Caldas

Francisco José de Caldas: A Scientist at Work in Nueva Granada
Author(s): John Wilton Appel

Source: Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series, Vol. 84, No. 5 (1994),
pp. 1-154
Published by: American Philosophical Society
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FranciscoJose de Caldas
A Scientist at Work in Nueva Granada
TRANSAC'IIONS
of the
American Philosophical Society
Held at Philadelphiafor Promoting Useful Knowledge
VOLUME 84, Part 5, 1994
Francisco Jose de Caldas

A Scientist at Work in
Nueva Granada
JOHN WILTON APPEL
THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY
Independence Square, Philadelphia
1994
Copyright ? 1994 by The American Philosophical Society
Library of Congress Catalog

Card Number: 94-71521
International Standard Book Number 0-87169-845-5
US ISSN 0065-9746
TABLE OF CONTENTS
SECTION ONE: A SCIENTIST IN SEARCH OF COMMUNITY ........... 1

I. Choosing the Scientist's Path .......................... 3
II. Caldas Discovers the Hypsometric Principle ............ 12
III. Humboldt in Transit .................................. 20
SECTION Two: WITH THE BOTANICAL EXPEDITION, 1802-1806 ....... 35

IV. Becoming a Botanist .................................. 37
V. Working for the Expedition ............................ 46
VI. The Quinine Quandary ............................... 60
SECTION THREE: AT HOME IN THE OBSERVATORY,1806-1810 ........ 69

VII. The Heir Apparent ................................... 71
VIII. The Semanario ........................................ 78
IX. The Expedition Transformed ........................... 87
SECTION FOUR: LOST IN THE REVOLUTIONARYMAELSTROM, 1810-1816 95

X. The Dawn of Independence ........................... 97
XI. The Clouds of the Civil War ........................... 106
XII. Deluge and Darkness ................................. 113
EPILOGUE.................................................... 123
APPENDICES:
A. Draft of a New Method to Measure the Altitude of Mountains
by Means of the Thermometer and Boiling Water (followed
by an Appendix). By DON FRANCISCO JOSEDE CALDAS ...... 125
B. Memoir on the Distribution of Plants that are Cultivated
Near the Equator. By DON FRANCISCOJOSEDE CALDAS...... 139
C. Biographical Notes ...................................... 145
BIBLIOGRAPHY................................................ 151
INDEX ....................................................... 153

ILLUSTRATIONS
MAPS
1. A Scientist in Search of Community: 1796-1802 ............ 2
2. Humboldt's Route through Nueva Granada ................ 23
3. With the Botanical Expedition: 1802-1806 .................. 36
4. Caldas's Map of the Route through Malbucho ............. 51
5. Lost in the Revolutionary Maelstrom: 1810-1816 ............ 96
FIGURES
1. Portrait of Caldas ....................................... 4
2. Caldas's Hypsometric Thermometer ....................... 13
3. Fahrenheit's Hypsometric Thermometer ................... 15
4. Portrait of Mutis ........................................ 21
5. Portrait of Hum boldt .................................... 27
6. Humboldt's Phytogeographic Profile ...................... 54
7. Caldas's Phytogeographic Profile .......................... 56
8. Cinchona Officinalis ..................................... 62
9. Drawing of the Astronomical Observatory ................. 70
SECTION ONE
A SCIENTIST IN SEARCH OF COMMUNITY

1796-1802
rancisco Jose de Caldas y Tenorio was born1 in 1768 in Popayan,

a provincial capital in the Spanish colony Nuevo Reino de Granada.
The eighteenth century had brought the beginnings of institution-
alized science to this part of America. In the first half of the century
France sent an expedition to the equator to learn the true figure of the
Earth. In the latter half the Spanish crown's interest in the natural re-
sources of its colonies led to the formation of the Botanical Expedition.
The Expedition's director-Jose Celestino Mutis-dedicated his life to
the study of the flora and fauna of the region and in the process built the
foundations of an active scientific community.
However, the health of the scientific enterprise should not be over-
stated. Spain maintained strict control not only over the colonies' access
to books but also other Europeans' access to the colonies. The Church's
influence still affected in an adverse way the assimilation of new ideas,
such as Copernicanism.
Caldas, with a fervent interest in science and lacking the educational
resources and personal contacts available in Europe, developed a sci-
entific program based on what was available to him. He became an avid
observer of the geography of his surroundings while learning to make
astronomical measurements of latitude and longitude, and barometric
measurements of altitude. Caldas kept travel diaries and made maps,
and he began to take an interest in botany, at the same time maintaining
an active correspondence regarding his work with a small number of
friends.
In 1801 Caldas independently discovered the hypsometric principle
and fabricated his own hypsometric thermometer. This illustrated, how-
ever, his lack of contact with organized science, because he had no way
of knowing the originality of his discovery. The arrival of the Prussian
naturalist, Alexander von Humboldt, brought to a head Caldas's discon-
tent with his own isolation from the European community. Although
events did not converge as Caldas had hoped, he enjoyed the most in-
tense period of scientific activity in his life.
1 Caldas's
baptismal certificate has been published in the periodical Revista Popayan,
No. 261, Ano XXV,24 March 1957, p. 41; and reprinted in the newspaper El Liberal,Popayan,
18 November 1986, p. 6.
1
CARRIBEAN
SEA f
CARTAGENA CAPTAINCY- GENERAL

) OF VENEZUELA
I
Isthmusof Panama1
VICEROYALTY \
PACIFIC OCEAN
OF
O SANTA FE DE BOG OTA
I
(
- Trip to Santa Fe - 1795
/
POPAYAN
NUEVA GRANA.DA \
Timana --\\
(_
f\
/
Qu-t
To Quito N
)- Outline of ModernColombia
1-- I
PRESIDENCY OF QUITO -'
/) I
/ /
\J
MAP 1.
A Scientist in Search of Community, 1796-1802.
I. CHOOSING THE SCIENTIST'S PATH
CALDAS IN BRIEF
Caldas was the fifth of fifteen children born to Jose de Caldas, a

Spaniard by birth, and Vicenta Tenorio, who belonged to a well
established Creole family. The family was of modest circumstances, land-
owners, but by no means wealthy.
The details of Caldas's early years are sketchy. We know, however, that
he attended the Seminario Mayor de Popayan for his secondary school
education. At the time this was one of three schools in the viceroyalty
of Nueva Granada that offered instruction in mathematics and the sci-
ences. The others were located in the capital of the viceroyalty, Santa Fe
de Bogota. In the capital Jose Celestino Mutis, director of the Botanical
Expedition, had initiated the first professorship of mathematics in the
colony in the Colegio Mayor de Nuestra Senora del Rosario. Later on,
a similar professorship was established in the Colegio de San Bartolome.
Caldas's professor at the Seminario Mayor was Felix Restrepo, a native
of the province of Antioquia, who had taken private lessons from Mutis
in Bogota. Caldas praised Restrepo as:
... an enlightened teacher,who detested that scholasticjargon .... Under his
guidance I applied myself to the study of arithmetic,geometry, trigonometry,
algebraand experimentalphysics, because our philosophy course was really a
course of physics and mathematics.1
That Caldas had the opportunity to study mathematics at all was a
departure from the past. Yet though he was captivated by the sciences
his father insisted that he study law after he finished his course work at
the Seminario. Caldas accepted with resignation. In 1783 he began his
studies at the Colegio Mayor del Rosario in Bogota. He earned his degree
in 1793 and returned immediately to Popayan.
Caldas's letters show him to have had a mercurial temperament. There
are examples of innocence and worldliness, piety and cynicism, gener-
osity and selfishness, love and hate. He was, however, constant in his
interest in furthering the cause of science and in improving the situation
of his native land. As for his physical appearance, the following descrip-
tion is given by his first biographer, Lino de Pombo:
Caldas was of normal stature and robust complexion; tan, rounded face, wide
forehead, the dark eyes somewhat melancholic, hair black and straight, short
1 Jorge Arias de Greiff, et al., ed. Cartas de Caldas. Academia Colombiana de Ciencias
Exactas, Fisicas y Naturales. Bogota. 1978, p. 99.
3
4 FRANCISCO JOSE DE CALDAS
FIGURE 1. Portrait of Caldas. From Obras Completas de Francisco Jose de Caldas. Uni-
versidad Nacional de Colombia. Imprenta Nacional. Bogota. 1966.
CHOOSING THE SCIENTIST'S PATH 5
neck, his stride easy but slow and contemplative.He ordinarilywore a frockcoat
of darkcloth which he buttoned and unbuttoned continually,changing the lapel
with the resultthat the buttons did not last long; and he was neverfound without
a small flexiblecane in the hand nor a piece of fine twisted tobaccoin his mouth.
He was clean but not tidy in his dress, with soft manners, a friendly disposition
and agreeableconversation.2
Before entering into a discussion of Caldas's development as a scientist
in the period 1796-1802, two factors that were of fundamental impor-
tance to him should be introduced-the French expedition to measure
the shape of the earth and the Botanical Expedition of Nueva Granada.
THE SHAPE OF THE EARTH
In 1735 the Paris Academy of Sciences took upon itself the task of deter-
mining the shape of the earth. According to Newton the earth varied
from a perfect sphere by a thickening or oblateness at the equator. The
astronomer Cassini held the opposite view-that the earth was prolate
or fatter near the poles. The response of the Academy to this controversy
was the formation of two expeditions to measure directly the length of
one degree of longitudinal arc, near the north pole and near the equator.
The polar expedition, led by Maupertius, was sent to Lapland. The equa-
torial expedition was directed to the presidency of Quito in Spanish
America.
The members of the equatorial expedition were Louis Godin, Charles
Marie de la Condamine and Pierre Bouger. They were joined by the nat-
uralist Joseph de Jussieu and two Spanish naval officers, Antonio de
Ulloa and Jorge Juan y Santacilla, who had been sent by the Spanish gov-
ernment to oversee the operations of the expedition. They landed in the
port city of Monta on 10 March 1736 and arrived at Quito in June. The
measurements of the longitudinal arc were made on the Yaruqui plain.
These consisted of both topographic measurements of length and astro-
nomical determination of the latitude of the endpoints of the arc. (The
work of the expedition was marked by internal discord resulting in sep-
arate observations being made by Godin, Bouger and La Condamine,
and by Juan and Ulloa.) When their work was done the "academiciens"
left pyramids at the endpoints and a marble plaque inscribed with their
results at a Jesuit church in Quito.
The coming of the French expedition to Quito was a cultural as well
as a scientific event. It had the effect of pointing out the geographic pecu-
liarity of the region -in this case the position of the earth's equator. Simi-
larly, earlier observations of the tropical flora and later interest in the
great volcanos of the region were convincing evidence for the inhabitants
of the Spanish colonies that there was something special about the nat-
2 Lino de Pombo. "Francisco

Jose de Caldas, Biografia del Sabio." Suplemento de la
Revista de la Academia Colombianade Ciencias Exactas, Fisicas y Naturales. Libreria Voluntad.
Bogota. 1958, p. 47.
ural world which surrounded them-special enough to invite the atten-

tion of European scientists.
Caldas was an avid student of the work of the expedition which he
referred to as "la expedici6n de La Condamine." He profited from the
multiplicity of written works produced by the various members. He had
read Bouger's La Figurede la Terreand La Condamine's Mens des trois degres
and IntroduccionHistorique. From Bouger's La Figure de la TerreCaldas
learned how to calculate altitudes from barometer readings. From the
ObservacionesAstron6micas of Jorge Juan he learned to determine posi-
tions by astronomical measurements. It also served as a guide to Caldas's
construction of his own instruments. There are also references in
Caldas's letters to the works of La Condamine.
Of further importance to Caldas's scientific work is the visit made by
La Condamine in February 1737 to the province of Loja, south of Quito,
on his way to Lima to solve the financial difficulties of the expedition.
Loja was well-known for the production of cinchona bark (see Chapter
VI), used for making the anti-malarial drug, quinine. However, there had
been no careful observation of the cinchona tree by European naturalists.
La Condamine made careful drawings of the plant and later sent them
to the Swedish botanist Linnaeus. The drawings were the basis of
Linnaeus's classification of the tree as "cinchona officinalis" (now called
"cinchona lancifolia").
The work of the "academiciens" was a fundamental reference point for
Caldas. During his stay in Quito between 1802 and 1805 he made every
effort to retrace their paths (see Chapter V). In addition, Mutis's interest
in the cinchona tree led him to support Caldas's trip to Loja in 1804.
THE BOTANICALEXPEDITION
We must, at this point, introduce a second institution that was fun-

damental to Caldas's career.
The Spanish "conquistadores" came to America hoping to return to
the Iberian peninsula laden with the fabled treasures of the great Indian
civilizations. Yet, although they sought the gold of "El Dorado," their
most important discoveries were the new and useful plant specimens
they found. Among the most important of these were maize, potatoes,
tobacco, cacao and cinchona bark. Early travelers, especially the Jesuit
priests, brought home travel diaries describing the rich and varied flora
of the New World. They described the uses of different crops, herbal med-
icines and dyes.
In the latter half of the eighteenth century the Spanish crown became
seriously interested in the study of the natural resources of its colonies.
Expeditions were established in the Philippines, the Viceroyalty of Peru,
Nueva Espafia (Mexico) and the Viceroyalty of Nueva Granada. The
Botanical Expedition in Nueva Granada was the result of the initiative
of Jose Celestino Mutis who, though a physician by training, had since
his arrival in 1760 become a dedicated observer of the natural world in
the Andes. Mutis found an enthusiastic patron in the viceroy (and arch-
bishop) Caballero y Gongora. The viceroy suggested to the king of Spain
the formation of the expedition in 1782, and the official decree was signed
on 1 November 1783. (It is significant to note that the other expeditions
were established by royal initiative, whereas Mutis petitioned the crown
for the expedition to Nueva Granada, from the outset a highly personal
effort.)
The expedition was to be created '.. upon the example of the Botan-
ical Expedition . . . undertaken in equatorial America"3-that is, the
expedition to the Viceroyalty of Peru. According to the decree the scope
of activities was:
? ..the methodical examinationof the natural products of my dominions in
America,not only to promoteprogressin the physicalsciences but also to banish
the doubts and quarrelsthat are found in medicine, dyes and other important
arts, and to augment commerce, and that there be formed herbariaand collec-
tions of naturalproducts, describingand delineating the plants found in those
fertile provinces of mine to enrich my collection of naturalhistory and botanical
garden of the court, and sending to Spain seed and live roots of the most useful
plants and trees, signaling those that are used, or should be used as medicine
and for navalconstruction,so that they be acclimatedin the appropriateclimates
of this peninsula, without omitting the astronomicaland geographicalobserva-
tions that can be made along with the advances in these sciences. . ..4
In establishing the first scientific institution in Nueva Granada, King
Carlos III named Mutis "my first botanist and astronomer" and provided
him with an annual salary of $2,000 pesos, in addition to a special grant
of $2,000 pesos so that Mutis could complete work he had undertaken
prior to the formation of the expedition. Furthermore, the expedition
was to receive an unspecified number of books and instruments from
Spain. It is worth noting here that although Spain was criticized (and
especially so by Caldas) for closing off communication between Europe
and the Spanish colonies, thus leaving the region scientifically back-
ward, in the case of the creation of the Botanical Expedition the crown
was generous in its financial and moral support. This can be attributed
in part to the enthusiasm of Mutis, who was born in Spain, and his good
relations with Viceroy Caballero y Gongora.
The expedition, after a sixty-day stay in the region of Mesa de Juan
Diaz, established its first headquarters in the town of Mariquita, located
along the Magdalena River. Joining Mutis was his second-in-command,
Eloy Valenzuela, a priest like Mutis (Mutis had been ordained in 1772)
and Pablo Antonio Garcia, the first of a succession of painters who
worked for the expedition. During the eight years that followed work
was done on a variety of topics. Members of the expedition exposed them-
3 A. Federico Gredilla. Biografiade JoseCelestinoMutis y sus Observacionessobrelas Vigilias

y Suenos de Algunas Plantas. Academia Colombiana de Historia. Plaza and Janes. Bogota.
1982, p. 146.
4 Ibid., 146.
selves to snakebites in order to test venom antidotes made from herbs.

Mutis organized the production and commerce of cinchona bark. The
viceroy sponsored the visit of the Mexican Jose D'Elhuyar to aid Mutis
in the evaluation of mineral deposits.
In 1790 a new viceroy, Jose de Ezpletia, called the expedition back to
Santa Fe de Bogota. Valenzuela had retired and was replaced by Fran-
cisco Antonio Zea, a native of the province of Antioquia. A new director
of painters, Salvador Rizo, was named and a school for painters was
established. The training of competent illustrators was a constant con-
cern for Mutis since drawings of the plants that had been collected were
vital for the documentation of the work of the expedition. Students were
solicited and there was no tuition. Many of the painters who worked for
the expedition came from the presidency of Quito, although both Rizo
and Francisco Javier Matis were Granadian artists.
Soon the Botanical Expedition's importance became more than being
the sole scientific enterprise in viceroyalty. It had become a cultural insti-
tution as well. By 1794 the staff included Mutis, Zea, Rizo, a secretary,
13 painters (on full-time and contractual bases), a custodian of collec-
tions, several correspondents and members ad honorem, including
Mutis's nephews, Jose de Mutis and Sinforoso Mutis.
The presence of the expedition and the spirit of free scientific inquiry
mixed well with the pro-independence sentiments already felt in the colo-
nial capital. Indeed, in 1795 members of the expedition were imprisoned
for the translation of censored materials and the distribution of anti-
royalist literature (see Chapter X).
Although the Botanical Expedition was a creation of Spain, it soon
became part of the fabric of life in Nueva Granada. Mutis was successful
in establishing strong foundations and building upon them. His persis-
tence and enthusiasm (and certainly also his longevity) gave Bogota the
continual presence of a scientific enterprise whose liberating effects sur-
passed the intellectual realm and spread into the political world as well.
A SELF-TAUGHT SCIENTIST
After his graduation from law school in 1793, Caldas returned to

Popayan and settled into the normal rhythm of life in the provincial capi-
tal. His position teaching civil law and perhaps a private practice of the
affairs of his family's landholdings left him little time for other concerns.
The interest he had taken in the sciences as a student at the Seminario
was effectively abandoned. But sometime in 1794 or 1795 he fell ill with
an unspecified disease. Weakened and unable to maintain his concentra-
tion, he was not only forced to give up his teaching position but his
doctors prohibited reading and all other forms of mental exertion as well.
Faced with this obligatory inactivity Caldas took the unlikely decision
of becoming an itinerant merchant. He crossed the central mountain
range ("cordillera central") which lies to the east of Popayan and carried
his wares to the towns and villages (Neiva, Timana, Pital, Gigante) in the
tropical zone at the eastern base of the cordillera. Here Caldas found him-
self free of the demands of his profession and the obligations of society
in Popayan. It was this break with his daily routine that brought Caldas
a fresh interest in the natural world.
Thus in 1796 Caldas decided to dedicate himself to science. He left tem-
porarily his work as a merchant (though his resources were limited he
apparently had other means of supporting himself) to travel to the colo-
nial capital, Santa Fe de Bogota. Caldas, well aware of his lack of training,
went to Bogota to find books and instruments that were not available to
him in Popayan. It was probably this trip to Bogota that brought him into
contact with the works published by the members of the French expe-
dition of 1735. He may also have become acquainted with some of the
works of Buffon and Linnaeus. In his letters Caldas mentions having
read in Bogota a book on astronomy by Lalande and navigational tables
by Besout which he copied. In addition he purchased ". . . a compass,
a marine barometer, two thermometers and a reflecting octant."5
Caldas was anxious to put his instruments to use. In August 1796 he
carried his barometer to measure the height of the Guadalupe peak
which overlooks Bogota. By October, when he began his return trip to
Popayan, Caldas had a program to follow. He kept a travel diary of his
trip. (This diary and many other of Caldas's manuscripts are lost.) Along
the way Caldas measured altitudes with his barometer, air temperature
with his thermometers, latitudes with a gnomon he had made and noted
his observations on those things that interested him, particularly geo-
graphical and meteorological observations.
As he continued on his journey, Caldas passed through the village of
Timana where he was informed of a dispute regarding the municipal
boundaries. It is not clear whether Caldas offered his services or was
sought out by the inhabitants, but in any case he jumped at the oppor-
tunity and took up the problem of making a map of Timana. He worked
from December 1797 to February 1798 making use of a lunar eclipse on
3 December 1797 to establish the longitude of Timana. Astronomical
determinations of longitude were a favorite activity of Caldas. In the
course of his trips in Nueva Granada and in the presidency of Quito he
used lunar eclipses, stellar occultations and occultations of the Galilean
satellites to determine the longitudes of the towns and villages through
which he passed. To his dismay, the inhabitants of Timana later replaced
Caldas's map with another. "I am saddened that the work of three
months, of a terrible number of astronomical, geodesic ... observations
have been left in darkness and without use.. ."6
The limitations of being a scientist without community became clear
to Caldas through his main activity of this period-astronomy. Here,
5 Eduardo Posada, ed. Cartas de Caldas. Biblioteca de Historia Nacional. Volume 15.
Imprenta Nacional. 1917,p. 86. Caldas's most frequent correspondents were his friends San-
tiago Arroyo and Antonio Arboleda, and his mentor Jose Celestino Mutis.
6 Ibid., 34.
Caldas began from scratch. He started by building a gnomon with which

he came to know the movements of the Sun and to measure latitude.
Using Jorge Juan's ObservacionesAstronomicas as a guide, he directed
craftsmen in Popayan in the construction of a quadrant. He took a pen-
dulum from an old clock to make a chronometer and learned to deter-
mine longitudes by the observation of astronomical events and compar-
ison with ephemerides. In the patio of his parent's home he raised a
platform which constituted his observatory.
This solitary enthusiasm is certainly noteworthy since in the late 1700s
Popayan, with a population of perhaps 10,000, offered the nascent astron-
omer no material or spiritual support. Caldas knew that his work was
only a beginning and fretted about the lack of interaction with other
astronomers. He wrote of his problems to his friend, Santiago Arroyo,
"I lose heart when I see so little astronomy in all of Nueva Granada and
there is not one person to be asked to measure a latitude."7
Furthermore, Caldas himself was unaware of some of the bare essen-
tials:
Now you know that astronomerssignal the stars using Greek characters...
I have seen them but I do not know their names to be able to enunciate them. I
hope that you will send me a Greek alphabet, well written, giving each letter
with its name and the correspondingletter in our alphabet.8
He was also unable to obtain them, "How it distresses me to see Jupiter,
surrounded by its moons, sail above my head, prepare all that is neces-
sary and not be able to observe one single eclipse for the lack of astro-
nomical tables!"9
But Caldas persevered. He found an ephemerides from the Spanish
observatory in Cadiz and asked his friend Santiago Arroyo to find astro-
nomical tables and the second volume of Lalande's treatise on astron-
omy. He found, in Popayan, some lenses and built his own refracting tele-
scope which apparently served him well, ". . . I can see perfectly the ring
of Saturn, the satellites of Jupiter and the dark zones of this planet."10
Later, he learned that there was a larger achromatic telescope in Cali
and arranged for its purchase. His pursuit of astronomy brought Caldas
the satisfaction he had sought in the study of nature. He describes his
first session with his home-made refractor, "It was one o'clock in the
morning and I could leave neither the sky nor my telescope. Saturn and
Jupiter came and went in my imagination; the zones, the ring, the satel-
lites, all of this filled my soul with pleasure and contentment."11
Although Caldas had no contact with other scientists during this
period, not even with the members of the Botanical Expedition, he was
fully aware of the need for communication in the scientific enterprise.
7 Ibid., 22.
8 Ibid., 20.
9 Ibid., 24.
10 Ibid., 23.
11 Ibid., 26.
Thus, faced with a lack of community, he made his own. Caldas's enthu-
siasm was persistent and contagious. He pestered his friend Arroyo in
Bogota for books, maps and ephemerides. He convinced Arroyo to
borrow a telescope to function as a co-observer, and when Caldas
announced, "For nearly two years I have kept a diary of all the variations
of our atmosphere; thunder rain and drought. .. . 12 it is part of an
effort to enlist Arroyo as a meteorological observer as well. In Popayan
Caldas organized a small group of friends, including Antonio Arboleda
who was a frequent correspondent, into a scientific circle. They often
went on field trips to the surrounding countryside taking along mules
and Indian servants to carry Caldas's instruments. In addition, Caldas
found in Popayan his first patron, Manuel Maria Arboleda, whom
Caldas called "... my friend and protector... ."13Manuel Arboleda pur-
chased books chosen by Caldas including works of Linnaeus, and it was
Manuel Arboleda who purchased the achromatic telescope found in Cali.
Thus, although Caldas was far from the mainstream of the scientific
world, he knew which direction to take.
Besides communication with colleagues and the search for patronage
another fundamental of the scientific enterprise is the publication of
results. When Caldas read in Correo Curioso, a new periodical inaugu-
rated in Bogota, an incorrect estimate of the height of the Guadalupe and
Monserrate peaks, he decided to act. In May 1801 he put to paper the
barometric measurements he had made of Guadalupe in August 1796
together with his subsequent calculations of altitude.
Caldas's debt to the French "academiciens" became clear as his work
progressed. For the calculation of altitudes from barometric readings
Caldas presented different methods. One was that given by Bouger in
Voyageau Perou. To check the result Caldas used a method given by Jorge
Juan in ObservacionesAstronomicasbased on an arithmetic progression
and using the Caraburu peak near Quito as a baseline.
Caldas published his article in the July and August 1801 issues of
Correo Curioso concluding that Guadalupe lies some 1,682 toises above
sea level.14 With this publication Caldas took his first step toward be-
coming part of the scientific community in Nueva Granada.
12 Ibid., 41.
13 Ibid., 31.: Manuel Maria Arboleda (1767-1818) was a brother of Caldas's friend,
Antonio Arboleda (see Appendix C). He was a priest and professor of law. He purchased
several books on science for Caldas.
14 Caldas used the following units:
toises (toesas): 1 toise = 1.81 meters
inches (pulgadas): Bateman* argues that Caldas used neither the English inch (1 inch
= 25.4 mm) nor the old Spanish inch (1 inch = 23.22 mm); rather, Caldas's own
data correspond to a value of 1 inch = 27.14 mm. The inch was subdivided into
12 lines.
* Alfredo D. Bateman.FranciscoJosede Caldas:El Hombrey El Sabio.Departamentode Caldas.
Colombia.1954,p. 139.
II. CALDAS DISCOVERS THE
HYPSOME'I'IC PRINCIPLE
he year 1801 brought together a number of key elements in Caldas's

scientific career. In May he sent in his note regarding the height of
the Guadalupe peak to CorreoCurioso, and although it was an ostensibly
anonymous note, his friends in Bogota seized the opportunity to make
Caldas's name known to Jose Celestino Mutis and bring him into direct
contact with the Botanical Expedition. In August, Caldas began a per-
sonal correspondence with Mutis that would lead, a year later, to his
incorporation as a member of the expedition. And on the last day of the
year Caldas met the Prussian naturalist Baron Alexander von Humboldt.
This began the only period in which he was to enjoy direct contact with
European science.
That same year (1801) Caldas discovered for himself that the boiling
point of water varies with atmospheric pressure and used that fact to con-
struct his own scale to make a hypsometric (hypsos: height; metron: mea-
sure) thermometer (Fig. 2). This "discovery" is important not only
because Caldas's achievement was completely independent, for there
was no one in Nueva Granada-not even Mutis-familiar with the prin-
ciple, but also because the circumstances of Caldas's work and his later
discussions with Humboldt illustrate the difficulty of being a scientist
without community.
MEASURINGMOUNTAINS
In May 1801 Caldas abruptly put aside his astronomical and baro-
metric observations and botanical field trips to concentrate on something
new and unsuspected. He announced the matter in an appropriately dra-
matic way to his friend Arroyo in a letter dated 20 May 1801:
Weare on the eve of a discoverythat will honor my country.This chapterrequires
extremereserve especially as Humboldt and Bonpland approach,since they are
capable of penetratingmy ideas if we are not careful. ... I have found, dear
friend, the means of finding the altitudeof all places using only the thermometer,
and with such a degree of precisionthat it does not differeven by half a line from
barometricindications, a precision I would not have expected if experiencehad
not confirmed my ideas.1
The road to discovery began by chance for Caldas. He had organized
in Popayan a number of field trips with the friends he had interested in
Imprenta Nacional. Bogota. 1917, p. 51.
12
THE HYPSOMETRIC PRINCIPLE 13
scientific activities. They would load horses,

mules and Indian guides with provisions and 8
Caldas's assorted scientific instruments. t
During a particular eight-day foray to the 23 -i -
Purace volcano "some five leagues to the east '
,
of Popayan," in the company of his friend 18 -:- ~i 70
Antonio Arboleda, Caldas went about one of I,-
his common observations. Though interested 12------- 65
in knowing if the temperature of snow, found
near the mouth of the volcano, varied with lati-- - 60
tude, he made no measurement because his'
thermometer (the last one he had) broke when .
he forced it into the snow.
When Caldas returned to Popayan he o
decided to repair it. He had no other choice.
Just as he had built his own quadrant, pre-I .. _- II
pared barometer tubes and taken a lens here

and there to put together a telescope, he needed o
to repair this particular thermometer if he was
to continue his observations. Once the tube - 3J I
was sealed he began to calibrate the instru-
ment. This was something he clearly had notI _0o
done before because he simply assumed fixed
endpoints. (Caldas worked with the Reamur- 26
scale of 0? for the freezing point of water and

80? for the boiling point of water.) When the z 20
air temperature of Popayan appeared higher ----

than its common value, and his degree divi-_: 1:
sions seemed smaller than before, he correctly
turned to the boiling point as the source of i_
the problem.
Caldas felt that he was on to something.
His own detailed account of how he worked /, _
out the solution is given in his "Draft of a New -
Method .. which is presented in translation
in Appendix A. I will emphasize here a few
selected points.-
Caldas had in his possession a text identi-i_
fied as FisicaExperimentalby Sigaud de la Fond.
There he found a reference to the phenome-
non which pointed him in the right direction
but did not solve the problem. Acccording to
FIGURE 2. Caldas's Hypsometric Thermometer. Reprinted

from Eduardo Posada, ed. Obras de Caldas. Biblio-
teca de Historia Nacional. Volume 9. Imprenta Nacional.
Bogota. 1912.
Caldas the text read, "This physicist (a doctor Martine) has discovered
that the rise or descent of mercury being of one inch in the barometer,
the temperature of boiling water varies something less than two degrees
in the Fahrenheit scale."2
The only authority available to him, then, clearly identified the boiling
point of water as a variable point dependent on the atmospheric pres-
sure. It did not, however, state explicitly any numerical value for the pro-
portion between pressure and temperature, nor did it indicate that this
phenomenon could be used to measure altitude. Caldas had, since 1796,
made a habit of carrying barometer tubes and thermometers with him
wherever he traveled. The implications of his "discovery" were transpar-
ently clear and exciting. He immediately understood that altitudes could
be measured using a new, hypsometric (a word he never used) thermom-
eter. What remained to be done was to determine the proportionality con-
stant. This he did through a series of observations made at his family's
hacienda near Paispamba, south of Popayan and at a somewhat higher
altitude. He terminated his work by drawing a scale for his thermometer
that gave the atmospheric pressure corresponding to temperatures at the
upper end of the scale as shown in Figure 2.
Yet, despite the exhilaration Caldas felt at having come across this new
principle and having worked out the means by which it could be applied
to measurement, there remained unresolved for him the question of
whether or not his discovery was original. Certainly he had indepen-
dently elaborated his hypsometric scale-he had neither references nor
communications with others which dealt with the matter. But was it orig-
inal? The problem was a nagging one. Caldas expressed the frustration
with the hypsometric problem in particular and his situation in general
in the following passage from his "Draft of a New Method . . .": "What
doubts! How sad is the fate of an American! After much work, if he
happens to find something new, the most he can say is-it is not in
my books."3
HYPSOMETRIC THERMOMETERS BEFORE CALDAS4
What Caldas suspected was correct-the variability of the boiling point

simply was not in the books he had. At least he had no access to a quan-
titative discussion of the phenomenon. Had he been less isolated from
concurrent European science he would have known that there was much
discussion about hypsometric thermometers in the eighteenth century.
The first hypsometric thermometer was constructed by none less than
Fahrenheit in 1734 (see Figure 3). Indeed, Fahrenheit's knowledge of the
2 Obras
Completas de Francisco Jose de Caldas. Universidad Nacional de Colombia.
3 Ibid., 158.
4 This section follows the discussions found in W. E. Knowles Middleton. A
History of
the Thermometerand Its Uses In Meteorology.The Johns Hopkins Press. Baltimore. 1966.
-D
43;5t wnlt&J/
FIGURE 3. Fahrenheit's Hypsometric Ther-

mometer. Reprinted from W. E. Knowles
Middleton. A History of the Thermometer
and Its Uses in Meteorology. The Johns Hop- A
kins Press. Baltimore. 1966.
variability of the boiling point with atmospheric pressure led him to use
as an upper fixed point for his thermometers not the boiling point of
water, but rather the temperature "of a living man in good health."5 As
shown in the figure Fahrenheit adapted a scale of atmospheric pressure
(here in English inches) just as Caldas did nearly seventy years later. The
originator of the centigrade scale, Anders Celsius, discussed the boiling
point problem in 1742. He preceded Caldas on two counts. Regarding a
technical point Celsius noted that the temperature of boiling varies
according to the activity or violence of the boiling. Second, he conceived
the utility of using this principle to replace the barometer with a ther-
mometer for altitude measurements, thus lightening the load for many
an observant traveler.
By the latter part of the eighteenth century the phenomenon was well
known enough to be discussed by an ad-hoc committee of the British
Royal Society. In 1777 the committee-including Henry Cavendish, Wil-
5 Ibid., 75.
liam Heberden and J. A. DeLuc- considered in detail methods of "adjust-

ing the fixed points of thermometers."6 With regard to the boiling point
they designed an apparatus for its calibration specifying the value of 29.8
(English) inches of mercury as the standard barometric pressure. In this
case the thermometer was not immersed in the boiling water but rather
held above it, in the steam.
Middleton reports that hypsometers were made and described by
numerous scientists in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth cen-
turies. Adding Caldas's name to the following table gives a perspective
to the matter of which Caldas himself was unaware.
Hypsometer Year
Fahrenheit 1724
DeLuc 1772
Caldas 1801
Belloni 1805
Wollaston 1817
Regnault 1845
HUMBOLDT'S VERDICT
Caldas was desperately anxious to confirm the originality of his work.

And fortuitously, if not miraculously, the year 1801 gave him a first-rate
opportunity. Baron Alexander von Humboldt, Caldas's contemporary at
32 years of age arrived in the Viceroyalty of Nueva Granada as part of
his round-the-world voyage to the colonies of the Spanish empire.
Humboldt's trip through Nueva Granada and his influence on Caldas in
other matters will be dealt with in the following chapter. But, to complete
the discussion of Caldas's hypsometric thermometer, we must at this
point jump ahead to take note of what the Prussian was able to tell the
Granadian. In Caldas's correspondence for the latter half of 1801, the
matter of the boiling point casts a constant shadow. It was not always in
the forefront-Caldas began his correspondence with Mutis that year
without mention of it-and in August was obliged to travel from Popayan
to Quito to represent his family's claim for an inheritance. But through-
out this period he protected and sheltered his invention, for it was an
accomplishment he felt was truly his own.
When Caldas first announced his discovery to his friend Arroyo, in
May 1801, he already knew of the arrival of Humboldt and was con-
cerned with protecting his priority on the subject lest Humboldt be
"capable of penetrating my ideas." It seems clear that initially Caldas
thought it was possible that only the fact of boiling point variability be
known. That is, he had no indication that his observations had been
anticipated on the following points: a) that there exists an exact relation
between atmospheric pressure and the boiling point of water; b) that the
6 Ibid., 127.
boiling point can be used to measure altitudes; and c) that a thermometer

equipped with an appropriate scale can completely replace the barom-
eter for the determination of pressure and, hence, altitude.
So it was with great consternation that Caldas received Arroyo's note
that Humboldt had measured in Bogota the boiling point of water:
The news you have sent me that Baronvon Humboldt plunges the thermometer
in boiling water and rectifiesthe barometricheight makes me think with cause
that the law of the elevation of the liquor of the thermometerin water is known
to him and that he knows how to apply that to the calculationof altitudes. How
certain it is that we are two centuries behind Europe!7
It was clear then that point a) above had slipped from Caldas's grasp
and, perhaps, b) and c) as well. Yet Caldas maintained control and
decided to wait for a closer look:
However I do not yet consider my thoughts to be null. Let us wait for this wise
Baron,let us probe the principlesand finalitieswith which he observes the heat
of water and then I will tell you if there is something new to my observations
and our theory, or if I have only come upon that which was known in Europe
many years ago.8
Caldas had taken up residence in Quito in connection with his
family's legal affairs. He decided to cease all work on the boiling point
problem until he could speak with Humboldt. The baron's trip would
lead to Popayan, Caldas's hometown, in November. Caldas wrote to his
friend Arboleda, who was in Popayan, cautioning him not to reveal any
of Caldas's work to Humboldt. Instead, Caldas instructed Arboleda to
listen to Humboldt and take "all of the possible advantages from this occa-
sion, perhaps the only of its kind in our lifetime."
Although the two naturalists met on New Year's Eve 1801, Caldas did
not enter into discussion of the matter until March 1802. Undoubtedly
he wanted to gain the baron's confidence, to take his measure before
presenting his discovery. Furthermore, Caldas was very timid on first
approach and the importance he assigned to the problem must have
increased his wariness.
Humboldt did not, however, completely solve the problem.9 The
baron referred Caldas to the work of Saussure10 stating that Saussure
did indeed measure altitudes using boiling water but that he used a
linear relation between temperature and altitude. This was in error since
pressure varies exponentially with height. Humboldt was critical of
Saussure's method and told Caldas that "the method of this physicist has
been abandoned because of its inexactness."11
8
Ibid., 95.
9 This part of the discussion is based wholly on Caldas's version of events.
10 Horace Benedict de Saussure (b. 1740, d. 1799). Swiss naturalist.
The exact exchange of ideas on the hypsometric principle between

Caldas and Humboldt is even less certain because in a short memoir that
Caldas wrote to Mutis he insists that Humboldt later retracted his initial
comments. According to Caldas the baron reviewed his notes and found
that the work of Saussure refers to air temperature and not the temper-
ature of boiling water. This change of events gave Caldas a renewed claim
to priority.
Caldas wrote two memoirs on the subject and commented on it fre-
quently throughout 1801 and 1802 in letters to Arroyo and Arboleda. Yet
he cites Humboldt only on the method of Saussure. It would seem that
the baron was unaware in 1802 of the development of hypsometric ther-
mometers discussed in the previous section. Humboldt used the method
sparingly, sticking mainly to barometric measurements of pressure.
Indeed, the principle of boiling point variability seems to have been, in
Humboldt's mind, an experimental fact in need of further investigation.
Humboldt did issue a later comment, a rather noncommittal one, on
the matter of boiling water and Caldas wrote in his Physical Sketchof the
EquatorialAndes:
In the course of my travelsI have performedmany experimentson the boiling
point of water in the Andean peaks. I hope to publish these along with others
executedby Mr.Caldas,nativeof Popayan,a distinguishedphysicistwho has con-
secratedhis effortswith an unequaled passion to astronomyand many branches
of naturalhistory.12
Humboldt was not, then, the complete authority on European science
that Caldas had imagined. Why was the baron unaware of the develop-
ment of hypsometric thermometers? Perhaps he simply had not taken
time, or did not have the interest, to investigate the matter prior to his
journey to the New World. Had he not come across the scientists familiar
with the subject? He seems to have been more familiar with French
science than with the work of the English. The answers to these ques-
tions lie beyond the scope of the present study, but it is important to note
that what Humboldt told Caldas was all that the latter was to know of
the state of the matter in Europe.
Based on his discussions with Humboldt, Caldas concluded that he
in fact had worked out the application of the boiling point principle to
altitude in an original way. As he wrote to Arroyo in March 1802:
Saussure has preceded me in the theory, but the formulais mine as is the glory
of having resolved this physicalproblemin an elegant manner;and furthermore,
that my method, absolutely differentfrom that of Saussure is so exact that the
largest differencesin the results are no more than 11/2lines, an exactnesswhich
has not been achieved by Mr. Saussure nor any other European .... Now you
can congratulateme. I know what is known in Europeon the matterand if I was
12 Alexander von Humboldt. Ideas Para Una

GeografiaDe Las Plantas Mas Un CuadroDe
La NaturalezaDe Los Paises Tropicales.Jardin Botanico 'Jose Celestino Mutis.' Bogota. 1985,
p. 98.
able to arriveat the fundamental theory by way of my miserablebooks, I have

elaborated the calculation via a different route and have given the method a
degree of perfection not to be found in Europe.13
Caldas continued his work on the hypsometric principle, but, it grad-
ually gave way in importance to the problems of plant geography, the cin-
chona tree and other facets of botany and geography. His work with the
Botanical Expedition expanded his interests, so the solution of the boil-
ing point problem was an accomplishment whose chapter soon came to
an end.

