THE SEXUAL RIDDLES OF THE EXETER

Jacky Bolding

B.A., (Honours) Simon Fraser University, 1985

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 APPROVAL

NAME: Jacqueline Bolding

DEGREE: Master of Arts (English) .

TITLE OF THESIS: The Sexual Riddles of the Exetarlhok

Examining Committee:
Chair: Chinmoy Banerjee

~a&-~nn-~touck
Associate Professor of English

John~ u x e r
External Examiner
Professor of English
University of Victoria

Date Approved: f l 1 4 4 ~ /VW

5~
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 Thp5 Sexual R i d d l e s of t h e Exef er Book

T h e Exeter Book c o n t a i n s s i x r i d d l e s w i t h e x p l i c i t

sexual content. T h e c o n s e n s u s of opinion i s that these

r i d d l e s u s e t h e l a n g u a g e of d o u b l e entendre: t h a t is, they

point t o t w o s o l u t i o n s a t once,, o n e s e x u a l , t h e o t h e r non-

sexual, or formal, a s i t h a s b e e n c a l l e d . The s e x u a l

solution, and t h e e x p l i c i t c o n t e n t which p e r t a i n s t o i t ,

t e n d s t o be viewed a s s e c o n d a r y t o t h e f o r m a l s o l u t i o n .

However, I argue t h a t t h e r e a r e not i n f a c t two e q u a l l y

supportable solutions t o these sexual riddles. Only t h e

s e x u a l s o l u t i o n i s consistently s u s t a i n e d by t h e l a n g u a g e

and t h e c o n t e n t o f t h e poems.

Following from t h i s argument, I examine t h e informat i o n

the sexual content provides. T h e s e r i d d l e s f u r n i s h m o d e l s of

sexual activity, and i n s o d o i n g r e v e a l a t t i t u d e s of t h e

Anglo-Saxons toward p r i v a t e l i f e - attitudes r a r e l y found

i n o t h e r Old E n g l i s h p o e t r y . F u r t h e r , t h e sexual riddles a r e

v a l u a b l e i n t h e g l i m p s e t h e y p r o v i d e of t h e c o n n e c t i o n

between p r i v a t e and p u b l i c l i f e i n Anglo-Saxon England: in

t h e r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n men a n d women, t h e public consequences

of t h o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p s , a n d t h e p o s i t i o n o f women i n t h a t

society generally.
 TABLE O F CONTENTS

Title
Approval
Abstract iii

Chapter One: Introduction i

Chapter Two: Test ing the Formal Solutions
Riddle 23
Riddle 42
Riddle 43
Riddle 52
Riddle 59
Riddle 6 0

Chapter Three: Correlat ing Themes

Chapter Four :
Re-examining the Historical Evidence
Conclus ions
Appendix One :
Scholarly agreement on the sexual content
of the six riddles under consideration

Append i x Two :
Riddle 40 - Cock and &n
Bib1 i ography

Index
 Chapter One: Introduction

Among t h e Exeter B o o k r i d d J d c d l l e c t ion t h e r e is a group

of r i d d l e s which d e a l s - more o r less e x p l i c i t l y - with

s e x . Though t h e number o f s u c h r i d d l e s v a r i e s w i t h t h e

individual editor or c r i t i c , t h i s group invariably includes

23, 42, 43, 52, 5 9 a n d 6 0 . T h e s e s i x a r e t h e most e x p l i c i t ,

a n d n o r e a d e r who a c k n o w l e d g e s , s e x u a l c o n t e n t h a s e v e r h a d

any trouble recognizing it here.' Nonetheless, so-called

f o r m a l s o l u t i o n s h a v e b e e n p o s i t e d f o r a l l of them. These

formal solutions- "Onion, " "Key, " " D o u g h , " "Churn, "

"Helmet/ S h i r t , " and llPoker/Borer" respectively -are well

e s t a b l i s h e d i n t h e c a n o n of c r i t i c i s m on t h i s ~ u b j e c t . ~

T h e s e p a r t i c u l a r r i d d l e s h a v e b e e n l a b e l l e d double

entendre.= T h e i r l a n g u a g e i s s a i d t o p o i n t t o t w o d i f f e r e n t

s o l u t i o n s : one is t h e s e x u a l , the other i s the formal, as

n o t e d a b o v e . The s e x u a l s o l u t i o n , and t h e e x p l i c i t c o n t e n t

which p e r t a i n s t o i t , is s a i d t o f u n c t i o n a s low o r vulgar

humor, and i s u s u a l l y g i v e n n o more s e r i o u s c o n s i d e r a t i o n

than a " d i r t y joke" would d e s e r v e . Thus w h i l e t h e d o u b l e

entendre o f f e r s t w o d i s s i m i l a r s o l u t i o n s i t a l s o i n v i t e s a

v a l u e judgement, p l a c i n g t h e importance of one s o l u t i o n , t h e

I am using Craig Williamson's numbering and the Rsolutionsn as they appear in

The Riddles o f the Exeter Book (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,
19711. See Appendix One, page 105, for what is considered sexual content and by
whom.
Frederick Tupperls use of the term "formally stated solutionn will be followed
here. See quotation from "The Comparative study of riddles," HLN, 18 (19031, on
page 9, following.
' For the origins of the term double entendre see page 6 , following.
1
 formal, o v e r t h e o t h e r , t h e s e x u a l . My e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e

Exeter Book r i d d l e s , however, h a s l e a d me t o c o n c l u d e t h a t

t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s a r e n o t d o u b l e entendre. T h e t w o

d i f f e r e n t solutions a r e not i n f a c t e q u a l l y s u p p o r t a b l e . The

I
s e x u a l s o l u t i o n i s consistently s u s t a i n e d b y t h e l a n g u a g e '\
and t h e c o n t e n t of t h e poems, w h i l e t h e formal i s n o t .

T h e d e s i r e t o s e e s e c o n d , , formal s o l u t i o n s f o r t h e

s e x u a l r i d d l e s is, I think, l i k e l y t o be c u l t u r e - s p e c i f i c .

I t d e r i v e s f r o m t h e a t t i t u d e s t o w a r d s e x imbedded i n t h e

c u l t u r e o f t h e Exeter Book e d i t o r s who f i r s t e x a m i n e d t h e s e

riddles. Those e d i t o r s were V i c t o r i a n and Edwardian.'

F r e d e r i c k T u p p e r p u b l i s h e d a n e d i t i o n i n 1911,6 as d i d

A l f r e d J . Wyatt t h e same y e a r . . The ground-work established

' There were also German editions and commentaries, some of which appeared
earlier. Host notably Horitz Trautmann wrote a number of articles on the riddles
for the journal Anglia, between 1883 and 1919. He produced an edition in 1915, Die
altengischen Ratsel, d i e Ratsel des Exeterbuchs (Heidelberg). Dietrich's remarks
on the riddles appear in Z e i t s c h r i f t fur deutsches Altertum, 1859 and 1865. The
riddles are also included in a collection of Old English poetry edited by Bruno
Assman, Bibliothek der angelsdchsischen Poesie [Vol. 31 (Leipzig, 1898). Christian
Grein wrote two articles on the riddles for Germania in 1865. In 1857-58 he also
edited a collection in which the riddles appear, Bibliothek der angelsachsischen
Poesie I2 volsl (Gottingen). As well, Grein co-authored Sprachschatz der
angelsdchsischen Dichter (Heidelberg, 1912), in collaboration with F. Holthausen.
Holthausen hirrself wrote a number of articles for Anglia on the riddles between
1884 and 1940. I am using only English-language editions. Throughout this paper
references to these German authors are those which appear in the English works.

' Frederick Tupper, The Riddles o f t h e Exeter Book (New York, 1911).

Alfred J. Wyatt, Old English Riddles (Boston, 1911). Since 1911, the riddles
have also appeared in W. S. Hackie, The Exeter Book, Part 2 IEETS O.S. 194 1
(London, 1934); George Phillip Krapp and Elliot Van Kirk Dobbie, The Exeter Book
IASPR., vol. 31 (New York and London, 1936); Paul F. Baum, Anglo Saxon Riddles o f
The Exeter Book (North Carolina, 1963); Craig Williamson, The Old English Riddles
of the Exeter Book (North Carolina, 1977); Frank H. Whitman, Old English Riddles
(Ottawa: Canadian Federation for the Humanities, 19821.
by these Victor ian/Edwardian scholars is commendable, but
their particular treatment of the sexual riddles is less so,

since they were clearly disinclined to engage the sexual

nature of this group of riddles. The impulse of these early

readers was to dismiss these poems, affixing the label "folk
products" as a mark of their inferiority to the more

"literary" riddles included in. the E x e t e r Book collect ion.'

Modern culture still suffers from the same uneasiness
with sexuality that affected the Victor ian/Edwardian world
to which these early editors belonged, especially regarding

female sexuality. However, there is an important difference

between ourselves and the early readers. Explicit sexual

content and its implications are n o w discussed, lingering

problems or not. Assumptions about gender roles in Anglo-
Saxon England was first challenged by Betty Bandel in the
1 9 5 0 ' ~ .Open
~ discussion of sexual images in these riddles

' Tupper considered the sexual riddles as "puzzles whose smut and smiles point di-
rectly to a humble origin." See his article "Originals and Analogues of the Exeter
Book Riddles," EN, 18 (19031, p. 97. Wyatt felt similarly: "Ithel absence of
lubricity in Old English poetry is so remarkable, that the breach of the rule in
the double entendre riddles . . . leads me to attribute to them a folk origin."
Old English Riddles, p. xxxi. The double entendre category often includes notions
of %bscenity"and "pornography" (though the term double entendre itself is not
synonymous with either) depending on the perspective of the particular reader.
The term "obscene" comes from Frederick Tupper (see page 10 followingl. Baum
comments that "obscene] is a troublesome word for both legal and lay minds, but
there is nothing uncertain about these few Anglo-Saxon riddles which go under that
name.Qglo-Saxon Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 57. The term npornographicn is
Williamsonls. He talks about the assumed dual solution to the double entendre:
"one prim, one pornographic." A Feast of Creatures: Anglo-Saxon Riddle Songs
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 19821, p. 201.
a Betty Bandel, "The English Chronicler's Attitude Toward Women," in Journal of
the History of Ideas, 16 (1955), pp. 114-115. Some of Bandel's commentary appears
in Chapter Pour, below.
3
was first broached by Edith Whitehurst Williams in the

1970's. She noticed, first of all, the problems of the early

editors, ascertaining that "the riddles were first solved in

the latter half of the nineteenth century and the first half

of the twentieth and as a consequence of the time were un-

fortunately labelled 'obscene. ' Victorian scholars seem to

have stumbled upon them in dismay and were confronted with

the task of dealing with them as delicately as possible."

More importantly, she also noticed that the sexual images,

once examined, brought to light specific, and I think

correct, implications regarding female sexuality and Anglo-

Saxon women. She declares "sexual pleasure [to be]

...clearly within the province of women" and further, that

"there was no sanction against this pleasure."

' Edith Whitehurst Williams, "What's so New About the Sexual Revolution? Some
Comments on Anglo-Saxon Attitudes Towards Sexuality in Women Based on Four Exeter
Book Riddles," Texas Quarterly, 18 (1975), p. 47. Though accepting the double
entendre premise, Whitehurst Williams looks at three of the six sexual riddles,
23, 43, and 59, focussing on what they indicate about the female participants in
particular. However, she discounts the other sexual riddles, 42, 52, and 61, which
I consider to be equally important, maintaining that they add no "insight" into
Yeminine psychologyVp. 551. Whitehurst Williams adds riddle 87 to the double
entendre category. See Appendix One, page 105. There are a few other readers who
have looked at sexuality in the riddles and have interesting suggestions to offer.
Gregory Kirk Jember writes about the sexual riddles in his dissertation, RAn
Interpretive Translation of the Exeter Book RiddlesR (University of Denver: 1975).
Like the other critics, he upholds the idea of the double entendre but would add
more variant subauditions. Jember counts twenty to twenty-one riddles as sexual.
See also Appendix One. In Ann Harleman-Stewart's article, "Double Entendre in the
Old English Riddles," Lore and Language, 3 (19133)~the author talks about riddles
23, 42, and 61, noting mainly the supposed double entendre feature, but also "the
special lexicon of these riddles; their imagery; and the terms used to designate
the participants" (p. 46). I consider some of these ideas below, where they are
relevant to my own discussion.
 The work of Bandel and, particularly, Whi tehurst
Wi 11 lams, has es tab1 ished .the groundwork for understanding

that the discomfort with issues of sexuality experienced by

the early editors of these riddles did not necessarily exist

for the Anglo-Saxons. Following from this, I suggest that
the sexual riddles were constructed with sexual intercourse
primarily and deliberately in,mind, and for minds free of
uneasiness with the sexual material, n o second solution
suggests itself. The very fact that d o u b l e e n f e n d r e is not
-posited for any of the other riddles should give us pause in

assuming i t here.lo The language in the sexual riddles is

indeed indirect, but this does not necessarily imply a

double referent. All of the riddles in the Exefer B o o k
collection use indirect language but nonetheless present a

single solution. In the sexual riddles, the indirect

language provides resonances that serve to expand our
understanding of the sexual subject. That is, they d o not
baffle with a systematic doubleness, sending us chasing

after two referents simultaneously, which at the last minute

resolve into one at the expense of the other.

Though they are no longer called "folk products"

necessarily, the sexual riddles still give pause to modern

l o In other areas of research the practice of reading *doublesnhas been subject

to review. Ian Hamnett looks at folk riddles and suggests that "riddles are often
'objectively' susceptible of more than one reasonable and appropriate solution,
.
but in fact only one solution 'counts' as correct. . . This is no doubt because
the author of the riddle perceives the referent first and composes the riddle af-
terwards." Though Hamnett is discussing ethnic folk riddles, I believe that this
observation about them applies to the alleged double entendre riddles in the
Exeter Book as well. Wiguity, Classification and Change: the Function of
Riddles," Jian, 2 (1967), p. 385.
5
readers. E v e n now, eighty-odd y e a r s a f t e r Tupper pub1 i s h e d

his edition, t h e i r p r e s e n c e i n t h e c o l l e c t i o n is not fully

understood. Ann H a r l e m a n - S t e w a r t , f o r example, a s k s "what

a r e t h e s e poems d o i n g i n a c o l l e c t i o n o f o t h e r w i s e s e r i o u s

poetry -a c o l l e c t i o n presented by a bishop t o h i s

c a t h e d r a l ? " l l And F r a n k H. Whitman s e e m s t o f i n d i t s u r -

prising that " s i d e b y s i d e " w i t h poems t h a t a r e a c k n o w l e d g e d

a s s e r i o u s and l y r i c a l , "are t h e 'obscene' riddles, a strik-

i n g c o n t r a s t t o t h o s e of more e l e v a t e d tones."'z Thus, the

sexual r i d d l e s a r e considered a s e s p e c i a l l y troublesome i n a

body of work t h a t is i t s e l f viewed a s " d i f f i ~ u l t . " ~ ~

The c o n v e n t i o n of d e f i n i n g t h e s e s e x u a l r i d d l e s a s

double entendre w a s p u t f o r w a r d e a r l y on b y T u p p e r who

p r o p o s e d t h a t t h e y were " p u z z l e s of d o u b l e meaning and

coarse suggestion. "14 T h o u g h t h e b a s i c n o t i o n o f double

l 1 She continues, "Ithis1 question is finally, unanswerable; but the asking of it

suggests that these riddles deserve a closer examination than they have received
so far." "Double Entendre in the Old English Riddles," p. 39. Agop Hacikyan asks a
similar question, offering two alternate answers: either this particular riddle
form was simply " p o p ~ l a r ,or~ "he fact that the coarse details in the riddles in
question are so thinly disguised perhaps indicates a frank and honest approach to
sex and the sex act among the Anglo-Saxons. From this wonderful variety of riddle
themes and subjects . . . a complete panoramic social view reveals itself . . .
(to] xepresent a commentary upon life in Anglo-Saxon Britain."Though Hacikyan
does not elaborate on this point, I agree with his suggestion here and take a
similar view. See A L i n g u i s t i c and L i t e r a r y A n a l y s i s of t h e Old E n g l i s h R i d d l e s
(Montreal: Mario Casalini, 19661, pp. 40-41.
l2 Frank H. Whitman, Old E n g l i s h R i d d l e s , p. 50.
l 3 Tupper calls [the riddles] "the most difficult text in Anglo-SaxonR. Frank H.
Whitman has pointed to "difficulties" such as "the natural obliquity of the form
..
. no accompanying solutions,"a wcorrupt~anuscriptand nunreliableVext.
Old E n g l i s h R i d d l e s , p. 40.

l4 Tupper, "Originals and Analogues of the Exeter Book Riddles," p. 103.

 entendre h a s n o t c h a n g e d , r e c e n t s c h o l a r s h a v e a d d e d m o r e

d e t a i 1 t o t h i s fundamental idea. Harleman-Stewart 's p o i n t of

view is q u i t e c l e a r :

These r i d d l e s a r e c o n s t r u c t e d s o as t o s a t i s f y t h e
c o n d i t i o n s f o r two s o l u t i o n s s i m u l t a n e o u s l y : a n
actual solution, which is not s e x u a l , and a n
a p p a r e n t o n e , which is s e x u a l . . . the poet .
c a n n o t f o r a moment l a p s e w h o l l y i n t o o n e o r t h e
o t h e r o f t h e t w o w o r l d s ; h e c a n n o t f o r a moment
t a k e h i s e y e o f f e i t h e r of t h e two s o l u t i o n s . The
words and images h e c h o o s e s r e f l e c t t h i s d o u b l e
preoccupation, since t h e y must apply t o both
s o l u t i o n s , and p a r t i c i p a t e i n b o t h contexts, a t
once. . . . I n e s s e n c e , t h e n , we a r e d e a l i n g w i t h
a n i n s t a n c e of d o u b l e v i s i o n . The c r e a t i o n of
double entendre means Juggling two d i f f e r e n t
referents, sustaining a description that applies
e q u a l l y t o b o t h a t once.5s

T h i s p o s i t i o n i s w i d e l y s u p p o r t e d and i t i s reinforced, in

more o r l e s s d e t a i l , i n much o f t h e w r i t i n g o n t h e s u b -

Ject.lS I intend t o demonstrate i n t h e chapter following

that the sexual r i d d l e s do not a c t u a l l y sustain the

p e r p e t u a l l y a s s e r t e d "two s e p a r a t e s o l u t i o n s a t once." There

a r e i n d e e d m u l t i p l e l a y e r s o r l e v e l s of meaning c o n t a i n e d

l5 Stewart, "Double entendre in the Old English Riddles," pp. 39-40.

l6 For instance, James E. Anderson says that "some riddles, notably the obscene
ones, are conceived as double-tracked metaphors, with a true and a false spur for
simultaneous trains of analytical thought. Thus obscene riddles lead to an inno-
cent solution and to entrapment in an obscenity at the same time." Two L i t e r a r y
Riddles i n t h e E x e t e r Book: Riddle 1 and t h e Easter Riddle (London: University of
Oklahoma Press, 1986), pp. 5-7. Similarly, Williamson comments in A Feast of
Creatures that in double entendre riddles "the poet is at pains to keep both
solutions before usn p. 201. This comment is about R i d d l e 45 specifically, but the
sentiment is meant to stand for other double entendre riddles as well. He also
says that Riddle 61 has "two solutionsn p. 191. Hacikyan seems to question the
validity of this categorical definition applied to the sexual riddles, though he
does not press the question very far: "it is necessary t o admit that each of the
coarse details can also imply ordinary implements found in everyday life; b u t t o
what e x t e n t we cannot say" [italics mine]. A L i n g u i s t i c and L i t e r a r y A n a l y s i s o f
t h e Old English R i d d l e s , pp. 40-41.
within any one of the sexual riddles, but these serve to
impart and enhance the sexual solution without pointing to a
second one, as is necessarily the case for the double
entendre with its "words and images [reflecting] a double
preoccupat ion. "I7
I be1 ieve that the double entendre perspect ive has
subordinated the sexual content. I t tends to be viewed as

secondary to a "real," more utilitarian or domestic

solution: household instruments, vegetables, and s o forth
have been found, imposed, and finally established as
authentic meanings . l a Subs tant la1 bending of the meaning of

specific words often takes place in order to get the poem to

fit the non-sexual solution, and the results are
questionable. At times, a particular specification will
support the formal solution. When this does occur, however,

the meaning usually has to be restricted to a very limited

sense of the word. Fuller connotat ions either make no sense
or must be ignored. Thus something of the signification is
forfeited in order for the formal solution to work. On the
- -- -

l7 Stewart, "D. E.," pp. 39-40.

l o For instance, Stewart says in "Double Entendre in the Old English Riddles," p.
49, that "the sexual solution to one of these riddles is not the 'real' solution."
Marie Nelson remarks similarly that, "in the double entendre riddles listed by
Baum the obscured [official] solutions are readily recognized as the 'real1 an-
swers". "Old English Riddle 18 (20): A Description Of AmbivalenceIR Neophil, 66
(1982), p. 291. As well, Richard Hamer has said that "the1 few obscene [riddles]
consist of the joke of describing some apparently obscene object which in fact
turns out to represent something else." A Choice of Anglo-Saxon Verse (London:
Faber and Faber, 1970), p. 95. Baum, on the other hand, does in fact seem to think
that the sexual solution in the case of one riddle at least, is npretended,n
though he gives it no import beyond that of a joke. Anglo Saxon Riddles of The
Exeter Book, p. 57.
o t h e r hand, the sexual solution w i l l support the f u l l range

of c o n n o t a t i v e m e a n i n g s of any given specification.

Sometimes, r e a d e r s w i l l admit t h a t t h e s o l u t i o n s t h e y

p r e s e n t a r e not a d e q u a t e and a r e even c o n t r a d i c t o r y .

Furthermore, t h i s p r a c t i s e of o f f e r i n g explanations

acknowledged as d e f i c i e n t i s i t s e l f d e f e n d e d . As T u p p e r h a s

said, and o t h e r s f o l l o w him, any s o l u t i o n w i l l do where t h e

sexual r i d d l e s a r e concerned, s i n c e such s o l u t i o n s are

"loosely" applied by t h e poet himself a s an excuse f o r

w r i t i n g "smut ."
I n 1908, T u p p e r d e c l a r e d :

By f a r t h e most numerous of a l l r i d d l e s of l a p s i n g o r vary-

i n g s o l u t i o n s are t h o s e d i s t i n c t i v e l y popular and u n r e f i n e d
problems, whose s o l e e x c u s e o r l a c k of excuse f o r b e i n g l i e s
i n d o u b l e w a n i n g and c o a r s e s u g g e s t i o n . And t h e r e a s o n f o r
t h i s u n c e r t a i n t y of a n s w r is at once a p p a r e n t . The f o r m a l l y
s t a t e d s o l u t i o n is s o overshadowed by t h e obscene s u b j e c t ,
i r r p l i c i t l y p r e s e n t e d i n e a c h l i m i t e d motive of t h e r i d d l e ,
t h a t l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n is p a i d t o t h e a p t n e s s of t h i s . I t i s
a f t e r a l l o n l y a p r e t e n c e , n o t t h e c h i e f concern of t h e
jest. Almost a n y o t h e r answer w i l l s e r v e e q u a l l y well as a
g r a v e and d e c e n t a n t i - c l i m a x t o t h e smut and h o r s e l a u g h t e r
of t h e r i d d l e , s o e v e r y c o u n t r y , indeed e v e r y s e c t i o n , sup-
p l i e s d i f f e r e n t t a g s t o t h e same r e p u l s i v e q u e r i e s . ...
These i n s t a n c e s a b u n d a n t l y p r o v e t h e a b s u r d i t y of dogmatiz-
i n g over t h e answers t o t h e Anglo-Saxon r i d d l e s of t h i s
class. I t i s p r o b a b l e t h a t t h e c o l l e c t o r himself knew and
c a r e d l i t t l e a b o u t t h e o r i g i n a l s o l u t i o n s , s i n c e any deco-
r o u s r e p l y would a d o r n h i s unseemly t a l e . ' @

I Tupper, "The Comparative Study of Riddles,WN, 18 (19031, p. 6. On this point

'
Tupper has a large following. For instance, Williamson says of riddle 59, that "in
terms of the double entendre game being played it makes little difference which
'acceptable' solution is given. The point is to recognize the game or perhaps in
the riddler's terms to catch the solver out." The Old English Riddles of the
Exeter Book, p. 320. Likewise, K. S. Kiernan mentions that the accuracy of the
"inoffensive" solution may not matter, and that Tupper's point of view (above),
whom he also quotes at length, upperhaps provideIs I a useful perspective." Tupper
and those who agree with him here are, in a sense, correct in so far as they see
the "formally stated solutionn as unimportant, but the fact that they still insist
on a formal solution fails to give the sexual meaning a legitimate place and
9
 "Smut" and " c o a r s e humor" a r e i n t r i n s i c t o t h e i d e a o f t h e

double entendre, a n d s u c h humor i s v e r y o f t e n s e e n a s t h e

p r i m a r y f u n c t i o n o f t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s . 2 0 T u p p e r was o n e o f

t h e f i r s t t o s e t t l e on t e r m s l i k e " j e s t ... and h o r s e

l a u g h t e r " i n r e f e r e n c e t o them..l L a t e r r e a d e r s h a v e come

t o a c c e p t s u c h d e s i g n a t i o n s a s t r u e . P a u l Baum's d e c l a r a t i o n

that "their i n t e r e s t t o d a y i s as s p e c i m e n s of p r i m i t i v e

humor ""'
seems representa t ive, and o t h e r contemporary views

uphold t h i s p o s i t i o n . C r a i g Williamson c o n s i d e r s them t o b e

"double entendre jokes, "zs w h i l e Ann H a r l e r n a n - S t e w a r t

r e g a r d s t h e m a s poems w h o s e s e x u a l c o n t e n t i s d e s i g n e d t o

t r i c k the reader/hearer and p r o v i d e a " s l a p s t i c k " ending,.'

and K. S. K i e r n a n a l s o t a l k s a b o u t t h e " j o k e . . . in the

c a s e of a l l o b s c e n e r i d d l e s " . z n The p r o b l e m w i t h t h i s

approach is t h a t i t f o c u s e s t h e e x p e r i e n c e of t h e r i d d l e on

a supposed punch-line. For i n s t a n c e , a r e c e n t comment a t o r ,

Marie Nelson, puts it that "the solver, having gotten t h e

'joke', has n o r e a s o n t o t h i n k f u r t h e r ."za This a t t i t u d e is

undervalues the purpose of the riddle as a whole. "Kwene: The Old Profession of
Riddle 95," HP, 72 (19741, p. 388-389.

'O See Ch. 3, p. 56 for more on %smutn and Freud's use of the idea.

21 Tupper, "The Comparative Study of Riddles," p. 6.

22 Baum, Anglo Saxon Riddles of The Exeter Book, p. 57.

Williamson, The Old Enqlish Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 323.

24 Harleman-Stewart, "Double Entendre in the Old English Riddles," p. 42.

25 Kiernan, "Kwene: The Old Profession of Riddle 95,". 389.

assumed even where o b s e r v e r s have found v a l u e i n t h e s e x u a l

r i d d l e s . The m e r i t s t h e y p u t forward u s u a l l y have nothing t o

d o w i t h s p e c i f i c c o n t e n t beyond t h a t which p e r t a i n s d i r e c t l y

t o t h e "Joke."sT Thus r e a d e r s o f t e n t a l k about t h e c l e v e r

way a m e t a p h o r i s s u s t a i n e d , a n d how d e f t l y t h e p o e t leads

us t o t h e s o l u t i o n - how t h e " t r i c k " works.z8 This "Joke"

t h e o r y i s i t s e l f t a k e n s o s e r i ' o u s l y t h a t a n y more v i t a l

meaning is not g e n e r a l l y e n t e r t a i n e d . % '

My p u r p o s e i s t o l o o k m o r e c l o s e l y a t t h e c o n t e n t , and

thereby demonstrate an e s s e n t i a l purpose t o i t . I reject

t h e n o t i o n t h a t t h e i r f u n c t i o n is mainly t o provoke l a u g h t e r

by "[catching] the solver out. The e t y m o l o g y of t h e

w o r l d riddle i s rzdan - "to g i v e a d v i c e , " and t h i s is t h e

p e r s p e c t i v e from which I v i e w The s e x u a l r i d d l e s

2 6 "Old English Riddle 18 (201: A Description Of Ambivalence," Neophil, 66 (1982),

p. 291.

2 7 For further discussion concerning the riddle solely in terms of its "answer,"

see Ch. 4, page 100.

28 POI instance, the main point of Harleman-Stewart's article on the double
entendre is "how skilfully the composer of Riddle 25 balances the two solutions,
actual and apparent." "Double Entendre in the Old English Riddles,". 41.

2 y In other areas of research this idea of sexual riddles as comedic does not hold

so much weight. In Hamnett's "Ambiguity, Classification and Change: The Function

of Riddles,". 382, the author remarks, "much that can be said of jokes can be
said of riddles too. This is not because riddles are necessarily jokes. In modern
British culture, riddles tend to be jokes, but this congruence of the two genres
is ethnographically the exception rather than the rule." I believe that this is
also the case with the Exetez Book sexual riddles.
'O Williamson, p. 320.

l
' This is shown to be true of ethnic folk riddles. Hamnett has said that "one of
the important social functions that riddles serve is to Vteachl rules of social
conduct." "Ambiguity, Classification and Change: The Function of Riddles," p. 381.
Elli Kongas-Haranda notes that wadvice" in the form of sexual riddles serves a
specific purpose: "the functions of riddles, whenever they have been reported
11
 impart information regarding sexuality and sexual behavior,
and s o they necessarily refer to notions about private life
and what shapes it. This is a topic that is not often

suggested, much less elaborated upon, in other Anglo-Saxon

poetry. I t is only in the sexual riddles that we may begin
to perceive how s e x is placed in Anglo-Saxon society. I t is
first of all a personal mattere and a component of private
life. As the basis for the union between men and women i t
bonds individuals together in family relationships, and
ultimately connects the individual to the broader public

context of Anglo-Saxon society as a whole. These riddles

imply certain paths of action that are deemed correct in

sexual and social matters, reflecting the ties between

personal and communal life. Thus the perspective of the

sexual riddles is holistic, and by that I mean there is a
kind of an overlap, or interconnectedness, between the
public and the private, as well as between individuals. In

a close-knit society, each person's actions have an effect

on someone or something else. Often, this group of riddles

will emphasize the result of one's sexual desires and/or

behavior upon another. These stated consequences are

regarded as n a t u r a l , a part of the act itself, indicating a

state of integrity between thought, deed, and outcome.

. . . have been said to deal with preparation to marriage . . . riddles can be

viewed as the perhaps more specialized language in which a group speaks of its
most basic social action, the union of a man and a woman." Given this information,
it seems appropriate that riddles that deal specifically with sex would be
included within a collection. See "The Logic of Riddles,"Structmal Analysis of
Oral Tradition, Pierre and Elli Kongas-Haranda eds. (Philadelphia, 19711, p. 193.
12
 T h i s same i n t e g r i t y e x i s t s i n o t h e r Anglo-Saxon poetry.

Beowulf is a c a s e i n p o i n t . 3 2 T h e r e i s n o s e p a r a t i o n of

Beowulf's thoughts, or stated intent ions, and h i s act i o n s .

Moreover, t h e r e is none expected. He t h e r e f o r e e x i s t s i n a

s t a t e of p e r s o n a l integrity. T h i s i n t e g r i t y is e x t e n d e d t o

i n c l u d e t h e whole of Beowulf's society - relationships

within it, rather than an indibidual's independence,

e s t a b l i s h t h e v a l u e of a n y s i n g l e p e r s o n , a s well a s t h e

w o r t h a n d s t r e n g t h o f t h a t e n t i r e s o c i e t y . T h i s is a s t r u e

of t h e p r i v a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s i l l u s t r a t e d i n t h e s e x u a l

r i d d l e s a s i t i s o f t h e most p u b l i c o n e s , such a s the af-

f i l i a t i o n between l o r d and r e t a i n e r , i n Beowulf. In t h i s

way, t h e s e poems a r e n o l e s s s e r i o u s t h a n t h e o t h e r r i d d l e s

i n t h e Exeter B o o k , o r t h a n Beowulf, which e v i n c e s t h i s same

interconnect edness .
In the sexual riddles, t h i s overall social/organic view

of t h i n g s is a p p l i e d t o s e x i n p a r t i c u l a r . These r i d d l e s ,

then, p r e s e n t n o a n o m a l y when c o m p a r e d t o t h e a p p a r e n t l y

more s i g n i f i c a n t o r w e i g h t y m a t e r i a l p r e s e r v e d i n t h e Exeter

Book, b u t a r e a p a r t o f t h e c o m p l e t e p i c t u r e o f human

experience illuminated therein, since sexual relationships

a r e t h e most f u n d a m e n t a l of p e r s o n a l a n d s o c i a l t i e s .

