Solar Policy
Solar Policy
Solar Policy
RENEWABLE
ENERGY
IN INDIA
2019
A CITIZEN'S REPORT
THE STATE OF
RENEWABLE
ENERGY
IN INDIA
2019
A CITIZEN'S REPORT
ISBN: 978-81-86906-27-9
Price: Rs.750 (US $45)
Citation: Chandra Bhushan, Priyavrat Bhati, Priya Sreenivasan, Mandvi Singh, Pratha
Jhawar, Shweta Miriam Koshy and Swati Sambyal 2019, The State of Renewable Energy
in India, Centre for Science and Environment, New Delhi
Published by
Centre for Science and Environment
41, Tughlakabad Institutional Area
New Delhi 110 062
Phone: 91-11-40616000
Fax: 91-11-29955879
E-mail: sales@cseindia.org
Website: www.cseindia.org
F
ive years ago, when Centre for Science and Environment (CSE)
published its first State of Renewable Energy report, the sector was just
taking wings. We were part of its cheerleaders — an environmental
research and advocacy group which believed strongly that the world
needs to move out of fossil fuels because of the growing risks of climate
change. Renewable energy (RE) is the ticket to get the world out of its
addiction to oil and gas. We were its proponents, but we had our fears.
We believed that India needed a RE policy that would be less about
industry and more about supply to meet the needs of the poorest in the
country. For us, renewable energy was (and is) a means to both decarbonise
our economy and provide access to large numbers of people who were (and
still are) energy-deprived.
Five years later, when we publish the 2019 State of Renewable Energy
report, much has changed, and yet much remains the same. The government
of India has an ambitious target for RE — 175 gigawatt (GW) by 2022. There is
no question now that RE has arrived. Nobody argues about its imperative or
feasibility. The industry has matured. There are RE companies that can bid
and out-bid each other for the supply of panels, solar power plants or wind
turbines. RE is an industry with sparkling offices, new age companies and
flamboyant leaders. It is no longer restricted to the musty world of scientists
or activist NGOs. It has certainly grown out of the world of community
groups working in villages on small projects. It is real. It is big. RE plants
compete with coal-based energy. Renewables are now under the Ministry of
Power — RE is no longer a peripheral scientific sector, struggling to compete
with the big boys.
The testimony to this growth lies in its numbers. Today, the Ministry of
New and Renewable Energy (MNRE) says that the country has hit 73,000
megawatt (MW) of installed RE power, which is some 20 per cent of the
country’s installed capacity for power generation. On good days, when the
sun is shining and the wind is blowing, RE meets some 12.5 per cent of the
country’s electricity demand. On other days, it is over 7 per cent. This is not
small. But it is not big either.
This, therefore, is not the time to be complacent or to pat our backs
for work done. Even as RE has grown, the challenges that confront India
have also grown — in fact, they have become even more troublesome and
crippling. This is what we must discuss.
First, there is the challenge of electricity supply. The government has
an aggressive plan to reach every household with electricity. But the fact
is that even as the grid reaches everywhere, the light does not. This is
either because people are too poor to pay for electricity, or the distribution
company is too poor to supply the electricity, or the market has no way
of working in the cashless energy segment. Whatever the reason, millions
in the country are still in darkness. Energy poverty is still crippling vast
numbers of Indians, who cannot use this crucial enabler to progress — from
education to employment. This is our challenge.
Second, there is the challenge of clean cooking energy. This is the world’s
wicked, wicked problem. Women across the developing world — including
in China and India — are exposed to toxic emissions because of the biomass
they burn to fuel their cooking stoves. Globally, it is estimated that 2.6
billion people still rely on biomass for cooking food, with 80 per cent of
Sub-Saharan Africans and 66 per cent of Indian’s using this inefficient and
polluting fuel. This adds up to roughly half the developing world and 40
per cent of the entire world. The International Energy Agency estimates that
even in 2030, 43 per cent of the developing world (33 per cent of the world’s
people) will continue to cook on biomass.
In India, the Census of 2011 revealed that 75 per cent of rural households
used biomass and dung to cook, as against 21 per cent of urban Indian
households. In addition, data from the National Sample Survey Organisation
(NSSO) on energy sources of Indian households for cooking and lighting
reveals that nothing changed in the two decades of 1990s and 2000. In 1993-
94, as many as 78 per cent households in rural India used biomass as a
cooking fuel and in 2009-10, 76 per cent used this fuel. Therefore, in this
period, when urban India moved to LPG (from 30 per cent to 64 per cent),
rural India remained where it was, cooking on highly inefficient and dirty
stoves. This shift to cleaner energy in urban areas was not incidental. It
happened because government provided subsidised LPG cylinders to the
middle classes — people like you and me. The subsidy ran out because the
government could not provide it to all. The poor, particularly poor women,
remained where they were; first expending vast energy to collect firewood,
and then inhaling toxins.
This has changed to some extent in the last five years. The Indian
government’s aggressive and much-needed push to provide LPG to poor
households has made a dent in the cooking energy sector. The national
Ujjwala programme, which provides cheaper cooking energy to households
below poverty line aims to correct an historical injustice by transferring the
subsidy from the rich to the poor. It does not focus on the cooking appliance
— cleaner stoves — but on providing vast amounts of LPG, a fossil fuel, but
cleaner and one that most urban Indians use, to the rural masses and to the
poor. This is all very good.
But it is also a fact that in spite of this, households are still using dirty
biomass fuel, ranging from firewood, leaves and cowdung, for cooking food.
This is because it is free — the labour of women is always discounted as is
their health. There is a definite correlation between income and cooking
fuel. So, households do not get the refill of their cylinder as frequently as
they must. The data on this is patchy, but what is clear from any visit to
vi
rural India is that smoke still fills the air. So, the ‘other’ energy crisis still
exists, RE or not.
The third challenge is air pollution. Almost every city in the country is
reeling under choking air, which is literally making us ill. There are deep
connections to energy in the air we breathe. There is the belch from our
every growing fleet of petrol- and diesel-powered vehicles. This is a big part
of the pollution problem. Then there is the fact that industries use (in this
age of RE) the dirtiest of fuels — everything from the bottom-of-the-barrel
pet coke to anything (literally anything) that they can get which is cheap and
so, sadly, also dirty. Industry is competing to reduce costs; it says electricity
(which is where RE is fed through the grid) is either too expensive or too
unreliable. So, it continues to use polluting fuels and continues to pollute.
Worse, air pollution knows no boundaries. So the use of emissions from
biomass cooking fuel of the poor ends up in the same air-stew as the diesel
SUV of the rich. The health impact of the foul air is now so big that even
governments cannot deny the problem. Clean combustion, in other words
RE, has a big role to play in clearing the air of toxins. But it is just not there.
Fourth, without any doubt, is the climate conundrum — the world and
India remain addicted to fossil fuels. This is when we are definitely running
out of time to combat climate change by drastically reinventing our energy
system. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
(IPCC) 2018 report on 1.5°C, the world is in serious jeopardy. IPCC has
revised its previous findings; it says now that the impacts of global warming
will be greater than previously anticipated at a temperature increase of
1.5°C. To stay below this temperature guardrail, the world has to cut net
anthropogenic CO2 emissions by 45 per cent, over 2010 levels and reach net
zero around 2050.
This means serious energy transformation. It means that renewable
energy must supply 70-85 per cent of all electricity by 2050. Currently,
renewables supply some 20 per cent of global electricity, the bulk coming
from hydropower plants. So, the challenge is enormous. It also means that
coal use must be close to zero per cent by 2050. This is huge — the world is
still addicted to coal for its electricity use, in its rich as well as poor parts.
The developing world needs to provide affordable energy to large numbers
of its people. How can it replace coal and yet provide this energy security?
This is the question. This is where RE must matter.
I would argue, given these challenges, it is time that we began an
altogether different discourse about RE. It is not about industry; its market
imperatives; its predictable policy environment. This is not to say we don’t
need industry in RE. But we need to reinvent its imperatives. We need to
redefine its objectives (and certainly its language) so that it can meet societal
needs. It cannot be enough to meet targets. It must meet the poor’s energy,
clean air and climate change needs. Frankly, this RE market needs to be
embedded in societal principles. It needs it to be emboldened and driven so
that it is the change.
This is where the opportunity is enormous. Indeed, it is mind-blogging.
This sector can provide the answers to growth and climate change. But the
vii
path ahead is also extremely difficult. No government has gone there before.
No energy company has walked this path till now.
How will it happen? The fact is that energy security for vast numbers
of the poor requires an energy delivery system that is different. It will
require reaching energy, which costs less but is advanced and cleaner, into
households that cannot even afford to buy the basic fuel or light. It will
require cutting length of supply lines, leakages and losses and everything
else that makes energy cost more, so that it is affordable. There is no clear
idea what will work. But what is clear is that we have to push the envelope
so that RE becomes transformational — not because it is produced, but
because it is an agent of transformation of society and environment.
As yet, our track record (as the 2019 State of Renewable Energy report
shows) on these fronts is not commendable. RE is like all energy sources
— it could be coal or gas — it is produced and pushed into the grid. It is
supplied through the conventional (and broken) distribution network. It is
limited by its environment and its imagination.
This is also why efforts to do the energy business differently, through
mini-micro grids or rooftop solar, are still not taking off. This work is patchy
and, frankly, disheartening. It seems like we don’t believe in it. We cannot
make it work. I am not saying that this is the only pathway to energy access
and clean energy. But we need to give it a hard try before we give up.
What is clear is that we need to do ask deliberately what it would take
to put clean energy, RE, into the hands of the poor. For this, we will need to
do everything to make the transition to clean power — not a few light bulbs,
but the whole shindig of this new business. Similarly, we need to ask how
RE can work to clean up local air in our cities. It is not just about battery
vehicles, but clean power to power the batteries. It is not about shifting the
source of pollution, but about really cleaning it up. Every house needs to
generate this clean power; every vehicle — ideally a bus or cycle — and
every industry needs to be powered from this source. This is where we need
to go.
The same is the case with the wicked problem of cooking energy of the
poor woman. We need RE to be the basis of the electricity that powers the
cookstove — from solar and wind to biogas and all other ways in which
it can be supplied into the hearth. It can do this if it is available; if it is
convenient, affordable and clean. The basis for this transition has to be the
health of the last person, in this case the woman behind the cookstove.
This is the course correction we must seek in 2019 and beyond. This is
also important for the future of RE in India. This is the dialogue we must
have so that we can seek new policies and methods. RE has to be the moral
and economic imperative for a cleaner and more inclusive world. Anything
less is selling us short. Anything else must be unacceptable.
Sunita Narain
viii
I
t has been five years since we published our inaugural State of Renewable
Energy in India (the SO-RE 2014), in January 2014. These five years
have proven to be transformational for the renewable energy industry
in the country. In 2014, the industry had barely taken roots. Making a
timely intervention, our SO-RE 2014 offered several recommendations
to encourage and nurture a sustainable growth for the sector. It called for
pursuing a predictable, consistent policy course; developing an integrated
policy and plan for 2050; and setting up ambitious goals, especially in
view of the fact that the growth in capacity had exceeded official targets. It
urged policymakers to pay more attention to distributed generation such as
mini-grids to efficiently provide energy access to unconnected households;
reduce subsidies and promote reverse bidding to push the sector to reach
grid parity. It also advocated rationalisation and enforcement of RPOs
(renewable purchase obligations) to stimulate demand from discoms.
Some of these recommendations, we are happy to note, have found
a place in the country’s policies. Meanwhile, the renewable sector has
made tremendous strides — according to the Union Ministry of New and
Renewable Energy (MNRE), renewable capacity has reached 73 gigawatt
(GW), accounting for over 20 per cent of the country’s total. Solar has
performed particularly well: in 2017-18 alone, around 10 GW of solar was
installed equaling the entire installed base. The capacity growth was driven
by a sharp fall in tariffs, with both solar and wind auctions attracting bids
that were lower than the cost of power from coal-based plants.
Generation of renewable energy has also increased sharply. Its share in
total electricity supply had stalled at around 5.5 per cent during 2011-16.
But in 2017-18, its share jumped to 7.8 per cent; in June 2018, when wind While 2017
generation is strong, it was around 12.5 per cent. The growth was supported
by a favorable policy environment offering low import duties, a payment
left us with
security mechanism and efficient auction processes, combined with a dip a sense of
in PV prices.
While 2017 left us with a sense of success, a lot still needs to be done to success, a lot
maintain the momentum. Indeed, 2018 has seen a reversal of some of the still needs to
positive trends. Installations dropped to ~6.6 GW in the months between
January to September. Tariffs went up as the government introduced a be done to
safeguard duty on imported PV modules. Solar auctions were cancelled or maintain the
retendered for a lower size due to lack of developer interest and discoms’
demand for lower tariffs. The wind sector was disrupted by the auction momentum
regime introduced in June 2016 which impacted installation — though,
Unpredictability in policy
Nothing can be more disruptive for an emerging sector that seeks to attract
global investors, than ad hoc and abrupt policy changes. In the case of
renewable energy, the most recent example has been the introduction
of a safeguard duty on imported PV modules — this has resulted in an
uncertainty about project costs, increase in tariffs and, consequently, a drop
in installations.
So far, the growth in India’s solar capacity has been built on an
overwhelming (almost 90 per cent) share of imported PV modules because
their costs are up to 30 per cent lower. In fact, the government has encouraged
imports by keeping duties low — as a result, domestic manufacturing units
have suffered financial distress and have experienced capacity utilisation of
only around 50 per cent. The recently injected safeguard duty points to the
fact that the government has not resolved its dilemma between its professed
goal to ‘Make in India’ and the need for cheap electricity based on imported
panels and equipments.
The sector’s growth has been marred in the past as well by several ill-
The growth considered steps. Auctions with ‘domestic content requirement’ have been
introduced to support local manufacturers, but the World Trade Organization
in India’s (WTO) has contended that the move violated international trade rules. The
solar capacity government announced a safeguard duty of 70 per cent, withdrew it, and
reintroduced a 25 per cent duty in June 2018. Import duties were increased
has been to up to 10 per cent in late 2017 and subsequently removed. In early 2018, the
built on an Solar Energy Corporation of India (SECI) announced an exclusive auction
of 10 GW linked to new manufacturing capacity — the move flopped. After
overwhelming multiple modifications and several rounds of auctions, only one company
share of made an offer to install 600 MW.