III. HUMBOLDT IN TRANSIT
he end of the eighteenth century found new ideas filtering through

to the populace of Nueva Granada. No longer did the Inquisition con-
trol the intellectual climate. That Mutis had won the case for teaching
Copernicanism was evidence of the popularity of the "new philosophy."
The Spanish crown could not control the flow of political news-there
was great interest in the American and French revolutions-and in fact
it had begun to support the investigation and dissemination of scientific
ideas. People were curious, impatient for news and anxious for greater
contact with the personalities and ideas to be found outside of the
Spanish Empire.
So it was that the passage of the naturalist Baron Alexander von Hum-
boldt, accompanied by the French botanist Aime Bonpland, through
Nueva Granada in 1801 and 1802 took on a significance beyond that
which might have been expected a generation earlier. News of the
traveler's arrival moved quickly from Cartagena to Bogota to Popayan to
Quito and back. The entire viceroyalty seemed to be in constant com-
munication about the Europeans.
Rumors spread. Humboldt traveled with a priest-not so, it was Bon-
pland with short-cropped hair and black attire. Humboldt maintained a
mistress-not so, the woman was mistress to Louis de Rieux, commis-
sioner for quinine production who accompanied Humboldt and Bon-
pland up the Magdalena River. Humboldt spoke no Spanish-not so, he
had become a fluent speaker in the first part of his trip, through Vene-
zuela, a year earlier.
This was Europe come to America, and the occasion was momentous.
This was a cultural event-a chance to compare, to inquire, to criticize.
Humboldt had planned, though, a primarily scientific expedition.
And in this context the moment was even more opportune. At thirty
years of age and already a well-known figure in Europe, he had
embarked on an ambitious journey which has been called "the scientific
discovery of America." Jose Celestino Mutis was nearly seventy years
old. He knew that his life's work-the Flora of Bogota-would not be com-
pleted before his death. Mutis was anxious to leave his reputation and his
work established with the scientific community of Europe. And Caldas,
the scientist in search of community was, in 1801, a young and talented
man. Yet he knew that he was at a crossroad and that his future as a sci-
entist depended on choosing the right path. The trajectories of these
stellar figures for science in Nueva Granada were to be brought together
in 1801 and 1802 in brilliant conjunction.
20
HUMBOLDT IN TRANSIT 21
FIGURE4. Portrait of Mutis. Reprinted from Alfredo D. Bateman. El Observatorio

Astronomico de Bogota. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Bogota. 1953.
FROM BERLINTO BOGOTA
When Friedrich Wilhelm Heinrich Alexander von Humboldt arrived

in Spain near the end of 1798 to obtain permission for a planned trip to
the Spanish colonies, he had already established a reputation for himself
in European scientific circles. Humboldt, who was born in Berlin in 1769,
had a wide and varied background. Among his fields of interest were
mining, geography, astronomy, geomagnetism, vulcanism, galvanism
and botany. He had also traveled extensively throughout Europe. It was,