The i n s t r u c t i o n s i m p l i e d i n t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s a r e , I

think, q u i t e moral, but t h e y are not p r o h i b i t i v e o r pro-

32 Fr. Klaeber ed., Beowulf and the F i g h t a t Fjnnsburgh, 3rd ed. (1922; rpt.
Lexington, Xass: D.C. Heath, 1950).
scriptive. The V i c t o r i a n s c h o l a r s f o u n d t h e e x p l i c i t n e s s o f

t h e s e r i d d l e s a n t i t h e t i c a l t o a n y k i n d of moral view, and

p e r h a p s t h i s s t i l l seems a c o n t r a d i c t i o n t o m o d e r n r e a d e r s .

However, t h i s is a r e s u l t of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n which must b e

understood i n terms o f t h e s o c i a l a n d h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t o f

t h e r e a d e r . R e l e g a t i n g t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s t o n o t h i n g more

consequential t h a n "secondary," "unexplainable," or "joke"

s t a t u s b e c a u s e t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s e x p r e s s e d t h e r e i n a r e more

p r i v a t e t h a n is c o m f o r t a b l e f o r some, may b e a n a c t i o n t h a t

r e v e a l s more of r e a d e r b i a s t h a n o f Anglo-Saxon c u l t u r e . The

i m p o r t of t h e s e s e x u a l r i d d l e s c a n b e f o u n d i n t h e i r o b v i o u s

subject, not i n s p i t e of i t . To i g n o r e t h i s f a c t i s t o

ignore significant insight into the intricate relationship

b e t w e e n s e l f and s o c i e t y t h a t t h i s l i t e r a t u r e o f f e r s .
 Chapter T w o : Test ing t h e F o r m a l Solut ions

The l a n g u a g e u s e d i n t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s o f t h e Exeter

Book i s c o n c r e t e , and p o i n t s t o , I believe, the sexual

rather than t h e formal solution. C o n n o t a t i o n s of a n y s i n g l e

word a r e e v o c a t i v e , o f f e r i n g s h a d e s of meaning t h a t augment

and e x t e n d t h e s e x u a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . If they support t h e

formal solution at a l l , i t i s o n l y i n a s u p e r f i c i a l way; and

o f t e n t h e y a c t u a l l y check, r a t h e r t h a n enhance, the signif i-

c a n c e of t h e f o r m a l s o l u t i o n . There is, therefore, no need

t o f i n d a second, formal, solution t o these riddles, or t o

e x a c t meaning from them which s u p p o s e d l y r e l a t e s t o i t .

In t h i s chapter, e a c h of t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s w i l l b e

introduced i n turn i n order t o demonstrate a primarily

s e x u a l meaning, and t h u s e s t a b l i s h a b a s i s from which t o

proceed with f u r t h e r a n a l y s i s .
* * * * * * *
 R i d d l e 23'

I c eom w u n d e r l i c u w i h t , wifum on h y h t e ,
neahbuendum nyt . Naenigum s c e 8 8 e
b u r g s i t t e n d r a nymthe bonan anum.
S t a t h o l min is s t e a p h e a h ; s t o n d e i c on bedde,
neothan r u h n a t h w . Nethe6 hwilum
f u l c y r t enu c e o r l e s doht o r ,
modwlonc m o w l e , thret heo on m c g r i p e 6 ,
r n s e 6 mec on reodne, r e a f a 6 min heafod,
f e g e 6 mec on f a s t e n . F e l e t h s o n a
mines gernotes s e o t h e mec nearwa6,
vrif wundenloc - wt b i 6 thaet e a g e .

25.10: seo the: YS. setbe.

I an a rronderful t h i n g , a j o y t o rromen, u s e f u l t o n e a r - d w e l l e r s . 1 do not s c a t h e any o f

t h e t o m - s i t t e r s except my s l a y e r a l o n e . My foundation i s s t e e p l y high; I s t a n d i n bed, I
am h a i r y "somewhere" b e n e a t h . At tlmes a v e r y beaut i f u l countryman's daughter v e n t u r e s , a
proud-minded woman, s o t h a t s h e g r i p s on me, a t t a c k s [me1 on [my] r e d [ p a r t ] , t a k e s my
head, b i n d s me i n a f a s t n e s s . She who c o n f i n e s are f e e l s my meeting immediately, w i f e w i t h
wound l o c k s - t h a t e y e i s ~ e t . ~ '

T h e f o r m a l s o l u t i o n t o t h i s r i d d l e i s " O n i ~ n . "O~f ~a l l

t h e formal s o l u t i o n s f o r t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s t h i s one

p r o v i d e s t h e most p l a u s i b l e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e between t h e

p a r t i c u l a r s of t h e language and of its posited referent.

Nonetheless, r e a d i n g s o f some o f t h e d e t a i l s seem b e n t t o

accommodate t h i s s o l u t i o n , w h e r e a s t h e same c a n n o t b e s a i d

of t h e s e x u a l r e a d i n g .

The u n d i s c l o s e d o b j e c t i n R i d d l e 23 is w u n d e r l i c u w i h t ,

wifum on hyhte, "a wonderful t h i n g , a j o y t o women."3a T h i s

' Notes to variant numbers, the formal solutions, and the notes on manuscript
alterations, are taken' from Williamson's edition. Variant numbers for this riddle
are: Williamson, 23; Trautmann, 23; Tupper, 26; Mackie, 25; Krapp and Dobbie, 25.

" The translations are my own unless otherwise noted.

? Solutions: all editors agree with Dietrich's answer,

The full connotation includes "hope, joyous expectationw rather than simply
"joyQ1one. See Joseph Bosworth and T. Northcote Toller, An Anglo-Saxon
D i c t i o n a r y (1898; rpt. London: Oxford University Press, 1972). Whitehurst Williams
has also pointed out that the word means more than "joy": "the phrase wifum on
h y h t e y o y to womenn is self explanatory; the nature of the joy is expanded when
16
 e s t a b l i s h e s a c o n n e c t i o n w i t h women a n d t h e i r e n j o y m e n t . The

p o e t e l a b o r a t e s on s p e c i f i c c h a r a c t e r i s t ics of t h e o b j e c t

t h a t c a u s e women t o e x p e c t t h i s p l e a s u r e : it is s a i d t o have

a s t a t h o l which is s t e a p h e a h ; it i s n e o t h a n r u h nathwar a n d

s t o n d e on b e d d e . T h e w o r d stathol expresses firmness,

referring literally t o a "pillar." S t e a p means " l o f t y , high,

towering, " a l s o "standing out, or up, prominent; " neothan

and ruh i n d i c a t e t h a t some p a r t " l o w e r down, beneath," is

"hairy, untrimmed, " and "undressed. And s o , t h i s wundor

with a f i r m " b a s e , " which s t a n d s up w h i l e " i n bed" is

h a r d l y o b s c u r e . The s p e c i f i c a t i o n s g i v e n h e r e , and t h e

a t t e n u a t i o n s of e a c h , c o r r e s p o n d w e l l t o t h e a p p e a r a n c e of

a n erect p e n i s and t h e s c r o t u m .

These s p e c i f i c a t i o n s a p p l i e d t o a n onion are l e s s a p t .

Steapheah must b e r e n d e r e d s o m e t h i n g l i k e " u p r i g h t " in order

for the description t o s u i t the vegetable. The meaning of

ruh a s "shaggy," could possibly refer t o the onion's roots.

However, t h e o t h e r meanings of t h i s word, especially

"hairy," and " u n d r e s s e d , " a r e l o s t i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e formal

s o l u t i o n . T r a u t m a n n t a k e s s t a t h o l t o mean t h e o n i o n " s t a l k , "

a n d Swaen f e e l s t h a t s i n c e t h e word " h a s t h e s e n s e of trunk"

t h e r e c o u l d " b e n o o b j e c t i o n t o r e n d e r i n g t h e word i n t h i s

~ i l l i a m s o n sees a p r o b l e m w i t h
p a r t i c u l a r c a s e by b ~ l b . " ' W

we recognize that hyhte is used to mean nexpectation," "desire," and "comfort."

"What's so new about the Sexual Revolution?" pp. 48-49.

Definitions from Bosworth and Toller. Further instances where ruh is used this
way include: Ombra rues cornes, and ambru meowles, Chart Th. 40, 9.

Swaen, "Notes to Anglo-Saxon Riddles," Neophil, 31 (1947), p. 12.

17
 this, r i g h t l y p o i n t i n g o u t t h a t "most onions do not have

s h a f t s t h a t could be c a l l e d steapheah," and s o he t r a n s -

l a t e s s t a t h o l as t h e " l o o s e g r o u n d r a i s e d h i g h i n t o m o u n d s

o r rows" i n t o which t h e onion is planted.18But planting-rows

a r e not p a r t i c u l a r l y " l o f t y " and a r e c e r t a i n l y n o t "erect."

T h e woman i s s a i d t o " J o i n " o r " f i x " t h e o b j e c t in a

" f a s t n e s s " which "narrows" i t . Fzsten i n d i c a t e s a n " e n c l o s e d

p l a c e , " and nearwas means " c o n f i n e s [me I." 40 T h u s , t h e woman

" t a k e s " t h e p e n i s "head" and p u t s i t i n t o t h e "enclosed

p l a c e " of h e r v a g i n a . Some t r a n s l a t o r s c a l l t h i s p l a c e t h e

"larder,"'1 or t h e "pantry."42 T h i s s u g g e s t s well enough t h e

l o c a t i o n a cook might p l a c e o n i o n s , but i t i s n o t what t h e

woman i n t h i s p o e m a c t u a l l y d o e s .

The "wet e y e w of t h e l a s t l i n e is o f t e n p r e s e n t e d a s

t h e f i n a l c o n • ’i r m a t i o n o f t h e " O n i o n " s o l u t i o n . D i e t r i c h

f i r s t a t t e m p t e d t o f i t t h i s r e f e r e n c e t o t h e formal s o l u t i o n

when h e a r g u e d t h a t t h e " e y e " i s i n f a c t meant t o r e p r e s e n t

a "mouth." Later, Tupper a s s e r t e d t h a t "eye" could b e l e f t

a s i t is, because "everywhere, i n l i t e r a t u r e and i n l i f e ,

" Williamson, The Old English Riddles of the Exeter Book, pp. 210-211.

.
Bosuorth and T o l l e r Other meanings of f s s t e n a r e : "stronghold, f o r t r e s s ,
cloister ... enclosure, prison, fastener."

Michael Alexander, Old English Riddles from the Exeter Book (London: Anvil
P r e s s , 1980), p. 21.

Kevin Crossley-Holland, The Anglo-Saxon World (Suufolk: S t . Edmundsbury P r e s s ,

1982), p. 216.
 onions cause the eye t o water. The p r o b l e m w i t h

Dietrich's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s t h a t t h e r e i s no v i s u a l

c o r r e l a t i o n between a f i g u r a t i v e "eye" and t h e l i t e r a l

"mouth" t o which i t s u p p o s e d l y r e f e r s . T u p p e r ' s suggestion

is not without i t s problems e i t h e r . He assumes t h a t t h e poet

is t a l k i n g a b o u t a r e a l e y e , b u t s u c h a d e p i c t i o n is o u t of

k e e p i n g w i t h t h e p r e c e d i n g l a n g u a g e . Thus f a r , t h e poet has

i d e n t i f i e d body p a r t s w i t h o u t a c t u a l l y naming them. For

example, fasten indicates "vagina. " Stathol, nathmr,

reodne, and h e a f o d , all indicate t h e penis quite obviously.

Therefore, a d i r e c t naming of t h e " e y e " i s inconsistent with

t h e preceding language. I t s use, therefore, would a p p e a r t o

be metaphorical: t h e shape of t h e "eye" corresponds t o t h e

s h a p e o f t h e v a g i n a o r t h e a p e r t u r e a t t h e t i p of t h e p e n i s .

The p o e t d r a w s f u r t h e r on t h e e r o t i c c o n n o t a t i o n s of

"wetness" t o d e s c r i b e t h e s p e c i f i c r e s u l t s of s e x u a l

activity.

I t i s t h e c o n n e c t i o n w h i c h t h e p o e t made i n t h e f i r s t

l i n e , b e t w e e n t h e o b j e c t a n d t h e p l e a s u r e o f women, that

f a c i l i t a t e s a s e x u a l s o l u t i o n . Moving t h r o u g h t h e d e t a i l s ,

o n e makes l o g i c a l s e n s e of t h e m i n terms of t h a t p l e a s u r e ,

r a t h e r t h a n t h e " s t a l k s , " " b u l b s , " " r o o t s , "" and v e g e t a b l e

Tupper, The Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 1 2 6 .

4 4 Alexander, Old English Riddles from the Exeter Book, p. 2 7 . Some other

translations with a similarly vegetable theme include the following: "My bulb is
very highn A. E. H. Swaen, "Notes to Anglo-Saxon Riddles," Neophil, 31 (1947), p.
1 2 . "Rooted I stand on a high bed,* ~illiamson,A Feast of Creatures: Anglo-Saxon
Riddle Songs, p. 83. "Hy stem is straight uptn James E. Anderson, Two Literary
Riddles in the Exeter Book: Riddle 1 and the Easter Riddle, pp. 6-7.
19
 g a r d e n s s u g g e s t e d by r e a d e r s and t r a n s l a t o r s i n o r d e r f o r

t h e " o b j e c t " t o c o r r e s p o n d m o r e c l o s e l y w i t h t h e formal

solution.

R i d d l e 42'

W r a t l i c honga6 b i weres t h e 0
f r e a n under s c e a t e : foran i s thyrel
B i 6 st i t h and heard; s t e d e h a f a d godne.
Thonne s e e s n e h i s a g e n , h r a g l
ofer cneo hefeb, w i l e that cuthe hol
mid h i s h a n g e l l a n h e a f d e g r e t a n
t h a t he efenlang n r oft gefylde.

44.1: efenlao~YS.' efe lug.

Somt hing excellent hangs by a man 's thigh, under t he 1ord ' s l a p : i n the
front i s a hole. I t i s s t i f f and hard; i t has a good p o s i t i o n . men the
servant l i f t s up h i s own garments over h i s knee, he d e s i r e s t o greet
that known hole with the head o f h i s hanging-thing that he - Just as
long - before o f t e n f i l l e d .

The f o r m a l l y s t a t e d s o l u t i o n t o t h i s r i d d l e is "Key."48

However, t h e s e x u a l i d e n t i t y o f t h e o b j e c t becomes c l e a r

t h r o u g h t h e way i n w h i c h i t i s p l a c e d i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e man

who p o s s e s s e s i t . T h i s p l a c e m e n t w e a k e n s t h e f o r m a l s o l u -

tion. The wrzetlic o b j e c t i n q u e s t i o n " h a n g s b y a man's

t h i g h " and is s a i d t o b e " s t i f f and h a r d " w i t h a "hole" in

front. I t is b e n e a t h t h e man's clothes, next t o h i s body,

s i n c e t h e poet s p e c i f i e s t h a t i t is under h i s " l a p " and b i ,

"near," h i s "thigh."" To e x p o s e t h e o b j e c t , t h e man m u s t

Variant numbers: Williamson, 42; Grien, 45; Trautmann, 42; Tupper, 45; Wyatt,
44; Hackie, 44; Krapp and Dobbie, 44.

4 6 Solutions: Dietrich suggested "key" or "dagger sheathlR preferring the second

solution (see page 22, following. Tupper, Wyatt, Trautmann, and Hackie, Williamson
all endorse the "key" solution.
l i f t his clothing, h r z g l , over h i s k n e e . 4 a A p e n i s has a l l

of these characteristics: t h e l o c a t i o n i s e x a c t and t h e o b -

j e c t ' s q u a l i t i e s correspond t o t h e e r e c t c o n d i t i o n of t h e

penis prior t o s e x .

Though t h e d e s c r i p t i o n and p l a c e m e n t i s a c c u r a t e f o r

t h e p e n i s , t h i s l o c a t i o n i s p r o b l e m a t i c when a p p l i e d t o t h e

f o r m a l s o l u t i o n . Keys were worn on a r a t h e r l a r g e , w i d e b e l t

s u c h a s t h e w e i g h t o f t h e k e y s would r e q u i r e . For p r a c t i c a l

purposes, t h i s s o r t o f a b e l t was worn o v e r t h e t u n i c , n o t

bi weres t h e o . . . u n d e r sceate.*= C o n s e q u e n t l y , a " k e y "

4 7 Bosworth and T o l l e r n o t e a t l e a s t one i n s t a n c e where t h i s word s c e a t e is used

i n connection with m a r r i a g e - h i 0 oprum m n i n s c e a t bewyddod si " i f s h e be

b e t r o t h e d t o a n o t h e r man, L. Ethb. 83; Th. i . 24, 5." Thus t h e r e f e r e n c e may be
more s e x u a l t h a n we c a n g a t h e r from t h e d e f i n i t i o n a l o n e . Bosworth and T o l l e r , An
Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, p. 826.

S i n c e h r s g l d o e s n o t r e f e r t o a s p e c i f i c i t e m and needs no i n f l e c t i o n t o be
p l u r a l , I t r a n s l a t e t h i s word a s " c l o t h i n g . " I n Dress i n Anglo-Saxon England
(Ranchester U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s : Manchester, 19861, Gale R. Owen-Crocker remarks t h a t
h r s l "is one of t h e most common and l o o s e s t of Old E n g l i s h garment names. ... in
most of its documented o c c u r r e n c e s h r a g l simply means ' a garment' or ' c l o t h i n g '
r a t h e r t h a n any s p e c i f i c c l o a k o r t u n i c v p . 231. Bosworth and T o l l e r n o t e t h e
s i n g u l a r "garment, d r e s s , robe, r a i l , b u t some of t h e examples of usage s u g g e s t
t h e p l u r a l , "vestments," o r a s u i t of c l o t h e s . For example mid mete and mid h r a l ,
"with food and c l o t h i n g , " B l i c k l . Homil. 41. 29; on medmyclum h r s l gehealdene,
"moderate i n d r e s s , " 185. 17; man h i n s f o r b e a r n a t h mid h i s wapnum and h r a l , "he
is b u r n t w i t h h i s weapons and c l o t h i n g I R Ors. 1, 1; S w t . 21, 8 . For o t h e r examples
of t h i s kind s e e Bosworth and T o l l e r , p. 555.

" I t seems t h a t Anglo-Saxon men wore a b e l t e d t u n i c perhaps a s e a r l y a s t h e f i f t h

century, and almost d e f i n i t e l y i n t h e l a t e r Anglo-Saxon period: Owen-Crocker
remarks i n Dress i n Anglo-Saxon England t h a t " t e x t i l e f r a g m e n t s q a v e been found
on t h e backs of t h e p i e c e s of men's b e l t ' s from t h e f i f t h and s i x t h c e n t u r i e s ,
s u g g e s t i n g t h a t t h e b e l t was worn o v e r a t u n i c o r t r o u s e r s ( p . 7 2 ) . She s u r m i s e s
t h a t "probably t h e e l a b o r a t e b e l t s which a r e evidenced from t h e pagan p e r i o d would
be worn where t h e y could be seen, and where any a t t a c h e d a r t i c l e s would be r e a d i l y
a c c e s s i b l e . Perhaps, then, i f t h e owners wore t u n i c s , t h e b e l t would be worn
o u t s i d e them, a l t h o u g h a second b e l t , g i r d l e o r s t r i n g may have secured t h e
t r o u s e r s beneathR ( p . 801. From t h e e i g h t h c e n t u r y onwards t h e evidence is more
conclusive: "In Anglo-Saxon a r t of t h e C h r i s t i a n p e r i o d t h e m a j o r i t y of male
f i g u r e s wear g i r d l e d t u n i c s R ( p . 1211, and " t h e b e l t , sometimes buckled, continued
t o be an important p a r t of t h e male costumeR (p. 1 2 5 ) . But by t h e n i n t h c e n t u r y ,
21
would not be worn i n t h e p l a c e t h a t is s p e c i f i e d i n t h i s

riddle. In addition, t h e o b j e c t h a n g s b y weres t h i g h , and s o

i t is c e r t a i n t h a t i t is t h e m a n w h o p o s s e s s e s i t . T h i s is

in itself irregular. Dietrich suggested a t least eighty

y e a r s a g o t h a t k e y s a r e n o t commonly a s s o c i a t e d w i t h men. He

was i n c l i n e d t o r e j e c t t h e " k e y " s o l u t i o n f o r t h i s r e a s o n . e o

Modern a r c h a e o l o g i c a l e v i d e n c e . s u p p o r t s D i e t r i c h ' s o b s e r v a -

tion. I n t h e f i f t h and s i x t h c e n t u r i e s , i t was f a s h i o n a b l e

t o c a r r y a c c e s s o r i e s on t h e b e l t , of which a key is c e r t a i n -

l y one - but t h i s w a s t h e c u s t o m o f women, n o t men. In the

s e v e n t h and e i g h t h c e n t u r i e s t h i s p r a c t i s e became l e s s

popular, e v e n a m o n g women, fading almost completely i n t h e

n i n t h a n d t e n t h c e n t u r i e ~ . ~B' u t , as a r e f e r e n c e t o t h e

man's p e n i s , t h e n t h e p r o x i m i t y o f t h e o b j e c t t o t h e the0

. . . under s c e a t e is p e r f e c t l y a p t .

"the waisted shape of a l l t u n i c s s u g g e s t s t h a t they were r e g u l a r l y fastened by a

g i r d l e or b e l t w (p. 161).

Frederick Tnpper explains, " [ a s ] t h e Anglo-Saxon key is associated with women .

. . Dietrich i n c l i n e s t o t h e second s o l u t i o n . " Tupper, The Riddles of the Exeter
Book, p. 176.

I n Dress i n k?g!o-Saxon England, Owen-Crocker maintains t h a t i n t h e f i f t h and

s i x t h centuries, "(wlomen wore a g r e a t e r number and v a r i e t y of appendages than
men. Keys have been found a t t h e h i p s of women i n most regions a t t h i s e a z l y
period (p. 4 ) . And f u r t h e r , "men, l i k e women, u s u a l l y c a r r i e d a k n i f e a t t h e
waist, and other t h i n g s such a s tweezers and s h e a r s were a l s o c a r r i e d a t t h e b e l t ;
but t h e keys, t o i l e t a r t i c l e s and suspension r i n g s which a r e o f t e n found a t
women's waists a r e l e s s f r e q u e n t l y a s s o c i a t e d with men" (p. 80). I n t h e seventh
century, Owen-Crocker notes what s h e terms t h e "decline of t h e p o p u l a r i t y of t h e
buckled b e l t w (p. l o o ) , suggesting t h a t f o r women " t h e r e a r e never any pendant
g i r d l e ends or any s i g n s of a buckle, nor a r e t h e r e any t o o l s or personal
ornaments hanging from t h e g i r d l e o r s a s h R (p. 140); and f o r men "the ubiquitous
knives of t h e pagan period a c e absent and appendages of any kind a r e rare" ( p .
162).
 Beginning at line Sb, we are told what the man does
with this "hanging thing": w i l e t h z t c u t h h o l e mid h i s
hangellan heafde gretan. W i l l a n indicates "desire, " and

g r e t a n is more than a greeting: definitions include "visit,

touch, attack, " and also specifically "know carnally." C u t h e

is not only "known," but also, "well known," and "familiar,
intimate, related Thus, the already clearly described
penis "desires" to "touch" or "know carnally" the vagina -
hol - an "intimate" place.

In the last line, there is a suggestion of occasionally

attained length and cus t ornary act ion, which accommodates a

sexual interpretat ion. This "hanging-thing" acquires length

during sex as "hew did "before" in order to "fill" the
"known hole" - thzt h e e f e n l a n g o f t g e f y l d e . ' = This par-

ticular image applies to the sexual solution very well; it

has little meaning in relation to a key and a lock.

Verse translations are often undertaken with the

surmised "keyw correlation in mind. The "hanging thing" is
said to "[swivel] about,"84 or be "bold, brassy."68 But

while a key is indeed "brassy," and i t does "swivel" in the

lock, these are n o t details that we are actually given.

" Bosworth and Toller.

I take efenlang t o modify he, w i t h Tupper. The Riddles of the Exeter Book, p.
177.

'' Alexander, Old English Riddles from the Exeter Book, p . 4 4 .

55 Williamson, A Feast o f Creatures: Anglo-Saxon Riddle Songs, p . 1 0 4 .

23
 Riddle 43'

I c on w i n c l e gefrcegn w e a x l a n l nathwkt
t h i n d a n ond t h u n i a n , t h e c e n e hebban.
On t k t b a n l e a s n e bryd grapode,
hygewlonc hondum; hraegle t heaht e
t hr indende t h i n g t h e o d n e s d o h t o r .

I beard o f a [war] "something" [ t o grow] i n a corner, t o s w e l l up and t o s t a n d up, t o

r a i s e i t s c o v e r . On t b a t b o n e l e s s ( t b l n g ) a b r i d e grasped, t h e proud-minded one w i t h her
bands; The prince's daugbter covered t b e s u e l l i n g t h i n g wf t h [her 1 garment.
,.
T h e formal s o l u t i o n t o t h i s r i d d l e i s " D o ~ g h . " " ~ T h e

poet informs us i n t h e f i r s t l i n e t h a t he has - gefrsegn

weaxan n a t h m t - "heard of" something, a n " I - d o n ' t -know-

what", that i s s a i d e i t h e r t o be " w a x " o r t o "grow" i n a

"corner ." Because a w i n c l e i s n o t n e e d e d t o make d o u g h ,

Swaen c a l l s t h i s a " c r u x , " e x p l a i n i n g t h a t "one cannot s a y

t h a t dough must n e c e s s a r i l y b e p r e p a r e d i n a c o r n e r . " " '

However, a "corner" does not present any particular

d i f f i c u l t y in a sexual interpretation since it implies t h e

seclusion that such an encounter requires.

W h e t h e r t h e nathwad i s " w a x w o r i t " g r o w s w d e p e n d s on

w h e t h e r one emends t h e m s . weax t o weaxan. The m s . reading

a n d t h e e m e n d a t i o n a r e t h e s u b j e c t of s o m e c o n f u s i o n a n d

d e b a t e as t o what e a c h means, exactly, in relation t o the

s o l u t i o n . T u p p e r p r e f e r s weaxan, s a y i n g t h a t " w e a x a n . . .
' Variant Numbers: Williamson, 43; Grien, 46; Trautmann, 43; Tupper, 46; Wyatt,
45; Uackie, 45; Krapp and Dobbie, 45.

'' Solutions: Dietrich first o f f e ~ e d ' ~ B e e " athe

s solution to this riddle.
Trautmann proposed "Doughn, as also did HerzEield. This is the established
solution.

'a Swaen, "Notes t o Anglo-Saxon Riddles," p. 12.

24
accords with both the grammar and the sense of the passage,
as well as with the metrical demands of 46 lb."8e Swaen
finds a problem with weaxan: "[this 1 introduces a new
comparison: the matter, perhaps dough, is described as wax,
a plastic substance. The comparison is not inappropriate
for, owing to its softness, wax is often used in figurative
language, and a reference to t t would lead the reader off

the track. . . .Taking all in all a miswritten Races suits the

context best and appears to me the safest con Jecture. O'"
The only real "problem," though, is in trying to fit
the significance of this detail to the "Dough" solution.

Left alone, i t is A propos to a sexual interpretation.

Whatever word is chosen, weax or weaxan, the close semblance

between the two words causes one to imply the other -

possibly an intentional ambiguity. In its original
manuscript form the word weax has the same meaning as in

modern English: wax, a substance that has a plastic mutable

quality, a property suitable to the male sexual apparatus.

I t also sometimes stands as a replacement noun for "candle"
in Old English, the shape of which suggests the sexual
"object. " O x Weaxan, to increase, denotes expansion.aP And

"'Tupper, The R i d d l e s o f t h e E x e t e r Book, pp. 177-178.

Swaen, "Notes t o Anglo-Saxon Riddles," p. 148. Swaen is r e f e r r i n g h e r e t o a

s u g g e s t i o n of D i e t r i c h ' s t h a t Weax s h o u l d r e a d weax=weacs=waces, gen. s i n g . of
Wac, "weak, s o f t . " See Williamson, Old E n g l i s h R i d d l e s o f t h e E x e t e r Book, n o t e t o
Rid. 43, p. 282. As well, Baum (though he seems somewhat d i s d a i n f u l of i t ) does
n o t i c e h e r e what h e c a l l s a "a p r i m i t i v e pun. ... t h e s c r i b e wrote weax, t h e
noun, 'wax,' f o r weaxan, t h e i n f i n i t i v e , ' t o i n c r e a s e . ' " Baum, Anglo Saxon R i d d l e s
o f The E x e t e r Book, p. 58.
 so, t h e r e is a t h r e e - f o l d value evident here: t h e mutable

q u a l i t y o f t h e wax, t h e s h a p e of a c a n d l e - like an erect

penis - and t h e v e r b meaning "grow" o r " i n c r e a s e " , which is

what t h e nathwzt c e r t a i n l y d o e s .

The a t t r i b u t e s g i v e n t o t h i s n a t h w z t i n d i c a t e t h a t it

d o e s two t h i n g s : thfndan, " t o s w e l l u p , " and thunian, "to

stand out, be prominent, b e l i f t e d u p . " a 5 But w h i l e t h e s e

s p e c i f i c a t i o n s c o r r e c t l y d e s c r i b e a n erect p e n i s , t h e y do

n o t c o r r e s p o n d w e l l t o t h e f o r m a l s o l u t i o n . Although "dough"

does " s w e l l , " i t cannot r e a l l y be s a i d t o "stand." Moreover,

t h i s nathwzt is a " b o n e l e s s " t h i n g . C e r t a i n l y , "dough" h a s

no bones and, in a sense, i t is c o r r e c t t o point out t h a t

t h i s f i t s t h e f o r m a l s o l u t i o n ; b u t t h e s u g g e s t i o n of "bone-

l e s s n a s s o c i a t e d w i t h "dough" is s o a r b i t r a r y t h a t i t means

a l m o s t n o t h i n g i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e q u a l i t i e s of t h a t s u b -

stance. However, unconfined t o a formal solution, the

s u g g e s t i o n i s more r e l e v a n t . The word b a n , by i t s e l f , means

simply "bone," but i t c a n i n d i c a t e t h e b o n e of a l i m b

s p e c i f i c a l l y a s i s i n d i c a t e d i n some of t h e compounds w h i c h

u s e ban... The p e n i s i s b a n l e a s , but i t a c t s a s a l i m b when

l' I am t h i n k i n g of such compounds a s weaxberende = "candlebearer" i n DR. See

Bosworth and T o l l e r .
s2 Weaxan: grow, b e f r u i t f u l , i n c r e a s e , become powerful, f l o u r i s h . Bosworth and
Toller .
Bosworth and T o l l e r .

'' For example, b a n r i f t and banbeorge b o t h mean leg armour. Banece is a p a i n i n

t h e thigh. See Bosworth and Toller.
26
 i t is e r e c t , a s i f i t had a b o n e . Thus, b o t h s e n s e s of t h e

word a r e , by i m p l i c a t i o n , very apt.

