Qualitative Research in Psychology 2006; 3: 193
211

The phenomenon of boredom

Marion Martin, Gaynor Sadlo and Graham Stew
University of Brighton, UK

Boredom remains a poorly understood phenomenon despite its evident

association with dysfunctional behavior and mental health problems.
However, little research has been devoted to the topic, and the bulk of
studies have almost exclusively been quantitative in design. For this
reason, a qualitative, interpretive phenomenological study was carried out,
during which ten participants were asked for their accounts of the
experience of boredom. These people were sampled from the general
population. The aims of the study were to find out more about the
antecedents to boredom, the experience itself, any stages in its
development, and methods used to deal with it.
Findings indicated that boredom is an extremely unpleasant and
distressing experience. Situations giving rise to the sensation varied
between specific external factors, to a general propensity to boredom
proneness, although, according to the participants of the study, these could
change throughout their lifetime. Feelings comprising the experience of
boredom were almost consistently those of restlessness combined with
lethargy. No stages in the development of the experience were identified.
Strategies used to overcome the problem varied greatly, but generally
involved trying to find interesting things to do. These strategies tended to
be unsuccessful.
Traditional methods of dealing with boredom have focused on increasing
stimulation and choice in the environment. The authors propose that a
more effective strategy might be to focus more on internal causes of
boredom, such as an inability to sustain attention, although further
research is required to support this interpretation of the data. Qualitative
Research in Psychology 2006; 3: 193
211

Key words: attention; boredom; interpretive phenomenology

Correspondence: Marion Martin. Email: m.martin@brighton.ac.uk

# 2006 SAGE Publications 10.1191/1478088706qrp066oa

194 M Martin et al.

The phenomenon of boredom have only been attempted fairly recently,

and many of these are of dubious validity,
It is a disturbing aspect of our western since there is still no consensus on the
culture that, whilst we are presented with definition of boredom (Vodanovich, 2003).
an unprecedented range of opportunities to However, the following is a brief overview
satisfy our desires, people now appear to be of the phenomenon as presented in litera-
more susceptible to boredom than ever ture from the arts rather than from science.
before (Svendsen, 2005). The phenomenon Boredom was a subject which concerned
of boredom is not well understood, in spite the ancient Greeks, indeed, Socrates suf-
of a growing body of literature on the fered the indignity of being criticized by
subject (Fisher, 1993; Harris, 2000; Smith, some for repetition and monotony (Kuhn,
1981; Vodanovich, 2003). A history of bore- 1976). The word ‘acedia’ was used at this
dom, however, reveals that it may not be as time, which is closer to what we would
new as is generally supposed, since ideas describe as tedium. Plato defended his
relating to the topic go back at least as far as protagonist by asserting the need for con-
the ancient Greeks. Throughout the ages, sistency. He compared the constancy of the
philosophers, novelists and poets have ex- stars with man’s own erratic and disorderly
pounded on the subject, and more recently, thoughts, and believed that people should
scientists have tried to analyse it. aspire to the regularity of the heavenly
Examination of research undertaken re- bodies (Healy, 1984). The early Christians
veals that the vast majority of studies have also aspired to this same ideal, with St
been either of experimental or correlational Thomas Aquinas writing of the soul enter-
design, using psychometric measures, such ing a state of uniformity (Kuhn, 1976).
as the Boredom Proneness Scale (BPS), to With the advent of Christianity, what we
establish the links between a tendency to would describe as boredom rapidly rose in
experience boredom and other measurable status to becoming possibly the most im-
factors. This research suggests that boredom portant capital sin. Many different words
is associated with a diverse range of un-
were used to represent conditions similar to
desirable personality traits and dysfunc-
boredom, such as ‘dryness of the soul’,
tional behaviour, and is therefore worthy
‘inexplicable sorrow’, ‘complete paralysis
of serious consideration (Farmer and Sund-
of the will’, and ‘sloth’. However, the word
berg, 1986; Fisher, 1993; Vodanovich, 2003).
that easily dominated the others was acedia,
There is, however, still no accepted defini-
derived from the Greek word for tedium.
tion of boredom, no consensus on the
The reason for this elevation of acedia to
antecedents of boredom, nor any convin-
primary sin was that, once vanquished, the
cing strategy suggested to deal with the
problem (Martin, 2002). virtue which would replace it was joy, and
when in this state, the individual would be
immune to all other sins (Kuhn, 1976).
Thus, boredom appears to have had a very
A history of boredom in literature high profile in the early middle ages in
Europe.
It is impossible to know how much people For some reason, the word acedie was
have been affected by boredom throughout dropped from usage in the English language
time, as measurements of the experience from the fourteenth century onwards,
 The phenomenon of boredom 195