The wind industry has been caught unawares, similarly, by the
imported introduction in June 2016 of an auction-based regime to award bids
from the feed-in tariff (FiT) process. The transition has resulted in a dip
PV modules in installations. Auctions too declined sharply and recovered only after
because their detailed guidelines to address policy gaps were issued in December 2017.
the power purchase agreements (PPAs). In a few others, arbitrary tariff caps Power
were introduced resulting in auction failures.
There have been media reports as well about regulators and discoms procurement
clamouring to renegotiate PPAs. In 2017, Karnataka’s Electricity Regulatory
Commission (ERC) rejected PPAs that had been approved, forcing the state
policies need
government to step in and overrule its decision using a rarely used provision. to be more
It is important to maintain the sanctity of the auction process and the PPAs
to ensure sustained investor interest in this sector.
sophisticated,
with a lower
The trouble with discoms
• Curtailment and payment delays: Renewable power enjoys a ‘must run’
share of
status, which means it should be scheduled first by the discoms unless long-term
there are technical constraints such as grid congestion or unavailability.
However, there have been reports and court cases of “illegal” curtailment.
PPAs
State Load Dispatch Centres (SLDCs), in collusion with discoms, have combined
reportedly asked developers to shut down the supply for commercial
reasons. Some developers have alleged curtailment in excess of 25 per with peaking
cent, which severely reduces their revenues. power and low
To add to this, discoms have reportedly been delaying payments to marginal cost
developers by several months. These problems are directly related to the renewable
financial weakness of the discoms. Renewable companies operate with
thin margins and small capital, and will have difficulty remaining viable energy
if these issues are allowed to fester.
One reason for the likely failure is that the burden of ensuring 24-hour,
affordable supply will rest primarily on financially-stressed discoms.
Historically, the discoms have been reluctant to provide power supply to
poor households given their small consumption, subsidised tariffs and
poor collection. Our survey reveals that households that were recently
connected do not enjoy regular power supply. Furthermore, the cost of
the power is prohibitive for most poor families. Mini-grids can be a more
efficient and quicker route to providing access to a sizable number of
consumers, point out energy experts as well as state regulators — but is
the Central government listening?
Mini-grids can • Solar rooftop’s untapped potential: In a similar vein, the potential of
be a more solar rooftop has not been exploited — the growth in renewables has
been powered almost entirely by utility-scale projects. Solar rooftop has
efficient and garnered a major share in many developed markets and it can be a key
quicker route contributor to India’s renewable ambitions as well. Residential solar
rooftop offers a unique set of benefits: lower electricity bills, reduced T&D
to providing losses and a sizable number of retail investor-consumers; additionally,
access to consumers can do away with polluting diesel generating sets for their
back-up supply. But the lack of awareness about solar PV technology —
a sizable their performance and maintenance — and high up-front costs dissuade
number of retail consumers. Although India has set itself a massive goal of 40 GW of
solar rooftop by 2022, only 3.4 GW had been installed till September 2018
consumers — most of it by commercial and industrial customers, as the government
has not promoted it with the right set of policies.
point us to the fact that a 100 per cent renewable-based electricity supply is
technically and economically feasible in not too distant a future.
Furthermore, renewable-based distributed generation offers advantages
over supply from a centralised infrastructure. A new supply model will
need to ensure viability of various providers, competitive price discovery
and new policies to determine tariffs and schedule power. Meanwhile,
electric vehicles and super-efficient, internet-connected devices, combined
with demand-side management tools, will modify demand patterns. These
changes will require redesigning the grid. In short, a new energy architecture
would be needed.
Energy decarbonisation
To begin with, the country needs an ambitious low-carbon growth pathway.
India’s INDC (Intended Nationally Determined Contributions) goal for 2030
— building up a non-fossil fuel capacity of 40 per cent of the total — is not
ambitious enough and would be easily surpassed. The Niti Aayog’s draft
National Energy Policy, 2017 assumes a largely centralised, conventional
fuel-based supply. It projects 570 GW of renewable capacity by 2040, less
than half of the total capacity of 1,200 GW, while the share in electricity
supply is projected to be only 28 per cent by 2040, with fossil fuels
contributing over 60 per cent. The country needs to have an ambitious goal
to generate 100 per cent power from non-fossil fuel sources by 2050-2060.
Secondly, while the 175-GW goal has led to investor interest and boosted
the sector, there is no clarity about the assumptions behind the target.
The rationale for various sub-sectors — 40 GW for solar rooftop or 60 GW
for wind — is even less convincing. Going forward, there should be an
The energy integrated renewable strategy which would include balanced targets for the
various sub-sectors.
sector is Thirdly, there should be a clear plan for fossil-fuel based capacity — its
at a critical role will steadily transition from being central to the country’s energy mix to
becoming the back-up supply for renewables. The National Electricity Plan
juncture. (NEP), 2018 prepared by the Central Electricity Authority (CEA) is based
Climate on questionable assumptions such as a deceleration in renewable growth
(100 GW during 2022-27 compared to 117 GW in 2017-22). Consequently, it
change and its has concluded that a huge 93 GW of additional coal capacity was required
accompanying during 2017-27. As a result, 70 GW of thermal power plants are under
construction as of September 2018. But some of these plants in the pipeline
risks have are already stalled or stressed. In this scenario, no more new coal-based
plants should be approved. In fact, old, inefficient and expensive plants
meant the should be shut down.
world needs
Distributed generation
to plan for a The second major trend that policymakers need to plan for is the increase
decarbonised in the share of distributed renewable generation (DRE). This is already
contributing a major share in several parts of the world, given its falling
power sector costs compared to grid-based supply. However, DRE has received little
policy support in India.
grids to ensure tariffs are in line with those of grid-based supply. Secondly,
the policy should provide for a viable business model for mini-grids, which
means mini-grids should have reasonable and well-defined exit options (sale
price of mini-grids’ assets, tariff for sale of power to discoms etc), once the
grid supply does become reliable in their markets. For this, the mini-grids’
network should comply with the grid codes so that they can be seamlessly
integrated with the grid, which in turn would require capital support for
additional investment in distribution network.
There are other models as well that are emerging. The government is
planning to distribute around 1.8 million solar water pumps, which can
be linked together in a mini-grid and supply to the grid when they are not
needed to draw water. This would prevent wasteful extraction of water
and provide an alternate source of income. In many developed markets,
groups of residential blocks are establishing micro-grids, a market that is
essentially similar to rooftop solar in residential societies. Policies need to
both anticipate and plan for these developments.
For the be varied and so should be the storage types — from pumped hydro and
compressed air to batteries using different materials. Varied battery types
first time, reduce reliance exposure to few materials. Indigenous research can improve
upon existing technology in terms of cost and performance. Policy support
decarbonised for EVs, DRE etc — potentially a very large domestic market — can drive
electricity scale for the battery industry. The country should also consider providing
seed capital or subsidised financing to support industries of the future.
appears Finally, policies should promote a wide storage ecosystem — for example
feasible in the mobile storage, leasing, conversion of IC engines to electric etc — to expand
the market.
foreseeable
future. Can The first word
As pointed out earlier in this chapter, we stand at the cusp of a momentous
this vision be shift in the energy sector. For the first time, decarbonised electricity appears
translated into feasible in the foreseeable future; it is not an abstract vision. The question
is, whether India will reach peak coal and 100 per cent renewable quickly
reality? and efficiently, or whether it will be a delayed process, merely egged on by
global momentum.
Secondly, will the transition bring about innovations in the electricity
market, or will it result in undesirable disruption in delivery of electricity
and in the well-functioning segment of the market? Thirdly, will we be able
to use this opportunity to develop indigenous research and manufacturing
to service both the domestic and the vast global markets, or will we become
an importing client? Only the right strategy, policies and incentives can
help us get the right answers.
10
The road to
175 gigawatt
T
he renewable energy sector in India has come into its own in the last
few years, with the country now home to some of the largest solar
and wind installations in the world. The sector received a major boost
after 2015 following the government’s decision to create 175 gigawatt
(GW) of renewable energy capacity in the country by 2022. The new target
redefined the scale and scope of the sector, especially for wind and solar
which comprise 60 GW and 100 GW (the original goal for solar was 20
GW), respectively, of the goal. Over the last few years, the government has
launched a series of supportive policies and schemes to encourage the
building up of renewable capacity in the country. The dramatic fall in prices
of Chinese-made solar PV modules (by over 35 per cent between 2015 and
2017) has helped further boost the sector.
As a result of all this, renewable capacity in India has registered a sharp
growth, and stands at 74.8 GW as of November 2018, up from 36.5 GW in
March 2014; it now contributes 20 per cent of the country’s total electricity
capacity (see Graph 1: Installed capacity by source). India currently has
the world’s third and sixth largest wind and solar installed capacities,
Renewable
respectively.1 capacity in
However, renewable energy still makes up only a small portion of the
total generation mix — the low capacity utilisation factors (CUF) of wind
India has
and solar plants have meant the share of generation from renewables has registered a
remained very small. This share has increased from 5.6 per cent of the total
generation in 2014 to a mere 7.8 per cent in 2018 (see Graph 2: Generation
sharp growth,
mix over the years). Coal-fired power plants continue to dominate the and stands at
country’s energy mix with a 57 per cent share of the capacity; since these
plants run at high capacity utilisation, the share of thermal generation is a 74.8 GW as
very high 80 per cent.2 of November
Reaching the 175-GW target 2018, up from
The 175-GW renewable capacity target by 2021-22 is an ambitious goal. 36.5 GW in
It implies increasing the share of the capacity from around 20 per cent
currently to over one-third by March 2022 — as per the estimates of the March 2014
National Electricity Plan (NEP) 2018, prepared by the Central Electricity
11
100
12%
29.4 GW 20%
90
70.6 GW
Installed capacity (in percentage)
80 17%
40.5 GW 13%
70 45.4 GW
60
50
40
60% 57%
30
145.2 GW 196.9 GW
20
10
0
March 2014 June 2018
90
Generation mix (in percentage)
80
70
60
50
79.4% 80.8% 80.4% 79.5%
40
878.3 BU 943.7 BU 994.2 BU 1,037 BU
30
20
10
0
2014-15 2015-16 2016-17 2017-18
Renewable Hydro Nuclear Thermal
12
Authority (CEA). The NEP projects that renewable energy capacity will
increase to 275 GW by March 2027 with a share of almost 45 per cent; its
share of generation is projected to be 25 per cent in 2026-27 (see Graph 3:
Share of renewable energy capacity in total capacity and generation mix).3
13
50
45
Renewable energy capacity (in percentage)
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
0
2017-18 2021-22* 2025-26*
30
Renewable capacity addition (GW)
25
20
15
10
0
2015-16
2015-16 Target
2016-17
2016-17 Target
2017-18
2017-18 Target
2018-19*
2019-20 Target
2020-21 Target
2021-22 Target
2018-19 Target
14
120,000
Cumulative annual target Installed capacity
100,000
Solar installation (MW)
80,000
60,000
40,000
20,000
0
2015-16 2016-17 2017-18 2018-19* 2019-20 2020-21 2021-22
15
70,000
Cumulative annual target Installed capacity
60,000
50,000
Wind installation (MW)
40,000
30,000
20,000
10,000
0
2015-16 2016-17 2017-18 2018-19* 2019-20 2020-21 2021-22
Sources: Compiled from MNRE reports; annual targets obtained from Prayas, http://www.prayaspune.org/peg/publications/item/
download/813_72f650b395383a796d4b5b898a61a10e.html*, November 2018
16
14
1
10
8
6
4
2
0
2010-11 2011-12 2012-13 2013-14 2014-15 2015-16 2016-17 2017-18
5
Wind tariffs (Rs/kWh)
0
2014-15 2015-16 2016-17 2017-18 2018-19
17
13.8 13.7
14
12 11
9.9
Investment (US $ billion)
10 9
8.5
8.1
8
6.8
0
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017
18
However, due to the fall in capital costs per MW of both wind and solar
(the latter by 45 per cent during 2011-17), the investments in 2015-17 have
translated into a higher volume of installations, according to CSE estimates
(see Table 1: Investment required to meet the 175-GW target).9
Sources of finance
Wind and solar developers have been financed, to a significant extent, by
Indian commercial banks and non-banking financial corporations (NBFCs).
As of March 2016, banks and NBFCs had together sanctioned Rs 78,830
crore (of which Rs 33,483 crore was disbursed)10 (see Table 2: Financing
sanctioned for RE projects). The trend held steady in 2017 as well, with SBI,
L&T, Yes Bank, IREDA, IDFC and PTC continuing to be the largest financiers
of new capacity in renewable energy in India.11 In 2016, the Reserve Bank of
India (RBI) mandated that renewable energy be added to the list of ‘priority
sectors’ — this ensured the flow of credit to this industry.12
The high dependency on Indian banks, especially public sector ones,
carries several risks. A significant number of independent power producers
are highly leveraged. The drop in tariffs has led to developers operating Wind
on thin margins and falling equity returns for the developers. This leaves
little room to maneuver in case of unexpected problems such as payment and solar
delays, defaults by discoms or curtailment, which can quickly overwhelm
developers. A rise in the banks’ non-performing assets (NPAs) on account of
developers
renewable projects could dry up the flow of credit to the sector. have been
Private equity
financed
Many IPP (independent power producers) projects are financed through by Indian
bank loans midway through the construction process or after commissioning.