In the l a s t line, t h e woman c o v e r s t h e " s w e l l i n g t h i n g "

with her garments. T h i s d e s c r i b e s w e l l enough t h e s e x u a l

act, i n which t h e p e n i s i s s o c o v e r e d . I t is a l s o e v o c a t i v e

of p r e g n a n c y , and t h e image i s a p p r o p r i a t e s i n c e i t i s t h e

n a t u r a l outcome of s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e . T h i s is a d i f f i c u l t

d e t a i l t o r e c o n c i l e w i t h "dough" o r t h e making of b r e a d , and

s o t r a n s l a t i o n s o f t e n make t h e w o m a n ' s g a r m e n t s s e e m l i k e a

tea-towel instead, even though i t is "clothes" that a r e

s p e c i f i c a l l y mentioned. For example, Williamson t r a n s l a t e s ,

"the prince's daughter covered t h a t swelling thing with a

s w i r l o f ~ 1 0 t h ; " ' a~n d C r o s s l e y - H o l l a n d , " t h e d a u g h t e r of a

k i n g c o v e r e d t h a t s w o l l e n t h i n g w i t h a ~ 1 0 t h . " ~O"t h e r

t r a n s l a t o r s a l l o w " c l o t h e s " t o s t a n d , but f a i l t o explain

what i t c o u l d mean i n r e l a t i o n t o " d ~ u g h . " ' ~

C r a i g Williamson o f f e r s a p o s s i b l e c o r r e l a t i o n between

t h i s r i d d l e and i t s p r o p o s e d s o l u t i o n : " I t is an e l a b o r a t e

c o n c e i t b a s e d upon t h e r o l e of t h e Anglo-Saxon wife as

hlsfdige, 'lady, m i s t r e s s of t h e house' (B.T., p. 5391,

65 Williamson, B Feast of Creatures: Anglo-Saxon Riddle Songs, p. 105.

66 Crossley-Holland, The Anglo-Saxon World, p. 221.

6' Examples of translators who keep the original "dress," or "garments": Baum, "A

proud-minded woman seized with her hands/ that boneless thing, a prince's
daughter;/ covered with her dress the swelling thing," Anglo Saxon Riddles of The
Exeter Book, p. 58; Alexander, "A bride grabbed at that boneless thing,/ Handled
it proudly: a prince's daughter/ Covered that swelling creature with her robe,"
Old English Riddles from the Exeter Book, p. 45; Whitman, "A proud woman seized
that boneless thing with her hands; the lord's daughter covered that swelling
thing with her dress," Old English Riddles, p. 198.
27
literally, 'kneader of t h e dough' But t h e p a r t i c u l a r

designat ion, hlzfdige, does not appear here. There i s

n o t h i n g i n t h e poem, therefore, w h i c h would i n d i c a t e t h a t

t h e p o e t had t h i s s p e c i f i c a l l y i n mind. The a c t i o n i t s e l f

s u g g e s t s a s e x u a l s o l u t i o n . The a c t u a l r e f e r e n c e s t o t h e

woman - b r y d and theodnes dohtor - have nothing t o do with

preparing bread; r a t her, bryd 'suggests t h e marital r e l a t i o n -

ship directly, a n d t h i s b e f i t s t h e sexual c o n t e n t of t h e

p o e m . F u r t h e r , women a r e n o t n o r m a l l y c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h i s

k i n d of work i n Anglo-Saxon England.ee If i t is not u s u a l l y

t h e d u t y o f a s e r v i n g woman t o d o b a k i n g , t h e n i t is

c e r t a i n l y n o t t h e c h o r e o f a n a r i s t o c r a t i c woman.

Riddle 5 2

Hyse cwom gangan t h r he h i e w i s s e

stondan i n wincle; s t o p f e o r r a n t o
h r o r h g s tealdmon, hof h i s agen
hraegl hondum up, hrand under g y r d e l s
hyre stondendre s t i t h e s n a t h w t ,
worhte h i s wi l l a n : wagedan b u t a.
Thegn onnet te; u ~ e s t hragum n y t

68 Williamson, The Old English Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 282.

Christine Fell explains, "Old English has both masculine and feminine nouns for
bakers. . . . Again in an area which we might have expected to be female dominated
this is not the case, and the bacere of b?fricls Colloquy is clearly describing a
secular not merely a monastic situation when he says without his craft every table
would look empty, and that his products are not only strengthening for men, nor do
the little ones, litlingas, despise them. The woman who in one of the riddles of
the Exeter Book is apparently making dough is the only indication we have of a
woman specifically involved in this range of domestic work, though we have already
noted the grammatically feminine bacestre used of a man in an Exeter manumission."
Christine Fell, Women in Anglo-Saxon England (Bloominton: Indiana University
Press, 19841, p. 49.

" The variant numbers of this riddle are: Williamson, 52; Grien, 55; Trautmann,
52; Tupper, 55; Wyatt, 54; Hackie, 54; Krapp and Dobbie, 54.
28
 t i l l i c esne; t e o r o d e h m t h r e
n t s t u n d a gehwam s t r o n g zr thonne h i o ,
werig t h weorces. Hyre weaxan ongon
under g y r d e l s e thaet o f t gode men
ferbthum freogaU ond mid f e o bicgab.

54.2: nlncle: MS. r i m sele.

54.4: hand: MS. rrnd.
54.9: some 110: 16, son hie 6
followed by a YS. point.

A young man came t o where be knea her t o stand i n a corner; the strong bachelor-warrior
stepped from far up t o her, l i f t e d up b i s own garment with bands, pushed a s t i f f
"somethingw under the g i r d l e o f the one standing, worked h i s will: both moved. Tbe thane
hastened; (he) was at t i m s useful, the goodly servant; [be] grew tired, however, at a
certain time, the strong one, before she did, weary from tbe work. There began t o grow
under her girdle t i a t wbicb o f t e n good men love and acquire with a fee.

T h e formal s o l u t i o n t o t h i s r i d d l e i s " C h ~ r n . " ~T h~e

p o e t u s e s a f e m i n i n e p r o n o u n t h r o u g h o u t t h e poem w h i c h i s

s u p p o s e d t o r e f e r e q u a l l y t o t h e woman a n d t h e " c h u r n . "

Williamson a s s e r t s t h a t "hio r e f e r s t o t h e churn, or i n

terms o f t h e d o u b l e e n t e n d r e , t o t h e woman i n t h e c o r n e r . " 7 2

Even t h o u g h i n Old E n g l i s h p r o n o u n s t a k e t h e i r g e n d e r f r o m

their ( a n t e c e d e n t ) nouns, and "churn" i s a f e m i n i n e noun,

r e p e t i t i o n of t h e f e m i n i n e pronoun (hie wisse . . . hyre

stondendre ... thonne h i o . . . h y r e weaxan) c a u s e s a

" s h e " t o become m o r e e a s i l y i m a g i n e d t h a n a c h u r n . Thus

i n t e r a c t i o n b e t w e e n a man a n d a woman c a n b e more r e a d i l y

i m a g i n e d t h a n c o n t a c t b e t w e e n a man a n d a p i e c e o f

machinery.

Solutions: Dietrich solved this riddle as %akerls boy and ovenIn Trautmann as
"churn", and this answer is accepted by all later editors.

Williamson, The Old English Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 300.

29
 The v e r b s d e s c r i b i n g t h e y o u n g m a n ' s a c t i v i t y a r e

consonant with s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e , since the specific

m a n e u v e r t h a t t h e y o u n g man e m p l o y s i s d e s c r i b e d a s p u s h i n g

o r t h r u s t i n g . The a p p a r a t u s h e u s e s , a nathmt that is

"firm, s t r o n g , " and " h a r d , " r 3 and t h e d i r e c t i o n t a k e n ,

beneath her " b e l t " -all accord t o sexual a c t i v i t y ,

Furthermore, t h e y o u t h must " [ - l i f t ] u p h i s own c l o t h e s w i t h

h i s h a n d s " b e f o r e h e h r a n d u n d e r gyrdles t o a c h i e v e t h e

d e s i r e d e f f e c t , s o h e i s a t l e a s t p a r t l y e x p o s e d when h e

d o e s t h i s . The p e r f o r m a n c e i s c u r i o u s i f i t i s a p p l i e d t o a

"churn." The a c t i o n s e e m s i n a p p r o p r i a t e s i n c e t h e p l u n g e r of

a churn is presumably put i n t o t h e t o p of t h e d e v i c e r a t h e r

t h a n " u n d e r " some c o m p o n e n t o f i t . More i m p o r t a n t l y , t h e r e

i s n o r e a s o n f o r t h e y o u n g man t o u n c o v e r h i m s e l f i n order

t o operate such a device. The p o e t t e l l s u s , wagedan b u t a ,

" t h e y b o t h moved" a s a r e s u l t o f t h e y o u n g m a n ' s a d v a n c e .

Wagian m e a n s t o move " b a c k w a r d s a n d f o r w a r d s . "" Thus, the

p a r t i c u l a r p h y s i c a l a c t i o n o r movement n e e d e d f o r s e x u a l

c o n t a c t is e x p r e s s e d d i r e c t l y i n t h e language t h e poet u s e s .

A s a c o n s e q u e n c e of t h i s a c t , s o m e t h i n g "grows" under

t h e woman's "girdle." Tupper and Williamson b o t h i n d i c a t e

t h i s t o be t h e " b u t t e r " : Tupper e x p l a i n s t h a t " t h e last

l i n e s (10-12) w e l l d e s c r i b e t h e ' g r o w i n g ' of t h e b u t t e r ; " 7 b

73 Bosworth and Toller.

74 Bosworth and Toller.

75 Tupper, The Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 188.

30
Williamson agrees, n o t i n g h e r e t h a t "[the] c r e a t u r e de-

s c r i b e d i n t h e l a s t l i n e s of t h e r i d d l e i s t h e O.E. butere,

t h e c h i l d of t h e c h u r n . " T 6 W h i l e t h e a l l u s i o n t o p r e g n a n c y

is c l e a r , the reference t o "butter" is n o t . I t is t r u e t h a t

men may b u y b u t t e r , b u t t o s a y t h a t men " l o v e " i t s u g g e s t s

e m o t i o n and r e g a r d t h a t is out of k e e p i n g w i t h t h e

p r o c u r e m e n t of a d a i r y p r o d u c t ' . Also, men d o n o t n e e d t o b e

p a r t i c u l a r l y "good" i n o r d e r t o a r r a n g e s u c h a t r a n s a c t i o n .

But t h e p u r c h a s e s p e c i f i e d h e r e , t h e man's q u a l i t i e s , and

h i s s e n t i m e n t s c o n c e r n i n g i t , a r e n o t i l l s u i t e d i f t h e feo

alludes t o the marriage fee, or "bride-price" required in

o r d e r t o a r r a n g e a m a r r i a g e S T TOf t h i s a r r a n g e m e n t , i t would

b e a c c u r a t e t o s a y t h a t oft gode men f e r b t h u m f r e o g a b o n d

mid f e u bfcgad. I t i s n o t o n l y r e l e v a n t t o t h e s i t u a t i o n ,

b u t a l s o f u n d a m e n t a l t h a t t h e man i n q u e s t i o n b e " g o o d , " and

t h a t h e s h o u l d " h o n o r " a n d " l o v e " t h e woman h e w i s h e s t o

marry, w i t h h i s " s p i r i t " or "mind."

76 Williamson, The Old English Riddles o f the Exeter Book, p. 2 9 9 .

7 7 It seems that the prospective bride-groom customarily paid a fee in order to

become betrothed. Early on this was given to the woman's guardians, but later, at
least by Alfred's time, the price was paid to the bride. This existence of this
fee has been discussed among readers for at least a hundred years. See Ernest
Young, nAnglo-Saxon Family Law, in Essays i n Anglo-Saxon Law (Macmillan and
Company: Boston and London, 1876), pp. 165 and 170. Examples of such payments can
be found in A. J. Robertson, Anglo-Saxon Charters (Cambridge: University Press,
1956). For example, in a Kentish marriage agreement, dated between 1016 and 1020,
a man named Godwine gave his intended, anes pundes gewihta goldes with thonne t h e
heo h i s space underfenge, a pound's weight of gold to receive his suit, In
addition he promised her an estate, a t S t r z t e mid eallan thon the thearto herd -
'-

(p. 150). For discussion of the implications of this marriaqe nfee,n see Ch. 4,
page 83.
'IJ The definition of f e r l h l t h according to Bosworth and Toller.
31
 T h e formal s o l u t i o n i s p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t t o i m p o s e

on t h i s r i d d l e b e c a u s e t h e s e x u a l i t y i s s e e n a s p r o m i n e n t ,

e v e n b y r e a d e r s who s u b s c r i b e t o t h e double entendre t h e o r y .

As a result, t h e i d e a of s e x u a l c o n t e n t a s a s e c o n d a r y ,

"shadow" s o l u t i o n is o f t e n p u t a s i d e a t t h i s p o i n t . For

example, Craig Williamson tries t o account f o r t h e "overt"

s e x u a l i t y by e x p l a i n i n g t h a t " t h e l o v e p l a y seems c e n t e r

s t a g e a n d o n e m i g h t s p e c u l a t e t h a t t h e o r i g i n a l game

c o n s i s t e d of inducing t h e riddle-solver t o guess t h e 'wrong'

solution, t h a t is t h e a n a t o m i c a l one, i n o r d e r t o o f f e r him

the 'plain' s o l u t i o n a s proof of h i s s a l a c i o u s i m a g i n a -

t i ~ n . " ~E'v e n t h o u g h W i l l i a m s o n i n t e r p r e t s t h e " o v e r t "

s e x u a l i t y h e r e i n terms o f i t s supposed "Joke" value, i t is

n e v e r t h e l e s s an admission t h a t t h e s e x is indeed t h e

principal concern. I t is, a s Williamson puts i t , "center

stage."

Riddle 59'

Oft mec fzeste b i l e a c f r e o l i c u meowle,

i d e s i n e a r c e ; hwilum up a t e a h
fulrrnun s inum ond f r e a n s e a l d e ,
holdurn theodne, swa h i o h a t e n ws.
Sl68an me on h r e t h r e heafod s t i c a d e ,
n i o t h a n upweardne on n e a r o fegde.
Glf t h i s ondfengan e l l e n d o h t e ,
t h e mec fratwade, f y l l a n s c e o l d e ,
r u w s nath w t . Raed h m t ic m n e .

'' Williamson, The Old English Riddles of t h e Exeter Book, p. 2 9 9 .

* Variant numbers: Williamson, 59; Grien, 55; Trautmann, 59; Tupper, 62; Wyatt,
61; Uackie, 61; Krapp and Dobbie, 61.
32
O f t e n a free-woman locked m f a s t , a noble women i n a chest; a t times
drew me up with her hands and gave m t o her l o r d , the f a i t h f u l prince,
a s she was bidden t o do. A f t e r n r d s a head s t u c k i n my i n s i d e s , from
beneath upmrds, f i x e d i n a narrow p l a c e . I f the r e c e i v e r ' s s t r e n g t h
a v a i l e d , who adorned me/covered m over, a rough "somthfng" had t o f i l l
ue. Understand what I m a n .

The formal s o l u t i o n t o t h i s r i d d l e i s e i t h e r " S h i r t " o r

"Helmet ."" For Tupper, t h e sexual content debases t h e

w h o l e poem; he is d e r i s i v e of i t s a l l e g e d " d i r t , " and

d i s m i s s e s T r a u t m a n n ' s i m p u l s e t o t a k e i t more s e r i o ~ s l y . ~ ~

The s e x u a l i t y , a s i t is u s u a l l y i n t e r p r e t e d , o n l y comes i n t o

p l a y a t t h e end. For instance, Swaen s u g g e s t s t h a t " t h e poem

c o n s i s t s of t h r e e d i v i s i o n s . I n 1. t h e g i r l g i v e s t h e s h i r t

t o her master; i n 2. t h e master g e t s entangled i n t h e s h i r t

or k i r t l e , and a n obscene meaning is added; 3. i s a n o b s c e n e

e p i s o d e meant t o l e a d t h e r e a d e r a s t r a y . " a s However, the

sexual subject is t h e p o e t ' s p r i n c i p a l focus, i t is n o t a

mere " o b s c e n e " e p i s o d e " a d d e d o n " t o a s t o r y a b o u t a man a n d

h i s s a r t o r i a l problems.

The o b j e c t i s l o c k e d away i n a " c h e s t , " on e a r c e .

Tupper s t a t e s t h a t " t h i s is a r e f e r e n c e t o t h e h r ~ l - c y s t ,

Solutions: the standard solution for this riddle is either whelmetw or "shirtR.
Dietrich proposed "shirtn. Trautmann and Tupper favor this answer. Wyatt prefers
"helmetn and Williamson contends that, "it seems best to list both solutions as
equally possibleSw Williamson, Old English Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 320.
O 2 He says that "Trautmann is perhaps attracted by the picture of the early

Englishwoman arming her lord for battle, but the tone of this poem, despite the
blending of dignity with its dirt, hardly seems to warrant such a conception." The
Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 201.

Swaen does not give the exact line numbexs at which these divisions are
supposed to occur. Swaen, "Notes to Anglo-Saxon Riddles,"p. 11.
33
 'clothes- hes st.'"^' B u t , t h i s r e f e r e n c e may n o t b e a l i t e r a l

one. I t b e l o n g s t o t h e woman a n d may o r may n o t a c t u a l l y

r e f e r t o her body. Whitehurst Williams says t h a t i t is

"undoubtedly a metaphoric statement f o r t h e Lady's g r e a t

modesty which is set a s i d e o n l y i n t h e proper c i r c u m s t a n c e

- when h e r l o r d commands. But i t is u n c e r t a i n w h e t h e r

Whi t e h u r s t W i l l i a m s i s c o r r e c t , a b o u t t h e l a d y ' s " m o d e s t y , "

s i n c e t h i s q u a l i t y i s n o t a c t u a l l y m e n t i o n e d i n t h e poem,

and t h e r e i s no d i r e c t i n d i c a t i o n t h a t t h i s i s even

considered t o be a v i r t u e . I a g r e e , however, t h a t t h e

" c o n f i n e m e n t " may b e m e t a p h o r i c a l , s i n c e t h e i d e a of a b o x

d o e s make s e n s e h e r e . In these riddles, s e x u a l i t y is o f t e n

presented a s something t h a t is normally confined or kept

s e c r e t a n d t h e n r e v e a l e d when t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s c h o o s e t o d o

so.'* Because t h e box is r e f e r r e d t o h e r e a s a concealment

f r o m w h i c h " s o m e t h i n g " i s g i v e n when t h e L o r d r e q u e s t s i t ,

t h e metaphor is w e l l - s u i t e d .

A f t e r t h e l o r d makes t h i s r e q u e s t , w e a r e t o l d what

happens t o t h e o b j e c t : s188an me on h r e f h r e h e a f o d s f i c a d e ,

n e o t h a n upweardne, " a h e a d s t u c k i n my i n s i d e s , . . . fixed

i n a narrow p l a c e upwards f r o m below." The " h e a d " c o r r e l a t e s

t o t h e "head" of t h e p e n i s , and t h e "narrow p l a c e " is t h e

Tupper, The Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 201.

Whitehurst Williams, "What's so new about the Sexual Revolution?" pp. 50-51.

O6 For more on the subject of containment and disclosure, see Ch. 3, pages 65 and
73.
vagina. The direction from which the "something" will be

entered into is described: " f r o m beneath upwards." This is a

precise direction from which to attain sesual contact.

I k e t h r e seems t o indicate "insides" more than i t does

a n outside surface, such as "breast," or "bosom." I t can

also refer appcifically t o the "womb."a7 Wyatt tries t o

account for the direction and location of the action by

saying that "1. 6 appears t o describe accurately the action

of putting on a helmet: the helmet is held u p s i d e down in

the hands before baing placed on the bead . . . the wearer's

head may be said t o stick fast in tht> L ~ c a s t of a helmet ."08

But Swaen disagrees, not in% the problem here that "the

position of the helmet . . . appears t o me to be im-

practicable . . . [sticadel is graphic, and each of us at one

time or another have got entangled in his shirt, like

H e r c u l e ~ . " ~Swaen
~ is correct in noting that s t i c a d e is

indeed graphic, but the gesture does not well suggest

getting snarled in a shirt or putting on head-wear. One does

not "stick, stab, pierce," or "prick"50 into either a

helmet o r the neck of a shirt. Nor d o e s one beccrrne 'fixed'

in a 'cunfinement' in them. Helmets and shirts are

Bosworth and T o l l e r .
Wyatt, Old English Riddles, p. 110.

89 Swaen, "Notes t o Anglo-Saxon Riddles," p. 11.

'"Bosworth and T o l l e r .
35
" [ c a r r i e d ] appendant t o t h e body,"31 r a t h e r than being i n a

s t a t e of "unity" with i t .

These expressions b e t t e r accord with s e s u a l i n t e r -

c o u r s e . T h e m e a n i n g s o f sticade s u g g e s t t h e mot i o n o f t h e

penis; t h e c o n • ’i n e m e n t e x p r e s s e d b y n e a ~ . o ~ i' n d i c a t e s t h e

v a g i n a . Fegan, meaning " t o j o i n , " with the connotat ion

"bind, unite, or fix, 'la' suggests mutual sexual a c t i o n .

The rest of t h e language works b e t t e r w i t h a s e x u a l

m e a n i n g t h a n w i t h t h a t of s h i r t o r h e l m e t . Ruh a s a r e f e r -

e n c e t o t h e head o f h a i r does not accord w i t h e i t h e r of t h e

proposed formal s o l u t i o n s , s i n c e t h e w o r d i m p l i e s

" u n t r immed, undressed" hair, whereas Anglo-Saxon men wore

t h e i r h a i r t r i m m e d s h o r t .*' H o w e v e r , "hairy," "untrimmed,"

and "undressed" w e l l s u i t s t h e sexual s o l u t i o n .

Oxford English Dictionary definition of *to wear.

32 Bosworth and Tollsr.

y3 Bosworth and Toiler.

" In Dress in Anglo-Saxon England, Owen-Crocker suggests that there is evidence

of this practice form the fifth and sixth centuries. She says that "the many combs
. .
found in Anglo-Saxon contexts . settlement cites ...
cremations ...
.
suggest that care of the hair was important . . probably the Anglo-Saxons cut
their hair short, as the Franks did; by the sixth century long hair seems to have
been a style confined to the Merovingian kings in Frankian (p. 81). During the
seventh and eighth centuries Owen-Croker finds that "the Anglo-Saxon converts
seemed to have obeyed Saint Paul's dictum that men should have short hairn (p.
128). By the tenth and eleventh centuries, she remarks that "men's hair is
generally depicted cut shortIn and suggests further that, "910-Saxon men were
commonly clean-shaven or cropped their beards very closelyu (pp. 168-169).
36
 R i d d l e 60'

I c eom heard ond s c e a r p , ingonges s t r o n g ,

f o r s i t i t h e s from, f r e a n unforcu6;
wade under vrarnbe ond me weg s y l f a
r y h t n e g e r y m . Rinc b i 6 on o f e s t e
s e mec on t h y 6 a f tanweardne,
h l e S mid hrxglc:: hwi lum u t t y h 6
of h o l e h a t n e , h w i l u m e f t f e r e S
on n e a r o nat hvmr; nyde5 swi t h e
s u t h e r n e secg. Saga hwdt i c h a t t e .

1 am hard and sharp, s t r o n g a t going i n , brave a t j o u r n e y s - f o r t h , honorable t o my l o r d ; 1

go under a womb and extend t h e r i g h t way f o r m y s e l f . The warrior i s i n h a s t e , who covers
me up a f t e r w a r d s , the h e r o w i t h c l o t h i n g : a t times [ h e ] draws mme hut out o f t b e h o l e , a t
times again puts [me] i n a narrow I-don't-know-where. The Southern man urges me s t r o n g l y .
Say what I am c a l l e d ,

The formal s o l u t i o n t o t h i s r i d d l e i s e i t h e r a " B o r i n g

t o o l , " or a "Poker . O B e The s u b j e c t o f t h i s r i d d l e wader61

u n d e r wambe o n d [ h i m ] weg s y l f a r y h t n e g e r y m e [ t i I , " [goes 1

u n d e r t h e womb/middle and [ o p e n s ] u p t h e r i g h t way f o r

[himself]." The p r o p o n e n t s of the f i r s t solution construe

t h i s a c t i o n as t h a t of a " b o r i n g t o o l " t h a t "clears for

i t s e l f a path.""However, i t i s n o t c l e a r w h a t t h e "womb/

m i d d l e " a c t u a l l y i s i f a " b o r i n g t o o l " goes u n d e r n e a t h i t .

Tupper p o i n t s nut t h i s problem, stating:

D i e t r i c h ' s f i i - s t s o l u t i o n 'Borer' (XI, 4 7 5 ) , f i t s t.he q u e r y

a t e v e r y p o i n t save one . . .
how t o e x p l a i n nwdi: under

* Variant numbers: Williamson, 60; Grien, 63; Trautmann, 60; Tupper, 63; Wyatt,
62; Mackie, 62; Krapp and Dobbie, 62.

96 Solutions: Tupper, solves the riddle as "poker," Swaen agrees, saying "perhaps
the best answer would be ofen-raca ..
. the modern English would be : an oven-
rake or poker.Vwaen, "Riddle 63 f.60, 621," Neophil, 31 (1947), p. 220. Hackie
and Krapp and Dobbie also accept "poker." Other editors, including Dietrich, Wyatt
and Williamson accept a "boring tool."

'' Williamson, The Old English Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 322.
37
 rnnabe ( 3 a ) , which h a r d l y seem s u i t e d t o ' E o r e r ' or
'Gimlet, ' i m l s s s t h e t a p p i n g of a c a s k or l i k e work b e
d e s c r i b e d ? . . . E e t t e r t h a n e i t h e r of t h e s e is T r a u t m n n ' s
'B~andpfeil'. . . i f by t h i s he m a n s t h e o r d i n a r y ' P o k e r '
or ' F i r e - r o d . ' T h i s ' f a r e s under t h o b e l l y (of t h e oven).98

Williamson d i s a g r e e s , noting here that "a poker might be

h e a r d b u t n o t n e c e s s a r i l y s c e a r p . T h e r e i s n o r e a s o n why a

poker should be d e s c r i b e d as c l e a r i n g f o r itself a path

. . . through a narrow place . . . these descriptions are

mcire s u i t a b l e t o a b o r i n g t o o l . o f some k i n d . " 3 9 W i l l i a m s o n ' s

c o n t e n t i o n i s d e f e n s i b l e h e r e . The d e t a i l s i n T u p p e r ' s

argument d o not c o r r e l a t e w i t h h i s proposed s o l u t i o n . But

W i l l i a m s o n f a i l s t o a d d r e s s t h e e s s e n t i a l and e q u a l l y

justifiable d i f f i c u l t y which caused Tupper t o r e j e c t "Borer"

in the f i r s t place: p r e c i s e l y what wade u n d e r wambe r e f e r s

t o remains unexplained.

There is no dilcmma i f the riddle i s understood a s a

s e x u a l poem. The a t t r i b u t e s g i v e n t o t h e o b j e c t a n d t h e d i -

rection that i t takes indicate that i t is a penis. In the

f i r s t l i n e we a r e t o l d t h a t i t i s "hard and s h a r p . " These

a d j e c t i v e s s u i t t h e c o n d i t i o n of the penis during sex.

Further, t h e s p e c i f i c a t i o n scearp d e s c r i b e s i t s a t t r i b u t e s

c o r r e c t l y s i n c e s c e a r . , ~a l s o m e a n s , "keen, a c t i v e , " and

"effectual," or " p e n e t r a t i n g . " l o 0 WE! a r e a l s o t o l d t h a t the

" Tupper, The Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 202-203.

yy Williamson, The O l d English Riddles of the Exeter Book, p . 322.

loo Bosworth and Toller.

38
object is " s t r o n g " when i t c o m e s t o " i n - g o i n g s ."lo' The

direction that the object takes, " u n d e r t h e womb/'middle," is

l o g i c a l and p r e c i s e i n t h e s i t u a t i o n of s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e .

Last, r y m a n i m p l i e s n o t s o much t h a t t h e o b j e c t " c l e a r s a

path" as that it "extend, spreads, or e n l a r g e s " something

that a l r e a d y e x i s t s . l o 2 Thus, t h e p r o c e d ~ ~ r et ,h i - " e x t e n d i n g , "

and t h e c o u r s e " u n d e r t h e womb t o t h e n c a t - o n a t h w w i t s e l f ,

nut only a r e amenable t o a sexual interpretation, but

demands i t .
The male a c t o r i n t h i s r i d d l e , the sutherne secg, is

a l s o t h e s u b j e c t of d e b a t e . A s Williamson s t a t e s , "it i s not

c l e a r why t h e w i e l d e r of t h e b o r i n g t o o l (or i n t e r m s of

Tupper ' s s o l u t i o n , t h e poker) should be a ' s o u t h e r n man'. "lo3

Williamson o f f e r s t h e p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t "suthernc . . . [in-

d i c a t e s ] somewhat o b l i q u e l y t h e d i r e c t i o n of t h e t h r u s t ."lo4

However, t h e use of " s o u t h e r n " t o i m p l y lower, o r a downward

direction, o r movement from below is very vague. On t h e

o t h e r hand, t h e r e is a more a p p a r e n t c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n

lo' This word is commonly altered to hingonges, which means sinply "departure."

The alteration is made for metrical reasons but, in so doing, the particular
signification - a journey or movement into something - is effectively obscured.
Tupper notes that " ( the1 MS. ingonges seems better suited to the sense of the pas-
sage, but hingonges is demanded by the alliteration. It is thus equated with
."
forthsithes from (1. 21 The Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 203. Wyatt also notes
here that "the h is required for the alliteration; and hingonges is a much better
paraIlel than ingonjes to fortbsithes."Id English Riddles, p. 110. Thus the
"ingoing" travel of this "hardhnd "penetrating"object takes on the appearance
of a rather non-specific excursion, and the sexual implication is rendered much
less effective.

lot Bosworth and Toller.

lo' For more on Tupper's interpretation see Ch. 3, page 50 following.

lo4 Williamson, Old English Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 323.
39
southern geography, warmth, and s e x u a l libido.loe In any

case, it i s c l e a r t h a t t h i s r e f e r e n c e a p p l i e d t o t h e op-

e r a t i o n of m e c h a n i c a l e q u i p m e n t i s somewhat t e n u o u s and

implausible; it i s o n l y i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e s e x u a l c o n t e n t of

t h e poem it h a s a d i r e c t a n d o b v i o u s f u n c t i o n .

* * : I X * X Y :

I n e x a m i n i n g t h e s e x u a l c o n t e n t of t h e s e s i x r i d d l e s i t

i s important t o n o t e t h e common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h e y s h a r e ,

which s u p p o r t o n l y t h e s e x u a l s o l u t i o n . For example, the

m o t i v a t i o n of t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s h e r e i n i s a l w a y s i n t e n s e . In

R i d d l e 2 3 t h e w o m a n ' s a p p r o a c h t o t h e man a n d t h e " o b j e c t "

h e p o s s e s s e s i s d e c i s i v e : she, n e t h e g , " h a s a mind t o " o r

" d a r e s " t o make t h e a d v a n c e ; s h e " r u s h e s , " r z s a n , t h i s " r e d "

object, and " t a k e s , " r e a f i a n , t h e p e n i s "head. "'Oe The

lo' See, for example, Claudius Ptolemy who says that people in "India, Ariana,
Gedrosia, Parthia, Media, Persia, aabylonia, Mesopotamia and Assyria, which are
situated in the south-east of the whole inhabited world . . . are governed by
Venus . . . they are ardent, concupiscent, and inclined to the pleasures of love."
Tetrabiblos 11. 3rd ed., trans. F. E. Robbins (1340; rpt. Cambridge, Mass. and
London: Harvard University Press and William Hinemann, 19711, pp. 139-141.
Diawing frclm such classical sources, Bed? views the body as a "microcosmos" which
reflects the same qualities of the physical world in human passions, "imitating
the nature of the seasons in which they are most powerful. Thus, blood, which
increases in spring, is moist and hot; red cholers, which increase in summer, are
hot and dry," making a direct connection between the warmth of the seasons - and
by implication, geographical climate - and individual's bodily humor. Bede, De
Temporum Ratione, Chap. xxxv: ed. C. W. Jones, Beda Opera de Temporibus (Cambridge,
Mass., 19431 in J. A. Burrow, The Ages of Man: A Study in Medieval Writing and
Thought (Oxford: Clarendon Press, l986), Appendix: Loci Classici, p . 202.
l o bNeped: other shades of this meaning are to "venture," "to have the courage to

do, to dare to do, to be bold, to strive, have a mind to." R~san: "to rush, move
violently or impetu~usly,~ or "to assault, attack," "to rush (into anything)."
Also, "to plunder, rifle, spoil, waste, rob," or "to seize, take as a robber
takes." Bosworth and Toller .
40
activity itself, i t s v i g o r and d e t e r m i n a t i o n , is d i f f i c u l t

t o r e c o n c i l e w i t h t h e fu~.m;!l s o l u t i o n : s u c h e n e r g y d o e s n o t

r e a d i l y a p p l y t o t h e a n t i c i p a t i o n of p r e p a r i n g an onion f o r

dinner.