although it was still used in renaissance The century when boredom possibly
Italy (Healy, 1984). In all the works of reached its zenith as a focus for literary
Shakespeare, there is not one use of the contemplation was the nineteenth. The list
word acedie, ‘ennui’, or boredom itself, of writers who grappled with the subject is
which did not appear until the eighteenth impressive; the following is only a sample:
century. However, it is difficult to imagine Baudelaire, Byron, Durkheim, Kierkegaard,
that boredom was not experienced in the Dostoevsky, Tolstoy, Nietzsche, Schopen-
UK between the fourteenth and eighteenth hauer, Ibsen, Strindberg, Chateaubriand,
centuries, although no single word seems to Flaubert, and Verlaine. A taste of their
have been found to express the condition. opinions on boredom can be sampled from
Certainly in France, ennui derived from the Kierkegaard, who wrote ‘Boredom is the
Latin ‘enodiare’, or, hatred of life itself, was root of all evil’ (Kierkegaard, Either/or,
used liberally from the twelfth century 281, cited in Healy, 1984: 25).
onwards, and even infiltrated England to- As Europe entered the next century,
wards the end of the seventeenth century boredom was to capture the imagination of
(Spacks, 1995). the existentialists who had rejected God,
From the seventeenth century onwards, and now found that life had become mean-
European poets and commentators devoted ingless. Albert Camus and Franz Kafka
some of their most anguished lines to the illustrated their utter indifference to life
subject of boredom. John Donne wrote of through their characters who walked
‘the heavy clouds of melancholy’ to de- through a world which was empty of mean-
scribe what he termed ‘the lethargies’. At ing. Jean-Paul Sartre spoke of the ‘nausea of
ennui’, describing it as a ‘leprosy of the
the same time in France, Pascal described
soul’ (Kuhn, 1976).
ennui as ‘the state that defines man’s struc-
In recent times, it has been suggested that
ture’ (Healy, 1984). From this time on, ennui
boredom may arise more from an overload
was to be a major theme in French litera-
of stimulation rather than from monotony as
ture, emerging from what was a sin in the
it did in ancient times. Modern philoso-
middle ages, to being what was virtually a
phers view boredom as inevitable in a world
signal of sophistication in the elite of
where we are surrounded by trivia. Accord-
society. La Rouchfoucauld described him-
ing to Svendsen (2005), boredom is growing
self as a ‘connoisseur of boredom’, spending and there is no cure. This pessimistic
most of his time at the court of Versailles in analysis of boredom is shared by Klapp
a state of ennui. Boredom as a literary theme (1986), who blames the apparent rise in
continued throughout the seventeenth and boredom on life in the ‘information society’.
eighteenth centuries, with Voltaire in 1764
claiming that ennui was ‘the worst of all
conditions’ (Kuhn, 1976: 151).
The English word ‘boredom’ first ap- Research literature
peared in print in 1766. It is not known
how this word came into usage with its The late twentieth and early twenty-first
current meaning, although there are several centuries have brought a new type of litera-
possibilities, one being that it is derived ture to attend to the subject of boredom, that
from the past tense of the verb ‘to bear’ of science. Many writers comment on the
(Healy, 1984). surprising paucity of research into the sub-
196 M Martin et al.

ject of boredom, considering the impact it and that this occurs when the individual is
seems to have both on individuals and on fully attending to a stimulus (Leary et al .,
the wellbeing of our society (Barbalet, 1999; 1986).
Damrad-Frye and Laird, 1989; Fisher, 1993; Neither has it been established if boredom
Persaud, 2001; Smith, 1981; Svendsen, is an emotion, a state, or a trait. If emotions
2005; Vodanovich, 2003). Whereas refer- are perceived as bodily responses and ac-
ences to boredom seem to appear frequently tions (Damrad-Frye and Laird, 1989), then
in the popular press, studies of boredom are boredom could be labeled as such with its
relatively few, although there has been a accompanying yawns and fidgeting. Many
gradual increase in the past few decades studies have found boredom proneness
(Vodanovich, 2003). associated with certain personality types,
Research literature relating to boredom such as neuroticism and extraversion (Vo-
appears to be both limited and diverse. danovich, 2003). Most authors describe
There does not appear to be an accepted boredom as a state, and boredom proneness
definition of boredom or a consensus on the as a trait (Sundberg et al ., 1991; Vodanovich
causes, and hardly any attention is given to and Kass, 1990; Vodanovich and Rupp,
ways of overcoming the problem. Areas 1999).
covered by this literature are wide-ranging, It is also unclear what processes lead to
and no particular aspect has received sus- boredom. Early studies indicated that bore-
tained attention. The main consensus seems dom was caused by low external stimula-
to be that boredom is a complex phenom- tion, such as monotonous work (O’Hanlon,
enon (Caldwell et al ., 1999). Aspects of 1981). A number of studies have examined
boredom included in research literature the high levels of boredom experienced by
include studies relating to the nature of people who have jobs that require sustained
the phenomenon, and its antecedents, but vigilance, such as air traffic controllers.
by far the greatest number of studies associ- They have found that this type of work is
ate boredom proneness with a wide range of perceived as being excruciatingly dull, and
dysfunctional personality traits and beha- requires a high cognitive workload (Charl-
vior. A noticeable gap in research literature ton and Hertz, 1989; Hitchcock et al ., 1999).
is any evidence of ways to overcome bore- There is also some evidence that when
dom. people are compelled or coerced to do
Definitions of boredom are somewhat something that they do not enjoy, they are
conflicting (Vodanovich, 2003). Mikulas more likely to experience boredom (Cald-
and Vodanovich (1993: 3) have defined well et al ., 1999; Damrad-Frye and Laird,
boredom as ‘a state of relatively low arousal 1989; Shaw et al ., 1996; Troutwine and
and dissatisfaction, which is attributed to O’Neal, 1981).
an inadequately stimulating situation’, There is more evidence which suggests
whereas for Barbalet (1999) boredom is a that subjective factors lead to the experience
state of high arousal: ‘Boredom, in its irrit- of boredom. These include the perception of
ability and restlessness . . . is not a feeling of monotony (Perkins and Hill, 1985; Watt,
acceptance of or resignation towards a state 1994), the perceived level of skill and
of indifference’. Other sources propose that challenge in relation to the task (Csikszent-
there is an optimal level of arousal, above or mihalyi, 1992), the self-perception of atten-
below which boredom may be experienced, tion (Damrad-Frye and Laird, 1989) and
 The phenomenon of boredom 197