however, the inheritance that he received upon his mother's death that
gave him the opportunity to organize a trip to America.
Humboldt was joined in Paris by the botanist Aime Bonpland, four
years younger than the baron. Bonpland's expenses were covered by
Humboldt. The two voyagers set sail from Spain on 5 June 1799 and
arrived in what is now Venezuela on 16 July. They spent a year and a half
traveling in Venezuelan territory, measuring latitudes, longitudes and
altitudes, observing flora and fauna, and investigating Indian cultures.
They followed the Orinoco River deep into the tropical rain forest
returning in December 1800 to the coast where they left for Cuba.
Humboldt had planned a trip around the world stopping first in
Spain's American colonies and later the Philippines. He hoped to reach
the Pacific coast at Guayaquil (Ecuador) and continue on to Mexico and
Asia. The travelers did not choose, though, to cross the Isthmus of
Panama. They headed instead for the route through Nueva Granada
while sending the heavier part of their cargo across Panama to Guaya-
quil. The reason for their detour was straightforward. Humboldt wanted
to meet with Mutis in Bogota.
The Europeans first stop in Nueva Granada was the port city of Car-
tagena. Here they were received by Jose Ignacio de Pombo, a native of
Popayan, who was a businessman and a member of the Consulado de
Cartagena, an organization charged with the promotion of commerce
and development in the viceroyalty. Pombo took his guests to his country
house in Turbo, which he had purchased from Mutis's patron, Arch-
bishop Caballero y Gongora. Pombo maintained an active correspon-
dence with Mutis and was well-informed on events both inside and out-
side the viceroyalty.
While in Cartagena Humboldt established contact with the Fidalgo
expedition which had been commissioned to map the Caribbean coast.
They exchanged information on geographical positions and measure-
ments, Humboldt being especially interested in the calibration of his chro-
nometer before heading inland.
Humboldt and Bonpland left Cartagena via the Magdalena River in
company of the aforementioned Rieux. The trip to Bogota carried them
first up the river to the town of Honda. This part of the journey took forty
days. The tropical climate took its toll on Bonpland who contracted
malaria. Humboldt curiously enough seems to have thrived in the
tropics. Throughout their passage through Nueva Granada, Bonpland's
health was delicate; Humboldt's superb. From Honda the trip to Bogota
was made by mule, passing through rugged terrain and extreme changes
in altitude.
In Bogota the citizenry awaited anxiously. Humboldt was pleased and
surprised with the reception. He wrote to his brother, "Our arrival in
Santa Fe [Bogota] was like a triumphal march. The archbishop had sent
us his coach which had arrived with the notables of the city. We were
CARRIBEAN
)
SEA
/
CARTAGENA C
CAPTAINCY- GENERAL
OF VENEZUEL
30 March 1801,
Isthmiu of Panam i. ' \
VICEROYALTY
? N
: OF
F --
PACIFICOCEAN
P I E '' "' SANTAFE DE BOGOTA
\5 July - September 1801
PAiAN
POPAYAN
?'November1801
o NUEVA GRANADA
r
[barra
31 December1801
~~~~: \N
Quito
6 January - 8 June 1802 Outline of Modern Colombia
PRESIDENCYOF QUrrO )
/ I
MAP 2. Humboldt's Route through Nueva Granada.
served lunch some two miles from there and we entered in the company
of more than sixty persons on horseback."'
The travelers arrived on 15 July 1801 and although they hoped to con-
tinue quickly to the Pacific coast, it was necessary to delay time enough
for Bonpland to convalesce from his illness.
They spoke at length with Mutis who had prepared a house for them
to stay in. He gave them complete access to the works of the Botanical
Expedition and to his personal library as well. Humboldt later declared
the library to be second only to the personal library of Joseph Banks in
London. Mutis was interested in giving a clear and positive impression
of the Botanical Expedition and the Flora of Bogota for the travelers to
take with them on their return. In this Mutis succeeded judging from
Humboldt's comment to Antonio Cavanilles in a letter dated April 1803,
"He [Mutis] is now in his old age but his finished works and those that
he is preparing for posterity are stunning. It is admirable that a single
man has been capable of conceiving and executing such a vast plan."2
1 Hermann A. Schumacher. Mutis, un Forjadorde la Cultura. Traducci6n de Ernesto

Guhl. Empresa Colombiana de Petroleos, ECOPETROL. Bogota. 1984, p. 239.
2
Enrique Perez Arbelaez, ed. AlejandroHumboldten Colombia.Instituto Colombiano de
Cultura. Bogota. 1982, p. 256.
In addition, Mutis gave to Humboldt a collection of 100 drawings of

plants to be included in his proposed Flora. For his part, Humboldt gave
Mutis a map of the Magdalena River drawn from the astronomical mea-
surements made during the trip from Cartagena.
Humboldt, who impressed all he met as being energetic, made good
use of his extended stay in Bogota. While Bonpland recovered, the baron
visited, measured and described the nearby Tequendama Falls; ac-
quainted himself with local Indian lore and language; studied the mining
of salt at Zipaquira and wrote a report on this for the viceroy3 at once
fulfilling his obligation to provide technical advice to the Spanish crown
in exchange for his travel permit and demonstrating his expertise on
mining; gave a second copy of his map of the Magdalena River to the
viceroy; studied the reports of earlier viceroys to learn of the economic
and social history of the colony; and continued his geographic observa-
tions, determining the position of Bogota, the heights of the Monserrate
and Guadalupe peaks and, as noted, the effect of altitude on the boiling
point of water. When Bonpland improved, the travelers pressed on
toward the Pacific. They left Bogota at the beginning of September. Hum-
boldt described the occasion, "The following day we left with eleven
pack animals. The farewell in Mutis' house was emotional. The old man
treated us with generosity and kindness. He provided us with provisions
that three strong mules were scarcely capable of carrying."4
For the next two months the Europeans suffered again the rigors of
travel across the high Andean peaks to Quindio and later through the
Cauca Valley until their arrival on 4 November 1801 to Caldas's home
town of Popayan. Humboldt wrote:
The situationof Popayanis delicious. A pleasantlandscape,beautifulvegetation,
even climate, the most majesticthunder one has ever heard, the productionsof
the tropics in front of the snow-capped Andean peaks; the mixtureof the grand
and the beautiful, these varied contrasts, which the knowing hand of the
Almighty has placed in perfectharmony,fill the soul with the greatestand most
interestingimages.5
But Caldas was not in Popayan. He had been pressed into active duty
as a lawyer once again. Although the information given by Caldas is
sketchy, it is clear that he became involved in litigation regarding an inher-
itance that was to be received by his parents but was disputed by the
family of his first cousin, Camilo Torres. When Caldas won the first round
in Popayan his relatives lodged an appeal in Quito. So despite his interest
in meeting with the European, Caldas had left Popayan in August.
Furthermore, Caldas's friend, relative, correspondent and confidant,
Antonio Arboleda was not in the city. Arboleda was attending matters
3 Caldas obtained a copy of this report via his friend Arroyo.

4 Hermann A. Schumacher. Mutis, un Forjadorde la Cultura. Traducci6n de Ernesto
Guhl. Empresa Colombiana de Petroleos, ECOPETROL. Bogota. 1984, p. 178.
5 Ibid., 241.
at his family's hacienda. No one was available to give Humboldt an

account of Caldas's work. (Except for the discovery of the boiling point
phenomenon which was to be kept secret in any case. Caldas was
extremely careful in instructing his friends to not allow the travelers infor-
mation which might jeopardize his possible priority.)
Yet the baron was clearly well-informed about Caldas. So when he met
with Caldas's father, Humboldt read with interest Caldas's notebook of
observations. Especially noteworthy for the Prussian was Caldas's obser-
vation of an occultation of one of the Galilean satellites and subsequent
calculation of longitude. It agreed exactly with his own.
Humboldt was more than curious about this unknown Granadian. He
had seen Caldas's note in Correo Curioso, had been acquainted with
Caldas's circle of friends in Bogota, and had seen the notebooks and cal-
culations of a man who must properly be described as a working sci-
entist. Furthermore, Caldas's work using astronomical observations for
geographical measurements was in tone with Humboldt's program of
observations throughout his journey. Accordingly, Humboldt wrote in
his diary, without having met Caldas, the following:
This Caldas is a prodigy at astronomy.Born in the darkness of Popayanhe has
been able to teach himself, fashion barometers,sectors, quartercircles,measure
latitudes with gnomons of fifteen to twenty feet. I have seen the corresponding
latitudes measured with these instruments which only differ from four to five
lines. What would such a spirit have done in a cultured nation and what could
not be expected of him if he did not have to do everything for himself.6
This judgment more than anything else was to secure for Caldas
esteem among his contemporaries and his place in Colombian history.
The Europeans spent the month of November in Popayan. They
made various excursions to study the flora of the region. Humboldt
wrote a description of the Vinagre River which they observed on a trip
to the same Purace Volcano which started Caldas on his work on the
boiling point of water. But once again they felt the need to press on, this
time to Quito.
Caldas had grown impatient. He decided to leave Quito and meet the
travelers in the town of Ibarra. Caldas wrote to a friend on 21 December
1801:
Baronvon Humboldt is very close to us. He left Popayanon November27th and
I find myself hurried with the trip to Ibarra.I want to meet, alone and free of
the mass of adulators,this great man. I hope to show him my observationson
all subjectsand receive sage commentaryabout them. Whatwell-founded expec-
tations have I to become an astronomer!7
The next day Caldas left Quito. Humboldt and Bonpland spent
Christmas 1801in the city of Pasto. And on 31 December 1801, at 11:00 a.m.,
in Ibarra Caldas and Humboldt shook hands.
7 Ibid., 113.
SCIENTISTS AT WORK
That same day the discussion turned to Caldas's work. In his letters
he cites these comments by Humboldt: "I have seen the precious works
of yours in astronomy and geography. They were shown to me in
Popayan. I have seen [astronomical] altitudes measured with such pre-
cision that the greatest difference [with mine] does not pass four seconds
[of arc]"8and, ". . . your father, without your consent, has shown me a
book of notes, in which I found an observation of the occultation of the
first satellite of Jupiter and calculation; and it gives the same longitude
as my chronometer-read for yourself."9
This was clearly the beginning of a mutually beneficial relationship.
Humboldt had been traveling since 1799 and found in Caldas the first
person with whom he could compare astronomical and geographical
observations. During his stay in Bogota he dealt with Mutis about the
Flora Bogotana, the cinchona problem and other matters related to the
Botanical Expedition. But Mutis was neither a particularly active nor a
very careful observer with the telescope and barometer. Here Caldas was
undoubtedly superior. Furthermore, Caldas had made many observa-
tions that Humboldt was anxious to see.
Caldas gladly showed the baron his astronomical notebooks. He also
presented his map of Timana, "I showed him my map of Timana and
another piece that I made in 1796 from Tocaima to Neiva; so that joining
these with those of the baron we have a map of the entire Magdalena
[River]."10
Humboldt asked for a copy and later commented, "I have seen many
maps in the offices of Caracas, Cartagena and Santa Fe [Bogota]; and the
only one that deserves that name, the only one determined astronomi-
cally is that of Timana."'1
Humboldt also made note of Caldas's determination of altitudes by
barometric measurements. And, later in March, Caldas presented the alti-
tudes determined by the boiling point method.
For Caldas the encounter was exhilarating. Here was the opportunity
to get a clear idea of what he knew and what he did not know; of how
good his books were; of how lacking his knowledge of recent develop-
ments was; of how good a scientist he was. By the time they arrived in
Quito, Humboldt had given Caldas access to his notebooks. They held
numerous discussions on scientific topics and they took measurements
together. Some things were quite new for Caldas. For example, he wrote,
"Until now I had believed that negative electricity was a lack of electricity,
but now we have escaped this error. They are two distinct fluids that have
equal and opposite properties. What a paradox! But, such a well-established
physical truth!"12
8 Ibid., 115.
9 Ibid., 115.
10Ibid., 116.
11 Ibid., 116.
12 Ibid., 128.
FIGURE5. Portrait of Humboldt, APS Archives.
On other matters Humboldt informed Caldas of refinements in meth-

odology. He showed Caldas new methods for calculating altitudes from
barometric measurements, and instructed him in the use of various mete-
orological instruments.
With regard to astronomy Humboldt trained Caldas in the use of the
octant; gave him tables of astronomical refractions and a star catalog; and
discussed computational methods with him. Caldas's progress was such
that he wrote, "In astronomy I do not recognize myself. A thick veil of
difficulty has vanished from in front of my eyes and, as I had many obser-
vations and works nearly finished, only the hand of a master was missing
to give them the final touch. .. ."13
In Quito the Europeans were hosted by the Marques de Selvalegre,
Juan Pio Montufar, who was a friend and associate of their host in Car-
tagena, Jose Ignacio de Pombo. Montufar invited the travelers to his
hacienda at Chillo. Caldas accompanied them, staying in the same room
with Bonpland. They spent 37 days in February and March 1802 working
near Chillo. In Caldas's account of this period he mentions field trips for
plant specimens with Bonpland; measuring by trigonometric means the
height of the Pichincha Volcano with Humboldt; the programmed dissec-
tion of a llama; and Humboldt's climbing of the peak at Antisana (Caldas
did not go along, perhaps because of illness).
Also during their stay in Chillo Caldas asked Humboldt to suggest a
list of scientific instruments that could be purchased in Europe. The idea
for this purchase came from Caldas's friend, relative and first benefactor,
Manuel Maria Arboleda. Caldas followed up on the idea. One contin-
uous thread running through Caldas's scientific life is his acute aware-
ness of the inadequacy of the books and instruments available in the vice-
royalty. So he must have seized the moment which brought together his
benefactor's generosity and the presence of Humboldt's authority.
Caldas later sent to Arboleda a long list,14 including prices, as a result
of his discussions with the baron. The list included thermometers,
pyrometers, barometers, weights and measures (meters, toises, feet), elec-
trometers, hygrometers, magnets, sextants, octants, a Dollond achro-
matic telescope, compound microscope, lenses, two seven-foot long tele-
scopes, theodolite, chronometer, and collections of minerals and insects,
among others. The total cost initially was $10,000 pesos but was later
limited to $5,000 pesos. The instruments were to be ordered through
friends of Humboldt-the astronomer Maskelyne in London, Lalande
in Paris, and the astronomer Brodhagen in Hamburg. Humboldt pro-
vided letters of recommendation. These letters were sent to Arboleda in
Popayan who sent $5,000 pesos to Camilo Torres in Bogota, to be for-
warded later to Pombo in Cartagena. But the purchase was never carried
out, most likely owing to the subsequent falling out between Humboldt
and Caldas.
Finally it must be noted that the greatest part of the time spent in
Chillo, Caldas dealt with botanical matters. The influence of Humboldt
and especially Bonpland on Caldas's development as a botanist will be
dealt with in the next chapter, but it is worth mentioning at this point
that both Caldas and Humboldt were keenly interested in the distribu-
tion of plant species with altitude. Certainly during their field trips and
discussions at Chillo they must have dealt with the subject.
13 Ibid., 118.
14
Jorge Arias de Greiff. "Algo Mas Sobre Caldas y Humboldt." Boletinde la SociedadGeo-
grdfica de Colombia.Volume 27. Number 101. 1970.
WHATMIGHTHAVEBEEN
For Caldas science, whether astronomy, geography or botany, was
what interested him most. Even further, it could be said that science
was his only passion, captivating him in a way that neither his wife nor
the revolution were able to do. That this was so is seen in his letters less
than a month after meeting Humboldt and Bonpland. Caldas found him-
self in scientific heaven, a kind of ecstatic daydream which he did not
want to end. In a letter dated 21 January 1802 to Arroyo, Caldas wrote:
"Who may know if as with a bolt of lightening we are illuminated for an
instant only to fall into an even deeper darkness?'15
Caldas already had a solution. He would continue on with the Euro-
peans for the rest of their trip through the Americas. (Although Caldas
limited his proposal to America, I think that there can be no doubt that
he harbored ambitions for continuing on to Europe.) This would be a first-
rate apprenticeship that would make him a first-rate scientist. And,
although Caldas usually showed himself timid in his relationships, in
this case, for the sake of his science, he launched an offensive. To Arroyo
he continued:
My friend would there be some way to find support at least to continue in
Americawith Humboldt?Would not Sefior Mutis, the protectorof the sciences
in the viceroyalty,have some influence with the Viceroy,so that I might be able
to travelfor some time with this sage?16
Caldas came up square against a fundamental problem for any sci-
entist at any time-funding. Another facet of Caldas's scientific career of
importance is his activity as a fund raiser in a place and at a time when
there were no funds for scientists, save those deemed available by the
Spanish crown, half a world away. Beginning with his friend and relative
Arboleda, Caldas demonstrated a marked ability to convince prospective
benefactors to support his work. As with the need for community,
Caldas seems to have had an instinctive understanding of the role of
funding in the scientific enterprise.
Initially Caldas centered his attention on the viceroy and the Consu-
lado de Cartagena of which Jose Ignacio de Pombo was a member. He
sent letters on the matter to Arroyo, Miguel Pombo, Camilo Torres and
Mutis. By the time Caldas returned to Quito from Chillo, Arroyo had hit
on a different plan. Friends and relatives would each subscribe a share
of Caldas's expenses. Caldas was elated.
And then, events took a dramatic turn. Caldas received from Mutis
a letter (on 3 April 1802) wherein Mutis stated his willingness to support
the plan. He sent a stipend along with the letter and stated further that
he (Mutis) had sent a letter of recommendation to Humboldt in Caldas's
favor. Armed with what he felt to be the answer to his prayers Caldas
16Ibid., 117.
rushed to Humboldt's residence only to find the Prussian unusually

reserved. Humboldt claimed at first that he had received no such letter
from Mutis. But Caldas insisted, forcing Humboldt to confess: "My
friend, I have lied to you. Mutis has written me at length on the matter,
but I have resolved to continue alone and did not want you to be afflicted
by my decision."17
Yet this was not true. Humboldt indeed was going to add a companion
to his traveling party. This was Carlos Montufar, son of the Europeans'
host, who was to accompany them not only throughout America but also
to travel with them to Europe.
Caldas did not take it well. His letters to his friends and to Mutis no
longer contained limitless, even excessive, praise of the baron, but rather
an uncontrolled wrath. Why did Humboldt not accede to the wishes of
Caldas and Mutis? Caldas was sure the answer lay with the difference
in his and Humboldt's personalities. Among Caldas's extended commen-
tary on the matter are the following:
[To Mutis on 6 April 1802]
The personalities of Humboldt and Caldas are very different. The former pos-
sesses a liveliness that borderson restlessness; loquacious, lover of society and
amusement. The latterwith a backgroundof activitymaintainsa certaindegree
of slowness in his operations; taciturn, with a somewhat austere lifestyle and
lover of privacy,with a frequently tranquilexpression, rarely smiling, neither
jumps, sings, runs or fights. This is the origin of his refusal say what he might
Baronvon Humboldt.18
[To Mutis on 21 April]
How differentis the conduct of the baronin Quito fromwhat he showed in Santa
Fe [Bogota]and Popayan! . . . The baron enters this Babylon, becomes friends
with a few dissolute, obscene youths; they draghim to the houses where tainted
love reigns;this shamefulpassion takescontrolof his heart and blinds this young
sage to a point that one is incapableof believing.19
And when Humboldt left Quito in June with Montufar in the group,
Caldas unleashed his cruelest and most insinuating comment: "Baron
von Humboldt left here on the eighth [June 1802] in company of Bon-
pland and of his Adonis who does not interfere with his trip as does
Caldas."20
Certainly Caldas was guilty of a lack of self-control and needless exag-
geration. But what is there to his charges? First of all, it must be said that
Caldas's plan was eminently reasonable, well-developed and that he had
taken steps to assure its success. Thus, the baron's rejection rightly
stunned not only Caldas, but Mutis as well who wrote to Humboldt
in May:
17Ibid., 149.
18 Ibid., 149.
19Ibid., 153.
20 Ibid., 168.
What is this my dear Baron?What!Will a proposal made with the greatest sin-
cerityand franknessbe capableof alteringour solid friendship?Is it my fault that
Caldashas grown so enthused with the illustriousBaronthat he wants to follow
you through the two Americas?Could I have proceeded with greaterfrankness
than that expressed in my letterhaving sent for you to read the answer and draft
of funds to Caldas?And would not my real intention be to nominate a student
I thought would be to your liking?Break,your grace, then, your silence and as
if nothing had happened, continue your gracein correspondencewith your dear
friend.21
That Humboldt would decide against Caldas is not immediately rea-
sonable. Several suggestions have been offered-the clash of personali-
ties, the extra expenses that Caldas's inclusion would cause and the pres-
ence of Caldas as a scientific competitor. There is no way to read the
Prussian's mind from this vantage point, but it is worth commenting
the way a mix of elements may have led to his decision.
It is my opinion that from Humboldt's point of view Caldas simply did
not fit and that each of the above mentioned suggestions may have some
validity. Insinuations of the relation with Montufar aside, the fact is that
he traveled with Humboldt and Bonpland to Europe. I think that it is not
unlikely that Humboldt felt a certain obligation to include him following
the handsome treatment given by the Marques de Selvalegre. What
father of the epoch would not have wished for his son to study in
Europe? In addition, the travelers spent more time in Quito (Chillo in-
cluded) than in any other part of the viceroyalty.
As for the social factor, Humboldt did make the following comment:
"Despite the horrors and dangers with which nature has surrounded
them, the inhabitants of Quito are happy, lively, friendly. Their city
breathes luxury and voluptuousness, and perhaps there reigns in no
other part a more decided and general inclination for entertainment."22
On this point, then, Caldas may be given a certain degree of credence.
With regard to economics, the trip cost Humboldt dearly. Bonpland's
expenses were already being covered by the baron. Given the delays in
communications, the age of Mutis and the political uncertainty in Europe,
Humboldt may well have reasoned that Caldas's supporters were well-
intentioned but that the risk was his.
Finally, the notion that Caldas was a competitor has its merits. Cer-
tainly both were developing their ideas regarding plant geography (see
Chapter V) at the same time and they coincided in many other areas of
interest. Furthermore, Caldas was more methodical and cautious in his
operations. Humboldt tended to accept second-hand commentary to a
greater degree and maintained notes on a much wider variety of topics.
21 Guillermo Hernandez de Alba, ed. Archivo EpistolarDel SabioNaturalista Don JoseCel-

estino Mutis. Four Volumes. Instituto Colombiano de Cultura Hispanica. Bogota. 1983.
Volume II, p. 175.
22 Enrique Perez Arbelaez, ed. Alejandro Humboldt En Colombia. Instituto Colombiano
de Cultura. Bogota. 1982, p. 245.
Yet in Caldas's mind I think there was no doubt that Humboldt was the
master and he the pupil, despite later comments critical of Humboldt's
methodology.
Rather, I think that Humboldt saw in Caldas's meticulousness, in his
insistence to ask about everything that came to mind and his single-
mindedness with regard to science-to the exclusion of social events - an
element that conflicted with the style of Humboldt's excursion. Hum-
boldt had his way of doing things. Caldas's manner, and here I mean sci-
entific manner, was different enough to complicate what was already a
difficult and expensive project.
LIFE CONTINUES
Despite the drama surrounding their conflict, the two scientists slowly
patched up their differences. Indeed, many years later Caldas referred
enthusiastically to Humboldt's writings, and Humboldt adulated Caldas
when he had occasion to mention him. This, then, is not an epilogue to
their relation for there will be reference to Humboldt farther on, but an
opportunity to mention a few points of interest prior to and following
the Europeans' departure from Quito.
Having made his decision to continue on to Peru, Humboldt offered
to sell Caldas his quarter circle, made by the English instrument-maker
John Bird. Perhaps it was clear that the long list of instruments would
not be purchased. Perhaps he needed the money. Certainly it was a ges-
ture of reconciliation. Humboldt charged $300 pesos as the original price
plus $100 pesos for its transport to America. It had to be brought from
the port city of Guayaquil where it awaited with the heavier parts of
Humboldt's equipment that had been brought via Panama and by sea
along the Pacific coast.
As has been pointed out, it would have been difficult for Caldas to find
a better instrument. Caldas knew that and managed to raise the funds
to buy it and put it immediately to use to observe the summer solstice
of 1802.
Humboldt also asked Caldas to join him on a field trip to the Pichincha
Volcano. Caldas declined, but on a second occasion accepted. They
climbed up past the snow line. It seemed that a spirit of comradeship
began to grow anew. Caldas described the outing:
I have seen the baron on the verge of extinction. . . . An Indian who was in
front of him saved this precious life from death. I followed close behind the
baron and the two of us were the first to reach the peak. This traveler is coura-
geous, but I saw him tremble at the edge of the rocks. I shared the danger with
him, no less frightened. I helped make the barometric measurements and then
descended ... 23
Later, when the Europeans arrived in Peru, the two exchanged letters.
Caldas wrote to Humboldt of geographic measurements, barometric
observations and other matters. But principally he wrote of his observa-
tion of the transit of Mercury in front of the Sun on 9 November 1802.
Caldas observed the final two contact points. Humboldt had suggested
the event. And since the Fidalgo expedition in Cartagena also observed
the transit, this may be taken as a high water mark for astronomy during
this period.
With the departure of Humboldt, one period of Caldas's career comes
to an end. Interested principally in astronomy and geography at first, he
was now to begin a period dedicated to botanical investigations. The sci-
entist in search of community had come to know European science. He
would soon become a member of the Botanical Expedition. But Caldas
would not be just another member; he would enter as the heir apparent
to Mutis, the most important scientist the viceroyalty had known. And
finally, Caldas had come to know himself, to take his own measure. He
had gained confidence in his abilities, awareness of his weaknesses and
fortified his desire to continue on as a scientist.
Caldas concluded: "I have worked more in four months in Quito than
in many years in Popayan."24
24 Ibid., 163.
SECTION TWO
WITH THE BOTANICAL EXPEDITION

1802-1806
O nce his dream of traveling with Humboldt and Bonpland had

vanished, Caldas enthusiastically accepted the offer of Mutis to
become a member of the Botanical Expedition. Since his travels
as an itinerant merchant, Caldas had taken an interest in the lush vege-
tation of America. Through his correspondence with Mutis and the
friendly instruction of Bonpland, Caldas acquainted himself with the
formal elements of botany.
Caldas remained in the Presidency of Quito (modern Ecuador) until
the end of 1805. He traveled extensively collecting plants, scaling vol-
canos, measuring latitudes and retracing the path of the French expedi-
tion to the equator. He had suggested to Mutis his own program of in-
vestigation. Owing to uncertainties in communications and Mutis's
failing health Caldas was left largely on his own. The Granadian demon-
strated a surprising facility for gaining patronage for his work. During
this period he received support from Mutis, from the merchant and
member of the Consulate of Cartagena, Jose Ignacio de Pombo, and from
the President of Quito, Baron Carondelet.
Caldas independently developed the notion of plant geography-the
distribution of plant species depending on altitude. His studies mirrored
those of Humboldt whose own work undoubtedly spurred Caldas's en-
thusiasm for the subject. Caldas's observations and travels from tropical
rain forest to snow-capped mountains peaks laid the basis for continuing
work on phytogeography which he later regarded as his most important
intellectual effort.
Mutis meanwhile was more concerned with bringing order to the
study of the cinchona tree, whose bark is used to produce quinine. Be-
cause of a bitter priority dispute and some unfortunate errors, the cin-
chona problem was of overriding importance to Mutis in establishing his
reputation for posterity. The perceived urgency of the problem led Mutis
and Pombo to pressure Caldas to suspend his own pursuits and travel
to Loja, reputedly home of the most effective species of cinchona. Caldas
complied, completed the mission and then traveled from Quito to Bogota
with an extensive herbarium, the only collection which the Botanical Ex-
pedition received from Ecuador.
35
NUEVA GRANADA
1, \ _
,Route to Malbucho
-' - Ibarra -
~'" I :;-r -o t `' ..
/ e?0 Imbabura Volcano
-.
- O Quito r
Pichincha *
? Volcano
PACIFIC
I
I
OCEAN IJ
/
/*
Alausi
Guqui 0
Guayaquil /
0 Cuenca
,/I e
r.I
i
0 Loaa
1.
/
/
4.5 /
S. PERU
MAP 3.
With the Botanical Expedition: 1802-1806.
IV. BECOMING A BOTANIST
Caldas spent some five years in and around his native Popayan pur-
suing a scientific career based on his own instincts and a few "mis-
erable" books. A scientist in search of community, he soon found that
progress in science is made with reference to that which is already
known and on problems which the community finds worthwhile. On
both these counts there was little more to go on than the dusty memoirs
of La Condamine and Bouger (see Chapter I). Caldas's choice of astron-
omy and geography, barometric and thermometric observations, non-
specific field trips and rambling travel diaries brought him, if not to a
dead end, then certainly to a confusing crossroads where an amateur sci-
entist alone could not have expected to select a program of investigation
worthy of a professional.
Yet there did exist at that time in the viceroyalty a community of sci-
entists, and a surprisingly vital one at that. The Botanical Expedition,
begun in 1783, started work in Mariquita, but was ordered by the viceroy
to return to Bogota in 1789 and had grown to become an exceedingly
active scientific and cultural institution. Jose Celestino Mutis, educated
as a physician and ordained as a priest, director of the expedition, was
a world-class botanist. His correspondence with Linnaeus-father and
son-and his relations with the Jardin Botanico de Madrid had estab-
lished him as a prime investigator in tropical American botany.
Why did Caldas not establish contact with Mutis until 1801? Why did
he not turn seriously to the study of plant life until his encounter with
Humboldt and Bonpland? Why did he spend five years struggling as a
solitary scientist? How did Caldas's lack of communication affect the rest
of his career?
We can find answers to the first three questions by following the path
which led the Granadian from astronomy to botany. As for the final ques-
tion any response would necessarily be speculative, but we can begin to
offer some probable consequences.
A CHOICE OF INSTRUMENTS
To encounter the reasons for Caldas's strange isolation we should take

into account three components-the practical, the programmatic and the
personal.
From the practical point of view, it should be noted that Caldas appar-
ently had received little or no instruction in botany but had been given
at least some notions of physics and astronomy. The books he had at
hand either dealt principally with physical and geographical phenomena,
37
or at least these were the aspects that caught his eye. During his trip
to Bogota in 1796 when he could have introduced himself to Mutis but
did not, Caldas came back with the instruments-barometers and ther-
mometers-that were to be found in the capital. And, although he
recorded plant observations as early as 1795, he was thwarted in his
desire to delve further into the subject by a lack of formal training and
even appropriate references. Writing to Santiago Arroyo in 1795 he noted:
I would like to have a guide to the part [of my observations]that pertains to
botany ... I am ignorantof the systems of Linnaeusand Tournefort;I can barely
distinguishthe parts of a plant. WhatI wish for most is to know their names and
to be able to discern if they are known or if they are new.1
Furthermore, Caldas established a program based on measurements
and instruments. He was meticulous in his attention to numerical values:
temperature, barometric pressure, latitude, longitude, altitude, and he
carefully computed average values-taking note of maxima and minima.
He clearly enjoyed working with formulae, principally the conversion of
barometric pressure to altitude, and making use of logarithms, the most
complicated mathematics with which he was familiar. The construction,
adaptation and maintenance of instruments also captured his attention
during the period 1795-1799. While busy with the details of filling his
barometer tubes or mounting his telescope, Caldas left himself little time
for learning how to dry plants or to write descriptions.
Finally, mention must be made of the personal ingredient. Caldas
seems to have been overly reserved with people he did not know. It is
clear that he knew of Mutis and the Botanical Expedition even as a
student of law in Bogota from 1789 to 1792. The capital of the viceroyalty
held no more than 20,000 to 30,000 inhabitants at the time. Surely Mutis,
with his close relations to the viceroy, was among the notables of the
city.
Later, in 1796, Caldas traveled to Bogota with the express purpose of
purchasing books and instruments for his scientific pursuits. It is incred-
ible that he did not establish contact with the expedition at that point.
The only explanation is that which Caldas wrote to Mutis in 1802, "I am
irritated by my bashfulness for not having arrived at such a good father
in 1796, when I could have, in Santa Fe [Bogota]."2
AN ANXIOUS APPRENTICE
So it was that by 1799 Caldas had mastered the use of the barometer,
thermometer, gnomon, quadrant and telescope. He had advanced as
much as was possible with these instruments. Feeling the need to move
Imprenta Nacional. Bogota. 1917, p. 5. Caldas refers here to the Swedish botanist Carl Lin-
naeus (b. 1707, d. 1778) and the French botanist Joseph Tournefort (b. 1656, d. 1708).
2 Ibid., 195.
BECOMING A BOTANIST 39
on to more substantive matters, and having no obvious alternatives in

astronomy and geography, Caldas turned to botany. Writing to Arroyo
he remarked, "How sorry am I for not having cultivated this study
earlier."3And he intended to make up for lost time, "The truth is that
since some time ago I have made botany my principal occupation-this
in a virgin nation that offers a vast field where I can graze, be useful and
enjoy myself."4
Yet enthused as he was, his progress was tempered by the lack of ade-
quate reference material. His problem was even worse than that which
he had encountered with the boiling point problem ("It is not in my
books"). His problem was that he had no books. Or at least, very few.
His friend and patron, Manuel Maria Arboleda, had purchased some
books for him.5 But, Caldas had no good listing of plant species nor was
he able to obtain Linnaeus's FilosofiaBotanica. He had insisted on this to
his friends Arroyo and Pombo, but they had no luck finding the book
in Bogota.
Armed, then, with a few references and much enthusiasm, during
1800 and early 1801 Caldas tried to make headway on his own, orga-
nizing field trips with his friends in Popayan. They collected and cate-
gorized as best they could the plants they found in their outings.
In January 1801 Caldas decided to establish contact with Mutis,
sending him three plants for proper identification. But at that point
he interrupted his work on botany to prepare the article published in
Correo Curioso (see Chapter I) and then devote himself entirely to the
boiling point problem (see Chapter II). By August of 1801 he was pre-
paring hurriedly for his trip to Quito to defend his family's interests
in a lawsuit. Apparently the intensity of his commitment to botany
was waning.
But as he was readying his departure, he received a letter from Mutis.
Although the director of the Botanical Expedition was an active corre-
spondent with a great number of persons throughout the viceroyalty,
America and Europe, it was somewhat remarkable that he should write
to Caldas since he had not written to Mutis. Caldas had sent the plants
to Mutis via his friends in Bogota and without an accompanying note.
It was undoubtedly the friendly assistance of Santiago Arroyo, Miguel
Pombo, Camilo Torres and Caldas's note in CorreoCurioso that spurred
the Spaniard's letter.
Accompanying the letter were "two good barometer tubes and the
masterworks of Linnaeus."6 Caldas was overjoyed. Finally an impedi-
ment to his studies had been removed. He wrote:
3 Ibid., 30.
4 Ibid., 31.
5 Caldas names these titles and authors: Flora-Joseph Quer; Parte Prdctica-Linnaeus;
Curso de Botdnica-Ortega and Palau.
[I have seen] this work [Linnaeus],the only of its kind, the basis of botany,the
code within which arehidden the knowledge and laws of that science, yesterday,
the third of August [1801]at nine o'clockat night-fortunate day and hour which
will begin an epoch of my botanicalstudies.7
Because his trip to Quito could be delayed no longer, Caldas packed
his copy of Linnaeus for the journey south and took care to begin a diary
of botanical observations to be made along the way. Nevertheless, both
his interest in botany and his correspondence with Mutis suffered an
inevitable interruption while he settled in Quito and brushed up on his
jurisprudence.8
When Caldas met with Humboldt in the beginning of 1802 they con-
versed mostly about astronomy and geography. Later, feeling a bit more
confidant, Caldas explored Humboldt's knowledge of the boiling point
problem. Thus, between 1799 when he announced his renewed interest
in botany, and early 1802, Caldas's self-instruction was fragmented and
haphazard.
He then had the good fortune of being invited to accompany Hum-
boldt and Bonpland during their retreat to Chillo, the country estate of
the Marques de Selvalegre. During February and March 1802, Caldas
shared a room with Bonpland. Thirty-seven days of instruction, reading,
copying, field trips, plant descriptions, skeletons and the like gave
Caldas an intensive course in botany.
The role played by Bonpland in Caldas's formal encounter with botany
cannot be overemphasized. The impression given by Caldas is that while
Humboldt dealt with a great range of subjects-geology, botany, zoology,
astronomy, anthropology and so forth-and while the baron displayed
an incredible amount of energy in his study of the vast sweep of nature,
it was Bonpland who pursued the study of plant life in a meticulous,
ordered, detailed and persistent manner.
Although Humboldt maintained a certain reserve with respect to
Caldas, (". . . he writes everything in German to make it more ob-
scure"9), Bonpland took on the role of tutor with pleasure, "Bonpland,
the sage and profound Bonpland, has lent me his books, his immense
herbarium and his counsel; allowing me to take a place in his study and
copy all that I want."10
Bonpland not only allowed the Granadian to study and copy manu-
scripts but organized an active course of study as well. Caldas described
his apprenticeship, "I hope to make myself a botanist and have begun
to write descriptions in Latin, to which one must become accustomed.
7 Ibid., 82.
8 The outcome of the litigation is a mystery. Caldas was certainly perturbed at having
to take up the cause of his father versus that of his uncle. Somehow, though, the problem
evaporated as he became more and more involved with the work of the Expedition.
10 Ibid., 119.
He has made for me a plan of study and practice in botany."'1He added,

"I go out with this friendly and sage botanist to collect plants. I am
building an excellent herbarium; he puts the names and has given me
paper to dry the plants.'12
During the month-long retreat Caldas also had his first chance to
study the Flora Peruana which had been produced by the Botanical Expe-
dition to Peru. He reported having made "continual inquiries"13of Bon-
pland on the matter. In addition, he managed to constitute his own her-
barium consisting of two hundred specimens. Finally, upon his return
to Quito, Caldas could write that:
[I have seen] ... Bonplanddescribeplants and formherbaria.Now I have begun
my own and it consists of more than two hundred dried plants, many now
described.I have progresseda greatdeal with respectto descriptions- as I would
simply write my own description, Bonpland would correctit with the plant in
view. I have completed some, all in Latin, that Bonpland has approved.14
AN HONORARY
MEMBER
Just as Caldas's self-directed botanical apprenticeship suffered numer-
ous detours, so did his entry into the Botanical Expedition. His first con-
tact with Mutis was tentative, but clearly directed at establishing himself
as a correspondent. When he finally received Mutis's first letter, Caldas
responded with an unbridled adulation that was characteristic of his let-
ters to his mentor:
What contrastis not to be found between the two of us. Youare sage, known to
all Europe, praised in the North by the son of Linnaeus, appreciatedby the
Nation, deserving the confidence of our august sovereign, directorof a brilliant
expedition whose precious fruits are impatientlyawaitedby the world of knowl-
edge. I am ignorant, unknown to my own countrymen, living a dark and some-
times miserablelife in a cornerof America,without books, without instruments,
without means of knowledge and unable to be of service to my country.15
But the arrival of Humboldt momentarily came between Caldas and
the expedition. The prospect of accompanying the baron overshadowed
everything else from January to April of 1802. Caldas hurried to urge his
friends to enlist Mutis's support, not for his membership in the expedi-
tion, but as part of Humboldt's caravan. At that point Caldas also made
his first contact with the merchant, Jose Ignacio de Pombo. A native of
Popayan, Pombo had become a prominent and well-to-do member of the
Consulado de Cartagena. He was uncle to Caldas's friend, Miguel Pombo.
11 Ibid., 131.
12 Ibid., 131.
13 Ibid., 128.
14 Ibid., 138.
15 Ibid., 55. In referringto "my country"Caldas means the Viceroyaltyof Nueva Gra-
nada. Caldasshowed greatinterestin the possible practicalapplicationsof his researchfor
the economic developmentof the viceroyalty.He was proud to be a Granadianbut did not
mean to treat Nueva Granadaas an entity separatefrom Spain.
Caldas looked to Pombo as a source of support for his travels with the
Europeans.
Such was the tempest that grew from Humboldt's rejection of Caldas
as a traveling companion that it took some time for the dust to settle.
While Caldas was still seething, Mutis fortunately solved several prob-
lems at once by naming Caldas an honorary member of the Botanical
Expedition in June 1802. This took the edge off the Humboldt-Caldas rela-
tionship. With Caldas no longer left high and dry by the baron, they soon
became amiable correspondents until the Europeans left for Mexico in
the following year.
Mutis managed to formalize relations with his most capable disciple
in what was a case of being the right man, in the right place, at the right
time. Certainly Caldas was the only man in Nueva Granada to have scaled
volcanos with Humboldt, hunted for plants with Bonpland, copied the
Europeans' notebooks, probed their knowledge and presented his own
scientific labors for their judgment. And he was the only man to have
merited written praise from Humboldt. This was a mark of approval that
could not but have impressed Mutis.
Furthermore, Caldas was definitely in the right place. Mutis had
traveled near Bogota and Mariquita but never had reached the equator,
yet this was also part of his mandate. He had little or no material from
the region and no correspondent of any stature. Caldas was not only in
Quito but also enthusiastic and well-trained. Mutis was in need of
someone capable of collecting plant specimens with little guidance. Now
he had his man.
Finally, that this was the right time is beyond doubt. Despite having
a solid reputation as a botanist, the Spaniard had also gained fame as
a chronic procrastinator. Whereas some of the findings of the Peruvian
expedition were already available, in 1802 Mutis was still promising that
his Flora de Bogota would soon be complete. The delay in publishing had
brought him close scrutiny by the viceroy, nagging insistence from the
Spanish court and gleeful jeers from Hipolito Ruiz, director of the Peru-
vian expedition and Casimiro Ortega, director of the Jardin Botanico de
Madrid and father-in-law to Ruiz. For Mutis there was much still to be
done and little time left in which to do it. The Caldas that Mutis first
became acquainted with through Arroyo, Torres and Pombo in 1801 must
have been curiously enthusiastic and talented; but the Caldas who had
been examined, trained and approved by Humboldt in 1802 was nothing
less than a godsend.
As for Caldas, the position with the expedition put him back on his
feet and headed in the right direction. He managed to recover from his
disillusionment by directing his enthusiasm to the new challenge. The
only sore point in the process was the "honorary" nature of his position.
He had been named directly by Mutis and, as such, had no official status
nor a secure salary. Although Mutis cared for Caldas's financial needs
and often promised to arrange for an official appointment, the difficulty
remained unresolved and caused more than a little discomfort for Caldas.
A RESEARCHPROGRAM
When Caldas became an honorary member of the Botanical Expedition

in June 1802 he had already presented to Mutis a research program to be
followed. His first discussions of a plan of work were written as part of
his attempt to convince Mutis to support his proposed travel with Hum-
boldt. Immediately following Humboldt's rejection Caldas amplified his
proposal, this time as part of a one-man journey throughout equatorial
America.16 Mutis calmly counseled his pupil, slowly reducing the scope
of the journey to, in, and around the Presidency of Quito.
Nevertheless, the main points of Caldas's program remained unchanged.
For the next three years Mutis could only loosely guide Caldas's efforts
and it is of interest to review what Caldas proposed as a benchmark for
understanding what he later did or did not accomplish.
Caldas had a rather extensive list of projects to carry out. Yet every
aspect of his research program dealt in some way with the world he ordi-
narily observed as he traveled throughout the viceroyalty. For economy's
sake, the objects of Caldas's curiosity can be grouped as follows:
1. Botany 4. Astronomy
2. Hypsometry 5. The French Expedition
3. Meteorology 6. Maps
Following his apprenticeship with Bonpland, Caldas had gained

confidence in his ability to search for, identify and collect plants. He had
become familiar with the works of Linnaeus and to some extent the Flora
de Peru, and had copied extensively from Bonpland's manuscripts and
herbarium. He was careful to emphasize the possibility of bringing new
plant collections to Mutis, certainly to insure his mentor's interest in
allowing him to travel freely about the Presidency of Quito.
At this point Caldas began to define his ideas for a study of plant geog-
raphy. The general notion of establishing maps of distributions versus
altitude was to be applied not only to plants, but to animals and minerals
as well. He was also interested in meeting Juan Tafalla who was con-
tinuing the work of the Peruvian expedition. Well aware of Mutis's dis-
pute with the Peruvian expedition's botanists, Caldas made it clear that
he was interested in learning what they knew only to work better in
defense of Mutis's reputation.
Notwithstanding Caldas's growth as a botanist, his enthusiasm and
his expectations that Mutis would tutor him ". . . as a father who trains
a son,"17he still lacked the experience to carry out his assignments with
the polish of a formally educated investigator. Thus he took an all-
encompassing approach with regard to his work:
16"Memoria sobre el
plan de un viaje proyectado de Quito a la America septentrional"
in Obras Completasde FranciscoJose'de Caldas. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Imprenta
Nacional. Bogota. 1966.
Everyplant that I encounter is either known to me or not. In the firstcase I will

not delay in a long description of its fructification,and I will only describe its
flowers, stems, leaves, roots, etc. If it is unknown to me I will procure to find it
among the few books that I possess; if I find it there I proceed as in the firstcase;
but if it is unknown to me and I do not find it in my books, I will make an ample
descriptionof all its parts. In all cases I will note where it grows and, as the alti-
tudes of the places are known to me from my barometricmeasurements,I can
add the zone that it inhabits, as I wrote to you in my first plan. I will add its
common name, that given in the Indian tongue and finally I conclude with
its medical virtues and its uses in the arts.18
Finally it is worth noting that in his numerous proposals to Mutis,
Caldas does not discuss the problem of the cinchona tree. That he should
omit reference to the most pressing issue for his mentor is an indication
of the incompleteness of his training.
The boiling point problem still was of some interest. Caldas felt that
he had found the unique solution even though he was not the first one
to recognize the phenomenon. He planned to continue his measure-
ments, making special emphasis on the need for observations at sea
level, in order to compute more accurately the proportionality constant
used in his formula.
Mutis offered to send Caldas's boiling point memoir to the new director
of the Jardin Botanico de Madrid, Antonio Cavanilles (who replaced
Casimiro Ortega). But Caldas asked him to delay saying, ". . . until I have
finished my operations in Quito and Guayaquil... I believe that in six to
eight months I can put in your hands all the material, and all the memoir,
so that you might correct it, and put it in condition to see the light
of day."9
As had become his custom since his travels near Popayan, Caldas
planned to make regular measurements with his barometers and ther-
mometers. He announced to Mutis that he would keep a diary of meteoro-
logical observations, a practice he later continued in the Observatory in
Bogota. He and Baron von Humboldt had made many measurements to-
gether in Quito. That gave Caldas the opportunity to improve his method
of observation and to learn new formulae for computing altitudes.
With regard to astronomy, Caldas owed a great deal to Humboldt. The
Prussian had taught him how to use an octant and to understand tables
of atmospheric refraction20 at different altitudes. He had further pro-
vided Caldas with a star catalog, an ephemerides, an octant and sold him
his own quadrant. Caldas noted, "He has put me in condition to direct
myself and to do something useful."21
18 Ibid., 179.
19 Ibid., 180.
20
Atmospheric refraction is the difference between the true position and the observed
position of a heavenly body caused by the presence of the atmosphere in the line of sight
between object and observer. The amount of refraction lessens as one climbs to higher alti-
tudes since the observer rises above part of the atmosphere. This was a subject which was
quite appropriate for investigation by Caldas.
21 Obras Completas de Francisco Jose de Caldas. Universidad Nacional de Colombia.
Accordingly, Caldas asked Mutis to provide him with a chronometer,

telescope, copy of Astronomia by Lalande and a nautical almanac. He
planned to pursue three projects:
1. Measurement of longitudes for the purpose of map-making.
Caldas expected to use the observations of solar eclipses, lunar
eclipses and the occultations of the moons of Jupiter.
2. Atmospheric refraction. Caldas hoped to compare his measure-
ments with those made by Bouger during the French Expedition.
3. A map of the southern sky.
The French expedition that had traveled to the equator to determine
the shape of the Earth continued to cast a spell over Caldas. Confronted
with the possibility of enjoying patronage for travel near the equator, he
suggested to Mutis that he visit nearby monuments, perhaps those of
the Incans and other Indian tribes. His real interest, however, was to visit
the region in which the European scientists had labored. He made many
suggestions on this point: reconstruction of the pyramids that marked
the extremes of the 1? arc; repeating the measurement of the equatorial
degree; correction of possible measurements in earlier measurements of
longitude. Although Mutis may have lent a sympathetic ear, this project
was primarily of interest to Caldas.
Finally, Caldas suggested making a map of the Presidency of Quito.
This was to be a prelude to a political map of the viceroyalty (which he
apparently never made). He was pleased to note that his meticulousness
was in contrast to that of Humboldt who ". . . mixes the certain with the
doubtful."22As with retracing the path of the French Expedition, map-
making was a project that interested mainly Caldas.