Relatively well established, larger IPPs have also secured capital via bonds, and
commercial
equity investment. However, access to financing poses challenges, especially banks and
for smaller companies to grow, hence most IPPs have relied on private equity
(PE) financing. In fact, the flow of PE into the renewable energy sector has been non-banking
considerable. According to PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC), the year 2017 had financial
seen PE investments worth US $1.5 billion in the sector.13 In the first three
quarters of 2017, the solar sector in India received 59 per cent of the total global corporations
venture capital and private equity (VCPE) financing in the sector.14
19
15,000
10,000
5,000
0
Wind Hydro Biomass and Energy efficiency Solar Short-term loan
cogeneration & conservation
Sectors funded by IREDA
20
Non-financial corporate
Green bonds (US $ billion)
Government-backed entity
3
Financial corporate
Development bank
0
2015 2016 2017
US $35 plus billion invested in the sector between 2015 and 2018, the FDI
component of US $3.217 billion in the same period is relatively small.16
Green bonds
‘Climate’ or ‘green’ bond refers to bonds issued for projects that are
considered environmentally friendly. A fairly recent concept, pioneered by
the European Investment Bank in 200817, global green bond issuance (i.e.
the total debt raised by bonds globally where the use of proceeds have been
solely for “green” projects), currently stands at US $389 billion.18 The first
green bond was issued in India in 2015 by the EXIM Bank for US $500
million. So far, US $6.5 billion worth of climate/green bonds have been
issued by banks, renewable IPPs and government agencies in India (see
Graph 10: Green bonds issued by Indian entities). A majority of these bonds
were issued for financing renewable projects.19
The success
The road ahead
The 175-GW target has been a driving force for the sector and is in no
of renewable
small part responsible for the introduction of supportive policies, market energy has
mechanisms and investor confidence in renewable energy in India. Overall,
the phenomenal growth in capacity as a result of reverse bidding auctions, come about
that resulted in grid parity of wind and solar, underscores the fact that predominantly
renewable energy has been a success story, 2015 onwards.
But this success has come about predominantly on the back of large- on the back
scale solar. The wind industry, historically the largest source of renewable of large-scale
generation in the electricity mix in India, is continuing to face headwinds.
Distributed generation — solar rooftop and renewable-based mini-grids — solar
has performed poorly.
21
The clarity As of mid-2017, cracks in the large-scale solar sector have begun to
appear, as market conditions turned unfavourable and entrenched problems
around the in the electricity procurement market reared their head. Wind is, likewise,
end goal yet to gain momentum.
While the sector has managed to obtain financing for its growth thus far,
of 175-GW the journey forward might prove to be arduous. The banking sector has been
needs to be plagued with NPAs, with the thermal power assets proving to particularly
culpable. The relatively new renewable sector is also financed, to a large
supported extent, by Indian banks and any newfound reluctance in lending to the
by ensuring power sector might slow down growth. With FDI inflows insufficient to pick
up the slack at the moment and the fluctuating rupee causing difficulties in
continuity and raising foreign capital and in the bond market, there is cause to be concerned
about whether finances will be as readily available in the near future.
longevity of One of the most successful interventions by the government in the sector
successful are those that mitigate the risks posed by off-takers that have poor credit
ratings — payment security mechanisms that guarantee that the developer
policy gets paid even if the discoms cause delays. It is a measure that will need to
measures and be carried forward and sustained to ensure that banks continue to finance
wind and solar projects. The sancity of the auction process needs to be
regulations upheld, leaving no room for cancellation at the whim of nodal agencies and
discoms. Likewise, power procurement agreements should be enforced and
not be subject to the uncertainty of renegotiations.
Finally, policy consistency is of the essence. Return on equity is already
squeezed due to aggressive bidding in the auctions and private equity
investors will need the reassurance of continuity of those regulations that
have de-risked the sector, to an extent, post-2015.
The clarity around the end goal of 175-GW needs to be supported by
ensuring continuity and longevity of successful policy measures and
regulations. It is imperative that renewable energy growth is sustained and
integral to the country’s energy mix, up to and beyond 2022.
22
Utility-scale solar:
Charting a new course
I
ndia’s ambitious renewable energy goal of developing 175 GW capacity
by 2022 leans heavily on the Jawaharlal Nehru National Solar Mission
(JNNSM), the country’s key solar programme, which targets to install 100
GW of solar energy, 60 GW of which would comprise large or utility-scale
solar capacity and 40 GW, rooftop solar.
Over the last four years, the utility-scale solar sector’s performance has
been exceptional, with an average annual growth rate of over 70 per cent. The
installed solar capacity has increased from 2.6 GW in March 2014 to 26 GW
as of December 2018, of which utility-scale solar comprises over 91 per cent.1
In 2017-18, 8.3 GW of utility solar capacity was installed, a 50 per cent growth
over the previous year (see Graph 1: Utility-scale solar capacity). The outlook
has remained healthy with 9.5 GW of capacity in the pipeline at the end of
August 2018.2 During January to July 2018, over 10 GW of solar projects were
25,000
20,000
Capacity (MW)
15,000
10,000
5,000
0
2011-12 2012-13 2013-14 2014-15 2015-16 2016-17 2017-18 2018-19*
Source: Information compiled from MNRE Annual Reports, 2011-18, https://mnre.gov.in/annual-report *as of December 2018
23
24
SECI: In the next stage, the Solar Energy Corporation of India, a public
sector undertaking, was given the charge of administering auctions. SECI
would act as the off-taker, sign PPAs with developers and sell the power
to the state distribution companies (discoms). This mechanism protected
developers from the financially stressed discoms. The benchmark tariff In 2015, the
was aggressively reduced to Rs 5.45/unit with a provision for viability gap
funding (VGF)5; the auction winners were chosen based on the lowest VGF
target for
requirement (reverse bidding). solar power
Solar parks: In 2014, new initiatives were introduced to scale up the
was upped
programme, with the most important being solar parks (see more on them to 100 GW
later in this chapter).
from 20 GW.
100-GW solar: In 2015, the target for solar power was upped to 100 GW This meant
from 20 GW. This meant a change of scale in the auctions — from as low
as 20 MW to 500 MW in the very first bundling auction held in Kurnool. a change of
Further, the auctions saw a narrow range of winning bids (less than Rs 0.02/ scale in the
kWh), indicating that a competitive market had developed.
auctions
SECI-run auctions: Between 2013 and 2017, a host of auctions were
25
held, mediated by the SECI, with the mechanism of reverse bids for VGF
against a benchmark tariff (see Table 2: Major National Mission phases
and schemes). As global module prices continued to fall resulting in lower
capex, developers began bidding negative VGFs by mid-2017, the winning
bids fell below the benchmark, reaching Rs 2.43/unit.6
26
any discom (SECI/NTPC remain the intermediaries, though). Till July 2018,
7 GW had been auctioned under the scheme. However, SECI cancelled the
Utility-scale
allotment of 2.4 GW solar power capacity out of 3 GW auctioned in July solar auctions
2018 on the grounds of high tariff rates (all bids above Rs 2.44/kWh).7 The
somewhat higher rates might have been due to the risk of land acquisition
by states
and construction of power evacuation infrastructure. seem to do
The state auctions better when
Over the last two years, all the attention has been focused on SECI (Central SECI is not in
government-backed) auctions. Historically, however, that was not the
case. The state sector auctions had a share of almost half of the installed the market
capacity and over 60 per cent of the pipeline (see Graph 2: Utility-scale solar
capacity). As of August 2018, states had commissioned a total of 10.2 GW,
and another 6 GW was in the pipeline.8
In the past, state auctions did well only when SECI was not in the market.
This suggests an imbalanced scenario (see Graph 3: Auctions categorised by
scheme). The NSM’s Central government auctions in 2013 were followed
by a period when the solar market was driven almost entirely by states,
with PPAs signed directly between the developers and state discoms. State
auctions slowed down in 2016 after the SECI took the lead with several
auctions under batches 3 and 4. Indeed, Tamil Nadu and other states failed
to hold successful auctions in 2016. In late 2017, auctions were held by
Tamil Nadu and Gujarat in a background of dwindling NSM auctions. But as
the SECI-driven auctions struggled to make headway in 2018, state auctions
State offtake
5,978 SECI offtake
3,405
CPSU development
579
CPSU development
SECI offtake 1,049
1,990
Pipeline Miscellaneous
9,547 467
NTPC offtake
1,000 Comissioned
24,941
Rooftop Solar
2,916
State offtake
10,244
Others
3,525
27
10,000
9,000
8,000
Capacity auctioned (MW)
Sources: Compiled from SECI notifications, Lok Sabha Unstarred Question No-1740, and various news reports
3,000
1,500
1,000
500
0
Tamil Nadu
Karnataka
Telangana
Uttar Pradesh
Madhya Pradesh
Punjab
Uttarakhand
Haryana
Odisha
Andhra Pradesh
Maharashtra
Jharkhand
Gujarat
Source: Compiled from State Nodal Agency notifications and various news reports
28
10
5
Tariffs (Rs/kWh)
0
Odisha Mar-12
Odisha Dec-12
Karnataka Apr-12
Madhya Pradesh Jun-12
Tamil Nadu Mar-13
Rajasthan Mar-13
Andhra Pradesh Apr-13
Punjab Jun-13
Uttar Pradesh Aug-13
Karnataka Aug-13
Madhya Pradesh Jan-14
Andhra Pradesh Oct-14
Karnataka Nov-14
Telangana Nov-14
Punjab (5-24 MW) Feb-15
Punjab (25-100 MW) Feb-15
Uttar Pradesh Jun-15
Madhya Pradesh Jun-15
Telangana Aug-15
Telangana Aug-15
Punjab Sep-15
Uttarakhand Oct-15
Haryana Dec-15
Jharkhand Mar-16
Madhya Pradesh (Rewa Solar Park) Feb-17
Tamil Nadu Aug-17
Gujarat Sep 17
Karnataka Mar-18
Maharashtra May-18
Uttar Pradesh Jul-18
Gujarat Sep-18
Sources: MNRE, https://mnre.gov.in/file-manager/UserFiles/GW-Solar-Plan.pdf and various news reports
in Gujarat, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra have once again begun
to dominate the scene.
States have used different schemes to install solar capacity (see Graph
4: State-driven solar auctions). Telangana, with one of the largest installed
solar networks in the country, drew its entire capacity from its own auctions.
On the other hand, Rajasthan built all of its solar capacities under NSM
schemes.
The tariffs obtained by the states mirrored the national ones with a
similar downward trajectory, though they were higher than the bids received
in NSM projects auctioned at the same time. Also, there was a marked
difference in the tariffs obtained by various states reflecting the financial
health of discoms and the state’s governance (see Graph 5: Tariffs for state-
run auctions).
29
30
4,500
4,000
3,500
Solar park capacity (MW)
1,500
1,000
500
0
Rajasthan
Madhya Pradesh
Karnataka
Maharashtra
Gujarat
Tamil Nadu
Odisha
Himachal Pradesh
Haryana
Uttar Pradesh
Chhattisgarh
Kerala
Assam
Uttarakhand
Arunachal Pradesh
Nagaland
Manipur
Meghalaya
Mizoram
Andhra Pradesh
West Bengal
Source: https://mnre.gov.in/file-manager/annual-report/2017-2018/EN/pdf/chapter-4.pdf
2,203
6,200 Gujarat
1,000
Rajasthan
1,000
Andhra Pradesh
1,000 Madhya Pradesh
Karnataka
1,805 Maharashtra
Himachal Pradesh
2,000 Odisha
4,331
Tamil Nadu
Other states
2,750
4,160
*In megawatt
Source: https://mnre.gov.in/file-manager/UserFiles/List-of-approved-Solar-Parks-Phase-wise.pdf
31
1.00
0.90
0.80
Park charges (Rs crore/MW)
0.70
Miscellaneous charges
0.60
O&M (25 years)
0.50
Land lease (25 years)
0.40
0.10
0.00
Pavagada Kurnool Rewa
Sources: Based on data obtained from park authorities at Rewa and Kurnool; Pavagada park charges from http://kspdcl.in/SP_DOCS/solarparks/Charges%20to%20be%20
paid%20by%20SPDs%20to%20KSPDCL%20for%20Pavagada%20Solar%20Park.pdf,
32
Emerging risks
While the sector has made tremendous progress in terms of capacity
installation and the pipeline is strong with large auctions over the last few
months, it is also facing challenges that have a potential to disrupt it. Many
of the sector’s risks relate to the financial weakness of its main buyers, the
discoms. Other concerns are inconsistent implementation of policies and
lack of enforcement of regulations, and the casual attitude of regulators and
discoms towards honouring contracts. To address these emerging risks and
to ensure that the sector’s momentum is not lost, regulators need to establish
clear policies and strictly enforce them.
Market turbulence
The year 2017-18 has been a record year for solar installations in India,
with more solar capacity coming on-line than ever before.9 However, the
industry also started facing problems: rising module prices exacerbated by
international trade disputes; policy flip-flops in India on import duties; and
confusion over GST slabs and their impacts. These resulted in a smaller
number of NSM auctions in the second half of 2017.
The slowdown continued into 2018 — several auctions in Gujarat,
Maharashtra, UP and Karnataka were either unsuccessful and required to
be retendered multiple times or cancelled altogether. The 3,000-GW ISTS
auctions held by SECI were also cancelled for similar reasons. Discoms have
added to the market problems by saying they will not accept tariffs above a
certain level, throwing the auction processes’ credibility into doubt. More
33
recently, they have cited their inability to sign any new solar PPAs since
they already have excess supply tied in from existing coal power PPAs.
Curtailment
Curtailment of power means that the load dispatch centre (LDC) asks the
solar plant not to inject power into the grid, resulting in loss of revenues
for the developer. It may be for legitimate technical reasons such as grid
unavailability or/and demand-supply mismatch (for example, when demand
is lower than forecast, or there is a spike in renewable energy supply).
Curtailment for commercial reasons means that LDCs or discoms have
asked solar plants to shut down because cheaper power is available (this
request, however, is against the law). Often, older projects with high FiT are
subject to curtailment. However, even newer projects at low tariffs face this
problem. Since fixed costs for coal power have been paid under the two-
part PPAs, the discoms compare coal’s variable cost with the solar tariff to
schedule power.
Industry observers say curtailment in the solar sector is in the range of
1-3 per cent. SLDCs/discoms claim that a surge in supply compels them to
issue back down orders to maintain grid stability. However, developers say
that curtailment has often been due to commercial reasons.