spirituality (MacDonald and Holland, Gabriel, 1988), and these were only de-
2002). Other studies have suggested that scribed very briefly. The outcome of these
boredom may be associated with cognitive studies seems to have been compromised by
processes, such as inattention (Ahmed, the preconceived standpoints from which
1990; Hamilton et al ., 1984), homogenous the authors analysed their data. The present
construing (Polly et al., 1993), and self- study used interpretive phenomenology to
awareness (Seib and Vodanovich, 1998). investigate how a range of people experi-
The majority of studies relating to the enced boredom. The aims were to:
condition have found correlations between
the scores on boredom rating scales and low 1) Identify any antecedents to boredom;
motivation, negative emotions, mental ill- 2) Investigate the subjective experience of
ness, certain personality types, styles of boredom;
cognitive function and patterns of beha- 3) Identify any stages of boredom;
viour. Boredom proneness correlates 4) Identify any coping strategies used to
strongly with depression (Ahmed, 1990; combat boredom.
Cosgrave et al ., 2000; Farmer and Sundberg,
1986; Vodanovich, 2003), and also with
negative affect, including hostility and ag-
Interpretive phenomenology as a
gression (Gordon, 1997; Sommers and Vo-
method to study boredom
danovich, 2000). Boredom susceptibility
has also been related to a range of dysfunc-
It has been argued that, due to its holistic
tional behaviours, including sleep disorder,
perspective, phenomenology is the most
procrastination, drug abuse, cigarette smok- appropriate method of enquiry for those
ing, gambling, drunk driving, high frequen- who wish to investigate aspects of the lived
cies of sexual activity, deviant behaviour in experience (Holloway and Wheeler, 1996).
school, and criminality (Farmer and Sund- There are, however, different branches of
berg, 1986; Iso-Ahola and Crowley, 1991; phenomenology, which depend upon the
Kass, 2003; Tolor, 1989; Vodanovich, 2003; researcher’s ontological perspective. Ed-
Vodanovich and Rupp, 1999). mund Husserl is usually acknowledged as
There are some major limitations with the the initiator of phenomenology, although he
existing body of quantitative research into developed his ideas from his mentor Bren-
boredom. The first is that these studies rely tano. It was Brentano who first identified
on tools that have not been developed from the concept of intentionality, which ac-
any coherent theory, and this could be seen knowledges that humans are in possession
to compromise their validity (Vodanovich, of a conscious mind which attributes mean-
2003). Second, the bulk of research into ings to the world around them. This was in
boredom has relied on student samples contrast to logical positivism, which holds
rather than the general population. Third, that all knowledge is derived from the
experimental designs lack ecological valid- senses, and supports the methods of obser-
ity, and cannot replicate the richness of vation and experiment in scientific enquiry
situations that people encounter as they go (Leonard, 1994).
through life. Husserl’s contribution was in his con-
Only a very small minority of studies cepts of phenomenological intuiting and
were qualitative in design (Bargdill, 2000; reduction (Morse, 1994). Phenomenological
198 M Martin et al.

reduction, or epoché, is the process of The task for the qualitative researcher is
bracketing out the researcher’s own atti- not easy. Reality is ‘contradictory, illogical
tudes, beliefs and prejudices by first becom- and incoherent, therefore the task is to
ing aware of them, and then removing their somehow ‘smooth out’ these contradictions’
influence from the description of the phe- (Anderson, 1991; Morse, 1994: 1). Ob-
nomenon. It was Martin Heidegger, one of viously, this process is open to misinterpre-
Husserl’s students, who shifted attention tation as assumptions are made about the
from the epistemological argument between lived experiences of other people. Holliday
objectivism and relativism to the ontologi- (2002) recommends that, for the researcher,
cal problem of what it is to be human even the most familiar of scenarios should
(Leonard, 1994). This has had a profound be seen as strange, and the people in it
mysterious. However, in order for the out-
impact on current debates about methodol-
comes of qualitative research to be valued,
ogy, as it can be argued that epistemological
the strategies used must be transparent and
and ontological issues are inextricably
open to scrutiny.
linked in studies of humans.
Heidegger criticized empirical phenom-
enologists for ignoring the issue of inten-
tionality, which posits that all humans, Rigor
including researchers, construct their own
personal perspectives (Leonard, 1994). Con- Qualitative research has been criticized by
structivists study the multiple realities the scientific community for lacking rigor,
which people hold, and the notion of an as it cannot use the positivist criteria of
objective ‘fact’ has no meaning (Guba and validity and reliability. Some qualitative
Lincoln, 1989). In addition, the concept of researchers share this concern (Morse,
life world, or ‘dasein’, developed by Hei- 1994; Sparkes, 2001). Validity is the extent
degger, and used by social scientists, such to which the findings represent a true
as VanMaanen, includes consideration of representation of the data, whereas the
the culture and time into which the indivi- interpretivist
constructivist position holds
dual is born (VanMaanen, 1990). This is that an objective reality of human experi-
another departure from the empirical phe- ence does not exist. It openly admits that
nomenologists. the final interpretation of the data is one
Interpretive phenomenologists acknowl- reality which was perceived by the author
edge that the researcher will bring his/her in a particular time and place. It is, there-
fore, impossible to be certain of the relia-
own constructs to the research process,
bility of the data (Guba and Lincoln, 1989).
despite attempts to limit this. The process
A tension exists for constructivist re-
of reduction, unfortunately, cannot produce
searchers between the freedom to interpret,
a clean, objective account of the data, as the
and the need to avoid ‘methodological
process of reduction in itself will inevitably anarchy’, which could compromise the
be a construct. Some interpretive phenom- value of the findings (Silverman, 2000).
enologists not only acknowledge this reve- For this reason, Guba (1989) proposed
lation, but embrace it, as it brings a fresh that although the positivist criteria of vali-
openness and honesty to the research pro- dity and reliability cannot be applied to
cess (Anderson, 1991; Morse, 1994). constructivist research, it is necessary to
 The phenomenon of boredom 199