With a long list of projects, an honorary membership in the Botanical
Expedition, a passport that Mutis had obtained from the viceroy, some
instruments, books and notes, Francisco Jose de Caldas looked forward
to his encounter with nature near the Equator. As a scientist, at last he
had found a community.
22 Ibid., 309.
V. WORKING FOR THE EXPEDITION
Once it became clear to Mutis that he would have a new member of

the expedition, he turned quickly to the problem of financial sup-
port. Mutis at seventy years of age had become, if not rich, then certainly
accommodated. He was a priest, physician, professor and "primer bota-
nico" in the viceroyalty of Nueva Granada. In addition, he had obtained
control, for a time, of the commerce of cinchona bark. Thus he enjoyed
enough economic flexibility to provide part of Caldas's support from his
own resources.
Mutis knew that it would not be enough. So he followed Caldas's lead
and looked to the Cartagenan businessman, Pombo. The two men
already had a well-established friendship. Pombo and Mutis had been
correspondents at least since 1788. From the inception of the Botanical
Expedition Pombo had been an enthusiastic supporter. He acted as a
kind of one-man communication center, keeping Mutis advised on news
of the court and the comings and goings of merchant vessels from Spain.
He was an active member of the Consulado de Cartagena, a body desig-
nated to promote economic development within the viceroyalty. Further-
more, he managed the shipments of cinchona bark Mutis sent to Spain.
Pombo was well informed of Caldas's activities. Certainly Pombo's
nephew, Miguel-a friend of Caldas, must have made some comment
to his uncle regarding the many and varied projects of his friend. And
he had already been contacted when Caldas sought to accompany
Humboldt.
Yet the most convincing evidence for the elder Pombo for spending
his own funds on the novice botanist must have been the opinions of
Humboldt. Pombo wrote to Mutis, "The Baron speaks of him [Caldas]
with praise and admires the progress he has made with the strength of
his wits, without support, means, books or instruments in the most sub-
lime arts of the natural and exact sciences."1
Pombo was generous in his support of Caldas, sending him money,
books, maps and other materials as he could. He even conceded to fund
one of Caldas's younger brothers as an assistant. Such was the
merchant's enthusiasm that he suggested to Mutis the organization of a
study trip to Europe for Caldas, his nephew Miguel, and Mutis's
nephew, Sinforoso.
The relations between benefactor and beneficiary got off to a good
start with each stressing to Mutis the merits of the other. Pombo wrote
1 Guillermo Hernandez de Alba, ed. Archivo

EpistolarDel SabioNaturalista Don Jose Cel-
estino Mutis. Volume IV. Instituto Colombiano de Cultura Hispanica. Bogota. 1983, p. 100.
46
WORKING FOR THE EXPEDITION 47
of Caldas, "His correctness, his love of his fellows and the sciences, his
moderation and purity of habit, his patriotism, his zeal and tireless appli-
cation, his good judgement and, finally, his piety at an early age, do
make him an extraordinary man."2
Caldas was equally eager to praise, "That generous citizen, Pombo,
has wanted to share with you the glory of protecting this expedition; he
has written me letters which will eternally honor him and has facilitated
many useful channels."3
Not the least of those "useful channels" was the Marques de Selva-
legre, Juan Pio Montufar, host to Humboldt and Bonpland in Quito and
father of Carlos Montufar, the "irresolute youth" who accompanied the
Europeans and took what Caldas felt was his own rightful position. Mon-
tufar was a friend and associate of Pombo. Despite his irritation with
Montufar's son, Caldas managed to accommodate himself to the circum-
stances. Just as he could demonstrate a deep and seemingly unalterable
animosity, so could he rapidly swing to limitless praise when the need
arose. Thus, in spite of the grudge he held against the younger Montufar,
Caldas easily wrote the following in 1804:
The Marquesde Selvalegre,owner of this land rich in herds [of sheep] has given
me a good recommendationso that I might receive all possible service from his
overseer.This is not the only occasion in which we have named in our travels
this generous and magnificent"Quitefio,"and it will not be the last; many are
the services received from his hand.4
Caldas in mid-1802 was eager to get to work. Praised by Humboldt,
funded by Pombo and guided by Mutis he faced the challenge of
exploring the Ecuadorean Andes as a solitary representative of the Botan-
ical Expedition pitted against an immense world of lush vegetation.
Though Mutis had tacitly approved Caldas's entire program of inves-
tigation, in time Caldas increasingly emphasized studies of botany and
geography. His work on the boiling point problem suffered from a simple
problem-lack of thermometers. Common to his letters to Pombo and
Mutis were requests that he be sent new thermometers with all due
speed. Both men complied. On at least one occasion though, the ther-
mometer arrived in pieces and Caldas complained that he would be
unable to continue his studies.
Caldas persisted and he later received usable instruments. He was
able to report that the boiling point temperature depends on the motion
of the air above the water. When the air was fanned, the boiling point
would occur at a lower point than when the air remained static. Beyond
this observation he made little progress. Caldas had anticipated further
rectification of his proportionality constant and measurement of sea-level
2 Ibid., 106.
4 Obras Completas de Franciso Jose de Caldas. Universidad Nacional de Colombia.
values of air pressure and boiling point temperature. Perhaps the rigors
of his travels or the pressure he felt regarding the cinchona problem inter-
fered with his work on hypsometry. In early 1804, he included the boiling
point problem in a revised program to Mutis, but at that point he seems
to have encountered a dead end and never did produce the "finished"
memoir he had earlier promised to Mutis.
In astronomy Caldas suffered a similar fate. Though Mutis provided
him with a telescope and chronometer, his work on astronomy was lim-
ited to measurements of latitude. He did observe the Transit of Mercury
(see Chapter III), an occasional lunar eclipse and endured the torment of
cloudy skies for a solar eclipse in February 1803. And he did refer to the
existence of a diary of astronomical observations (which apparently was
later lost). The interest he had taken in the problem of atmospheric refrac-
tion (probably as a result of his conversations with Humboldt) was
thwarted by the lack of a trained co-observer.
But Caldas was unable to organize a program of original work in
astronomy. So he contented himself with the pleasures of observing,
took what notes he could and hoped that he might learn something from
his raw data upon his return to Bogota.
SCALINGTHE ANDES
Not only did Caldas have a well-formulated plan of study; he also
enjoyed little interference from Mutis with its execution. Thus he chose
to leave Quito in July 1802 for a field trip to the towns of Ibarra and Ota-
valo, returning to Quito in December.
The trip was all-encompassing as with his earlier travels between
Popayan and Bogota. Caldas never missed an opportunity to take mea-
surements with his barometer, to note new plants or comment on plant
geography. During his excursion to Ibarra and Otavalo he visited an
Incan monument and sent a plan of it to Mutis. He took samples of plants
used for dyes and began a collection of bird specimens and descriptions.
The highlight of the trip was Caldas's scaling of the volcano at
Imbabura, of which he wrote a vivid description. Caldas was a veteran
of volcano climbing. He had earlier scaled the Purace Volcano near
Popayan and the Pichincha Volcano near Quito.
He customarily traveled with Indian guides and mules to carry his
instruments and provisions. The caravan would travel by day and stay
in the homes of mountain dwelling Indians by night. Caldas described
their situation:
And who could believe that some thirty leagues from Quito would be found a
family nearly in the same state as during the epoch of the "conquista"?I only
make note of the surprise that they felt when shown our instruments;they are
unable to distinguish a spoon from a thermometer,and thought that all we
carriedhad to do with cooking or our wardrobe.5
5 Ibid., 447
At the first hint of dawn Caldas was afoot to make good use of the day-
light and guard against the freezing temperatures they would reach at
the summit. He continued:
The path was covered with sleet and this made the climb more terriblefor the
way was unsure and most of all because of the cold, which increased every
moment, had numbed my feet. I keenly wished to see this unknown crater,and
I scorned all dangers. From precipice to precipice we arrivedat nine o'clockin
the morning at the crater'sborder,coveredwith sweat and fatigue. What a spec-
tacle! My soul was filled with horror and a secret pleasure. I did not tire of
observing and admiringthis frightfulnature. The burned and brokenopenings,
edges, pumice, sand, sulfur, snow, mud, precipices and confusion were the
objects present before my eyes.6
Caldas in some ways gives the impression of a timid and not partic-
ularly robust person, but certainly there were moments, especially those
associated with making an observation, when fear and weakness were
of no consequence. This was such an occasion. Caldas decided to
descend to the floor of the crater to measure its altitude barometrically:
I was afraid,but the ease with which my guide had passed gave me comfortand
I confronted the danger. I had taken only three steps on the pumice when all
began to move and, unable to maintainmyself afoot, I sat down, and even in this
situation I began to slide towardthe bottom of the terriblecrater;I thought my
life's end had come and I gave a call to my guide. This generous Indian turned
toward me with extraordinarycourage, threw himself to the same danger in
which he saw me, grabbedmy right arm, pulled me from the precipiceand gave
me life.7
THE ROAD To MALBUCHO
The dangers and discomforts of his science were made manifest to

Caldas not only at the heights of the Andean peaks. The depths of the
tropical rain forest also challenged him.
While waiting for instructions from Mutis, Caldas took time to intro-
duce himself to the president of Quito, Baron Carondelet, surely with
the purpose of requesting Carondelet's sponsorship for his activities. At
the time there was interest in opening a trafficable route between Quito
and the Pacific coast. Caldas convinced the president that an earlier plan
was based on faulty geographical measurements. Carondelet commis-
sioned Caldas to produce a new plan. Although Caldas mentioned that
Carondelet had $40,000 pesos available for the project, it appears most
likely that he used funds sent by Mutis and Pombo to cover his expenses.
There were a number of factors which motivated Caldas to accept the
commission. First, Mutis had sent his disciple a passport from the viceroy
in May 1803 and ordered the collection of flora near Quito. Furthermore,
7 Ibid., 188.
Caldas wished to meet with Juan Tafalla who was continuing the work
of the Peruvian expedition and was located in the vicinity of Malbucho,
along the planned route. Finally, Mutis had begun to impress upon
Caldas the importance of the cinchona problem. Caldas considered that
the trip would give him an opportunity to do some work on the matter.
The trip began in mid-July 1803 and lasted until the beginning of
October. The primary points of interest were a map of the route and the
collection of plant specimens. As he moved farther along Caldas found
it increasingly difficult to work. His topographic observations were made
by rope because, he said, ". . . the geometric methods are impracticable
in these places covered with forest as old as the world."8
During the twelve days he spent near the town of Malbucho condi-
tions were harsh for all types of work, he complained, "Every night and
every afternoon it rained without interruption; everything decomposes
and nothing can resist a climate so contrary to the health of man and the
progress of the sciences."9
Caldas met with Tafalla for his first in-depth contact with the collec-
tions described in the Florade Peru. Caldas then stayed alone several days
waiting for provisions and funds sent by Pombo and brought by Caldas's
younger brother. His intention was to avoid the extra return trip and
devote more time to collecting plants.
What he got was a serious and persistent case of malaria. Caldas
reported on his travels to Mutis in a letter that he had to dictate for lack
of strength to write with his own hand, "I left on the 14th of July to enter
these forests where I have stayed until the 3rd of October, when I arrived
to this village [Ibarra] with my health quite undone, after a continuous
chain of fatigues, labors and, I must say, misery."10
As for the results of his excursion, the botanical side was negative.
Caldas found no cinchona trees and remarked that they ". . . exist only
in the imagination of the Quitefios."11 Even more seriously he once
again had to face the consequences of his isolation and lack of formal
training. Of his meeting with Tafalla, he commented:
I became truly despondent upon seeing that I had lost two-thirds of my labor
for the lack of this opus [Floradel Peru] absolutely necessary for a botanist in
America. If I would have had that I would not have wasted my time and health
writing and drawing known and published plants, and would have satisfied
myself with skeletons to complete the collection.12
On the other hand, Caldas did produce a map of the route which he
presented to Carondelet (see Map 4). He also sent a copy to Mutis with
the wish that it be forwarded to the director of the Jardin Botanico de
8 Ibid., 216.
9 Ibid., 216.
10Ibid., 215.
11 Ibid., 215.
12 Ibid., 218.
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de
Madrid, Antonio Cavanilles, and would serve as evidence in favor of a

permanent position with the expedition.
It is worth noting, with reference to the map, of Caldas's interest in
measurement. He included not only latitudes and longitudes, but also the
magnetic field directions and temperature variations for different zones.
He further pointed out the abundance of certain plants, the beginning of
the rain forest and, understandably, the presence or absence of mosquitoes.
FOLLOWING THE FRENCH EXPEDITION
Among the first books on science that Caldas read were those that he
acquired in Bogota in 1795, written by the members of the French Expe-
dition to the Equator. Throughout his correspondence Caldas made ref-
erence to Bouger and La Condamine. Their labors in the determination
of the length of a degree of arc at the Equator were truly inspirational
for the Granadian. They established for him the travel, observation and
measurement style for the study of the natural world.
Caldas held Bouger and La Condamine in the highest esteem and
wrote:
If there has ever been a travellerwho deserves credence it is without a doubt La
Condamine and his illustrious companion, Bouger. How differentfrom Ulloa!
[The Spanish official who accompanied the French scientists]. This Spaniard,
young, naive, without experience,believed what he was told and, anxious to tell
Europenew things and makehis travelsof interest,has gatheredall that he found
curious and rare.Fromthat may come many fables and exaggerationpresented
as half-truths.Humboldthas just visited us. Wehave only seen two of his letters
in number 18of the Anales de CienciasNaturalesand we can declarethat in more
than one place he has erred.13
Caldas pestered Mutis on the subject of the French expedition. He sug-
gested rebuilding the pyramids that marked the baseline, and making a
new measurement of the degree of arc. But Mutis apparently paid no
attention. He had other problems at hand.
In late 1804, on the road to study the cinchona tree in the province of
Loja, Caldas took the opportunity to make a detour and follow La
Condamine's route through the area north of Quito. He visited the town
of Cuenca where a church tower served as a reference point for the work
of Godin and Jorge Juan (see Chapter I).
Near Cuenca he visited the Yarquiplain where the European scientists
had worked. There he came upon a marble marker they had left, but in
an unexpected situation. Caldas wrote a colorful account:
Everyoneknows that the [French]academicsfinished theirlaborsof the measure-
ment of the degree near the equator in the Tarquiplain; that they measured a
second baseline similar to that in Yarqui;and that in one of the nearby "haci-
13 Obras
Completas de Franciso Jose de Caldas. Universidad Nacional de Colombia.
endas" they established their southern observatory.At that time this [the "haci-
enda"] belonged to a resident of Cuenca named don M. Sempertegui. Here,
M. de La Condamineleft a marbletablet.... But the new owners who replaced
Semperteguitook it from its place and gave it a destiny differentfrom that which
it had originally.Instead of honoring the memory and results of observations
which decided the figure of the Earth ... it was used as a bridge over a ditch,
coveredwith dirt and buried. What destiny! Is there perhaps some enemy of the
celebratedjourney?Everythingis lost, ruined by barbarians.14
Confronted with an insult to the memory of his cherished expedition,
Caldas quickly decided how to remedy the degradation of the tablet. He
stole it.
The marble tablet was carried by Caldas's pack animals the length of
the Andes from southern Ecuador to Bogota. It was not until after
Caldas's death, the liberation of the Spanish American colonies and the
atomization of Nueva Granada that the Colombian government returned
the tablet to Ecuador.
PLANT GEOGRAPHY
Notwithstanding the dangers and the "misery" of his travels, it seems

fair to say that Caldas had found peace in the idyllic routes amid natural
wonders in tropical America. He enjoyed the freedom to measure and
observe, to write and draw, to speculate and analyze all that surrounded
him. He was far from the growing turmoil in Europe but enjoyed the pro-
tection and support of the Botanical Expedition, an institution created by
the Spanish monarchy.
Certainly, though, it is fair to ask-what were the results of his efforts?
Did any substantive scientific advances arise from Caldas's lonely cru-
sade in the Andes? The answer is affirmative for it was during his travels
in Ecuador that Caldas clarified his ideas about the geographical distri-
bution of plant life: for every plant species a set of limits could be
observed that would define a habitable zone. These limits-maxima and
minima of altitude and latitude-could be compiled, and maps, or dis-
tribution profiles, could be drawn to show how plants were located
throughout any terrain.
Caldas felt that the concept of plant geography (or phytogeography)
was his most important intellectual effort. Yet he was not able to develop
it fully. Had he joined the Botanical Expedition in 1796, or become a dis-
ciple of Mutis at that time, his journeys near the Equator would have
served for the gathering of data to polish his ideas. Had his life been
spared during the Spanish reconquest of 1814-1816, phytogeography
would have been the principal line of research for the rest of his life. As
it was, his work on the subject was limited to some tentative observations
about cultivated plants, detailed measurements of the cinchona tree, com-
mentaries and notes that were never organized.
14Ibid., 495.
I -I - ,r,
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also to Humboldt. Indeed it has been suggested ted
JX^-iÂ -^J- -'"

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.
return toEurope topreempt any possible priori ty brough by the

dispute t
Investigaci6n sobre Cauca

UnivPhytogeographicdadel
Caldas. d Op198sculo6. Un.
Caldas's company and hurriedly published his own results upon his
wcarried
a barometerall at times. In Bogota,
friend Arroyo saw Caldas's
GNturanzade ls PaFsesTroes.
Jards Cm elesiolombian writers have i.nsinu . 19,
the
&15?baros Esinsa of altitude
Armand maps "Rlcoe distributions,
nr adsyHmod"i
procured a copy
soAtaand sent el it
ads sor
nvesdddlCua.Ppy
Investigacion' 96
Before his arrival in America, Humboldt had traveled extensively in
had brought him face to face with the possibility of a plant geography.
He 16remarked,
Alexander
vonto "Since
Humboldt. my
my youth
,SinceIdeedas I have
youthpara accumulated
unaGeograffa
de las un
mas Plantas opusdeofla
ideas for anCuadro
opus
thisnature.'qe16
Humboldt's observations of American flora began with his arrival at
Venezuela. He, like Caldas, maintained a diary of observations and
carried a barometer at all times. In Bogota, Caldas's friend Arroyo saw
the baron's maps of altitude distributions, procured a copy and sent it
15 Espinosa. "Relaciones
Armando Espinosa.
15 Armando "Relaciones entre
entre Caldas Estado in Estado Actual
yy Humboldt"
Caldasin Humboldt" de la
Actual de la
Investigacionsobre Caldas. Universidaddel Cauca. Popayin. 1986.
16 Alexandervon Humboldt. Ideasparauna Geogracfa de las Plantasmas un Cuadrode la
Naturaleza JardinBotanico'JoseCelestino Mutis Bogota. 1985, p. i.
de los PafsesTropicales.
,; rlelacrn baromrneaJe lat urina en gral y & ia de bija en fparuiclT

pfr Rn, 5o de'i,da:
*
-^ -^
tudes, minerals .and other curiosities

.:..... ..
until August 1801. Furthermore, he began his first diary of exclusively
: -
....8. .
:. .. ........................:
........._~:::~ ... ,: ..*.^::. ..S,
'%._
a,<.k ..........
........
. ..... ? . ....
to Caldas. The description given by Caldas is a ". . . profile of barometric
Caldas should not be undulyMutis,

slighted.
and He knew the profile
Humboldt's geography of Nueva
fromreference
t:he book
Humboldt's efforts. Hefrom
of Linnaeus did not even have a reliable taxonomic Arroyo.I
Clearly, when the two men metSin Quito it was Humboldt who hadt
mierals ahed tothe the habitats of plants. Thouh he lacked the
atudes,
program for developing concept of phytogeography. However,
to after receiving
botanical observations
Cforaldas's
Granada fromletters deoess
Bogota toon the road
c from
tonbetter
o Quito than
plantgePopayan
anyatof heQuito
his
lana
his was headed
contemporaries. o
ingHis
a program for developing the concept of phytogeography. However,
diaries and copious measurements of altitude, latitude and temperature

had
direction beforehim
provided Humboldt's
abe seed
und the arrival
with He idea-that
of an
slghted. knewin no
geographical limits
way beof Nueva
chargeography
with having
could be established
approm
Bogota to
to
Quitothe habitats
than
bette ofof his
plants. Though
contemporaries.
any he lacked the
His
formal training necessary to crystallize his idea, he was headed in that
direction before Humboldt's arrival and should in no way be charged
with having appropriated the baron's initiative.
Indeed, it must be recalled that Humboldt found much of Caldas's

work worthy of taking note-his map of Timana, his hypsometric mea-
surements and his astronomical observations. Caldas also had numerous
barometric measurements of locations along the Andes that Humboldt
had no occasion to make. It is not unlikely that these measurements were
useful to Humboldt.
Before leaving the South American mainland from the port of Guay-
aquil in February 1803, Humboldt produced a manuscript entitled "Ideas
for a Geography of Plants with a Nature Map of the Tropics based on
Observations and Measurements made between the parallels 10? N and
10? S during the years 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802 and 1803."18
Humboldt dedicated the manuscript to Mutis and sent it to the Mar-
ques de Selvalegre with the request that it be forwarded to the director
of the Botanical Expedition. The marques gave the manuscript to Caldas
who held it for fifteen days in order to make a copy for himself. When
he sent it along to Mutis he included a manuscript of his own, "Memoir
on the Distribution of Plants that are Cultivated near the Equator" (a
translation of this memoir is presented in Appendix B)-which dealt pri-
marily with the altitude at which wheat could be cultivated, along with
notes on other grains and vegetables.19
Humboldt's manuscript and altitude profile (see Fig. 6) demonstrate
his voracious appetite for data. He plotted a number of variables versus
altitude: atmospheric refraction, visibility, comparative altitudes, electric
phenomena, cultivated plants, decrease in gravity, color of the sky,
humidity, atmospheric pressure, atmospheric temperature, chemistry of
the atmosphere, snow line, animal species, boiling point temperature.
Such wide-ranging commentary was beyond Caldas's reach.
The baron was quick to publish his manuscript when he arrived in
Europe. A French version appeared in 1805 and a German version in 1807.
Caldas himself published a version of the work in 1809 in his Semanario
(see Chapter VIII). He accompanied it with a preface and notes, and was
explicit in giving Humboldt ample credit, "We have followed the steps
of this illustrious traveller with the same objectives, and with the 'Plant
Geography' in our hands.. . 20
Caldas announced the publication of a similar work of his own, "Fito-
geografia del Ecuador." This was never completed. Upon his return to
Bogota he was assigned to direct the Astronomical Observatory and his
plant collections were turned over to Mutis. Following Mutis's death in
1808 and the events surrounding the revolution all activity regarding the
expedition slowed down. When Caldas pleaded for clemency with his
18 Alexander von Humboldt. Ideas

para una Geografiade las Plantas mas un Cuadrode la
Naturalezade los Paises Tropicales.Jardin Botanico 'Jose Celestino Mutis.' Bogota. 1985.
19 Obras
20 Alexander von Humboldt. Ideas
para una Geograffade las Plantas mas un Cuadrode la
Naturalezade los Paises Tropicales.Jardfn Botanico 'Jose Celestino Mutis.' Bogota. 1985, p. XIX.
executioners he named the "Fitogeografia" as the most important of his

works left unfinished (see Fig. 7).
Could it be that Humboldt regarded Caldas as a rival? I believe that
for Humboldt the concept of phytogeography was especially important.
He found in Nueva Granada two men, Mutis and Caldas, capable of
developing the idea, and one, Caldas, already with the raw data available
to do it. While there was no doubt about to Humboldt's priorities on the
matter, he found it in his interest to expedite publication.
VI. THE QUININE QUANDARY
W hile Caldas was riding blissfully amidst the natural wonders of the
equatorial Andes, accompanied by his Indian guides, his instru-
ments, his notebooks and his plant collections, both of his patrons, Mutis
and Pombo, were beginning to have second thoughts about their bene-
ficiary's investigations.
The breaking point came near the end of 1803 when Caldas asked
Mutis to send two painters to aid in the work of illustrating the plants
in his collection-a reasonable request, especially since Mutis had
recently assigned two painters to his nephew Sinforoso. The problem
was not the request for two assistants, but rather the feeling that Caldas
was out of control. Neither Pombo nor Mutis could predict where
Caldas's research program would lead, how long it would take to com-
plete, how much it would cost or what benefits would be brought to the
Botanical Expedition. Furthermore, Caldas was not the obedient disciple
he seemed at first. He was confidently following his own instincts and
interests even if it meant ignoring to some degree the instructions he had
received.
Pombo was the first to react. Mutis apparently acceded in letting
Pombo deal with Caldas in a strict and direct manner. In a letter to Mutis,
Pombo complained of Caldas's spreading himself too thin and of the
delays associated with the trip to Malbucho. He continued by spelling
out to Mutis his thoughts on the matter:
In these circumstancesit seems to me that not only should he [Caldas]be denied
the painters and other items he requests, but also should be warned that if he
does not proceed immediately to Guayaquiland from there continue without
delay to Choc6 [Pacificcoastalregion of Colombia]to complete the objectiveshe
proposed you will be obliged to suspend your support, to use those funds in
other items more appropriateand useful to the Expedition.1
Not the least of Pombo's worries were the limits of his own philan-
thropy. He said, "I will also tell him . . . that having to attend children
and other obligations I cannot . . . support him further, especially as he
is not following his proposed trip ... and when he initially only asked
$1000 pesos for a voyage to Lima, Mexico, Habana and Cartagena."2
In November 1803 Pombo wrote to Caldas ordering him to proceed to
Choco or face the termination of Pombo's support. Furthermore, Pombo
1 Guillermo Hernandez de Alba, ed. Archivo EpistolarDel Sabio Naturalista Don JoseCel-
Volume IV, p. 119.
2 Ibid., 120.
60
THE QUININE QUANDARY 61
accused Caldas of remaining in Quito instead of working in the country-

side; of working on useless interminable and costly projects; and of
having spent three times what he needed. Mutis, who had been ill,
finally made it known to Caldas that he was expected to return soon to
Bogota, but he again lapsed into silence until mid-1804.
The discontent in Cartagena and Bogota caught Caldas by surprise.
He was hurt by the criticism and somewhat unnerved. He quickly sent
Mutis a box of plant skeletons, drawings and descriptions as well as a
collection of bird skeletons. This was the first such shipment Caldas had
made to his mentor.
In his defense Caldas tried to clarify many points. He presented a pain-
fully detailed expense account to counter Pombo's assertion that he was
a spendthrift. He recalled that it was Mutis who had ordered him to stay
in Quito. He complained that he was still suffering the ill effects of his
journey to Malbucho and that no one expressed sympathy or gratitude
for his efforts. But he did respond to the charges of overextending himself
and announced, "I have pushed aside my inclinations and left nearly all
for botany."3
The worried tone of Caldas's reply, the lameness of his own defense
seems to have convinced Pombo who wrote to Mutis in April 1804, "Our
friend Caldas has sent me a rather diffuse letter in which he specifies his
labors, expenses, etc. to demonstrate that they were not useless as I had
told him."4
THE CINCHONA PROBLEM
Although Mutis may have been concerned about the usefulness and
cost of Caldas's investigations, there was a more pressing problem for the
director of the Botanical Expedition. This was the issue of the efficacy of
the bark of the cinchona tree as an anti-malarial remedy. The cinchona
problem had arisen a century before Mutis's birth, plagued him
throughout his career and outlasted both his efforts and those of a
prodded disciple, Caldas, to find a solution.
Among the discoveries brought back to Spain by the "conquistadores"
was the use of the bark of the cinchona tree-dried, ground and taken
orally-as a specific remedy in the treatment of malaria. The bark con-
tains the alkaloid, quinine, and its introduction "marked the first suc-
cessful use of a chemical compound in combating infectious disease."5
Quinine became part of European medicine in the first half of the sev-
enteenth century, almost certainly having been discovered first by South
Imprenta Nacional. Bogota. 1917.
4 Guillermo Hernandez de Alba, ed. Archivo Epistolar Del Sabio Naturalista Don Jose
Celestino Mutis. Four Volumes. Instituto Colombiano de Cultura Hispanica. Bogota. 1983.
Volume IV, p. 124.
5 EncyclopediaBritannica. Volume 18, p. 968.
FIGURE 8. Cinchona Officinalis. Reprinted from Gabriel Fonnegra, ed. Mutis y La

Expedicion Botinica (Documentos). El Ancora Editores. Bogota. 1983.
American Indians. Curiously, the cinchona tree appeared to be highly

localized in the province of Loja in the southern part of the Presidency
of Quito.
The cinchona genus contains many species most of which are not
effective anti-malarial agents. And therein lay the source of great
difficulties for Mutis, a "fatal flaw" which shaped the destiny of this bot-
anist, physician and priest.
In 1738 the Frenchman, La Condamine, traveled from Quito to Lima
to make financial arrangements in favor of the expedition that was mea-
suring the shape of the earth. En route he passed through Loja and made
the first botanical description of the cinchona tree- a century after its dis-
covery. He sent his observations to Linnaeus who designated the plant

cinchona officinalis.
After Mutis's arrival to Nueva Granada in 1763, he received a sample
of cinchona from the administrator of the Spanish crown's monopoly on
cinchona commerce. He likewise sent these samples to Linnaeus. During
the early years of the Botanical Expedition, in Mariquita, Mutis tried to
establish a cinchona plantation but this was cut short by the expedition's
forced return to Bogota.
Mutis's training as a physician and a botanist made him ideally suited
to decipher the mystery surrounding the use of the different species.
According to one of his biographers, Mutis was the "quinologist" with
the best location in the world and the most active in tests and investiga-
tions.6 The route to discovery, however, was laden with pitfalls.
First, the harvesting and commerce of the cinchona bark were anti-
technical and chaotic. The harvesters tended to be untrained laborers
who often would fell trees different than the cinchona or bring back parts
other than the bark. This was not well dried before packing and often
different species of cinchona were mixed indiscriminately. Second, the
application of the drug was haphazard. There were no systematic studies
of its uses and the dosage was a matter left to each physician.
Furthermore, fortune was not in Mutis's favor. In 1772, while traveling
near Bogota, he came across a species of cinchona. Although this was
the first discovery of the tree north of the equator, Mutis made no formal
publication. However, a Panamean physician, Sebastian Lopez Ruiz,
who had gained Mutis's confidence, claimed the discovery as his own.
As a result, Lopez Ruiz traveled to Spain where he was befriended by
Casimiro Ortega, director of the Jardin Botanico de Madrid (and an antag-
onist of Mutis). The Panamean was named to the Real Academia Medica
in Madrid and given a paid position to direct that city's quinine com-
merce with Bogota.
Mutis reacted in an unpriestly manner. He used his friendship with
Viceroy (and Archbishop) Caballero, his patron in the establishment of
the Botanical Expedition, to counterattack. Together they managed to
convince the Spanish court of Mutis's priority. They pressed on until
Lopez Ruiz was removed from his position, stripped of his salary, retired
from the scientific societies and forced to take up residence in Peru.
Mutis eventually gained control of the cinchona commerce. He
insisted on commercializing the local species (with the aid of Jose Ignacio
Pombo in Cartagena) and began shipments in 1787. Much to his dismay
Spanish physicians declared the remedy to be ineffective and by 1790 the
commerce was ordered closed. This was a shocking defeat for Mutis,
diminishing his reputation as a botanist. But Mutis persisted and in 1794
wrote El Arcano de la Quina, a treatise devoted to distinguishing the
different species of cinchona and their medicinal effects.
6 Florentino
Vezga. La Expedici6nBotdnica. Carvajal and Cia. Cali. 1971, p. 44.
The controversy had become as much a matter of personalities as of

science. Casimiro Ortega and his son-in-law Hip6lito Ruiz (of the Peru-
vian Expedition) were pitted against Mutis and the members of the expe-
dition in Nueva Granada. Thus, Mutis insisted on explaining his posi-
tion to Humboldt in 1801 and the Prussian responded by supporting
Mutis on the matter of his discovery of cinchona near Bogota.
As time passed, Mutis regained lost terrain and by 1803 had sent his
nephew Sinforoso to Cuba with a shipment of cinchona for sale. How-
ever, the controversy continued with a new attack by Hipolito Ruiz in
1801 and a defense issued by Mutis's former second-in-command Fran-
cisco Antonio Zea.
CALDASTAKESPART
The advances, setbacks and intrigues associated with the cinchona

problem had not made much of an impact on Caldas prior to his joining
the expedition. He had been trained as a lawyer, not a physician like
Mutis, and he was never to enter the clinical side of the issue. The hur-
ried training Caldas received from Bonpland apparently did not include
any special emphasis on the cinchona tree. Thus when he outlined his
program of investigation to his mentor he made no mention of the cin-
chona issue-one of utmost importance to Mutis.
It is clear, though, that Mutis patiently and persistently impressed
upon his pupil the salient points of the matter. By November 1802, five
months after his formal appointment, Caldas made his first comment
regarding cinchona and noted the importance of a field trip to Loja.
Caldas also acknowledged Mutis's personal motives, "Youtell me it is nec-
essary to arrange a complete collection of cinchona to respond to the
attacks against you by Ortega'"7
Caldas asked for a copy of Zea's memoir and another defense written
by Mutis's trusted lieutenant, Salvador Rizo. The lack of correspondence
owing to Mutis's failing health and Caldas's discomforts following his
trip to Malbucho delayed his turning to the cinchona problem. But, by
the end of 1803 Caldas was thoroughly infused with the spirited rivalry
against Ortega and the Peruvian expedition, and wrote to Mutis with
that mercurial intensity that characterized him, that he wished to travel
to Loja to arrive ahead of a supposed expedition from the Peruvian
group, "I am so obsessed on this point that I will carry it through even
if it costs me my life."8
Mutis was equally anxious for the outing and for some data that would
be of use. Caldas, having been severely chastised for his independence,
was eager to right himself with his mentor. So in January 1804 it was
agreed that Caldas should travel immediately to Loja and then return
8 Ibid., 222.
without delay with his samples to Bogota, but that was complicated by a
relapse of his illness and Mutis once again grew silent. Finally, in July 1804,
Caldas, still ill, decided to leave for Loja having received only second-
hand information from Mutis via Salvador Rizo and Santiago Arroyo.
After the first leg of his journey Caldas stopped in the town of Cuenca
where he complained, "I arrived ... assailed by this illness. ... I have
passed ten days amidst vomit and quinine."9
Caldas persisted and arrived in Loja in October 1804. He stayed in the
province until the end of the year and then returned to Quito where he
wrote a memoir,10his only publication regarding cinchona, between Jan-
uary and March 1805.
Along the route to Loja and in earlier field trips, Caldas had collected
numerous samples of different cinchona species which can be listed as
follows:
Date Place
July 1803 Malbucho
October 1803 Intac
June 1804 Tagualo
August 1804 Alausi
September 1804 Cuenca
October/November 1804 Loja
Caldas reported enthusiastically to Mutis:
I have found and described sixteen species [Mutis recognized only four. Today
there are reportedto be thirty-eight1].I found ten in Loja;three in Cuenca;two
in Alausi; and one in Tagualo.I believe that I have exhausted the study of cin-
chona in this province,followingyour orders,and procuringthat for my partmay
be diminished the melancholy in which you say you have fallen.12
Caldas stayed in the province long enough to study it well. With a
population of about two thousand at the time Loja was "a group of
poorly built houses, in the middle of an unequal and thin valley which
extends from north to south some three or four leagues."13
He set about organizing plant skeletons and making drawings; speak-
ing with the local agent for cinchona commerce; and doing what inter-
ested him most-establishing geographical limits for the different spe-
cies. Indeed, Caldas drew a map generalizing his measurements. It is
worth noting that he was willing to accept Hipolito Ruiz's southern limit
to complement his own estimate of the northern limit. As for the alti-
9 Ibid., 240.
10 "Memoria sobre el estado de las quinas en general y en particular sobre la de Loja"
in Obras Completasde FrancisoJosede Caldas. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Imprenta
11 EncyclopediaBritannica. Volume 5.
13 Obras Completas de Franciso Jose de Caldas. Universidad Nacional de Colombia.
tude, Caldas took to task both Humboldt and Juan Tafalla, for he found
cinchona, he said,
abovethe upper limit determinedby Baronvon Humboldt. If Tafallawith his glo-
rious "quina"has correctedthe lowerlimit, we alterthe upper limit, and the zone
of cinchona established by that travelleris of much greaterextension than that
published in the Geography of Plants [by Humboldt]. It is certain that Tafalla
understandsnothing of altitudes and if that limit is altered [the lower] it will be
after we have observed it in Guayaquil.'4
Caldas's keen interest in establishing the viability of a plant geography
had a practical objective-the ability to predict where a given plant could
or could not be cultivated. This seemed particularly worthwhile with
regard to cinchona because as Caldas noted, "Whatever be the cause, it
is certain that we do not have one cinchona tree of Loja in all the rest
of the viceroyalty."15
In his memoir, Caldas insisted on the need to cultivate cinchona. He
estimated that about ten percent of the province's supply was depleted,
and criticized the destructive harvesting methods used. He suggested
that plantations (some 10,000 trees) be established in other zones geo-
graphically similar to Loja (such as Popayan) since neither the residents,
nor the local botanist were interested and that, technically speaking
". .. in October 1804 things are as they were at the time of its [the cin-
chona bark's] discovery."16
FURTHER DISCUSSION
Caldas held great expectations for his cinchona memoir. His patron
in Quito, Baron Carondelet, commissioned a copy. Caldas complied and
asked Carondelet to send a copy to Spain with a recommendation for an
official position with the expedition. He also sent copies to Mutis and
Pombo, expecting their approval. Pombo was critical though, noting that
"his cinchona memoir is written in haste and as such has its errors."17
Pombo specifically criticized Caldas's geographical limits and his judg-
ment that the Loja species was necessarily superior. There was some-
thing more to Pombo's criticisms, though-he was also at work on a
memoir about the cinchona problem. (The memoir is lost.) Pombo fan-
cied himself an expert on the matter and showed more than a little jeal-
ousy. He was probably piqued by Mutis's urgent call to Caldas to return
to Bogota, since Mutis treated Caldas as his stellar student.
In his memoir, Caldas emphasized commercial aspects and the appli-
cation of his ideas on plant geography to the cinchona problem. He
14Ibid., 482.
15 Ibid., 249.
16Ibid., 252.
17 Guillermo Hernandez de Alba, ed., Archivo EpistolarDel SabioNaturalistaDon JoseCel-
Volume IV, p. 141.
intended to deal with cinchona in greaterdetail in Bogotawhere he could

work with his collections, and he often mentioned that he was preparing
a major work on the subject. Unfortunately, here again Caldas was
unable to deliver.When he arrivedin the capitalhe was assigned to the
Observatoryand it was Mutis who supposedly dealt with botany.Mutis's
advanced age in combinationwith his tendency to procrastinatedid not
permit any progress to be made until after the Spaniard'sdeath in 1808.
Caldas never did publish his proposed treatise on cinchona, but he
did collaboratewith Sinforoso Mutis on a posthumous edition of the
elder Mutis's writings. The death of Mutis, the upheaval of the revolu-
tion, the Spanish reconquest and the closure of the BotanicalExpedition
put the quinine commercebeyond the grasp of the Granadians,and the
Dutch East Indies eventually surpassed the newly independent Latin
America as the world's foremost producer of the "divine and bitter
remedy."
SECTION THREE
AT HOME IN THE OBSERVATORY

1806-1810
ollowing three long years (1802-1805) in the mountains and jungles

of Ecuador, Caldas left Quito and journeyed to Santa Fe de Bogota.
His arrival in the capital of the viceroyalty was accompanied by
great expectations. Caldas's mentor, benefactor and director, Mutis, was
eager to study the collections from Ecuador, especially the samples of cin-
chona. Mutis was also anxious for Caldas to take charge of the Astronom-
ical Observatory which had been completed in 1803 (Fig. 9).
Caldas returned to Bogota in conditions that he could not have imagined
when he first wrote to Mutis. He directed the first astronomical observa-
tory built in Spanish America, and it would not be much of an exaggera-
tion to say that the Observatory had been built for Caldas. Furthermore,
Mutis's reception seemed convincing proof that Caldas was already
chosen to succeed his mentor as director of the botanical expedition.
Caldas established a regular program of observations in astronomy.
He made meteorological measurements and encouraged others to do the
same. He took on private students, made friends and expressed his opin-
ions on the need to support the scientific community in Nueva Granada.
As Caldas's self-confidence grew, Mutis's health waned. The two men
drew apart, not because of personal animosity, but owing to differences
in age and expectations. While Mutis tried to put his intellectual house
in order, Caldas was not allowed to advance research on his own plant
specimens.
But Caldas was too energetic and ambitious to allow this vacuum to
exist. He became the motive force behind the publication of a weekly peri-
odical-El Semanariodel Nuevo Reinode Granada.This was essentially a sci-
entific journal. Under Caldas's guidance the nature and geography of the
viceroyalty were amply discussed. In addition, the periodical was a plat-
form from which he could advance his own ideas on matters of science.
In September 1808 Mutis passed away. He had determined that the
botanical expedition would pass with him, by skillfully devising an intel-
lectual testament which left Caldas as an independent director of the Ob-
servatory but did not give him the directorship of the expedition-the
prize Caldas coveted most.
Although Caldas viewed Mutis's bequest as a promise broken, he
eventually overcame his indignation. A triumvirate was left to carry on
the expedition's work: Sinforoso Mutis, Salvador Rizo, and Caldas. They
69
. ..... ,-.V
.1.
i.II
-: f
FIGURE 9. Drawing of the Astronomical Observatory. Reprinted from Alfredo D. Bateman.

El Observatorio Astronomico de Bogota. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Bogota. 1953.
managed to develop a working relationship as they moved forward with

the study of the natural world in Nueva Granada. Caldas found a mo-
ment of tranquility and sustenance in his pursuit of science-a calm that
lasted only until the revolution began.
VII. THE HEIR APPARENT
A terthe completion of his field trip to Loja in search of cinchona speci-

mens, Caldas set about ordering his collections for the journey to
Santa Fe de Bogota. From late in 1803 Mutis had urged his disciple to col-
lect cinchona specimens and return to the capital of the viceroyalty. Caldas's
other patron, Pombo, began in late 1804 to press him to leave Quito, for
Pombo was unable to maintain economic support for his countryman. And
Caldas himself had become weary of his work in the field. Laboring in
the Ecuadorean Andes virtually by himself, he had suffered the rigors of
mountainous and tropical terrains, fought off illness and managed with
a limited budget. He had accumulated an ample collection of specimens
and maintained notebooks filled with raw data. Caldas looked forward
to a period of tranquility in Bogota in order to organize that material.
Since the journey through the mountainous "cordillera" region from
Quito to Bogota would be slow, Caldas hoped to make good use of his
time. He continued to make geographical measurements and search for
cinchona. He insisted that Mutis send new thermometers to continue his
hypsometric observations and asked for funds to pursue investigations
near his native Popayan, where he arrived on 19 May 1805. He remained
in Popayan until at least September of the same year.
Pombo, though, unwilling to accept more delays, wrote to Mutis, "I
told my countryman Caldas to leave aside all these projects, get on the
road and go there (Bogota), for that is what you desire and is the most
convenient for many reasons."'
Caldas dutifully obeyed. On 10 December 1805 he arrived in Santa Fe
de Bogota with his pack animals bearing a treasure of material for the
Botanical Expedition:
An herbarium of between 5,000 and 6,000 dried plant skeletons.
Two volumes of plant descriptions.
Drawings of plants by Caldas.
Seeds and bark.
Two volumes of astronomical observations.
Meteorological observations.
Geographical measurements for a map of the viceroyalty and for maps
of plant geography.
Profiles of the Andes through a zone of 9? in latitude.
Specimens of animals, birds and minerals.
Two volumes of travel notes.
1 Guillermo Hernandez de Alba, ed. Archivo EpistolarDel SabioNaturalistaDon JoseCeles-

tino Mutis. Four Volumes. Instituto Colombiano de Cultura Hispanica. Bogota. 1983.
Volume IV, p. 140.
71
AN OBSERVATORY BUILT FOR ONE MAN
Caldas had been in Bogota twice before. In 1788 he came to the capital
as a student of law, his interest in the sciences apparently dormant. In
1796 he made the difficult journey through the "cordillera" with the
specific intention of starting his work as a scientist. Yet he inexplicably
missed the chance to meet with Mutis and join the only scientific orga-
nization in the viceroyalty-the Botanical Expedition.
When Caldas returned to Bogota in late 1805, the panorama was spec-
tacularly different. His talent as a scientist had been acknowledged by
Humboldt. Mutis named him an "individual of merit" of the expedition
three years earlier. Indeed, Caldas had lived up to expectations and came
to the capital with a varied program of investigation and data necessary
to carry it out.
There was, however, an even greater significance to Caldas's return.
It resembled the return of the prodigal son. Mutis, whom Caldas did not
hesitate to call "my father,"had prepared an astronomical observatory for
him and treated Caldas with all the attention that should be bestowed
upon an heir apparent.
In his biography of Mutis,2 Father Enrique Perez Arbalaez referred to
the Astronomical Observatory of Santa Fe de Bogota as "one tower for
one man"3-a succinct description of the circumstances surrounding the
construction of the Observatory. It is fair to say that if not for Caldas, the
Observatory would not have been built.
Mutis deserves credit for having the vision to build the "first astronom-
ical observatory on the South American continent."4 He had dabbled in
astronomy, but his work as a physician and director of the expedition left
him with little time to develop a program of astronomical research. It is
indicative of his conception of the expedition's mission that he tried to
amplify its range of research to a field distant from his own.
Why Mutis diverted funds and effort from botanical research, while
his "Flora de Bogota" continued without signs of a definitive publication
date is a significant question. Mutis was under heavy attack from the
Peruvian expedition on the matter of cinchona. Furthermore, he worried
that he was nearing the end of his life with his major works unfinished.
Why then build an observatory?
The answer is that the observatory was built for one man. Construc-
tion began on 24 May 1802, a significant date. Early in the same year Hum-
boldt met with Caldas and sent glowing reports to Mutis. The baron was
impressed with Caldas's talent as an observer and had written that
2
Enrique Perez Arbelaez. Jose Celestino Mutis y la Real Expedicion Botdnica del Nuevo
Reyno de Granada. Instituto Colombiano de Cultura Hispanica. Bogota. 1983.
3 Ibid., 158.
4 Mutis, Caldas and their biographers have referred to the
Observatory in Bogota as the
first on the South American continent. However, it was preceded by an observatory in Mon-
tevideo, Uruguay in 1789. See Carlos A. Etchecopar and Carlos Perez Montero, El Primer
Observatoriode Montevideo,Montevideo, Instituto Hist6rico y Geografico de Uruguay, 1955.
(Professor Thomas Click, private communication).
THE HEIR APPARENT 73
"Caldas is a prodigy in astronomy."5 By April 1802 the possibility that

Caldas might travel with Humboldt ended. For Mutis this meant that his
disciple would stay in the viceroyalty. Mutis was foresighted enough to
plan on making good use of Caldas and providing him with a stable posi-
tion as well.
Mutis was delighted with the possibilities. In July 1802 he wrote to the
new director of the Real Jardin Botanico de Madrid, Antonio Cavanilles:
Now, with anticipation,I imploreyour protectonand good graces for a meritori-
ous aggregate[Caldas]to my Expeditionwhose destinyI must assureas a member
alongside [FranciscoAntonio] Zea and my nephew [SinforosoMutis] .... My
old age obliges me to choose my successors and enjoy my chosen assistants in
the final days of my life. This young man's vast instructionand talents will do
honor to my election. Forthe moment I have him in Quito alongside Baronvon
Humboldt .... He has made himself a skillful astronomerand will discharge
with honor the functions of the first observatorybuilt in America.6
Mutis funded the construction of the Observatory with the sale of cin-
chona bark in Cuba where his nephew Sinforoso was at work. Final pay-
ment was made by his estate, however, after Mutis's death. Construction
ended on 30 August 1803. The Observatory, situated alongside the head-
quarters of the Botanical Expedition, awaited its director.
There was more, though, than the honor of being named director of
the Observatory; Mutis also gave his disciple the impression that the
question of succession as director of the Botanical Expedition was
resolved. Caldas was the heir apparent.
Soon after his arrival in Bogota, Caldas wrote to his friend Antonio
Arboleda in Popayan, "More than one envies my fortune in Santa Fe
[Bogota], more than one believes Mutis to be unjust in having preferred
me instead of his nephew [Sinforoso Mutis] and all are shocked by his
successor."7
Caldas was not showing provincial naivete. He had good reason to
believe he was Mutis's chosen successor. In an account of his introduc-
tion to Viceroy Amar y Borbon on 9 February 1806, Caldas quoted Mutis
as having announced:
I [Mutis] have passed seventy-five years spent in the progress of science; my
strengthlessens and my work increases.Toprotectmy sovereign, my nation and
my honor I have procureda support, a cane for my old age, a man in which to
deposit my discoveriesand my knowledge, a man to be my confidant, my con-
solation and my support, and heir to my knowledge such as it is. This is don
F.J.de Caldas, who is in the presence of YourExcellencyand who I have the
honor of presenting. For the past four years I have had him in the Provinceof
5
Jorge Arias de Greiff. "El Diario Inedito de Humboldt." Revista de la AcademiaColom-
biana de Ciencias Exactas, Fisicas y Naturales. Volume 13. Number 51. 1969, p. 393.
6 Guillermo Hernandez de Alba, ed. Archivo
Epistolar Del Sabio Naturalista Don Jose
Volume II, p. 186.
Quito and have now called him to my side. I implorethe protectionof YourExcel-
lency to convey my wishes to the illustriousMinisterof the Indies and that I may
die with the consolation of having left a successor who will sustain the nation's
honor and my reputation.8