In 2016, the National Solar Energy Federation of India (NSEFI) filed
a petition before the Tamil Nadu Electricity Regulation Commission
(TNERC) saying that the Tamil Nadu Generation and Distribution Company
(TANGEDCO) has been backing down solar power.10 In 2017, a similar
petition was filed by solar power plant developers arguing that backing
34
down instructions from the TNSLDC violates the ’must-run’ status. The case
is now at the Madras High Court, stuck in a protracted legal process.
The New Guidelines for Tariff-Based Competitive Bidding Process 2017
have attempted to address some of the risks associated with curtailment.11
The discom/buyer has to procure power over three years in excess of the
PPA contract if there is curtailment due to transmission constraints or grid
unavailability. In case of a back-down, the generators will be compensated
for 50 per cent of the generation that is backed down.
In addition, Forecasting and Scheduling (F&S) as well as Deviation
Settlement Mechanism (DSM) need to be enacted by states and implemented
to limit variability and curtailment.
Payment delays
Payment delays by discoms seem to be a widespread problem, as reported
by developers surveyed by CSE, affecting even states with well-performing
discoms (see Table 3: Payment delays in states). Most solar developers do not
have a large capital cushion or cash reserves and can get financially stressed
if faced by payment delays. The projects that reported payment delays have
several characteristics: they were auctioned under state schemes, most have
high tariffs, and most of the states have large capacities (see Table 4: State
auction capacities and tariffs). While PPAs have penalty clauses in case
of delays, developers are unable to enforce them, given discoms’ strong
bargaining position.
35
Price difference in SECI and state nodal agency auctions in Uttar Pradesh
SECI auctions command cheaper tariffs
Uttar Pradesh SECI (Jalaun) auction tariff Rs 3.32/kWh
Uttar Pradesh New Energy Development Agency (UPNEDA) 1-GW auction tariff (cancelled) Rs 3.48-3.55/kWh
Uttar Pradesh New Energy Development Agency (UPNEDA) 500-MW auction tariff Rs 3.17-3.23/kWh
Contract enforcement
The rapidly falling tariffs in this sector are now creating some unexpected
complications. There have been media reports about state discoms (Uttar
Pradesh, for one) approaching renewable energy developers to renegotiate
signed PPAs that were signed previously at higher rates.12 In some cases, the
ERCs refused to approve PPAs that had been signed. In September 2017, the
Karnataka Electricity Regulatory Commission (KERC) decided to reduce the
tariff the state discom would pay for wind energy projects for which PPAs
were signed before March 2017. The state government had to intervene to
overrule the KERC’s order to ensure the PPAs were honoured.13
In the case of Jharkhand, tariff renegotiations were held twice in March
2016 and August 2017 for the auctioned 1,200-MW capacity. In April 2018,
the Jharkhand State Electricity Regulatory Commission rejected JAREDA’s
(Jharkhand Renewable Energy Development Agency) petition to sign PPAs
citing several reasons; these included the facts that the auction process
did not follow the MNRE’s guidelines and that the final tariff was arrived
at through negotiations. This particular case highlighted the need for
transparent processes to ensure contract enforcement.14
Regulators need to ensure that auction processes are transparent,
auctions are not cancelled for arbitrary reasons, and the sanctity of contracts
is maintained.
36
37
The utility- So far, attempts to open up the sector have been half-hearted, with
open access regulations poorly implemented; as a result, procurement of
scale solar renewables by the corporate sector has not taken off despite the substantial
has reached economic benefits it poses.
Finally, the excessive focus on tariffs has led to concerns about the quality
a stage were of panels being used. Since most projects are financed by substantial loans
government from scheduled banks, a poorly performing project will have a cascading
impact on the banking sector.
has to open
the sector for Going ahead, the following policy interventions would be critical to sustain
the growth of this sector:
more private • SECI’s role as the intermediary off-taker needs to be gradually diluted.
Auctions, with sale of power directly to end-consumers (utilities or a
risks and third party), should come to the forefront. This will help in the creation
competition of a mature market.
• The private sector should be engaged in solar park development to ensure
‘park charges are not subsidised and are reflective of the market value of
land, a precious resource in India, and the evacuation network.
• Having the public sector guarantee payments to insulate developers from
discom risk is neither a desirable nor a sustainable solution. Alternative
mechanisms to protect against discom risks include creating an insurance
fund by pooling industry contributions.
• The current auction mechanism (pay-as-bid) may result in unviable bids
for the lowest bidders. Government should also experiment with other
models like the uniform pricing auction where every winning bidder
gets the same tariff. This model is also likley to obtain a better average
tariff compared to the pay-as-bid model.
• Corporate entities cannot procure power from ISTS auctions as it would
mean the SECI underwriting the risks of the private sector. Auctions need
to be completely competitive allowing for projects to be built anywhere
and accessible to all end-users, creating a truly open, market-driven
sector.
38
RRECL
T
he sight of the Bhadla Solar Park is awe inspiring: rows of panels,
glinting against the barren land, stretch over a 45 square kilometer area
all the way into the horizon, a dark, blue sea in the middle of the sun-
scorched desert.
The Bhadla Solar Park epitomises the success of the National Solar
Mission. Here, all the policy initiatives have come together in a massive
2,255-MW capacity installation that has regularly produced the lowest
tariffs in the country from 2015 onward (including the current record at
Rs 2.44/kWh). Bhadla receives the highest solar irradiation amongst all the
solar parks in the country — 5.71 kWh/m2/day, compared to the national
average of 5 kWh/ m2/day. The solar irradiation is high throughout the year,
which translates to consistent solar output.
Built in four phases, the park’s developer for the first two was the
Rajasthan Solar Development Corporation Ltd (RSDCL), wholly owned by
the Rajasthan Renewable Energy Corporation Ltd. Phases III and IV were
developed in partnership with private entities, IL&FS and Adani Green
Power.
The land has been leased to the park developers at approximately Rs
39
2 lakh per hectare, with a 5 per cent annual escalation. The evacuation
infrastructure has been financed through the Green Energy Corridor Project,
funded by the German development bank KfW and the Asian Development
Bank (ADB).
Bhadla is the first park to have been developed in partnership with private
entities and serves as a model for weaning the sector away from dependency
on the public sector. It is also the first one to have signed an agreement to
supply power across state boundaries with a 750-MW PPA with discoms
in Uttar Pradesh (see Table 5: Ownership and associated capacity in the
Bhadla Solar Park).
Given the fact that the park is located in the arid Thar desert, water for
cleaning panels and maintenance is scarce; this has prompted innovative
solutions. For instance, solar developer Rising Sun’s plant makes use of a
home-grown semi-mechanical cleaning device with an efficient spray nozzle,
which is hoisted on an improvised tractor. The device uses significantly
less water than the average plant. Some of the newer plants in Phases III
and IV have opted for fully automated, water-less cleaning devices supplied
by an Israeli company named Ecoppia, which is expected to cut water
consumption to zero.
The park is also equipped with state-of-the-art SCADA systems, with
on-site engineers constantly monitoring the plant output. It is technically
ready to respond to new forecasting and scheduling regulations to ensure
maximum injection of power.
The Bhadla Solar Park realises the vision of using waste land to tap into
the country’s vast solar resources for generating renewable power.
40
Solar rooftop:
Overshadowed
M
ost developed economies started their solar programmes by
targeting household rooftops; as a result, they now have a sizable
share of installations in the residential rooftop segment (see
Graph 1: Rooftop and utility-scale solar in different countries).
China and India, on the other hand, have used large-scale solar installations
in an effort to quickly achieve scale and — simultaneously — push down
costs. In the case of India, this focus on large utility-scale solar seems to
have become an unintended obstruction in the development of the rooftop
segment.
India, though, does have an ambitious plan for solar rooftop or SRT, as
it is called: a target of 40 gigawatt (GW) capacity by 2022. But so far, the
120
Rooftop solar Utility scale
100 3
Percentage installed
27
80 40
54
60 79
92
97
40
73
60
20 46
21
8
0
Australia Germany Spain USA China India
(7.8 GW) (41.2 GW) (4.7 GW) (50 GW) (130 GW) (26.02 GW)*
Countries (with total solar PV installed in GW )
41
achievement has fallen short of the goal. According to the Union Ministry
of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE), only 2,158 megawatt (MW) of SRT
systems had been installed in the country till December 2018.1 Gurugram
(Haryana)-based solar consulting company Bridge to India reports 3,400
MW of SRT systems till September 2018.2
The shortfall in capacity is compounded by the fact that a large proportion
— 70 per cent — of the installed rooftop systems is for commercial and
industrial (C&I) customers; residential consumers account for less than
20 per cent of the total installed capacity3 (see Map: SRT installation in
India). Of the states with sizable SRT systems — Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu,
Karnataka, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Haryana and Delhi — the
industrial segment has the largest share in all except Delhi. Public sector
undertakings (PSUs) have been the largest rooftop driver in Delhi.
There are clear economic considerations behind industrial and
commercial consumers’ preference for rooftop systems: solar rooftop
power is cheaper than grid-supplied electricity. These consumers have the
financial resources to make the necessary investments, which are sizable,
to install SRT systems. Moreover, they also have access to the Renewable
Energy Service Company (RESCO) model (in which developers install the
system on the consumers’ premises and sign a long-term contract to sell
them electricity), under which they do not need to make any investments.
The dominance of ‘large-scale’ rooftop installations by commercial-
industrial, institutional and government/PSU segments has meant that
attention to the residential solar rooftop segment has lagged behind.
Distributed solar rooftop systems, installed on individual residences, offer
many advantages. They help minimise transmission and distribution losses,
as the generated power is consumed locally. In large cities, they can act as
a back-up, replacing polluting diesel generator sets. Solar rooftop can be
harnessed for demand-side management (for example, time-of-day pricing
Instead to match household demand with solar generation). With falling solar
prices and steadily increasing discom tariffs, SRT systems are being seen as
of policy financially attractive.
initiatives and The policy environment: A subsidy-driven strategy
administrative Achieving significant capacity addition in rooftop solar would require close
interventions, engagement with numerous small consumers, which is a challenging task
in itself. Concerted effort would be needed for raising consumer awareness
government about the benefits of SRT systems and PV technology and their installation.
Processes for approving net metering applications and disbursing subsidies
has largely will need to be efficient and painless to motivate consumers to invest in
relied on this new technology. Loans need to be made available, which requires
significant capacity building of retail bank branches. Instead of these much-
subsidies needed policy initiatives and administrative interventions, the government
to drive SRT has largely relied on subsidies (70 per cent for hill and north-eastern states
and 30 per cent for other states) to drive SRT installation.
installation There have been a few half-hearted efforts to break this mould. One such
effort was the Solar City Programme initiated in 2008 — but it has not been
42
Delhi 48 13 80 141
7
Chhattisgarh 8 11 26
Telangana 33 33 24 90
97 18 67 12 Madhya Pradesh
Source: Bridge to India, India Solar Rooftop Map December 2018; https://bridgetoindia.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/BRIDGE-TO-INDIA-India-Solar-Rooftop-Map-
December-2018-1.pdf
43
44
societies.7 Karnataka has decided that 40 per cent of the state’s solar energy
target (2,300 MW) should be met through rooftop solar, with a cap of 200
Some
MW per taluk to ensure widespread installation by 2021-22.8 Delhi, on the states have
other hand, has mandated that all government-owned buildings must have
a rooftop solar plant within the next five years.9
introduced
measures to
Expanding the target base: Karnataka has tried a new approach: land-
owning farmers are offered additional incentives to put up solar installations
boost the SRT
of 1-3 MW capacity under the land owners’ category. Till November 2018, market, but
the state had already triggered installation of 290 MW under this scheme
against the allotted 314 MW.10 Delhi has recently introduced a scheme under these have
which private companies can install SRT systems in one-third of a farmer’s had little
land; the farmer receives a rent.11 However, it is still too early to assess the
success of these schemes. impact
Overall, the measures put forth by the states are not backed by concrete
efforts to raise awareness, remove bureaucratic bottlenecks or even monitor
the progress — as a result, they have had very little impact.
Source: 2017, Union Ministry of New and Renewable Energy Concept Note on SRISTI, available at https://mnre.gov.in/file-
manager/UserFiles/comments-on_RTS.pdf
45
Source: Prayas (Energy Group), ‘India’s journey towards 175 GW renewables by 2022’
viability — for example, by pushing them into newer business models such
as partnering with rooftop installers to collect their bills.
Another concern with the scheme is the fact that it reduces residential
consumers’ share of the rooftop target to just 5,000 MW out of the total
target of 40,000 MW. This points to both a failure of existing policies and
wrong direction, given the fact that small-scale distributed generation
offers a unique set of benefits. Further, India’s large number of middle-
class consumers can be a vital source of financing for solar rooftop. The
scheme offers a narrow solution to a problem which requires addressing the
following issues:
a discom’s Power procurement: Solar rooftop may only partially help in reducing the
already peak demand from the grid, which is widely assumed to be in the afternoon
for most cities when solar generation is also the highest. Delhi’s load curve
precarious shows a second peak around midnight when most households turn on
financial their air conditioning (see Graph 2: Daily load curve of Delhi and the solar
rooftop potential). Discoms’ procurement strategy entails having the vast
health majority of the demand met through long-term power purchase agreements
(PPAs). In this scenario, they incur a cost for providing the balancing power
46
6,000
Load curve and SRT potential (MW)
5,000
4,000
3,000
2,000
1,000
0
00:00
01:00
02”00
03:00
04:00
05:00
06:00
07:00
08:00
09:00
10:00
11:00
12:00
13:00
14:00
15:00
16:00
17:00
18:00
19:00
20:00
21:00
22:00
23:00
Hours
Sources: Compiled by CSE 2018. Delhi State Load Despatch Center, https://www.delhisldc.org/; SMA Sunny Portal, https://
www.sunnyportal.com/Templates/Start.aspx?ReturnUrl=%2f
The challenges
Financing
The total funding requirement for installing 40 GW of SRT systems by 2022
is estimated to be over Rs 2.8 lakh crore (US $40 billion).13 A 30 per cent
capital subsidy support from the government does cover a portion of this
cost. However, most prospective customers either do not have the savings to
cover the upfront costs, or are simply unwilling to invest given the relatively
large amount. Also, most customers do not have access to bank financing.