develop and use mechanisms which will any interpretations that are made following
strive to ensure the ‘truth value’ of the examination of the data.
study. Guba (1989) proposes alternative
means of ensuring the rigor, or trustworthi-
ness of qualitative research, namely through Procedure
the standards of credibility, transferability,
dependability, and confirmability. These Previous research into boredom was not
standards are based on the positivist criteria read in depth until after the study, as the
of validity and reliability, and have been authors did not want to contaminate their
criticized in some quarters for this (Sparkes, analysis of the findings with preconcep-
2001). However, earlier phenomenological tions. It is important that the researcher is
studies of boredom found by the author did not ‘blinded’ by assumptions, but is open to
not appear to strive for accountability in unexpected discoveries, which might be-
terms of rigor, and this was considered to come the most illuminating aspects of the
compromise their value. study (Morse, 1994).
The present study attempted to incorpo- Purposive sampling was used to recruit
rate some of the Guba (1989) measures of the ten participants who took part in the
trustworthiness. Bias and subjectivity are study (Silverman, 2000). They comprised
important issues, and several methods were five people of each gender, with ages ran-
used to minimize their impact on the inter- ging from 18 to 81, selected to represent a
pretation. Regarding credibility, a field jour- range of educational and economic back-
nal was kept by the primary researcher from grounds. Recruitment was through adver-
the inception of the project through to the tisements in a local paper, a job center, a
present time. In particular, she recorded residential home, and work places.
her own experiences of the interviews, and Two in-depth interviews were carried out
her reactions to the people she was inter- with each person, the second used to check
viewing. that the understanding of the interviewer
All participants were interviewed twice, reflected the intended meanings of each
the purpose of the second encounter was to participant, and thereby enhance the rigor
check that ongoing interpretations were of the study (Guba and Lincoln, 1989). The
shared between researcher and interviewee style of interviewing was consistent with
as far as was possible. Prolonged engage- that used for the constructivist approach,
ment in the field with persistent observa- where the relationship is interactive, both
tion is recommended for the credibility of parties in the process engaged in a struggle
the findings, however, this did not occur. to find meaning (Davies, 1999; Fontana,
Another method that was not used was 2000).
triangulation of methods of data collection.
This study does not make a claim that the
outcome can be transferred to other popula- Analysis of data
tions, as the sample group is so small.
Rather, the purpose of the research is to The accounts of boredom were analysed
shed some light onto how a few people in using a system based on that of Moustakas
western culture experience boredom. (1994), which, in turn, is based on proce-
Further research will be required to test dures derived from empirical phenomeno-
200 M Martin et al.

logy. All the interviews were tape-recorded Ethical considerations

with the participant’s consent, then tran-
scribed and coded using Nvivo software This study was approved by the ethics
version 1.0 (QSR International, Australia). committee of the university where the study
For example, the following passage was was based. Written consent was given by
coded under the theme of ‘the experience’ everyone who took part and confidentiality
as the sub-theme of ‘restless’: was ensured through anonymity. All mate-
rials relating to the participants, including
and I’ll start fidgeting, and I’ll get up, go to the tapes and transcripts, were kept in a locked
toilet, go and have a glass of orange juice. I’ll go cabinet, and any material which could
and have something to munch, I’ll go and put my identify the individuals concerned was
washing on, or whatever, I’ll come back five destroyed as soon as it had been analysed.
minutes later, carry on being bored. I’m just going Participants were made fully aware of the
to get up and do something for the sake of doing purpose of the study, indeed, their under-
it
standing of the aims helped them to provide
relevant information. The interviewer tried
to be sensitive to any discomfort manifested
Over 100 themes and sub-themes were
during the interview process, and was able
identified in this way from the 20 inter- to discuss any unease about the proceedings
views of the 10 participants, and these were with her supervisors, both of whom were
used to structure individual descriptions of experienced healthcare professionals.
each participant, incorporating extensive
quotations. A mind map for each person
was developed, linking the themes for that
individual. On completion of the final inter- Findings of the study
view, the author returned to the original
tapes and scripts to check and revise the A diagram illustrating how the themes were
themes. linked can be seen in Figure 1. Participants
Commonalities were found between were grouped into four categories depend-
some of the participants, which made it ing on the antecedents: at work, at home,
possible to group them into four categories. always bored, or not bored. Those who did
For example, one group of people appeared experience boredom tended to share com-
to become bored mostly at work, and under mon experiences and strategies for over-
the theme of ‘antecedents’, they mostly coming boredom. However, some of the
shared common sub-themes, such as ‘ob- strategies used by participants, such as
‘diversions’, did not appear to work very
ligation’, ‘repetition’, and ‘level of chal-
well, as their boredom would return even-
lenge’. Descriptions were then written for
tually. Another group of strategies, such as
each of these categories (see Findings sec-
‘physical exercise’, however, seemed to
tion for extracts). A mind map linking
alleviate boredom more effectively.
themes from these four categories was
then produced (Figure 1) and a final Antecedents to boredom
analysis was written. The findings and The participants fell into four categories
interpretations were then compared with according to the antecedents, or situations
earlier studies. in which they became bored: those who
 The phenomenon of boredom 201

