

and Medicine, University of Ottawa
12:30-1:45 Lunch
1:45-2:00 Travel to South Centre
2:00-3:30 Meeting at South Centre

German Velasquez, Senior Advisor of Health and
Development, South Centre
Nirmalya Syam, Program Officer, Innovation and
Access to Knowledge Program, South Centre
3:30-4:00 Travel to NGO Forum for Health
4:00-5:00 Meeting with NGO Forum for Health

Alan Leather, President, NGO Forum for Health
DAY THREE: THURSDAY, JUNE 28, 2012

GENEVA, SWITZERLAND
Movenpick Hotel
9:15-9:30 Travel to WHO
9:30-11:00 Meeting at WHO with Interpol

Aline Plançon, Enforcement Officer, Interpol
Naill Sargent, Criminal Intelligence Analyst, Interpol
11:45-12:00 Travel to Third World Network

APPENDIX C 345
12:00-1:30 Meeting at Third World Network

Sangeeta Shashikant, Legal Advisor, Third World
Network
1:30-2:15 Lunch
2:15-2:30 Travel to WHO
2:30-5:00 Meeting at WHO

Kees de Joncheere, Regional Adviser, Health
Technology and Pharmaceuticals, WHO
Sabine Kopp, Manager, Medicines Quality Assurance
Program, WHO
Michele Forzley, Professor, Widener School of Law
and Georgetown School of Law
DAY FOUR: FRIDAY, JUNE 29, 2012

LONDON, ENGLAND
Thistle Grosvenor Hotel
9:45 Travel to EMA
10:30-12:00 Meeting at EMA

Emer Cooke, Acting Head, International and
European Cooperation, EMA
12:00-1:30 Lunch
1:30-2:00 Travel to Chatham House

2:00-5:00 Meeting at Chatham House
Charles Clift, Senior Research Consultant, Centre on
Global Health Security, Chatham House
Paul Newton, Director, Wellcome Trust-Mahosot
Hospital-Oxford University Tropical Medicine
Research Collaboration
Harparkash Kaur, Professor, London School of
Hygiene and Tropical Medicine
Sharon Peacock, Professor, University of Cambridge
Simeon Wilson, Director, Global Security, AstraZeneca

Paul Ellis, Director, External Advocacy,

GlaxoSmithKline
Mohga Kamal-Yanni, Senior Health and HIV Policy
Adviser, Acting Team Lead Development Finance
and Public Service, Oxfam
Philippa Saunders, Consultant
Wendy Greenall, Counterfeit Medicines Laboratory
Manager, Pfizer
Greg Perry, Director General, European Generic
Medicines Association
Francis Roodt, Intellectual Property Office
Lynda Scammell, Senior Policy Manager and
Relationship Manager, Enforcement Group,
Medicines and Healthcare Products Regulatory
Agency
DAY FIVE: MONDAY, JULY 2, 2012

NEW DELHI, INDIA
Crowne Plaza Hotel
7:45 Travel to PATH

8:30-10:00 Meeting at PATH
Raj Shankar Ghosh, Technical Director, PATH
Sonali Kochhar, Medical Director, PATH
Pritu Dhalaria, Director, Immunization Projects, PATH
Satish Kaipilyawar, Project Director, TB Program,
PATH
10:00-11:00 Travel to Ministry of Health and Family Welfare
11:00-12:30 Meeting at Ministry of Health and Family Welfare

L.C. Goyal, Additional Secretary and Director
General, Central Government Scheme, Ministry of
Health and Family Welfare
Arun Panda, Joint Secretary, Ministry of Health and
Family Welfare
12:30-1:30 Lunch

APPENDIX C 347
1:30-2:00 Travel to Pharmacy Council of India
2:00-3:00 Meeting at Pharmacy Council of India

Archana Mudgal, Pharmacy Council of India
3:00-3:30 Travel to U.S. Embassy
3:30-5:00 Meeting at U.S. FDA

Bruce Ross, Director, India Office, FDA
Regina Brown, Assistant Director of Medicines, FDA
Albinus D’Sa, Deputy Director, India Office, FDA
Nirupa Sen, Food and Medical Product Safety
Coordinator, FDA
DAY SIX: TUESDAY, JULY 3, 2012