In recent years, the government has taken steps to improve the availability
of loans for SRT projects. The Reserve Bank of India has identified solar
rooftop as a priority sector for lending. Eight public sector banks have
included SRT systems under their housing or housing improvement loans.
Multilateral banks are providing concessional loans against sovereign
guarantee to public sector banks to support subsidised lending to the
segment. Despite this, collective lending from them till 2017 for solar
rooftop financing was only to the tune of US $1.4 billion, just 3.5 per cent of
the total required funding.14
47
Some of the possible ways of breaking the financing logjam could be:
The RESCO model: In this, developers install the SRT and sign long-term
PPAs with the customer. Almost exclusively targeted currently at industrial,
commercial and institutional consumers, this model can give a big boost to
household segment installations, since developers will no longer need to
make a sizable investment in the installation. Currently, RESCOs are not
keen on the household market because they are unable to assess homeowner
risk and are wary of the cumbersome legal process in case of payment delays
or defaults by the homeowner.
A neat solution could be for discoms to partner with RESCOs to install
SRT systems. Another alternative could be that discoms collect a monthly
PPA amount on behalf of the RESCO, along with the electricity bills — this
mechanism would protect RESCOs from homeowners’ credit risk, while
discoms could earn a fee. Furthermore, this arrangement will allow RESCOs
to raise financing from banks and other investors, which would otherwise
be reluctant to extend funding to RESCOs targeting households.
Consumer apathy
Residential consumers have been, largely, staying away from SRTs for a
number of reasons. They are not familiar with the solar PV technology, its
performance and its life. They are wary of claims that it is reliable and worry
about its maintenance needs, especially when confronted by the fact that it
has to be in operation for at least 25 years. The rooftop installers who are
tasked with the maintenance are small new companies, and hence do not
Only a policy arouse any confidence.
that integrates The financial benefits — in terms of monthly deductions in the billed
amounts — tend to be relatively small for many middle class consumers
the interests whose tariffs are low (in fact, rich households which pay higher tariffs stand
48
typically, have a poor opinion of discoms’ customer services and believe that Policymakers
obtaining approvals for the SRT system would be an exhausting process.
should focus
The way ahead their efforts
It is clear that SRT systems provide multiple benefits — to households, to the
grid and even to discoms. Promoting them, therefore, is a desirable policy on cities
goal. SRT systems can offer reduced power bills for households; the gains may and involve
increase as tariffs are likely to keep going up. They provide environmentally
friendly, inexpensive back-up supply of power (compared to DG sets), a big city, town
advantage given the persistent supply interruptions in most places. They and district
can result in lower T&D losses and improved grid management, since the
generation is close to the point of consumption. Solar rooftops, however, authorities
also face several challenges, as indicated in the preceding section: lacklustre
growth, little consumer awareness, lack of innovative government policies
or attention, bureaucratic hassles, and limited support from discoms.
Sustained and broad-based efforts are required to promote SRTs.
Refine the SRISTI scheme: SRISTI needs to focus on strengthening the long-
term viability of discoms, which should ideally play a central role in the SRT
market. Discoms need to explore innovative business models to not just avoid
revenue losses, but also profit from the emerging SRT sector. For instance,
discoms have valuable customer data and can assist solar developers in
identifying clients, sizing up SRT systems etc. They can act as a franchise to
bill and collect for a range of entities, and take a fee for providing this service.
Since residential customers are unlikely to default on bills, discoms can help
banks collect the EMIs for individual SRT systems, thereby expanding the
available financing. They can also act as intermediaries in structuring loans
for large numbers of customers in an area.
49
S
olar rooftop is largely an urban phenomenon in India, with cities being
at the forefront of interventions to promote it. Large towns and cities
have significant power demand as well as solar rooftop potential, and
their residents have the resources to afford installation of SRT systems. A
comprehensive analysis of SRT implementation in a city, therefore, can
provide insights about challenges, bottlenecks and solutions on the ground
which might be relevant to other cities as well. Gurugram, one of the fastest
growing urban centres in India, has been chosen for this analysis by CSE.
50
80 35,202
Industrial, HT consumers
Percentage
60 Industrial, LT consumers
Commercial, above 1,000 kW
40 Commercial, 50-1,000 kW
1,71,172
Commercial, up to 50 kW
832 564
20 Residential, above 10 kW
Total 25 MW
100 kW and
171 customers 6% above 37 19
26 customers 3%
39
96 40-100 kW 59 14
customers
customers
10%
36% Off-grid
103 20-40 kW 55 19
on-grid customers
customers
28%
0-20 kW 74 202
44 customers 17%
Industrial off-grid Industrial on-grid Commercial off-grid
0 2,000 4,000 6,000 8,000 10,000 12,000 14,000 16,000
Commercial on-grid Residential off-grid Residential on-grid
benefits to these customers, who are charged Rs 8-10 per unit by DHBVNL.
More than 14 MW of the total capacity comprises of installations larger
than 100 kW17 (see Graph 4: Solar rooftop installations). These installations
do not really fall under the ‘rooftop’ category from the perspective of
‘distributed generation’.
Power supply
The DHBVNL claims that there is virtually no load-shedding in Gurugram.
It defines load-shedding as “four hours per power cut per day for four
continuous days” to come up with this rather unbelievable statistic. The
Nigam refers to sporadic power outages as “regular maintenance or line
51
faults”. A survey by CSE done in December 2016 showed that power cuts
in housing societies ranged from 30-60 minutes per day18. Another survey
done in January 2018 also confirmed approximately 30 minutes of power
cuts every day in winter and an average of 60 minutes per day in summers19.
State policies
Haryana allows customers to install grid-connected solar rooftop systems of
a capacity equal to the sanctioned load. Average power purchase cost is set
as feed-in-tariff by the Haryana Electricity Regulatory Commission (HERC).
In 2016, the Haryana Renewable Energy Development Agency (HAREDA)
issued an order mandating certain customers to install solar rooftop (see
Table 3: Solar rooftop mandates for Gurugram). The order was applicable
to only around 6,200 non-residential customers, including less than half
of the industrial and 15 per cent of the commercial segment customers.20
CSE researchers estimate that around 62 MW of solar rooftop installation
can potentially emerge from the order. Industrial and commercial customers
with loads between 10-50 kW could easily add a sizable capacity. Further,
an estimated 200 MW of solar rooftop can be installed on the buildings
planned to be constructed under Gurugram’s Master Plan 2031.
But till the time of going to press, less than 300 customers had complied
with the HAREDA order. Agencies such as the Town and Country Planning
Department, the Haryana Urban Development Authority (HUDA), the
municipal corporation and various government departments (police,
PWD etc) are responsible for ensuring compliance. They were required to
incorporate relevant provisions in their departmental bye-laws to facilitate
the implementation of the order, but many of them have not done so yet.
Most have not even informed their consumers about the requirement. None
of the agencies are monitoring progress either.
One of the stumbling blocks is the perception that SRT is a threat to
discom viability. While it might be termed a long-term risk, currently, most
cities continue to have very low level penetration of SRT. If the HAREDA
order was implemented, the installed solar rooftop in Gurugram will
generate a mere 2 per cent of the electricity consumption of those customers.
52
GREENTECH PROJECT
A
large number of residents in Gurugram rely on diesel generator (DG)
sets for back-up power.21 CSE conducted a study to assess the impact
of operating these DG sets on pollution levels inside residential
societies.22
Five such societies (DLF Phase 1, DLF Phase 2, Devinder Vihar, New
Colony and Time Residency) located across Gurugram were selected, with
varying sizes of DG sets and building configurations (see Table 4: Societies
surveyed by CSE). The sites were selected carefully, and did not have any
other significant sources of pollution (construction, traffic congestion etc)
near the buildings, which might have corrupted the data.
CSE installed automatic air pollution monitoring equipment at these
Note: The DLF residential societies did not suffer from extended power cuts, and hence are not featured in this table.
53
20
Duration of DG operation (in hours)
15
10
0
DLF phase 1 DLF phase 2 New Colony Devinder Vihar Times
Residency
1st day 2nd day 3rd day 4rth day
Note: There was no power cut on the fifth day of monitoring at any location.
sites to collect PM1, PM2.5, PM4, PM10 and total suspended particles (TSP)
data at intervals of 10 minutes for five consecutive days. The operational
hours for the DG sets were noted separately. The societies faced a number
of power cuts over the monitoring period, both in terms of days as well
as hours of cuts per day (see Graph 5: Duration of power cuts). Since the
DLF societies experienced minimal power cuts, CSE researchers studied the
impacts of DG sets only in the remaining three societies.
The three case studies in Table 4 include one residential society with
moderate levels of power cuts and ambient pollution levels (Devinder
Vihar) (see Graph 6: Pollution levels in Devinder Vihar); one with very
high ambient pollution (New Colony) (see Graph 7: Pollution levels in New
Colony); and one with long power cuts and DG operation timings (Time
Residency) (see Graph 8: Pollution levels in Time Residency). In all of them,
PM2.5 and PM10 levels were found to be spiking when the DG sets were
operated. Since pollution keeps on accumulating during the period a DG set
is in operation, the average pollution levels in the hour after a generator was
shut down were found to be even higher.
The average PM2.5 levels increased by 30-40 per cent after three to four
hours of DG set operations — the levels remained high even after one hour
of shutting down the generator. Similarly, average PM10 levels increased
by 20-50 per cent during DG operations and the levels remained high for an
hour after. Maximum levels of both PM2.5 and PM10 were also found to be
extremely high in two of the societies.
Societies with exceptionally high duration of DG operations experienced
sustained high levels of PM — longer the DG use, higher the ambient levels.
On the other hand, there was a barely discernible impact on air pollution in
societies with limited power cuts (15-30 minutes) and DG use.
54
20
70
120
170
220
0
50
100
150
200
250
300
0
50
100
150
200
2 hours before
Minimum
Minimum
Minimum
1 hour before
During DG 1 hour before 1 hour before
operation
During DG During DG
1 hour after
PM 2.5
PM 2.5
PM 2.5
operation operation
Average
Average
Average
During DG
362
second operation 1 hour after 1 hour after
1 hour after
2 hours after 2 hours after
2 hours after
Maximum
Maximum
Maximum
PM 10 in mu.g/cu.m PM 10 in mu.g/cu.m PM 10 in mu.g/cu.m
100
200
300
400
500
600
0
500
1,000
1,500
2,000
0
100
200
300
400
500
2 hours before
Minimum
Minimum
Minimum
PM 10
During DG PM 10 During DG
PM 10
Average
Average
Average
1,879
second operation
1 hour after 1 hour after 1 hour after
Maximum
Maximum
Maximum
THE STATE OF RENEWABLE ENERGY IN INDIA
55
16/01/19 4:19 PM
SOLAR ROOFTOP: OVERSHADOWED
U
rban households largely opt for DG sets as a default option for back-
up power when grid power is unavailable. In 2017, CSE conducted a
study in residential societies located in Delhi, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh,
and Rajasthan to assess the cost of power from solar rooftop compared to
the cost of power from DG sets. The study tried to estimate actual costs for
households in different societies based on power cuts, back-up DG capacity,
roof space and DG set use.23
The societies selected for the study covered a wide range in terms of
number of apartments, society type (upper or middle income), DG back-
up level (full, partial or only for common services) etc. In addition, these
societies experienced power cuts, which drove DG usage (see Table 5: An
overview of the societies).
The study assessed the cost of tariffs for two scenarios. The first one
sized up the total demand based on a 300-W load per household and battery
56
to cover average outage hours in the building. The second added common
area demand to the total demand and provided for battery for up to twice
the time of average outage. The rooftop system was limited by available
space in both the scenarios. Under the first scenario, the cost of SRT power
was one-fourth the cost of supply by DG (including capital cost of DG). In
the second case, the cost of SRT power was between one-third and half of
the cost of supply through DG sets (see Graph 9 – Scenarios 1 and 2: Tariff
Scenario 1
33.2
33.1
35
27.7
30
23.4
25
Tariff (Rs/unit)
17.3
17.3
17.2
20
17
15
7.9
7.4
7.4
10
7.5
7.3
6.8
6.8
5.9
7.0
6.4
6.6
5.4
0
Satisar ICON Hanging Garden Rangoli Garden
LCOE (Capex) — Scenario 1 LCOE (RESCO) — Scenario 1 Grid tariff DG tariff DG tariff with capex
57
Scenario 2
33.1
33.2
35
27.7
30 23.4
25
Tariff (Rs/unit)
17.2
17.3
17.3
20
15.1
17
14.5
14
10.8
13
15
10.3
8.2
7.5
7.7
7.3
6.4
10
6.8
5
0
Satisar ICON Hanging Garden Rangoli Garden
LCOE (Capex) — Scenario 2 LCOE (RESCO) — Scenario 2 Grid tariff DG tariff DG tariff with capex
58
Solar manufacturing:
Moving out
of the doldrums
W
hile solar installations have grown in number and spread
in India, they have largely done so on the back of imports —
domestic manufacturers of solar modules and panels have fared
badly and have had little role to play in this growth. During the
period 2014-17, local manufacturers in India had ramped up their capacities,
as both targets and installation of solar PV saw a rise. According to the Union
Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE), manufacturing capacity of
cells and modules jumped by 160 per cent and 258 per cent to 3.1 GW and
8.4 GW respectively.
But production has failed to keep pace with this hike (see Graph 1:
Indigenous solar cell production) resulting in the under-utilisation of
the installed capacity (see Graph 2: Capacity utilisation). To add to that,
90
Capacity utilisation (%)
1,400 80
1,164 70
1,200
Production (GW)
1,000 60
798 50
800
40
600 30
400 305 20
246
200 10
0 0
2014-15 2015-16 2016-17 2017-18 2014-15 2015-16 2016-17 2017-18
(Annualised) (Annualised)
*Five major manufacturers who have 72% share in total installed capacity in 2017-18.