ANTECEDENTS
EXPERIENCE STRATEGIES
Obligation
Repetition
Level of challenge
Lack of social stimulation Restlessness
The environment Bored at work Stressed
Feeling trapped
Frustrated
Alienation Depression Fatigue Diversions
Mental illness Lack of Taking breaks
Exhaustion
Always Bored Switching off
concentration
Loss of mobility Awareness of Setting goals
Loss of incentives, purpose time passing Looking for things to do
slowly Planning to die
Usually alone Bored at home Guilt about
Tiredness wasting time
Poor time management Meaninglessness
No commitments Depression
Lack of money

Physical Exercise
Positive philosophy Meditation / mindfulness
Spirituality Not Bored Fun with others
Involvement in many Acceptance
interests Persistence
Acceptance of the current
situation
Sense of humour

Figure 1 Overview of the findings

primarily became bored at work; those who care, or a course of study. For the rest of
tended to become bored at home; those who the time they were involved with what
were almost always bored; those who were they were doing, and gained enjoyment
almost never bored. The people in this from their lives. For example, one man in
study felt that the extent to which they the study had a partner and a child, and
had been troubled by boredom had changed many interests including composing and
during the course of their lives. For exam- playing music. However, he found his
ple, one man in his thirties said that he was office job extremely boring. Features that
bored and alienated most of the time when made work so dull for the people in this
he was younger, but was now married with study were the sense of obligation they felt
children and had a job he enjoyed. Another in having to earn a living, the repetition of
man in the study described how he had the work itself, the lack of challenge in the
been very active until middle-age, involved tasks they were given to do, a lack of social
in a high-powered occupation, but, now stimulation, and finally, the uninspiring
that he was in his sixties, could find little environment:
with which to motivate himself.
I dunno, to me that is a problem, you know, it’s
Work. bloody terrifying, stuck in a grey office, day in
day out, doing a job that you don’t enjoy, and
Some people only became bored at work,
you’re looking out the window, you’re seeing
or when engaged in some other activity blue skies, puffy clouds, and you know the beach
that, out of a sense of duty, they had is just around the corner, and, well, is it any
committed themselves to, such as child- wonder you get bored?
202 M Martin et al.

Home. bored because I didn’t want to watch television

In contrast to people who experienced and sit there and talk to her.
boredom at work, some people only com-
plained of boredom during unstructured
time, and this was usually in the home Almost always bored.
environment. For example, one woman A few people said that they were virtually
worked all day in a manual unskilled job, always bored, or had been continually
but was not troubled with boredom as she bored at some earlier stage of their lives.
enjoyed being so active. It was only in the They would only find respite when they
evenings, when she was alone and her could engage for a brief period in some
husband was out working that she could activity that would distract them. This
not find anything to do. Some of the older would not last long, however, and the
people in the study had a lot of free time relentless boredom would inevitably return
because they were now retired, and became soon enough.
bored for the first time in their lives. One man in his sixties only became bored
Several factors were identified by these in middle age, after a very exciting young
participants to suggest why this unstruc- adulthood with a high-powered job and
tured time, when they had the possibility of family. He felt that boredom ‘just sort of
doing whatever they pleased, was difficult descended’ on him:
to fill. First, they were usually alone, so they It’s as if I’m having to make a decision all the
did not have company to distract them. time about what to do. Nothing happens of its
Second, people often said that they felt own accord. Em, it’s as if I’m constantly having
to think up small things to do. I smoke a bit, and
more bored when they were tired. One
think that smoking is one way of combating this.
young woman had several part-time jobs, It’s just another little event to just fill up this
and in addition, was studying for a degree. terrible gap of no activity
She was aware that at the end of a long day,
she would be too tired to get anything else
done. Sometimes, she could accept this, and Never bored.
would be quite happy to sit and watch Only one person in this study was never
television all evening, but at other times, bored, and this was an elderly woman living
she felt that she should be getting on with in residential accommodation since she had
her studies, so would just sit there thinking a mild stroke. Following an active life spent
‘God, I’m so bored’. She described an bringing up four children, she was now
evening she spent with a friend in this way: content to spend her days in a small room,
occasionally spending time with other re-
I had a very long day. I was up from six o’clock in
the morning, and I was very busy . . . so I had an sidents in the communal areas. She ap-
eleven to twelve hour day . . . and I went to stay at peared to possess several features which
my friend’s house . . . we had dinner and watched could have helped to protect her from
television and I could see myself being sort of, or boredom, these being a positive outlook on
feel it even, agitated by it all because I know that life, involvement in many interests, an
there was so much at home that I’d left, and it
ability to adapt to the current situation,
should have been done, but it wasn’t. And,
because I was tired as well, I knew that there and a well-developed sense of humor.
was nothing I could do about it . . . so I just felt This lady has many interests which keep
that I was wasting my time . . . and I was ever so her occupied. She is quite organized about
 The phenomenon of boredom 203