I think that Caldas can be believed in his report of Mutis's declaration.
He had nothing to gain by embellishing the truth or misleading his
friend Arboleda, to whom he confided the story. In addition, I think
Mutis is to be believed when he referred to Caldas as his "successor," but
there is one qualifying note to Mutis's words. The "successor" had been
chosen to "sustain the nation's honor and my reputation." Caldas would
have done well to try to understand his mentor's intentions.
ASTRONOMY
The position of director of the Astronomical Observatory of Santa Fe
de Bogota carried no job description. Caldas was left to develop his own
programs and had to work virtually without assistance. Although he had
come to Bogota to take his place in the Botanical Expedition, he encoun-
tered, instead, a certain degree of isolation:
I find myself in averagehealth enclosed in the observatoryand dedicatedto the
contemplationof the skies, to this dome thatpublishes at everymoment the glory
of its author. I am happy in this solitude, nothing obscures a retreatbased on
sublime and virtuous knowledge.9
The Observatory's octagonal tower was located in the garden of the
Botanical Expedition. Caldas's first job was to take account of the physical
plant and the instruments at his disposition. Some equipment had been
supplied by the Spanish government: a quarter circle, theodolites, chro-
nometers, thermometers and compasses; Mutis had acquired other
instruments: three reflecting telescopes, octants, thermometers, barom-
eters, compasses and a pendulum; and Caldas also contributed the
quarter circle purchased from Humboldt, a theodolite, a sextant and
ephemerides.
Caldas marked the north-south meridian line and began measuring
the position of sun and stars to determine the Observatory's location.10
He continued to emphasize the use of astronomical observations to
obtain geographical data. In 1807 he spent several weeks reducing the
data in his astronomical notebooks, principally the eclipses of the moon
and the occultations of the satellites of Jupiter. This provided him with
the values of longitude of the different towns in the viceroyalty he had
visited. His measurement of the meridian altitude of stars, and observa-
tions of the solstices gave Caldas data with which to deduce the latitude
8 Ibid., 248.
9 Ibid., 246.
10 Caldas's measurements of latitude (4? 36' 6" N) and altitude (2,686.33 meters) com-
pare favorably with modern values-latitude = 4? 35' 56.57" N: altitude = 2,624.88 meters.
of these places. His goal was vast and ambitious-to map the entire vice-
royalty. Caldas's geographic endeavors will be discussed further in the
following chapter.
Another program to which Caldas dedicated himself was the measure-
ment of the refraction of starlight by the atmosphere. Atmospheric
refraction11causes a change in the observed position of a star. The effect
is weaker at higher altitudes and depends on the density of the atmo-
sphere through which starlight must pass.
This was a particularly apt problem for Caldas who was fascinated by
the way changes in altitude affect different phenomena. The French Expe-
dition had dealt with the matter. Humboldt was also interested in atmo-
spheric refraction and certainly he and Caldas must have had occasion
to discuss the subject. Caldas presented a memoir on atmospheric refrac-
tion to Viceroy Amar y Borbon in 1809. In fact, he promised the viceroy
a total of three volumes describing his work. This material, unfortu-
nately, seems to have been lost.
Caldas suggested that the location of the Observatory was ideal for
developing a star catalogue of the southern hemisphere. There is little
evidence to clarify how much time he dedicated to this. Caldas made con-
stant efforts to obtain star catalogues and ephemerides. It may be that
a lack of adequate references dissuaded him from embarking on this
project.
Still, Caldas was an active observer. In 1807 a comet appeared in the
sky. Caldas described his observations:
It is true that for more than a month this new star has occupied my time, and
I believe that I shall not leave it until it has disappearedcompletely.There is not
enough time to calculateall the elements of my observations,but they will be
seen in time. Since its appearanceit has constantlydiminished in diameterand
intensity. The tail, which was inclined to the ecliptic on the 23rd of September
is now reversed and points to the North. The fan that was formed has opened
more; it was seen in Virgo,passed the equatorbetween the 28th and 29th of Sep-
tember ... touched the head of the Serpent and is now (November6, 1807)upon
the back of Hercules. Who knows where it will disappear!12
Caldas's observation of the comet was not without its difficulties,
for he later wrote, "My head suffered with the comet and I am now
recovering."13
He maintained extensive diaries of his astronomical observations.
Humboldt was able to judge Caldas's aptitude for astronomy by review-
ing the notes he left with his father in Popayan. When he returned to
Bogota in 1805 Caldas brought with him two volumes of data. And in his
report to Viceroy Amar y Borbon in 1809, Caldas announced that he was
organizing the observations which he had begun in 1797 and including
11 See note #21, chapter 4.

13 Ibid., 259.
those made in the observatory. As noted, these works are lost. Caldas
never published any summary of his astronomical labors.
Despite the prestige of being director of the Observatory and the
investment made in building and equipment, Caldas found it difficult to
build a research program in astronomy. He worked in isolation, he had
no contact with other astronomers; only sporadically could he obtain
ephemerides, and he had no assistants. Caldas remarked, "I could never
obtain a co-observer and I have found myself in the unfortunate situation
of teaching some principles of astronomy to my servant."14
His astronomy was dependent upon the information available to him.
For example, in his Almanac for 1812 Caldas attributed to the solar
system twelve primary planets including Uranus, which Caldas referred
to as "Herschel"; and four asteroides which Caldas referred to as planets
named "Piazzi," "Olbers," "Hercules" and "Harding." The isolation im-
posed by Spain on its colonies and the upheaval caused by Napoleon's
adventures in Europe denied Caldas the communication with other as-
tronomers and observatories that would have allowed him to develop his
own talents and the Observatory's potential.
AND OTHERMATTERS
METEOROLOGY
The Observatory, in Caldas's conception, was not meant to deal only
with astronomy. Rather, he continued to work on a variety of subjects as
he had since he initiated his scientific career. The principal differences
between his labors near Popayan and in Ecuador, and in his new position
as the director of an institution were twofold. First, he no longer prac-
ticed itinerant science. His mission was to develop a program for the
Observatory, in the Observatory. This suited him since he had a great
amount of data and voluminous collections to organize. Caldas also felt
that he had suffered considerable hardship during his field work in Ecua-
dor. He welcomed the comfort and tranquility available in his new setting.
Second, Caldas found himself somewhat removed from the botanical
activities of the expedition. He had turned his collections over to Mutis.
The aging Spaniard made little effort to involve Caldas in the preparation
of materials for the projected "Flora de Bogota." Mutis apparently felt
that Caldas had enough work to do with the night sky.
It was natural, then, that Caldas should develop a program of mete-
orological observations to complement his astronomical program. As a
traveler, Caldas habitually made note of climatological conditions in each
village he passed. In the Observatory he recorded measurements of baro-
metric pressure, air temperature and humidity three times each day.
Caldas did not limit his meteorological program to a series of isolated
measurements. He took the initiative of exhorting others to make their
own observations. In his weekly periodical, the Semanario, (see Chapter
14 Obras
VIII) he urged his readers to send their observations to him. As a result,

by the end of 1808 Caldas could publish data collected by correspondents
in Cartagena, Popayan and Cali. He was convinced of the need to gen-
eralize the accumulation of meteorological information in order to aid in
the development of agriculture and commerce in the viceroyalty. Caldas
clearly deserves credit for having anticipated the development of a struc-
tured network of meteorological stations in Colombia.
Even more importantly, the Observatory served as a haven from
which Caldas began to deal with scientific problems on a different level.
His new position gave him the confidence to speak out on the impor-
tance of supporting science in the viceroyalty. He began to conceive proj-
ects on a national scale. His initiative on meteorological data shows
Caldas's development as a person and a scientist. He was capable,
willing and anxious to demonstrate leadership-a positive attribute for
the director of an observatory.
There are three other points which deserve mention in the present
chapter. First, Caldas seems to have continued to some degree with his
investigation of the hypsometric principle while in the Observatory (see
Chapter II). He mentioned during 1809 that he was completing a new
memoir on the subject.15 This was never published though, so it is
difficult to determine what sort of new information he had or how much
time he spent on it.
Second, Caldas maintained his voracious appetite for information
from Europe. In his calculation of the altitude of the Observatory he was
delighted to have learned of a new method-by Laplace-for reducing
readings of barometric pressure to altitude. He pestered the viceroy for
a nautical almanac from Spain, commented on the caloric theory of heat
and managed to obtain Humboldt's recently published articles.
Finally, Caldas built his own circle of friends, associates, students and
admirers. Colombian writers have often emphasized Caldas's timid
nature. This probably comes from Caldas's own account of the reasons
for Humboldt's unwillingness to receive him as a traveling companion
(see Chapter III), and from the curious story behind Caldas's marriage
(see Chapter X). Yet when science was involved, or his position as a
scientist, Caldas demonstrated quite another character. He could be
aggressive, persuasive, haughty, abrasive and self-assured. This aspect
of Caldas's personality became more apparent as he settled in at the
Observatory.
15 Ibid., 214.
VIII. THE SEMANARIO
As director of the Astronomical Observatory of Santa Fe de Bogota,

Caldas assumed a position of great prestige and responsibility. As
an "individual of merit" of the Botanical Expedition to the Viceroyalty of
Nueva Granada he was an important element of the most important sci-
entific enterprise in his part of the world. Yet Caldas found it necessary
to pay more attention to promoting his own career and protecting his
own economic well-being.
Although Caldas held apparently official positions with the expedi-
tion and the Observatory, in fact he had received no official appointment
from the Spanish government. In Bogota he received a salary derived
from Mutis's own discretionary funds. But Mutis was in failing health
and Caldas's other patron, Pombo, could no longer offer assistance. Thus
Caldas worried that following Mutis's death he might have no source
of support.
On the other hand, prestigious though it might be, Caldas felt that his
work in astronomy was of secondary importance. He was more inter-
ested in advancing his work in geographical and botanical matters and
he hoped to join in the publication of the works of the expedition. Fur-
thermore, he was frustrated with Mutis's appropriation of his own plant
collection in order to put the final touches to those unfinished works
-Flora de Bogotaand Historia de las Quinas. Instead of being an active col-
laborator with his mentor, Caldas felt that he had been abandoned to the
solitude of the Observatory.
It is not surprising, then, that Caldas should have viewed his note-
books filled with data and his extensive plant collection as security for
the future. In a letter to Santiago Arroyo, Caldas confided that, ". . . my
geographical works, fruit of great efforts and expenses are my patrimony
and my riches. .. ."1Furthermore, he was quite clear about his inten-
tions, "My works will be published in due time and such that they assure
my sustenance."2
That Caldas's work was highly regarded can be seen in two initiatives
offered to him. In the latter part of 1806, less than a year after his arrival
in Bogota, the Consulado de Cartagena proposed that Caldas take up the
project of searching for a more effective route to communicate the port
city of Cartagena with the central Andean region of the viceroyalty and
principally its capital, Santa Fe de Bogota. This project was conceived by
2 Ibid., 257.
78
THE SEMANARIO 79
Pombo. Apparently the consulado had funds available and hoped to con-
vince Viceroy Amar y Borbon to support the idea. Certainly Pombo man-
aged to gain Mutis's encouragement, and both men felt that the project
would be beneficial to Caldas.
Caldas's answer to the Consulado, however, constituted for Pombo
"an inopportune reply."3 Though this reply is lost, Caldas probably
requested more funds, time and logistical support than the consulado
was willing or able to provide. At the same time Viceroy Amar declined
to support the effort, most likely owing to budget limitations. The initia-
tive was laid to rest.
Later, in the year 1808, Santiago Arroyo communicated to Caldas the
interest of the Archbishop of Popayan in obtaining a new map of the epis-
copate. Although Caldas later offered his services, his initial reply (to
Arroyo) was harsh but representative of his determination to defend his
own interests:
If this bishop, these clergy,want a map I will make an exact one; but they will
have to pay the astronomerwho has sacrificedhis health, who has suffered the
criticismsand insults of those who now need me, who have a thousand times
treatedme as a fanaticand a madmanbecause I workednot as a farmeror a mer-
chant. To sum up, if these rich gentlemen do not give me one thousand pesos4
for the map of the episcopate, I will not do it.5
EL SEMANARIO DEL NUEVO REINO DE GRANADA
Caldas took a concrete and positive step toward developing his own
identity as a scientist and intellectual with the establishment of a weekly
periodical known as El Semanariodel Nuevo Reino de Granada. The peri-
odical was initially financed by Caldas along with a group of friends and
associates. It appeared for the first time on 1 January 1808 and lasted until
1811. Although the periodical was ". . . conceived and executed by many
illustrious individuals of this capital [Bogota],"6 as time passed it
became essentially a personal initiative of Caldas. It is particularly impor-
tant to note that Caldas conceived of the Semanarioas "a scientific peri-
odical."7 Certainly the Viceroyalty of Nueva Granada was not a likely
place to be able to support such a weekly. Its population was dispersed
and could count only the Botanical Expedition as a scientific institution.
That Caldas attempted to breathe life into this enterprise might be attrib-
3 Guillermo Hernandez de Alba, ed. Archivo Epistolar Del Sabio Naturalista Don Jose
Volume IV, p. 167.
4 Caldas at this point received four hundred pesos ($400) a year as Director of the
Observatory.

Imprenta Nacional. Bogota. 1966, p. 411, footnote.

7 Ibid., 361.
80 FRANCISCO JOSI DE CALDAS
uted to naivete. I believe, however, that such an attitude would amount

to selling Caldas short. He understood that communication between sci-
entists is essential; that a nascent community in Nueva Granada needed
contact with the established community in Europe; that science needs
financial and moral support from the general public for its advancement;
and that the public which is expected to support the scientific enterprise
must be convinced of its utility.
Caldas hoped that his periodical would enlighten and inform. He
believed that it was necessary to educate the public about science, and
that this educated public would, in turn, support the cause of science.
He was interested in emphasizing the practical, and wrote, ". . . the
Semanario [is] dedicated principally to the utility of the Viceroyalty and
to manifest the state of our territory... ."8 He also wished to maintain
certain standards, "The Semanariois a serious paper, dedicated to solid
memoirs regarding the points of major interest."9
The "points of major interest" were those of utility to the viceroyalty.
The Semanariowas dedicated in great measure to the study of Nueva Gra-
nada. Appropriately, Caldas announced that "El Semanario del Nuevo
Reino de Granadawill begin with the state of its geography."10
In the first seven issues of the Semanario,Caldas published an article
of his own "The Present State of the Geography of the Viceroyalty of
Santa Fe de Bogota with Relation to its Economy and Commerce." This
constituted Caldas's geographical manifesto, wherein he showed a vast
first-hand knowledge of his native land. Caldas was explicit in his con-
ception of geography:
Geographyis the fundamentalbasis of all politicalspeculation;it gives the extent
of the countrywith which one wishes to deal; teaches the relationshipswith the
rest of the world's nations; the kindness of its coasts, its navigable rivers, the
mountains which cross it, the valleys they form; the distances between towns,
the established roads, those that can be opened; the climate, the temperature,
the elevation of all points above sea level; the art and customs of its inhabitants;
spontaneous productions and those that can be domesticatedby craft.11
Caldas must have enjoyed immensely writing this article for it showed
a mastery of the subject and radiated excitement about the prospects for
the future. He dealt with a wide range of items: the borders of Nueva
Granada; a clear and beautiful description of the cordillera region of the
Andes from Loja to Bogota12; the stone statues left by Indian artists in
San Agustin; and volcanos. In this article Caldas discussed the privi-
leged position of Nueva Granada in having both Caribbean and Pacific
8
Ibid., 411.
9 Ibid., 413.
10 Ibid., 183.
11 Ibid., 183.
12 For
example, with regard to his home town Caldas wrote of" . . the spacious and
unequal valley of Popayan at an altitude of 900 toises and a temperature between 10? C
and 18? C that seems to have been invented by poets." Ibid., 186.
THE SEMANARIO 81
coasts. He noted, "Because of its geographical position Nueva Granada

appears destined for universal commerce."13
Indeed, he dealt with the problem of finding a connecting route
between the two oceans. Along with other writers, such as Humboldt
and Pombo, Caldas added to the call for action which led a century later
to the construction of the Panama Canal. He exhorted the Spanish gov-
ernment to take positive action on the matter, "But, what have we done
with these flattering expectations? We have not taken a single step on this
matter; one capable of changing America's ideas of commerce."14
Caldas noted that some progress had been made on the study of geog-
raphy in Nueva Granada, and paid special tribute to the members of the
French Expedition to the Equator; to Humboldt; and to Joaquin Francisco
Fidalgo, captain and chief of the expedition to study the coastal areas in
the Caribbean.
Yet Caldas considered the study of geography to be just beginning in
the viceroyalty and urged that all students be able to ". . . measure ter-
rain, draw a plan, determine latitude, use a compass. .. ."15 He pro-
jected a grandiose plan for constructing a complete and exact map of the
viceroyalty. This would have been a national effort to support a geograph-
ical expedition composed of an astronomer, a botanist, a mineralogist,
a zoologist, an economist and a support staff. This project never mate-
rialized, but Caldas insisted on improving the state of geographical
knowledge. He asked his readers to contribute articles on the subject and
warned them of "... miserable maps, maps without detail, contradictory
maps .'. .16 that were available.
This call was heeded by Jose Manuel Restrepo, a disciple of Caldas,
who contributed an article on the Antioquia region; by Jose Joaquin
Camacho, future collaborator with Caldas in the Diario Politico (see
Chapter X), who wrote on the Pamplona region; by Jorge Tadeo Lozano,
member of the Botanical Expedition, who presented his work on the
fauna of Cundinamarca; and others.
The Semanarioalso contributed to a general awareness of the impor-
tance of geography by publishing three articles written by Baron Alex-
ander von Humboldt. The first of these was Humboldt's study on plant
geography that the baron had sent to Mutis prior to embarking for
Mexico (see Chapter V). It was published in April 1809, several months
following Mutis's death. Although Caldas had made his own copy in
1803 he apparently felt that he should defer to Mutis who, Caldas noted,
"maintained the original unpublished until his death.. . .17
The versions published in the Semanariowere a translation from the
French original made by Caldas's colleague, Jorge Tadeo Lozano. Caldas
13 Ibid., 188.
14 Ibid., 190.
15 Ibid., 210.
16 Ibid., 190.
17 Ibid., 384.
complemented the article with a commentary in which he defended

Mutis, attacked the Peruvian expedition and noted his own measure-
ments of altitude. Caldas conceded Humboldt's priority on the subject
of plant geography by asserting that he carried Humboldt's article during
his travels in Ecuador. However, Caldas was determined to carry out his
own program on plant geography and announced that, "since several
years ago we have gathered materials and observations for a work titled
Phytogeographynear the Equatorbasing our work on a vaster plan, perhaps
more useful for commerce, agriculture and medicinal plants."18
Two more articles written by Humboldt were published in 1810,
regarding his observations in Nueva Granada and Mexico.19 By this
point the Semanariowas no longer a weekly publication, but appeared
in the form of complete memoirs. Caldas probably received these
articles, published in London, from Carlos Montufar who had traveled
with Humboldt and Bonpland to Europe (see Chapter III) and returned
to Nueva Granada as the political movement of 1810 advanced. In 1802
Caldas felt that Montufar had occupied a place that rightly belonged to
him, but it would seem that time had indeed healed that wound.
The publication of these articles by the Prussian naturalist gave the
Semanarioa mark of quality. Caldas used the opportunity not only to com-
ment on the contents of the works but also to urge his readers to take
up meteorological observations, geographical measurements and the
recording of vital statistics. Caldas was highly respectful of Humboldt's
work and was always careful to give the baron proper credit.
Yet he also felt free to correct or criticize Humboldt when he thought
it necessary. He regarded Humboldt's efforts as a guide to his own work,
but, in no way did Caldas give the impression that European necessarily
meant superior. He felt that there was much to be done in Nueva Gra-
nada and that good science could be done by the Granadians them-
selves. From the pages of the SemanarioCaldas urged his contemporaries
to take up the study of their own portion of America.
THE WRITER'SPEN
There were many contributors to the Semanario.Caldas tried to incor-

porate friends, students and colleagues in his effort to establish a forum
for science in the viceroyalty. The Semanarioprovided the members of the
Botanical Expedition, Caldas, Jorge Tadeo Lozano, Sinforoso Mutis and
former member Eloy Valenzuela, with an opportunity to publish the
results of their investigations. It opened its pages to correspondents who
lived outside the capital. Caldas succeeded in promoting the participation
of his readers. Notes were sent regarding new plants, statistics on births
and deaths in several towns were sent by local clergy. The Semanario
18 Ibid., 385.
19 "Estadistica de
Mejico." Ibid., 179 and "Cuadro fisico de las regiones ecuatoriales."
Ibid., 37.
THE SEMANARIO 83
published meteorological observations obtained in different parts of the

colony. An account was given of the number of persons who received
smallpox vaccinations. And although there were some works of litera-
ture, poetry and social notes, the Semanariomaintained an essentially sci-
entific orientation.
Caldas was anxious for the Semanarioto be open to the nascent scien-
tific community of Nueva Granada. Nevertheless, it was inevitable that
the periodical should also serve as a stage for the presentation of Caldas's
own work. As director of the Semanario,Caldas was constantly present as
a writer, commentator or through notes to his readers. In the process of
putting his thoughts on paper, Caldas took on a new position within the
Granadian intellectual community. Having arrived an accomplished sci-
entist in 1805, acknowledged for his talents as an astronomer, geographer
and botanist, Caldas in the Semanariodeveloped into a scientific gener-
alist, respected for his opinions on matters of wide-ranging interest.
In the pages of the Semanario, Caldas discussed the possibility of
adapting different plants and animals in the viceroyalty as a stimulus to
its economy-a conception of the periodical as a forum for utilitarian
science. In 1810 Caldas published two memoirs on the subject. In the first
he suggested bringing from Mexico the cochineal, an insect grown on
cacti and crushed when mature to produce a dye for cloth. He discussed
the project from the geographical point of view, noting the altitude limits
and climatic conditions that would favor cultivation of the cochineal. The
promotion of this product had been dealt with thirty years earlier and
Caldas obtained the technical reports commissioned by Viceroy Antonio
Florez in 1776. Caldas presented a revised version of these instructions,
including discussions of cacti cultivation, cochineal growth, selection,
pests and harvesting, as well as processing, packing and transport.
In a similar memoir, also published in 1810, Caldas suggested the trans-
port of thousands of vicufia, a ruminant, from Peru to establish herds
in Nueva Granada. He noted that, "the vicufia is the most important
product, the most useful animal, the most beneficial that man has found
in the immense extension of the New Continent."20
Here Caldas returned to his ideas on the geographical distribution of
plants, animals, and even insects. He was convinced that an aggressive
plan to bring to Nueva Granada those species that were uniquely suited
to its geographical situation could bring the colony economic and com-
mercial benefits.
This fascination with the way plant and animal species were distrib-
uted throughout the world led Caldas to write that human actions were
influenced by the climate or environment they inhabit. Caldas was chal-
lenged by one of his associates who read this to mean that environment
determined behavior. As a result, Caldas defended, clarified and am-
plified his ideas in an article published in the Semanarioin mid-1808.
20 Ibid., 324.
This article, "The Influence of the Climate on Organized Beings,'21

occupied nine issues of the Semanario.It was an extensive presentation
that tended more toward generalization and depended less on numerical
observation than any other of Caldas's writings. Yet this is the article that
has captured the attention of most Colombian writers. It has even been
claimed that Caldas anticipated the development of Darwinism in this
publication.22
Initially, Caldas tried to calm his critics by accepting that there are
innate and educational factors for human behavior. He was careful not
to exaggerate the influence of the physical environment. He wrote, "It is
true that the physical environment is influential; but only in that it
increases or decreases the stimuli for the [human] machine, always leav-
ing our will free to embrace good or evil."23
He included in the physical environment several factors-temperature,
atmospheric pressure, atmospheric electricity, mountains, wind, rivers,
jungles, rain and food. He justified his own authority on the matter by
noting that:
I have observed the Andes in the neighborhood of the equator,from their base
to the mansion of eternal ice; I have visited plants bathed by ocean waves, and
climbed with the same objective, and always with a barometerin my hand, to
the peaks of Pichincha, Coraz6n, Imbabura,Cotacache,Azuay, Coconuco and
Guanacas;I have traveled9? in latitude and 5? 30' in longitude, alwaysclimbing
and descending in all directionsthis immense and strikingcordillera.24
Based on his experience Caldas concluded that "nature has made the
physical environment for the species, and the species for the physical
environment."25 Humans, Caldas claimed, had different racial features
in differences in the physical environment. He wrote, "These enormous
differences, these distinctive characteristics of the people who live in the
extremities of the world are nothing other than the products of heat and
cold. . . .26
According to Caldas, temperature extremes affected man's behavior
negatively. He regarded European society-in the temperate zone-as
superior to both African (hot) and Eskimo (cold) civilizations. He discussed
the distribution of African and Indian descendants along the Andes and
was convinced that, as plant species preferred special habitats so, too,
were the different human races products of their points of origin.
Caldas, of course, never traveled to Africa or the North Pole. Nor did
21
Although Caldas used the word "clima" which means "climate" and not "ambiente"
which means "environment," I think that "physical environment" is, in fact, closer to his
meaning and will use it in the present discussion.
22 Alvaro Fernandez. "Del Influjo del Clima sobre los Seres Organizados." in Estado
Actual de la Investigacionsobre Caldas. Universidad del Cauca. Popayan. 1986.
24 Ibid., 103.
25 Ibid., 89.
26 Ibid., 86.
THE SEMANARIO 85
he observe flora and fauna other than that of Nueva Granada. He was,
however, an avid reader of travel diaries and books on natural history.
In the Semanariohe felt confident enough to part from the details of baro-
metric and astronomicalmeasurements and take on the problem of why
life was distributed as it was on the face of the Earth.
THE PRACTICALSIDE OF THINGS
The Semanariowas not the first periodical published in the Viceroyalty

of Nueva Granada. Earlier offerings included PapelPeriodicoIlustradoand
CorreoCurioso.In the latter Caldas made his debut in 1801 with his article
on the height of the Guadalupe and Monserrate peaks (see Chapter I).
CorreoCuriosohad been organized by JorgeTadeo Lozano, a well-to-do
member of the Botanical Expedition. By the time Caldas arrived in
Bogota to assume his duties in the Observatory, this periodical had
stopped publishing.
Certainly Caldas must have been aware of the difficulties he would
encounter in trying to establish a scientific periodical. It is a credit to his
tenacity that he managed to keep it alive as long as he did. Although
there is little materialavailableon the day-to-dayoperation of the Sema-
nario, Caldas's letters indicate that problems appeared early on. The
Semanariobegan publication in January 1808, but by July of the same year
Caldas wrote to his friend Arroyo to complain, "If I were not in charge
I believe that this beautiful establishment now would have come
undone.'27
Caldas evidently felt that much of what was published was not par-
ticularly substantive. He was hopeful that "perhapsthe Semanario will
fall in my hands next year... ."28
The shake-out occurred quickly, and, in August 1808, a separata was
published in which it was announced that the periodical would become
essentially a two-man operation-Caldas and the printer. As publishing
operations were simplified, science was intensified. Caldas called on his
readers for articles regarding geography, meteorology, agriculture,
botany and commerce. The initial enthusiasm was on the wane. Caldas
wrote to Arroyo in January 1809, "I fear that the Semanariowill close for
lack of subscriptions, as they do not yet reach fifty. If they do not increase
within a month this will end as all things do in Santa Fe [Bogota]'.29
He persevered, however, and published throughout 1809. At the year's
end the Semanariocould report earnings of $1,034pesos and expenses of
$1,000 pesos. The surplus of 34 pesos was to be divided between Caldas
and the printer,but Caldasceded his part. He summed up in 1809,saying,
28 Ibid., 264.
29 Ibid., 265.
"I have passed an entire year, spending my time, my paper and my health
for the public."30
Following two years of weekly publication, Caldas decided on drastic
reforms. The periodical would no longer publish weekly, but approxi-
mately monthly. It would publish complete articles and not fragments.
And Caldas made it clear that he intended to maintain a high level of
scholarship, even if that meant losing subscribers:
To avoid these inconveniences and so that none may claim to have been fooled
we declarethat the Semanariowill containworks on economy,agriculture,science
and literature.He who is not sufficientlyenlightened to understand these sub-
jects should not subscribe and favor us by avoiding the unpleasantness of the
criticismsand defamationswhich have so plagued us in the past year.31
In this format publication continued into 1811. In the end, the Sema-
nario was a casualty of the revolution of 1810, for the newly independent
nation had little time or money to sustain a scientific periodical.
During its existence the Semanariocontributed not only to the cultural
milieu of Nueva Granada but to Caldas's personal growth as well. He
had taken on the identity of an intellectual, a leader of the scientific enter-
prise. He enjoyed a stable and visible position in the community. And,
in addition, Caldas came to regard the work of a writer/editor/publisher
as a possible source of support for an uncertain future.
30 Ibid., 368.
31 Obras
IX. THE EXPEDITION TRANSFORMED
he establishment of the Botanical Expedition was part of the coming

of the Enlightenment to the Spanish Empire. And Jose Celestino
Mutis had a broad conception of what the expedition should do. He was
not only interested in cataloging new plants, he tried to build an institu-
tion which extended itself into many areas. Mutis took an interest in edu-
cation in the viceroyalty; built the Astronomical Observatory; maintained
correspondence with persons throughout the colony; trained painters;
educated young scientists; and supported the colonists' interest in devel-
oping their agriculture, commerce and culture. Because he had spent
twenty years seeking support from the Spanish government for the expe-
dition, and because he spent more than twenty years making it a reality,
Mutis maintained a highly personalized vision of his expedition.
Caldas worked almost independently as director of the Observatory.
Furthermore, the Semanariowas an equally independent initiative. Yet,
Caldas was undoubtedly part of the extended, though somewhat diffuse,
zone of influence of the expedition. And although he may have been the
most brilliant of Mutis's disciples, he was by no means the only star in
his mentor's constellation.
Among the many members, ex-members, honorary members, corre-
spondents, students and friends of the Botanical Expedition it is worth-
while to present here the background of those who were most important
to Caldas in one way or another.
From the beginning of the expedition, Mutis maintained at his side
a second-in-command. The first of these was Eloy Valenzuela who, like
Mutis, was a priest and a botanist. Valenzuela worked with the newly
formed expedition in 1783 and 1784. He then took charge of the Archdi-
ocese of Bucaramanga but continued to study plant life. Valenzuela main-
tained correspondence with Mutis and served as tutor to his nephew, Sin-
foroso. Valenzuela took Caldas to task with regard to the Semanarioas we
shall see later on.
When the expedition left Mariquita and set up shop in Bogota in 1791,
Francisco Antonio Zea joined as scientific associate. Zea worked on botan-
ical matters under Mutis's direction until 1795 when he was implicated
in the scandal caused by the publication of the Rights of Man (see Chap-
ter X). He was sent to Spain for imprisonment but in 1799 was declared
innocent. Zea's expatriation turned out to be a stroke of luck as he was
later able to study chemistry in Paris and join the Jardin Botanico de
Madrid as assistant to the director, Antonio Cavanilles. Zea sided with
Mutis in the cinchona dispute (see Chapter VI). Upon Cavanilles's death
in 1804, Zea assumed the position of director of the Jardin Botanico.
87
Caldas was hopeful of obtaining an appointment to the position vacated

by Zea.
Salvador Rizo joined the expedition as a painter but rose quickly to
become director of all painters, treasurer of the expedition and Mutis's
right hand man. From Caldas's letters we know that he corresponded
often with Rizo, especially during Mutis's periods of illness. Evidently
Mutis trusted Rizo and depended upon him for the day-to-day operation
of the expedition.
Sinforoso Mutis y Consuegra was a nephew to Jose Celestino Mutis.
When Sinforoso's father passed away, his uncle took it upon himself to
be his nephew's protector. Sinforoso studied with Valenzuela and joined
the expedition in Bogota. Like Zea, he was implicated in the Rights of Man
scandal. And like Zea, he made use of his expatriation to Spain to further
his studies. Sinforoso returned to Nueva Granada in 1802. His uncle then
sent him to Cuba where Sinforoso studied flora and sold cinchona.
Caldas maintained cordial relations with Sinforoso Mutis despite the fact
that both were considered possible successors to the elder Mutis.
Jorge Tadeo Lozano was a member of the Spanish nobility who moved
to America. Having studied chemistry, mineralogy and botany in Spain,
he was officially appointed to the expedition as zoologist in 1803 but
worked ad honorem. His main interest was the Fauna of Cundinamarca
and published on the subject in the Semanario.Caldas often referred in
his letters to the presence of Lozano in the Observatory, which seems to
indicate that they were friends as well as collaborators.
The efforts of the expedition were focused on finishing Mutis's works-
Flora de Bogotaand Historia de la Quina. The painters, under Rizo's direc-
tion, were dedicated to completing the drawings for these projects. In
Spain there was, at least, the moral support of Zea. The Botanical Expe-
dition that Caldas encountered when he took charge of the Observatory
was certainly an institution full of vitality. The citizens of Nueva Granada
were anxious to see science develop along with their colony. Indeed,
with the careful approval of Mutis, the members of the expedition were
in the forefront of the awakening of Granadian national fervor.
A SCIENTIFIC TESTAMENT
Jose Celestino Mutis died on 11 September 1808. His passing was not
unexpected as he had been in failing health for a number of years. At the
time of his death Mutis was attended by his disciples-Salvador Rizo,
Sinforoso Mutis, Jorge Tadeo Lozano and Caldas who published an elo-
quent obituary in the Semanario.
The problem of how the expedition would continue after his death
had preoccupied Mutis. He worked out an exact plan and communicated
this from his deathbed to Viceroy Amar y Borbon, via Salvador Rizo,
whom Mutis had named executor. In this "scientific testament" Mutis
found an elegant solution, from his viewpoint, to the problem. In sim-
plest terms, Mutis's bequest stipulated that 1) the position of director
THE EXPEDITION TRANSFORMED 89
of the Botanical Expedition be abolished; and 2) that the expedition be

divided in three sections, each with an independent director, those being
Caldas, Sinforoso Mutis and Salvador Rizo.
Caldas was dumbfounded, deceived and dismayed. As when Baron
von Humboldt refused his company in Quito, Caldas's mercurial temper-
ament shot out of control.
Ever since his arrival in Bogota, Caldas maintained the conviction that
Mutis had signaled him out as the chosen successor. The position of
director of the expedition was terribly important for Caldas because of
the prestige, economic security and scientific independence that it
seemed to offer. Mutis's triumvirate solution, then, was a direct blow to
Caldas's aspirations.
Mutis's bequest was not the final word, though. The expedition was
a creation of the Spanish government and, as such, was subject to the
authority of the viceroy. Cautious and somewhat plodding, Viceroy
Amar set about the task of reorganization. He tended to accept Mutis's
testament but appointed his secretary to prepare a report on the state of
things. Thus while Caldas in mid-September 1808 praised Mutis in the
Semanario, at the end of the month he complained to the Viceroy's sec-
retary that "this sage [Mutis] continually nurtured me with expectations
and offers that he knew not how to fulfill while he lived."'
The triumvirate created by Mutis gave each man well-defined respon-
sibilities and limitations. Sinforoso Mutis was given control over botan-
ical matters, including the plant collections and paintings already com-
pleted. As a practical matter he was to complete his uncle's unfinished
works. By being named director of the botanical section, however, young
Mutis was considered Jose Celestino Mutis's successor. Salvador Rizo
was to continue his work as usual-director of painters and the expedi-
tion's bookkeeper. But, he was independent of the other two directors,
thus giving him equal stature. For Caldas it was also business as usual
except that he likewise became autonomous in his position as director
of the Observatory.
In his letter to the viceroy's secretary, Caldas noted that he had been
admitted to the expedition as an "individual of merit" ('individuo meri-
torio') and not as an astronomer. Caldas argued that Mutis had assigned
him primarily to work as a botanist. He claimed that his cinchona collec-
tion had "extended Mutis's knowledge"2 of the tree. Indeed, Caldas
asserted that
I have seen all the species of cinchonapresent in the viceroyaltyalive and in their
naturalhabitat,that I have studied them all carefullyand that on this point I am
at an advantagewith respect to Mutis . . . without my work the "Quinologia"
[Historiade la Quina]of Mutis would contain a thousand doubts and would have
been reduced to half.3

2 Ibid., 350.
3 Ibid., 350.
90 FRANCISCO JOSt DE CALDAS
On the matter of plant geography Caldas was quick to note that he

did not owe the idea to Mutis. With respect to the Observatory he
derided Mutis for not even having unpacked the instruments. In fact,
Caldas suggested that he at last had come to know the real Mutis, "But
his [Mutis's] mysterious and mistrustful character, of which he could not
prescind, kept him ever in silence and retreat .... He always kept me
in ignorance of the state of things, and I have come to know them super-
ficially after his death."4
Among the accusations that Caldas made of the man he once referred
to as "my father" were: the plant drawings were unnumbered, the manu-
scripts confused, the Flora de Bogota incomplete, the cinchona memoir
dealt only with medicinal aspects, Mutis's works were "mere jottings,"5
and, as if the preceding were not enough, Mutis had made barometric
measurements with defective instruments. Caldas wrote, "Mutis, this
man so justly praised in Europe, has not possessed a perfect barometer
until I arrived."6
Caldas also charged that Mutis was at fault for not having secured an
official position for him despite having often called Caldas, "fortunate
Caldas" and "my worthy successor." Indeed, Caldas gave most credit for
supporting his expedition in Ecuador to Jose Ignacio de Pombo. Finally,
he accused Mutis of having ". . . removed me with the maximum ingrat-
itude and injustice from the botanical section. . ."7
This distasteful and excessive tirade by Caldas against his mentor con-
tained elements of truth as well as unwarranted distortions. Caldas was
correct to insist on the originality of his own work on plant geography,
the value of his cinchona collections and his mastery of barometric and
astronomical measurements. Furthermore, it seems that Mutis's inability
to publish his findings during twenty-five years as director of the expe-
dition would confirm Caldas's assertions of isolation and disorder.
Caldas was showing his own ingratitude by denying that it was Mutis
who supported him in Ecuador. Not only did Mutis spend his own money
on Caldas, he also enlisted the aid of Pombo. With regard to an official
appointment for Caldas, Mutis had taken up the matter as early as 1803
with the director of the Jardin Botanico de Madrid, Antonio Cavanilles.
It was Spain's difficult political situation, more than any failure on
Mutis's part that had kept Caldas from obtaining official recognition.
His caustic remarks notwithstanding, Caldas was resigned to having
lost the director's chair. He asked to be retained as head of the Obser-
vatory "with a moderate salary for my subsistence."8 The only change
he asked of Mutis's testament was that the plants he collected in Ecuador
be returned to him so that he might organize their presentation. At least,
4 Ibid., 352.
5 Ibid., 353.
6 Ibid., 352.
7 Ibid., 352.
8 Ibid., 354.
Caldas maintained enough control to vent his wrath only against the
elder Mutis, and not against his nephew, saying, "I ask nothing against
Sinforoso Mutis. I do not wish to raise my fortune on another man's
ruin."9
The process of reorganizing the expedition was long and drawn out.
The uncertainty weighed heavily on Caldas. In January 1809 he wrote to
his friend Arroyo that no decision had yet been taken by the viceroy and
complained, "My health is not the best; a thousand problems have under-
mined my heart and struck at my soul. You must be happy not to depend
on anyone, nor expect your bread from the Viceroy's decrees."10Perhaps
Caldas would not have been so afflicted by the process following Mutis's
death if he had tried to understand his mentor's point of view. For Mutis
had deftly resolved a number of difficulties by arriving at his "triumvirate
solution." First, he had assured that the Botanical Expedition would be
associated only with his own name by having eliminated the position
of director. Second, he entrusted his unfinished works to his nephew,
the person most likely to see them to completion and respect Mutis's
authorship.
Mutis next gave permanent positions to three individuals for whom
he felt responsible. The elder Mutis had tried to guide his nephew since
the death of Sinforoso's father. When Sinforoso was taken prisoner and
sent to Spain, his uncle was shocked and took an even greater interest
in providing a productive, stable future. Salvador Rizo had been a loyal
assistant for many years. Undoubtedly Mutis hoped that by making
Rizo's position independent of the other two "heirs" possible conflict
would be avoided. And although Caldas did not admit it, Mutis had
made a great effort to provide him with the professional and financial
stability that he needed.
Finally, Mutis managed to divide his own salary so that Sinforoso,
Rizo and Caldas would all enjoy income in the new expedition of $1000
pesos per annum. The "triumvirate solution," then, gave each man equal
importance, independence and salary.
The viceroy delayed for five months in making his decision. Caldas
suffered in the meantime, "My state is to be lamented, my benefits - room,
board, servants, candles and laundry-were withdrawn and my salary
of four hundred pesos was questioned, making necessary the verdict of
a judge. Without the aid of my friends I could not have survived."ll
In the end though, Caldas was well treated. He received control of his
Ecuadorean collections as he had wished. Evidently Sinforoso Mutis
made no claim against him. Young Mutis was interested in finishing his
uncle's work, not in imposing himself on his friend and colleague.
Indeed, Caldas himself recognized that he was favored by being free to
9 Ibid., 352.
11 Ibid., 266.
do his own work, instead of having to decipher Mutis's manuscripts. As

a further prize, Caldas assumed the professorship vacated by his mentor.
In a positive tone Caldas wrote to Arroyo in March 1809: "I have been
left as an independent Director of the Observatory and associated with
the continuation of the Flora de Bogota with one thousand pesos. I was
also given, with praise, the chair of mathematics which today earns two
hundred pesos. Thus, my Santiago, I have assured my bread at the age of
thirty-nine, laborious years."12
CARRYING ON
In the months that followed, the expedition maintained its integrity

as an institution. The three independent directors tried to advance their
programs under the auspices of Viceroy Amar. Difficulties in Spain made
new initiatives impossible. The viceroy, however, deserves credit for sup-
porting the work of the expedition. Progress was to be found in some
quarters, divisiveness in others.
Salvador Rizo resigned from the expedition in 1811 owing to a legal
battle with Sinforoso Mutis over the inheritance of the profits of the elder
Mutis's sale of cinchona bark in Cuba. Caldas also came under attack-
from Mutis's first assistant, Father Eloy Valenzuela.
Valenzuela was angered that his works had not been published in the
Semanarioand that Caldas had not answered his letters. To present his
case, Valenzuela published a pamphlet in which he derided "presump-
tuous graduates who sell themselves as sages."13 Furthermore, he
claimed that Caldas had misused the subscription fee that Valenzuela
had sent in support of the Semanarioand that Caldas had never sent him
copies of the periodical. Valenzuela's pamphlet included a harsh judg-
ment of the Semanarioand its director:
Thus is Caldas;thus the Semanario of Santa Fe [Bogota],and one should not be
surprisedthat its decadence and its proximityto ruin could have been expected,
or could be avoided with less partiality and more efficiency and courtesy.
Humboldt'sephemeraland provisionalaggregatejudges himself to be above the
laws of attentionand correspondence,as if to be a great man consisted in being
mute, not responding, in lacking urbanityand gratitude.14
In the face of Valenzuela's criticism Caldas kept his temper under con-
trol and tried to stay above the fray. He politely noted that he had asked
Valenzuela for articles for publication and had returned the subscription
fee to Valenzuela's representative. Caldas tried to put the best possible
face on the matter and wrote, ". . despite his [Valenzuela's] insults, I love
him, respect him and will serve him as he wishes."15
Just as there was evidence of dissension in the ranks, so too was there
12 Ibid., 267.
13 Ibid., 364.
14 Ibid., 365.
15 Ibid., 371.
a notable vitality in the efforts to keep the expedition alive. In the year
following the elder Mutis's death, Sinforoso Mutis completed the work
on the cinchona tree, Historia de los Arbolesde Quina. Caldas collaborated
with the specimens and data he had collected in Ecuador. Jorge Tadeo
Lozano continued work on the Fauna de Cundinamarcaand young Mutis
turned his attention to the Flora de Bogotd.
Caldas's program of research continued much as before. He continued
to make meteorological observations, and promised a revised hyp-
sometry memoir. In a report to Viceroy Amar y Borbon, Caldas focused
on three projects:
1. A collection of astronomical observations-this was discussed in
Chapter VII.
2. A memoir discussing the geographical distribution of the cinchona
tree.
3. A general study of plant geography.
In the application of his concept of plant geography to the cinchona
tree Caldas specified his objectives:
i) Given a location in the equatorial Andes, determine the species
of cinchona that are produced.
ii) Given a location in the Andes, determine if there are cinchona
trees in the forest or not.
iii) Given a location in the Andes, determine which species of cin-
chona tree is most appropriate for cultivation.
iv) Given the latitude of a place, determine if the cinchona tree can
live there.
v) Given the species of tree, determine in which place it will prosper
most.
vi) Calculate the area occupied by each species.
vii) Determine the places in the viceroyalty most appropriate for the
cultivation of each species.16
Caldas claimed to have gained support for the project from Mutis. All
that was needed to begin drawing the profiles of cinchona tree distribu-
tion was one final field trip which had also been approved by Mutis.
As a third project Caldas planned a more general work 'A Geography
of the Plants near the Equator,"in which he planned to treat a) medicinal
plants; b) useful plants; and c) plants in general. To this end he had
designed eighteen drawings of plant distributions against altitude pro-
files of the Andes. Ten of these drawings had been completed at the time
of Mutis's death. The proposed field trip to the nearby Andes was also
intended to complete the data needed for the profiles.
The Viceroy was supportive of Caldas but made it clear that the
"calamity" of the French invasion of Spain made new expenses impos-
16 Obras
sible. The field trip would have to wait, as would Caldas's request for an
assistant. The Viceroy did, however, provide Caldas with a nautical
almanac and some basic materials.
Caldas acceded to delay his work and noted that, "I am well aware of
the urgencies and afflictions of the State in this unfortunate epoch, and
I hope that once the tempest excited by the tyranny of Napoleon has
calmed, our illustrious government will be able to protect useful knowl-
edge, as it always has"17
He maintained his hopes of receiving an official appointment from
Madrid. In June 1809 Caldas tried to enlist the support of his friends, San-
tiago Arroyo and Antonio Arboleda on the matter. And in March 1810
he tried to convince Antonio de Narvaez, the Viceroy's representative to
Spain, to aid him in gaining recognition of his position from the Spanish
government. These efforts brought no results.
Caldas and the other members of the expedition enjoyed a certain tran-
quility during 1809 and the first half of 1810. There was no great progress,
but there was some. There were disputes, but these were not great. They
even enjoyed the pleasures of mutual adulation. In the pages of the
Semanario Sinforoso Mutis dedicated new plant species to Jorge Tadeo
Lozano and Eloy Valenzuela. Caldas made his own dedications to Jose
Ignacio de Pombo, Sinforoso Mutis and, aptly enough, to Viceroy Amar
y Borbon. Although the most ambitious projects laid dormant, Caldas
found enough serenity to declare, "Here [in the Observatory] I pass my
days in peace, dedicated to the contemplation of great objects, so useful
to society and so innocent."18
Unfortunately for Caldas, the days of peace and innocence were soon
to come to an end.
17Ibid., 227.
18 Ibid., 220.
SECTION FOUR
LOST IN THE REVOLUTIONARY MAELSTROM

1810-1816
n the year 1810the forces of history caught up with Caldas. As the

decadent Spanish monarchy fell into Napoleon's grasp in Europe
and the spirit of the age of revolution filtered through to the inhab-
itants of Spanish America, the call for independence from Spain became
inevitable. Caldas, however, was a moderate who felt that the failures of
Spanish colonialism and the just aspirations of the Spanish-Americans,
or Creoles, could be reconciled without the need for armed revolution.
When in July 1810 the Creoles overthrew the colonial government in
Nueva Granada, the leaders of the revolt were Caldas's friends, relatives
and colleagues. Nevertheless, Caldas himself was taken by surprise. The