Source: 2018, Directorate General of Safeguards Duties, http://dgsafeguards.gov.in/DataFiles/Tender/NWM77Preliminary%20Findings%20Solar%20Cells%2005.01.18-
Final.pdf
59
0.4
Prices (US$/W)
0.35
0.3
0.25
0.2
Q1 2017 Q2 2017 Q3 2017 Q4 2017
Average selling price of Chinese modules Average selling price of Indian modules
in India in India
60
4,500
4,000
Values in US $ million
3,500
3,000
2,500
2,000
1,500
1,000
500
0
FY 12 FY 13 FY 14 FY 15 FY 16 FY 17 FY 18
34
32
Average selling price (Rs/W)
30
28
26
24
22
20
Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q1 Q2
2015 2015 2015 2015 2016 2016 2016 2016 2017 2017 2017 2017 2018 2018
61
duty since 2010. However, in September 2016, the Central Board of Indirect
Taxes and Customs (CBIC) issued a notification saying solar PV components
are electricity generation components and should attract a custom duty of
7.5 to 10 per cent.1 The ruling, enforced in mid-2017, held up trade in PV
components worth millions of dollars. In April 2018, the CBIC finally issued
a clarification that solar panels can be classified as diodes and will not be
charged a duty.2
India needs to nurture its domestic manufacturing sector, growth in which
is desirable for many reasons — for employment generation, encouragement
to indigenous R&D, earning foreign exchange and ensuring long-term stable
62
supply. However, the country’s policies to support the domestic sector have
been ad hoc (for example, introduction of a safeguard duty that will provide
A strategic
only temporary relief) and muddled (such as the hike in import duty that vision is
was later withdrawn). A strategic vision is required that can carefully
balance the benefits of cheap electricity from imports against the costs of
required that
supporting local manufacturers. can balance
Policy moves the benefits
To be fair to it, the government has taken some tentative steps. In the of cheap
initial phase of the NSM, a substantial portion of the auction capacity was
reserved for domestic manufacturers under domestic content requirement electricity
(DCR). The DCR auctions were supported by a higher level of capital from imports
subsidisation by commanding higher viability gap funding (VGF). In 2013,
the US complained to the World Trade Organization (WTO) that the DCR against the
scheme was a violation of the WTO’s rules. In 2016, the WTO ruled against costs of
India and asked it to stop DCR allocations by September 2017 (see Statistics
section). However, the ruling permitted a loophole — entities that were supporting
generating power for their own consumption were not bound by it.3 This
has allowed the Indian government to continue with DCR auctions for PSUs
local
and government offices. manufacturers
There has been action on anti-dumping as well. Faced with the domestic
manufacturers’ precarious condition, the Indian Solar Manufacturers
Association (ISMA) had filed a petition with the Directorate General of Anti-
Dumping & Allied Duties (DGAD) in July 2017, alleging dumping of PV
cells and modules by China, Taiwan and Malaysia.4 China’s solar module
manufacturing capacity has increased sharply over the years (see Graph
6: Growth and market of Chinese modules), and prices have consistently
climbed down. India is particularly vulnerable, having replaced Europe as
50
Idle capacity Exports Domestic consumption
Growth and market (GW)
40
30
20
10
0
2012 2013 2014 2015 2016
63
the largest market for Chinese PV. In July 2018, therefore, the Union Ministry
of Finance imposed a safeguard duty of 25 per cent on solar panels from
China and Malaysia, followed by 20 per cent for the next six months and 15
per cent for another six. Developers, however, have claimed the duty would
increase tariffs and jeopardise the 100-GW solar target.
In December 2017, the MNRE rolled out a new scheme to support
fully backward integrated manufacturing capacity for solar PV modules,
cells, wafers/ingots and poly-silicon. The scheme proposes a financial
assistance of Rs 11,000 crore along with several incentives — a 12,000-MW
CPSU (Central Public Sector Unit) scheme with an assured DCR component,
capital subsidy for capacity addition, and interest subvention for upgradation
or expansion.5
Separately, the government has announced an expression of interest
(EOI) for a scheme that would auction 20,000 MW of solar capacity to
integrated manufacturers6 — however, no further public information is
available on its progress. In May 2018, the Solar Energy Corporation of India
(SECI) floated an RfS for the development of 5 GW of solar manufacturing
capacity and 10 GW of solar projects under the ISTS scheme.7 This has now
been reduced to 3 GW (per annum) of solar manufacturing capacity. The
tender has been floated four times till November 2018, with each iteration
64
VIKRAM SOLAR
65
66
more solar energy than the at a lower cost compared to Unlike China, which has
traditional silicon. lithium-ion batteries. clear Solar Innovation Goals in
Perovskite (hybrid organic- its Five-Year Plans, India lacks
inorganichalide-based An R&D challenge for India strategic planning. The Clean
material) solar cells could be India seems to be almost Energy Research Initiative
the next generation disruptive absent in this innovation set up by the government
technology: they are cheap race. Even India’s ‘Mission is supporting solar-oriented
and simple to manufacture. Innovation’ in clean energy fundamental research on an
Light-sensitive nanoparticles does not capture solar PV ad hoc basis. Other research
called colloidal quantum dots adequately. The reasons institutions are not keeping
and polymer-based thin films behind this dearth in R&D up with global developments
are being developed as solar could be summarised under — in fact, very few of them
paints. These technologies three heads — budget (such as the Indian Space
have the potential to change crunch, lack of vision and lack Research Organisation and a
the market. of research partnerships. few IITs) are driving innovation
Apart from solar cells, The MNRE’s budget for in solar. India requires more
storage solutions are also R&D in solar averaged less collaborations with global
receiving a lot of attention. than Rs 70 crore (about US leaders of technologies: there
High capacity, long- $10 million) per annum for the is a huge scope for learning
lasting and cost-effective period 2012-16.1 A company from the best institutions
batteries will play a big role like First Solar invested more — worldwide.
in the future of renewable about US $130 million per year India needs an ecosystem
energy. In early 2018, the — in the same period.2 The in which academics can lead
MIT discovered a low-cost, US spent $1.5 billion on solar- innovation from the front,
effective way of reviving an dominated renewable energy while the government acts
old battery through a steel R&D projects in 2015-16. The as a facilitator. Participation
mesh technique to make it Office of Energy Efficiency by industry in R&D for business
more durable. The US-based and Renewable Energy in the innovation in private or public-
company NantEnergy has US budgeted $134 million for private partnership mode is a
developed a rechargeable FY18 — this covered research dire need at this hour.
battery operating on zinc on renewable generation and
and air that can store power manufacturing technologies.3
only if they get sufficient support from policies that are conducive to the
growth of market and that can enable them to sell.
Scaling up: Economies of scale will play a big role in making the solar
manufacturing industry competitive. Hence, large-scale manufacturing
should be supported by the government through stable policy. Cheap finance
is required to support and nurture a new industry till market forces take over.
Also, availability of raw material for ingots and power for wafer production
has to be guaranteed for long-term viability of solar manufacturing in India.
In parallel, increasing the number of testing facilities is required to ensure
the quality and reliability of the products.
67
Research and development: The time has come to invest in R&D for storage
solutions. The solar manufacturing sector provides unique opportunities
to cut down on material costs and take a leap into the next phase of the
technology. Domestic R&D can be developed in association with research
institutes — this will help narrow the gaps in technology and scale.
68
Wind energy:
Braving the headwinds
W
ind energy found its bearings in India in the 1980s, with the
country’s first wind energy demonstration project of 1.15 MW
established in 1986 in Tuticorin, Tamil Nadu. But the sector’s
growth trajectory did not pick up pace till the mid-2000s.
Over the last decade, wind has become the largest contributor to renewable
energy capacity additions in India. It has reached a sizable 35 GW and now
accounts for 50 per cent of all renewable energy capacity and 10 per cent of
the total installed power capacity in India.1 The sector’s growth has come on
the back of a favourable policy environment, including a host of subsidies
and incentives. At the end of 2017, India was in fourth spot globally for
cumulative installed capacity — behind USA, China and Germany — and
fifth for annual capacity installations.2
This growth, however, has been turbulent, with the government erratically
introducing and withdrawing incentives. In the past, the government has
announced incentives that were subsequently reduced and when faced
with a sudden drop in the market, it has reintroduced incentives. The latest
abrupt change in policy occurred in 20163 when the government introduced
competitive auctions to determine tariffs and award contracts; the change
stalled the market for around a year as the industry was unclear about
certain provisions and protections in the auction mechanism. However over
Wind accounts
the last year the new regime did result in a sharp fall in tariffs. for 10 per
The wind energy sector in India stands at a crossroads today. Although its
tariffs are similar to that of solar, there are questions about their sustainability. cent of the
Over the longer term, its competitive position vis-à-vis solar may worsen if country’s
costs of solar drop faster and as the best wind sites are taken up. Indeed,
the country’s plans call for a far smaller capacity of wind compared to solar. total installed
Nevertheless, the industry is a mature one, with a large installed capacity capacity and
and years of operating experience along with a large manufacturing base
and skilled human power. This makes it important for the country’s energy half of its
security and diversification. The sector needs to explore alternatives such
as repowering, hybrid and offshore to remain relevant and to expand its
renewable
scope, in addition to improving efficiencies and cutting costs to retain its capacity
competitive edge.
69
The potential
The latest wind energy potential study carried out by the Chennai-based
National Institute of Wind Energy (NIWE) estimated 302 GW at 100 metre
above ground level (agl).4 With 35 GW installed so far, the country has a
sizable untapped potential. However, almost 90 per cent of this potential is
concentrated in just five states (see Graph 1: Wind potential and installations).
Given the high variability of wind energy, this has important implications on
the evacuation infrastructure needed and grid integration measures adopted.
The growth
In 2015, the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE) set a target for
60 GW of wind installations by 2022. While the capacity additions in FY
2016-17 were a sizable 5.4 GW, the pace slowed down considerably in FY
2017-18, with only 1.7 GW of projects commissioned, against a target of 4.1
GW. Most of these installations (~1.2 GW) came online only after December
2017.5 The industry blamed the abrupt introduction of reverse auctions and
bidding — moves that it felt were not fully thought through — in addition
to the untimely withdrawal of support mechanisms. In contrast, the MNRE
called the move a necessary “course correction” to develop a competitive
market (see Graph 2: Wind energy development in India).
Lately, the industry’s performance has been mixed. Running January
to September 2018, a sizable 5.2 GW of auctions were planned: these
included the three tranches of auctions led by the SECI Tranche-III of 2 GW,
70,000
60,000 55,857
40,000 33,800
30,000
18,770
20,000
10,484
5,429 7,870
10,000 4,280
3,775 4,752 3,611 2,498
0
Gujarat Karnataka Maharashtra Andhra Tamil Nadu Rajasthan Madhya
Pradesh Pradesh
Sources: Compiled from National Institute of Wind Energy (NIWE) and Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE) reports
70
40
3,000
30
2,000
20
1,000
10
0 0
2011
2021
2004
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2014
2016
2017
2018
2019
2020
2002
2003
2005
2012
2013
2015
2022
Source: Compiled from various MNRE annual reports
71
5
GBI I and II
4
Capacity (GW)
0
2010-11
2003-04
2005-06
2006-07
2007-08
2008-09
2009-10
2013-14
2015-16
2016-17
2017-18
2002-03
2004-05
2011-12
2012-13
2014-15
72
2.77 3
1,000
1.5
1
500
0.5
0 0
Feb/17 Apr/17 Jun/17 Aug/17 Oct/17 Dec/17 Feb/18 Apr/18 Jun/18 Aug/18
73
74
75
76
77
78
Repowering
Repowering is defined as replacing old turbines with much larger ones. The
majority of MNRE-listed repowering capacity lies in Tamil Nadu and Gujarat
(see Table 1: State-wise installed WTGs for repowering), the early adopters of
wind energy. These turbines are small — most of them under 500 kW, with
some between 500 kW and 1 MW — and were typically established before
the year 2000. Their capacity utilisation factors (CUF) are as low as 10 per
cent, whereas the PLF of new, larger turbines can go up to 40 per cent.31 As
many of the old turbines are located in very good wind sites, repowering can
increase generation from wind projects exponentially.
Moreover, new turbines are more specific to India’s wind profile, meet grid
code requirements and consume less reactive power. The new technology is
adaptable to ancillary services and other electronic components required for
efficient integration with the grid. To add to this, capital costs have fallen,
making economic benefits of repowering even more compelling.
However, repowering also faces some challenges.
79
80
Disposal of WTGs
Disposal of wind assets in the process of repowering is a major environmental
challenge. Countries which have taken up repowering at a large scale have
adopted some innovative concepts. For example, some have repurposed
the scrap to serve as utilitarian public infrastructure. Germany has
established a recycling unit that reduces scrap to fuel raw material to be
used in cement factories.33
Repowering also throws up opportunities. Old turbines can be refurbished
for exports. For this, the government needs to seed the refurbishment
industry and provide export incentives. The target could be those developing
nations that are keen to expand their renewable energy capacity, but have
low demand and, therefore, would prefer small turbines.
Eligibility
Any repowering policy must have a comprehensive target for repowering.
Age and size are the basic screening criteria. In addition, the policy should
look at turbines with poor performance and low efficiency. Good wind sites
should have a higher standard of performance. The policy should assess
repowering eligibility and needs based on the long term evolution of the
WTG fleet.
81
There should Third, the low tariffs in wind auctions are being attributed to
manufacturers offering WTG components at unsustainable prices to dispose
be an urgent of the piled-up inventory. With continued innovations in technology, solar
effort to costs are expected to drop consistently in the coming years. While wind
manufacturers predict that prices will fall and turbine efficiencies will
upgrade the improve, experts expect solar’s cost advantages to widen over the longer
evacuation term.