how she spends her time, deciding in You see animals in cages, lions and things, where
advance what she will watch on television, they pace backwards and forwards. The absolute
epitome, embodiment of boredom, and they’re
and fitting other activities around this. Her obviously, particularly lions, I think they’re in a
interests encompass a wide range of pro- very stressed situation and er, I think it’s the
grams including serials, quiz shows, and same with us. . . it’s a feeling you need to escape.
sport, especially rugby. She manages to
continue the hobbies she had earlier in People who became bored at home also
life, albeit in a different form, for example, described this feeling of restlessness. They
she used to enjoy baking cakes, but now could not settle to any particular activity,
that she can no longer do this, she gains and they could not rest, so they cast around
pleasure from watching the cooking pro- trying to find something to do. One young
grams on television. As well as having a lot woman described this as a ‘fidgety’ feeling:
of interests to keep her occupied, when
And I’ll just start fidgeting, and I’ll get up, go to
there was nothing else to do she is also the toilet, go and have a glass of orange juice, I’ll
content to simply sit by her window, go and have something to munch, I’ll go and put
watching children making their way to my washing on or whatever, I’ll come back five
and from school. minutes later, carry on being bored . . . I’m just
going to get up and do something for the sake of
doing it.
The experience of boredom
Whatever the antecedents to boredom, peo-
People who were bored all the time felt
ple expressed their experiences in strikingly
extremely restless. They had a desperate
similar ways. The dominant feelings ex-
need to do something but did now know
pressed were of being trapped and restless,
what it was. One elderly person said that
yet lethargic, with associated guilt and, in
when she was younger, she could go for
some cases, depression. The people who
walks, but because she was now physically
became bored at work described this feeling
limited, this was no longer possible:
of being trapped. At home, they had choice,
which gave them a sense of freedom, I think it (boredom) involves a sort of restless-
whereas at work they felt that they had ness. It’s the only description I can say. And yet
you don’t know what you’re restless for, ‘cause
less control over their lives. One participant you can’t find any ease from it . . . ‘Cause as you
expressed this as follows: get older you’re physically unable to do things
that used to loose you. When I was young and got
Just not being in control of my life . . . I mean, you like this I used to play tennis for instance . . . it’s a
were asking what it feels like to be bored. I mean, sort of restlessness of the mind rather than the
I know what it feels like not to be bored, to then body.
be in an environment where I don’t seem to have
any control at all, um, and a problem of boredom At the same time as feeling restless, people
that just seems to completely take control, um to
the point where I can’t even well, type a letter for also felt tired and lethargic when they were
example. bored. A young woman who had just
finished college felt a need to go out and
do something, but found that the tempta-
However, people who were bored at home tion was to stay at home and watch
also felt they were trapped. One man who television:
felt bored almost all the time compared his you feel sluggish, because you’re not, you know,
experience to that of animals in cages: you’re not going to work, and you’re not going to
204 M Martin et al.

college, and you’re not going out as much, if you ve . . . Yes, that’s what boredom is. It’s like being
don’t have any money . . . so you do end up unstimulated, you know. And sick and tired.
slobbing in front of the TV and, you know, sitting
around with your friends, and that does make
you feel physically, you are quite inactive.
The stages of boredom
No participant was able to identify any
People felt guilty because although they stages in the development of boredom.
had the possibility to do whatever they They seemed to be aware only of consistent
wanted, they did not use their time pro- sensations throughout the experience.
ductively. One of the women in the study
wondered if she was subconsciously aware Strategies for dealing with boredom
that she was getting older and time was The main strategy for dealing with boredom
running out: during unstructured time was finding alter-
native things to do. At home, people would
I suppose you appreciate it more (time) as you
get older. You know, you’ve had the prime of watch television, but this soon became
life. It’s gone and now you think, you don’t boring itself, so they would search for
know how many years you’ve got left! (laughs) something else, such as computer games,
Maybe that’s what it is. Subconsciously you’re or make snacks for themselves. This, in
thinking about your life, trying to cram as much turn, would make them feel guilty about
as you can.
wasting time, although if the activity in-
volved physical exercise, such as going for a
As well as feeling trapped, the people who walk, they would feel less guilty, as this was
became bored at work also felt frustrated, seen to offer some health benefits.
stressed and tired, with a lack of concen- To cope with boredom, people used all
tration and an awareness of time passing kinds of tactics. Most commonly, they chose
slowly. They would also feel sorry for diversionary activities that tended to be
themselves and would wish that they idiosyncratic depending on individual pre-
could have a more fulfilling job. Those in ferences. At work, this might include dood-
temporary employment could cope with ling, making changes in a diary, playing
this better than others who were perma- with a mobile phone, looking out of the
nent, and could see nothing better for window, chatting with colleagues, making
themselves in the future. One person in drinks, e-mailing and using the internet.
this situation became quite depressed from When the work was mentally undemand-
time to time. ing, people liked to have background music
Depression seems to be a feature of people playing. Taking breaks was another strategy
who are almost always bored. One of the used to deal with boredom, when people
participants who was bored most of the time could switch off from their work. They
during his early years said that he was would either do something completely dif-
caught up in a downward spiral of frustra- ferent or daydream, thinking about enjoy-
tion, apathy and depression: able things they could do in the future.
Other, more successful, approaches to the
You know, you can give up, almost, and that onset of boredom included taking more
leads to exhaustion and also depression. So I’d
say boredom is quite, you know, connected to control over the situation by making plans
depression . . . because you loose the will to act, for the future, so that an end to the suffering
to take control, and so you become very passi- was in sight. However, one elderly person
 The phenomenon of boredom 205