revolution threatened the stability of his position in the Observatory and
the tranquility of his recent marriage. Only after the settling of the dust
did Caldas join in the revolutionary fervor, contributing with his talents
as a writer and editor.
Although most of the provinces which had formed the viceroyalty of
Nueva Granada were united in their desire for independence from
Spain, they were unable to agree on what type of government best suited
their interests. Opinion was sharply polarized between those in favor of
a strong central government- centralists - and those in favor of a confed-
eration of individual provinces-federalists. Caldas, meanwhile, was
more interested in the daily operation of the Observatory and in a pro-
jected new career as a publisher. Abruptly he found himself obliged to
join the centralist army as a military engineer. Having been forced to take
a political stance, he soon repudiated the centralist government and
joined the federalist cause. The ensuing civil war brought defeat to the
federalists and chaos to Caldas.
There was temporary refuge to be found in the province of Antioquia.
Here Caldas settled comfortably into the role of military engineer-
building fortresses, overseeing the production of munitions and orga-
nizing a school for engineering cadets. But in Spain the French invasion
had come to an end and the reconquest of America was set in motion.
The tempest of revolution had abruptly shattered the peacefulness of
Caldas's scientific endeavors. Time and again Caldas tried to right him-
self in the maelstrom's wake. But its fury grew unabated until he was
finally swept away.
95
CARRIBEAN
SEA
/-1
,CARTAGENA /
J
Isthmus of Panama r\
.o Tunja
PACIFIC OCEAN
, SANTA FE DE BOGOTA
\ IbVquc
iba
Buenaventura /
l,
POPAYAN
aOo \
_ k)
/- Outline of Modern Colombia
-, /-I
MAP 5.
Lost in the Revolutionary Maelstrom: 1810-1816.
- - - The Federalist Revolt. 1812. Bogota - Tunja - Bogota.
- - Escape to Antioquia. 1813. Return to Bogota. 1815.
- - - Escape to Popayan. 1816. March to Death. Popayin - Bogota. 1816.
X. THE DAWN OF INDEPENDENCE
Francisco Jose de Caldas's life had a number of strikingly clear turning

points. First, as he traveled amidst the natural beauty of the Andes,
working as an itinerant merchant, Caldas decisively determined to
pursue the study of science. For several years, a scientist in search of com-
munity, he did the best he could working with what was at hand. When
he joined the Botanical Expedition, Caldas became part of institutional-
ized science and developed an original program of investigation. As
director of the Astronomical Observatory, he furthered his work with
great intensity in astronomy, geography and botany, in addition to estab-
lishing the Semanario.He had reached a position of leadership in the sci-
entific community.
All of these turning points were positive. Caldas grew from an isolated
amateur to a competent professional, from a lawyer turned merchant to
a scientist, from a provincial unknown to a national leader. Given the eco-
nomic and political limitations on the growth of science in Nueva Gra-
nada, Caldas had done amazingly well. Following Mutis's death and the
subsequent reorganization of the expedition, Caldas looked forward to
a period of economic and professional stability.
It is chilling to note, then, that the final turning point in Caldas's life-
the independence of Nueva Granada- should so completely and effectively
undo his plans for the future. It is unnerving to realize that the life of an
individual can be so mercilessly overcome by events beyond his control.
PRELUDETO INDEPENDENCE
It was Caldas's generation that took the first steps on the long and tor-
tuous road to independence. An avid reader and correspondent, he was
well aware of the events that were to lead to the overthrow of Spanish
authority. The first manifestation by Caldas's generation of nationalist
sentiment came in 1794. Antonio Narinio, a well educated, well-to-do
Creole, translated from French to Spanish the "Declaration of the Rights
of Man and Citizen" written by the French National Assembly five years
earlier. Since Narifo was Treasurer of the Viceroyalty and friend to
Viceroy Ezpletia, he was able to print it without prior approval. The pub-
lication circulated only among Narino's circle of friends. Concurrently,
bills were furtively posted in the streets of Bogota mocking the colonial
government. Viceroy Ezpletia, who had been away from Bogota, ordered
prosecution of the wrongdoers. Spanish officials were preoccupied with
the infiltration of foreign literature and anxious to suppress any chal-
lenge to royal authority.
97
The judicial process that followed was intended not so much to punish
the publication of revolutionary literature, as to discredit and dismantle
the network of young Creole intellectuals who carried out the deed.
Narifo was an energetic and charismatic figure well-known in the capital
of the viceroyalty. Caldas probably became acquainted with Narino
while a law student in Bogota, but was not one of Narifo's "followers."
The judgment of the court was that Narifo should be sent to one of
Spain's African prisons and be condemned to lifelong exile. Along with
Narino, prison terms were given to Francisco Antonio Zea, second-in-
command in the Botanical Expedition, and Sinforoso Mutis, among
other "conspirators." The adventurous Narifo managed to jump ship
upon arrival in Spain. Following his escape he traveled through Europe
focusing his attention on events in France. Finally he returned to Nueva
Granada and subjected himself to the control of local authorities. The
other conspirators were eventually acquitted by Spanish courts-a clear
rebuke to the arbitrary proceedings of the colonial government.
At the time of this scandal, Caldas wandered quietly through the Andes
working as an itinerant merchant and opening his eyes to the possibility
of doing science in Spanish America. His comment on the affair shows
that his mind was not on politics, "Yes, I am concerned for this capital
[Bogota] with the extraordinary and crazy conduct of Narifo. It is our for-
tune, though without merit, to enjoy in these surroundings an unalter-
able tranquility, in the midst of the greatest revolutions of the universe."'
It was no coincidence that members of the Botanical Expedition (Sin-
foroso Mutis and Francisco Antonio Zea) were to be found in the ranks
of the early movement for independence. The labor of Jose Celestino
Mutis had profoundly affected the citizenry of Nueva Granada and it
may well be argued that the elder Mutis had directed the enlightenment
of an entire generation. Certainly Mutis was no revolutionary; he did not
espouse the separation of the American colonies from Spain. But he had
brought to the Granadians two notions that were fundamental to the
growth of nationalist sentiment.
First, Mutis taught scientific reasoning. A world-class scholar, he dealt
naturally with scientific concepts despite the possibility of coming into
conflict with the intellectual oppression practiced by the Spanish govern-
ment and the Catholic Church. It is curious, indeed, that Mutis, a priest,
was accused of heresy for teaching Copernicanism, with which the Vat-
ican had long since come to terms. The influence of ultraconservative
clergy and obedient monarchists in Nueva Granada continued to play an
important role as the eighteenth century came to an end. Mutis contrib-
uted a new mode of thought, one which would eventually undercut
Spanish authority, by his example as director of the Botanical Expedition;
through his correspondence; as a teacher; and by his activist expansion
of science in the colony, including the construction of the Observatory.
DAWN OF INDEPENDENCE 99
Second, Mutis brought national pride to the Granadians in a way that

no other person could. He pointed out the importance of the rich local
flora and urged the inhabitants to know their surroundings. He aided in
the establishment of a "Society of Friends of the Nation," which intended
to promote local development. Mutis understood, of course, the nascent
nationalism to be one within the body of the Spanish Empire, but he
planted the idea which later bore fruit in the hands of his students.
The revolution of 1810 found its greatest support among the young
intellectuals who were members, friends or in some other way associated
with the circle centered about the expedition. Caldas, too, was part of
this group. It should be remembered, though, that he arrived in Bogota
only at the end of 1805, isolated until then in the Ecuadorean Andes, far
from the intense debates of the capital which nurtured the desire for inde-
pendence. Furthermore, Caldas was not a firebrand. Rather, he tended
to be conservative and reserved in his personal conduct, displaying pas-
sion only for his work as a scientist. Thus, as events led inexorably toward
revolution, Caldas maintained a moderate stance, looking for stability,
not a break with the past.
In Europe, Napoleon Bonaparte was strengthening the military and
political power of France, at a time when the Spanish monarchy was
suffering a decline in its ability to govern. Taking advantage of internal
disputes between Spain's King Carlos IV and the heir to the throne, Fer-
nando, Napoleon seized power in May 1808. Two months later Napoleon's
brother, Joseph, became King of Spain. In the face of the capitulation of
the monarchy and the French invasion, a Supreme Junta was formed
which pretended not only to represent the Spanish people but also to
continue to govern the Spanish American colonies. In Nueva Granada
Viceroy Amar found support for proclaiming Fernando VII as rightful
monarch, declaring war against France and sending financial aid to the
Supreme Junta.
In January 1809 the Junta declared the colonies to be an integral part of
Spain and offered to seat representatives sent from America. The offer,
however, did not give the colonies any real power and thus did not meet
with enthusiasm. There was a general feeling that Nueva Granada should
be an integral part of the Spanish Empire, but with rights equal to Spain.
In November Camilo Torres, Caldas's cousin, wrote a "Memorandum
of Offenses" (Memorialde Agravios) in which he denounced the injustices
of Spanish rule. Thus as the situation in Spain disintegrated, Creole rev-
olutionaries began to sense that their opportunity had arrived.
Caldas apparently did not believe the situation to be so critical. In
March 1810 he directed a letter to Antonio Narvaez who had been named
to represent Nueva Granada in the Supreme Junta. Caldas accompanied
the letter with copies of his Semanario. He petitioned Narvaez to seek
official approval of the Observatory and his own position. Thus, four
months prior to the upheaval in Bogota, Caldas was looking to Spain for
support. Indeed, Caldas appears to have maintained cordial relations
with Viceroy Amar up until the July revolution.
This is not to say that Caldas was a royalist. Quite to the contrary, he
was a patriot in the most fundamental sense of the term. For Caldas
knew his nation-his "patria"-as no other Creole knew it. He had metic-
ulously measured its geography, collected its flora and written of
possible improvements to its commerce. When Caldas spoke in favor of
Nueva Granada he did so with details and data, not just sentiment.
Caldas was firmly bound to his land. He had not traveled to Europe as
had many of his contemporaries. Following the momentary illusion of
traveling with Humboldt, Caldas realized that his future lay in America.
As he was profoundly dedicated to the scientific study of the "patria,"
however, so was he averse to taking action which could interrupt his
work. Certainly Caldas was more of a scientist than a revolutionary, but
he was as much a patriot as any person in Nueva Granada.
CALDASTAKESA WIFE
The story of Caldas's marriage helps to shed some light on his per-
sonality and gives a better understanding of the forces that motivated
him during the troubled times to come.
As one reads Caldas's letters and writings there is a distinct lack of ref-
erences to women other than his own relatives or his friends' wives. He
often gave the impression that he was a seminarian. Certainly part of his
empathy with Jose Celestino Mutis may have come from Mutis's vocation
as a priest. Both Mutis and Caldas placed emphasis on the study of
science at the expense of an interest in "worldly" affairs. Part of the cool-
ness in Caldas's relationship with Humboldt was a result of the baron's
enjoyment of the social life in Quito. Caldas felt that Humboldt, whom
he greatly admired, was acting out of character for a man of science. In
a very straightforward manner Caldas described himself as ". . . a man
who looked upon the women of the Earth with cold indifference ... a
man submerged among books, instruments, with his eyes fixed upon the
sky. .. .2
It comes as a surprise, then, when in early 1810 Caldas began his corre-
spondence with his future wife. Why did he suddenly take an interest
in marriage? How did a man with "cold indifference" for women so
quickly find a bride? One can only speculate. Caldas had shown before
mercurial changes of temperament and an ability to bring intensity to a
cause quickly once convinced that he should do so. I find the only
possible explanation is that in 1809, following the resolution of Mutis's
testament, Caldas finally came to enjoy economic and professional sta-
bility. It seems likely then that the fortyish Caldas reasoned it was time
he searched for a mate. And so he did.
The mechanics of making the match were really quite simple. Caldas
wrote to his friends in Popayan, asking them to find a potential wife. This
2
Jorge Arias de Greiff, et al., eds. Cartas de Caldas. Academia Colombiana de Ciencias
probably occurred in the latter half of 1809. One of Caldas's friends,

Agustin Barahona, did indeed have a candidate, his niece Manuela, who
was under his care. So the problem was neatly resolved and by 1810 the
marriage of Francisco Jose de Caldas and Manuela Barahona had already
been arranged.
Without ever having met Manuela ("I confess .... that five months
ago I was unaware of your existence,"3) Caldas assumed the role of
romantic suitor with the intensity he had earlier shown for astronomy,
geography and botany. He sent Manuela silk gloves and rings of em-
eralds, rubies and diamonds. He asked for her shoe size so that he might
present her well-dressed to Viceroy Amar. In addition, Caldas began to
search for a house, for he had to leave the first floor of the Observatory
which was his home as a bachelor.
There is little information available on the bride-to-be. Manuela was
about twenty years younger than Caldas. Permission had to be obtained
from the Church for the marriage because she was a distant relative of
Caldas. In the letter seeking the Church's permission Caldas wrote:
The girl I pretend [to marry]is poor and obscure in Popayan. Her parents, so
that she might receive a Christianeducation have given custody to an aunt who
has generously raised her. In addition, I have been informedthat she is between
19 and 20 yearsof age and runs the risk, owing to her poverty,and the abundance
of women and shortageof men in Popayan, of not accommodatingherself in an
honest marriageas I pretend.4
Caldas apparently had thought of what to expect in a wife. He wrote
to his friend Santiago Arroyo, "I have sought neither beauty nor riches;
virtue, birth, will suffice for a well-formed heart."5
But what did Manuela think of this? Caldas had not been in Popayan
since 1805. She may have seen him then through the eyes of an adoles-
cent. Now Caldas was well-known and well-established. Manuela had
spent the intervening years in her uncle's house because her own parents
were unable to care for her. Caldas had traveled throughout the viceroy-
alty; Manuela had probably never left Popayan. She asked Caldas to
allow her to take along to Bogota a younger brother. Caldas politely
demurred. In any case, she may have had no better alternative.
On 13 May 1810 the marriage ceremony was performed in Popayan.
Caldas, however, was in Bogota. His friend, Antonio Arboleda, served
as his representative. From the moment it occurred to Caldas that he
should marry until some four months following the ceremony, Caldas
did not know his wife. In mid-June Manuela was sent from Popayan on
the long and difficult journey through semi-tropical valleys and cold
mountain trails to meet the astronomer who had become her husband.
There is no way to judge the happiness of Caldas's marriage, but it
3 Ibid., 301.
4 Ibid., 303.
5 Ibid., 307.
is certain that he and his Manuela had to endure many hardships. They
had four children, the first two of whom died in infancy. During the six
and one-half years from their marriage until Caldas's death they were sep-
arated at least two years. In fact, he never knew his second child who died
at one month of age, nor his fourth child who was born shortly before
his own execution. The revolution was hard on the couple. Manuela was,
for a short time, put under house arrest. Their possessions were embar-
goed. They had to flee Bogota in difficult circumstances. Through it all
Caldas treated Manuela with, at least, paternal affection, lecturing her
often in his letters on how to lead a Christian life. His family brought
Caldas both preoccupations and stability during the tempest that
swelled about them as the Granadians sought independence from Spain.
FERVOR
REVOLUTIONARY
By mid-year 1810 Spain was no longer in a position to control events

in Nueva Granada. The interim Supreme Junta claimed authority over
American affairs but had to appeal to the colonies' willingness to remain
in the Empire, for the Junta lacked the power to enforce its wishes. The
Creoles were confronted with the problem of how to react to a weakened
Spain. If independence was the objective, what were the steps to be
taken?
It has been suggested6 that the intellectual leaders of the movement
for independence met in the Observatory to discuss plans of action. It
is reasonable to assume that, in fact, the future leaders of the revolution
could be found in the evenings in Caldas's apartment on the first floor
of the Observatory. They were, after all, members of the Botanical Expe-
dition, friends and relatives of Caldas. In his correspondence Caldas
gives ample evidence that his acquaintances would come to visit.
But if there were discussion groups, most likely they dealt with the
general problem of Spanish oppression. Caldas could be expected to com-
plain about Spanish control of books and other literature; the poor edu-
cational system; about American isolation from Europe; and about the
need for more support for science. Certainly he, like his colleagues,
resented the exclusion of Creoles from decision making and the blatant
discrimination practiced by Spaniards against the supposedly second-
class Creoles. However, if there were detailed plans for an uprising
against the colonial government, if the visitors to the Observatory-
Lozano, Mutis, Pombo, Torres-were acting as conspirators, then I be-
lieve that it must be concluded that Caldas was absent from these discus-
sions. Perhaps he tired of the conversation and chose to work on his
manuscripts or his plant collections. Or perhaps he would climb to the
dome and search for stars through Bogota's murky night sky.
There is no indication that Caldas was prepared for the actual break
6
Reyno de Granada. Instituto Colombiano de Cultura Hispanica. Bogota. 1983, p. 189.
with Spain. He was preoccupied with arranging quarters for Manuela's

arrival; he continued to publish the Semanario;and on 16 July 1810 he
wrote his reply to a brochure published by the priest and former expe-
dition member Eloy Valenzuela (see Chapter IX). For Caldas, business
continued as usual.
Meanwhile, the tension between Spanish expectations and Gra-
nadian reality had come to the breaking point. At the end of May 1810
representatives from the Spanish regency council for America had
arrived in the colony. Their mission was to enlist the solidarity of the col-
onies in the struggle against France. But the Creoles would have none
of it. As the representatives traveled inland, uprisings against the
authority of the Regency Council occurred in Cartagena, Pamplona and
Socorro. On 20 July 1810 the Council representatives were expected in
Bogota and a banquet was to be held in their honor.
The Twentieth of July happened to be market day. When a group of
Creoles went to buy a flower pot to put at the banquet table, the shop
owner, a Spaniard, derided them with insults. Voices were raised, fists
began to fly, crowds gathered and suddenly the storm was unleashed.
The mob gained strength. Confronted by the reality of Spain's weak-
ness, the city edged dangerously toward anarchy; however, the intellec-
tuals who had encouraged the sentiment for independence managed to
gain control. A Supreme Junta was named which included, among
others, Caldas's cousin-Camilo Torres, Caldas's friend-Miguel Pombo
and Caldas's colleague - Sinforoso Mutis. The Junta took action to assert
Granadian control of the government. Viceroy Amar was taken prisoner
on 25 July, removed from Bogota on 15 August and deported to Cuba
from Cartagena on 12 October. The militia wavered momentarily but
finally submitted to the authority of the Junta. The many royalists who
remained in Bogota apparently found it prudent to maintain a low profile
and wait for future developments.
Caldas's comment on the uprising can be found in a letter written on
6 August to Manuela who was still on the trail, still waiting to meet her
husband, "By now you must know of the terrible revolution that has
occurred in the government. I was not injured, thank the Lord.. . 7
This comment seems sufficient evidence that Caldas was an observer,
and not a protagonist, in the revolution of 20 July 1810.
Although Caldas termed the revolution "terrible," it is worth noting
that it did not constitute a complete break with Spain. Rather, the Creoles
carefully limited their aspirations. The revolution of 20 July did not seek
complete independence from Spain. The Granadians still offered obedi-
ence to King Fernando, but that obedience was cleverly stipulated to
depend on the king's arrival in Nueva Granada to exercise his power. The
Granadians did reject the claims of the interim Spanish government.
7 Jorge Arias de Greiff, et al., eds. Cartas de Caldas. Academia Colombiana de Ciencias
They argued that the French invasion of Spain had brought about an
abnormal situation which effectively abrogated the normal relation be-
tween Spain and the colonies. What they sought, at least for the moment,
was control of their own regional government.
We must also note that the revolution of July 20 was limited to Bogota.
There was no coherent action throughout the viceroyalty although
Bogota's being the capital gave the event special importance. Movements
similar to that in Bogota sprang up in most, but not all, of the provinces.
This lack of coordination and the inability to agree on a unified plan of
action turned out to be fatal flaws for the Creoles' hopes.
If Caldas was initially overcome by events, he soon turned his energies
to the cause of the new government. The Supreme Junta in Bogota gave
its permission for Caldas and an associate, Joaquin Camacho, to publish
a political periodical. The Junta also loaned the sum of two thousand
pesos for expenses, with payback scheduled some six months later. Thus
on 27 August the Diario Politico was born. This was a record of political
events, unlike the scientifically oriented Semanario. It was published
three times weekly and lasted for forty-six issues, until near the end of
1810.
Caldas here had the opportunity to demonstrate his abilities as a
writer, editor and publisher. He wrote, not of the geography of Nueva
Granada, but of the cruelty and oppression of Spanish rule. The rapid
demise of the Diario Politico was probably strictly a matter of economics.
The final memoir of the Semanario, written in March 1811, also dealt
with news of the revolution-a deviation from its usual philosophy. In
the midst of the agitation brought on by the revolution the publication
of a scientific periodical probably became hopelessly utopic. When the
Diario Politico could no longer be sustained, it seems likely that Caldas
tried to reorient his Semanarioto meet the public interest. This, too, came
to no avail and Caldas's career as a publisher came to a momentary halt.
THE END OF THE EXPEDITION
Caldas's main preoccupation following the break with Spain was

exactly what would become of his own position. He had made a great
effort to gain the favor of Viceroy Amar in support of the Observatory.
He was, until the last possible moment, active in seeking an official
appointment from the Spanish government. Suddenly Caldas found
himself afloat in a sea of uncertainty. He wrote to Manuela, "Now the
matter is reform in the Observatory and the expedition; now the matter
is my advancement or my ruin."8
Indeed, the end of Spanish rule brought with it an end to the formal
organization of the expedition. The botanist and biographer of Mutis,
Father Perez Arbelaez, wrote, "With the elimination of the representa-
8 Ibid., 315.
tives of the King, the Royal Botanical Expedition of the New Kingdom
[of Granada] also comes to an end as a unified body."9
The new government in Bogota had more pressing matters to deal
with. Apparently Caldas was to some degree supported in running the
Observatory. He did what he could to keep the Observatory operating,
just as Sinforoso Mutis continued to work on the collections of the expe-
dition and Salvador Rizo tried to keep the expedition's painters at their
drawing tables. As the new provincial governments groped for a sense
of direction, the scientific enterprise in Nueva Granada was inexorably
reduced to the efforts of individuals amidst the exhilaration and confu-
sion brought by revolution.
9 Enrique Perez Arbelaez. Jose Celestino Mutis y la Real Expedici6n Botdnica del Nuevo
XI. THE CLOUDS OF CIVIL WAR
T he overthrow of Spanish authority in Nueva Granada proceeded

with relative ease. There had been no resistance of consequence
from royalist forces and the Creoles understood that Spain was incapable
of waging war for the moment. Independent governments proliferated
in the provincial capitals and secondary cities throughout the former vice-
royalty. By the end of 1810 only Panama and Rioacha to the north and
Popayan, Pasto and Quito to the south remained under royalist control.
In early 1811 the new governments flexed their muscles. Counterrevolu-
tionary movement in Cartagena was suppressed. Troops from Bogota,
under the orders of Colonel Antonio Baraya, were sent to oust royalists
in the south. A stunning victory by Baraya freed Popayan. There was
every reason for the Granadians to applaud their own success. The dawn
of independence brought an apparent calm under which a new nation
could be built.
Had Spain not suffered the intrigues of Napoleon, the uprisings in
Nueva Granada would have been unthinkable. At the very least, the Gra-
nadians would have had to create a unified front in order to remove the
colonial yoke. As it was, however, the inability of Spain to enforce its con-
trol permitted the success of a series of uncoordinated but simultaneous
provincial revolutions. Thus the Granadians' success in removing
Spanish authority left them, at the same time, facing the dilemma of self-
government. While they were sure that they did not want to continue as
subjects of a colonial government, there was no consensus as to just what
form of political organization should be instituted.
Opinion became polarized around two alternatives, centralism vs. fed-
eralism. The centralists supported a strong central government. They
argued that the independent provinces should seek strength through
unity and that centralism would provide the order necessary to defend
the new nation from an eventual Spanish threat. On the other hand, the
federalists wanted to create a union of equal independent provinces. For
the federalists, the struggle against the excesses of authoritarian Spanish
colonialism should not lead to the establishment of a new, authoritarian
centralist government.
Despite the philosophical differences, the opposing forces basically
reflected geographical prejudices. Centralism was supported by Bogota,
which had been the capital of the viceroyalty and which expected to con-
tinue to exercise its predominance. The federalists tended to have their
roots in the provinces. As such, they rejected the idea of subjecting them-
selves to Bogota. Caldas's first biographer, Lino de Pombo, succinctly
106
CLOUDS OF CIVIL WAR 107
described the situation, "Each province wanted to be a sovereign state

and if they had something in common it was hatred of Bogota.'"
Caldas was not active in the formulation of political alternatives, but
his natural place was with the federalist cause. A native of Popayan, he
had come to study and work in Bogota as had many other provincials.
They tended to conserve their regional identities. For example, Caldas's
cousin, Camilo Torres was an idealogue for the federalists; and Caldas's
friend, Miguel Pombo (also from Popayan) wrote a pamphlet espousing
federalist ideals.
It is worth noting that Pombo translated the constitution of the United
States of America into Spanish, the federalists claim to have been inspired
by the U.S. model. Their interpretation of federalism in the United States
was incorrect, however, as they supported a form of government closer
to the notion of a "confederation" or the dominance of states' rights than
to the federalism of the U.S. constitution of 1787 in which the central
government's prerogative was predominant. Nevertheless, the terms cen-
tralism and federalism came to describe two opposing schools of thought
which in reality pitted Bogota against the rest of the provinces.
While the provinces debated the question of centralism vs. federalism,
they each separately took up the task of organizing their own govern-
ments. Bogota and its surrounding territory established the State of Cun-
dinamarca in March 1811. Its constitution, written by Caldas's colleague
in the Botanical Expedition, Jorge Tadeo Lozano, professed the Catholic
faith and acknowledged the authority of Fernando VII as king (but did
not recognize the authority of his delegates, i.e., the Viceroy). Lozano was
elected the first president of Cundinamarca, but he did not enjoy much
success and was forced to resign in September 1811 after less than six
months in office-to be replaced by the charismatic Antonio Narifio who
was a convinced centralist. Although Narinio had ample support in Cun-
dinamarca, his personality exacerbated the suspicions of the federalists.
As the centralist position was gaining strength in Cundinamarca,
the other provinces moved to establish a federalist government. Under
the leadership of Camilo Torres a congress was called to discuss an Act of
Confederation. The result was the formation of a Congress of the United
Provinces of Nueva Granada in November 1811. The confederation was
designed according to the federalist conception of equal and independent
states. Only five of the provinces signed the act, but the confederation was
nonetheless a major political counterweight to centralist Cundinamarca.
THEPERSISTENT
ASTRONOMER
In the aftermath of the July revolution, Caldas, caught up in the uncer-
tainty and confusion that affected the populace in general, was forced
1 Lino de Pombo. "Francisco Jose de Caldas, Biografia del Sabio." In FranciscoJose de

Caldas. Suplemento de la Revista de la Academia Colombiana de Ciencias Exactas, Fisicas
y Naturales. Libreria Voluntad. Bogota. 1958, p. 39.
to come to terms with a new state of affairs. He took up the cause of

independence-as director of the Diario Politico-at the expense of his
work in the Observatory and the consummation of his marriage. His
young bride, Manuela, patiently continued her journey toward Bogota
as Caldas was repeatedly forced to delay his promise that he would meet
her on the trail. By mid-September, though, a certain calm had set in and
Caldas was able to leave Bogota and meet his wife, at last. They must
have returned quickly to the city since Caldas was responsible for two
periodicals, Diario Politicoand the Semanario,director of the Observatory,
professor of mathematics and, I think it is reasonable to assume, an
active member of a Botanical Expedition that had fallen into jurisdictional
limbo.
The initial burst of revolutionary fervor carried Caldas along, but by
the end of 1810 it had begun to lag. The Diario Politico came to a sudden
end. Caldas tried to keep the Semanarioalive by publishing a eulogy to
a friend of his, Miguel Cabal, who had lost his life during the liberation
of Popayan. Neither science nor politics, however, could capture
sufficient readers. The Semanario had to be put to rest for lack of "a
printing press and subscriptions."2 A letter Caldas sent to Salvador Rizo
in January 1811 indicates that the expedition was still functioning. In
March, however, when former Expedition member Jorge Tadeo Lozano
assumed the presidency of Cundinamarca he had to confront economic
realities and did not seek continued support for the Expedition. Caldas
was irate with his former colleague and friend, calling Lozano "a barbaric
President."3 Caldas further accused Lozano of having "nearly ruined
the Observatory and Botanical Expedition."4
Clearly Caldas understood the implications of independence from
Spain on his own situation. The new provincial government was unlikely
to be able to assure support for the scientists, so Caldas began to look
for means to support himself. In an edition of the Semanarioin November
1810 he announced the publication of an almanac for the year 1811. In
his preliminary announcement Caldas presented some of his own work
in the fields of meteorology, geology and astronomy. He included a some-
what detailed discussion of the measurement of longitude using the
moons of Jupiter. It seems that in addition to selling almanacs, Caldas
was also trying to attract prospective students and collaborators as a
means of maintaining support for the Observatory.
Caldas also published an almanac for the year 1812. In that one he
widened his horizons, adding dates on ecclesiastical history, secular his-
tory and the history of science. He continued to espouse knowledge of
astronomy and presented a discussion of terms such as syzygy, apogee,
perigee and ecliptic. Furthermore, Caldas took the lead in calling for the
3 Ibid., 317
4 Ibid., 317
development of an independent science, "If we have shaken off the polit-

ical yoke of Europe, let us also shake off that scientific dependence that
degrades us and that maintains us in a literary infancy more ignominious
than slavery."5
Caldas struggled to keep himself active as a scientist. He tried to pro-
mote public and private support for the Observatory, but in order to sup-
port himself and his family, he planned to establish his own printing
shop. To that end Caldas imported a printing press from the United
States. (It is worth noting the improvement in Caldas's financial situation
following the death of Mutis. That he could import a press attests to the
comfortable situation he enjoyed during the final year of Spanish rule.)
He hoped to publish for profit, and not limit his project to scientific mate-
rials. One of his associates, Benedicto Dominguez, was a former student
and later occupied the post of director of the Observatory.
During the end of 1810, all of 1811, and the beginning of 1812 Caldas
pressed on with his scientific work. He was interested in political devel-
opments, but they were of secondary importance to him. Instead he
emphasized the development of programs he had already begun in the
Expedition, in the Observatory and as a publisher. He also seems to have
settled comfortably into the role of a family man. His first child, a boy
named Liborio, was born in July 1811. Despite the limitations of the local
economy, Caldas managed to keep himself afloat and could feel some-
what hopeful for the future. There were internal and external conflicts,
however, that had yet to be resolved and hovered ominously above the
Granadians. In announcing Liborio'sbirth Caldas described him as, ". .. an
astronomical sprout, heir to the quadrant and telescope, and now to the
cannon and mortar as well."6
TAKING UP ARMS
The process of independence in Nueva Granada reached a critical junc-

ture at the end of 1811. In November the province of Cartagena declared
its absolute independence from Spain, thus ending any pretense of obe-
dience to Fernando VII. The federalist United Provinces approved a con-
stitution on 27 November. The isolation of the provinces came to an end,
and the first outline of a new nation took form. At the same time Spain
made its first response, albeit a feeble one, by naming a new viceroy in
March 1812. Without the support necessary to enforce his rule, the
viceroy came and went in six months finding haven only in the province
of Panama.
Although the Granadians became bolder in their position against
Spain, their internal conflicts also grew markedly. The consolidation of

6
the federalist Congress was viewed as a threat by Cundinamarca's pres-

ident, Antonio Narinio. When the Congress was installed in the city of
Tunja, northeast of Bogota, Narifio decided to send troops to the area
under the pretext of preparing a defense against possible royalist attacks.
Behind Narifo's justifications lay his real intentions-to force the neigh-
boring provinces to join the state of Cundinamarca and the Congress to
submit to centralist leadership.
The centralist army left Bogota in early 1812 under the command of
Colonel Antonio Baraya who months earlier had successfully ousted roy-
alist forces from Popayan. Along with Baraya traveled a corps of engi-
neers. Its director was Captain Francisco Jose de Caldas.
What combination of forces could have taken Caldas from his family,
his Observatory and his newly acquired printing press to join in the cen-
tralist crusade? There is no clear account of this period in Caldas's letters,
but he probably took at face value Nariio's assertion that this campaign
was directed against probable royalist attacks. Moreover, Caldas was still
receiving some support from the state of Cundinamarca, and he was
thus an employee of Narinio. Caldas does mention that he took up the
study of military matters as early as August 1811. Finally, Caldas prob-
ably felt that it was his patriotic obligation to join the campaign even
though he was not inclined to the military life.
It is not certain just what engineering there was to be done. Most likely
Caldas was commissioned to make reliable maps of the routes to be fol-
lowed. In any case, he took time to observe his surroundings, just as he
had done in his earlier travels near Bogota, Popayan and Quito. Caldas had
not seen this region before. So he planned to organize his observations-
plant life, latitudes, longitudes, altitudes, distances, temperatures, baro-
metric pressures -in a memoir that was to be one of the first publications
of his press. Though civil war was almost inevitable, Caldas still man-
aged to isolate himself in order to pursue his scientific work. He wrote
from Tunja, "But, in the midst of the crisis I observe, calculate and draw,
and only the current of politics makes me comment on things other than
geography and astronomy."7
The military campaign against the federalist Congress never began.
Coronel Baraya was apparently doubtful of the wisdom of taking an
unborn nation into the throes of civil war. The troops remained immobile
nearby while the military leadership debated what course of action to
follow.
At the same time, Caldas abandoned his ambivalence with regard to
the political future. He forthrightly joined the cause of the federalists and
became an outspoken enemy of Antonio Narinio. It was clear to all that
Narifio intended to unite the provinces by force under his own leadership.
Caldas was incensed, "For more than a month we have been quartered
7 Ibid., 327
in this city [Tunja] because of the ambitious intrigues of Narifio, who

only wants to divide and rule."8
Calling Narifno "a tyrant in disguise,"9 Caldas made amends with his
colleagues who supported the Congress. In Caldas's judgment Nariino
was a dictator ". . . who called himself free and humane, and in 1794 pub-
lished the Rights of Man, only to scandalously violate them in 1812.'10
Caldas excused himself with Camilo Torres noting that he had erred
in accepting a role in the centralist campaign, "I did not know the path
I had taken .. "11and by the end of April 1812 was a convinced feder-
alist calling the Congress ". . . the last anchor we have in a tempest.'12
Still, Caldas took a moderate attitude toward the political struggle. He
thought it best to avoid factionalism and the mire of civil war. Along with
many other Granadians Caldas felt that the new nation could ill afford
to devote its limited resources to senseless warfare. He took it upon him-
self to convince his commander, Colonel Baraya, not to proceed against
the Congress, "Every day we [Caldas and Baraya] spoke, and more
than once I left my sextant to be able to convince the justly illustrious
Baraya. . . .13
While Baraya deliberated, his troops were transferred to nearby Soga-
moso where they awaited orders. In Bogota, Narifno became suspicious
and sent for Baraya to return to the capital. But, Baraya pleaded for funds
to be able to move the army, and continued to consider his options.
Some three months following his departure from Bogota, Baraya
made his decision and changed sides. On 25 May 1812 he issued the Proc-
lamation of Sogamoso, which Caldas also signed, in which the authority
of Antonio Narifio was disavowed. What had been a 10,000 man cen-
tralist army became a 10,000 man federalist army.
Narifio was not long in responding. A new contingent of troops was
dispatched from Bogota to bring the rebellious Baraya under control.
Caldas, in the enemy camp, began to feel the pressure applied by Narifio.
He had already asked friends to lend money to Manuela for his family's
upkeep. The confrontation between Narifio and the Congress made both
Caldas's family and his possessions target for reprisal. In June he wrote
to Manuela "If it is necessary to hide yourself, then hide yourself along
with my papers and books. Do not give the keys to the Observatory and
say that I have them."14
To further complicate matters Manuela was expecting the couple's
second child. This did not stop Narino from putting her under arrest and
attempting to embargo Caldas's printing press, furniture and scientific
instruments. Caldas apparently could only rely on his associate, Bene-
8 Ibid., 324.
9 Ibid., 324.
10 Ibid., 330.
11 Ibid., 329.
12 Ibid., 327.
13 Ibid., 330.
14 Ibid., 332.
dicto Dominguez, to help them resolve these difficulties (even though

Dominguez was a supporter of Narinio). Caldas received the support of
Congress in demanding that Nariiio free Manuela. Furthermore he wrote
directly to Narifo, "Youmay afflict, intimidate and attack this innocent and
virtuous girl; you may also do the same with my son and with all that is
related to me in that wretched city [Bogota]-nothing intimidates me."15
The expeditionary force from Bogota was forced to sign a truce with
Baraya and return to the capital. The defeat forced Narinio to resign
momentarily in August, but when Baraya decided to move his troops
against Bogota, Narifio reassumed power, this time as dictator. Mean-
while, Manuela gave birth to a daughter, Ignacia, who died before she
was a month old. Caldas never knew her. He wrote to Manuela urging
that she escape from Bogota.
Congress, under the presidency of Camilo Torres, supported Baraya's
plan to take the capital. In November, Narinio once again sent troops to
halt the federalist advance and once again they were defeated. Thus by
the end of 1812 the federalist forces were positioned for a victory. Narifio
recognized that he was at a disadvantage and offered to negotiate a
capitulation.
For a moment there was an opportunity to resolve the conflict between
centralists and federalists peacefully, to find common cause and unite the
nation for a battle against Spain that was sure to come. Inexplicably the
moment was lost. Coronel Antonio Baraya, not content with Narifio's
offer, wanted to take Bogota by force. A meeting of the commanding
officers was called. Caldas argued for the acceptance of Narino's offer
and voted against an attack, but, to no avail. Baraya was determined to
conquer the capital and subjugate the centralists.
The inhabitants of Bogota were in a hopeless situation. With nowhere
else to turn they placed their faith in Narifo. On 9 January 1813 the final
battle began. Baraya's troops were superior in number and should have
won handily. But Narifo met the challenge with ingenuity. He sent a
false message to one of Baraya'ssubordinates ordering that the federalist
troops not be moved. The trick worked. With his back to the wall Narifio
emerged victorious. The federalist troops were routed and dispersed.
Caldas was forced to flee with the rest of the federalist forces, while
his family remained prisoner. The Observatory was beyond his grasp. He
had been forced to take sides in the political dispute and had come ago-
nizingly close to victory. But the prevalence of extremist positions led to
the unnecessary spilling of Granadian blood. The peace and innocence
of the scientist's isolation had come undone.
15 Ibid., 336.
XII. DELUGE AND DARKNESS
Guilt and bitterness accompanied Caldas as he fled from Bogota.

Even though he had voted against the attack, the spilling of Gra-
nadian blood weighed heavily on his conscience. Caldas's response to
the senseless fratricide was to look for a path which would allow him to
escape from the maelstrom. He took up temporary residence in the town
of Cartago and petitioned Narifio to let Manuela leave Bogota. To
Manuela he wrote of plans to travel together to Cartagena to find a ship
that would take them elsewhere. Caldas sought refuge from a revolution
that had lost its direction. He wrote to Manuela, "It is necessary, my
child, to abandon this nation that cannot be free, and to seek asylum far
from here where one neither sees crowns, nor hears the name of kings."l
Perhaps Caldas was correct and should have left Nueva Granada. Cer-
tainly that course of action was feasible in 1813. However, he did not have
a clear destination, nor did he enjoy the economic solvency to take such
a step. Another alternative was to return to his native Popayan, but on
this account he complained bitterly about the lack of support from the
federalist Congress, "Congress has forgotten me, they have not answered
my letter nor have they given, for the money they owe me, a crumb of
bread to my family; they have not given a recommendation for a position
with the government of Popayan, and have disposed of my property
without my being able to reply a single word."2
If Caldas was uncertain about his future he did not waver in his efforts
to separate himself from the past. He had no wish to return to Bogota,
nor did he maintain any illusions about renewing his association with
the Botanical Expedition or the Observatory. Caldas wrote to his asso-
ciate, Benedicto Dominguez, announcing that "the Observatory has
come to an end for me. . ."3
He urged Dominguez to take charge of the Observatory and care for
the instruments. So great were Caldas's feelings of deception and disgust
that he retired from the most important position a scientist could find
in Nueva Granada to seek some peace of mind. In addition, he gladly
resigned his position as an engineer. Caldas eloquently summarized his
attitude, and quite probably that of many other Granadians, "Now I am
not an engineer, now I am not an official of the Union, I am simply FJ.
1
2 Ibid., 344.
3 Ibid., 344.
113
de Caldas and nothing more; with this mail I have sent my resignation
and with four lines I have acquired my true necessities-my peace, my
liberty, my mathematics and my tranquility."4
CALDASIN ANTIOQUIA
COLONEL
As Caldas considered the different possible routes he could follow, the
movement for independence began to encounter elements of resistance.
In Venezuela a royalist uprising had forced the retreat of Sim6n Bolivar
whose tenacious leadership led the Granadians to independence years
later. Bolivar arrived in Cartagena in November 1812. During the first
months of 1813 he contributed to the liberation of communications along
the Magdalena River and near the Venezuelan frontier. By May 1813 Boli-
var had gained support for an expeditionary force to reconquer Venezuela.
To the South, the royalist stronghold of Quito supported an expedi-
tion of its own-this one directed Creole control in Pasto, Popayan and
the Cauca River Valley. The invasion was successful and in May 1813
Popayan returned to royalist control. Caldas faced a dilemma. He could
not return to Bogota where Narinio was in firm control. The federalist
Congress lacked authority and, in any case, he had broken his ties with
the federalist movement. His logical destination, Popayan, was in roy-
alist hands and his temporary residence, Cartago, lay in the intended
path of the advancing royalist invasion.
Fortunately for Caldas an opportunity opened up for him in a region
which heretofore he did not know-the province of Antioquia. From the
beginnings of Granadian independence, Antioquia had followed a course
of action somewhat separate from the rest of the provinces. Neither
wholly federalist nor centralist, the government of Antioquia had avoided
the debilitating effects of civil war. Faced with the royalist reconquest of
the province of Popayan, Antioquia's neighbor to the south, a consensus
was built around the naming of a dictator to deal with the extreme cir-
cumstances. Juan del Corral-twenty years Caldas's junior-assumed
power in late July 1813. Del Corral is usually credited with calling Caldas
to Antioquia. However, I find it reasonable to suppose that the idea came
from one of Caldas's colleagues-perhaps Jos6 Manuel Restrepo who
had collaborated in the Semanario,or Antonio Arboleda, Caldas's friend
from Popayan who later held a position in the Antioquian government.
Caldas had no other reasonable option. On 9 May 1813 he left Cartago
hoping to find a safe haven in Antioquia.
The two and one-half years that Caldas spent as a military engineer
at the service of the government of Antioquia are not as well documented
as the rest of his life. Nonetheless it is possible to sketch the broad out-
lines of this period. Caldas worked as a military engineer, an employee
4 Ibid., 344-footnote.
DELUGE AND DARKNESS 115
of the Antioquian government. He was given a variety of projects to com-

plete, all of which were a challenge to his intellect. Considering the limi-
tations under which he worked, Caldas demonstrated remarkable adapt-
ability and ingenuity. Upon his initial experience as a military engineer
in Bogota, Caldas commented:
I am an engineer and for the defense of the nation I have had to seriously dedicate
myself to the study of fortificationsand artillery.It is true that these horriblesci-
ences have their charm, but nothing of the majesty and grandeur of the skies.
Fortunately,they are well-defined sciences so that two or three months of
methodic study are enough to master them.5
Caldas's arrival in Antioquia coincided with the province's declaration
of absolute independence from Spain, following the lead of Cartagena
in November 1812 and Cundinamarca in July 1813, a month earlier than
Antioquia. The most pressing problem for the Antioquians was defend-
ing themselves from a possible attack by the royalist forces that had taken
control of Popayan and the Cauca River Valley to the south of Antioquia.
Caldas was charged with the building of fortifications along the Cauca
River. Until October 1813 Caldas worked in rustic conditions with the
inhabitants of nearby villages to erect the stone fortresses with provisions
for artillery, parapets and living quarters. He also set to work on a map
of Antioquia's southern frontier for the purpose of military planning. The
measurement of geographical positions had become a habit for Caldas
and provided a link between his enjoyment of the pursuit of science and
the stark necessity of preparing for war.
The position of the Republic of Antioquia with regard to the royalist
advance was defensive. In Bogota, however, the State of Cundinamarca,
under Antonio Narifo, prepared an expeditionary force to oust the roy-
alists from Popayan and assert the leadership the centralists felt belonged
to them. Ironically, while Caldas labored with limited resources to
defend against the nation's enemies, Narifo supplied his own engineers
with equipment from the Observatory which was cared for by Benedicto
Dominguez. The fiery Narifo headed south in September 1813. A bril-
liant campaign led to the liberation of Popayan in January 1814 and filled
the centralists with enough confidence to pursue the enemy to the city
of Pasto. But there, Narifo had overstepped his reach. The royalists
regrouped amid a friendly citizenry while Narifo's troops lost discipline
and coherence. The result was a shocking defeat for the Creoles in Pasto
in May 1814. Narifno surrendered and was removed from the revolu-
tionary scene. He had the fortune to be spared execution and was sent
to prison in Spain.
While viewing the ebb and flow of conflict just beyond their borders,
the Antioquians determined to bolster their own armed forces. Caldas
fit into these plans as engineer general for a school of military engi-
5 Ibid., 317.
neering cadets established in the city of Rionegro. The school was orga-
nized in early 1814 and the cadets began their studies in October. In an
inaugural speech, published in 1815, Caldas described the philosophy
and program of studies of the academy, which it would seem reasonable
to assume, were probably wholly of Caldas's making. He dealt exten-
sively with the ethics that should guide a good soldier. He emphasized
the need for scientific knowledge and spoke to the students of the "lau-
rels, immortal glory and virtue. . ."6 that would be theirs for contrib-
uting to the defense of the nation. The speech was primarily a discourse
on morals in which Caldas listed military virtues-honor, courage, pa-
tience, obedience, reserve, zeal- in order to motivate a vibrant patriotism
in his charges.
The engineering program was appropriately well-organized and suc-
cinct. Mathematical subjects-arithmetic, geometry, trigonometry, algebra-
constituted the core materials. Six semesters were to be devoted to cover
the following special topics, one each semester: military architecture or
fortifications; artillery--the construction of rifles, cannon, etc.; military
geography, principally map-making; tactics; and civil engineering.
Caldas was able to carry out this program only until the end of 1815,
when he returned to Bogota.
Caldas also took charge of the manufacture of war materials. A nitrate
mill was put in production in February 1815. Six months later a foundry
of rifle barrels was producing two units per day. He organized the casting
of artillery pieces and the production of gunpowder. In addition, Caldas
mounted the presses to establish the mint of the Republic of Antioquia.
These are indications of extraordinary activity on Caldas's part. Added
to this, he was reunited with his family and he enjoyed the financial sup-
port of the Antioquian government. It seemed that Caldas had indeed
found an island of tranquility in a sea of unrest.
Yet if armed conflict had not come to Antioquia, it was not far away.
The preparations for warfare were intense, as was the desire for freedom.
Caldas, in describing his own feelings wrote, ". . . this heart which con-