Fourth, solar energy presents a far larger potential across a wider area.
network, Wind is more variable and less predictable than solar — these characteristics
which has increase the cost of its integration with the grid. Moreover, the best sites
have been used up already or are a rapidly diminishing number. The sector
been cited as is also grappling with a host of environmental concerns.
the reason The way ahead
for the tepid Despite all this, the wind sector is likely to play a role — albeit a secondary one
response to to solar — in India’s energy future. The country’s wind industry is relatively
mature, with a large installed capacity that has been operational for several
new auctions years. Unlike solar, the wind sector is supplied by a large, technically adept
local manufacturing industry. The industry may become more competitive,
with the coming of larger turbines with increased efficiency. However, it
means manufacturers must invest in R&D.
At the level of the government, a consistent and predictable policy
environment is needed. There should be an urgent effort to upgrade the
evacuation network, which has been cited as the reason for the tepid response
to new auctions. Repowering the aging, small turbines is an efficient way
to expand wind generation, especially since some of the best wind power
sites house many low-efficiency turbines. For this, the government needs to
come up with a comprehensive policy that addresses the key concerns —
consolidation of fragmented ownership of wind projects, compensation to
old projects for the loss of value, loosening ownership, and consumption
provisions for captive projects.
The government should also encourage growth of hybrid and offshore
projects to fully exploit the wind sector’s potential. Hybrid projects have
been stymied by arbitrary ceiling rates: the best course would be for auctions
to discover the lowest tariff. A slightly higher tariff will be offset by the
balancing benefits as well as lower evacuation costs. Approvals for offshore
projects need to be streamlined — currently, clearances need to be obtained
from, among others, departments of defense, space and telecommun
ications. Offshore wind farms may further benefit from separating evacuation
and generation projects.
82
A
2018 report lists Tamil Nadu as one of the top nine renewable energy
markets in the world.34 Today, 14.3 per cent of all energy demand in
the state is met by renewable energy, primarily solar and wind. Wind
power capacity in Tamil Nadu increased from a meager 877 MW in 2002 to
7,652 MW in 2017 (see Graph 5: Capacity addition in Tamil Nadu).35
Persistent load shedding by the Tamil Nadu Generation and Distribution
Corporation Limited (TANGEDCO) has been a huge problem for the local
industry. The policies and incentives offered by the government — bundling
of wind power projects, accelerated depreciation, a Technology Upgradation
Fund etc — has driven the state’s power-intensive industries to invest in
captive wind power plants. Of the total capacity today, nearly 5,500 MW36
of captive plants have been set up by textile mills and cement industries.
The Tamil Nadu Spinning Mills Association (TASMA) was an early
adopter of the ‘bundled wind project’ model — several small power
consumers formed cooperatives to invest in wind turbines. Today, TASMA
cooperatives own a total of 3,500 MW of wind energy capacity, 45 per cent
of the state’s wind-generation capacity.37
But the wind generating capacity in the state has stagnated since 2012.
83
1.20 1.08
1.00
Capacity addition (MW)
0.00
Up to March 2002
2002-03
2003-04
2004-05
2005-06
2006-07
2007-08
2008-09
2009-10
2010-11
2011-12
2012-13
2013-14
2014-15
2015-16
Source: Compiled from various MNRE annual reports
84
Energy access:
Bridging the gaps
D
espite the implementation of several dedicated electrification
schemes, India’s struggle with ensuring universal electricity
access persists. The country declared 100 per cent of its villages
as electrified in April 2018 — as per a Government of India (GoI)
definition, this required 10 per cent of households and all public facilities
in the 5.9 lakh inhabited villages to be connected to the grid.
This was followed (rightly so) by a scheme to provide connections to
all individual households (SAUBHAGYA — see section in this chapter for
details). As of October 2018, 95 per cent of all households in India were
reportedly electrified — this included 100 per cent of urban and 94 per cent
of rural households.
Even if this claim were true, quality power supply to every urban and
rural household in India remains out of reach. Many rural households still
get only a few hours of power supply which is typically absent during peak
hours. Ensuring universal energy access — uninterrupted, affordable power
— would require comprehensive reforms, including distribution sector
reforms — a challenge that the government has been struggling with for
decades. Ensuring
Given this scenario, mini-grid systems based on renewable energy
sources can play a significant role in shouldering the government’s rural
universal energy
electrification responsibility. There are thousands of mini- and micro-grid access —
systems operating in the country to supply electricity to remote and rural
settlements, but the government considers them merely as a stop-gap solution
uninterrupted,
till the grid arrives. Only a more comprehensive policy can help realise the affordable
true potential of these systems in ensuring universal electrification.
power —
Policy inadequacies: Central schemes struggle to deliver would require
Over the last decade, the Indian government has launched a string of
policies and schemes to enhance energy access. To understand the scale of
comprehensive
the problem, it might be worthwhile to approach it through the prism of the distribution
GoI’s efforts at providing a solution.
In 2005, the Rajiv Gandhi Grameen Vidyutikaran Yojana (RGGVY) was sector reforms
conceived to electrify all villages/habitations, and provide access to all
85
households, especially those below the poverty line (BPL). It laid emphasis
on infrastructure for distribution of rural electricity and use of decentralised
distributed generation (DDG) for settlements where supply was not feasible or
cost-effective. Implemented through the Rural Electrification Corporation, the
scheme received 90 per cent of its funds to meet the overall project cost from
the Centre and 10 per cent from the state. At its close in 2014, RGGVY had
reportedly reached 97 per cent of the un-electrified villages under its purview.1
The Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Gram Jyoti Yojana (DDUGJY), launched in
2014, aimed to take the work forward under a different title. Its Rs 75,893-crore
outlay was directed at improving rural power infrastructure through feeder
separation; and strengthening sub-transmission and distribution systems
and metering at various stages — transformers, feeders and consumers. It
subsumed the RGGVY scheme and took on the responsibility of electrifying
the remaining 18,452 villages. In April 2018, the government declared that
100 per cent of the villages had been electrified under DDUGJY.2 (see Graph
1: Rate of village electrification).
But this was a misleading claim. Both these schemes considered a village
as ‘electrified’ if a mere 10 per cent of its households and all its public
facilities (such as schools, health centres etc) were connected to the grid.
Therefore, though the power infrastructure extended to reach all villages,
most households remained unelectrified. In any event, most of the electrified
villages did not receive a regular supply.
In October 2017 came another scheme — the Pradhan Mantri Sahaj Bijli
Har Ghar Yojana (SAUBHAGYA) — to provide electricity connections to
35,000
30,000
25,000
Number of villages
20,000
15,000
10,000
5,000
0
2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09 2009-10 2010-11 2011-12 2012-13 2013-14 2014-15 2015-16 2016-17 2017-18
Source: Compiled from various Rural Electrification Corporation (REC) annual reports, https://www.recindia.nic.in/annual-reports
86
Source: Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE) Annual Report 2017-2018, https://mnre.gov.in/file-manager/annual-report/2017-2018/EN/pdf/
chapter-4.pdf
all households, rural and urban. The scheme, when it began, identified
4 crore un-electrified households. However, this number has kept changing.
As per the latest data put out by the government only 2.48 crore households
were willing to take up connections; the remaining refused to get connected.3
87
80
60
40
20
0
Rural Urban
Source: SAUBHAGYA dashboard, accessed in January 2019, http://saubhagya.gov.in/
1.60
1.40
1.20
Households (in crore)
1.00
0.80
0.60
0.40
0.20
0.00
Uttar Pradesh
Bihar
Odisha
Assam
Rajasthan
Madhya Pradesh
Jharkhand
West Bengal
Chhattisgarh
Maharashtra
Karnataka
Telangana
Uttarakhand
Others
88
45,000 4.0%
38,138
40,000 Deficit (MU)
3.5%
30,000
3.7%
Percentage
Million units
2.5%
23,558
25,000
2.0%
20,000
1.5%
15,000
0.6%
2.2% 8,567 1.0%
10,000 7,595
However, the deficits presented by the CEA do not reflect the true picture:
they are merely the mathematical difference between energy demanded
by the distribution companies and supplied by the generating companies,
which understates the real deficit. Since many distribution companies are
financially stressed, their electricity off-take is driven by their ability to pay
— the discom demand does not reflect the expected end-consumer demand.
Besides this, the potential demand of households that are not connected to
the grid is not accounted for. Essentially, the relatively small energy deficits
reported by the CEA are largely on account of grid congestion.
89
UPPPCL’s schedule for 2017-18, the cost of installing a low tension (LT)
overhead line could vary from Rs 1.5 lakh to Rs 3.1 lakh per km depending
on conductor type, conductor size, and span length. This excludes the cost
of setting up a new substation or distribution transformer which could cost
several lakhs of rupees. As per the cost estimates done by the UPPCL, there
is a significant gap between the actual cost and the budgetary support (see
Table 1: SAUBHAGYA’s funding fault lines).6
Assuming India does achieve full electrification, ensuring regular and
affordable supply will be the next big challenge. Many BPL households may
need to be provided subsidised power. Supplying relatively small 30 to 50
units per household per month to the additional 2.4 crore rural households
to be electrified under SAUBHAGYA would increase the annual subsidy
burden of state discoms by approximately Rs 3,400-5,600 crore (see Table 2:
Assuming Potential subsidies due to SAUBHAGYA).
India does Moreover, the bulk of the subsidy burden will be borne by a few of
the poorest states that are home to the largest number of un-electrified
achieve full households — Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Odisha and Assam. Also, the provision
electrification, of subsidised electricity by state-owned discoms may result in households
increasing their consumption, thereby inflating the subsidy. This raises the
ensuring question if grid extension is the most effective approach to improve access.
90
Notes: AT&C losses and average cost of supply for 2015-16, as per PFC report on utility performance
Sources: 1. Unelectrified households: http://saubhagya.gov.in/, accessed in October 2018
2. AT&C losses -*https://www.financialexpress.com/economy/power-pack-discoms-atc-losses-come-down-at-19-1/1197993/
91
92
93
Mini-grids Grid-based supply has been and will remain the core strategy to expand
access to electricity. The SAUBHAGYA scheme, which aims to connect all
have a households to the grid, is a worthy initiative. It will significantly improve
potential energy access; however, it may not be sufficient to ensure regular electricity
supply. Discoms remain financially stressed due to their poor operating
— both performance and political interference regarding tariff-setting and subsidies
consumers to various interest groups. The government’s latest attempt to reform the
discom sector, the UDAY scheme, also looks likely to fail. Weak discoms
and regulators will not supply adequate power to many recently-connected poor consumers
appear to who are not profitable for disoms. In fact, SAUBHAGYA will further weaken
discoms if it is not accompanied by reforms such as an increase in tariffs for
agree on its certain consumers and caps on subsidised supply.
benefits A one-size-fit-all strategy will fall short. Mini-grids do have a potential
over the short to medium term — both consumers and regulators appear to
agree on the benefits of the system. Indeed, mini-grids continue to operate
in even connected villages which are plagued by irregular supply. A well-
designed set of policies, some of which have been detailed above, can
ensure that mini-grids fill the gap by supplying affordable power to energy-
deprived households; at the same time, they also have a viable business
model when the grid becomes the reliable and predominant source of power
in their markets.
94
CASE STUDY
Providing universal 24x7 electricity access in Uttar Pradesh
JONAS HAMBERG
U
ttar Pradesh (UP), with over 14.2 million un-electrified households,
presents the biggest challenge in India. District-level data presents a
grim picture, with rural electrification ratio of less than 30 per cent
in places like Lalitpur, Jalaun, Sonbhadra and Jhansi; and 35 to 40 per
cent in Chandauli, Fatehpur, Kanshiram Nagar, Bahraich, Kanpur Dehat,
Saharanpur, Kanpur Nagar and Kaushambi.8
Households which do get power are plagued by its poor quality — limited
hours of supply, frequent outages and fluctuating voltages. The Electricity
Supply Monitoring Initiative (ESMI) shows that in May 2018, 68 per cent
of the monitored locations in UP experienced outages lasting more than 15
minutes a day, with the urban areas faring better than the rural ones. In fact,
UP and Jharkhand were the two states with the highest number of supply
interruptions in the country. In UP, urban and rural areas did not get any
power supply for an average of 131 hours per month and 328 hours per month,
respectively; for Jharkhand the figures were 163 and 257 hours, respectively.
Another report by ESMI for the period between January and March 2018,
showcases the true disparities between urban and rural settlements in UP.
The number of interruptions in a month are significantly more among the
95
Source: Prayas Summary Analysis on Electricity Supply Monitoring Initiative, May 2018, http://www.watchyourpower.org/
uploaded_reports.php
96
100 97%
80
Supply (per cent)
60
54.8%
52.4%
50.2%
45.4% 43.4%
40.4%
40
20
4.7% 6.3%
2.1% 2.7%
0%
0
Vijay Laxmi Nagar, Sitapur Pahadpur, Sitapur Bhadupur Sidhauli, Sitapur Jankipuram, Lucknow
Urban Rural Rural Urban
97
98
6,000
5,000
Number of households
4,000
3,000
2,000
1,000
0
Nov-18
Oct-18
Sep-18
Aug-18
Jul-18
Jun-18
May-18
Apr-18
Mar-18
Feb-18
Jan-18
99
100
101
(ABC) model systems and consumer categories. The high tariffs are a result of the high
fixed cost of the generation plant and distribution system, for a relatively
is the most small capacity. Mini-grid operators also fear becoming redundant in the
event of the arrival or increased reliability of the grid — they, therefore, tend
commonplace to charge high tariffs to recover investments over a shorter time period (see
Table 8: Tariffs of mini-grids in Uttar Pradesh).
102
103
might vary, the problems remain same. Therefore, it might be safe to say that
the status of mini-grids in UP is reflective of the national sector.
So, what is the next step for mini-grids? It is clear that in a renewable
energy world, mini-grids will play a significant role in generating electricity
locally, supplying it to the local consumers and feeding the excess to the
grid. The government and the mini-grid operators will have to embrace this
vision and revive the sector.
104
CASE STUDY
How sustainable is solar power pumps?