I n r i d d l e 43, i t i s h a r d t o i m a g i n e " t h e most v i v i d

d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e woman's w o r k of kneading, " t h a t Tupper

The. i m a g e i s " v i v i d " b u t d o e s n o t r e l a t e t o t h e

p r e p a r a t i o n o f b r e a d . When t h e b r y d g r a p o d e " t o u c h C e s 1" t h e

n a t h w z t we a r e t o l d t h a t s h e i s h y g e w l ~ n c . ' B~e~i n g " e l a t e d

i n mind," i s not pertinent t o b a k i n g . T h e way t h e y o u n g man

of R i d d l e 52 r e a c t s t o h i s s i t u a t i o n r e l a t e s t o s e x b e t t e r

than any other endeavor, if f o r no o t h e r r e a s o n t h a n h i s

e a r n e s t n e s s . We a r e t o l d t h a t t h i s man w o r h t e h i s w i l l a n .

The a c t i v i t y d e s c r i b e d is t h u s i n t e n s e enough t o be e x p l a i n -

ed as a process t h a t involves "having one's pleasure" or

" f u l f i l l i n g o n e ' s desire."105 Churning involves no such

p u r p o s e . And, i n R i d d l e 60, t h e f a c t t h a t t h e r i n c bi6 on

ofeste t o act i n d i c a t e s a m a t t e r more i n v o l v i n g t h a n b o r i n g

a h o l e i n s o m e t h i n g . Such e x t r e m e d e s i r e t o act i s i n a p -

p r o p r i a t e t o t h e formal s o l u t i o n s .

A n o t h e r common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s t h e t a c t i l e p r e s e n t a -

t i o n o f e x p e r i e n c e . T h e way s o m e o n e t o u c h e s , or is touched,

lo' Tupper, The Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 177.

lo8 For further discussion of wlonc compounds, see Ch. 3, page 46.

lo9 Bosworth and Toller.

is frequently Also, the "hot" or "narrow"

sensation of entering, the "feeling" of the meeting, are

more appropriate to the sexual experience than to the f o ~ . m a l

solutions.

In general, then, the suggestions imparted through the

l a n g u a g e of these riddles is sexual, a t times e v c ~ c a ive.

t

This language does not support, the not ion of d o u b l e e n t e n d 1 . e

because i t does not "apply equally" to the f o r m a l solution.

Nonetheless, the formal solutions are s o well established

that they are allowed to stand as fact. In his book, The

K a r r i o r 's Way, Stephen Poll ington talks about Anglo-Saxon

habits of dress. At one point in the discussion he comes to

the hesitant conclusion that "keys were worn attached to the

ties of the b r . 2 0 ~ [under-wear

~ 1 i t seems, since one riddle
1 4 2 3 refers to the lifting of the tunic to bring out the

key. ""I Hence the f o r m a l solution is s o unquestioningly

accepted that i t takes the place of archaeological evidence.

The imposition of a secondary, f o ~ ~ r n asolution

l is

probably the result of the displacement of meaning which

follows from the dismissal of a sexual interpretation. In

the absence of a sexual meaning, another must be created

which loosely coincides with the suggested imagery. Thus the

110 Hands, " g r a a p i n g 9 r otherwise, a r e emphasized i n four out of s i x : 25, 45

"hygewlonc hondum", 54, 6 1 .

Pollington explains t h a t bras were "loose woolen drawers, t i e d a t t h e waist

and legs by draw-strings . .. a l l c l a s s e s seem t o have worn t h i s garment." The
Warrior's Way: Enqland i n the Viking Age (London: Blandford Press, 1989), p. 94.
Owen-Crocker a l s o mentions underwear. See Dress i n Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 54,
1 2 3 , and 157.
42
formal o b j e c t - onion, key, d o u g h e t c . - r e p l a c e s t h e

o b v i o u s s e x u a l a p p a r a t u s t o which t h e s e images r e f e r , and

t h e s o l v i n g of t h e r i d d l e a c t u a l l y opposes t h e predominant

d e t a i l s of i t s content. I n t h e p r o c e s s t h e r i d d l e s become

t r i v i a l i z e d and t h e i r i m p o r t a n c e s i g n i f i c a n t l y damaged.

Moreover, their content - which I h a v e found t o be

essentially serious, c o r r c s p o ~ l d i n gm o r e c l o s e l y t o t h e

s u b s t a n c e and themes of p r o v e r b s and p a r a b l e s t h a n t o j o k e s

- is removed f r o m t h e c a n o n of Anglo-Saxon literature,

c l o s i n g t h e door t o a whole body of knowledge t o which t h e

modern r e a d e r h a s n o o t h e r a c c e s s .'Iz

In other areas of resea~chon riddles, the genre has Seen better identified as
being closer to proverbs than to "jokes." Kongas-Miranda states that "a riddle is
an overt question with a covert answer, a proverb is an overt answer to a covert
question," in "The Logic of iliddle~,~ Structural Analysis of Oral Tradition, ed.
Pierre and Ell i Kongas-Maranda (Philadelphia, 19711, p. 130. Also, riddles have
been recently distinguished as "art," primarily. This is the view of W. J.
Pepicello and Thomas A. Green: "In comprehending riddles . . . we encounter a
larger sphere of art. Although riddles utilize an intentional overlap of
~eferentialframes J: derive artful utterances, we discover that they are not
unique in this regard. . . . a similar principle operates in proverbs and in
metaphor. . . . it seems clear that riddles, far from being no more than an
amusing bit of entertainment, are inextricably bound to those most sophisticated
of human systems: language, culture, and azt." The Language of Riddles: New
Perspectives (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 19841, p. 144. Something of
this poetic sensibility has been attributed to those of the Exeter Book riddles
deemed "lyrical," such as "Swann and "Storm." As John F. Adams notes in "The
Anglo-Saxon Riddle as Lyric Hode," Criticism, 7 (1365): V n the Anglo-Saxon riddle
the object is not simply discovered . . . but the knowledge of the object has been
expanded. . . . Something has been changed, enlarged, in the reader's
understanding. Or simply, the ultimate response to the riddle is, like the
response to any poem, an esthetic onen ( p . 336-71. But this "artisticn sensibility
has yet to be bestowed upon the sexual riddles.
43
 Chapter Three: Correlat i ng T h e m e s

The h a l f - d o z e n sexual riddles share characteristic

images and ideas that present v a r i a t i o n s of a rrcognizable

a t t i t u d e towards s e x and s e s u a l conduct. Far from b e i n g

"smut," o r s i m p l y p r e s c r i b i n g t h e b o u n d s 04 m o r a l i t y , these

r i d d l e s suggest an appropriate context for sanctioned sex.

There is, f i r s t of a l l , no c e n s u r e of s e x u a l behavior in

itself. Furthermore, t h e p o r t r a y a l of t h e c h a r a c t e r s who a c t

in the sexual riddles i s positive, and t h e y are models of

c o r r e c t deportment i n a n u n c o n s t r a i n e d and e x e m p l a r y sense.

But, while sexual desive is considered natural, i t must b o t h

s e r v e t h e needs of the individual and c o n f o r m t o t h e demands

of s o c i e t y . Sex i n t h e s e r i d d l e s i n v o l v e s more t h a n a n a c t

in isolation; although the act itself i s private, there are

consequences involving both personal and p u b l i c r e s p o n s i b i l -

i t i e s which t h e r i d d l e s d e s c r i b e . It i s t h e i n t e g r a t i o n of

t h e s e two e l e m e n t s -the p r i v a t e a s p e c t c e n t e r e d on t h e

physical act of s e x , a n d t h e p u b l i c a s p e c t c e n t e r e d on t h e

consequences of that act - w h i c h i s t h e f o c u s of these

riddles.

The p o e t portrays sex a s a natural physical act, but a t

t h e same t i m e t h e p o i n t o f v i e w i s o r t h o d o x s i n c e s e x seems

t o i n v o l v e m a r r i a g e a s a n e c e s s a r y p u b l i c component of

s a n c t ioned s e x u a l behavior. Thus, t h e predictable conse-

i
q u e n c e of s e x - pregnancy, and t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s which form
$
!l, as a result - f o r g e s a b r i d g e b e t ween p r i v a t e a n d p u b l i c
l i f e i n its c r e a t i o n of t h e b a s i c s o c i e t a l u n i t , the family.
44
 The act of sex has two integrated components: the

physical and the psychological. Although the presentat ion of

sex in these riddles is distinctly physical, the psychologi-

cal process nonetheless plays a significant role in estab-

lishing the bonds which tie individuals to one another and

form their place in society. T ~ wishes

P or desires of the

participants are important in two ways: firstly they are

both natural and mutual, and secondly they are espressed by

man and women alike. Thus the basis of the sexual act is

that of a natural desire in both male and female

participants. In Riddle 23, for example, the woman's h y h t e

is referred to, and also her state of mind as m u d w l o n c . And

similarly, in Riddle 43, the woman is h y g e w l o n c . In Riddle

4 2 and 52 attention is focused on the male state of mind and

his actions as the result of his w i l l a n . The a c t of sex in

Riddle 59 occurs because the f r c a n makes a deliberate

request for it: the woman does s w a h i o h a t e n w z s . In these

instances, the poet is pointing out that initial inclina-

t ion, willan, "to will, purpose, think, intend, is an

important part of the process leading up to the act of sex.

The psychological state of the participants as i t is

indicated by these designations seems to be ennobled rather

than "lowered" in any way. For example, as well as "hope,

joyous expectat ion, " the word h y h t e means literally

"height . " l i 4 H y g e w l a n c is "proud, elated in mind," thus

lL3 Willan, Bosworth and Toller.

i n d i c a t i n g a n e l e v a t e d s t a t e o f b e i n g . M o J w l o n c , t o o , is

c l e a r l y d i g n i f i e d , i n d i c a t i n g "[pride], h i g h c ~ u r a g e . " ~To

~ ~

i n t e r p r e t t h i s as " l i c e n t i o u s n e s s " s i m p l y because t h e

c o n t e x t i s s e x u a l i s u n w a r r a n t e d b e c a u s e it i s n a t d i r e c t l y
i n d i c a t e d i n t h e spec i f i c a t i orls . And e v e n t h o u g h t h e

a c t i o n m o v e s q u i c k l y s o m e t i m e s , i t seems c l e a r t h a t t h i n k i n g

is i m p o r t a n t . T h e decision t o , e x e r c i s e t h e w i l l is a

n e c e s s a r y p a r t o f t h e act a n d p r e c e d e s it. T h a t t h i s

d e t e r m i n a t i o n i s shown i n women as w e l l as m e n r u l e s o u t t h e

idea that it is o n l y t h e man's d e s i r e that is important i n

s e x u a l m a t t e r s , o r t h a t t h e woman's c o l l a b o r a t i o n is e i t h e r

simply expected or exacted f r o m her.

"' Bosworth and Toiler.

1 1 5 Bosworth and Toller . Also, Tupper notes the frequency of wlonc compounds. He

says, VsoI, under the same circumstances, the wonan in 26 7 is modwlonc, and in
43 4 wlanc.' No c~iiilusionsare drawn, however. The2iddle.s of the Exeter Book, p.
175.

fl"ee, for example, Williamson's interpretation of the use of wIonc compounds in

Riddle 23 and 4 3 . He gives a "possibleR sexual meaning of "1icentious"in these
instances. The 016 Egglish Riddles of the Exeter Book, note to Riddle 23.7, p.
211. Whitehurst Williams notes here that "wlonc is often glossed as 'proud' or
'haughty,' but in combination with hyge 'mind' or 'dispositionf it seems
particularly appropriate to read it to mean 'elated' or 'exultantf. ..
. the
narrative content of these two poems demonstiates a completely unselfconscious
approach to a sexual situation on the part of the woman." Whitehurst William,
"What's so new about the Sexual Revolution?" p. 43. The :efe:ence to wlanc in t3is
instance might have to do with the woman's high social position as well. According
to M. R. Godden, "~lanc= 'proud, Sold, rich.'" He adds further that "it has
indeed been argued that the fwealthyf sense of wlanc is also a late development in
Old English." an example, he notes "a Latin leqend of the martyrdom of SS Peter
and Paul, in which St. Paul gives an account of his own preaching: "The Latin
leqend has nothing on kings and bishops but begins with St. Paul's account of what
he taught the 'sublimes et devites,' 'mediocres' and 'paupres,' that is, the high-
ranking and the rich, the middling ciasses, and the poor. The legend was
translated into English in the Zickling homily on SS Peter and Paul, and there
'sublimes et divites' is rendered ' wlance and heahpungene, ' probably meaning 'rich
and high-ranking ." In "Money, Power and Morality in Late Anglo-Saxon England, " i n
. .
Anglo-Saxon England IXX, ed Peter Clemoes, et a1 (Carnbridge : Cambridge
University Press, 1931), pp. 5 4 - 5 6 .
46
 The b a s i s i o r t h e c r i t i c a l v i e w of these participants

a s "low" o r , more n i c e l y , " d v w n t o e a r t h " was e s t a b l i s h e d b y

Tapper, but t h e r e a s o n is not i n i t s e l f c l e a r s i n c e t h e r e is

nothing negative about t h e d e s i g n a t i o n s g i v e n t o a n y of the

a c t o r s i n t h e sexual riddles."' In fact, many o f the

s p e c i f i c a t i o n s of t h e a c t o r s a r e p o s i t i v e o n e s . Most of the

f i g u m e s i n t h e s c r i d d l e s a r e of the nobility, and t h e

a r i s t o c r a t i c l a n g u a g e i n r e f e r e n c e t o them has been n o t e d

b e f o r e . A s Harleman-Stewart points out, "there are

s i g n i f i c a n t l y more u p p e r - c l a s s e p i t h e t s than lower.

Though H a r l e m a n - S t e w a r t draws o t h e r conclusions from t h i s

fact, i t i s f a i r t o assume, I think, t h a t u s e of t h i s k i n d

of l a n g u a g e i m p l i e s some m e a s u r e of a s s e n t of the characters

a n d a p p r o v a l of their actions . l t e

D i r e c t r e f e r e n c e s t o men a r e f e w , b u t t h e y a r e t e l l i n g .

I n R i d d l e 2 3 t h e o n l y man who i s m e n t i o n e d i s t h e f a t h e r o f

t h e woman who p e r f o r m s t h e a c t i o n i n t h e poem, t h e ceolVI, a n

appellation that i s s a i d t o i n d i c a t e " l o w c l a s s , " b u t most

often just means "man" w i t h o u t a n y pe j o r a t i v e c o n n o t a t i o n . 1 z 0

lL' It ua5 Tupper who first thought they were all "low." There have been
variations on this theme since, as in Williamon's interpretation of &onc
compounds in footnoto 116 above.

11' Harleman-Stewart, "Double Entendre in the Old English Riddles," p. 48.

11' See her comment below, page 54.

The ceorl is, according to Tupper, a "[man] of humble rank, probably to [a

Ereemanl of the louest class." ks he explains, it "is employed in our riddle as a
synonym for esne Iservant I ( 2 8 8, 16) ." The Riddles o f the Exeter Book, p. 124-
125. However, Bosworth and Toiler give the definition "a freeman of the lowest
class, freeman, countryman," which is non-perjorative, without the direct
connection to "servantn that Tupper makes. According to The Oxford English
47
T h e m a l e a c t o r o f R i d d l e 4 2 i s a w ~ r ,a "man" s i m p l y .

Because of i t s n e u t r a l i t y , , t h i s t e r m cannot c a r r y any

censure. The o t h e r s p e c i f i c a t i o n of t h e male person i n t h i s

r i d d l e i s esne, and even t h i s i s n o t d e r o g a t o r y as i t i s

used h e r e .
Unfavorable not ice i s o f t e n given t o t h e impatient hyse

of R i d d l e 5 2 . T h i s word means " a y o u n g man, a youth."1zz The

o t h e r name g i v e n t o h i m , ha-ystealdmon, i n d i c a t e s h i s "un-

m a r r i e d " s t a t e , l Z 3 a n d p e r h a p s a l s o h i s " v i r g i n i t y . " l Z 4 The

a d j e c t i v e hror i d e n t i f i e s h i m a s " a c t i v e , " "vigorous," or,

a s Bosworth and T o l l e r s u g g e s t , "a s t o u t f*llow." There is

n o t h i n g i n t h i s c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of t h e man t h a t d e v a l u e s

him, or diminishes h i s s t a t u s i n a n y way. T h e p o e t m e r e l y

i n d i c a t e s h i s s t a t e of b e i n g : young and male. But, because

of h i s a c t i o n s h e i s o f t e n viewed by r e a d e r s a s a u t o m a t i c

a n d e v e n a n t a g o n i s t i c in h i s a c t i o n s . 1 Z 6 A s a r e s u l t , t h i s

Dictionary, before 1200 the meaning of "churln is "a male human being, a man; esp.
man as correlative to wife.Vheie are citations of this word "used as a term of
disparagement or contempt; base fellow, villain,"but not until 1300. There is
also a similar citation for the use of "churl11in 1875, "in modern times usually:
rude low-bred fellow." Thus Tupper applies a modern, and irrelevant, sense of the
word ceorl to the male figure in this riddle.

l Z 1 See discussion of the term esne, as it is use5 specificdly in these riddles,

pages 61-63 below.

lZ2 Bosworth and Toller.

Marriage here seems to be viewed as the legitimizing context for sex in this
instance as well since conception and a marriage "feen are both mentioned at the
end of the poem.

12' Bosworth and Toller.

l Z 5 For example, Nelson says that this riddle is among those that "Ipresentl
sexual intercourse in terms of aggressive action." "Old English Riddle 18 (20): A
48
r i d d l e is o f t e n c i t e d as e v i d e n c e t h a t i t (and t h e o t h e r

s e x u a l r i d d l e s u n d e r d i s c u s s i o n h e r e ) a r e on1y c o n c e r n e d

with the simplest k i n d of boorish, male sexual b i - a ~ a d o . l = ~

However, t h e y o u n g man i n q u e s t i o n i s heh;cving q u i t e

n a t u r a l l y f o r a p e r s o n o f h i s a g e i n whom a c e r t a i n d e g r e e

of h a s t e a n d i m p a t i e n c e may b e c o n s i d e r e d t y p i c a l . T h e p o e t

is p r o v i d i n g what might h a v e b.een c o n s i d e r e d a r e a l i s t i c

portrayal of y o u n g men a n d t h e i r d e m e a n o r .IE7 I t does not

necessarily follow, then, that t h i s is intended a s c r i t i c i s m

of t h e young man. H e i s d e s c r i b e d i n t h i s way b e c a u s e o f h i s

age, not because of a n y g e n e r a l i z e d a n d c a l l o u s v i e w o f sex.

Description Of Ai;nbi~~l~ii~e,"
p. 2 3 1 . &e her further comments on page 58,
following.

Whitehc:st Williams says of this riddle, as well 35 42 and 50, that "they deal
predominantly, as their titles suggest, with male prowess and do not add any
notable insights int.:, femine [sic] psychology." "Khat': 5.j ?hiAbout the Sexual
Revolution?" p. 55.

lZ7 3ede, for instance, said, in his De T~mporumRatione, that "red cholers
.
[prevail1 . . in young people ... [they] make people lean (even though they
e a t heartily), swift-footed, bold, irritable, and active." Bede was not revealing
anything particularly new.
Aristotle also noted, regarding 'the nature of the characters of men," that
.,, younj . . . ars ready to 3e:i:e
W L I , ~ acd to cdrry out what they desire. Of the
t a d i : ~ d c i : c s lhri :!,ief!y obey t5cse of sensual pleaiure dnd these they are
m b l e t o control." Rhetoric I!. xi 12. The Art of Rhetoric, trans. by John Henry
Freese (Cambridge, Hass.: Harvard University Press, 194?), p. 247.
Claudius Ptolemy similarly mentions that "[Venusl, taking in charge the third
.
age, that of youth . . begins, as is natural, to inspire . . an activity of .
the seminal passages and to implant an impulse towards the embrace of love. At
this time particularly a kind of frenzy enters the soul, incontinence, desire for
any chance sexual gratification, burning passion, guile, and the blindness of the
."
impetuous lover Tetrabiblos, pp. 443-145. This exonerates the young man in the
riddle because hi; actions are the result of a natural state, that is, his youth.
Note: Some excerpts from Bede's De Temporum Ratione, kristotle's Rhetoric, and
Ptolemy's Tetrabiblos are translated in the Appendix: Loci Classici of J. A.
Burrow, The Ages of Nan: A Study in Medieval Writing and Thought (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1986).
49
 T h e n a m e s g i v e n t o t h e man i n R i d d l e 60 a r e not

unfavorable e i t h e r . H e i s c a l l e d t h e w o m a n ' s holdurn t h p o d n e ,

i d e n t i f y i n g him a s "a g r e a t n a n , a lui-d."125 H e i s a l s o

d e s c r i b e d by t h e a d j e c t i v e h o l d , f o r which Bosworth and

Toller list "faithful, l o y a l , " and "devoted" a s p o s s i b l e

meanings. T h i s t e r m d e n o t e s h i s c o n n e c t i o n t o t h e woman,

i n d i c a t i n g t i e s of l o y a l t y a s -well as a f f e c t ion. By t h e s e

accounts, then, this t h e o d e n i s e s t i m a b l e i n a g e n e r a l way

b e c a u s e of h i s p o s i t i o n a s a " l o r d " and, more p a r t i c u l a r l y ,

h e i s w e l l r e g a r d e d b e c a u s e of his "loyal" relationship with

his wife.

T h e m a l e f i g u r e i n R i d d l e 6 1 i s t h e s u t h e r n e secg whom

Tupper d e r i d e s a s "the actor i n one of t h e obscene r i d d l e s ,

' t h e s o u t h e r n man' [who i s ] o b v i o u s l y i n t h e s a m e c l a s s a s

the 'dark-haired Welsh,' t h e c h u r l s and e s n a s , o f t e n people

of un-English origin, who f i g u r e i n t h e s e f o l k p r o d u c t s

But, in fact, t h e man i s g i v e n a d e s i g n a t i o n o f honor, since

he i s called the object's f r e a , " 1 0 t . d . " ' ~ ~Iie i s a l s o c a l l e d

a r i n c a n d h z l ~ S ,b o t h o f w h i c h a r e a p p r o v i n g r e f e r e n c e s t o

men ."' E s t e e m e d w a r r i o ~ sa r e of t e n g i v e n t h e a p p e l l a t i o n

ieinc, and t h e hei-oic f i g u r e Eeowulf i s c a l l e d a ha?2sb.13"

Bosworth and T o l l e r .

l Z y Tupper, The Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 203. See f o o t n o t e 105 r e g a r d i n g t h e

connect ion between s o u t h e r n and s e x u a l l i b i d o .

130 Eoswarth and T a l l e r .

131 Rinc is a " p o e t i c a l termn a c c o r d i n g t o Bosworth and T o l l e r , and hzled means "a

man, w a r r i o r , hero."
Taken t o g e t h e r , these specifications suggest a character

w o r t h y of r e s p e c t , not mockery. Thus, w h i l e Tupper would

l i k e t o make t h e sutberne secg l e s s t h a n h e i s b e c a u s e of

what h e d o e s - even, and p e r h a p s e s p e c i a l l y , "un-English"

- there i s no t e x t u a l b a s i s f o r d o i n g s o .

C r i t i c s o f t e n f e e l t h a t t h e r e f e r e n c e s t o female

c h a r a c t e r s i n t h e s e r i d d l e s l a c k s e r i o u s n e s s a n d d e p t h of

treatment .I3= In fact, t h e poet evinces a p a r t i c u l a r l y well-

f o c u s s e d a n d o b s e r v a n t p e r s p e c t i v e o f women. But r e a d e r s a n d

c r i t i c s h a v e , f o r t h e i r own r e a s o n s , not always favored t h e

f e m a l e c h a r a c t e r s i n t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s w i t h t h e same

a p p r o v a l shown b y t h e p o e t , o f t e n a p p l y i n g c e n s u r e where

n o n e i s w a r r a n t e d . T h e woman o f R i d d l e 2 3 i s c a l l e d wif

twice, once a t t h e beginning, and a g a i n i n t h e l a s t l i n e .

The retainers in Hrothgarfs hall are called rinc at lines 741 and 745. Haled
is applied to Beowulf at lines 1646 and 1816. Klaeber, Beowulf and the Fight at
Finnsburg.
1 3 3 See for instance, JoAnn McNamara who says that "'The Wife's Lamentf and 'Wulf
and Eadwacert are the only extant Old English poems which focus centrally on
sexual love and treat the theme with depth and seriousness\ The author finds that
"female characters which are merely cursory and mechanicaln are exemplified in
"those in the riddles and the two gnomic poems ." See "Female Characterization in
Old English Poetry and the Growth of Psycholoqical Realism: Genesis B and Christ
1". Neophiloloqus, 63 (19791, p. 596. See also Anne Lingard Klinck, who mentions
"the cursorily type-cast woman of the riddles and H a x i m ~ .Klinck
~ finds that the
women in the sexual riddles are treated as "objects" in "mechanica1"sex: "there
is no more real characterization here than in any other of the riddles. The
obscene riddles give a fairly mechanical account of sexual union . . the figures.
of aristocratic women lend grace to the life of the hall. On a coarser level,
women described by similar epithets are found as sexual objects in the obscene
riddles." "Female Characterization in Old English Poetry"Diss. University of
British Columbia, 1976, p. 240 and 99-100, respectively. Richard Shrader observes
that the "he drunken maid of Riddle 10 (121 is perhaps to be understood as loose,
but otherwise the women of the riddles are depicted good-naturedly as beings no
less sexual than men." He adds, however, that "strong roles such as these are
."
never ideal God's Handiwork: Images of Women in Old English Literature
(Connecticut and London: Greenwood Press, 1983), p. 29.
51
Since nothing can be found wrong with the designation wlf,

readers have been reproachful of cyrtenu . . . ceorles

dohtor, the presumed low status of the ceorl necessarily
reflecting badly on the dohtor who performs the action.ls4
The fact that she is the daughter of a ceorl need not
reflect badly upon her, since there is nothing inherently
offensive about the classif icat ion ceorl. Such an
interpretation ignores the positive reference to the woman

herself in the adjective cyrtenu, which means "beautiful" or

"elegant, " showing her as esteemed, not ridiculed The

final specification given to this woman is wif wundenlocc.
Such observation of the woman's hair seems to compliment her
physical attractiveness. In reference to this riddle Tupper
notes that "the twisted hairs of the fair Judith are twice
mentioned in the Old English poetic version."13' However,
Tupper does not elaborate, or perhaps even not ice, the
implicit connect ion between this woman and the

unquestionably admirable Judith that is drawn here.

The woman in Riddle 43 also is deemed admirable by the

poet. She is a called a bryd, therefore young and married;
she is also a "prince's daughter." These references to
youth, marital relat ionship, and advantageous social

13' Tupper directs us to the "bondi's daughterw who "appears in the Icelandic
riddles (I.G.491." Tupper, The Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 125
Bosworth and Toller.
lY6 Wundenlorc, Jud. lines 77, 103. Tupper, The Riddles of the Exeter Book, p.
125.
52
p i ) s i t ion cannot be construed as even mildly deprecat lng.

Even at its most obvious level of meaning, t l ~ c o d n e sd o h t o r

is a n approving reference, since it ident ifirs this woman as

a member of the nobility.

The two references to the woman in Riddle 60 are also

affirinative ones. She is stipulated first as a f r e o l i c u

woman, an adjective which atte-sts both to her dignity and

her attractiveness since f r e o l i c signifies both "noble" and

"comely. " l J T Secondly, she is called i d e s , a word that means

"woman," and also indicates some elevation of the person to

whom i t is applied .I3"

I t has been said that women in Old English poetry are

reproached for their role as "sexual beings" by the poets

Chemselve~.'~
This
~ view is supported by the observation that

in exactly half of these sexual riddles, 23, 43, and 59, the

woman instigates the encounter."" In the past, the

suitability of positive references to women who play a

sexually active part has been seen as a "problem" or a

13' 3osworth and Tslle:.

lY9 Bosworth and Tolle:.

1 3 9 Pat Belanoft has found that within Old English poetry ia general "criticism is
directed almost solely to women as sexual beings." "The Fall(?) of the Old
English Poetic Image," PMLA 104:5 (October 19891, p. 826. For more on the woman's
role in sex, see page 75.

In these three, it is the woman who "rushes" (Riddle 2 3 ) , who "grips" the
"bonelessnthing (Riddle 431, and who performs the necessary action when she
"[takes] up" the object (Riddle 59). This active role in sex has noted as positive
by Whitehurst Williams, for instance, who remarks that "the woman is indeed
portrayed as a lively participant." This author sees no censure in the portrayal
of these women characters. "What's so new about the Sexual Revolution?" p. 48.
53
paradox, of ten resclved b y interpreting a "contrast" between

"noble" specificat ions of the individuals and the "low"

nature o f their pursuit . For instance, Hnr 1emar1--Stewart

declares that:

The co-occurrence of sexual slang and bawdily

direct imager3 with references to upper-class
pacticipants is curiiius, and hard to interpret.
Does i t signify a s e n s e r 8 f t h e dailiness of life
on every social level? -Or ia i t intended as a
humorous incongruity, perhaps a sat i r ical jab at
the pretensions of the upper classes?141

But, the poems indicate no such sense of incongruity or

impropriety. We may feel a certain paradox because of our

concept ions of females and how they must conduct themselves,

reading conflict into a situation where a person, proclaimed

"lady" by the poet himself, is behaving in a way that is

blatantly sexual. The poet, however, is simply showing

woman who are both estimable and who act of their own

volition in sexual matters. The references and the context

are simply in accord.

Readers, both Victorian and modern, seem to have found

female sexuality difficult to accept. I t has, i t seems

become "normal" f o r female sexuality to be viewed as wrong,

unnatural, and somet imes even dangerous; and critics have

tried unsuccessfully to say that such conduct was

unacceptable to the Anglo-Saxons as we1 I . For instance,

Swaen tries to alter the specification freolicu m e o w l e ,

"free" or "noble-woman," to something less exalted. He

Harleman-Stewart, "Double Entendre in Old English Riddles," p. 49.

54
explains that the phrase should read " 'goodly damscl ' "

because " i t i s in accordance with t h e g i r l ' s behavior. "la"

While "goodly" i s not in itself negative, it is a t i t l e

conspicuvusly l e s s esteemed than t h e o r i g i n a l "noble."

Clearly, S w a e n ' s own s e n s e o f p r o p r i e t y d e t e r m i n e s h i s .

i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of a n Anglo-Sason pocm. There is no

cunfirmatiorl t h a t t h i s k i n d of, d e v a l u a t i o n is at all

warranted. If the point of v i e w i n t h e s e r i d d l e s c a n p r o v i d e

any i n d i c a t i o n , q u i t e t h e o p p o s i t e may h e t r u e . The

"cunflict," if there i s one, may t h u s h e t h e r e a d e r ' s , not

the poet's.

The a c t i o n o f t h e s e r i d d l e s a l s o has been s u b j e c t e d t o

b o t h E d w a ~ d i a na n d m o d e r n e x p l i c a t i o n . On t h e w h o l e , its

f u n c t i o n i s s e e n t o be i n t h e c r e a t i o n of humor. T h i s humor

is sePn i n trio ways. The f i r s t e q u a t e s i t with "joy." For

instance, IIarleman-Stewart remarks that t h e s e r i d d l e s show

s e x a s "a j o y f u l b u s i n e s s , " which e v i n c e s "a f i n e d i s r e g a r d

f o r romance and a n e y e f o r i t s humorous a s p e c t s .""3

Although t h i s p o i n t of v i e w i s t a n t a m o u n t t o the notion that

they are "primarily intended t o amuse," a t least it

a c k n o w l e d g e s some p o s i t i v e a s p e c t of t h e p o e t i c viewpoint .""