NEW DELHI, INDIA
Crowne Plaza Hotel
9:00-10:30 Meeting with Serum Institute

Sunil Bahl, Director, Business Development,
Serum Institute of India
Pramod Kumar, Senior Manager,
Serum Institute of India
10:30-12:00 Meeting with Indian Pharmaceutical Alliance

Dilip Shah, Secretary General,
Indian Pharmaceutical Alliance
12:00-1:00 Lunch
1:00-1:30 Travel to Delhi Society for Promotion of Rational Use of

Drugs

1:30-3:00 Meeting at Delhi Society for Promotion of Rational Use
of Drugs
Ranjit Chaudhury, Director, India-WHO Program in
Rational Use of Drugs
Usha Gupta, Executive Vice President, Delhi Society
for Promotion of Rational Use of Drugs

3:00-3:30 Travel to Partnership for Safe Medicines India
3:30-5:00 Meeting at Partnership for Safe Medicines India

Bejon Misra, Founder, Partnership for Safe Medicines
India
5:00 Travel to airport
7:30 Flight to Hyderabad
DAY SEVEN: WEDNESDAY, JULY 4, 2012

HYDERABAD, INDIA
Westin Hotel
8:15 Travel to USP-India
9:00-11:00 Overview of USP-India’s activities and laboratory tour

Koduru Surendra Nath, Senior Vice President,
USP-India
11:00-12:00 Travel to Gland Pharma Limited
12:00-2:00 Lunch Meeting at Gland Pharma Limited

Subhash Gouda, Deputy Manager, International
Business, Gland Pharma Limited
Srinivas Sadu, Chief Operating Officer,
Gland Pharma Limited
2:00-3:00 Travel to Pharmexcil-India
3:00-4:30 Meeting with industry and industry associations

P.V. Appaji, Director General, Pharmexcil India
Meghana Inamdar, General Counsel and Managing
Consultant, Sidvim Lifesciences

APPENDIX C 349
August 27-29, 2012

Travel Meeting—Agenda
São Paulo and Brazília, Brazil
DAY 1: MONDAY, AUGUST 27, 2012

SÃO PAULO, BRAZIL
hotel
9:00 Travel to University of São Paulo
9:30-10:45 Débora Germano, Associate Director, Regulatory

Affairs, Pfizer
Claudia Lima, Latin America Packaging Operational
Services Manager, Pfizer
Rodrigo Lozano, Director, Distribution Center
Operations, Pfizer
Erica M. Varise, Compliance Manager, Logistics
Operations, Pfizer
Alberto C. Santos, Corporate Security Manager, Pfizer
Luciano Rosado, Quality Assurance Manager,
Libbs Farmaceutica Group

10:45-11:30 Nicolina Romano-Lieber, Associate Professor,
Department of Public Health Practices, School of
Public Health, University of São Paulo
11:30-1:00 Lunch
1:00-1:45 Douglas Duarte, Technical Regulatory Manager,

National Pharmaceutical Industries Association
1:45 Adjourn
DAY TWO: TUESDAY, AUGUST 28, 2012

SÃO PAULO, BRAZIL
hotel

9:00 Travel to University of São Paulo
9:30-10:45 Fernando Nogueira, Professor, Federal University of

Minas Gerais
Claudio Cabral, Director of Quality, Cristália
Laboratory
Regina Zamith, Director, Global Brand Protection
Latin America, Johnson & Johnson
10:45-11:00 Break
11:00-12:15 Terezinha Pinto, Professor, School of Pharmaceutical

Sciences, University of São Paulo
Filipe Soares Quirino da Silva, Director, Department
of Chemistry, National Institute for Health Quality,
Fiocruz
Ediná Costa, Associate Professor, Institute of
Collective Health, Federal University of Bahia
12:15-1:15 Lunch
1:15-2:30 Elize Massard, Postdoctoral Research Fellow,

Center for Metropolitan Studies
Aluisio Segurado, Professor, School of Medicine,
Department of Infectious and Parasitic Diseases,
University of São Paulo
2:30-3:00 Break
3:00-4:00 Frederico Benite, Principal Business Development