centrates the blackest and most implacable hatred against the Spanish
race, against this infamous, cruel, unjust and stupid nation."7
The Granadians in 1815 were still struggling for independence. How-
ever, they were not acting as a nation but as an incoherent group of repub-
lics. Nor were they struggling against Spain. By and large they were
fighting among themselves. For too long they had lived under the illu-
sion that the revolution had already been won. If Caldas displayed a
staunch and energetic position in preparing for local royalist uprisings,
his efforts were in vain because the Granadians had failed to unite to
meet the real threat-the return of Spanish troops.
6 Obras
THE NEW CONQUISTADORS
Events far from Nueva Granada were shaping the destiny of the intel-
lectuals who took the first step toward independence. In Europe, the end
of French domination of Spain opened the possibility for a new balance
in the relationship between the "Madre Patria" and her American colo-
nies. Fernando VII assumed the throne in May 1814 and in doing so dis-
pelled any doubts that his would be other than absolute rule. The oppor-
tunity to deal with the colonies on an equal basis was shunned and the
conquest of Spanish America began anew.
In Nueva Granada the royalist position gained strength while Fer-
nando prepared an expeditionary force. The defeat of Narinio in Pasto left
Cundinamarca without a leader capable of advancing the centralist
cause. The provinces, federalist and centralist, were in disarray, each pre-
paring its own defenses, as with Caldas's work in Antioquia. And, in Sep-
tember 1814, Sim6n Bolivar arrived again in Cartagena following his
defeat in Venezuela. Focusing on the need for unity Bolivar joined the
federalists in pressing Cundinamarca to join the Congress of the United
Provinces. When negotiations failed, Bolivar marched on Bogota and
took the city in December 1814.
The attack on Bogota marked a further setback for the moribund sci-
entific community. With Caldas manufacturing arms in Antioquia and
Salvador Rizo a member of Bolivar's army, only Sinforoso Mutis remained
active among the triumvirate that inherited the Botanical Expedition of
Jose Celestino Mutis. The expedition was managed by a non-scientist,
Juan Jurado Lainez, from 1813 to 1815. In a report written in July 1815,
Jurado accused Rizo of robbing materials, Caldas of the theft of one thou-
sand volumes from the expedition's library and denounced the lack of
inventories and general disorder. The veracity of this report is open to
question as Jurado was almost certainly an appointee of Narifio and may
have had a political axe to grind. But the accusation of disorder was prob-
ably accurate. The political upheaval, the exile of Caldas in Antioquia,
the confrontation between Salvador Rizo and Sinforoso Mutis, the use
of the Observatory equipment in Nariio's expedition to Popayan and the
confiscation of Caldas's possessions had inevitably weakened the expe-
dition and the Observatory. So, when Bolivar's troops entered Bogota,
"looted and broke the best instruments"8 of the Observatory, and were
stopped short of destroying the Expedition's herbaria by a frantic Sin-
foroso Mutis, it was another in a series of calamities that battered what
had once been a burgeoning scientific enterprise.
The federalists took charge of Bogota in January 1815 and incorporated
Cundinamarca into the United Provinces. Faced with royalist forces to
the south in Popayan, and to the north in Panama, Santa Marta and
Rioacha, the new government supported Bolivar in the preparation of an
8
expeditionary force to attack Santa Marta. When Bolivar arrived at the

Caribbean coast the government of Cartagena was unwilling to join him.
Furthermore, the first contingent of Spanish forces reached Venezuela in
April 1815. Bolivar prudently resigned his command and set sail for
Jamaica in May-his opportune escape permitting him to organize and
gain support for a final victorious campaign. But the liberation of South
America from the Spanish Empire would come too late for Caldas.
Fernando VII chose as head of the expeditionary force General Pablo
Morillo and equipped him with 11,000 troops including artillery, cavalry
and a corps of engineers. Morillo, severe in temperament, was a neo-
conquistador who came to Nueva Granada to subjugate rebellious colo-
nials. He had no interest in seeking reconciliation. Morillo's chief of staff,
Pascual Enrile, was an expert navigator and had been charged with recov-
ering Spain's investment in the Botanical Expedition. The Spanish forces
left Cadiz in early 1815, arrived in Venezuela in April and set siege to Car-
tagena in August.
The decision to force the surrender of Cartagena, the first province to
declare its absolute independence from Spain, pitted the strength of the
Spaniards against the zeal of the patriots. The port city was surrounded,
its lines of communication, marine and terrestrial, were severed. In a
heroic defense the citizenry staved off the invaders for more than three
months. But, on 6 December 1815, victim of famine and pestilence, the
city of Cartagena succumbed to Morillo's troops.
The irresistible force brought to bear on Cartagena signaled the Gra-
nadians that they were confronted with a militarily superior enemy. The
spiritual effects of the fall of Cartagena were devastating. No longer were
there calls for the nation's defense; rather there was hope for accommo-
dation, for some type of arrangement.
In Bogota, Caldas's cousin, Camilo Torres, was named president of the
United Provinces (November 1815) and was authorized to negotiate
peace with the Spanish forces. At this point Caldas reappeared in
Bogota, having fled from Antioquia which was under imminent danger
of invasion. In what may be the best characterization of Caldas's years
in Antioquia, it is noteworthy that the province capitulated to troops
invading from the north, and that Caldas's fortresses, built on the
southern frontier some two years earlier had proved useless. The feder-
alist government, or perhaps Torres personally, called Caldas to Bogota
to complete his map of the nation and establish a school for military engi-
neers, presumably similar to the one he directed in Antioquia. If Caldas
really thought he might revive the Observatory and see printed an atlas
of Nueva Granada it was because he, like many of his countrymen, were
stunned as they tried to comprehend the cruelty with which the Spanish
juggernaut advanced.
EL TERROR
General Morillo moved quickly following the capitulation of Car-
tagena. Dividing his army in four units, he directed them inland along
the Cauca River, the Magdalena River and other main lines of commu-
nication. With his troops, Morillo sent promises of a pardon for those
who would willingly surrender. For some Granadians this was a ray of
hope, but most of the leadership recognized Morillo's offer for what it
was - a cynical lie, for he planned to divide and conquer. The pardon was
aimed at undermining support for continued resistance, while the real
fate that awaited the most notable patriots was death.
Panic and dismay gripped Bogota. The last vestiges of the new nation
crumbled. Discussion centered around whether to escape to the tropical
lowlands to the east, or to travel south toward Popayan where the Cre-
oles had once again ousted the royalists some months earlier. Some
decided to remain in the city and await clemency. Those who headed east
eventually were joined by Bolivar and formed the nucleus of the army
that finally won independence. Those that traveled south only pro-
longed their suffering.
For Caldas the first step in his viacrucis meant abandoning his family.
In March 1816 Camilo Torres resigned the presidency. He and Caldas
took the route to Popayan. In a village along the way Caldas wrote to
Manuela with his final instructions, ". . . the farewell I gave you may be
the last if we are subjugated by the Spaniards, because I am firmly
resolved to abandon this nation which gave me birth before suffering the
ridicule, prison and torture which our enemies have prepared for us."9
The situation was further complicated by the fact of Manuela's fourth
pregnancy. Their first child, Liborio, had died while they were in Anti-
oquia, but a daughter, Juliana, was born in the same period. Caldas
entrusted the children's upbringing to his wife, "Takecare my dear child;
care for the education of Julianita and the child in your womb; teach them
to fear God, and to be virtuous even though orphaned and poor. . ."10
Manuela and the children went to live with an aunt. All of Caldas's
possessions were at their disposition to pay his debts and provide for
their necessities. In the desperation and anarchy that engulfed them,
Caldas was only able to offer Manuela his feelings, "Keep me in your
heart, love me, as I keep you in mine and will love you until death."'l
Along with Torres and others, Caldas traveled toward Popayan in
hope of a miracle. There was news from the port city of Buenaventura,
on the Pacific coast, that an English buccaneer was anchored there, but
this possibility of escape vanished quickly as the ship set sail before they
arrived. Antioquia fell to the Spanish in April 1816 and Bogota was taken
in early May. Only Popayan remained free.
The entry of General Pablo Morillo into Bogota marked the beginning
of a period of terror for the Creoles. The promise of clemency was for-
gotten and Morillo quickly imprisoned the revolutionary leaders. It is not
10 Ibid., 351.
11 Ibid., 351.
possible to judge what news of Bogota reached Caldas as he arrived in

Popayan, or what his perception of Spanish intentions was. One
wonders why he did not intern himself in the vast cordillera or in the
dense jungle of the Pacific coast. Caldas was, after all, an experienced
traveler and an expert geographer. He should have been able to elude
the Spaniards indefinitely. Perhaps such a choice seemed useless. The
momentum of the Spanish reconquest and the helter-skelter collapse of
independent Nueva Granada may have made all alternatives appear
equally dismal. Caldas chose instead to retreat to his family's hacienda,
the same site where years earlier he had tested his hypsometric scale.
Then, the inevitable occurred. Royalist forces captured Popayan at the
end of June 1816. Shortly thereafter, a patrol searching south of the city
found Caldas and took him prisoner. He was taken back to the city and
jailed while the local Spanish commander awaited orders from Bogota.
Caldas grasped at the only opportunity available to him- a plea for clem-
ency. Fernando VII had offered to pardon those who voluntarily surrend-
ered and submitted to the authority of the crown, with the condition that
their conduct be reviewed. Along with two fellow prisoners Caldas wrote
a letter on 21 July 1816 in which they repudiated the "delirium" of the
revolution. The letter was not addressed to General Morillo in Bogota,
rather to the president of Quito, Toribio Montes. Apparently Montes had
demonstrated decency in his treatment of the Granadians, since Caldas
and his companions asked to be transferred to prison in Quito and kept
under Montes's control.
Caldas was further afflicted when his mother died in his arms during
a prison visit. She had sent her own letter to Montes with his pleading
for her son's life. Although the situation grew increasingly difficult, there
came a glimmer of hope when Montes acceded to the petitions of Caldas
and his mother, and offered to transfer Caldas to Quito where he could
live with one of his brothers. That offer must have taken on even more
importance for Caldas when on 19 August a friend of his, Jose Maria
Cabal, was executed in the public square of Popayan.
But that last means of escape was closed when General Morillo's
orders were received demanding that the prisoners be sent to Bogota.
Caldas appealed to Montes to intercede on his behalf with Morillo. Yet
when he left Popayan in early September he must have known that he
had begun a long march to his death.
In the month-long trip from Popayan to Bogota the pressure on Caldas
was dreadful. His mother had died. He knew nothing of his wife and
daughter. His scientific career was a distant memory. His involvement
with the revolution had brought him imprisonment, not liberty. And the
cruel, bloodthirsty General Morillo was efficiently eliminating a genera-
tion of Granadian intellectuals. By the time Caldas left he surely knew
of the execution of Jorge Tadeo Lozano, who often visited Caldas in the
Observatory and worked with the Botanical Expedition as a zoologist; of
the execution of Miguel Pombo, a native of Popayan and nephew of
Caldas's benefactor Jose Ignacio de Pombo; and perhaps of the execution
of Joaquin Camacho, a contributor to the Semanario,and Caldas's collab-

orator on the Diario Politico.
In early October, in Bogota, Camilo Torres was executed, decapitated
and his head put in a cage for public viewing. And as Caldas was led
through the mountain passes nearing the capital, Salvador Rizo, the
director of the expedition's painters was put to death.
Thus when Caldas arrived at the village of Mesa de Juan Diaz, his last
hope was to plead for mercy. He wrote to Pascual Enrile, Morillo's chief
of staff. Presumably Enrile's status as a navigator and his responsibility
for the works of the Expedition would have made him sympathetic to
Caldas's case. In his letter Caldas repudiated his entire involvement in
the revolution, noted that he had never actually fought against Spanish
soldiers and implored, ".. . may Your Excellency take pity on me, on my
unfortunate family and save me for the King''12
Caldas asked to be allowed to complete his unfinished projects, prin-
cipally his works on plant geography and the geography of Nueva Gra-
nada. These, along with his hypsometric and cinchona memoirs, he
claimed as ". . . original works, which would have honored the Botanical
Expedition."13 Caldas also had the presence of mind to claim to be the
only person capable of organizing the manuscripts of Jose Celestino
Mutis, a point that should have interested Enrile.
The plea had no effect. With cruel irony Caldas was imprisoned in the
Colegio del Rosario, where he had been professor of mathematics. Pas-
cual Enrile had Caldas questioned on 28 October about the letter and
about other matters regarding the expedition. What mattered to the Span-
iards was the recovery of what they regarded as Spanish property. The
contributions of Caldas and other Granadians were ignored. Caldas's
final effort to save his life and return to his work as a scientist had come
to nothing.
On the morning of 29 October 1816 Caldas was led from his prison,
and kneeling, was shot in the back by a firing squad.
12 Ibid., 355.
13 Ibid., 355.
EPILOGUE
he subjugation of Nueva Granada lasted only until 1819. Sim6n

Bolivar returned and, building upon the group of patriots that had
escaped to the province of Casanare, led a series of brilliant cam-
paigns that brought liberty to Venezuela, Nueva Granada (Colombia,
Ecuador and Panama), Peru and Bolivia. Although the Spanish decision
to eliminate the revolutionary leadership had been carried out quickly
and effectively, the desire for independence was not extinguished. On
the contrary, the reign of terror showed the Granadians the true face of
their enemy. In their darkest moment Creoles gained what they needed
most- unity.
In the process of trying to reclaim its American colonies, Spain dealt
a terrible blow to the nascent scientific community. The execution of a
generation of intellectuals truncated the development of science and tech-
nology in the new nation. Furthermore, the Botanical Expedition was
decisively disbanded. Having waited for years for Jose Celestino Mutis to
publish his findings, the monarchy ordered its envoys to simply pack up
and remit all of the expedition's materials. This task was given to Sinforoso
Mutis who, perhaps owing to his lineage, was spared execution and sent
to forced labor in Cartagena. For some thirty days, and under prison guard,
Sinforoso packed one hundred and four (104) crates with the drawings,
specimens, manuscripts and notes accumulated during thirty years of
labor. The specimens were sent to Spain where they were subject to occa-
sional inspection until in 1952 the governments of Spain and Colombia
signed an agreement to publish the works of the Botanical Expedition.
Caldas's widow and his two daughters apparently lived out normal
lives. There is little information available on them.
The loss of Caldas's notebooks and manuscripts might have occurred
at any one of a number of junctures-the embargo placed by Narinio; the
use of observatory equipment for Narifo's campaign in Popayan; the
invasion of Bogota by Bolivar's troops in 1815; the confiscation of Caldas's
possessions by General Morillo in October 1816; or the difficulties faced
by Manuela Barahona de Caldas following her husband's death.
Caldas's scientific career merits attention because he began as a sci-
entist in search of community. He instinctively followed a path that
brought him to the mainstream of the scientific enterprise, although ever
distant from European science. Caldas began without books or equip-
ment. He had no way of judging whether his studies dealt with phe-
nomena known or new, and his makeshift instruments limited his ability
to make more than rudimentary observations. His only correspondents
were his understanding friends who could not offer the information, crit-
icism or advice that scientists receive from their peers. Most importantly,
123
as a solitary scientist Caldas found it difficult to chose a research program

that he could carry out and that would produce original results.
It was Caldas's good fortune that Jose Celestino Mutis preceded him
and that Humboldt and Bonpland befriended him. Otherwise, he would
have remained an enlightened amateur. The Europeans were able to
strengthen Caldas's intentions by reassuring him when he was doing
well and teaching him much that he did not know. They also gave him
a sense of the level of European science. Mutis directed Caldas toward
the study of botany thus setting him on a course on which being in
Nueva Granada was a positive factor. Furthermore, Mutis bestowed
upon Caldas the Observatory, a prize that Caldas would never have
gained as a scientist working in isolation. By entering in contact with a
community of scientists, Caldas was able to define the direction of his
work and gain the support and confidence to carry it out.
To conclude, what did Caldas's death mean for the scientific enter-
prise in Nueva Granada? Certainly, he had clearly stated his interest in
the nation's geography and that of his ideas on plants. More important,
Caldas brought personal and professional qualities to bear on the devel-
opment of a scientific community.
Caldas was an active proponent of science. He had pressed prospec-
tive patrons for support, tried to motivate public interest and sought to
attract students. He understood the need for communication between sci-
entists. It is reasonable to suppose that had Caldas lived he would have
revived his Semanarioor some similar scientific journal. He would also
have tried to open lines of communication with European scientists.
Caldas's interest was in science and not politics as many of his contem-
poraries in the Botanical Expedition were. Thus it is likely that Caldas
would have been a constant supporter of science from a middle ground
distant from political intrigues. Caldas knew that European science was
the measure against which to be judged. He would have insisted on
sending students to Europe, trying to compete with Europeans where
that was possible. In short, Caldas was a scientist around whom a com-
munity could be started.
Clearly any judgment of what Caldas could have accomplished is con-
jecture. In addition, in attempting to judge Caldas's accomplishments
one must remember that he was active as a scientist for only about ten
years. Prior to 1810 he worked in isolation and following 1810 he lacked
the tranquillity and support to maintain a program of investigation.
What then can be said of Caldas? Perhaps it is sufficient to note that
in 1822, in a letter to Sim6n Bolivar, Baron Alexander von Humboldt
remarked that he had begun the study of barometric measurements of
altitude in Nueva Granada along with "the unfortunate Caldas."1 That
the baron was willing to give Caldas his due some twenty years after
their meeting and six years after Caldas's death is tribute enough. It is
a tragedy that such a man was not allowed to carry on his important work.
1
Enrique Perez Arbelaez, ed. AlejandroHumboldten Colombia.Instituto Colombiano de
Cultura. Bogota. 1982, p. 267.
APPENDIX A
DRAFT OF A NEW METHOD TO MEASURE THE ALTITUDE OF MOUNTAINS

BY MEANS OF THE THERMOMETERAND BOILING WATER
By DON FRANCISCOJOSEDE CALDAS

1. During a brief trip1 that we made to the Purace Volcano, some five leagues to
the east of Popayan, to study its mouth, altitude, snow line in this latitude, its
many streams of mineral water and plants, I enjoyed no better incident than the
bursting of a thermometer in the extreme end of the tube. Yes, this was the most
inestimable result of that expedition, because it opened ideas in my soul that
otherwise would never have been aroused.
2. Back in Popayan with only the thermometer that had just broken, with the
pain of seeing interrupted a series of observations already underway, I tried to
use what remained of this instrument. The freezing point, I thought, although
it remains invariable will certainly lower as a result of the mercury that will be
spilled when it boils; but we have snow all year and it is easy to determine the
lower limit of my scale. In my first reflections I thought that the heat of boiling
water would give me the same certainty for the upper limit. Without thinking
more about the truth of these principles, I take rain water with precaution, I boil
it, submerge my thermometer, let the excess mercury evacuate, close it and I con-
clude that I have a limit to my new scale. Then I order that snow be brought,
crush it and wrap the bulb of the thermometer in it; I signal the point where it
settles and I think that the only thing left to do is to divide the space between
the two points into 80 parts if I want the Reamur scale, and into 180 if that of
Fahrenheit. I experimented and I found some temperatures too low compared
with those that the thermometer had before it broke. The heat of the atmosphere
in Popayan, so well known to me from my previous observations, rises; and
anyone not knowing this would have believed that this city had the same climate
as Neiva or Mariquita. In general, I concluded that the limits of my scale were
in error and that it was necessary to do further research. Could both points, of
ice and boiling water be affected by some rare correction which I had omitted?
Would snow be colder nearer the equator? Would the idea that ice is colder with
latitude survive? I had taken care to submerge my thermometer in snow many
times before it broke, and it always settled exactly at the freezing point. The oppo-
site happened, my observations on this point confirmed more surely that it is
1 The author of this

trip was Don Antonio Arboleda, an intelligent youth and lover of
useful knowledge. We were accompanied by Don Juan Jose Hurtado who is equally enthu-
siastic. We spent eight days assisted by remarkable [natural] grandeur and supplied with
all that we needed. We wrote a Memoir on the Purace Volcano; it contains the determina-
tion of the vegetation at a latitude of 2? 20' N; thoughts on this point; analysis of two mineral
springs; their description; two waterfalls; our geodesic observations; conjectures about the
volcano's eruptions; and, finally, the descriptions of a considerable number of plants.
125
fixed than those of doctor Martine. This physicist2 had only seen that ice was
equally cold at 56?20' and 52?30' N. between which there is a difference of no
more than 3?48'. But my work on this subject proves that my thermometer, which
marks 0? in London at 51?30' N, settles in the same point at 2?24' N, when it is
submerged in ice, and I have just learned that the same occurs in Quito at 13'
S. Ice, then, is equally cold below the equator and at 51?30' N, that is, in a sea
level country as in London and at an altitude of 800 toises in Popayan or at 1,600
toises above sea level as in Quito, countries so different in their climates as in
their products that they represent extremes.
3. Though I had clear ideas and facts that determined the freezing point, I had
thought very little about boiling water. From then on I knew that the error in the
scale accrued over the upper limit, and I tried to determine exact notions about
it, as I had of the lower limit. Suddenly, I saw that although the temperature of
boiling water is constant, it supposes equal atmospheric pressure; that in raising
or lowering this, one raises or lowers the water temperature; and, finally, that
I was working at 800 toises above sea level, and with a pressure of only 22 inches
10.9 lines, the height of mercury in Popayan, instead of 28 in. that are required
to obtain the upper limit of a correct scale. It was, then, necessary to increase
the space between the two fundamental points, in the amount that corresponds
to 5 in. 1.1 lines of increased pressure on the water. But, on what principles
should I base my calculation? Very little or nothing has been written; or I should
say, very little or nothing has come to my hands on this point. All physicists, all
artisans close their thermometers when the barometer is at 28 in., and DeLuc
adopts the height of 27 in. as more general in the cities of Europe. The only light,
and that rather dim, that I had was in a passage in M. Sigaud de la Fond,3 in
which he says of doctor Martine: "This physicist has observed that the rise or
descent of mercury being of one inch in the barometer, the temperature of boiling
water varies something less than two degrees in the Fahrenheit scale." The expres-
sion, "something less," by not specifying an exact amount, puzzled me, and I
realized the impossibility of verifying in my thermometer the upper limit of the
scale without traveling to a lower place where my barometer would rise to 28 in.
Though the need was crucial, I could not make such an expensive trip for this
reason alone. I directed all my efforts to see if I could verify my scale without
leaving Popayan.
4. Two degrees Fahrenheit equal 0.888? Reamur. Would the "something less" of
Dr. Martine perhaps be the last two digits of the fraction just mentioned? I want
to believe this to be the quantity assigned by this physicist; I want, for now, to
calculate using only 0.8? Reamur for one barometric inch and so
12 lines = 0.8?
5 in. 1.1 lines = 61.1 lines
61.1 x 0.8? =40R.
4
12
I must, then, use this calculation; add 4.073? to the upper limit of the heat of
boiling water in Popayan, and the unit that must serve to verify this quantity I
find to be
80? - 4.073? = 75.927?
2 Fisica
Experimental by M. Sigaud, volume 3, page 195.
3 Fisica Experimental, volume 3, page 89.
APPENDIX A 127
It follows that I must divide, at the altitude of Popayan, the space between ice
and boiling water in 75.927? as that is the heat of this fluid at a pressure of 22 in.
10.9 lines.
5. Such were the results of my combinations, results which did not leave me
satisfied. They were the product of two numbers that are not well known to us.
The average height of the mercury in a barometer at sea level on the equator and
nearby, and that amount by which the temperature of boiling water increases or
decreases per inch of this instrument are uncertain quantities.
6. Despite the observations made by the astronomers Godin, Bouger, de la Con-
damine, Juan, Ulloa in Portobello, Panama, Manta and Guayaquil, we remain
uncertain about the height of the barometer at sea level in the tropics. These
savants stayed in our coastal areas for a limited time and the results of their obser-
vations vary. If we reflect upon what they have written, if we take the time to
make comparisons and keep in mind what was known at that time, we will find
that the variations are greater at lower elevations and much less in the climate
of the mountains; that their measurements go from 27 in. 11 lines to 28 in. 11/2
lines; that in 1735 and 36 one did not consider reducing the column of mercury
dilated by 27, 28 and many times 29 degrees of heat in the Reamur scale; that
it is doubtful they have taken the precaution of not deducing the altitude by
means of the sum of all observations, divided by their number, a method which
has exposed many observers to great errors and made useless so many important
observations; and, finally, that the average altitude is that given by only one
barometer, and never by many tubes of different density and caliber. What sus-
picions should not be raised by these considerations! I have dealt with this sub-
ject more thoroughly in a "Memoir regarding the average height of mercury at
sea level in the tropics."
7. The other datum of my calculation is even more uncertain, and if I may speak
with the ingenuousness of a lover of truth, my fraction-0.80 per 12 lines of the
barometer-is a guess. From these principles which came to me with the convic-
tion of truth, I concluded that the heat of water in Popayan was uncertain, inde-
pendent of all suppositions.
8. I would have ended the struggle with my scale if I could have found a ther-
mometer to substitute for the first one. The observations already made would
then be rendered useless, and I have a powerful motive which animates me; I
redouble my efforts, read the few physicists whose books I have, and begin to
meditate seriously. One day, reviewing in my mind all of the ideas I had consid-
ered, I decide to retrace my steps to clarify them and take the path in reverse.
"The heat of boiling water is proportional to the atmospheric pressure; the atmo-
spheric pressure is proportional to the altitude above sea level; the atmospheric
pressure follows the same law as the height of the barometer or, more properly
speaking, the barometer shows us nothing other than the atmospheric pressure;
therefore the heat of water indicates the atmospheric pressure in the same way
as the barometer; therefore it can give us the altitudes of places without the neces-
sity of a barometer and with equal certainty." Could this be a true discovery?
Could I, in the unlearned climate of Popayan, have uncovered a method already
found and perfected by some European sage? Or, on the contrary, could I be the
first to have had these ideas? Being so clear, could they have hidden from
Reamur, Delisle, Fahrenheit, DeLuc and Sucio [Saussure]? The most recent book
I have is Sigaud; consulting it again, I find nothing similar to my theory. It does
indicate a method of measuring altitudes by thermometer, but how different,

how imperfect! Would he have ignored the heat of water if he had known of it
at the time he wrote? At least I can conclude that up to this point he had not
thought about it. The simplicity of the principles, the clarity of the ideas caused
me, despite these considerations, great misgivings. Is it possible-I ask myself
again-that the small details have remained hidden from great men? It is true that
history presents us with examples that cannot be read without embarrassment.
Who could believe that the ancients who possessed the art of glassmaking did
not use it to defend themselves from air and cold without shutting out the light?
That the Peruvians who erected buildings that we admire did not know how to
form windows? It could be that these sages, always occupied by greater prob-
lems, have missed these ideas. What doubts! How sad is the fate of an American!
After much work, if he happens to find something new, the most he can say is-it
is not in my books. Can any people of the Earth grow wise without a speedier
communication with civilized Europe? What darkness surrounds us! Ah, but
now we doubt, now we begin to work, now we hope. That is having come
halfway. Who is the beneficent genius who has guided us thus far? Mutis arrives
at our coasts, light shines over our hemisphere, the cry is raised and this lethargic
world is awakened. Illustrious sage, I see you in this moment surrounded by a
glory that even your most implacable enemies cannot take away; you brought us
the first notions of science; if we are still not sages it is no fault of yours; all must
be imputed to our laziness and to that lamentable fidelity to ancient preoccupa-
tions. If, in correspondence with your fatherly guidance, we follow the glorious
path you have opened; if the sciences make progress among us; if someone
wants to reproduce Montucla, Baille and Andres in the New World; if the literary
history of America is written, you will be at the forefront, you will be the father
of our enlightenment. I have changed course without notice, I have come to the
object of my love and my delirium. My countrymen, the youths who aspire to
wisdom, would that-forgetting the subject of this draft of a Memoir-it become
a panegyric of the author of their enlightenment. Such a purpose! Such a hero!
I tremble, I do not dare touch him. The ashes of Fontenelle and Tomas; the inge-
nious successors of these sages would reclaim their rights; I will not dispute
them; into your hands I put a subject that is not worthy of mine; I will content
myself with not having yielded to them in my zeal, and with speaking of boiling
water and the thermometer.
9. Whether known or new I must perfect them-I said to myself-I must rely on
experience. If the first be the case we will have an example of the same facts
coming at the same time to many; we will compare the work of the European
with that of the son of Popayan; we will see the paths they have followed, their
results and perhaps the work one will correct the others, perfecting this theory.
Even if they had given proof beyond doubt, I will not have wasted my work. In
that case, my observations will be confirmation; they will prove its universality;
that below the line, at low latitudes, at all altitudes, the results are the same as
in the temperate zone and are not affected by distance or climate. If the latter be
the case, is it not-I say-reprehensible laziness to abandon a subject that can
yield important results?
10. These thoughts inspire in me a courage to overcome the obstacles which sur-
round me, they make me resolve to work as much as I can. But, where should
I begin? What principles should guide me in my investigations? Solitary, isolated,
without enlightenment, without books, without instruments, I must build by my
APPENDIX A 129
own hand, I must be the creator of all that is necessary to continue in the pro-
jected work. The first must be the observation of the heat of water in Popayan with
an exact thermometer. What a difficulty! I have yet to begin; my work is always
detained. Nothing stops me; I question with the utmost care if there is a ther-
mometer in Popayan and who has it. I discover two, one of spirit which is of no
use to me; the other, of mercury, is the one I need. I find it without difficulty.
It is one made by Dollond and manufactured in London. I examine the freezing
point and find it to be exact. I cannot equally examine the upper limit and sup-
pose it to be correct; I divide the fundamental space in 80?; adapt a vernier that
subdivides each degree in ten parts; take rain water, boil it, submerge the ther-
mometer, fan the fire, and the mercury stops-fixed at 75.7?. I jump with plea-
sure; how close to my first conjectures!4 My ideas begin to be confirmed by
experiment. I put aside my scruples for now, adopt 28 in. for the barometer at
sea level and 80? for the thermometer for the heat of water at this pressure; I
know the values in Popayan to be 75.7? and 22 in. 10.9 lines; I then calculate what
the variation per inch of barometer should be5
28 in. - 22 in. 11 lines = 5 in. 1 line = 61 lines
80? - 75.7? = 4.3?
61 lines: 4.3? :: 12 lines
12 x 4.3 8
0.8?
61
+0.8? in the thermometer of Reamur per +12 lines in the barometer. How well
had I supposed the "something less" of Dr. Martine.6
11. With this result I begin the inverse calculation. I start from it [the factor 0.8? R
per inch] and from the heat of water in Popayan calculate the corresponding
height of the barometer
0.8? : 12 lines :: 4.3?
4.33 x 12 64 lines = 5 in. 4 lines
0.8
28 in. - 5 in. 4 lines = 22 in. 8 lines
the height of mercury in the barometer, corresponding to Popayan. This does not
differ from what is indicated by this instrument by more than 2.9 lines. This result
is more precise than I had expected, but does not satisfy me. How many errors
in principle come to mind! The impurity of water, the form of the recipient, the
height of the barometer in our seas, the exponent, the scale and above all the lack
of practice I have in experiences of this type; these afflict me; I am ashamed of
my laxity; I scold myself; I have new thoughts; to remove obstacles I distinguish
the sources of error which are insurmountable from those that are not; only the
value of the barometer at sea level is among the former; the latter demand only
patience and work for their elimination.
12. Presently a friend7 invites me to a beautiful country home he owns in the
slopes of the famous cordillera of the Andes, and located at many toises above
the level of Popayan. I do not miss the opportunity. Telling my friend of my ideas,
4 See section 4 of this draft.

5 Roundingoff, because 0.1? can be dropped in our case and would otherwise compli-
cate the calculation.
6 See section 4.
7 Doctor Don Manuel MariaArboleda, vicar general of the bishop of Popayan.
I find him favorably disposed and equally animated; we depart with our instru-
ments. What enterprise, what devotion of this companion to my efforts! He
shuns not even the most arduous and humble tasks. Despite the barbarous edu-
cation he received in his youth, he has been able to shake off preoccupations,
he knows the path of truth, he works with purpose. Books, instruments, enlight-
enment here is the object of his ambition. How much do I owe this generous
friend! Half of the glory, if these small efforts are worth it, belong to him. I am
sure that had he not helped me in person and with his money, my ideas would
be buried in oblivion. I would fail the laws of decency were I not to give acknowl-
edgment of my gratitude and love.
13. We make many experiments in Poblaz6n;8 scaling a nearby peak named
Buenavista; we observe the heat of water; the results are approximate and have
the same degree of precision as in Popayan. New tests highlight the uncertainty
of the average barometric height at sea level. Such a necessary element for my
investigations! How can I assure myself, how can I know exactly the height of
this column in our coasts. Verify it by going there, or direct the calculation so that
I do not need to. I take this route and the method of execution is as follows.
14. I make Popayan the center of my operations; I make a scrupulous and certain
determination of the average height of the mercury in this city; I determine,
through repeated experiments, the heat of distilled water at this level; I refer my
observations to this [value] and banish from my calculations the principle of 28
in. at sea level. When, by means of new and exact observations, we determine
this fundamental principle, we have only to apply it, without changing at all the
results of my observations.
15. The calculations relative to the level of Popayan, using the exponent 0.8 show
the need to increase it [the factor 0.8] and I decide on a trip to the cordillera. I
correct my instruments once again; I distill water, which I subject to the tests of
silver solution (silver nitrate) and mercury solution (mercury nitrate), and
equipped with what is necessary I depart on 22 July 1801.
16. Before presenting the results of my efforts on this famous mountain chain,
one should know that the height of the barometer in Popayan, using the utmost
care in my latest observations is 22 in. 11.2 lines, that is to say 0.3 lines greater
than the value we had assigned earlier, and that the heat of water at this pressure
is 75.65? on the Reamur scale.
17. In the place known as Las Juntas I make my first observation. The barom-
eter here rose to 21 in. 9 lines, or 14 lines lower than in Popayan. I boil the
water; the liquid of the thermometer stops at 74.5?. I calculate the exponent for
this observation.
Height of barometer
In Popayan 22 in. 11.2 lines Heat of water 75.65?
In Las Juntas 21 in. 9.0 lines 74.50?
Differences 1 in. 2.2 lines 1.15?
12 x 1.15 =
1 in. 2. lines: 2 1.1 5 0.971? Reamur per 12 lines on the barometer.
14.2
8 This is the name of my friend'scountry home, three leagues east of Popayan.

APPENDIX A 131
18. I climb a little more, making my second observation in Paispamba, a small

hacienda some five leagues south of Popayan. The barometer rises to 20 in. 9.1
lines and the heat of water is 73.5?.
Height of barometer
In Paispamba 20 in. 9.1 lines 73.50?
2 in. 2.1 lines = 26.1 lines: 2.15 : 12 lines: 12 x 215

26.1
= 0.988? Reamur per 12 lines of the barometer.
19. I was extremely happy seeing the result of the second observation. What con-
formity in the exponent! It differs from the first only by 0.017, a quantity which
cannot be indicated by the most delicate of instruments.
20. Enlivened by such good results, I take one more step: I climb a peak east of
Paispamba, known as Sombreros; the barometer marks 19 in. 6.05 lines; the water
boils at 72.4?
Height of barometer
In Sombreros 19 in. 6.05 lines 72.40?
x 3.25
3 in. 5.15 lines = 41.15 lines: 3.25 : 12 lines: 12
41.15
21. Here I have a result that agrees with the others, I have three observations
which show that more than nine-tenths of a degree in the Reamur thermometer
+ in the heat of water, correspond to 12 lines of the barometer.
22. I decide to climb more and arrive at the top of another peak called Tambores.
The barometer here marks 18 in. 11.6 lines; the water marks 71.75?.
Height of barometer
In Tambores 18 in. 11.6 lines 71.75?
x 3.90
3 in. 11.6 lines = 47.6 lines: 3.9 :: 12 lines: 12
47.6
23. I am satisfied seeing this last number; my doubts fade; I confirm the uncer-
tainty of the height of the barometer at sea level and know that more than nine-
tenths is the true exponent; that the pressure indicated by the barometer does
not differ from that of the heat of water; and, finally, that my ideas are confirmed
by experiment.
24. I start over, combining the most satisfactory results. I select them prudently
and with caution, since the object is to determine an exponent which will be the
basis of later calculations. I take the observations of Las Juntas and Sombreros,
and calculate the exponent once again.
Height of barometer
In Las Juntas 21 in. 9.00 lines Heat of water 74.60?
In Sombreros 19 in. 6.05 lines 72.40?
12 x 2.20
2 in. 2.95 lines = 26.95 lines: 2.20 :: 12 lines: 12 x 220
26.95
25. I do the same with the observations of Paispamba and Tambores.
Height of barometer
In Paispamba 20 in. 9.1 lines Heat of water 73.50?
In Tambores 18 in. 11.6 lines 71.75?
x 175
1 in. 9.5 lines = 21.5 lines: 1.75 :: 12 lines: 12
21.5
= 0.976? Reamur per 12 lines of the barometer
26. There is no doubt now that the true coefficient is more than nine-tenths. Let
us examine, then, this important element. I add the six results, divide by their
number and the quotient 0.974 is the number we look for, that which expresses
the quantity + in the Reamur thermometer per 12 lines of the barometer.
27. Now we can solve the problem. Given the heat of boiling water at a site, find
the corresponding height of the barometer and the altitude above sea level.
28. The difference of the heat of water at a site relative to Popayan for now, or
to sea level when that is known, varies as the exponent of 0.974 :: 12 lines. If a
site is above the level of Popayan, some number of inches, lines, etc. of the barom-
eter will be subtracted; they will be added if the place is below Popayan; with
respect to sea level the height of mercury will always be less. Let us test the appli-
cation of these principles.
29. The heat of water in Tambores is 71.75?; we seek the corresponding baro-
metric height.
Heat of water In Popayan 75.65?
In Tambores 71.75?
Difference 3.90?
3.90 xx 12
12 = 48.05 lines = 4 in. 0.05 lines
0.974: 12 lines: 3.90 ::90
0.974
Since Tambores is above the level of Popayan, I subtract this result from the
height of the barometer in that city.
Height of barometer in Popayan 22 in. 11.20 lines
Result 4 in. 00.05 lines
Remainder 18 in. 11.15 lines
Let us compare the result of this calculation with the observations I made on
this peak.
Height of barometer in Tambores 18 in. 11.60 lines
Height of barometer calculated
by the heat of water 18 in. 11.15 lines
Difference 00 in. 00.45 lines
APPENDIX A 133
30. Greater accuracy cannot be obtained. If we want a general equation for this
calculation, let us use:
a =
height of the barometer in Popayan or at sea level.
b =
heat of water in these places.
c =
the exponent.
e =
12 lines.
d =
heat of water in a given location.
z =
height of the barometer in that place.
Reasoning as we did before, we have
a + (b d)e z with reference to Popayan
-c
a (b - d)e z with reference to sea level
c
31. Following these principles I have calculated the heights of the barometer
corresponding to those places where I have observed the heat of water, which
I have mentioned, and others which I observed when I returned to Popayan. The
following table shows immediately the heat of water in the Reamur and Fahren-
heit scales, the barometric heights observed and those calculated by the heat of
water, and the differences between them.
Heat of Water BarometricHeights
Locations T(R) T(F) Observed Calculated Difference
Popayan 75.65 202.21 22 in. 11.2
Juntas 74.50 199.62 21 in. 9.0 21 in. 9.04 +0.04
Paispamba 73.50 197.37 20 in. 9.1 20 in. 8.72 -0.38
Sombreros 72.40 194.90 19 in. 6.05 19 in. 7.15 +1.10
Tambores 71.75 193.43 18 in. 11.6 18 in. 11.15 -0.45
Estrellas 73.30 196.87 20 in. 7.0 20 in. 6.25 -0.75
Poblazon 74.30 199.17 21 in. 6.9 21 in. 6.59 -0.31
Buenavista 73.80 197.05 21 in. 1.15 21 in. 0.5 -0.65
32. These seven observations of the heat of water, seven barometric heights cal-
culated from them and compared with observations, which do not differ in
amounts greater than that which our instruments can indicate, and which in six
observations do not show one line of error and in the other does not pass 1.1
line, show a sure method of measuring the elevations of places without the aid
of the barometer.
33. This was the state of my work when private matters forced me to travel to
Quito. I was happy to be able to reproduce my observations in so many different
levels in those areas through which I would have to pass. Despite my best efforts,
I could only make three: one in the burning Valley of Patia, another in Pasto and
the last in Quito. I would not have verified even these if not for the help of an
illustrious and zealous friend,9 who was my only traveling companion. I cannot
omit mentioning him as a demonstration of my recognition. The following table
at once presents the results.
9 Don ToribioMiguel Rodriguez,lawyer in Quito.

Heat of Water BarometricHeights

Locations T(R) T(F) Observed Calculated Difference
Herradura 78.50 208.62 25 in. 11.85 25 in. 10.31 -1.54
Pasto 73.60 197.60 20 in. 9.85 20 in. 9.95 +0.10
Quito 73.05 196.30 20 in. 2.00 20 in. 3.18 +1.18
34. Baron Humboldt's arrival was imminent, and I wait impatiently for this
young sage to clear up my doubts. In conversation with him I confirm that the
average height of mercury at sea level near the equator is uncertain and that we
can absolutely ignore the heat of water there. I explain my method to him and
ask if it is new. This sage first thinks that Sucio10 has worked with this idea; he
checks his manuscripts and answers: "Sucio has not thought of boiling water as
you have; his work is limited to the atmospheric temperature; he assigns 640 feet
of altitude per degree of the thermometer, and I have observed in Pico de Teide
that this coefficient works well when the day is calm and one does not work in
elevated places." Instantly I know I have made if, it can be so called, a small dis-
covery. Such a difference between the Sucio's method and mine! How imperfect
the first! How untenable! Sucio has only perfected the ideas of Heberden,1
ideas exposed to the most flagrant errors, nearly impracticable and which
demand the judgment and prudence of an accomplished physicist to apply them
with success. How is it possible that the temperature of the atmosphere, with
infinite variations in one same level influenced by location, reflection, wind,
clouds, the time of day, can be used with certainty for the determination of the
altitude? Even if you suppose two people observing at the same time, how many
particular factors in each station may alter the liquid of the thermometer? How
rare, how difficult it is to find a calm day! And this one condition, how it limits
the method of Heberden and Sucio! Observing boiling water, however, gives all
the convenience, all the precision that could be asked. Let the day be calm,
cloudy, cold, hot, windy; let the observer be covered or exposed; the boiling
water will always indicate in the thermometer a heat proportional to the pressure.
35. Furthermore, the coefficient of 640 feet per degree, is, for the barometer, a
coefficient relative to altitude, and must necessarily vary in the lower, middle and
higher zones, without which the method is exposed to gross errors and in contra-
diction to theory. This constant coefficient has the same effect as if we gave one
to the barometer, as does Paulian, assigning 12 toises of altitude per line of reduc-
tion in this instrument. One must be an uninitiated in physics to admit such an
erroneous principle. The work done in Quito at the beginning of the last century
shows that, for the elevation of Caraburu, it is necessary to climb 17 toises so that
the barometer lowers by one line. I consider that any constant coefficient relative
to altitude to be absurd.
36. These defects cannot be attributed to my coefficient. It is relative to the pres-

sure, and rises in height where that is reduced. It is relative to the barometer,
and all the investigation regarding that law and the progress made with that
instrument are accommodated by the heat of water, since neither has any basis
different from that of atmospheric pressure. Baron von Humboldt, to whom I
have shown my ideas, thought that my coefficient had the same defects as that
10
[Author's note: Here Caldas means Horace Benedict Saussure.]
11 [Author's note: William Heberden. See Chapter Two.]
APPENDIX A 135
of Sucio; but upon further thought, agreed with me about the precision of my
coefficient, which distinguishes it from others.
37. This sage objected that the heat of [boiling] water varied, at the same pres-
sure, by as much as one degree. I would have happily subscribed to such a
respected authority; if authority matched experience. Experience has taught me
that the heat of water at equal pressure is invariable, if one takes precautions.
The opinion of all physicists supports my view. If this were not so, could there
exist comparable thermometers? Is not the invariability of the heat of boiling
water at 28 in. of pressure the basis of the upper limit of the scale of all ther-
mometers? It is true that at first boiling the water has not acquired all the heat
of which it is capable, but, fanning the flames, increasing the boiling to its max-
imum, it always acquires the same heat.
38. One might think that this method requires large thermometers to obtain the
pressure; but I have already noted what experience has taught me about this
point. The thermometer I have used for all my observations has a length of 11
inches 1 line of the foot of the king, and each degree of the scale of Reamur,
1 inch 15 lines, a space too great to admit considerable subdivision. By means
of a vernier I have divided each degree in ten parts and can read up to half of
one-tenth with great clarity. The results of my experiences have such a degree
of precision, that the major differences do not pass 11/2 lines of the barometer;
and I hope to correct this difference with later observations made with more and
better instruments.
39. I have noted the errors that can be made with this scale, and I have found
that if the observer is so careless as to err by 0.1? in the thermometer, only 1.25
lines of variation will be produced in the barometer. If one notes that it is very
difficult to err by this quantity, working with caution and care, it is clear that the
method of the heat of water is as exact as that of the barometer and perhaps more;
finally, that it should be put into practice.
40. All who have some experience using the barometer agree that it is an instru-
ment difficult to transport-voluminous, much more exposed than the thermom-
eter and that to prepare it demands great care and attention, which the ordinary
person is not capable of giving it. How much intelligence does it require just for
the purification of mercury? If we add to that the preparation of the tube, the
manner of filling it, the elimination of air, the scale, the calibration, we can see
that this instrument can only be trusted to the physicists; it can never become
of common use and observations with it will not increase because this knowledge
will never become common. The thermometer costs little, is easy to transport,
there is no purification, no filling, no air to eliminate, no calibration; that is, it
does not need, as does the barometer, an auxiliary instrument to obtain precise
results.
41. The method of observation by the heat of water can be simplified such that
the most ignorant, the least versed in the study of physics can observe and cal-
culate elevations by himself. Adding to the thermometer a scale which indicates
the inches of the barometer, the calculations shown above are needless and can
be suppressed.
42. I have now discussed the scale and the principles to be used. The fraction
0.974? on the Reamur scale equals 12 lines or 1 inch of the barometer. If one multi-
plies by 12, 13, 14, etc. until one finds a product without fractions, or with, but
easy to establish with a compass and one takes for the thermometer scale as
many degrees as there are units of the multiplier, one finds the extremes of the
thermometer. Let us make this clearer. The product of 0.974? with 19 is 18.506?;
let us drop the .006 as a quantity infinitely small and not notable in practice; we
will have that 18.5? of the Reamur scale correspond to 19 in. of the barometer.
I take 18.5? on the thermometer scale; I pass them on the left-hand side from the
superior limit down; I divide this space in 19 parts, and the barometric inches
are now expressed on the thermometer; I apply a vernier which subdivides these
in 20 parts and I have a scale which gives me divisions of half a line of the barom-
eter. If one does not subscribe to these principles, one must not have paid close
attention. There is no barometer next to a barometer, no tube alongside another
tube. Their differences in the same place, with the same mercury, the same scale
may come to 41/2lines; considerable difference, caused by the caliber and attrac-
tions to which neither the thermometer nor the method of the heat of water are
subject. I am aware of the variations to which thermometers manufactured by
the same method are exposed; but compared with those of the barometer it
seems to me that the results of the thermometer are more uniform than those
of the barometer. If the disadvantages in which my limited fortunes have
immured me had not intervened; if the obstacles would have been less, I would
speak now more positively, I could evaluate the errors and compare them; but
I cannot; I have lacked instruments, means, occasion.