However, t h e more " s e r i o u s " c r i t i c a l p e r c e p t i o n s of s e x

a n d s e x u a l humor i n t h i s group of r i d d l e s a r e n e g a t i v e . This

142 ~waen,
rr "Notes to Anglo-Saxon Riddles," p. 11.

143 Harleman-Stewart, "Double Entendre in the Old English Riddles," p. 49.

1 4 4 Hatti Rissanen, "Nathwhzt in the Exeter Book Riddlesw (American Notes and
Queries, 24 (1385-86), p. 113.
55
pc~int o f view is represented by Tupper, who charac:teri zes

them as "smut . " 1 4 b It i s useiul here to note Sigmund Freud's

definition for this term:

We know what is meant by 'snmt': the intentional bringing

into prominence of sexual facts and relations by speech
. . . smut is directed to a particular person, by whom cme
is sexually exited and who, on hearing it, is expected to
becow awdl-e of the speaker's esoi temnt and as a result to
becom a ? x u a l I y exciti.d in turn. Instead of exciten~nt the
other person may he l e d t o ,lee1 shame or embart.assmt;tt,
which is only a reaction against escitemnt and, in a round-
about way, is an admission of it. Smut is thus originally
directed towards w o m n and may be equatad with attenpts a t
seduction. If a m n in the company of men enjoys telling or
listening to smut, the original situation, which owing to
social inhibitions cannot be realized, is at the s a w tim
imagined. A person who laughs at smut that he hears is
laughing as though he were the spectator of an act of sexual
aggressi on.

Thus, the function of "smut," according to Freud, is based

upon an assumed male sexual prerogative. Because Freud

"[equates] this with "seduction" specifically, he implies

that there is violation or aggressive action inherent in

such "humor." What he describes is an essentially indecent

act. Freud's definition gives point to Tupper's vague

references to "dirt" and "smut . " Tupper may well have been

aware of Jokes and t h e i r R e l a t i o n to the U n c o n s c i o u s , and i f

s o then his use of this categorical definition for the

sexual riddles implies more about his perception of them

than he is willing to state directly.

la' Q u o t a t i o n from ? u p p e r ' s "The Comparative Study of Riddles," c o n t a i n i n g t h i s

r e f e r e n c e t o t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s a s %smutn a p p e a r s i n Chapter One, p. 7 .

Sigmund Freud, J o k e s and Their R e l a t i o c t o the Subconscious, James. S t r a c h y

ed. (1905; r p t . New York: W.W. Norton, 1960), p. 97.
 This sense of "smut" is implied still in the reading of

sexual riddles from all cultures, and has affected a n d

shaped the interpretation of them. For instance, Stanley

Brandes quotes Freud, as above, when he attempts to explain

the function and existence of sexual riddles in modern

Andalusia. Basing his analysis an Freud, as above, he says

that "prrt.ended o b s c ~ n eriddles enable men, in essence, to

expose their genitals verbally. . . . in its mild form, i t

is a means of flirtation, when carried to excess, a form of

verbal rape. ""? Hence, from this critical perspective,

sesual riddles are essentially an expression of male

aggression. Whether "mild" or "excessive, " i t has become

part of their vsry definition that they are perpetrated on

women, and have to with exhibit ionism, sexual domination,

and violence.

This idea seems to inform much of t h c serious consider-

ation of sex in the Exeter Book riddles as well. I t seems

that Freud's precepts, and Tupper 's imp1 i ci t acceptance of

them, are hard to dislodge. This perception often shows

itself in the way that readers construct the sesual act ion

to reflect issues of domination and power struggle, active

against passive. This idea of passive female figures is in

- itself a curious assumption to make, since women in these

sexual riddles are certainly not submissive or suffering.

Yet sex in these riddles is sometimes rendered as something

14' Stanley Brandes, Hetaphors of Masculinity: Sex and Status in Andalusian

Folklore. Publications of the American Folklore Society, N.S., Vol. 1, ed. Marta
Weiqle (Pensylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press, l968), p. 135.
57
 v e r y c l o s e t o a s s a u l t upon t h e m . Where i t i s d i s c u s s e d by

cr i t ics, v e r y p e c u l i a r compar i s o n s a r e made, particularly

hctwcen male a g g r e s s i o n and s e x , o n a b a s i s w h i c h seems t o

r e n d e r them o n e a n d t hc same. M a r i e N e l s o n ' s comments

espress this view. She m a k e s n o t e of "riddles that [present]

s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e i n t e r m s of a g g r e s s i v e a c t i o n " and s h e

l i s t s the following riddles a s belonging t o that category:

The R i d d l e 60 s p e a k e r , f o r esarrple, a ' b o r e r ' o r ' b o r i n g

t o o l ' d e s c r i b e s h i m s e l f i n terms of h a r d n e s s and s t r e n g t h i n
ingong; t h e young man of R i d d l e 62 (54) who approaches t h e
' c h u r n ' (woman) i s s t r o n g e r t h a n s h e , but he t i r e s and grows
weary of a 'work' t h a t i s p r e s e n t e d i n terms of s t r u g g l e ;
and t h e ' o n i o n ' s p e a k e r of R i d d l e 23 t e l l s about a woman who
' r o b s [ h i s ] h e a d ' and ' j o i n s / f i x e s [him] i n ~ o n f i n e m n t . ' ~ ' ~

Williamson t a k e s a s i m i l a r view of t h e e x p r e s s i o n of

sexuality in these riddles. He s a y s t h a t R i d d l e 52, for

instance, i s "slightly surreal in i t s ravishing treatment of

t h e p a s s i v e woman in the corner. . . . T h e y o u n g man r e t u r n s

i n l i n e 7, not t o power but as object in a female fantasy

. . . . t h e man i s a s e r v a n t . " 1 4 b F r o m t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e , sex

i s e q u a t e d w i t h c o n f l i c t . When o n e p a r t i c i p a n t i s in

control, the other i s not; when t h e f i r s t s h o w s w e a k n e s s ,

the other dominates.

This point of view, however, i s a d i s t o r t i o n of the

s e x u a l r i d d l e s of t h e Eseter Book a n d c a n n o t b e a p p l i e d t o

. them. Sex a s it i s presented h e r e is not a simple interplay

of a c t i v e and p a s s i v e , nor is i t a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of t h e

"'Nelson, "Old English Riddle 18 ( 2 0 ) : A Description O f Ambivalence," p. 298.

14' Williamson, A Feast of Creatures: Anglo-Saxon Riddle Songs, p. 178.

58
misuse of male p o w e r . Similarities, correspondences, and

that which is shared between men and women define the sexual

relationship. In sex, the separat ion between male and female

is not magnified, but rather, i t becomes less definite. From

the natural and balanced participation of both parties,

t h e i 9 e emerges an r g u i t y of powar rather than a polarization

of it. Male and female roles b,ecome indistinct during sex.

This is evident both in the way that ses is described, and

in the way the participants themselves are defined.

In describing the act of sex, the poet necessarily

makes frequent reference to the human body. The language

applied here is suggest ive rather than strictly anatomic,

and i t is generally n o t differentiated by gender. That is,

men and women are defined by the same images and, in some

cases, the same language. For instance, the last line of

Riddle 25 contains the very suggestive "wet eye, " and we are

not told to which participant, male or female, the image

applies. I t is entirely possible to read i t either way.'6o

The reference to a "hole" in Riddle 42 functions similarly:

at the beginning o f the poem, i t is applied to the male

150 This line is translated as both "he: eye," "his eye," and "that eye," because
the text allows for either male or female izferent or is simply meant to be
ambiguous. Baum translates it as "that eye" in Anglo Saxon Riddles of The Exeter
Book, p. 57; and Swaen translates it as "the eye," in "Notes to Anglo-Saxon
Riddles," p. 12; as does James E. Anderson, in Two Literary Riddles in the Exeter
Book: Riddle 1 and the Easter Riddle, pp. 6-7; and Frank H. Whitman, in Old
English Riddles, p. 180-1. The following readers all translate it as "her eye":
Alexander, in Old English Riddles from the Exeter Book, p. 27; Williamson, in A
Feast of Creatures: Anglo-Saxon Riddle Songs, p. 83; Crossley-Holland, in The
Anglo-Saxon World, p. 216; and Whitehurst Williams, in "What's so new about the
Sexual Revolution?" p. 48. However Harleman-Stewart reads it as a reference to
the man. She explains that "it is a pun on the 'eye' of the phallus and the
woman's eye." 'Double Entendre in the Old English Riddles," p. 46.
59
 actor, used t o d e s c r i b e h i s "hanging-thing," w h i c h has a

t h y r e l or "hole" in front. Later, h o ; ~r e f e r s t o t h e f e m a l e :

it i s t h e "known h o l e " t h a t t h e man w i l l "greet" with h i s

"hanging thing." I n R i d d l e 43, t h e n a t h w z t t h a t t h e woman

" g r i p s on" i s the penis, as i s a l s o t h e " s t i f f " n a t h w z t of

R i d d l e 52, w i t h w h i c h t h e man " p u s h e s u n d e r [the] girdle."

But i n R i d d l e 60, the very similar t e r m nathwzr is used t o

indicate the vagina. T h u s a nathw,rt/nathw:tar can r e f e r t o a

woman's v a g i n a o r a m a n ' s penis; t h e s e terms a r e not

r e s t r i c t e d t o e i t h e r t h e male or t h e female.

These words o p e r a t e a s s e x u a l s l a n g i n t h e r i d d l e s ,

s i n c e t h e y c o n s t i t u t e a v o c a b u l a r y which i s not s t r i c t l y

anatomical, b u t which is understood t o p e r t a i n d i r e c t l y l o

s e x . T h e r e is no c o m p a r i s o n b e t w e e n t h e s e words and modern

s e x u a l s l a n g . R e f e r e n c e s t o s e x u a l anatomy have become, in

our time, e x c l u s i v e t o one gender o r t h e o t h e r . Moreover,

o x c l u s i on h a s b e c o m e d i v i s i v e n e s s . Modern s e x u a l s l a n g w h i c h

r e f e r s t o t h e human b o d y - especially t h e female body - is

now e q u i v a l e n t t o abuse. This indicates, among o t h e r t h i n g s ,

that o u r own a t t i t u d e s t o w a r d s s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s may w e l l

involve aggression, and r e n d e r t h e o p p o s i t e s e x ( p a r t i c u l a r -

l y women) a s " o t h e r " - t h a t is, a l i e n a t e d and d i f f e r e n t

e s p e c i a l l y i n m a t t e r s o f s e x . 1 6 ' The l a n g u a g e i n t h e E s e t e r

151 Casey Miller and Kate Swift, in Words and k'omen, note modern "other" words for
sexuaI body parts d i f f e r from the O.E. in two ways: i t seems that modern sexual
slang i s divisive a s well a s insulting. They refer to R u t h Todasco's book, An
I n t e l l i g e n t Woman's Guide to Dirty Words, which, they say, " l i s t s terms for parts
of the body which become, by transference, words for women themselvesn (p. 115),
and go on t o s t a t e , n[wlords used t o i n s u l t men d i f f e r in several ways from those
60
Book Riddles, however, has t h e opposite effect : h r ~ la n d

nathw,rf,/nathwm. can apply t o men or women, and are c l e ~ r l y

not insult ing references to t h e persons who possess them.

T h e designations of the male figure may at first seem

paradoxical. The male actor is sometimes given the

designation "lord," a specification which implies control

and a nwasure of power. However, in two of these sexual

riddles, this s a n w man is a l s o called e s n e , a "servant ."1e2

I n Riddle 42, the f r e a n ' s penis is concealed under his lap,

yet an esne reveals i t . This contrast occurs also in Riddle

52, where the "young man" is called a "useful thane" in the

act ion he performs, a term that denotes some rank and

position, but in the next line he is e s n e . This apparent

paradox is sometimes resolved either by dilut ing the meaning

of esne to fhe less specific man, or by deciding that the

poet must actually h e talking ahout two different people.

For instance, in Riddle 42, Tupper restricts the meaning of

esne, remarking that " ' e s n e ' has here not the meaning of

'servant, ' but the more general sense of 'man.' I t . . .

used to insult women. In the first place, there are not as many. . . . Slanq te:ris
for the testes are sometimes used as negative or disapproving exclamations, but
one such tern is a common synonym for courage and toughness, as in the bumper
sticker slogan, 'It takes leather balls to play soccer.' No such positive
connotations attach to prick, but even this word does not convey the absolute
scorn of slit, slot, snatch, and gash. Cunt, when used contemptuously of either a
woman or a man, is consummate abuseR (p. 117). Miller and Swift also make note of .
Ruth Hartley's comments in Sex Role Pressures (p. 4 6 2 ) on divisiveness between the
sexes: "One remembers psychologist Ruth Hartley's observation that for many boys
growing up in America, 'the scramble' to escape the 'womanly' things they must not
be 'takes on all the aspects oE panic, and the outward semblance of non-femininity
is achieved at a tremendous cost of anxiety and self-alienation" (p. 118). Words
and Women (Garden City, New York: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 19761.

152 Bosworth and Toller.

61
r e f e r s s i m p l y t o man o r y o u t h in the coarse

Swaen comments s i m i l a r l y t h a t it " i s not necessary t o a t t a c h

a p a r t i c u l a r meaning t o esne . . . i t i s simply a r e p e t i t i o n

of wer . . . t h e word i s o f t e n used a s a t r a n s l a t i o n of

L a t i n J u v e n i s , a y o u n g man, a s e n s e which s u i t s t h e

context ."164 Of R i d d l e 5 2 , specifically, Tupper e x p l a i n s t h e

tillic esne " i s h e r e t h e s e r v a n t o f t h e g n (1.7)."168 Both of

these explanations a r e problematic: t h e r e i s no r e a s o n t o

assume t h a t t h e p o e t i s t a l k i n g a b o u t t w o s e p a r a t e men. I n

R i d d l e 52, t h e s u d d e n a p p e a r a n c e of a s e r v a n t a t a c r i t i c a l

moment i n t h e a c t i o n is h i g h l y u n l i k e l y . The same t h i n g

happens i n R i d d l e 42, but no one s u g g e s t s t h a t the "lord"

has a "servant" l i f t h i s s k i r t s f o r him p r i o r t o s e x .

Contrary t o Swaen's p o i n t of view, t h e r e may b e f u r t h e r

r e a s o n t o " a t t a c h a p a r t i c u l a r m e a n i n g t o esne." The p o i n t

a t which t h e d e s i g n a t i o n esne a p p e a r s i s t h e same i n b o t h of

these riddles. The male a c t o r of R i d d l e 42 i s frean before

his intent i s made known, and b e f o r e any a c t i o n t a k e s p l a c e ,

yet a s soon a s he r e v e a l s h i s i n t e n t , he i s called

"servant ." I n R i d d l e 5 2 , w h e n t h e y o u n g man h a s " w o r k e d h i s

will," h e I s i n t h e p o s i t i o n of "good s e r v a n t " r a t h e r than

thegn, a s h e was p r i o r t o t h e a c t . The pos i t i o n of the

female p a r t i c i p a n t , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , remains f a i r l y

15' Tupper, The Riddles o f t h e Exeter Book, p. 116.

lY4 Swaen, "Notes t o Anglo-Saxon Riddles," p. 148.

lY5 Tupper, The Riddles o f t h e Exeter Book, p . 188.

62
cunst.arit. The woman of Riddle 25 is called w i f in the first

line and also in the last. The designations b r y d and

t h e o d n e s d o h t o r which occur in Riddle 43 do not indicate any

shift in the view o f the woman, nor do the specifications

f r e o l i c u m e o w l e and ides in Riddle 59. This may be an

indication that the man must concede something to the woman

in a sexual relationship.

The contrast between l o r d and e s n e s e e m s to b e an

intended juxtapos i t ion, perhaps explaining something of the

nature of passion, its fulfillment, and the relative

position of the man who cares t u exercise it. Before any

sexual action occurs, the man is in control because

thoughts, sexual or not, are completely private and involve

no one else. The designations of the male figure as f r s a n

reflect this state. Once committed to the act, however, i t

is evident in the specification e s n e that he is no longer

entirely in charge. In as much as this juxtaposition

indicates a loss of control to another force or person i t

also implies a lack of domination, a balancing of control.

This indication of an imperative shift in position is

inherent in sexual behavior, a shift where one forgoes, and

indeed cannot have, complete control because one has In-

volved someone else. This involvement necessarily allows

females control as well, since their "will" also comes into

Instead of showing s e x as consolidation of an

established power structure, the s e x act in these poems

63
e v i n c e s a k i n d o f d i s s o l u t i o n of s u c h hegemony. Through t h e

s p e c i f I c a t i o n s of t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s and t h e a c t i o n s t h e y

p e r f o r m , d i v i s i o n s b e t w e e n men a n d women b e c o m e l e s s

d i s t i n c t , n o t more p r o n o u n c e d . I t may b e d i f f i c u l t f o r

modern r e a d e r s t o r e c o g n i z e t h i s p r o c e s s of e q u a l i z a t i o n a n d

d i s s o l u t i o n of s e l f , s i n c e a m o d e r n v i e w of "romantic" love

a n d m a r r i a g e t e n d s t o a s s u m e a n e n t r e n c h m e n t of t h e a l r e a d y

u n e q u a l power s t r u c t u r e . 1 8 ' Our own p o s i t i o n h a s t h u s

e n g e n d e r e d a somewhat s l a n t e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h e s e poems,

o n e t h a t is l a r g e l y s e l f - r e f l e c t i v e , i l l u m i n a t i n g a s p e c t s of

o u r own c o n c e r n s v e r y w e l l , but adding l i t t l e t o our

u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e s e poems o r o f t h e p e o p l e who w r o t e

them.

The m o r a l i t y e v i d e n t i n t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s d o e s n o t

p l a c e t h e same k i n d of c e n s u r e o r s t r i c t u r e upon s e x u a l i t y

which e x i s t s t o d a y , p a r t l y b e c a u s e i t s b a s i s seems t o have

been regarded a s n a t u r a l .lS7 While "earthy" language i n t h e

See, for example, Hichele Barale's perspective on modern "romanticn

relationships; she makes this point very clearly: "What is achieved is a gendered
power and importance. The institutions where love has primary power and value -
marriage and the family - are gendered and therefore inherently unequal. Thus the
very goal of romantic love cannot'be attained because the structures in which it
is to be achieved and enacted are built upon male dominance and female submission
. . . within a patriarchal structure, the bearer of the phallus - whether real or
symbolic - is the dominator." Daughters and Lovers: The Life and Writing of Mary
Webb (Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 1986), pp. 10-11.
References to nature often reveal themselves in indirect names for sexual body
parts. In Riddle 23, the speaker describes his attributes with references that
could apply equally well to the landscape as to a man: a stathol is often
something in the earth, or refers to some part of it, such as "the base of a
pillarn or Yrunk of a treen (Bosworth and Toller). In Riddle 42, the designation
sceate or n l a p Y s often given to ground cover (for example, eorthan sceatan,
Exon. Th. 359, 26; Pa. 68., in Bosworth and Toller), as are also the terms stede,
which can refer to a geographical place (Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: Anno. 449: He
64
sexual riddles does not i n d i c a t e one-to-one correlations

b e t w e e n humans a n d s p e c i f i c o b j e c t s f r o m n a t u r e , it does

suggest a generalized connection, which i n d i c a t e s t h a t s e x

pertains t o nature, and t o n a t u r a l impulses.

A l t h o u g h a c t i n g o n t h e s e i m p u l s e s may b e n a t u r a l , it

does not c o n s t i t u t e moral b e h a v i o r . In the sexual riddles,

t h e p o e t shows t h a t n a t u r a l s e x u a l i m p u l s e becomes m o r a l b y

b e i n g t a k e n up i n t o t h e c i v i l i z e d world. A s a mark of t h i s ,

t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s a l l a p p e a r t o be s e t i n d o o r s , and t h e r e

a r e no d i r e c t r e f e r e n c e s t o t h e o u t - o f - d o o r s in relation t o

s e x u a l a c t i v i t y . Where s e t t i n g i s m e n t i o n e d , t h e l o c a t i o n is

i n wincle, w h i c h i s "a c o r n e r . " T h i s may a l s o s u g g e s t t h e

c o n t a i n m e n t of t h e c i v i l i z e d w o r l d i n t h e p e r i m e t e r s of

t o w n s a n d v i l l a g e s s i n c e " t h e word is f o u n d i n p l a c e -

names. "lbe T h i s i d e a of c o n t a i n m e n t is most c l e a r l y

i l l u s t r a t e d i n R i d d l e 2 3 . The l o c a t i o n of t h e a c t i o n i s i n

t h e town, b e c a u s e we a r e t o l d s p e c i f i c a l l y o f neahbuendum

and b u r g s i t t e n d r a . Although t h e c h a r a c t e r s i n t h i s r i d d l e

a r e engaging i n a n a t u r a l a c t , they do s o inside the

p e r i m e t e r s of c i v i l i z e d l i f e , l i t e r a l l y w i t h i n t h e w a l l s of

human s o c i e t y . T h u s , a l t h o u g h t h e s e r i d d l e s evoke t h e world

of n a t u r e , t h e y a l s o s t r o n g l y s u g g e s t c o n f i n e s of t h e

cwomon t o Brytene on than stede the i s genemned Heopwines f l e o t ) , and hol, nhole,R
which may refer to the earth ( f o x a s habbath holu, Mt. Kimbl. 8 20: Lk. Skt. 9,
58). In Riddle 60, the penis is described as "hardR and nsharpn, and thus somewhat
elemental, and the hol where he ventures is suggestive of earth. And, the
reference to direction in the specification sutherne secg suggests travel over a
landscape.

150 Bosworth and Toller.

65
behavior: here, the actors are derided, and t h e two a n i m a l s

a r e rebuked not b e c a u s e of what they a r e doing but rather

because they a r e doing i t i n a manner that violates the

e s s e n t i a l l y p r i v a t e n a t u r e of the act. In t h e opening l i n e s

t h e p o e t t e l l s u s e x a c t l y what is t.aking p l a c e : two b i r d s

are having s e x i n t h e open. Seth Lerer, a recent e x a m i n e r of

t h i s poem, suggests that this "barnyard" a c t i v i t y has l i t t l e

t o do with the r e a l subject of the riddle. He maintains

that:

I t s primary i n t e r e s t . . . Is interpretation i t s e l f , as its

s t r u c t u r e and m a n i n g r e d i r e c t t h e r e a d a c ' s a t t e n t i o n a m y
from t h e o s t e n s i b l e b a r n y a r d s s l u t i o n tormrds t h e p r o c e s s of
r e a d i n g and w r i t i n g which mark t h e l i t e r a t e u n d e r s t a n d i n g of
t h e world. . . . R i d d l e 4 2 i n v i t e s i t s r e a d e r t o a p -
p r e c i a t e i t s own ' v e r b a l d e x t e r i t y , ' t o attend
l e s s t o i t s mundane s o l u t i o n a n d more t o i t s l i t -
e r a r y a r t istry.181

Thus, according t o Lerer, t h e m e a n i n g of t h e poem c o n c e r n s

"interpretation itself," and t h e s?sual significance has

been e f f e c t i v e l y i n t e r p r e t e d o u t . However, t h i s poem is

p r i m a r i l y about sexual behavior. I t shows wrong a c t i o n i n

sexual matters i n which t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s flaunt civilized

convent ions. This i m m o r a l i t y i s m a d e o b v i o u s b y c o n t r a s t t o

t h e p o s i t i v e examples of behavior in the sexual riddles.

1 6 1 Seth Lerer, 'The Riddle and the Book: Exeter Book Riddle 4 2 and its Contexts,"

in Papers on Language and Literature, 25:l (Winter 1989), pp. 4 h 16. He says
further that "For all its apparent focus on the barnyard, Riddle 4 2 remains a poem
of the school, and in its witty display of literary tropes and literate
conventions, it demonstrated the possibility for written, vernacular poetry to
ente~tainand instruct. Within its brief compass lies an education in the arts of
reading and a model for its potential, playful subversion" p. 18.
67
 The Cock and t h e Hen a r e descr ibed as i f they might in

fact be people insteaci of animals. They engage in h m ~ e d l a c ,

a term reserved for sexual interaction between human

And, the female has "clothes" and "locks" instead

of feathers. In his study on "animal" language applied to

humans, Edmund Leach points nut that "the fact that birds

and beasts are warm-blooded and that they engage in sexual

intercourse in a 'normal' way makes them to some extent akin

to man."183 Thus, i t may be that these participants are

described as i f they might be human s o that the poet can

comment indirectly on sexual mores among people. Their

presentation as not human is important as well, because i t

shows sex in nature without the tempering effects of

civilization as obviously inappropriate, and literally

animalistic.

The two birds evince an improper lack of consideration

for privacy and concealment. Their exposure is complete and

therefore indecent. I t violates the civilized ideas about

when and where sex should take place. The cock and hen

engage in sexual activity out of doors as a mark of their

impropriety, unlike the human actors in the sexual riddles,

who are never placed in this way. The term undearnunga, "un-

. secret," which the poet uses to describe the act ion, is in

l S 2 With the exception of this riddle and a personified sword in Riddle 20, all of
the definitions for haeqed in Bosworth and Toller indicate human referents.

l S 3 Edmund Leach, "Anthropological Aspects of Language: Animal Categories and

Verbal Abuse," in New Directions i n the Study of Language (Boston, Mass: MIT
Press, 19641, p. 37, 42.
68
 itself s i g n i f i c a n t . The image of secrecy i s implied a l s o i n

t h e p o e t ' s e s p l a n a t i o n of t h e w h o l e poem a s a n e x p o s i t i o n

and "unlocking [ o f ] bonds" of something t h a t is usually

h e o r t a n b e w i g e n e "covered up," now o p e n l y d i s p l a y e d mid u s .

T h e t h e m e o f s e c r e c y i s r e i t e r a t e d when t h e p o e t a g a i n d e e m s

t h e whole s c e n a r i o undyrne, "un-secret." This indiscretion

i s r e a s o n enough f o r t h e p o e t ' s judgement of the

participants in the final line: t h e y a r e heanmode t w a , "low-

minded." Sex i s n o t condemned i n t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s , even

when i t i s much m o r e e x p l i c i t t h a n t h i s . I t seems,

therefore, that i t i s t h i s open d i s p l a y , undyrne, that is

f i n a l l y deemed " l o w m i n d e d . "

The p o e t i s a l s o a b l e t o r e l a t e ideas about sexual

propriety through images of clothing in the sexual riddles.

The p o e t u s e s c l o t h e s t o mark t h e p r o g r e s s i o n or p r o c e s s of

moving f r o m t h e p r i v a t e t o w a r d s t h e p u b l i c , which i s e v i d e n t

i n r e a d i n g t h e s e poems. In four out of the half-dozen sexual

riddles, r e f e r e n c e t o hragl o c c u r s . It is used of t h e Lord

i n R i d d l e 42; of t h e theodnes dohfor, i n R i d d l e 43; of the

y o u n g man i n R i d d l e 5 2 ; and of t h e s u t h c r n e secg, in Riddle

60. The s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f c l o t h i n g h a s b e e n o b s e r v e d b e f o r e ,

but i t s f u n c t i o n has been u n d e r r a t e d . I t was n o t i c e d b y

- Tupper, though he drew no c o n c l u s i o n s from i t .Ia4 More

l e 4Perhaps he found it too commonp1,ace an item to discuss in any detail. He

comments on Trautmann's observation of the man's hrzgl in Riddle 4 4 , remarking
that "Trautmann makes the rather obvious comment ..
. that it must have been very
customary for men in Anglo-Saxon times to wear long garments (see Rid. 55, 3-4).
The fashion is illustrated by scores of pictures in every illuminated manuscript."
Tupper, The Riddles o f the Exeter Book, p. 176.
69
recently, Stewart has s u g g e s t e d t h a t hrzgl i s "a s i g n a l of

t h e imminence of intercourse, t h e l i f t i n g of t h e g a r m e n t s

c o n s t i t u t i n g a p r e l u d e t o t h e act."1B8 While t h i s i s no doubt

true, t h i s image h a s o t h e r fuilctions as well, having t o do

w i t h t h e a r i s t o c r a t i c n a t u r e of t h e c h a r a c t e r s themselves,

and w i t h t h e i n e v i t a b l e p r o c e s s of d i s c l o s u r e t h a t is

involved i n sex.

Whi t e h u r s t Wi 11 i a m s n o t e s a c o r r e s p o n d e n c e b e t w e e n t h e

p o e t ' s u s e of h r x g l a n d t h e s t a t u s of t h e wearers a s

"royal ." ffrag-1, she says, i s " r e g u l a r l y used i n connection

w i t h e c c l e s i a s t i c a l vestments and r o y a l raiment, very often

i n a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h jewels a n d o r n a m e n t a t i o n . . . [It1

m a i n t a i n s a t o n e o f d i g n i t y h n d c h a r m . " 1 e B T h o u g h Jkrreyl i s

not reserved for very f i n e c l o t h e s exclusively,1s7 Whitehurst

W i l l i a m s may b e c o r r e c t h e r e i n m a k i n g a c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n

the characters' c l o t h i n g a n d t h e i r c l a s s . 1 e a P e r h a p s more

Stewart, "Double Entendre in the Old English Riddles,". 47.

Whitehurst Williams, "What's so new about the Sexual Revoluti~n?~p. 50.

lC' Bosworth and TJ!!EI.
In these riddles it appears that the participants wear layers of clothing. The
word hiagl itself is often used to denote an entire set of clothes as opposed to a
single item, which was, in fact, the custom of the Anglo-Saxon aristocracy
(Bosworth and Toller, and also Owen-Crocker). As Owen-Crocker points out, "In some
cases it appears that the wide sleeved garment was worn beneath the draped one,
while close fitting inner sleeves indicate yet another garment beneath" (p. 139).
Further, in artistic rendering, this was sometimes exaggerated if the artist
wanted to suggest luxurious garb, and thus enhance the status of the wearer: "An
artist wishing to suggest elaborate dress was more likely to do so by adding an
extra layer to the women's garmentsw (p. 147). The author also points out, though,
that this proliferation of garments may not have been realistic. Hence, the layers
of clothing function in part as an expression of aristocratic standing.
importantly, however, dress is also used to imply

disclosure. In connection with men especially, clothes, and

what happens "under clothes, " evokes the idea of sexual

desire as something which is usually kept covered, but which

may b e revealed, if t h e person in quest ion cares to d o so.

In Riddle 42, the man lifts h f s a g e n h r p g l prior t o sex. In

Riddle 60, the man " c ~ u v e r s " the n a f h w z t up "afterwards" with

hrzgl, which is h w i l u n ~revealed and concealed by turns. For

the male figures in these riddles, i t indicates a point of

commitment to the sexual act that comes between thinking and

doing.leS

The association of the image of clothing with women is

different. Here, i t indicates the particularly female

consequences of sex. I t is used to evoke the public

revelation of pregnancy. For example, in Riddle 43 the poet

tells us that the woman has something under h r a l that will

grow, suggesting conception. Thus, through reference to her

clothes, the woman's sexual involvement is revealed; since

conception is always made plain sooner or later, what has

L 6 9 Tupper e x p l a i n s t h e c l o t h e s i n Riddle 52, t h u s : t h e f i r e - r o d , "held by t h e

man's garment ( o n account of t h e h e a t ) , is pushed v i o l e n t l y i n t o t h e f i r e , and is
drawn out ' h o t from t h e h o l e . '" Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 202. Williamson
r a t h e r t h i n k s t h a t i t is not a r e f e r e n c e t o a garment a t a l l , s t a t i n g t h a t t h e
hragl could " j u s t a s e a s i l y r e f e r t o a p i e c e of c l o t h used t o handle t h e h o t b i t
o r end of t h e b o r i n g t o o l . " He does admit, however, t h a t t h e word is most
a p p r o p r i a t e t o t h e s e x u a l meaning of t h e poem. The Old English Riddles of the
Exeter Book, p. 3 2 2 . Swaen c o n s i d e r s t h e s o l u t i o n of t h i s r i d d l e t o be "Baker's
Boy and Oven," and he r i g h t l y wonders a t t h e presence oE such a r e f e r e n c e t o t h e
man's c l o t h i n g : "haled mid hragle is less c l e a r : why should h i s wearing a d r e s s be
s t r e s s e d ? Does i t d e n o t e t h e b a k e r ' s o r t h e cook's p r o f e s s i o n a l d r e s s ? " "Riddle 6 3
(60, 6 2 ) , " p. 2 2 0 . Even though a l l t h r e e of t h e s e r e a d e r s have d i f f e r e n t
" s o l u t i o n s n f o r t h i s same r i d d l e , t h e r e f e r e n c e t o hragl cannot be accounted f o r
i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e formal s o l u t i o n i n a n e n t i r e l y convincing manner i n each c a s e .
71
been secret or private will ultimately bccornc known or

public. In Riddle 52, we are told that something "grows"

under the woman's g y t ' d e l s after the sex act. And so, this

image marks the division between private and public, also

indicating the close association of the two. What is

conceived in secret must, at some point, becume a public

concern; and what might be cons idered e s c l u s i v ~ l ypr ivate

has partially to d o with societal interests. Even the very

public act of making a poem out of what we may regard as

purely private experience indicates that sexuality is, at

1t:ast in part, a public matter.