was so distressed that at times she planned home’, as these were the most usual con-
to die. Others simply accepted that when texts in which they became bored. Factors
there was no way out of a situation, they in the workplace that contributed to bore-
had to persist with the task in hand. A dom were repetitive, undemanding jobs,
solution suggested by one participant and and a feeling of coercion since they had
put into practice by another was to learn made a commitment to their employers.
how to meditate, focusing on the present These findings correspond to literature
moment: which identifies external factors contribut-
If I was a more involved person I wouldn’t be ing to a state of boredom (Caldwell et al .,
bored if I had nothing to do. I’d just be living in 1999; Fisher, 1993; Shaw et al., 1996;
the here and now. Whatever it was I’d be OK. Troutwine and O’Neal, 1981).
But . . . I have to find a way of escaping from the There were, however, several participants
here and now. The here and now is unbearable. I
have to fill it with cigarettes and cups of tea, or who said that they had been prone to
computers . . . So I think boredom may be a, it’s boredom at an earlier stage of their lives,
drawing our attention to the fact that we’re not but now only experienced transitional
living in the here and now. states of the feeling. In contrast, there were
others whose accounts indicated that bore-
dom had never manifested itself whilst they
were younger, but who complained that,
Discussion later in life, they were almost constantly
bored. The concept of boredom proneness
The findings of the study will be discussed suggests a personality trait which cannot be
in relation to the aims, namely, the ante- changed, and, indeed, studies have linked
cedents of boredom, the experience of being boredom proneness to impulsivity, Type A
bored, and strategies used to overcome the behavior, neuroticism, and extraversion
feeling. (Ahmed, 1990; Gordon, 1997; Watt and
Antecedents Vodanovich, 1999). This phenomenological
Research indicates that the causes of bore- study, however, seems to indicate that
dom can be either external (the state of people can fluctuate in their proneness to
boredom) or internal (boredom as a trait, or boredom during the course of their lives,
boredom proneness) (Farmer and Sundberg, indicating that it is not necessarily a per-
1986; Fisher, 1993; O’Hanlon, 1981). Some sonality trait.
of the participants in this study described Rather, boredom proneness may be more
their boredom as a reaction to a certain of a transient pre-disposition, since people
situation, for example, being at work, which appear to pass through stages in their
corresponds to the ‘state’ of boredom. Other lives where they have more of a suscept-
participants’ narratives indicated that they ibility to boredom, possibly due to other
had a tendency to find most situations factors in their lives, such as an illness.
boring, reflecting a tendency to boredom Some participants in this study attributed
proneness. the chronic boredom which they had
People interviewed for this study suffered experienced during an earlier period to
from boredom in different situations, which alienation or depression. If boredom prone-
I categorized rather crudely into the two ness is not a personality trait, this gives
groups, ‘boredom at work’ and ‘boredom at some hope to the possibility of finding
206 M Martin et al.