Officer, International Finance Corporation/
World Bank Group
Paulo Teixeira, Second Vice-President,
National Federation of Pharmacists
4:00 Adjourn

APPENDIX C 351
DAY THREE: WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 29, 2012

BRASÍLIA, BRAZIL
hotel
8:00 Travel to Anvisa
9:00-10:00 Meeting with Anvisa’s President

Dirceu Barbano, President, Anvisa
10:00-10:30 Travel to PAHO
10:30-11:45 Meeting at PAHO

Christophe Rerat, International Officer and
Coordinator, Medicines Unit, Technology and
Research, PAHO
Flavia Poppe, Health Economist, Medicines Unit,
Technology and Research, PAHO
11:45-12:15 Travel to Hotel Manhattan
12:15-2:00 Meeting at Hotel Manhattan

Paola Manchesini, Technical Consultant, Malaria
National Control Program, Brazilian Ministry of
Health
Marcia Almeida, Technical Consultant, Drug
Management Department, National Malaria
Control Program, Brazilian Ministry of Health
Mayira Milano, International Consultant, Technical
Unit for Non-Communicable and Communicable
Diseases, PAHO

2:00-3:00 Lunch
3:00-3:30 Travel to Anvisa
3:30-5:00 Meeting with Anvisa’s International Office

Tiago Lanius Rauber, Director, Inspection and
Control of Medicines and Products, Anvisa
Patricia Oliveira Pereira, Deputy Director, International
Health Regulations Unit, Division of International
Affairs, Anvisa
Leandro Teixeira de Morais, Specialist, International
Health and Health Surveillance, Anvisa


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THE NATIONAL ACADEMIES PRESS

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Countering the Problem of Falsified and Substandard Drugs

376 pages | 6 x 9 | HARDBACK

Institute of Medicine 2013. Countering the Problem of Falsified and Substandard

– Access to free PDF downloads of thousands of scientiﬁc reports

Copyright © National Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.

Committee on Understanding the Global Public Health Implications of

Board on Global Health

Gillian J. Buckley and Lawrence O. Gostin, Editors

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International Standard Book Number-13: 978-0-309-26939-1

Copyright 2013 by the National Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.

Printed in the United States of America

Suggested citation: IOM (Institute of Medicine). 2013. Countering the problem of

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“Knowing is not enough; we must apply.

Advising the Nation. Improving Health.

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The National Academy of Sciences is a private, nonprofit, self-perpetuating society

The Institute of Medicine was established in 1970 by the National Academy of

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COMMITTEE ON UNDERSTANDING THE GLOBAL

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This report has been reviewed in draft form by individuals chosen

Georges Benjamin, American Public Health Association

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Although the reviewers listed above have provided many constructive

Copyright National Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.

This report is a product of the cooperation and contributions of

Copyright National Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.

and Syed Mohammed Arifullah of the U.S. Pharmacopeia–India; Carlos

Martin Harvey Allchurch Laurie Garrett

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Rebeca Mancini Pereira Nirupa Sen

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Acronyms and Abbreviations

ACTA Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement

BMI Business Monitor International

CDC Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

DFID Department for International Development

FDA U.S. Food and Drug Administration

GC-MS gas chromatography and mass spectrometer

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xiv ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS

HIV human immunodeficiency virus

ICH International Conference on Harmonisation of Technical

Medicrime Council of Europe Convention on the counterfeiting of

NABP National Association of Boards of Pharmacy

OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and

PhRMA Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America

RFID radio frequency identification

SBIR Small Business Innovation Research

TLC thin layer chromatography

Unicef United Nations Children’s Fund

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ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS xv

VIPPS Verified Internet Pharmacy Practice Sites

7 AN INTERNATIONAL CODE OF PRACTICE FOR

2-1 Increasing incidence of multidrug-resistant tuberculosis

4-1 Schematic block diagram of a pharmaceutical manufacturing

5-4 Number of pharmacists per 10,000 people and number of

6-1 More sophisticated fakes require more sophisticated technologies to

4-1 Overview of Selected Donors’, Procurement Service Agencies’, and

5-1 Differences in Overall Structure of the Pharmaceutical Market in