Evcn though both actors are free to express sexual

desire, they are not at liberty to do exactly as they

please. Thsre are 1 imitations, responsibilities, and

consequences which are made evident in the sexual poems.

These limitations are different for men and women: for men,

the restriction is the obligation to restrict sexual

passions; for women, the consequence is determined more by

biology, having to with the fact of conception and birth.

Indication of constraint for women manifests itself in the

various representations of conception that are either hinted

at, or made quite plain. These constraints are inherent for

women, and they are the only restrictions that the poet

mentions in relation to them.

The image of confinement is common to the sexual rid-

dles and applies only to men - women never appear to be

literally "restricted." In Riddle 23, the male object tells

 u s t h a t t h e woman n e a r m 8 , o r "confines" him. I n R i d d l e 59,

the penis i s c o n • ’i n e d t o a nPai.n p l a c e . And i n R i d d l e 6 0 ,

the object ventures i n t o a nearo n a t h w h a r . Clearly t h i s

imp1 i e s i n t e r c o u r s e , t h e v a g i n a n a r r o w i n g and c o n f i n i n g t h e

penis. B u t t h e c o n f i n e m e n t may a l s o b e f i g u r a t i v e , referring

t o societal restraint i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e proper r e s t r i c t i o n

of male s e x u a l p a s s i o n . Because t h e poet u s u a l l y i n d i c a t e s

t h a t he is t a l k i n g about marital r e l a t i o n s h i p s , i t may b e

t h a t m a r r i a g e i s s e e n a s a n e c e s s a r y l i m i t a t i o n upon m e n :

s i n c e t h e male h a s no b i o l o g i c a l c o n s t r a i n t s p u t upon him by

n a t u r e a s d o women i n p r e g n a n c y , a n imposed s o c i e t a l one

a f f o r d s a measure of e q u a l i t y i n a s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . The

restrictions for both actors represent public influence in

essentially private matters. Though t h e a c t itself is

private the results are not, entailing responsibility that

i s p e r f o r c e b i o l o g i c a l or c o m p e l l e d b y s o c i e t y . Thus a l i n k

i s forged between p r i v a t e a c t i o n and p u b l i c l i f e by t h e

formal d i s c l o s u r e of a sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p i n marriage.

The s e x u a l r i d d l e s s h o w t h a t c i v i l i z i n g , or proper,

context f o r s e x u a l e x p r e s s i o n i n v o l v e s m a r r i a g e which i s , by

i t s nature, t h e p u b l i c d i s c l o s u r e of a p r i v a t e bond.

Marriage is implied i n f o u r of t h e s i x sexual riddles. In

R i d d l e 4 2 t h e n o t i o n of m a r r i a g e i s b r o u g h t t o mind i n t h e

r e f e r e n c e a t t h e e n d o f t h e poem w h i c h s t a t e s t h a t t h e

speaker-penis w i l e pd~t c u p e h o l , "desires t o greet that

known h o l e " that h e h a s " o f t e n f i l l e d " before."" The s u g g e s -

t i o n is one of a c t i o n t h a t i s r e p e a t e d and perhaps r e g u l a s ,

a n d s o may i m p l y f a m i l i a r m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s . T h y wtsnian Lii

Riddle 43 i s c a l l e d b r y d , a n d s o s h e t o o i s m a r r i e d . And i n

R i d d l e 52, e v e n t h o u g h t h e y o u n g man i s n o t i c e a b l y

u n a t t a c h e d a t t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e poem, a marriage "fee" is

n o t e d a t t h e end.lT1 The "fre~l-woman" of R i d d l e 59 d o e s t h e

b i d d i n g of her " l o r d , " who i s f u r t h e r s p e c i f i e d a s " d e a r

p r i n c e , " which s u g g e s t s a m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p i n t h i s

r i d d l e a s w e l l . R i d d l e 60 i s ambiguous i n t h i s r e s p e c t , not

b e c a u s e of u n c e r t a i n t y i n i t s r e f e r e n c e t o t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p

b e t w e e n t h e woman a n d man, but because the designat ions

" l o r d " and " w a r r i o r " d o n o t n e c e s s a r i l y r e f e r t o a m a r r i e d

person.

Readers have not iced before t h a t t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s in

t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s a r e most p r o b a b l y married."" The m a r i t a l

u n i o n i s u s u a l l y i n t e r p r e t e d i n t e r m s of t h e cornitatus

r e l a t i o n s h i p between l o r d (husband) and r e t a i n e r (wife).

T u p p e r h i m s e l f d o e s n o t comment o n t h i s b u t q u o t e s R o e d e r ,

who s a y s t h a t i n R i d d l e 60, " d a s s man d i e e h e l i c h e G e m e i n -

schaft a l s Komitats-verhaltniss ansieht Referring t o the

- - - -- -- pp - - - pp- - -

1 7 0 The fact that the man in this riddle is called ner may be an indication that
he is married. Anita Riedinger notes instances of this word as it is used in the
late Anglo-Saxon period which clearly indicate that a "married mann is being
specified. See "INow Pronounce You Wer and Wife: Towards Etymological Equity in
Marriage," a paper presented at Session 163: "Philology Old and New, as Applied to
Hedieval Texts 11," Kalamazoo, 1990, p. 1. (This paper is part of a larger article
in progress. I
For further discussion of marriage "fees," see page 82 following.
Tupper himself says that "[otherl evidence of this conception of the marriage
relation is not wanting." The Riddles of the Exeter Book, p. 201.
same r i d d l e , E d i t h W h i t e h u r s t W i l l i a m s o f f e r s a s i m i l a r

view:

The s i t u a t i o n is analogous t o t h e lord-thane r e l a t i o n -

s h i p . The implied s u b j u g a t i o n is not based on t h e
p r i n c i p l e of male-female s t a t u s but on t h e high
p o s i t i o n of a l o r d o r p r i n c e i n r e l a t i o n t o a l l h i s
r e t a i n e r s - a r e l a t i o n s h i p by no m a n s r e s e n t e d i n
t h e h e r o i c c u l t u r e , but one adhered t o w i t h g r e a t
l o y a l t y t o t h e mutual b e n e f i t of a l l p a r t i e s . That t h e
p a t t e r n is extended i n t o t h e marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p is
r e f l e c t e d throughout Old E n g l i s h p o e t r y and p r o s e

However, t h i s a n a l o g y d o e s n o t a c c u r a t e l y r e f l e c t t h e

s i t u a t i o n p r e s e n t e d i n t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s a s a whole.

M a r r i a g e a s c o r n i t a t u s r e l a t i o n s h i p may b e a n i n s t a n c e w h e r e

t h e " h e r o i c " e t h i c h a s been over-employed t o describe facets

of Anglo-Saxon c u l t u r e not d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o t h e concerns

o f war a n d d e f e n c e . I n R i d d l e 5 9 , t h e woman c e r t a i n l y d o e s

a s h e r husband r e q u e s t s , but t h i s does n o t i n d i c a t e a

g e n e r a l p e r s p e c t i v e of female s e r v i c e , b e c a u s e i t does not

o c c u r u n i f o r m l y i n a l l of t h e s e r i d d l e s . T h a t i s , t h e woman

is not found c o n s i s t e n t l y d o i n g h e r h u s b a n d ' s b i d d i n g . A s

p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, in half of t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s , i t is

t h e woman, by i n s t i g a t i n g t h e a c t i o n , who i n e f f e c t m a k e s

t h e " r e q u e s t " f o r s e x . 1 7 6 The l o r d i s h i m s e l f c a l l e d esne o n

17' Tupper is citing Fritz Roeder in *Die Familie bei den Angelsachsen, Eine
Kulturund Litterarhistorische Studie auf Grund Gleichzeitigen Quellen, Erster
Hauptteil: Mann und Frau." Studien zur englischen Philologie, 4 (1899), p. 110.
17' Whitehurst Williams, "What's so new about the Sexual Revolution?" pp. 50-51.
See also Klinck, who is of the same opinion. She notes that "in poetry, as in the
historical sources, the relationship of woman to man is presented as paralleling
that of thane to lord." "Female Characterization in Old English Poetry." (Diss.
University of British Columbia, 19761, p. 235.
See discussion of the woman's active role in sex above, page 53.
75
two o c c a s i o n s , which s u g g e s t s a t l e a s t a d e g r e e of "service"

on h i s p a r t a s w e l l .ITs There a r e a l s o t h e prevalent images

of e q u a l i t y i n t h e s e x u a l a c t , which s t r o n g l y imply t h a t t h e

man a n d t h e woman s h a r e t h e same s t a t u s i n a s e x u a l

r e l a t i o n s h i p . l T T The s i t u a t i o n is t h u s a p a r t n e r s h i p r a t h e r

than a c o n t r a c t of s e r v i c e i n exchange f o r protection.lT8

B e c a u s e t h e s e r i d d l e s i n v o l v e s e x and m a r r i a g e , their

p o i n t of v i e w is a c t u a l l y q u i t e o r t h o d o x and c o n v e n t i o n a l .

But t h e p o e t is n o t i n t o l e r a n t . For instance, t h e y o u n g man

a n d woman i n R i d d l e 5 2 a r e n o t m a r r i e d when s e x t a k e s p l a c e .

M a r r i a g e comes a f t e r t h e e v e n t , n o t b e f o r e . Though m a r r i a g e

i s h e r e a c o n s e q u e n c e of s e x u a l b e h a v i o r , i t i s n o t made a
necessary prerequisite. Because s e x is placed r e a l i s t i c a l l y

r a t h e r t h a n " i d e a l l y , " t h e p o i n t of v i e w i n t h e s e x u a l

r i d d l e s is u n l i k e romances of t h e l a t e r m i d d l e a g e s which

d e i f i e d s e x u a l l o v e and r e n d e r e d i t " r o m a n t i c " by i s o l a t i n g

i t and making i t e x c e e d o t h e r e a r t h l y m a t t e r s . These r i d d l e s

p l a c e s e x u a l l o v e i n t h e w o r l d as i t e x i s t s , a p a r t of a

l a r g e r framework i n which s e x is n o t removed from s u c h o t h e r

p r a c t i c a l c o n c e r n s a s c o n c e p t i o n and p r e g n a n c y , and t h e

c o n s e q u e n t r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s a n d p u b l i c d e c l a r a t i o n s . God i s

not replaced, a s i n c o u r t l y l o v e romances, with t h e "object"

17"ee discussion of esne above, page 61.

See discussion above, beginning page 59.

lTa For fur the^ discussion of the subject of marriage, see Ch.4, page 82.
76
of t h e h e r o ' s a f f e c t i o n s . l T e S e x u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s o p e r a t e

w i t h i n t h e world, n e i t h e r t r a n s c e n d i n g i t nor r e p l a c i n g i t

outright .
The r e l a t i o n s h i p s p i c t u r e d i n t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s r e s i s t

d e f i n i t i o n by modern s t a n d a r d s h a v i n g t o d o w i t h f e m a l e

e x c l u s i o n , male power and a g g r e s s i o n , OP by V i c t o r i a n

a t t i t u d e s of p r u d e r y and s e e m l y b e h a v i o r , b o t h of which

have, in effect, t u r n e d t h e s e r i d d l e s i n t o pornography. The

c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n s e x a n d a g g r e s s i o n seems i n t e g r a l t o t h i s

c o n c e p t . There a r e important d i f f e r e n c e s between t h e p o e t ' s

a t t i t u d e t o w a r d s s e x a n d t h e a p p r o a c h t o i t t h a t we h a v e

i n h e r i t e d from t h e V i c t o r i a n s . In t h e sexual riddles, the

p o e t r e g a r d s t h e c h a r a c t e r s a s p e r s o n s w o r t h y of r e s p e c t -
b o t h t h e women a n d t h e men. Women a r e n o t s u b o r d i n a t e d i n

s e x u a l and m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , o r hampered by r e s t r i c t i v e

m o d e l s o f p r o p e r b e h a v i o r . T h e p s y c h o l o g y of d e s i r e i s b o t h

n a t u r a l and m u t u a l , t h e participation equal.

T h i s is not t o s a y t h e Anglo-Saxons had no s t a n d a r d s of

sexual morality. Their concern is expressed i n t h e existence

of s u c h c o n c e p t s a s u n r i g h t l u s t , u n r i g h t h a n e d and

wohhmed. loo Thus, t h e Anglo Saxons had s p e c i f i c d e s i g n a t i o n s

f o r s e x u a l c o n d u c t t h a t t h e y c o n s i d e r e d t o b e i m m o r a l . The

17' See, f o r instance, The Olde Daunce: Love, Friendship, Sex and Marriage i n t h e
Hedieval World, Robert R . Edwards and Stephen Spector eds. (Albany: S t a t e
University of New York Press, 1991). In t h e introduction they discuss "studies
l i k e Denis De Rougemontls Love i n the Western World [which] developed and refined
t h e view t h a t a s e c r e t and i l l i c i t form of love represented an ideal within
Hedieval culture," p. 5.

loo Bosworth and T o l l e r .

77
Laws o f Wihtred, Kent (690-725), i n v o l v e a s u r p r i s i n g number

of laws t h a t have t o do with " i l l i c i t cohabitation."'"'As

well, t h e r e were g e n e r a l e x h o r t a t i o n s t o f o r l e t hordomes

" l e a v e - o f f whoredom. "la2 The A n g l o - S a x o n s a l s o spoke out

directly, and s p e c i f i c a l l y , a g a i n s t immoral b e h a v i o r : in

W u l f f s Sermon t o t h e E n g l i s h h e m e n t i o n s t h a t h i s c o u n t r y

had become " c o r r u p t e d " b y " s i n s . " The m i s d d a t h a t h e l i s t s

i n c l u d e s i b g e l e g e r u , "incest;" m i s t l i c h e f o r l e g e r u , "various

f o r n i c a t i o n s ; " and w e d b r y c a s , " b r e a k e r s o f t h e m a r r i a g e

p l e d g e . " 1 a " T h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s come f r o m t h e s a m e t r a d i t i o n

t h a t produced Wulf's admonitions. It is s i m p l y t h a t s e x i n

itself, i n the proper context, i s n o t immoral a t a l l . The

f a c t t h a t t h e r e a r e s u c h c o n c e p t s a s u n r i g h t l u s t and

unrighthamed s u g g e s t t h e e x i s t e n c e of t h e i r o p p o s i t e , that

is, "rightful" lust, and " r i g h t f u l " intercourse.la4

See Laws of Wihtrzd, dated 695-6, 3-6.

F. Liebermann, Die Gesetze Der Angelsachsen (1903-1916; rpt. Unverunderter
Neudruck der Ausgabe, Scientia Aalen, 1960), p. 12.

From the Homily for Virst Sunday in Lent," in Old English Homilies and
Homiletic Treatises, ed. and trans. Richard Horris, EETS, first Series (London: N.
Trubner, 19381, p. 33.

la' Sermo Lupi ad Anglos in The Homilies o f Wulfstan. Dorothy Bethurum, ed.
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, l957), lines 129-139, pp. 264-265.

lS4 Given the riddles under consideration, the Anglo-Saxons appear to have had no
qualms over the explicit portrayal of the sexual act in literature.
78
 Chapter Four : R e - e x a m i n i n g the H i s t o r i c a l
Evidence

Anita Riedinger d e c l a r e s that "in an era known t o s o m e

as t h e Dark Ages, men and w o m e n were very nearly equal. This

was true in life, language, and literature."laS Though

Riedinger is not talking about t h e riddles specifically, her

statement is nonetheless a p p l i c a b l e here. The sexual riddles

of t h e E x e t e r Book make l i t t l e d i f f e r e n c e between men and

women. Anglo-Saxon s o c i e t y at large d r e w no serious

divisions either. Women acted in m u c h the s a m e way as men,

and references t o t h e m in historical documents s h o w that

t h e y were regarded, and did regard themselves, as equal t o

men of their own class.laa

l a ' Anita Riedinger, Y Now Pronounce You Wer and Wife: Towards Etpological
Equity in Marriage. On this point, Riedinger also reminds us of Fell's assertion
that "though the 'literary imagef of women at this time is a 'heightened sense of
.
reality . . it is not divorced from it. I n Women i n Anglo-Saxon England
IBloomington, Ill.: Indiana University Press, 1984), p. 14.

There is nothing new in this idea. There are many other writers who, having
examined the existent evidence, come to the same conclusions. See especially
Riedinger and Fell, noted above. See also the earlier work of Frederick Pollock
and Frederick William Maitland, The History of English Law Before the Time o f
Edward I (University press: Cambridge, 1923). Pollock and Maitland detected
equality in the law as it applies to women, noting, "the woman can hold land, even
by military tenure, can own chattels, make a will, make a contract, She can sue
and be suedn (p. 482). Thirty years later, Betty Bandel wrote about the
"acceptance on the part of the Saxon chroniclers of an unlimited range of
interests and abilities on the part of women."The English Chronicler 's Attitude
Toward Women," in Journal of the History o f Ideas, 16 (19551, pp. 114-115. Hore of
her commentary appears below. Some readers have drawn different conclusions,
however. Burton Raffel, for example, gives this general impression of Anglo-Saxon
women: "the lower classes who tended the fields and milked the cattle simply were
not mentioned, Nor were women, for the most part, though the lord's wife was a
kind of cup-bearing hostess, and highborn women's names come down to us along with
men's. The precise status of women is obscure." He does admit, however, none
factor which resists orderly explanation is the existence of such heady love songs
as The Husband's message and A Woman's Message. They would not seem to fit into a
79
 The v i e w o f A n g l o - S a x o n women a s " p e a c e - w e a v e r s " h a s

undermined our u n d e r s t a n d i n , g o f . women's r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h

e a c h o t h e r , w i t h men, and w i t h t h e i r s o c i e t y . The t e r m i s

o f t e n l o o s e l y a p p l i e d t o a r i s t o c r a t i c Anglo-Saxon women i n

g e n e r a l . x n 7 I t i s a r o l e sometimes e v i n c e d i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e

b u t i s p r o b l e m a t i c when assumed t o b e h i s t o r i c a l l y

accurate. lea H i s t o r i c a l " p e a c e - w e a v e r s , " when t h e y weave

p e a c e a t a l l , seem t o h a v e b e e n d o i n g s o i n o r d e r t o a c h i e v e

t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l e n d s .Iae H i s t o r y s u g g e s t s that even t h o s e

social structure where women were nonentities.Vhe sources of evidence from which
Raffel derives these generalizations (historical documents, poetry, or both) are
not made entirely clear. Poems from the Old English (Lincoln: University of
Nebraska Press, 19641, p. 3. Klinck has executed perhaps the most extensive
treatment of the notion that women's position in Anglo-Saxon society was, in many
respects, negative. She examines the portrayal of women in both the literature and
in historical documents. Klinck asserts that %t no point in the Anglo-Saxon age
were women anything like the equals of men." "glo-Saxon Women and the Law,"
Journal of Hedieval History, 8 (1982), pp. 118-119, and also Klink's dissertation,
"Female Characterization in Old English Poetry"(University of British Columbia,
19'76).
Howevez, as Fell points out, "not all times are times of feuds and
hostilities, and not all marriages require the bride to take the role of 'peace-
weaver ' ." Women in Anglo-Saxon England, p . 74.

l a 8 See Schrader, who says that women in literature assume the "eace-weaver"
role, emphasizinq that "for all this strength of mind and soul, no image is more
vivid than that of women who are victims of misguided virility, sometimes their
own." It is interesting to observe that when Schrader comes to recount the lives
of actual historical personages, not a single discernable "peace-weaver" emerges.
He actually helps to demonstrate that women of the Anglo-Saxon period "had a
relatively large role to play in cultural and political affairs," and, "the
portraits painted in 'non-literary' sources confirm that while women had good
reason to fear the instability of society, they were secure in their customary
roles and were well served by those who wrote about them.Vodd's Handiwork: Images
of Women in Old English Literature, pp. x and 42-43. See Helen T. Bennett's
critique of Schrader, "From Peace Weaver to Text Weaver: Feminist Approaches to
Old English Studies,Vn "Twenty Years of The Year's Work in Old English Studies",
OEN Subsidia, 15 (1989), edited with a forward by Katherine OtBrien OtKeefe, pp.
30-31.
Eleanor Searle suggests, "peace-weaving was of necessity an active political
role," and further, "this weaving was never automatic. The weavers had to know
their busines~.~ The author draws this conclusion fxom an examination of the life
80
women whose " d u t y n i t most c l e a r l y seems t o be t o " w e a v e

p e a c e , " s o m e t i m e s had o t h e r i d e a s . T h e r e a r e , f o r i n s t a n c e ,

rumors o f a s s a s s i n a t i o n a r r a n g e d by a r i s t o c r a t i c A n g l o - S a x o n

women: E l f r e d a i s i m p l i c a t e d i n k i l l i n g Edward t h e M a r t y r , l U o

O f f a ' s q u e e n i s i n v o l v e d i n t h e murder o f S t . B t h e l b e r t , l e l

C w e n t h r y t h i s rumored t o h a v e a r r a n g e d t h e murder o f h e r

brother, lB2 and Q u e e n E d i t h , King Edward's w i f e , is also

r e p u t e d t o have ordered a p o l i t i c a l a s s a s s i n a t ion.1Bs There

of Emma, Canutts wife. As Searle explains it, Emma's "peace-weavingn was often
done to achieve deliberate effects that were of her own choosing. Searle remarks
that "Emma had done a remarkable job in being able to persuade her Danish son
Harthacnut to associate her English son Edward with him as his successor." Thus,
npeace-weavingn might well be more complex a task than was previously thought.
"Emma the Conqueror,"Studies in Hedieval History (presented to R. A11en Brown),
Christopher Harper-Bill, Christopher J. Holdsworth, and Janet L. Nelson eds.
(Suffolk: Boydell Press, 1989), pp. 286-288.
l g O Though Prank H. Stenton, in Anglo-Saxon England, is unwilling to blame her,

and instead believed Ethelred to be guilty of Edward's murder, J o h n McNamara and

Suzanne Wemple identify dlfreda as the guilty party: "the mother of Ethelred the
Unready (918-1016)" who "secured the crown for her son by the murder of his half-
brother, Edward the Martyr." "The Power of Women Through the Family in Hedieval
Europe, 500-1100,n Vomen and Power in the Hiddle Ages, Mary Erler and Maryanne
Kowaleski, eds. (Athens and London: University of Georgia Press, 19881, p. 373.
lY1 D. W. Rollason reports that "his death in 794 at the hands of Offa, king of
Mercia, is mentioned by The Anglo-Saxon Chroniclew and that he "came to visit Offa
at Sutton, near Hereford, to ask for his daughter's hand in marriage. Offa's
suspicions of him were aroused by his queen and he had him murdered." Rollason,
"The Cults of Hurdered Royal Saints in Anglo-Saxon England," in Anglo-Saxon
England II, ed. Peter Clemoes, et al. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1973)) p. 9.
l g 2Though the evidence regarding this incident is not conclusive, it is
nonetheless rumored that the victim's name was Kenelm, and "he succeeded the
throne as a child on the death of his father, Kenwulf, king of Mercia (8211, and
he was murdered in the same year at the instigation of his sister, Cwenthryth, who
was jealous of his position." Rollason, "The Cults of Hurdered Royal Saints in
Anglo-Saxon England, "p. 10.
lY3 Kenneth E. Cutler explains that, "The trouble in 1064 began when Edith's
brother Tostig became earl of Northumbria in 1055. Tostig taxed his earldom with
such a heavy hand that he outraged some of the local thegns. In 1063 Tostig
murdered two of the dissidents, Game1 and Ulf, but failed to stamp out discontent.
Queen Edith reportedly lent her support to her threatened brother. At court during
81
are, a s w e l l , r e p o r t s of m a n e u v e r i n g s less d r a s t i c , such as

t h e a c c e p t a n c e of b r i b e s i n r e t u r n f o r p o l i t i c a l f a v o r s . 1 b 4

A s f a r a s i t can be a s c e r t a i n e d , m a r r i e d women a p p e a r

t o have acted i n complete p a r t n e r s h i p with t h e i r husbands;

moreover, widows a n d women i n m o n a s t i c l i f e o f t e n a c c o m -

p l i s h e d a g r e a t d e a l without male p a r t n e r s . Hence, the title

of "peace-weaver" d e f i n e s Anglo-Saxon women t o o n a r r o w l y ,

and i g n o r e s t h e d i v e r s i t y of t h e r o l e s which t h e y a c t u a l l y

t o o k on, a n d t h e r e l a t i v e s t a t u s w i t h men w h i c h t h e y i n f a c t

held.

Anglo-Saxon m a r r i a g e seems t o h a v e b e e n e s s e n t i a l l y a

partnership, u n d e r t a k e n a s a n agreement b e t w e e n h u s b a n d a n d

wife, a n arrangement t o which b o t h p a r t i e s a s s e n t , and t o

which a c c o r d must b e r e a c h e d e v e n b e f o r e t h e m a r r i a g e t a k e s

p l a c e . E a r l y i n Anglo-Saxon history, money was e x c h a n g e d

between t h e p r o s p e c t i v e bride-groom and t h e b r i d e ' s kinsmen

p r i o r t o t h e a c t u a l marriage."" T h i s " f e e " i s o f t e n c i t e d as

e v i d e n c e t h a t women were b o u g h t a n d s o l d i n m a r r i a g e , much

as slaves - according t o one reader, "as i f [ t h e woman1

were a c h a t t e l , r a t h e r m o r e v a l u a b l e t h a n a cow, b u t o f a p -

the Christmas celebration in 1064, a Northumbrian thegn named Cospatric was killed
by the queen's order." nEdith, Queen of England, 1045-1066," Medieval Studies, 35
(19731, p. 230-231.
I"' This is imputed to Queen Edith. Cutler says that evidence suggests that
Edith preferred power and riches to the king's interests. Power at court is
ascribed to her more than once in the Vita kiwardi, and there is also the report
in the chronicle of Ramsey Abbey that she accepted a bribe from abbot Rlfwine to
influence a legal dispute which involved the abbey. Abbot Alfwine seems to have
considered the queen's power real enough to merit securing." "Edith, Queen of
England, 1045-1066,"~. 229.
lY5 See Ch. 2, page 31, for a discussion of the "bride-price" in Riddle 54.
82
p r o x i m a t e l y t h e s a m e k i n d . " l B a The Laws o f R t h e l b e r t n o .

77,l" i s m o s t o f t e n g i v e n a s e v i d e n c e t h a t women w e r e

t r e a t e d a s property.1Ba This p a r t i c u l a r law reads: Gif mon

m g t h gebige6, c e a p i geceapod s y , g i f h i t unfacne i s . "lea It

is t r u e t h a t t h i s law does t r a n s l a t e , " i f someone buys a

maiden, s h e i s t o b e bought w i t h f o r a payment, if i t is

without deceit ." H o w e v e r , t h i s . d o e s not seem t o have been a

purchase p r i c e , s o much a s a n a s s u r a n c e t h a t h i s f u t u r e w i f e

w o u l d b e t r e a t e d w e l l . C r i t i c s who c o n c e n t r a t e o n t h e

" b u y i n g " of t h e maiden i n 77, d o n o t c o n s i d e r t h a t a

c o n s i d e r a b l e p o r t i o n of t h e i n i t i a l " f e e " g o e s t o t h e woman

herself .*OO Further, such i n t e r p r e t a t ion ignores s t i p u l a t i o n s

lY6 Rosalind Hill, "Marriage in Seventh Century England,"in Saints, Scholars and
Heroes: Studies in Hedieval Culture in Honor of Charles W. Jones, Volume I: The
Anglo-Saxon Heritage, Margot H. King and Wesley M. Stevens eds. (Collegeville,
Minnesota: Hill Xonastic Manuscript Library Saint John's Abbey & University,
1979)) p. 69. Hill is ambivalent as to the position of women in Anglo-Saxon
society. She finds that it was in some ways "favorable," but not in this
particular instance.
lY7 These are the earliest written laws. They are dated between 597 and 616
according to Dorothy Whitelock ed., English Historical Documents, Vol. 1, c. 500-
1042 (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1968).
lm For instance, Hill points out, "the [marriage] transaction is quite
specifically described in the Kentish laws as 'buying the maiden. '" "arriage in
seventh century England,# p. 69. Margaret Clunies Ross interprets this law
similarly: "thelbert 77 and 77.1 consider the acquisition of a wife as a contract
between two parties, with the man handing over a bride payment to the woman's
guardians." "Concubinage in Anglo-Saxon England," Past and Present, 108 (August
19851, p. 11. Klinck has a comparable perspective: "the view of woman as object
..
. is particularly marked in the earliest (written) code of laws . . a woman .
[ is1 merely.. .a rather valuable piece of property. They speak, for instance, of
buying a wife." "Female Characterization in Old English Poetry," pp. 26-27.
lYy P. Liebermann, Die Gesetze Der Angelsachsen, p. 7. Excerpts from the laws, as
well as some charters, letters, wills, and other documents can be found, in
translation, in Whi telock 's English Historical Documents.
 i n t h e l a w which a p p e a r d i r e c t l y f o l l o w i n g t h i s s t a t e m e n t

r e g a r d i n g "payment," which g i v e t h e s u p p o s e d l y "purchased"

woman e x t e n s i v e r i g h t s i n c l u d i n g h a l f of h e r h u s b a n d ' s

holdings a f t e r h i s death, i f t h e r e a r e c h i l d r e n between

them. The s a m e h a l f s h a r e i s a l s o g r a n t e d t o h e r i f s h e

d e c i d e s t o l e a v e h e r husband w i t h t h e i r c h i l d r e n . I f s h e

l e a v e s alone, s h e s t i l l r e c e i v e s a share.zo1

A l a t e r d o c u m e n t u p h o l d s s p e c i f i c r i g h t s of t h e b r i d e ,

a f t e r t h e f a s h i o n of R t h e l b e r t ' s e a r l y l a w s 75-50. This

item, " C o n c e r n i n g t h e B e t r o t h a l o f a Woman,"zoa s t i p u l a t e s

that, b y r i h t , a man who w a n t s t o m a r r y must s a y what h e i s

p r e p a r e d t o g i v e t o t h e b r i d e h e r s e l f : hwns h e h i r e g e u n g e ,

wi6 tham 6 e t h e o his w i l l a n g e c e o s e , [and] h m he hire

geunge, g i f h e o laeng s y t h o n n e h e . z 0 3 M o r e o v e r , the bride

s t i l l h a s r e c o u r s e t o h e r " f r i e n d s " and kinsmen even a f t e r

t h e marriage t a k e s p l a c e . T h i s is s o even i f s h e is l i v i n g

a w a y f r o m h e r own d i s t r i c t . a o 4 A s w e l l , c a r e was t a k e n t o
- - - - p-p -- -- - --

zoo I h e s i t a t e t o say all, since it is not absolutely clear, a t l e a s t in the early

laws, t h a t the bride receives the e n t i r e "fee," though t h i s was certainly true
l a t e r on i n the Anglo-Saxon period. However, some readers feel t h a t the "fee" was
always paid to the woman herself. F e l l says, "there i s a vast range of
evidence.. .for the f a c t t h a t the money t h e bride-groom had t o pay.. .was payment t o
the woman herself, intended t o guarantee her financial security and independence
within marriage." Women i n Anglo-Saxon England, p. 16.