some ‘treatment’ for people who suffer from vich, 1993), and this piece of qualitative
the condition. research seems to suggest that individuals
fluctuate between the two, without experi-
The experience of boredom encing the ‘optimal level’ that is required to
The participants in this small study who obtain satisfaction from an activity. They
had experienced boredom confirmed that it would feel an urgent need to do something,
was an extremely unpleasant feeling, possi- and yet, at the same time, lack the ability to
bly worse than any other. This opinion of actually satisfy this need. One interpreta-
boredom has been shared by literary writers tion of this process could be that boredom is
and philosophers throughout the ages, in- simply an inability to attend, despite efforts
cluding Jean-Paul Sartre, Soren Kirdegaard, to do so. Earlier studies have associated
and Martin Heidegger (Kuhn, 1976; Svend- boredom with inattention (Damrad-Frye
sen, 2005). For them, boredom was the and Laird, 1989; Hamilton, 1981; Hamilton
manifestation of existential angst, where et al ., 1984; Leary et al ., 1986; Seib and
life looses all meaning and purpose. This Vodanovich, 1998; Thackray, 1977). This
is in contrast to the way in which boredom would also account for the high levels of
is today treated as a source of amusement boredom experienced by those whose work
and is trivialized (Macintyre, 2005). Tools to involves sustained vigilance (Charlton and
measure boredom are not used clinically Hertz, 1989; Fisher, 1993; Hitchcock et al .,
(Vodanovich, 2003), and there are almost no 1999).
clinical studies of boredom. Yet, this study If it is the case that boredom is ‘an
seems to show that it can be a deeply affective consequence of effortful mainte-
troubling experience, leading to suicidal nance of attention to a particular stimulus’
thoughts in extreme cases. (Leary et al ., 1986: 968), then it will be
People had difficulty when asked to de- experienced when, for any reason, the
scribe the experience of being bored, and no individual cannot concentrate. Thus, the
participant could identify ‘stages’ of bore- antecedents of boredom would be wide-
dom, which was one of the aims of the ranging, as indicated in this study. People
study. However, what was striking about became bored because of the nature of the
their descriptions of the experience was task itself, and also when they were feeling
their similarity, with different participants tired or sick. Strategies to overcome bore-
often using the same words. Although they dom were also wide-ranging.
varied a great deal in both the degree to
which they suffered from boredom, and the Strategies used to overcome boredom
situations in which boredom arose, people The most common method of trying to
were very consistent in the feelings that overcome boredom reported by the study
they experienced. Predominantly, they participants was by trying to find alterna-
talked about stress, restlessness and entrap- tive things to do. For example, if at work,
ment, combined with lethargy. There was a they would chat to colleagues, make jokes,
desperate desire to find something interest- look out of the window, make endless cups
ing to do, but a dispiriting lack of energy or of tea and coffee, and go to the toilet. They
motivation to become engaged. also played with mobile phones, doodled,
Earlier studies suggested that boredom sent e-mails, and surfed the internet. Alter-
was a state of either high or low arousal natively, they might just daydream, take
(Leary et al ., 1986; Mikulas and Vodano- breaks, or, as a longer term tactic, ‘throw a
 The phenomenon of boredom 207

sickie’. Efforts to find things to do at home limitations on the transferability of the

during leisure time included watching tele- study. It is recommended that further qua-
vision, playing computer games, smoking litative research into the experience of
cigarettes, making snacks, and having the boredom is carried out to make comparisons
ubiquitous cups of tea and coffee. with these findings.
Some of the activities used as a way of
combating boredom were more effective
than others. For example, physical exercise
seemed to have a more lasting effect, and Conclusion
made the participants feel better about
themselves. Most activities attempted, how- The findings of this small qualitative study
ever, only brought temporary relief. Even- have provided some possible insights into
tually, the boredom would resurface soon the phenomenon of boredom for the
enough, and the individual would feel authors, pointing the way to further inves-
guilty about wasting time, leaving them to tigations which could develop an under-
feel even more frustrated than before. standing of this poorly understood subject.
One of the participants, however, had Accounts of boredom provided by the par-
managed to overcome a state of almost ticipants, however, reflected many of the
constant boredom in his youth through findings of earlier, quantitative studies.
learning how to meditate, and giving up There was confirmation that boredom is an
drugs and alcohol. The one individual in extremely unpleasant and distressing ex-
the study who never experienced boredom, perience. This is reflected in literature
despite a life confined to residential accom- from the arts (Healy, 1984; Kuhn, 1976), as
modation, was easily satisfied with simple well as research, which has found links
pleasures, and was content to just sit and between boredom and mental illness, such
look out of the window. If boredom is, in as depression (Farmer and Sundberg, 1986;
fact, an inability to attend, effective ways of Kass, 2003).
overcoming the problem might be better Participants reported that situations lead-
directed towards internal mechanisms, ing to the condition were both external and
such as learning mindfulness meditation internal, corresponding to studies which
(Kabat-Zinn, 1990; Martin, 2005b). This have found that the state of boredom can
intervention has been found effective with be brought about by a lack of stimulation,
a range of physical and mental symptoms but that some individuals are more prone
(Baer, 2003; Kabat-Zinn, 1990). than others (Leary et al., 1986; Mikulas and
Vodanovich, 1993). This study did indicate,
however, that although some people suffer
from boredom proneness, this propensity
Limitations of the study may change throughout the lifetime, giving
hope that there might be some way of
It is acknowledged that ten is a very small overcoming the problem.
sample of participants, although similar The main finding was the surprising
sample sizes are recommended for qualita- consistency with which people described
tive research (Patton, 2002). In addition, all their experiences of boredom, regardless
of the participants came from the same of the source. All those who reported feel-
geographical area, which places further ing bored, described feeling stressed and
208 M Martin et al.

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 The phenomenon of boredom 211

About the authors

MARION MARTIN is a senior lecturer in occupational therapy at the University of
Brighton, and is undertaking a study of boredom for her PhD. This article represents the
first stage of her study, and the second stage will investigate relationships between
boredom, attention and mindfulness. Her present research interests are in occupational
science, and in the use of mindfulness to promote health.
GAYNOR SADLO is Head of Occupational Therapy at the University of Brighton, fostering
innovative educational programmes in occupational therapy from BSc to PhD level.
Present research takes two pathways: one looks at the health effects of different levels of
occupation, currently focusing on skilled hand use and its links to feelings of well being;
the other examines the efficacy of problem-based learning as evidence-based education
for the health professions.
GRAHAM STEW is Principal Lecturer in the School of Health Professions at the University
of Brighton, and is Programme Leader for the Professional Doctorate in Health and Social
Care. With a nursing background, he has taught in Higher Education for 23 years, and
has an interest in change management, reflective practice, interprofessional education,
and mindfulness training.