43. The adjoining figure [Fig. 2, page 13] represents my thermometer in its true
size; in it is seen more clearly the common scale for heat and that which indicates
the height of the barometer. Have we united in one small instrument the cele-
brated discoveries of Drobbel and Torricelli?The sages and experience, will decide.
44. This is not a memoir, it is a draft from which to make one. How much effort,
how many observations are needed to give it the final touch! How many details,
omitted owing to the lack of instruments, must be observed! I have not been able
to correct the barometric measurements made in Popayan, Poblaz6n, Juntas, Tam-
bores, etc. for the effects of heat and cold, because I lacked a thermometer to indi-
cate the temperature of the atmosphere when my only thermometer marked the
heat of water. Who knows if the small differences I have found are caused by a
lack of rectification!
45. When I think that for little cost and in a short time one can give this subject
the highest possible degree of accuracy; when I find myself in the neighborhood
of the most beautiful place one can find on earth, which appears formed by
nature with this intention, I become anxious and burn with eagerness to verify
my ideas as soon as possible. Chimborazo, this colossal mass, located at two and
one-half degrees latitude south, whose flanks descend directly to the Pacific coast
and through which lies the road which links Quito with the port of Guayaquil,
presents all of the area and all of the comfort imaginable to observe the heat of
water from the snow line to sea level. If it is true that the thermometer marks
16 inches in the former, one can make 12 observations, inch by inch, until number
28 in Guayaquil. Here, measuring the average height and the heat of water at the
very coast, the basis of a theory would be made, one could perfect the simplest,
least expensive and perhaps the surest method of measuring the elevation of
mountains and all other places.
46. The benefits seem clear. There is hardly a city, hardly a town where one does
not find someone with a thermometer; this is without a doubt the instrument
APPENDIX A 137
most generally used. One can say that for every hundred thermometers there is
but one barometer; the method is easy, the observation simple and within reach
of the common man. What wonderful expectations I have, that within a short
number of years we can know the elevations of all nations! This set of procedures,
what great knowledge it will give us about the form of the continents, about the
currents of water, about the mysterious revolutions of this crust of the globe that
we inhabit! This material, in the hands of the wise successors of Wooduar and
Buffon, will produce a theory of the Earth that is on a better basis, less imagi-
native, more catholic.
47. When, through a series of observations, I have compared the heat of distilled
water with that of rainwater; when I have put the final touch to my Memoir
regarding the precautions that must be taken with this type of observation, we
will have arrived at the point where we need only a simple thermometer and rain
to measure all the mountains, all the valleys and all places. If we compare this
with spring water, we will have doubled the ease of observation. If it is found
that pure water is not needed for relative altitudes, this method will not be the
less for it. So many enthusiastic youths, who, lacking barometers, are eager for
work-with how many observations will they enrich us! Now I see you all in
motion, climbing treacherous mountains with your thermometers, descending
gradually to the floor of burning valleys, constructing elevations for the four
corners of the world and with them overturning the systems of some philoso-
phers, building new ones on their ruins, lifting the veil slightly and taking
geology a step forward. But this is too much, we barely know the present, what
can we say of the future? Let us not usurp the rights of posterity. We aspire to
its recognition or, at least, that we not be accused of indolence.
APPENDIX
I WOULDNOT WANTTO LOSE the auspicious occasion to compare my miserable

instruments with those of Baron von Humboldt, and to do the same with the
observations made in the same places. We had both observed the heat of water
only in Popayan. This illustrious traveler found that with rainwater the thermom-
eter marked 203.3? Fahrenheit in this city, whereas distilled water gave me
202.21?, that is, nearly a degree less. I was surprised to see such an enormous
difference, since rainwater cannot produce one degree more in the thermometer.
Could the error be-I asked myself-in our instruments? If it is, surely it must
be caused by my thermometer. Hoping to remove the doubt, I ask the Baron to
lend me the thermometer he used in Popayan for his observation. He lets me take
it home and I place it beside mine; allow them to reach room temperature, and
find that the Baron's is exactly one degree higher than mine. But which of the
two gives the true temperature? The best way to achieve certainty is by using ice.
I submerge both thermometers in it and note with satisfaction that the beautiful
Nairne thermometer stops one degree above freezing or 33? Fahrenheit, while
mine drops exactly to 0? Reamur and 32? Fahrenheit. It follows that it is necessary
to subtract 1? from the results of the observations made with his instrument.
Thus 203.3? - 1.0? = 202.3?, and taking off 0.1? for the use of rainwater, our obser-
vations are in perfect agreement; that of the Baron would be 202.20? and mine
202.21?. Here are two thermometers of different scales that give the same heat
at the same level, even though our barometers give different readings. The Baron
found that his barometer marked 23 in. 3.4 lines in Popayan; mine marked 22 in.
11.7 lines; and that of Bouger marked 22 in. 10.7 lines, nearly 5 lines lower than
the first. Which thermometer made with precision would have such a difference?
Ah, it seems that experience begins to confirm that the heat of water in different
thermometers is more constant, less variable than the column of mercury in
different barometers.
Another of Humboldt's observations that significantly confirms my ideas is
that of the heat of water in Santa Fe. I have noted that his thermometer rose in
the capital to 198.6? Fahrenheit; if we subtract one degree for instrument error,
we have 197.6? - 0.1?, since it was spring water; we will have 195.5? as the heat
of water in Santa Fe, which equals 73.55? Reamur. Let us calculate with this heat
the altitude which my barometer should have given in this city.
Heat of water in Popayan 75.65?
In Santa Fe 73.55?
Difference 2.10?
2.1 x 12
0.974 : 12 ::2.1 = 25.8 lines
0.974
= 2 in. 1.8 lines less than in Popayan.
Height of the barometer in Popayan 22 in. 11.2 lines
- 2 in. 1.8 lines
Height of my barometer in Santa Fe 20 in. 9.4 lines

In 1796 I observed and published (CorreoCurioso) that my barometer in this
city marked 20 in. 8.0 lines at its highest level. The calculation and observation
differ by only 1.4 lines, and there are no barometers which will show less vari-
ation between themselves.
We can do the same with Guadelupe. The Baron found that the heat of
water on this peak is 194.6?
minus - 1.1?
leaves = 193.5?
which equals = 71.77? Reamur.
Heat of water in Popayan 75.65?
In Guadelupe 71.77?
Difference 3.88?
3.88 x 12
12 = 47.8 lines
0.974: 12 :: 3.88
0.974
= 3 in. 11.8 lines less than in Popayan.
Height of the barometer in Popayan 22 in. 11.2 lines
- 3 in. 11.8 lines
Height of my barometer in Guadelupe 18 in. 11.4 lines

In 1796 I found exactly 19 inches (CorreoCurioso), which differs from the cal-
culation only by 0.6 lines. One cannot expect greater accuracy.
Quito. April 1802.

APPENDIX B
[NOTE: This is Caldas's initial work on the subject of plant geography. Although
he often mentioned that he was preparing a more extensive study, none was
ever published, nor did his manuscripts survive the turbulence of the revolu-
tionary period. I have not found the map to which Caldas refers. The article is
accompanied by a table of the altitudes of different towns which will not be
included here. ]
MEMOIR ON THE DISTRIBUTION OF PLANTS

THAT ARE CULTIVATED NEAR THE EQUATOR
In all of the small trips I have been able to make within the Viceroyalty of
Santafe, my first concern has been to observe the altitude, the quantity and the
limits which mark the cultivation of useful plants and on which we depend for
our substinence. Since 1796, when I began to reflect upon these matters, until
today (April 1803), I have compiled a considerable number of observations and
facts; I have compared them, put this material in order, and believe that I now
can determine some general results. This is not a finished work that I am
presenting: I understand that we are very far from perfection, that we lack facts
and that we do not have the necessary number of observations to give the final
touch to the distribution of plants that are cultivated near the equator. This
science, which scarcely exists in name, should be the first object of our travellers
and of the observers that live in the different towns of the Viceroyalty; the utility
and the advantages for our agriculture of this type of work are well-known by
all and so I need not enter into a detailed discussion.
The accompanying plan1 represents (sideview) all of the terrain covered by
my observations: it starts from 4? 36' northern latitude to 0? southern latitude;
that is to say, from Santafe [Bogota] to Quito. The horizontal distances of the
different points have been reduced considerably, because it would require a great
length to represent two hundred leagues on the same scale as the altitudes above
sea level, the greatest of which does not exceed 2,400 toises. More space has been
given to those areas in cultivation, and the space accorded those areas that do
not produce, or neglect, the plants considered in this Memoir has been reduced.
Thus, the valleys of Neiva and Patia are greatly reduced, while those of Santafe
[Bogota], Popayan, Pasto, Pastos, Ibarra and Quito occupy a considerable area.
From this alteration of horizontal differences comes inevitably the form of the
mountains; and one cannot expect other than an imperfect image or shadow of
that which really exists. As I have taken liberty in the reduction and accommoda-
tion of distances, I have been scrupulous in maintaining heights, to present the
towns, mountains and valleys at their true altitude. I assume, with Bouger and
1 Author'snote: I have not found this plan, but it was probablysimilarto the graph
made by Humboldt(Fig.6, page 54) which Caldasheld while writingthis manuscript;and
Caldas'sown cinchona graph (Fig. 7, page 56).
139
with Humboldt, that along our coasts mercury [in the barometer] is sustained
between 28 inches and 28 inches and 2 lines; and dropping the small fractions
found in the works of these sage travellers, I take 28 inches exactly at the altitude
of our seas. In divisions of inch by barometric inch are drawn horizontal lines
parallel to the first, and in this way I represent the different layers of air or zones
that make up the atmosphere. From line to line is marked a number that
expresses the toises that one must climb so that the barometer's mercury drops
one inch, or equally, the number of toises of altitude corresponding to each layer
of atmospheric fluid.
I could well have calculated directly the elevation of each point above sea level,
using the recent determination of the height of mercury at the Pacific coast by
Humboldt and the formula perfected by Trailles, which this sage uses and which
I owe to his generosity; but, I have preferred another route which combines sim-
plicity with an exactness sufficient for these matters. The altitude of Quito is well
known to us from the labors of the academics of the trip to the equator [see
Chapter I], and has not been altered by the later investigations of Humboldt; I
have drawn, then, a pointed line at 1,460 toises above sea level, and have calcu-
lated relative to it the altitude or depression of the different points which make
up this distribution. For this I have used the very simple formula of Bouger2
which gives a precision greater than that which is needed.
In all of the extension covered by this distribution wheat is cultivated only
beginning at 22 inches of barometer or from 1,112 toises above sea level. From
this level on down this precious plant is not seen again in our fields. I have drawn
a line made up of small inclined dashes which I have called the lower limit of
wheat to make it more apparent.
It is believed that this limit was determined by our first farmers, from whom
we received it and maintained it without consideration; from this concept we are
counseled to lower the planting of wheat to our coasts for which we are promised
great advantages. But does this notion have a basis? I have here some questions
which deserve to be examined.
If only we appeal to reason, there is no doubt that we will see this lower limit
for the cultivation of wheat as a generalized preoccupation throughout the Vice-
royalty. We know that in Europe, from where this plant was brought by the Span-
iards, it is grown at very low altitudes and nearly along the coast; that vegetation
grows and accelerates in proportion to the heat and humidity; and that wheat,
far from prospering in deep cold, deteriorates to the point of being absolutely
useless to men. The conquistadores planted it, and took abundant harvests in
the first places of which they took possession in our continent, and did not wait
for the conquest of the highlands of Leiva, Bogota, Pasto and Quito to cultivate
2 Let a = the height of mercuryin Quito

b = the height of mercuryin any other point with (+) or with (-) minus
depending if it is greateror lesser than that of Quito
d = the difference
x = the number of toises, plus or minus, above or below Quito
Log a - Log b = d or Log b - Log a = d
d - d/30 = x toises
Example: Height of mercuryin Chinguiltina= 247.3 lines Log = 2.3932
Height of mercuryin Quito = 243 lines Log = 2.3856
Difference,toises 76/30 = 2 toises 3.2 feet 76
76 t. - 2 t. 3.2 ft. = 73 toises 2.8 feet
Chinguiltinabelow the level of Quito.
APPENDIX B 141
it. It is certain that Cartagena, Santa Marta, Caracas as well as Quito and Bogota
have produced this precious grain which we find reduced to narrow limits today;
perhaps, as with maize, two large harvests a year were collected in our tropical
climates, instead of the lone harvest we now find in our temperate zone. History
and the concert of reason would seem to condemn the present practice and to
authorize the cultivation of wheat in the low, hot areas. But, if instead of reading
and meditating, we approach those simple and virtuous men who are more com-
fortable with plow and hoe than with books, those eternal observers of nature,
who seeing her constantly at hand know her better than do the philosophers
who only look at intervals and from afar, we will find that the practice they
observe is the best that can be established in our countries, and that our rea-
soning is erroneous and our condemnations unjust, and we will receive an impor-
tant lesson that will shame our discussions when thay are not supported by good
observations in matters of cultivation and should attend facts and not philosophy.
The mold or blight that we know by the name of polvillo, that terrible disease
of the most beautiful of the grains is what has obliged our laborers to retire from
the coasts and raise themselves to 1,112 toises above sea level. The judicious
men, Targioni or Fontana, have shown the knowledgeable world that the polvillo
is nothing other than a parasitic plant, similar to moss, that multiplies prodi-
giously as do all microscopic plants, attacking the cane and the stem of the wheat,
and robs it of the fluids that were to feed the grain, weakening and killing it. At
the same time that the heat and the humidity favor the growth and well-being
of the wheat, they also favor the growth of this invisible and destructive plant;
and extensive experience, verified in all places, teaches us that calm and a tran-
quil atmosphere are very favorable for its reproduction. We know that the lower
zones of our continent are very humid, hot and have little ventilation and so more
favorable for the growth of the polvillo. If we gain something in these areas for
wheat, we lose it all increasing the strength and number of its enemies. Not more
than fifty years ago the fields surrounding Popayan, at an altitude of 22 inches
11 lines of the barometer or 940 toises above sea level, were covered with an excel-
lent quality wheat; but the polvillo obliged the residents to elevate their labors,
escaping from the desolation of their harvests caused by this plant. What has hap-
pened in Popayan, and what caused its laborers to climb to a somewhat higher
altitude, is what exiled from Neiva, Patia, Cali, Antioquia, Cartagena, etc. the
planting of wheat. It was necessity, then, the sad effects of a microscopic moss
and not preoccupation that has established the lower level of cultivation of this
precious grain. Let us be more circumspect in our condemnations, let us respect
established practices and let us not be taken by the fury of the philosopher to
abandon experience.
Despite all of this it is to be desired that in the lower regions, in those in which
the humidity is not considerable, where winds prevail through most of the year,
in which forests have been pushed back, some tentative experiments be made.
I believe that in the plains surrounding Neiva there are gathered favorable circum-
stances, and that perhaps abundant harvests of good wheat can be found.
If the blight or polvillo has established the lower limit of cultivation of wheat,
nature has drawn the upper limit: all land whose altitude exceeds 19 inches 9
lines of the barometer or 1,550 toises above sea level produces a wheat whose
black and bitter flour is nearly useless. I have drawn a line at this altitude, similar
to the first, and I call it the upper limit of the cultivation of wheat. The spacious
and elevated plains of Los Pastos, where many towns of the Province of Popayan
and the Presidency of Quito are to be found, touch this limit, and the wheat here
is among the worst known. The laborers in these places have nearly abandoned
its cultivation, replacing it with oats which prospers there more happily. In the
mountain range at whose feet lies Popayan one observes that the wheats of Buena-
vista, Poblas6n, Coconuco, Purace and Hatofrio are better than those of elevated
areas; and that rising up one again finds the wheat with a quality of that in the
Pastos-black, bitter and unusable as food for man. It is true that this plant grows
in more favorable altitudes, but the laborer sees all his hopes frustrated and finds
himselt obligated to respect this limit prescribed by nature.
The cultivation of wheat, then, is confined in our nations to a zone 438 toises
high that begins at 1,112 toi-s-e'above sea level and finishes at 1,550. In this small
zone the winds are frequent, not to say continuous, the humidity is less and the
forests are reduced, circumstances that are necessary to find a good wheat; this
is the small region that I find favorable in our environment for this plant, the most
precious gift of the Old Continent to America. If we want to escape from these
limits, if we want to take it from the favored nations which it has preferred, we
expose it to many diseases and death, and for ourselves, lacking this principal
nutrient, misery.
Wheat will not grow with utility near the equator except at 1,112 toises of alti-
tude; in Spain, at 40? northern latitude, along the coast, and nearly at the same
elevation in Chile. Does this limit descend in proportion to a rise in latitude?
Would it form a curve whose extrema are at sea level at 35? or 40? latitude, and
at 1,112 toises along the line [equator]? Our knowledge is very limited in this;
barometric observations with relation to the fruits of the land barely exist; my
travels still do not exceed two hundred leagues; I have never passed 4?36' of lati-
tude; I know only a small part of the great plan; the veil is barely lifted at an angle,
leaving in darkness the rest. It may be that by multiplying the travels and obser-
vations in our continent, these great vacuums be filled, these immense lagoons,
that at the same time humiliate us, scold our ignorance and urge us to work.
In the proportion that we separate ourselves from the upper limit downwards,
we find that the wheat improves by degrees until a certain point such that it
begins to degrade in quality until the polvillo absolutely ruins our harvests in the
lower limit. I have noted with admiration that the elevation of the most excellent
wheat is nearly in the center of the zone of its cultivation, equally distant from
the upper and lower limits; and I have drawn a third line that I call the limit of
the best wheat. The wheat of the plains in Santafe, Tunjuela, Cuarchi and Pesillo
is good; better is that of Tupigachi, Tabacundo and Cayambe; excellent that of
Chapacual and Pasto; a sensible deterioration begins in Otavalo, Buenavista,
Poblaz6n, Coconuco etc. until in the lower limit it disappears because of the
blight. It is necessary to note that the law we have just established admits many
modifications; that it is influenced by the humidity, the local conditions of the
land, the quality of the land, its proportion of currents of air, the abundance or
lack of rain and other precipitation, along with other factors that we could add.
But whoever travels with barometer in hand, who observes, who notes facts and
compares them will agree that there are unalterable general principles, that there
is a plan, a constant universal scale in the goodness of flours; and that, if on some
occasion the law is altered, this comes from local, partial or transitory causes.
I have given my greatest attention to wheat, although I have not neglected the
other fruits which contribute to our subsistence. I have had multiple occasions
to observe the entire extension of the zone of wheat cultivation, and to pass its
limits in both directions; this has permitted me to speak with greater knowledge
of the distribution of this plant than of the rest that follow.
APPENDIX B 143
Where wheat begins to prosper with utility for the laborer, the growth of
platano (musa) ends.
The specie we know by the name of guineo (musa paradisiaca) is that which
rises the most and touches the lower limit of the wheat zone. In the places where
guineo grows best one barely finds modest dominicos (musa sapientum). But the
zone of this delicious fruit, this limitless resource of man in the tropics, is much
more extensive and knows no other lower limit than the waters of the sea; it is
found indistinctly spread through 1,112 toises of perpendicular space above the
Atlantic and the Pacific; its quality improves in inverse relation with altitude and
deteriorates in direct proportion.
If the platano or the guineo is nowhere seen alongside wheat, sugar cane (sac-
charum officinalem) does pass the lower limit. I have seen in the same terrain
these two useful plants, and beneath the same roof the flour mill and the sugar
mill or press. In Quitamba and Santiago, near Ibarra sugar cane is cultivated
together with wheat. The highest elevation at which I have found this plant,
origin of our innocent pleasures as well as our vices, is at 1, 144 toises above sea
level; this is its upper limit, and like the platano extends its domicile to the ocean,
and improves and deteriorates in the same proportion.
The potato (solanum tuberosum), the most precious gift, according to the
expression of Bomare, that America has made to the Old Continent, is grown
at the highest altitudes of the globe. In all parts where man has raised his
industry, this generous plant has followed. Less delicate than wheat, it has not
feared the rigors of the cold nor the eternal ice of the Torrid Zone, and we do
not know the limit of its resistance; who knows if as the moss, lichens and other
cryptogams it would grow well and with utility at the upper limit of vegetation
of our globe beneath the line. If we do not know the limits of the region that the
potato loves most, we do know that the lower limit does not pass that of the
mildly temperate nations; from 24 barometric inches downward this precious
plant is seen no more and is confined in the tropics between 747 toises above sea
level and the limit of perpetual snow.
Oats (ordeum distichum), which in the elevated nations plays the role similar
to platano in the temperate and hot zones, supporting the necessities of man,
as does that plant [platano] below the limits of wheat; but the upper level rises
much more, and like the potato follows man to the highest elevations.
Yuca (jatropha mannioc), loyal companion of the platano, follows it every-
where, improves and deteriorates with it and grows within the same limits.
Cacao (teobroma), the patrimony of Guayaquil, Cucuta and Timana, the plant
which provides the basis of the most delicious drink, and of which man as yet
has not made abuse, is confined to the hot and humid nations of our continent.
The greatest elevation at which I have found it is 25 inches of the barometer or
475 toises above sea level; this number expresses the height of the zone in which
its cultivation is limited with reference to the coast.
Maize (zea maiz), the most important grain of the new world, and without
contradiction more useful than wheat and oats, is also the plant whose growth
extends throughout the widest limits. It does not fear the cold as do platano and
sugar cane, nor the heat as does the potato; it is found besides wheat and oats
in the higher villages as well as besides cacao and yuca in the hot areas; in all
places where there are men there is maize. From Riobamba, the highest village
that we know, to Cartagena and Guayaquil, in all possible temperatures, in all
atmospheric pressures, we are accompanied by this precious plant, this resource
for our necessities, this inexhaustable source of delicious and varied composi-
tions. At sea level, where man has not been able to establish wheat, or rather
where a powerful enemy does not permit it to grow, maize raises its stalk to six
or seven varas [one vara equals approximately 2.8 feet]; in the temperate zone
it does not grow as high and its fruit is ready in eight months; in the cold and
elevated areas its height is barely one vara and even less, and it is only ready to
harvest at twelve or thirteen months. This law is so constant, that maize might
well serve to indicate approximately the degree of temperature and altitude of
the soil, by way of the length of its growing period and height of its stalk.
This subject is vast; one man alone can not give it the final touch; the aid of
many is needed, and many years so that we might flatter ourselves as having a
complete distribution of all the fruits that we grow. What can we say of the dis-
tribution of all the plants that our soil produces? I am certain that many genera-
tions will pass until Botany can signal the limits which confine each vegetable.
I present this small essay of the principal fruits which give us sustenance, as an
imperfect draft of what must necessarily be perfected. The altitudes I establish
as limits of growth of the plants named are not invariable, they are only the result
of my observations in the short extension of two thousand leagues. When new
observations and new travellers give us more insight, perhaps we will need to
change the limits we have mentioned. Meanwhile, I hope that these small efforts
are received with kindness and as the fruit of the application of a man who loves
the sciences and his country.
Quito. April 6, 1803.

APPENDIX C
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
CALDASHAD NUMEROUSACQUAINTANCES, friends and colleagues who in

one way or another affected the course of his career. In this appendix bio-
graphical notes for these persons are presented. Many of these notes are
translations of information presented in Arias de Greiff et al. (Ed.),
Cartas de Caldas (Academia Colombiana de Ciencias Exactas, Fisicas y
Naturales. Bogota. 1978), and will be designated by (Cartas) following
the note.
AMAR Y BORBON, ANTONIO

Amar y Borbon was Viceroy of Nueva Granada from 1803 to 20 July 1810 when
he was overthrown by the revolutionary movement. Expelled from Bogota, he
and his wife returned to Spain. (Cartas)
ARBOLEDA,ANTONIO (B. ?, D. 1825)
Arboleda was a native of Popayan where he began his studies. He finished in
Bogota receiving a degree in law. Arboleda returned to Popayan in 1793. He
demonstrated interest in poetry and science, and participated in the revolution.
In 1812 he traveled to Antioquia where he was vice-president of the provincial
Congress. Following the royalist victory at Cuchilla del Tambo, Arboleda was
obliged to surrender his command post in Cali. He was sent to Bogota and later
exiled to Spain, from which he returned in 1825. Arboleda was an intimate friend
of Caldas, whom he accompanied on the famous expedition to the Purace volcano
where Caldas's method for measuring altitudes with the thermometer origi-
nated. Arboleda represented Caldas in the latter's marriage ceremony. (Cartas)
ARROYO,SANTIAGOPEREZDE (B. 1775, D. 1845)
Arroyo was born and died in Popayan. He studied in Popayan and finished law
in the Colegio del Rosario where he was vice-rector in 1804. Following indepen-
dence he was a judge, member of the provincial assembly, acting governor of
Popayan and member of the national congress. He made meteorological obser-
vations, wrote instructional materials and a history of Popayan during the war
of independence. (Cartas)
BARAHONA,MARIA MANUELA(B. 1790, D. ?)
Barahona was born in the hacienda Peredias to the north of Popayan. She was
married to Caldas in May 1810. They had four children-Liborio, Ignacia, Juliana
and Ana Maria. One daughter-Ignacia-and their only son-Liborio-died in
infancy. Ana Maria never married. Juliana married a relative and gave birth to
the only direct descendents of her father.
BONPLAND(B. 1773, D. 1858)
Bonpland's real name was Amado Gujeau. A physician by profession, Bonpland
took a profound interest in botany. Humboldt covered Bonpland's expenses on
145
their excursion through Spanish America. Caldas spent a month in the company
of Bonpland at the hacienda of the Marques de Selva Alegre near-Quito. Bonpland
returned to Europe with Humboldt but later traveled to Paraguay where he was
taken prisoner for ten years. Following his release, Bonpland took up residence
in Uruguay where he lived until his death.
CARONDELET, LUIS FRANCISCOHECTOR,BARONDE (B. ?, D. 1807)

At a young age Carondelet joined the Spanish militia. He participated in the expe-
dition to Algeria and in the capture of Panzacola (today Pensacola, Florida). From
1788 to 1792 he was governor of San Salvador, and later of Louisiana where he
confronted the interests of the United States. At the end of 1797 he was named
President of the Audience of Quito. Carondelet supervised the reconstruction of
the city of Riobamba, the Cathedral of Quito and the construction of a route to
the Pacific coast via Malbucho. During his government, Carondelet received
Humboldt and Bonpland, and supported Caldas. (Cartas)
CAVANILLES, ANTONIO JOSE (B. 1745, D. 1804)

A Spanish botanist and Jesuit priest, Cavanilles was the author of important
works in botany. He was Director of the Jardin Botanico of Madrid, and upon his
death was succeeded by Francisco Antonio Zea, whom Cavanilles had named
as his assistant. During Cavanilles's tenure the herbarium was increased to 12,000
species. He established the genus Caldasia. Cavanilles was a friend and sup-
porter of Mutis. (Cartas)
CORRAL, JUAN DEL (B. ?, D. 1814)
A native of Momp6s, del Corral lived in the province of Antioquia when the rev-
olution broke out in 1810. He traveled to Bogota as a representative and returned
to Antioquia in 1812. Owing to the advances of the Spanish commander, Juan
Samano, del Corral was named dictator of Antioquia and organized the defense
of the province. He employed Caldas as an engineer. When the dictatorship came
to an end, the legislature conferred upon del Corral constitutional powers, which
he used until his death in 1814. (Cartas)
DOMINGUEZ, BENEDICTO (B. 1783, D. 1868)

Dominguez was born and died in Bogota. He studied law in San Bartolome but
never exercised the profession. He studied physical science and mathematics in
the school directed by Bernardo Anillo. Dominquez colaborated with the Sema-
nario. He miraculously saved his life during the reconquest. Beginning in 1813
Dominguez calculated almanacs for Nueva Granada. He was a member of the Aca-
demia Nacional de Colombia and was Director of the Astronomical Observatory.
ENRILE, PASCUAL DE (B. 1772, D. 1839)

Born in Cadiz, Enrile served in the Spanish Navy, and in 1809 joined the army
during the war of independence against Napoleon. He was chief of staff and
second in command to General Pablo Morillo in the expedition to reconquer the
Spanish American colonies. As a scientist, Enrile was noted for geodesic measure-
ments performed in Cataluna. (Cartas)
FERNANDO VII-KING OF SPAIN
Son of Carlos IV and Maria Luisa de Parma, Fernando was proclaimed Prince
of Asturias in 1789, and assumed the throne following his father's abdication in
1803. Fernando laid his crown at Napoleon's feet in Bayona. Upon his return to
Spain in 1814 he established an absolute monarchy. (Cartas)
APPENDIX C 147
HUMBOLDT, FRIEDRICHWILHELM HEINRICH ALEXANDER VON (B. 1769, D. 1859)

Born in Berlin, Humboldt was the son of well-to-do Prussian nobility. At an early
age he took an interest in a wide variety of subjects-botany, mining, galvanism.
He traveled throughout Europe and wrote extensively. In 1799 Humboldt sailed
to the Spanish American colonies accompanied by Bonpland. They returned to
Europe in 1804. Caldas had direct access to Humboldt from January to June 1802.
In Europe Humboldt spent twenty-five years publishing his travel journals. He
is recognized as one of the founders of modern geography and brought attention
to the study of the Americas. Humboldt presented his broad view of science and
nature in the book Kosmos.
LOZANO, JORGE TADEO (B. 1771, D. 1816)

Lozano, a native of Bogota, was a descendent of Spanish nobility. His brother
carried the title of Marques de San Jorge. Lozano studied chemistry, mineralogy
and botany in Spain. He returned to Bogota as a physician and substituted for
Jose Celestino Mutis in the chair of mathematics at the Colegio del Rosario.
Lozano was a member ad honorem of the Botanical Expedition. His main area
of study was zoology and he wrote on the Fauna Cundinamarquesa.
MONTES, TORIBIO
Montes was a Field Marshall who became President and Captain General of
Quito upon appointment by the Regency Council of Cadiz. He ordered the exe-
cution of Nariio, but his subordinates did not carry this out, so Montes sent
Narino to prison in Spain instead. Montes tried to save Caldas's life by ordering
the latter's transfer to Quito where Caldas could live with his brother. (Cartas)
MONTUFAR, CARLOS (B. ?, D. 1816)
Son of the Marques de Selva Alegre. Humboldt was a guest of Montufar's father
during his stay in Quito. The Marques asked Humboldt to let young Montufar
accompany the European's expedition. Caldas was irritated when Humboldt
agreed. Montufar was educated in Spain and returned as a commisioner to main-
tain the authority and principles of the Junta of Seville against Napoleon. Fol-
lowing the murders of 2 August 1810 in Quito, Montufar formed part of the gov-
erning Junta, joining the republican cause. In the struggle against the Spaniards
he was taken prisoner and exiled to Spain along with Narifo, but he escaped
in Panama, returned and joined the army. Montufar was executed in Popayan on
3 September 1816. (Cartas)
MORILLO,PABLO(B. 1778, D. 1837)
A native of Fuentasecas in the Spanish province of Zamora, Morillo had a bril-
liant military career from soldier to field marshall and lieutenant general. He was
named head of the forces of reconquest and distinguished himself for his blood-
thirsty character which provoked the reaction of the creoles in favor of indepen-
dence. After suffering defeat at the hands of Bolivar, Morillo returned to Spain
with the titles of Conde de Cartagena and Marques de La Puerta, and was Cap-
tain General of Madrid and Nueva Castilla. Morillo died in France. (Cartas)
MUTIS, JOSE CELESTINO (B. 1732, D. 1808)
Mutis was born in Spain. He received a degree in medicine but also studied
botany. In 1760 he traveled to America as the personal physician of Viceroy
Messia de la Zerda. Mutis began his own botanical investigations which he com-
municated to the Spanish scientific community and to Linnaeus. In 1783, with
the support of Viceroy Caballero y Gongora, Mutis gained the approval of Carlos
III for the establishment of the Botanical Expedition. Mutis worked principally
on the medicinal and botanical aspects on cinchona bark, and on his grand opus-
the Flora de Bogota. The Expedition, in Mutis's conception, was a broad scientific
institution. As such he promoted interest in the sciences among young Grana-
dians. Caldas often referred to Mutis as "my father."The construction of the Astro-
nomical Observatory was a personal initiative of Mutis in favor of Caldas. Mutis
died without publishing his major works, which finally were published begin-
ning in 1952.
MUTIS,SINFOROSO
(B. 1773, D. 1822)
A native of Bucaramanga, Sinforoso was a nephew of Jose Celestino Mutis. In
the elder Mutis's scientific testament, Sinforoso was named director of the botan-
ical section of the Expedition. He was taken prisoner in 1816 and ordered to
arrange the archives and herbaria of the Expedition for their shipment to Spain.
He was sent to do forced labor in Cartagena. Sinforoso Mutis died in Bogota.
(Cartas)
NARINO, ANTONIO (B. 1765, D. 1823)
A native of Bogota, Narinio is known as the Precursor of Independence. His trans-
lation of the Rights of Man caused him trouble and hardship. Social gatherings
were common in his home, with Nariiio showing an interest for the sciences. As
President of Cundinamarca he maintained hostilities with the Congress of Tunja,
sent troops commanded by Baraya and including Caldas. The civil war ended
with Nariio's victory, which forced Caldas to flee to Antioquia. Narifio later led
a campaign to the South where he was taken prisoner and sent to Spain. Upon
his return in 1821 he was named vicepresident and, as such, installed the Con-
stitutional Congress of Cucuta. (Cartas)
POMBO, JOSE IGNACIO DE

Pombo was born in Popayan to the Spaniard Esteban Pombo and Beatriz
O'Donnel. Thus, Pombo was brother to Lino de Pombo, Caldas's first biographer.
He moved to Cartagena where he became a merchant and amassed his fortune.
Pombo employed his influence and wealth in the creation of the Consulate Tri-
bunal of which he was director, in the promotion of the Dique Canal, in the intro-
duction of a printing press for the use of the Consulate (of Cartagena), in the
study and commerce of cinchona bark, in improving animal breeds, in the navi-
gation of the Atrato River, and in the exploration of a route between the Atlantic
and the Pacific. He supported Mutis, the Botanical Expedition and especially
Caldas for trips, instruments and investigations. Pombo died in Cartagena.
(Cartas)
POMBO, MIGUEL (B. 1779, D. 1816)
Born in Popayan, Pombo studied there and in Bogota where he received a degree
in law and studied natural history. He was an assistant with the Botanical Expe-
dition. Pombo formed part of the Supreme Junta that took power on 20 July 1810
and collaborated in the Diario Politico of Caldas and Joaquin Camacho. He was
lieutenant governor of Bogota in 1811,prosecutor with the treasury and interior
tribunes, member of the congresses (federalist) of 1812 and 1813. Pombo was exe-
cuted in Bogota. (Cartas)
RESTREPO, JOSE FELIX DE (B. 1760, D. 1832)
Born in Envigado (Antioquia). Restrepo was Caldas's professor in the Seminario
in Popayan. He awakened Caldas's interest in science. Later he was a member
APPENDIX C 149
of the Antioquian Congress where he proposed the abolishment of slavery. He

presided over the constitutional congress of Villa del Rosario de Cucuta and was
a member of the Supreme Court. Restrepo died in Bogota. (Cartas)
RIZO, SALVADOR (B. ?, D. 1816)

Rizo was the director of the Expedition's painters. He functioned as a sort of chief
of staff for Mutis who had great confidence in him, to the point that Rizo received
Mutis's scientific testament. Later, Rizo joined the expeditionary force to Vene-
zuela commanded by Sim6n Bolivar. He was executed on 12 October 1816.
TORRES, CAMILO (B. 1766, D. 1816)

Torres's was the most powerful mind of the emancipation of Colombia. Born in
Popayan, his mother was first cousin of Caldas's mother. He began his studies
in Popayan and finished his degree in law in the Colegio del Rosario, where he
was vice-rector in 1792. Torres was the author of the well-known Memorial de
Agravios (Petition of Grievances). He was member of the Supreme Junta in
Bogota, later President of the Congress of the United Provinces and in that posi-
tion appreciated the genius of Bolivar. When Bogota fell, Torres traveled to Cauca
[Popayan] and with the other patriots tried to reach shipboard in Buenaventura.
Brought to Bogota, he was shot in the back, his head was severed and displayed
in a cage. (Cartas)
VALENZUELA, ELOY (B. 1756, D. 1834)

A native of Giron, in the Province of Santander, Valenzuela studied in the
Colegio del Rosario where he was later professor of philosophy. He was a
member of the Botanical Expedition from its creation until he retired due to ill
health in August 1784. Valenzuela was a priest in the city of Bucaramanga (San-
tander) and one of Mutis's most learned disciples in the natural sciences. Among
his works special mention should be given to his Flora de la Parroquia.
ZEA, FRANCISCO ANTONIO (B. 1770, D. 1822)

A native of Medellin (Antioquia), Zea studied in Bogota, and in 1786 was named
professor of natural history in the Colegio del San Bartolome. He was a member
of the Botanical Expedition until sent prisoner to Spain as a consequence of the
scandal surrounding Narino's publication of the Declarationof the Rights of Man.
Following two years in prison he was freed and sent to France on a scientific mis-
sion. When he returned to Spain he asked permission to travel to America.
Instead, Zea was named Professor of Botany and later Director of the Jardin Botan-
ico of Madrid (1804). Zea died in England. (Cartas)
BIBLIOGRAPHY
PRIMARYSOURCES
Arias de Greiff, Jorge et al. (Ed.). Cartasde Caldas.Academia Colombiana de Cien-
cias Exactas, Fisicas y Naturales. Bogota. 1978.
Caldas, Francisco Jose de. SemanarioDel Nuevo Reino De Granada.Biblioteca Pop-
ular de Cultura Colombiana. Four Volumes. Bogota. 1942.
Fonnegra, Gabriel (Ed.). Mutis y La Expedici6nBota'nica(Documentos). El Ancora
Editores. Bogota. 1983.
Hernandez de Alba, Guillermo (Ed.). Archivo EpistolarDel Sabio Naturalista Don
Jose'CelestinoMutis. Four Volumes. Instituto Colombiano de Cultura Hispanica.
Bogota. 1983.
Obras Completasde FranciscoJose'de Caldas. Universidad Nacional de Colombia.
Imprenta Nacional. Bogota. 1966.
Perez Arbelaez, Enrique (Ed.). AlejandroHumboldten Colombia.Instituto Colom-
biano de Cultura. Bogota. 1982.
Posada, Eduardo (Ed.). Cartas de Caldas. Biblioteca de Historia Nacional. Volume
15. Imprenta Nacional. Bogota. 1917.
. Obras de Caldas. Biblioteca de Historia Nacional. Volume 9. Imprenta
Von Humboldt, Alexander. Ideas Para Una GeografiaDe Las Plantas Mas Un Cuadro
De La NaturalezaDe Los Paises Tropicales.Jardfn Botanico 'Jose Celestino Mutis'.
Bogota. 1985.
SECONDARY SOURCES- BOOKS
Barrig Villalba, A. M. Algo Sobreel Inventode Caldas. Arboleda y Valencia. Bogota.

1915.
Bateman, Alfredo D. El ObservatorioAstron6micode Bogota'.Universidad Nacional
de Colombia. Bogota. 1953.
. FranciscoJose De Caldas: El Hombrey El Sabio. Departamento de Caldas.
Colombia. 1954.
Etchecopar, Carlos A. and Perez Montero, Carlos. El PrimerObservatoriode Monte-
video. Montevideo. Instituto Hist6rico y Geografico del Uruguay. 1955.
Gonzalez Perez, Marcos. FranciscoJose De Caldas y La Ilustracionen la Nueva Gra-
nada. Ediciones Tercer Mundo. Bogota. 1984.
Gonzalez Suarez, Federico. Un Opusculode Caldas:Pdginas de Historia Colombiana.
Academia Colombiana de Historia. ABC. Bogota. 1944.
Gredilla, A. Federico. Biografiade Jose CelestinoMutis y sus ObservacionesSobrelas
Vigilias y Suenos de Algunas Plantas. Academia Colombiana de Historia. Plaza
and Janes. Bogota. 1982.
Henao, Jesus Maria and Arrubla, Gerardo. Historia de Colombia. Two Volumes.
Academia Colombiana de Historia. Plaza and Janes. Bogota. 1984.
Lafuente, Antonio and Mazuecos, Antonio. Los caballerosdel punto frio: Ciencia,
politica y aventura en la expediciongeodesica hispanofrancesaal virreinato del Peru
en el siglo XVIII. Madrid. Serbal. 1987.
151
Middleton, W. E. Knowles. A History of the Thermometerand Its Uses in Meteorology.

The Johns Hopkins Press. Baltimore. 1966.
Paredes, Jaime. Caldas. Libreria Siglo XX. Bogota. 1946.
Perez Arbelaez, Enrique. JoseCelestinoMutis y la Real Expedici6nBotdnicadel Nuevo
Reyno de Granada. Instituto Colombiano de Cultura Hispanica. Bogota. 1983.
Schumacher, Hermann A. BiografiaCultural del Sabio Caldas. Banco de la Repub-
lica. 1969.
. Mutis, Un Forjadorde la Cultura. Traducci6n de Ernesto Guhl. Empresa
Colombiana de Petroleos, ECOPETROL. Bogota. 1984.
Vezga, Florentino. La ExpedicionBotdnica. Carvajal & Cia. Cali. 1971.
SECONDARYSOURCES-ARTICLES
Albis, Victor S. and Martinez Chavez, Regino. "Las investigaciones meteorolog-
icas de Caldas" Quipu. Volume 4. 1987.
Arias de Greiff, Jorge. "Algo Mas Sobre Caldas y Humboldt." Boletinde la Sociedad
Geogrdficade Colombia.Volume 27. Number 101. 1970.
"El Diario Inedito de Humboldt." Revista de la Academia Colombianade
Ciencias Exactas, Fisicas y Naturales. Volume 13. Number 51. 1969.
"Una Carta de Caldas a Humboldt" Boletin de la Sociedad Geogrdficade
Colombia.Volume 26. Number 99. 1968.
Bateman, Alfredo D. "Caldas y la Hipsometria." Suplementode la Revistade la Aca-
demia Colombianade Ciencias Exactas, Fisicas y Naturales. Libreria Voluntad.
Bogota. 1958.
Glick, Thomas. "Science and Independence in Latin America." HispanicAmerican
Historical Review. Volume 71. 1992.
Hernandez de Alba, Gonzalo. "La Medicina Tradicional en la Expedici6n Botanica
del Nuevo Reino de Granada." Quipu. Volume 1. Number 3. 1984.
Humboldt, Federico Alejandro Baron de. "Geografia de las Plantas o Cuadro
Fisico de la Regiones Ecuatoriales." Revistade la AcademiaColombianade Ciencias
Exactas, Ffsicas y Naturales. Volume 8. Number 29. 1950.
Jaramillo Arango, Jorge. "Estudio Critico Acerca de los Hechos Basicos en la His-
toria de la Quina." Revista de la AcademiaColombianade CienciasExactas, Fisicas
y Naturales. Volume 8. Number 30. 1951.
McIntyre, Loren. "Humboldt's Way."National Geographic.Volume 168. No. 3. Sep-
tember 1985.
Morillo, Luis Maria. "El Amor y la Sabiduria de Francisco Jose de Caldas." Sup-
lementode la Revista de la AcademiaColombianade Ciencias Exactas, Fisicas y Nat-
urales. Libreria Voluntad. Bogota. 1958.
Perry Zubieta, Gustavo. "Apuntes para la Historia de las Ciencias Basicas en
Colombia." Revista de la AcademiaColombianade Ciencias Exactas, Fisicas y Nat-
urales. Volume 14. Number 54. 1973.
Pombo, Lino de. "Francisco Jose de Caldas, Biografia del Sabio." Suplementode
la Revista de la Academia Colombianade Ciencias Exactas, Fisicas y Naturales.
Libreria Voluntad. Bogota. 1958.
SECONDARYSOURCES- SYMPOSIA
Estado Actual de la Investigacion sobre Caldas. Universidad del Cauca. Popayan.
1986.
Semana Caldas. Universidad del Cauca. Popayan. 1966. IV. Instituto Colombiano
de Cultura Hispanica. Bogota. 1983.
INDEX
Amar y Borbon, 73, 75, 79, 88, 89, 92, 93, 94, "The Influence of Climate on Organized
99, 101, 103, 104, 145 Beings," 84, 85
Arboleda, Antonio, 11, 13, 17, 18, 24, 29, 73, Timana, map of, 9, 26, 58
74, 94, 101, 114, 125, 145 Cabal, Jose Maria, 120
Arboleda, Manuel Maria, 11, 28, 39 Cabal, Miguel, 108
Arroyo, Santiago, 10, 11, 12, 16, 17, 18, 29, Caballero y Gongora, Viceroy, 7, 22, 63
38, 39, 42, 56, 57, 65, 78, 79, 85, 91, 92, Camacho, Joaquin, 81, 104, 121
94, 101, 145 Carlos III, 7
Astronomical Observatory, 44, 58, 67, 69, 70, Carlos IV, 99
72-78, 87-90, 92, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99, 101, Carondelet, Baron, 35, 49, 50, 66, 146
102, 104, 105, 108-113, 115, 117, 118, 120, Cavanilles, Antonio, 23, 44, 52, 73, 87, 90, 146
123 Celsius, Anders, 15
Cinchona bark, tree, 6, 19, 35, 44, 46, 50, 52,
53, 61-67, 71, 72, 89, 90, 93, 121
Barahona, Agustin, 101 Consulado de Cartagena, 22, 41, 46, 78
Barahona, Manuela, 101-104, 108, 111-113,
Corral, Juan del, 114, 146
119, 123, 145 CorreoCurioso, 11, 12, 25, 39, 85
Baraya, Antonio, 106, 110-112
Bolivar, Sim6n, 114, 117, 118, 119, 123, 124
Bonpland, Aime, 12, 20, 22, 24, 28-30, 35, D'Elhuyar, Jose, 8
40-43, 47, 64, 82, 145 Diario Politico, 81, 104, 108, 121
Botanical Expedition, 1, 3, 5-8, 10, 12, 19, Dominguez, Benedicto, 109, 112, 113, 115,
23, 33, 35, 37-39, 41-43, 45-47, 53, 58, 60, 146
61, 67, 71-74, 78, 79, 81, 82, 88, 89, 91, 96,
98, 102, 105, 107-109, 113, 117, 118, 121, El Semanario
delNuevoReinode Granada(see
123, 124
Semanario)
Bouger, Pierre, 5, 6, 11, 37, 45, 52, 127, 138 Enrile, Pascual, 118, 121, 146
Ezpletia, Viceroy Jose de, 8, 97
Caldas, Francisco Jos6 de
Antioquia, 95, 114-119 Fahrenheit, 14, 15, 16, 127
Astronomy, 10, 11, 25-27, 32, 43-45, 48, Fernando VII, 99, 103, 107, 109, 117, 118, 120,
58, 69, 74-76, 93, 107-109 146
Atmospheric refraction, 44, 45, 48, 75
Barometer, 9, 27, 58, 90 Fidalgo, Joaquin Francisco, 22, 33, 81
Flora de Bogota, 20, 23, 26, 42, 72, 76, 78, 88,
Botany, 28, 38-44, 48, 61 90, 93
Civil War, 106, 107, 110-112
Flora del Peru, 41, 43, 50
Correo Curioso, 11, 12, 25, 39, 85
Diario Politico, 81, 104, 108, 121 Florez, Viceroy Antonio, 83
French Expedition, 1, 5, 6, 9, 11, 43, 45, 52,
Geography, 80, 81 53, 75, 81
Guadalupe peak, measurement of, 9, 11
Hypsometry, 1, 12-19, 25, 26, 43, 44, 47,
48, 58, 71, 77, 121, 125-140 Garcia, Pablo Antonio, 7
Imbabura volcano, 48, 49 Godin, Louis, 5, 127
Malbucho, the road to, 49-52, 60, 61, 64
Marriage, 100-102, 108 Humboldt, Baron Alexander von, 1, 12, 16-
Meteorology, 9, 11, 27, 43, 44, 69, 76, 77, 83 18, 20-33, 35, 40-47, 56-58, 66, 72-75, 77,
Military engineer, 95, 114-116, 118 81, 82, 89, 92, 100, 124, 134, 137, 138-140,
Phytogeography, 19, 28, 35, 43, 53-57, 81, 147
82, 90, 93 (also plant geography) 121,
139-144
Revolution of 20 July 1810, 102-104 Juan y Santacilla, Jorge, 5, 6, 11, 127
Semanario,58, 69, 76, 79-89, 92, 96, 99, 103, Jurado Lainez, Juan, 117
104, 108, 114, 121, 124 Jussieu, Joseph, 5
153
154 INDEX
La Condamine, Charles Marie de, 5, 6, 37, Pombo, Jose Ignacio de, 22, 29, 35, 41, 42,
52, 53, 62, 127 46, 47, 60, 61, 63, 66, 71, 78, 79, 81, 90, 94,
Linnaeus, 6, 9, 37, 39, 40, 41, 43, 57, 62 120, 148
Loja, province of, 6, 35, 52, 62, 64-66 Pombo, Miguel, 29, 39, 41, 42, 46, 49, 102,
Lopez Ruiz, Sebastian, 63 103, 107 120, 148
Lozano, Jorge Tadeo, 81, 82, 85, 88, 93, 94,
102, 107, 108, 120, 147 Quinine, 6, 35, 60, 61
Matis, Francisco Javier, 8 Restrepo, Jose Felix de, 3, 148

Montes, Toribio, 120, 147 Restrepo, Jose Manuel, 81, 114
Montufar, Carlos, 30, 47, 82, 147 Rieux, Louis de, 20, 21
Montufar, Juan Pio (also Marques de Selva- Rights of Man, 87, 97, 98, 111
legre), 28, 30, 40, 47, 58 Rizo, Salvador, 8, 64, 65, 69, 88, 89, 91, 92,
Morillo, Pablo, 118-121, 123, 147 105, 108, 117, 121, 149
Mutis, Jose Celestino, 1, 3, 6-8, 12, 16, 20- Ruiz, Hipolito, 42, 64, 65
24, 26, 29, 30, 33, 35, 37-46, 49, 50, 52,
53, 57, 58 60-67, 69, 71, 72, 74, 78, 79, Saussure, 17, 18, 127, 134
87-93, 96, 98-100, 104, 117, 123, 124, Semanario, 58, 69, 76, 79-89, 92, 96, 99, 103,
128, 147 104, 108, 114, 121, 124
Mutis, Jose de, 8
Mutis, Sinforoso, 8, 46, 60, 64, 67, 69, 73, 82, Tafalla, Juan, 43, 50, 65
87-89, 91-94, 98, 102, 103, 105, 117, 123, Torres, Camilo, 24, 28, 29, 39, 42, 99, 102,
148 103, 107, 110, 112, 118, 119, 121, 149
Ulloa, Antonio de, 5, 53, 127

Narino, Antonio, 97, 98, 107, 110-115, 117,
123, 148 Valenzuela, Eloy, 7, 8, 82, 87, 92, 94, 103, 149
Narvaez, Antonio, 99
Zea, Francisco Antonio, 8, 64, 73, 87, 88, 98,
Ortega, Casimiro, 42, 44, 63, 64 149

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Francisco José de Caldas: A Scientist at Work in Nueva Granada

Author(s): John Wilton Appel

VOLUME 84, Part 5, 1994

Francisco Jose de Caldas

JOHN WILTON APPEL

THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY

Independence Square, Philadelphia

Library of Congress Catalog

SECTION ONE: A SCIENTIST IN SEARCH OF COMMUNITY ........... 1

SECTION Two: WITH THE BOTANICAL EXPEDITION, 1802-1806 ....... 35

SECTION THREE: AT HOME IN THE OBSERVATORY,1806-1810 ........ 69

SECTION FOUR: LOST IN THE REVOLUTIONARYMAELSTROM, 1810-1816 95

INDEX ....................................................... 153

A SCIENTIST IN SEARCH OF COMMUNITY

rancisco Jose de Caldas y Tenorio was born1 in 1768 in Popayan,

CARTAGENA CAPTAINCY- GENERAL

Caldas was the fifth of fifteen children born to Jose de Caldas, a

THE SHAPE OF THE EARTH

2 Lino de Pombo. "Francisco

ural world which surrounded them-special enough to invite the atten-

We must, at this point, introduce a second institution that was fun-

3 A. Federico Gredilla. Biografiade JoseCelestinoMutis y sus Observacionessobrelas Vigilias

selves to snakebites in order to test venom antidotes made from herbs.

After his graduation from law school in 1793, Caldas returned to

Caldas began from scratch. He started by building a gnomon with which

he year 1801 brought together a number of key elements in Caldas's

scientific activities. They would load horses,

pared barometer tubes and taken a lens here

scale of 0? for the freezing point of water and

air temperature of Popayan appeared higher ----

FIGURE 2. Caldas's Hypsometric Thermometer. Reprinted

HYPSOMETRIC THERMOMETERS BEFORE CALDAS4

What Caldas suspected was correct-the variability of the boiling point

FIGURE 3. Fahrenheit's Hypsometric Ther-

liam Heberden and J. A. DeLuc- considered in detail methods of "adjust-

Caldas was desperately anxious to confirm the originality of his work.

boiling point can be used to measure altitudes; and c) that a thermometer

The exact exchange of ideas on the hypsometric principle between

12 Alexander von Humboldt. Ideas Para Una

able to arriveat the fundamental theory by way of my miserablebooks, I have

Imprenta Nacional. Bogota. 1917, p. 140.

he end of the eighteenth century found new ideas filtering through

FIGURE4. Portrait of Mutis. Reprinted from Alfredo D. Bateman. El Observatorio

FROM BERLINTO BOGOTA

When Friedrich Wilhelm Heinrich Alexander von Humboldt arrived

and botany. He had also traveled extensively throughout Europe. It was,

Isthmiu of Panam i. ' \

MAP 2. Humboldt's Route through Nueva Granada.

1 Hermann A. Schumacher. Mutis, un Forjadorde la Cultura. Traducci6n de Ernesto

In addition, Mutis gave to Humboldt a collection of 100 drawings of

3 Caldas obtained a copy of this report via his friend Arroyo.

at his family's hacienda. No one was available to give Humboldt an

FIGURE5. Portrait of Humboldt, APS Archives.

On other matters Humboldt informed Caldas of refinements in meth-

rushed to Humboldt's residence only to find the Prussian unusually

21 Guillermo Hernandez de Alba, ed. Archivo EpistolarDel SabioNaturalista Don JoseCel-

WITH THE BOTANICAL EXPEDITION

O nce his dream of traveling with Humboldt and Bonpland had

To encounter the reasons for Caldas's strange isolation we should take

on to more substantive matters, and having no obvious alternatives in