201 1781 G i f hio cwic bearn qebyreth, healfne scat age, q i f ceorl ar swylteth.
[791 G i f mid bearnum buqan wille, healfne scat age. 1801 G i f ceorl aqan wile: swa
an bearn. F. Liebermann, Die Gesetze Der Angelsachsen, p. 8 .

'02 Be Wifmannes Beweddunqe appears i n F.Liebermann, Die Gesetze Der Anqelsachsen,

p. 442. Whitelock remarks t h a t "the t e x t bears no indication of date," but places
it " l a t e v n the tenth century. English Historical Documents, p. 431.

203 Be Wifmannes Beweddunqe, F.Liebermann, Die Gesetze Der Angelsachsen, p. 442.

e n s u r e t h a t t h e woman a c t u a l l y c o n s e n t e d t o and d e s i r e d

m a r r i a g e w i t h h e r p r o s p e c t i v e h u s b a n d . By C a n u t e ' s t i m e t h i s

was e n t r e n c h e d i n law."08

In t h e l a t e r Anglo-Saxon period, i t became t h e norm f o r

" f e e " t o be g i v e n e n t i r e l y t o t h e b r i d e These

t r a d i t i o n a l "morning g i f t s " were o f t e n v a l u a b l e , a • ’f o r d i n g

t h e m a r r i e d woman s e c u r i t y , and a m e a s u r e o f i n d e p e n d e n c e i f

widowed, b e c a u s e , a s R i e d i n g e r and o t h e r s p o i n t o u t , it

belonged t o the bride irrevocably. "07 Two " m a r r i a g e a g r e e -

204 Ibid, 7: G i f h y man donne u t o f lande ladan wille on odres thegnes land, donne
bid hire rad, that frynd da forword habban, dat hire man nan woh ne t o do, land1
g i f heo gylt gewyrce, dat h y moton beon bote nyhst, g i f heo nzfd, o f hwam heo
bete.

205 Laws of Cnut (1016-1035) ii. 74: na nyde man nader ne w i f ne mden t o tham,
the hyre s y l f r e m i s l i c i e , ne w i d s c e a t t e ne s y l l e , butan he hwat agenes dances
gyfan wylle. F . Liebermann, Die Gesetze Der Angelsachsen, p. 360.

2 0 6 In the collection of wills edited by Dorothy Whitelock, husbands will often

mention that their wives are to receive what is theirs in accordance to an

"agreementR made between them both, at the time of their mazziage. Ealdorman
Ithelmr of Hampshire (971-982 or 9831, grants his wife an estate at Tidworth. The
estate, is granted according to an agreement made between them both, when they
were married: R t o tham forewordun the wit mid wedde unc betweonan gefastnodon,
Anglo-Saxon Wills (Cambridge, 1938), p. 25 and 26. Similarly, in "The Will of
Thurketel of Palgrave,Vated before 1038, Thurketel grants his wife Lefwen the
holdings received when he married her, as well as "half RoydonR on terms which
were mutually agreed upon: that forworde that we spreken habban. Anglo-Saxon
Wills, p. 6 8 . The Danish name of the testator does not indicate that the
independent laws of the Danelaw are in operation here. This is an Anglo-Saxon
will. It is, first of all, made outside of the Danelaw area. Thurketel's wife
appears to be English, and it is possible that Thurketel might have been English
as well. Fell explains that, "it is in fact almost impossible to tell to what
extent in the first half of the eleventh century Norse names in England were
matters of fashion rather than indicative of descent Women i n Anglo-Saxon
England, p. 136.

207 See Riedinger, "Wer and Wife," p. 1, and Fell: "the 'morning-gift'. . could .
be very substantial amount in money and land, and it is paid not to the father or
kin, but to the woman herself ...
. A number of man's wills make it clear that
certain property is owned by the wife because it was granted to her as her
morgengifu." Women i n Anglo-Saxon England, p. 57. Fell's assertion seems to be
correct. The Ealdormen who made the wills that appear in the Whitelock collection
sometimes make note of this fact in their testaments, often expressing
85
ments" s t i p u l a t i n g such g i f t s have survived from t h i s

period.L0mI n t h e f i r s t , Wulfric promises h i s intended four

separate estates, a s well a s o t h e r goods. In t h e second,

G o d w i n e a s s u r e s B r i h t r i c "a p o u n d ' s w e i g h t o f g o l d " a s w e l l

a s t w o e s t a t e s a n d e v e r y t h i n g on t h e m , i n c l u d i n g "cows,"

" h o r s e s , " and " s l a v e s . "

M a r r i e d women s o m e t i m e s a c t e d a s c o - r u l e r s with t h e i r

husbands, h o l d i n g o v e r t p o s i t i o n s o f power, i n t h e s a m e way

a s d i d men. I n t h e y e a r s of 672 and 673, a woman named

S e a x b u r h r u l e d f o r a y e a r a f t e r h e r husband Cenwalh d i e d i n

672, 'O' and E t h e l b u r g h r a z e d a town c a l l e d Taunton, i n 722,

on whose b e h a l f i t i s n o t known.=1•‹ A l f r e d ' s d a u g h t e r ,

k t h e l f l ~ d a , a s s i s t e d h e r husband i n r u l i n g t h e kingdom of

M e r c i a w h i l e h e was a l i v e , a n d was t h e s o l e c o m i t a l r u l e r o f

t h a t t e r r i t o r y f o r seven years a f t e r h i s death.=ll

the wish that their widows will be left to do "as they likew with the property
given to them. See, for instance, "The will of Thurketel Heyng,Vated sometime
after 1014, who leaves his wife and daughter property. Of his wife's inheritance,
he says that she is to do as she pleases with it and that her right to it should
not be contested: and mine wiues del euere unbesaken t o gyfen and t o habben ther
h i r e leuest be. Anglo-Saxon Wills, p. 70. Though the testator's name is Danish,
this will is Anglo-Saxon. Like Thurketel of Palgrave's testament, it is made
outside the Danelaw area. Fell mentions this will, noting that the testator is
probably Danish, and that the "nicknamen Hepg "is perhaps better evidence of
Norse connections than a proper name." She also mentions that his daughter's name
is Alfwynn, "whose Old English name might imply that her mother was English." Such
intermarriages were not unheard of. Women i n Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 136-38.
The first of these is "an agreement between Wulfric and Archbishop Wulfstan's
sister,qated 1014-1016. Robertson, Anglo-Saxon Charters, no. 148. The second
marriage document is a "marriage agreement from Kent, "dated 1016-1020. Robertson,
Anglo-Saxon Charters, no. 7 7 .
209 Whitelock, English Historical Documents, p. 154.

210 Ibid, p. 159.

 Women were active in shaping monastic life as well.
Several Anglo-Saxon abbesses headed double houses. These
women assumed the same duties and responsibilities as did
their male counterparts. As well as the regular obligations
relating to charge of the Abbey, the famous Hild of Whitby
herself trained several bishops.21z Furthermore, a woman
might also have the option of actively participating in
religious and secular life, either consecutively, as Hild
did, "thirty years in secular life and thirty years in
religious life, "*ls or simultaneously choosing both, as was
the case with Wynflaed.214 There appears to be little
restriction, then, in either religious or secular living,
and in the fact that one did not necessarily preclude the

other.

211 The Chronicle lists her b a t t l e s against invading Danes, I r i s h , and Norwegians
for the years 913, 917, and 918. Whitelock, English Historical Documents, pp. 194-
198.

212Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People. The Complete Works of the
Venerable Bede, ed. J. A. Giles (London, 1944).

2L3Sancta Hylda kr8~thxeo ond t h i i t i q qeara lawedum hade ond threo ond t h r i t i q
geara under ha1 i q r y t t e . From An Old English Martyrology, ed. George Herzf eld, EETS
0. S. (London, 1900), p. 206, lines 23-4. As found i n Owen-Cracker's "Wynflzd's
Wardrobe, Anglo-Saxon England v i i i , ed. Peter Clemoes (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 19791, p. 195-222.

Owen-Crocker observes t h a t [ in1 Wynf lad herself we find a benefactress, even

an associate, of religious houses who kept a firm g r i p on her secular a f f a i r s ,
including her personal w a r d r ~ b e .She
~ explains further nVowesses of t h i s kind were
espoused t o Christ with v e i l and ring and yet could retain t h e i r secular way of
l i f e . They could remain in their own home or reside i n a religious house a s they
chosen and t h a t "by] Alfric's time it was evidently common for widows t o take
vows: in h i s Glossary Latin nonna is defined 'arwyrthe wydewe odde nunne, as
Professor Whitelock has pointed out." wWynfladfsWard~obe,~ p. 198-199 and 219.
87
 Thirty years ago, Betty Bandel noticed that the
chronicler's attitude towards these various activities of
Anglo-Saxon women was, in general, rather nonchalant:
The Anglo-Saxon chroniclers speak of outstanding women in a
very casual way. . . . There is not the slightest ...
indication of surprise on the part of the chronicler when
the woman is learned, devout, or an able administrator, or a
brave fighter. .
. . Bede tells the story of Hild . . .
with never a suggestion that it might be unusual for a woman
to 'reduce all things to a regular system. . .' Bishop .
Asser describes Alfred the boy being urged on to a life of
study by his apparently book-minded stepmother Judith with
no inplication that learning is a field which would not
normally i nterest w ~ r n n . ~ ~ ~
The point Bandel makes here is a significant one. The Anglo-

Saxon chroniclers seem to have found nothing strange in the

accomplishments of these women. The "range" of available

options does indeed seem to be wide. In the Chronicle they

are certainly distinguished in this way: as equal partners

in a shared enterprise, or as leaders of diverse endeavors
in their own right, or as political schemers, but n o t
necessarily or always as the possessions of men, or as the
peace-pledges between them.

Under the law, Anglo-Saxon women had particular rights.

They could, for instance, bestow grants of land during their
lifetimes,"' and act as witnesses to the grants of others.z17

21' Bandel, "The English C h r o n i c l e r l s A t t i t u d e Toward WomenIn i n Journal o f the

History o f Ideas, 16 (19551, pp. 114-115.

216 I n t h e "Grant of Land t o Worcester by Leofric, E a r l of Mercia, and His Wife,"

dated between 1052-1057, Leofric and h i s wife g r a n t two e s t a t e s t o t h e monastery
of S t . Mary for godes l u f a n land] for hyra saule. Robertson, Anglo-Saxon
Charters, p. 210.
Women c o u l d a l s o b r i n g t h e i r own l a w s u i t s t o c o u r t , and

function a s t e s t a t o r s a t such proceedings Further, they

w e r e e n t i t l e d t o make t h e i r own will^,^^^ w i t n e s s a w i l l , c x o

o r s e r v e a s an a d v o c a t e f o r t h e w i l l o f a n o t h e r p e r s o n -
woman o r man."xa

Many o f t h e s e h i s t o r i c a l p a p e r s document t h e e x c h a n g e

o f m a t e r i a l p o s s e s s i o n s . The A n g l o - S a x o n s gave t h i n g s t o

e a c h o t h e r t h a t b e f i t t h e n a t u r e o f a w a r r i o r s o c i e t y and

217 I n a document t i t l e d "Grant of Land by King Cnut t o Christchurch, CanterburyIu

Queen Emma, Cnutls wife, is named f i r s t among t h e witnesses t o it. This document
is of uncertain d a t e . Robertson, Anglo-Saxon Charters, pp. 168-170.

The "Record of a Lawsuit between Wynflad and Leofwine," shows t h a t Wynflad

brought s u i t t o R t h e l r e d t s c o u r t a g a i n s t her son. The argument involved two
e s t a t e s Wynflad claimed t o own, given t o her by Leofwine's fathex I l f r i c . Wynflad
produced witnesses t o t e s t i f y on her behalf, both men and women, among whom a r e a
bishop, an archbishop and an e a r l , a l s o , L l f t h r y t h t h s s cyninges modor, Abbot
Wulfgar, t h e famous Wulfstan p r i o s t , v a r i o u s ealdormen, and two abbesses. I n
s h o r t , a s t h e s c r i b e notes, both m n i g god thegn, god wif. This document is dated
between 990 and 992. Robertson, Anglo-Saxon Charters, p . 136.

21' This is well noted by F e l l i n her chapter e n t i t l e d "Sex and Marriage," i n

Women i n Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 56-73. The Whitelock c o l l e c t i o n of wills shows
s e v e r a l examples. R l f g i f u leaves her lord s e v e r a l e s t a t e s : t h a s l a n d s s st
Weowungum and st Hlincgelads and st Hsfaresham and st Hadfalda and at Hassanwyrda
and st Gyssic. Anglo-Saxon Wills, p. 20. I t h e l f lad, second wife of king Edmund,
a l s o leaves l a r g e e s t a t e s i n her will (dated between 962 and 991). Anglo-Saxon
Wills, n o t e s t o t h e w i l l , p. 139. B r i h t n o t h ' s wife E l f f l a d a l s o had a good d e a l of
her own property. (This will is dated around 1002.) Among her numerous e s t a t e s and
holdings which a r e l i s t e d i n her w i l l are: "eleven e s t a t e s of which we do not know
t h e o r i g i n . They a l l l i e i n t h e e a s t e r n counties, mainly Essex, and probably she
i n h e r i t e d them from her husband.Vnglo-Saxon Wills, Note t o will 15, p. 142.

220 I n "The will of t h e Ealdorman I l f h e a h " 0 f Hampshire, 968-971, one of t h e

witnesses t o h i s will (among a Bishop, two ealdormen and an abbot) is thss
cyninges wif Athelwold. See a l s o "The Will of B r i h t r i c and I l f s w i t h , " Meopham,
Kent, 973-987. I t is witnessed by various kin, including a kinswoman, Byrhtwarlul,
L l f r i c e s l a f . Whitelock, Anglo-Saxon Wills, p. 2 4 and p. 26.

221 "The Will of B r i h t r i c and Ilfswith"Meopham, Kent, 973-987. B r i h t r i c wills h i s

hllefdian goods s o t h a t t h e se cwyde standan mote. Whitelock, Anglo-Saxon Wills, p.
26. Leofgifu, i n her will dated between 1035 and 1044, asks "her lady-ot to let
anyone a l t e r her will: And ic bidde mine leuedien f o r godes louen t h a t thu t h o l i e
t h a t a n i man mine guide awende. Anglo-Saxon Wills, p. 78.
89
t h e a r i s t o c r a t i c c l a s s t o w h i c h t h e y b e l o n g e d . Weapons,

horses, gold, and sometimes r e t a i n e r s , a r e very often

e x c h a n g e d . Though t h i s i s i n d e e d a w a r r i o r s o c i e t y , t h e

p a t t e r n of g i f t - g i v i n g shows t h a t i t is not e x c l u s i v e l y

m a l e . The p o s s e s s i o n s w h i c h a r e c o n s i d e r e d v a l u a b l e a n d

proper t o possess for that c l a s s a r e not d i f f e r e n t i a t e d

b e t w e e n men a n d women. Such i t e m s a s " r i n g s , " "weapons, " and

" h o r s e s , " w e r e h a n d e d down t h r o u g h g e n e r a t i o n s o f men a n d

women, g i v e n from f a t h e r t o s o n , mother t o son or d a u g h t e r ,

o r f r o m l o r d t o r e t a i n e r s o f b o t h s e x e s . s 2 2 I n "A W o r c e s t e r -

s h i r e Marriage Agreement, " b e t ween W u l f r i c a n d A r c h b i s h o p

Wulfstan's s i s t e r , f o r e x a m p l e , t h e r e a r e , among t h e o t h e r

goods W u l f r i c promises h i s w i f e , " t h i r t y m a n c u s e s of g o l d ,

t h i r t y men, and t h i r t y h o r s e s ."z2s S i n c e t h e g o l d , t h e number

o f men, a n d t h e h o r s e s a r e m a t c h e d , a n d mancus means "man-

cost, "*" i t seems t h a t W u l f r i c might b e making a g i f t of

r e t a i n e r s as a w e d d i n g p r e s e n t t o h i s w i f e , a l o n g w i t h t h e

money t o s u s t a i n t h e m . I n a n o t h e r i n s t a n c e a woman named

Rlfgifu gives horses, shields, and s p e a r s t o her l o r d . She

declares, " i c ann minsn c l n A l a f o r d e . . . and s y x h o r s a and

swa f a l a s c y l d a a n d s p e r a . "r26 I t can be seen i n k l f g i f u ' s

222 The conspicuous gift of warriors, in both literature and life. See for
instance, The B a t t l e o f Haldon.
22 Robertson, Anglo-Saxon Charters, p. 148.

224 Bosworth and T o l l e r .

2 2 5 "The will of &lfgifu\ d. 975. Whitelock, Anglo-Saxon W i l l s , p. 2 0 . There are

other instances of women giving and receiving wrings,w and " h o r s e s , ~ o r instance,
in "The Will of blffled,"d. 1002. As well as eight estates, Blffled gives bzha,
90
w i l l t h a t men d i d n o t a c t u a l l y e x p r o p r i a t e weapons - women
w e r e b o t h t h e g i v e r s and t h e r e c e i v e r s o f s u c h g i f t s . 2 2 e

T h i s bequest compares d i r e c t l y t o s e v e r a l i n t h e Ealdormans'

w i l l s . For i n s t a n c e , X t h e l r i c , a n e a r l who f o u g h t w i t h

B r y h t n o t h a t Maldon, l e a v e s h i s l o r d g o l d , h i s sword and

b e l t , a s w e l l a s " t w o h o r s e s , t w o t a r g e s , two • ’ r a k i s h

spears. "e27

T h i s e x c h a n g e o f g i f t s imp1 i e s t h a t h o r s e s , w e a p o n s ,

rings, and money, are appropriate for aristocrats t o possess

and t o c o n c e r n t h e m s e l v e s w i t h , and t h a t t h e g e n d e r o f a

particular aristocrat i s n o t an i m p o r t a n t c o n s i d e r a t i o n .

Klinck has s t a t e d t h a t " t h e bulk of t h e laws s u g g e s t an

- -

"rings,Vwo cups and a silver fat to her hlaforde. Anglo-Saxon Wills, p. 38.
Brihtric and his wife Elfswith leave "ringsR and a stallion to their hlsfdian:
anne beah on drittiqan mancysan qoldes; land] anne stedan. Anglo-Saxon Wills, p.
26. Also, Wynflad gives horses both to kinsmen and a kinswomen: hio bicwid
Cynelufe hyre dal thera wildera horsa . . . [andl habbe Eadwold land1 his sweostor
hyre taman hors geman." Anglo-Saxon Wills, p. 14, Similarly, Rthelflad grants
feower beagas "rings", robes, cups, bowels, and I l l 1 hors, Your horses," to her
hlsford so that her will standan mote. Anglo-Saxon Wills, p. 34.

226This may not be an isolated incident. There are the historical examples of
Seaxburh, Ethelbert, and Rthelflada, all three of whom might have possession of, a
direct occupational use for, weapons. Though there is no archaeological evidence
that links women with weapons conclusively, the problem may lie with the
presuppositions of the archaeologists. Fell brings this to light in a discussion
of the Viking Age in her book. In particular, the grave of a ninth century woman
in Gerdrup, Denmark, who was buried with an "iron knife," a "kneedlecase," and
most notably, a "spear.Vel1 remarks that "we do not know of any other burials of
Viking age woman with weapons, but this, as indicated above, is because the
presence of a weapon itself has usually been taken to be adequate evidence for the
sex of the skeleton it accompanies, and we have therefore no means of knowing if
the Gerdrup situation is unique. No parallel instance in England has been noted so
far, but the Gerdrup grave is immensely important in changing the pattern of
assumptions that can be made from archaeological evidence about the status of
women, and though there are several ways in which it could be interpreted it might
even be adduced as a reason for paying a little more serious attention to the many
traditions that survive in Old Norse literature about warrior-women." Women in
Anglo-Saxon England, p. 130-131.
227 "The Will of Bthelric," Whitelock, Anglo-Saxon Wills, p. 42.
91
 e n t i r e l y male w o r l d of a f f a i r s , " b u t t h e c o n c e r n s and

i n t e r e s t s of t h i s c l a s s of A n g l o - S a x o n s may n o t b e s e p a r a t e d

along t h e l i n e s of gender, a s K l i n c k m a i n t a i n s . z z a The g i f t s

given here, b e t w e e n men a n d women, show t h a t s u c h " a f f a i r s "

a s m i g h t b e c o n s i d e r e d " m a l e " t o t h e m o d e r n r e a d e r , may

a c t u a l l y h a v e b e e n women's c o n c e r n s a s w e l l . T h u s , the

p r i v a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n t h e Exeter Book w h i c h e v i n c e s u c h a

c l e a r e q u a l i t y between male and female a r e r e f l e c t i n g t h e

s o c i e t y t h a t s u s t a i n e d them.

E q u a l i t y may h a v e b e e n p o s s i b l e i n A n g l o - S a x o n society

b e c a u s e i t was n o t s t r i c t l y p a t r i a r c h a l . T h o u g h a f o r m o f

p a t r i a r c h y is o f t e n assumed o r i m p l i e d , prevalent kinship

arrangements preclude it . E r n e s t Young e x p l a i n s :

The wife, a f t e r marriage, remained i n her own mgth; her

husband merely became her g u a r d i a n . Her c h i l d r e n were a s
much kindred of her k i n as of t h e i r f a t h e r ' s k i n ...
" [ t h e ] a b s o l u t e power of t h e f a t h e r over w i f e and c h i l d r e n
could not e x i s t where t h e mot her 's blood-relat ions w r e
acknowledged as k i n . The n a t u r a l and only i n f e r e n c e is,
t h a t , where VE d o f i n d m n c a l l i n g " t h e m e l v e s r e l a t i v e s of
t h e i r m t h e r 's r e l a t i v e s , " t h e patria potestas, a s known t o
t h e Romans, c o u l d not have e x i s t e d . ... I t is c e r t a i n l y
not meant t h a t a p a t r i a r c h a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , or anything l i k e
one, ever e x i s t e d among t h e Saxons i n England.aab

F e l l a l s o comments on t h i s , stating: " a woman's r i g h t s a s

s h e moves f r o m o n e f a m i l y t o a n o t h e r a r e c a r e f u l l y p r o t e c t -

- ed. I t is n o t , a s i n some s o c i e t i e s , t h a t s h e moves f r o m t h e

'authority' of a f a t h e r t o t h a t of a husband. On t h e

22"Klinckl wAnglo-SaxonWomen and the Law," p. 109.

229 Ernest Young, "The Anglo-Saxon Family Law,"ssays i n Anglo-Saxon Law, pp.
149-151.
92
contrary, s h e r e t a i n s within her marriage t h e support of t h e

f a m i l y s h e was b o r n i n t o . The a b s e n c e of a f i x e d

p a t r i a r c h y i s i n i t s e l f a n i n d i c a t i o n of p o s s i b l e

f l e x i b i l i t y i n t h e r o l e s t h a t men; a n d women m i g h t a s s u m e .

The h i s t o r i c a l e v i d e n c e seems t o s u g g e s t a c l e a r

equality, w h e t h e r d i r e c t l y s t a t e d o r i m p l i e d . E v e n t h e way

i n w h i c h men a n d women a r e named s u g g e s t s t h e y w e r e c o e q u a l .

T h i s b a l a n c e is p r e s e n t i n b o t h t h e s p e c i f i c and i n t h e non-

s p e c i f i c . For i n s t a n c e , C h r i s t i n e F e l l reminds us t h a t t h e

n o u n man m e a n s e i t h e r man o r woman i n A n g l o - S a x o n , as also

t h e n o u n homo - they a r e b o t h used interchangeably f o r

e i t h e r s e x . z 3 * T h i s h o l d s t r u e f o r s p e c i f i c names a s w e l l ,

b o t h i n k i n d of name, and i n t h e manner i n which f e m a l e s a r e

named. I n 1 9 3 8 , H e n r y B o s l e y Woolf n o t i c e d t h a t , "The m o s t

important of [ t h e p r i n c i p l e s of naming were 1 a l l i t e r a t i o n

230 Fell, Women i n Anglo-Saxon England, p. 74.

231 Pel1 remarks on this semantic equality between men and women: "our response to
some of the simplest words can blur our understanding oE the original. We are, in
Modern English, accustomed to read the word man as masculine. ...
Old English
mann however can equally be used of women. Sir Henry Spelman (1564?-1641) produced
a study on The Laws and Antiquities o f England, published posthumously in 1723. In
it he notes that a charter of Edward the Confessor uses the word man to refer to a
. .
woman: 'And King Edward the Confessor granting duas Mansas . to Thola Widow of
the aforesaid Orc, whom in Saxon Charter he calleth his Man, that is his Thane
.
. The Old English is more clearly unambiguous than Spelmants rendering: Tole
min mann. It is not an isolated occurrence. A charter of 969 contains a grant of
land near Worcester leased for three lives by the bishop to a man called Rlfweard.
The main body of the charter is in Latin, the bounds are in English. Then there is
a final sentence in English: Llfweard wzs s e forma man and nu h i t stant h i s dohtor
.
on handa and heo i s se oder man. . . Similarly in the Latin of Domesday Book the
word homo is properly used for women as well as for men. In Hertfordshire Eadgifu
puella, ..
. held an estate. She was Archbishop Stigandts homo. I t is also
observable in the manumission clauses of wills and in inventories that the word
menn must be used of people in general." Anglo-Saxon Women, p. 17.
 and v a r i a t i o n , " and t h a t , c o n t r a r y t o c r i t i c a l o p i n i o n s of

t h a t time, which h e l d t h a t t h e "naming p r i n c i p l e s " d i d n o t

matter i n r e l a t i o n t o females, these "principles" actually

do a p p l y e q u a l l y t o m a l e a n d f e m a l e c h i l d r e n . H e s a y s , for

e x a m p l e , t h a t "among t h e d e s c e n d a n t s o f C e r d i c a r e t w e n t y

t w o women . . . eighteen ... [ o f whom] b e a r names t h a t

a l l i t e r a t e w i t h t h o s e of t h e i r . f a t h e r s . " T h i s i s t r u e of

o t h e r Anglo-Saxon r o y a l houses a s well. Further, Woolf

d e m o n s t r a t e s t h a t c h i l d r e n o f b o t h s e x e s c o u l d b e named

a f t e r t h e i r f a t h e r s , mothers, or both: " i n s t a n c e s of d o u b l e

variation . . . a s t h a t of t h e D e i r a n p r i n c e s s H e r e s w i t h ,

d a u g h t e r of H e r e r i c a n d B e o r h t s w i t h , and of t h e t e n t h -

c e n t u r y b i s h o p of Worcester, Wulfstan, s o n of k t h e l s t a n and

Wulfgifu, s h o w w e l l e n o u g h t h a t t h e m o t h e r was h a r d l y a n o n -

e n t i t y i n t h e m a t t e r of name-giving. "s5E

The s e x u a l r i d d l e s d e m o n s t r a t e c l e a r l y t h a t pub1 i c a n d

p r i v a t e concerns do, and s h o u l d , interconnect. H i s t or i c a l

e v i d e n c e s h o w s t h a t t h i s was t r u e o f t h e s o c i e t y a s a w h o l e .

The f a m i l y u n i t i t s e l f seems t o h a v e b e e n t h e b a s e o f p u b l i c

tspower f o r b o t h s e x e s , and s o , what i s p u b l i c and what is

p r i v a t e o v e r l a p i n a f u n d a m e n t a l way. T h i s phenomenon may

have d i r e c t l y f o s t e r e d a s y s t e m i n which females could

p a r t i c i p a t e e q u a l l y w i t h men. Jane Tibbetts-Shulenburg puts

forward t h i s idea:

The Naming of Women in Old English Times," in Hodern

232 Henry Bosley Woolf, "
Philology, 36:2 (November 1938), pp. 113-120.
 [For] the e a r l y middle ages . .. w i t h p o l i t i c a l and
economic power s i t uat ed within the fami l y , the household
became the central locus of power. In the undifferentiated
space of the great h a l l , the d i s t i n c t ion between public and
private became redundant. The domestic sphere was a l s o the
public sphere: i t stood at the very center of power and
author it y .
The household served as the noblewoman's
powerhouse; i t provided nearly l i m i t l e s s opportunities for
women whose f a m i l i e s were p o l i t i c a l l y and economically
powerful .
T h i s b a s e o f power i n t h e f a m i l y w a s , h o w e v e r , d i s p l a c e d i n

t h e l a t e r m i d d l e a g e s . E 3 4 Durin'g t h e Anglo-Saxon period, it

may w e l l h a v e e n a b l e d women t o s h a r e i n , and h a v e c o n s i d e r -

a b l e i n f l u e n c e on, p u b l i c a f f a i r s a s w e l l a s private.2s8

233 Jane Tibbetts Schulenburg, "Female Sanctity and Private Roles: ca. 500-1100,"
in Women and Power i n the Hiddle Ages, Mary Erler and Maryanne Kowaleski eds.
(Athens and London: University of Georgia Press, 1988), p. 105. McNamara and
Wemple make a similar assertion: "by the fifth and sixth centuries, when the
Germanic tribes were setting up kingdoms in the western parts of the decaying
Roman Empire . . . the smaller family group began to replace the tribe as the
.
basic social unit . . a woman of that age could expect to share actively in the
social role of her family. The Germans drew no distinctions between private and
public power, or between public and private rights. As a result, women whose
families were economically powerful, or who held extensive property in their own
names, occupied the public sphere as well as the private." "The Power of Women
Through the Family in Medieval Europe, 500-1100,Qp. 118-119.
234 McNamara and Wemple explain that, "[with] the growth of feudal monarchies in
the eleventh and twelfth centuries, governments ceased to be ruled on a personal
basis but rather developed into large, impersonal institutions. Public power which
had previously been exercised by great aristocratic families through the
household, was recaptured by kings who were assisted in their governance by
professional bureaucrats. The loss of public power was especially felt by queens
and aristocratic women, for with the removal of the power base from the household,
noblewomen essentially lost their formal positions of influence."The Power of
Women Through the Family in Medieval Europe, 500-1100,"p. 119.
2 3 y This situation changed significantly after the conquest. Cecily Clark and

Elizabeth Williams have found that, "those [women] in control of property had the
same powers as men of making grants by charter, and had their personal seals. But,
because a wife's property passed wholly into her husband's care, virtually the
only woman land-holders or taxpayers were widows, and records dealing with such
matters usually show them as amounting to under ten percent of the total. A woman
could not act independently to sell, give away, or bequeath her 'own' property.
Although women could, and did, witness charters, their surviving attestations are
rare." The Impact of 1066, p. 164. It seems in order for Anglo-Saxon families to
withstand 1066, they were obliged to accommodate Norman ways. According to Ann
Williams, "[adaptation] to Norman customs of inheritance, tenure, and even names
95
 It would seem, then, that women did have both a private
and a public life. That women were active in the former is

evinced by the sexual riddles, and that they also took part
in the latter is made clear by the historical evidence.
Women were not merely part of a man's private life, nor were
they simply men's public figures as pledges of peace.23"
This general overlap of private and public also shows
itself in matters of law governing the population at large.
Public interests are not divorced from what is essentially

personal. For instance, the laws governing vendetta indicate

an intersection of personal rights and public justice in
which a breach of private peace is punishable by the direct

action of the victims themselves.z3T As well as compensation

for physical injuries, there are laws which dictate
reparation for personal insult to an innocent party. Putting
the victim into stocks or binding him, or shaving his hair

(especially if i t is shaved as a priest) warrant heavy fines

was the key to survival."A Vice-Comital Family in Pre-Conquest Warwickshire," in
Anglo-Norman Studies XI: Proceedings o f t h e B a t t l e Conference (Woodbridge: Boydell
Press, 19891, p. 288 and 290.
236 For an opposite view, see Klinck: "there are no Amazons in Old English poetry:
no female counterpart of the male roles in which physical strength is an important
constit~ent.~ There are no prominent and active roles for them to fulfill, and for
this very reason they are available for a different kind of exploration: in the
area of suffering and thought rather than action, and of private rather than
public experience. "Female Characterization in Old English Poetry,"pp. 88-89.
2 3 7 See, for instance, Alfred 42.5 and 6: Eac we cwedab, t h s t mon mote mid h i s

hlaforde feohtan orwige, g i f mon on thone hlaford fiohte; swa mot s e hlaford mid
t h y men feohtan. df t e r thare ilcan yisan mon mot feohtan mid h i s geborene m g e ,
g i f hine mon on woh onfeohted, buton wid h i s hlaforde: t h s t we ne l i e f a d . These
laws are dated by Liebermann 890?-901. Die Gesetze Der Angelsachsen, p. 76.
See also, Ethelred. 11. 6: G i f h i t binnan b y r i g gedon bib, seo fzidbrzc, fare seo
buruhwaru sylf t o land1 begyte da banan. The set of laws is dated by Liebermann as
991. Die Gesetze Der Angelsachsen, p . 222.
96
for t h e personal h u m i l i a t i o n they cause, even though n o

bodily harm is done.e5a The invasion of private peace, that

is, breaking into someone's home and injuring the occupants,

entails severe consequences. T h e perpetrators are at risk of

having all belongings confiscated, and of possible

execution, at t h e d i s c r e t i o n of t h e king."=* Fines for

assaulting women begin with fiye shillings for "grabbing"

and g o up, according t o t h e extent of t h e assault .%*O The

238 See Alfred, 35 1-6: G i f mon c i e r l i s c n e mon gebinde unsynninge, gebete mid X
s c i l l . Gif hine mon beswinge, mid XX s c i l l . gebete. Gif he hine on hengenne
alecgge, mid XXX s c i l l . gebete. Gif he hine on bismor to homolan biscire, mid X
scill. gebete. Gif he hine to preoste bescire unbundenne, mid XXX s c i l l . gebete.
Gif he done beard ofascire, mid XX scill. gebete. G i f he hine gebinde land1 thone
t o preoste bescire, mid L X s c i l l . gebete. F . Liebermann, Die Gesetze Der
Angelsachsen, p. 68. Pollock and Haitland make t h i s point on these particular laws
governing personal i n s u l t : " [ i t ] is worthwhile t o notice t h a t the contumelious
outrage of binding a f r e e man, or shaving h i s head in derision, or shaving off h i s
beard, was visited with heavier fines than any but the gravest wounds. In the
modern common law compensation for insult, a s d i s t i n c t from actual bodily hurt, is
arrived a t only in a somewhat indirect fashion, by giving juries a free hand in
the measure of damages. "he History of English Law Before the Time of Edward I,
p. 53.

2" This law is Eadmund 11, 6: Eac we cmdon be mundbrice land1 hamsocnum: s e de
h i t ofer dis do, d a t he tholige e a l l e s das he age, [and] si on cyninges dome,
hmder he l i f age. Eadmund's laws a r e dated by Liebermann 943-946. Die Gesetze Der
Angelsachsen, p. 188.

2 4 0 Alfred 11: G i f mon on c i r l i s c r e famnan breost gefo, mid V s c i l l . h i r e gebete.

F. Liebermann, Die Gesetze Der Angelsachsen, p. 56. As Fell also notes of the laws
i n t h i s section, i t is clear that the "compensation" i s paid d i r e c t l y t o the woman
herself. See F e l l ' s discussion on t h i s and other laws governing sexual offences
against women in Women i n Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 62-64. Perhaps t h i s
compensation does not seem l i k e much. However, the amount may be worth
consideration, since, in law 16 of t h e same code, it seems that a single s h i l l i n g
can buy a cow or a stud-mare. Liebermnn, Die Gesetze Der Angelsachsen, p. 58.
Hill comments on a similar protection law in Athelbert, and points out t h a t the
fine ( i n t h i s case of s i x s h i l l i n g s ) may i n f a c t be a significant deterrent: "Even
the poorest of women was e n t i t l e d t o the protection of t h e i r personal peace. To
break the peace of 'a widow of the fourth c l a s s 1 was an offence punishable by a
fine of six s h i l l i n g s , [Athelbert, 751, which represented the price of six lambing
ewes or of one good woven woolen blanket. Such a payment would make anyone think
twice before molesting her.vUarriage in Seventh Century England," p. 69.
97
p e n a l t y f o r r a p e , p e r h a p s t h e most v i c i o u s d i s t u r b a n c e o f

the i n t e g r i t y of t h e s e l f , i n v o l v e s s e v e r e punishment.241

And, p e r h a p s more i m p o r t a n t l y , t h e s e punishments s e r v e t o

s a t i s f y t h e v i c t i m ' s p r i v a t e r i g h t t o vengeance, rather than

t o simply ensure t h a t p u b l i c J u s t i c e i s served.e4z I t seems

that i n a l l cases, Anglo-Saxon l a w s e r v e s t h e p e r s o n a l

s a t i s f a c t i o n o f t h e v i c t i m and i s c l e a r l y i n t e g r a l t o t h e i r

s e n s e of public just iceaS4=

Conclusions :

The s p e c i f i c c o n t e n t o f t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s o f t h e

Exeter Book s u g g e s t s t h a t A n g l o - S a x o n s o c i e t y t r e a t s men and

2 4 1 There are, a s noted, fines imposed according t o the rank of the woman

offended, but these fines may be only a secondary consideration. As Fell notestnin
the case of sexual assaults on women it may be impossible for the offender t o get
away merely with financial compensation."Firstly, Alfred 42 7, e n t i t l e d a woman's
relations - husband, brother, father, or son - t o k i l l the perpetrator of such a
crime i f he is caught in the act: mon mot feohtan orwige, g i f he gemeted otherne
a t h i s awum wife, betynedum durum odde under anre reon, odde a t h i s dehter
awumborenre ( d d e a t h i s swistgr borenre) odde a t h i s medder de e r e t o awum wife
forgifen h i s fzder. Liebermann, Die Gesetze Der Angelsachsen, p. 76. Moreover, i f
a male servant rapes a female servant, he is subject to castration: Gif deomon
theowne t o nedhamde genede, bete mid h i s eowende. Die Gesetze Der Angelsachsen, p.
64. Fell discusses these laws in Women i n Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 62-64.

242 I t should be noted that t h i s is d i f f e r e n t from modern rape law in which

justice is seen t o be done i f the public process is served and the perpetrator of
the crime goes t o prison. This has more t o do with paying a debt t o society than
it does with conciliating the victim d i r e c t l y .

2 4 3 See Alfred 42 7, footnote 244, above. Pollock and Haitland comment on t h i s

law, but they identify the crime a s an adultery only: "an adulterer taken in
flagrante d e l i c t o by the woman's lawful husband, father, brother, or son, might be
killed without r i s k of blood-feud." The History of English Law Before the Time of
Edward I (Cambridge: University Press, 1923), p. 53. They come t o t h i s conclusion
even though the action of the perpetrator is s p e c i f i c a l l y st, not mid, as one
would expect in t h i s case, and as it is s t a t e d i n Alfred 10, a law c l e a r l y
governing adultery: .'qif mon hzme mid twelfhyndes monnes wife, hundtwelftig s c i l l .
gebete. Liebernann, Die Gese tze Der Angelsachsen, p. 56.
women e q u a l l y a n d f u r t h e r , t h a t t h i s i s a n e s s e n t i a l l y

holistic society. It is n a t u r a l , then, that these riddles

g i v e moral i n s t r u c t i o n from a h o l i s t i c viewpoint i n which

t h e r e is a n a t u r a l c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n p u b l i c and p r i v a t e .
e x p e r i e n c e . H i s t o r i c a l e v i d e n c e c o r r o b o r a t e s what t h e

r i d d l e s i m p l y . What is p e r s o n a l is never e n t i r e l y s e p a r a t e d

from p u b l i c i n t e r e s t s . Thus, t h e issues raised in the sexual

r i d d l e s e n c o m p a s s much o f w h a t is fundamental t o t h e s o c i e t y

which g a v e r i s e t o them.

T h e s e c o n n e c t i o n s c a n o n l y b e made i f t h e s p e c i f i c

c o n t e n t of t h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s i s examined f o r what i t i s ,

n o t what i t is p u r p o r t e d t o r e p r e s e n t . In the past, the

preoccupation with finding non-sexual "solutions" as the

key t o t h e s e "jokes" has disallowed such d i r e c t examination.

"Solving" t h e problem has e f f e c t i v e l y led t o suppressing t h e

w o r k i t s e l f . L i t e r a t u r e i s o f t e n s e e n i n terms o f a n

u n d e r l y i n g q u e s t i o n t o b e answered, a "problem" t o be

s o l v e d . P i e r r e M a c h e r e y h a s o u t l i n e d t h i s p e r c e p t i o n b y way

of Edgar Alan P o e ' s e x p l a n a t i o n of literature as

"proceeding, s t e p by s t e p , t o its completion with t h e

p r e c i s i o n of a mathematical problem. "z44 But, a s Macherey

notes:

The mathematical problem is a f a n c i f u l irnage of t h e work:

t h e s o l u t i o n of t h e one corresponds t o t h e conclusion of t h e
other ... the work's solution also entails its

244 Edgar Allen Poe: A Grotesque and Solemn Work, quoted i n P i e r r e Hachery, A
Theory o f L i t e r a r y Production, (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 19871, pp. 23-
24.
99
 disappearance, hence t h e work is s u s t a i n e d only by the
quest ion t o which i t must provide an answer

T h i s a p p r o a c h t o l i t e r a t u r e a s a "problem" i s r e g u l a r l y

i m p o s e d on t h e r i d d l e s . F o r i n s t a n c e , one c r i t i c n o t e s a

d i f f i c u l t y w i t h E l l i Kongas-Miranda's approach t o t h e r i d d l e

g e n r e . The p r o b l e m t h a t t h i s r e a d e r h a s d i s c o v e r e d i s n o t

important in itself, b u t h i s a p p l i c a t i o n of a m a t h e m a t i c a l

p r i n c i p l e t o r i d d l e s is. As he e x p l a i n s :

[Miranda] i n s i s t s t h a t t h e i d e n t i t y of t h e o b j e c t
of t h e r i d d l e image w i t h t h e answer o b j e c t n e c e s -
s i t a t e s t h e i d e n t i t y of which t h o s e o b j e c t s a r e
members. T h i s i s l o g i c a l l y i m p o s s i b l e , however,
s i n c e a c l a s s a n d i t s members a r e o f d i f f e r e n t
l o g i c a l t y p e s , a s d e f i n e d by Whitehead and R u s s e l
i n P r i n c i p i a Mathernatica. A c l a s s , f o r e x a m p l e ,
c a n n o t b e a member o f i t s e l f a n d , t h e r e f o r e , c a n -
n o t a c t l i k e a n y o f i t s members .=*@'

Here, P r i n c i p i a Mathernatica i s d i r e c t l y a p p l i e d t o r i d d l e s

i n o r d e r t o c r e a t e an answer which is c o m p l e t e l y s e p a r a t e

f r o m t h e o b j e c t w h i c h d e f i n e s i t . The s e x u a l r i d d l e s a p p e a r

t o b e e s p e c i a l l y s u b j e c t t o t h e "mat h - p r o b l e m - t o - b e - s o l v e d "

approach because of d i f f i c u l t i e s involved i n e v a l u a t i n g

t h e i r e x p l i c i t c o n t e n t . T y p i c a l of t h i s a p p r o a c h i s A r c h e r

T a y l o r ' s d i s c u s s i o n of " E r o t i c Scenes" i n r i d d l e s :

[A1 trick characteristic of riddling at all

t i m e s , " h e s a y s " h a s b e e n t h e d e s c r i p t i o n of a n
e r o t i c s c e n e w i t h t h e i n t e n t of c o n f u s i n g t h e
h e a r e r by a n e n t i r e l y i n n o c e n t a n s w e r . I h a v e
deemed i t s u f f i c i e n t t o c i t e t h e a n s w e r s t o t h e s e

2 4 5 Hachery, A Theory of Literary Production (London, Henley and Boston: Routledge

and Keqan Paul, 1978), Ch. 6, p. 23-24.

2 4 6 Hichael D. Lieber, wRiddles, Cultural Categories, and World View," i n Journal

of American Folklore, 89 (1976), p. 258.

100
 r i d d l e s w i t h t h e r e f e r e n c e t o t h e p l a c e where t h e y
.
h a v e b e e n p r i n t e d "E47

T a y l o r g o e s s o f a r as t o i n c l u d e t h e " a n s w e r s " o n l y ,

o m i t t ing t h e r i d d l e s t h e m s e l v e s a l t o g e t h e r . T h i s i l l u s t r a t e s

p r e c i s e l y Machery's a s s e r t i o n t h a t "the work's s o l u t i o n a l s o

e n t a i l s its disappearance." The c o n s e q u e n c e of imposing t h i s

p e r s p e c t i v e on l i t e r a t u r e i s t h a t we a r e d e p r i v e d o f t h e

v e r y e s s e n c e of t h e w o r k i t s e 1 . f . T h e s e x u a l r i d d l e s o f t h e

Exeter Book w e r e , i n t h i s same w a y , made i n v i s i b l e b y t h e i r

imposed s o l u t i o n s .

I n s p i t e o f w h a t e a r l y r e a d e r s o f t h e E x e t e r Book

a s s e r t e d about them, a n d i n s p i t e of what more r e c e n t

c r i t i c s c o n t i n u e t o s a y , t h e s i x r i d d l e s which a r e s e x u a l

a r e n o t double entendre. I t is only t h e sexual s o l u t i o n

which is always compatible w i t h t h e d e t a i l s given, a n d 'it i s

t h i s s o l u t i o n w h i c h i m p a r t s t h e most s i g n i f i c a n c e t o them.

Therefore, it i s f i n a l l y t h e only convincing solution. In

R i d d l e 25, t h e " s o l u t i o n " is p e n i s , not a vegetable; the

" h a n g i n g t h i n g " of R i d d l e 42 is n o t a key, b u t a p e n i s ; the

" s w e l l i n g t h i n g " of R i d d l e 43, a l s o penis; t h e c o n t e n t of

R i d d l e 5 3 c a n h a r d l y b e e x p l a i n e d i n a n y o t h e r way b e s i d e s

the sexual, a s most r e a d e r s w i l l a d m i t ; the specific action

o f R i d d l e 59 s u g g e s t s s e x , not dressing; t h e heated object

- of R i d d l e 60 i s a p e n i s a s w e l l , not a mechanical d e v i c e f o r

b o r i n g wood. The s u g g e s t i v e l a n g u a g e n e v e r d i s p l a c e s , b u t

r a t h e r enhances, t h i s primary s e x u a l meaning. Yet t h e s e

2 4 7 AIcher Taylor, E n g l i s h R i d d l e s from Oral T r a d i t i o n (Berkeley and Los Angeles:

University of California Press, 19511, p. 687.

101
 s o l u t i o n s have been m a i n t a i n e d by subsequent r e a d e r s and

e d i t o r s ever s i n c e t h e y were invented a c e n t u r y ago.

Daniel Calder has pointed out t h e problems w i t h

a c c e p t i n g t h e o p i n i o n s of e a r l y s c h o l a r s h i p a s an un-

q u e s t i o n e d b a s i s f o r any f u r t h e r work. He argues, "in the

mid n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . . . their e x p e r t i s e in s c i e n t i f i c

p h i l o l o g y was somewhat more a d v a n c e d t h a n t h e i r 1i t e r a r y

training," and f u r t h e r t h a t t h e y had "a b e l i e f in the

n a t u r a l s u p e r i o r i t y of t h e Germanic r a c e s . . . . from such

not i o n s of s u b j e c t , n a r r a t i v e and s t r u c t u r e , very clear

moral, ethical, and t h e o l o g i c a l opinions followed. The

c r i t i c i s m of Old E n g l i s h h a s y e t t o shake off these legacies

of the founders. "24e As Calder suggests here, these biases

have a f f e c t e d a l l o f t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Old E n g l i s h

literature. However, C a l d e r ' s s t a t e m e n t seems p a r t i c u l a r l y

t r u e of the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the sexual riddles in the

E s e t e r Book, a n d o f t h e e a r l y c o m m e n t a t o r s who e n d e a v o r e d t o

effect t h e d i s a p p e a r a n c e of content.

The d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n o u r modern s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e a n d

that of t h e Anglo-Saxons is a d i f f e r e n c e of r e s p e c t i v e moral

frameworks. Regarding sexual i t y , what e a r l y modern c r i t i c s

have taken a s i n t r i n s i c d i f f e r e n c e s i n behavior f o r women

a n d men, s e e m l y a t t i t u d e s a b o u t s e x , a n d c o r r e c t e x p e c t a -

t i o n s of m a r r i a g e , we h a v e d e e m e d t o be u n i v e r s a l and t h u s

a p p l j e d even where t h e s e measures have no meaning o r

2 ' a Daniel G. Calder, "The Canons of Old English Criticism Revisited," in "Twenty
Years of The Year's Work in Old English Studies," OEN Subsidia, 15 (19891, 19.
102
relevance. S u c h v a l u e s may p e r h a p s b e i m p o s e d b e c a u s e t h e y

a r e p u r p o r t e d t o h a v e e v o l v e d b e y o n d t h o s e of o u r

"primitive" past, and a r e t h u s a s u p e r i o r and s u i t a b l e

s t a n d a r d t o weigh a g a i n s t o l d e r o n e s . In f a c t , they evince a

k i n d of p r o p r i e t y t h a t h a s b e e n f o r c e d upon t h e m a t e r i a l of

these riddles, b e n d i n g them i n t o a d i s t o r t e d r e f l e c t i o n of

o u r own a t t i t u d e s t o w a r d s women a n d men a n d t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e

place in society. It i s t o t h e i r c i l e d i t t h a t s u c h norms

never e x i s t e d f o r t h e Anglo-Saxons. Clearly, t h e r e is a need

t o re-examine and r e - e v a l u a t e past assumptions concerning

t h e r o l e s o f men a n d women i n A n g l o - S a x o n s o c i e t y . C e r t a i n l y

there i s evidence t o suggest t h a t men a n d women f u n c t i o n e d

i n partnership, i n personal relationships a s well a s public

ones, a thousand years ago. I t was c o n s i d e r e d , for the space

of a t least f i v e hundred y e a r s , n o r m a l f o r men a n d women t o

b e on e q u a l t e r m s . From t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e , Anglo-Saxon

society -a system often c a l l e d " a r t i s t i c a l l y developed"

but "barbaric" - i s one more t r u l y s o p h i s t i c a t e d t h a n our

own.
 - Appendix One ---

F r ~ mt h e f o l l o w i n g i n f o r m a t i o n , I t can be s e e n t h a t the

s i x r i d d l e s u n d e r c o n s i d e r a t i o n -- 23, 42, 43, 52, 59 and 6 1

-are a g r e e d t o b e s e x u a l d o u b l e e n t e n d r e by m o s t s c h o l a r s .

Various other r i d d l e s a r e regarded a s sexual, but t h e r e is

no unanimous agreement about them:

F r e d e r i c k Tupper b e l i e v e d the s i x riddles - 23, 42,

43, 52, 59 and 6 1 -to be "obscene" double entendres, with

t h e p o s s i b l e a d d i t i o n of 1 0 "Ox", a n d 35, t h e f i r s t o f t h e

two " B e l l o w s " r i d d l e s . R i d d l e s o f t h e E x e t e r Book (New Y o r k ,

19111, p. xci .)

A l f r e d J . Wyatt a l s o n o t e s 23, 42, 43, 59, and 6 1 a s

d o u b l e e n t e n d t - e , a d d i n g 4 0 " C o c k a n d Hen" a n d 6 1 " E e a k e r " t o

a sub-category which c o n t a i n " s i m i l a r [ t r a i t s ] " but a r e "of

learned origin . . . c o n f i n e d t o o n e s e n t e n c e o r p o r t i o n of

t h e whole and . . . much l e s s g r o s s . " Old English Riddles

(Boston, 1911), p. xxxi.

A.E.H. Swaen d e n o t e s t h e same s i x a s " o b s c e n e " : 23,

42, 43, 52, 59, and 61, " w h i c h t u r n upon a d o u b l e e n t e n d r e . "

H e a d d s , a s Wyatt d o e s , 61 "Beaker ." "Notes t o Anglo-Saxon

Riddles," ,Veophil, 31 ( 1 9 4 7 ) , p. 11.

P a u l F . Baum a l s o l i s t s 2 3 , 42, 43, 52, 59, and 6 1 a s

"obscene" double entendre. Baum w o u l d a d d t h e t w o " B e l l o w s "

riddles, 35 a n d 5 3 , t o t h i s category. A n g l o S a x o n R i d d l e s of

T h e E x e t e r Book- ( N o r t h C a r o l i n a , 1963), pp. 57-60.

"' m Gregory Jember p l a c e s t h e s i x r i d d l e s c i t e d above -

23, 42, 43, 52, 59, and 6 1 - within a l a r g e r group which h e
104
 c a l l s "sexual". The o t h e r r i d d l e s i n J e m b e r ' s "sexual" group

are: 63 "Onion," 2 "Uncertain," 9 "Cup o f W i n e , " 1 5 "Un-

certain, " 1 8 "Sword, " 1 9 " P l o u g h , " 2 1 "Bow, " 2 5 " T r e e / W o o d , "

35 and 83, t h e two "Bellows" r i d d l e s , 4 0 "Cock a n d H e n , " 63

"Onion," 76 "Horn," 87 "Key," and p o s s i b l y 1 6 " J u g . " "An

I n t e r p r e t i v e T r a n s l a t i o n of t h e E x e t e r Book R i d d l e s "

( U n i v e r s i t y of Denver d i s s e r t a t i o n , 1975).

I C r a i g W i l l i a m s o n n o t e s what h e c a l l s t h e " E r o t i c

g r o u p " of w h i c h t h e d o u b l e c n t e n d r e c o m p r i s e a l a r g e p a r t .

He i n c l u d e s 23, 42, 43, 52, 59 and 60, a d d i n g 35 " B e l l o w s . "

Williamson adds t h a t " e r o t i c elements, but without t h e sus-

t a i n e d s e n s e of double entendre, a l s o occur i n 10, 18, 40,

61, a n d S 7 . " A Feast o f C r e a t u r e s : Anglo-Saxon Riddle Songs

(19S?), p. 22.

= Ann H a r l e m a n - S t e w a r t l i s t s t h e s i x noted above - 23,

42, 43, 52, 5 9 a n d 60 - a s d o u b l e e n f e n d r e , p l u s 35 and 3 3

" B e l l o w s " a n d 4 0 "Cock a n d Hen" i n t h e same g r o u p . S h e a l s o

i d e n t i f i e s a second grouping a s "borderline" because, as she

says, " s c h o l a r s a r e not i n agreement about whether or not

t h e s e r i d d l e s have a double meaning." This category includes

1 0 "Ox," 1 8 "Swoi*dJ1' 3 6 " B u l l C a l f , " 4 s " F i r e , " and 6 1

"Beaker." " D o u b l e E n t e n d r e i n t h e E x e t e r Book R i d d l e s , " L o r e

- a n d Language, 3 (1953) pp. 39, 45.

Edith Whitehurst W i l l i a m s a p p e n d s 57 "Key" t o t h e

usual double entendre group, reading it "Keyhole" w i t h t h e

"female receptable" [sic] as the sexual subaudition.

" W h a t ' s s o New A b o u t t h e S e x u a l R e v o l u t i o n ? Some C o m m e n t s o n

105
Anglo-Saxon A t t i t u d e s T o w a r d s S e x u a l i t y i n Women B a s e d o n

Four E x e t e r Book R i d d l e s , " T e x a s Quarterly, I S , p . 52.

= In addition t o the usual r i d d l e s considered t o be

double entendre, K.S. K i s r n a n a d d s 91 "Book." Kiernan says

that this riddle refers t o a "Prostitute." "Kwene: The O l d

P r o f e s s i o n o f R i d d l e 9 5 , " MP, 7 2 ( 1 9 7 4 ) .

= R i c h a r d S c h r a d e r comments o n l y b r i e f l y on t h e s e x u a l
riddles, but h e d o e s n o t e Nos. 18 [ 2 0 3 , 23 [251, 4 0 E423, 43

E451, 52 [541, a n d 59 E61I a s c o n s t i t u t i n g t h e d o u b l e

entendre group. See Richard J . Schrader, C i o d ' s HanJiw0r.A-:

I m a g e s o f Women i n E a r l y G e i - m a n i c L i t e r a t u r e ( W e s t p o r t a n d

London: Greenwood P r e s s , 1983), footnote, p. 56.

= Christine Fell notes t h e following riddles as double

e n t e n d r e : 25, 45, 54, 61, 62, 63. Women i n A n g l o - S a x o n

England, p. 57.
 - A p p e n d i x Two -
R i d d l e 40

Cock and %n '

Ic s e a h wyhte wratlice tvm
undearnunga u t e p l e g a n
h a n r d l a c e s ; hwi t 1 oc a n f e n g ,
wlanc under wadurn, g i f t h n s w ~ c e sspeow,
f s n ~ ~f ye l l o . I c on f l e t t e m y
t h w h r u n e s t a f a s r i ncum s e c g a n
t ham t h e b e c wi t a n b e a g a m t s omne
naman t h a r a wi t a . Thzr sceal Nyd wesan
twega o t h e r ond se t o r h t a k c ,
a n a n 1i n a n , Acas twegen,
k g e l a s swa s o m . Svm i c t h ~ sh o r d g a t e s
cagan c r a f t e t h a c l a m o n l e a c
t h e tha rmiellan wi6 rynemnn
h y g e f x s t e h e o l d , h e o r t a n bevn-igene
or t honcbendum. Nu is und yr n e
werum zt wine hu t h a w i h t e mid u s
heanmode t ka h a t ne s i ndari .
4 2 . 4 : s p e o w : MS. s p e o t h .
4 2 . 1 1 : Swa i c : MS. h w j l c .
4 2 . 1 1 : w s : MS. WZS.

1 saw two ornamwted creatures un-secretly out playing at sexual

intercourse; the Mite?-lockrd one received a woman's f i l l , the proud one
under (her) clothes, if that work was t o succeed. I can say t o /rm on
the floor, t o those ~ h know
o books, the nams o f those creatures, both
.
together, through rune-s taves There shall "Need" be, one o f two, and
the bright "Ash," on one l i n e , two "&A-s," "Hails" the same. So I
unlocked with key's c r a f t the bond o f the hoard-gate, that guarded that
riddle, concealed by skill-bonds against rune-men wise i n heart. Now i t
i s un-sec~*ett o E n at wine how the creatures among us, the low-minded
t wo, are ca 1 I ed.

* Variant Numbers: Williamson, 40; Grien, 43; Trautmann, 40; Tupper, 43; Wyatt,
42; Hackie 42; K-D. 42. All editors accept Dietrich's "Cock and Hen."The solution
i s based upon the runes names i n lines 8-11.
107
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 I NDEX 36, 40, 48, 110, 113,
1 4 115
Adams, J. F. 115 Edith, queen 6, 53, 89,
Advice, about s e x 3, 14 114, 1 122
Ethelbert 91, 9 2 Edward the Martyr 89
At he1 f lada 95 Esne 23, 33, 55, 69, 70,
Rthelred S9 11, 8 4
Alexander, M. 113 Ethelburgh 95
Aristocracy 32, 54, 75, Fell, C. 101, 115
SS, 59, 9S, 100 Female (see also Women)
Assault, pcnalt ies for 52, 53, 59, 62, 65,
65, 106 66, 67, 68, 71, 76,
Bandel, B. 96 7 9 , 5.3, 85, 100, 102,
Barale, M. 113 114, 120, 122
Baum, P. F. 12, 113 Freud, S. 64, 65
Bede 96 Godden, M. 119
Belanoff, P. 118 Hacikyan, A . 119
Bennett, H. 11s Harleman-Stewart, A. 7,
Bethrum, D. 118 3, 12, 54, 62, 63, 114
Foj*mal solut ions : Hild of Whitby 95
Onion 5, 18, 9 , 20, Hlnfdige 31, 32
47, 50, 66, 114 Humor 5, 1 1 12, 63, 6 4
Key 5, 23, 24, 25, Jember G. R . 113, 114
26, 27, 49, 50, 105, Kiernan, K. 12, 115
1 1 0 114, 115, 116, Kinship 101
124 Klaeber, F. 119
Dough 5, 25, 29, 30, Klinck, A. 1,. 100, 120
31, 32, 50 Kongas-Miranda, E. I03
Churn 5, 33, 34, 35, 66 Lawsuits 97
Helmet/Shirt 5, 37, 39, Leach, E. 76
40 Lerer, S. 75
Boring tool/Poker Macherey, P. 108, 120
43, 44, 46, 66 Mackie, W. S. 120
Bosworth and Toller 56, Male (see also Men) 29,
57, 61 46, 52, 55, 56, 58,
Brandes, S. 65
Burrow, J. A . 115
Calder, D. 110, 111, 118 35, 90, 95, 98, 100,
Canute 93 102
Chronicle 96, 97 Marriage 35, 52, 72, 31,
Clothing 23, 43, 77, 78, 82, S3, 3 4 , 36, 90,
79, SO 91, 93, 94, 95, 101,
Cock a n d Hen 75, 113, 111, 119, 121
114, 116 Agreements concerning
Conf inement 20, 38, 40, marriage 94, 9 8
66, 74, 81 Concerning t h e B e t r o t h a l
Containment 37, 73, 74 of a Woman 9 2
Crossley-Holland, K. 31 Fees concerning marriage
Cutler, K. 119 33, 35, 52, 91, 92, 93
Cwenthryth 59 McNamara, J. 120
Dietrich, F. 20, 25, 43 Men (see also Male) 3, 14,
Double entendre 5, 6, 8, 25, 33, 35, 36, 41,
9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 33, 54, 55, 56, 58, 64,
114
 65, 67, 69, 70, 72, Seaxburh 95
79, 80, Sl, 85, 87, Secrecy 7 4 , 77
SS, 90, 95, 97, 98, Sexual meaning 17, 21,
99, 100, 0 1 103, 31, 50, 110
104, 107, 1 1 , 112 Explicitness 5 , 6 77,
Miller, C. 120 86, 109
Monastic life and women Slang 62, 68
90, 95 Smut 11, 51, 64, 65
Morals, Anglo-Saxon St. Ethelbert 89
concern for 16, 51, Swaen, A. E. H. 19, 23,
, 9 73, 74, 76, 85,
7

86, 107, 111

Morris, R. 120 Taylor, A. 109, 122
Nelson, M. 12, 66 Trautmann, hi. 19, 37, 44
Obscenity 6, 8, 11, 12, Tupper, F. 6, ?, 8, 10,
37, 38, 58, 65, 113 1 , 20, 28, 35, 31,
Offa 89 38, 43, 44, 46, 47,
Owen-Crocker, G. 121 49, 58, 60, 63, 64,
Patriarchy 100, 101 65, TO, 79, 82, 113
Peace-weavers 88, 89, 90 Vagina 20, 21, 26, 39,
Penis 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 40, 18, 68, 81
25, 26, 30, 39, 42, Vendetta 105
44, 46, 47, 68, 69, Whitehurst-Williams, E.
81, 82, 110 6, 38, 61, 78, 83, 114
Pepicello, W. 121 Whitelock, D. 122
Poe, E. A. 108 Whitman, F. 7
Pollington, S. 48 Widows 90, 94
Pollock, F. 121 Wi Iliamson, C. 12, 19,
Pornography 85 31, 33, 35, 36, 44,
Pregnancy 30, 35, 52, 80, 45, 46, 66, 114
81, 84 Women (see also Female) 3,
Private concerns 3, 14, 14, 18, 21, 25, 32,
15, 16, 51, 52, 71, 59, 61, 64, 65, 67,
74, 75, 77, 80, 81, 68, 69, 72, 74, 79,
82, 100, 103, 104, so, 81, 85, 87, 59,
105, 107, 122 89, 90, 91, 94, 95,
Ptolemy 121 96, 97, 98, 99, 100,
Public concerns 3, 14, 0 102, 103, 104,
15, 51, 52, 77, 80, 106, 107, 111, 112,
81, 82, 84, 103, 104, 115, 11S, 119, 120,
105, 107, 108, 112 122, 123
Raffel, B. 121 Naming of women 102
Reader Bias 10, 16, 66, Women's possessions :
111 Gift giving 98, 99
. Riedinger, A. R. 87, 94, Grants of land 97
121 Wills 97, 98, 99
Robertson, A. J. 121 Woolf, H. B. 102, 123
Roeder, F. 82, 121 Wulfstan 98, 103
Rollason, D. 122 Wyatt, A. 6, 39, 113
Romance 63, 72, 84 Wynflaed 96, 121
Ross, M. 122 Young, E. 101
Schrader, R. 115
Schulenburg, J. 122
Searle, E. 122