I
ndia’s agricultural sector consumes nearly 25 per cent of the country’s
total electricity, largely for its irrigation needs.24 The sector’s demand is
met primarily from the 19 million electric and nine million diesel pumps
in India.25 Unfortunately, the use of electric motor pumps is limited by the
erratic electricity supply. Diesel pumps, on the other hand, are associated
with high fuel prices and dirty emissions. Approximately 60 per cent of
farmers in India buy water or rent pumping services at high costs.
Solar Pumping Irrigation Systems (SPIS) have a potential to help
reduce dependence on conventional pumping systems and increase farm
productivity (see Table 9: Solar pump deployment models). Solar water
pumps incur zero fuel costs and offer farmers reliability. The falling prices
and improving efficiency of technology are an added bonus.
The nine million diesel users can benefit the most from a switch-over to
solar pumping systems, given the high fuel cost. A comparison of 10-year
lifecycle costs of solar water pumps and diesel water pumps found that the
former was 35 per cent cheaper.26 Several anecdotal studies have shown that
farmers cultivate a variety of crops and earn higher incomes when using
105
Maharashtra Pumping Programme for Irrigation and Drinking Water was introduced in
2014.27 As of December 2017, 2.4 lakh pumps had been sanctioned under
and Rajasthan the programme. In the same year, the National Bank for Agricultural and
Rural Development (NABARD) introduced a Credit-Linked Capital Subsidy
offer Scheme (CLCSS), which envisaged 30,000 solar water pump systems. The
successful scheme achieved less than 6 per cent of the target and was discontinued.28
States like Maharashtra and Rajasthan offer successful policy examples
policy that incorporate favourable financing mechanisms and deployment models
examples that for solar water pump adoption. Maharashtra has completed a tender to
procure 10,000 solar water pumps and is offering a 95 per cent capital
incorporate subsidy to farmers. A Rajasthan government scheme offered an 86 per cent
favourable capital subsidy, including 56 per cent state subsidy (under the Rashtriya
Krishi Vikas Yojana) and a Central subsidy of 30 per cent, for certain solar
financing irrigation pumps (2- and 3-HP DC submersible pumps). Overall, 1.14 lakh
mechanisms solar pumps were installed in India till the end of December 2017 (see Graph
7: Annual installation of solar pumps in India).29
and
Kisan Urja Suraksha Evam Utthaan Mahabhiyan (KUSUM)
deployment The Kisan Urja Suraksha Evam Utthaan Mahabhiyan (KUSUM) scheme, the
models Government of India’s latest endeavor towards deployment of subsidised
for solar solar pumps, will require a total outlay of Rs 140,000 crore over the next 10
years. Under KUSUM, the Centre will provide 60 per cent capital subsidy; 30
water pump per cent will be financed through bank credit and the remaining 10 per cent
will be borne by the farmers. KUSUM proposes installation of large solar
adoption power plants (28,250 MW), replacement of conventional pumping systems
(720 MW) and distribution of SWPs (solar water pumps); and installation
106
100,000
80,000
29,669
60,000
40,000 11,626
0
FY13 FY14 FY15 FY16 FY17 FY18
(Till Dec, 2017)
107
farmers to subsidised diesel and/or free grid electricity. A buy-back of the excess
electricity generated, as proposed under KUSUM, offers a secondary source
switch over to of income which could be the added incentive. Pilot examples, like the one
in Dhundi, Gujarat can showcase a change in the usage pattern, with its
SPIS focus on conservation of both electricity and water.
Considering the large size of India’s agricultural community, solar water
pumps seem to be an obvious choice for electricity generation at the point
of consumption — as a decentralised source of energy. As a decentralised
solution, SPIS can reduce transmission losses.
Cheap electricity to the agricultural sector is an enormous and continually
ballooning problem for discoms. Well-designed SPIS deployment models
can limit the subsidy burden on the government by incentivising both
appropriate water use and sale of excessive power to the grid. SPIS systems
also provide an effective way for discoms to meet their renewable purchase
obligations, since discoms can claim credit for all generated power as
opposed to only the quantum purchased back from the SPIS.
108
CASE STUDY
Can induction cooking solve the clean cooking fuel crisis of the country?
109
2,500
1,985
2,000
1,735
Consumption growth (TMT)
1,623
1,500
1,000
0
FY 2016 FY 2017 FY 2018
Source: Compiled from Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas (MoPNG) annual reports, http://petroleum.nic.in/documents/reports/annual-reports
110
111
Currently, (for example, using solar induction cookers). However, these restrict
cooking activities to a few hours unless combined with storage, which adds
none of the to the cost. A recent model developed by IIT-Mumbai shows that a solar
electric cooker providing 3 kWh of electricity per day (enough for cooking
country’s three meals for a family of five) with battery storage, would cost Rs 10,000.45
energy Alternatively, remote and/or rural areas that are not connected to the grid
may be better served by incentivising mini-grids that support cooking needs
access plans as well. The corresponding increase in energy consumption of households
and policies could further help improve the economics of mini-grids.
Most developed nations have shifted to using electricity for cooking;
discuss the India continues to lag behind. Recognising the disproportionate support
utilisation of meted out to transitioning cooking fuels (LPG and PNG), the Niti Aayog
suggests extending benefits/subsidies to all cooking fuels, including
electricity for electricity, through direct benefit transfer. Such a blanket subsidy will give
cooking consumers the option to pick and choose. BPL households, with access to
reliable, quality electricity, could be provided loans for induction stoves.
Consumers in remote regions could be incentivised to adopt electricity as a
credible and primary fuel for cooking through grid and off-grid electricity,
respectively.
However, any shift to either of the two technologies for cooking will
require the government to employ large-scale deployment schemes — such
as the distribution of LEDs under Ujjwala by EESL — to help bring down the
costs. Additionally, awareness drives must be carried out to bust the myths
regarding induction cookstoves’ inability to meet Indian cooking needs.
Currently, none of the country’s energy access plans and policies discuss
the utilisation of electricity for cooking. There is a need to develop an
effective, comprehensive policy that follows a multi-pronged approach for
adopting clean cooking fuels. As the economics of off-grid solar applications
for induction cooking46 and/or grid power quality improves, electricity is
poised to be a strong contender as a cooking fuel.
112
Discoms: Fundamental
reforms required
D
iscoms (distribution companies) hold the key to the future of
renewable energy in India. Mostly state-owned, these companies
purchase power from generators and sell them to residential, retail,
agricultural, commercial and industrial consumers. Most of the
key concerns faced by the wind and solar energy sectors (these have been
discussed in the other chapters in this book) such as curtailment, payment
delays, off-setting discom risks by SECI and NTPC, refusal to sign PPAs with
new plants etc are connected to these companies and point to the fact that
discoms either drive the growth or can pose crippling problems.
The underlying reason behind this scenario is that most discoms have
run huge financial losses and have poor operational performance. Their
inability to collect revenues from large sections of their customer base due
to power theft and lack of proper billing and collection makes it difficult
for them to recover their costs. They are further saddled with unsustainable
tariff structures, slabs for different end users and associated cross-subsidies;
this makes it unlikely that their business can break even.
Discoms are also bound to large thermal power plants by means of long-
term PPAs, with two-part tariffs with a fixed cost component. As a result, there
is very little incentive to offset thermal consumption with newer renewable
power, even if the latter is cheap. In fact, a large renewable capacity with
‘must run’ status might be adding more pressure to the distribution sector.
There have been multiple attempts to turn the situation around, with
the latest being the Ujjwal Discom Assurance Yojana (UDAY) scheme,
introduced in 2015. It, however, remains a work-in-progress.
113
Three years In November 2015, therefore, the Ujjwal Discom Assurance Yojana
(UDAY) was introduced: the aim was to restructure the discoms’ debt to make
on, the results them financially stable and hold them accountable for their performance. It
produced by was proposed that state governments would take over 75 per cent of the
debt of their respective discoms, with bonds issued for the remaining 25 per
UDAY remain cent. Aside from the financial restructuring, the discoms were expected to
unclear and improve their performance along various metrics — most of which are tied
to deployment of infrastructure to help curb losses in the system.2
questionable The aggregate technical and commercial (AT&C) losses partly reflect the
efficiency at the transformer and distribution network level. In addition,
the losses go up when theft is endemic, as is the case in large parts of the
country. Poor metering and resultant low billing and collection efficiency
also contribute to the problem. To cut down on the AT&C losses, the UDAY
scheme mandated the installation of smart meters in rural and urban areas,
and metering of transformers to track theft and identify leakages and points of
low efficiency. UDAY planned that the losses would be cut down to a national
average of 15 per cent by FY2018-19. At the revenue end, a total recovery of
the cost of supply through various mechanisms, including upward revision of
tariffs and reduction in subsidies, was proposed.
Three years on, the results produced by UDAY remain unclear and
questionable. A lot of the tasks are running behind schedule — especially
smart meter installations. The AT&C losses remain high, with some states
indicating losses of over 40 per cent, a far cry from the 15 per cent target.
The ACS-ARR gap (the gap between average cost of supply or ACS and the
average revenue realised or ARR) continues to be high for most of the states3
(see Table 1: The UDAY check-list).
As per the Union power ministry’s annual integrated ratings report4
which assigns credit ratings to each company with respect to regulatory,
operational and financial parameters, 42 discoms are under the scanner. The
top tier — ‘A+’ rated discoms — are concentrated in the state of Gujarat.
Among states, Uttarakhand is the only new entrant, while Punjab, formerly
a highly rated discom, has deteriorated. At best, more discoms appear to be
114
concentrated today at the higher end of the average range (B+) as compared
to the situation in 2014-15. The number of discoms in the worst performing
bracket has quadrupled.
While credit ratings are by no means a foolproof and dependable indicator,
it remains an indispensable source of information primarily considered by
banks for assessing a discom’s credit worthiness. With the rating of most
discoms far below the investment grade, the renewable sector will continue
to need interventions such as payment guarantees and intercession by SECI
to reduce the risks.
90
2013-14 2014-15 2015-16 Uday dashboard 2018
80
70
60
50
Losses (%)
40
30
20
10
0
Andhra Pradesh
Bihar
Chhattisgarh
Goa
Gujarat
Haryana
Jammu & Kashmir
Jharkhand
Karnataka
Punjab
Rajasthan
Uttarakhand
Uttar Pradesh
Manipur
Madhya Pradesh
Puducherry
Maharashtra
Himachal Pradesh
Assam
Telangana
Tamil Nadu
Meghalaya
Kerala
Tripura
Arunachal Pradesh
Odisha
West Bengal
Delhi
Sikkim
Mizoram
Nagaland
Sources: Compiled from PFC annual reports (2013-14 to 2015-16) available at http://www.pfcindia.com/Home/VS/72 and the UDAY dashboard, as viewed in October
2018 https://www.uday.gov.in/national_parameter_dashboard.php?id=
115
Many states improvements. Additionally, these numbers are self-reported by states and
the actual performance may be worse.6
are unlikely The outcomes continue to be variable in the case of the smaller universe
to meet the of renewable-rich states. Karnataka, Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh are the best
performers — on an average, they have consistently maintained their losses
target which between 10-15 per cent, with UDAY having had no obvious impact on them.
necessitates Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh have also remained more or less static at over
27 per cent. Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and Punjab have, in contrast, done
keeping the significantly worse over the years. Tamil Nadu, a late entrant to the scheme
losses at 15 (January 2017) has achieved the target by falling below 15 per cent. Most
of these states are unlikely to meet the target which necessitates keeping
per cent by the losses at 15 per cent by March 2019, a sign that most discoms have not
March 2019 resolved their underlying operational issues.
0.8
0.7
ACS-ARR gap (Rs/kWh)
0.6
0.5
0.4
0.3
0.2
0.1
0
2013-14 2014-15 2015-16 2016-17 2017-18
116
National average
Tamil Nadu
Telangana
Himachal Pradesh
Maharashtra
Madhya Pradesh
Uttar Pradesh
Rajasthan
Punjab
Karnataka
Haryana
Gujarat
Andhra Pradesh
500 kWh). This sets it apart from most of the other states, which have made
practically no headway on smart metering — most of the large states have
0 per cent deployment for both over and under the 500-kWh category9 (see
Table 2: The status of smart metering).
Installation of seperate feeders for rural households and agricutural load
aims to both provide appropriate power delivery to farmers and reduce
misuse of subsidised electricity. However, feeder separation has not had
any serious impact on discom financials; states such as Punjab, Haryana
and Tamil Nadu, while achieving 95-100 per cent feeder segregation, still
have high ACS-ARR gaps, surpassing the national average of Rs 0.27/kWh.10
Feeder separation and transformer metering has not led to better biling and
collection or reduction in thefts.
According to the UDAY dashboard, 25 out of 27 states and Union
territories have made tariff revisions.11 But as per data published by the
consultancy firm KPMG India12, the implementation of tariff increases (the
terms of which are agreed to in individual state MoUs signed with the power
ministry) is inconsistent. It is also unclear if the marginal increases in tariff
have had material impact on the ACS-ARR gap, since costs have gone up.
In the period between FY13 to FY16, the overall expenditure has
increased every year — this is reflected in the ACS. The largest component
117
(over 60 per cent) built into the expenditure is the power purchase cost,
which, historically, has increased annually. The operational costs (including
employee salaries and administration expenses) have also seen an annual
rise to the tune of 12 per cent in FY 2015-16 and 9 per cent in FY 2016 -17.13
The average 5 per cent tariff increase which is broadly agreed upon, if at all
enforced, would be unlikely to compensate for this.
The reduction in the ACS-ARR gap can be, in large part, attributed to
the financial restructuring between FY2016 -17 to FY2017-18. The interest
component of the tariff, as estimated by CSE from the tariff breakdown
provided in the PFC Annual Reports14 for the period15 is 8 per cent of
the total expense. With the state government taking over the debt and
reducing the discoms’ interest payment, the ACS has reduced. At a national
level it would appear that the gap closure is attributable to the financial
The reduction restructuring — this undercuts the notion that the discoms have made any
in the real improvements.
This lack of progress on the operational front is an indictment of the
ACS-ARR UDAY scheme and on rationalisation of tariffs.
118
In line with market growth, the MNRE has issued new long-term annual
RPO targets in 2018 for the period up to 2022.16 However, these targets
appear to be inconsistant with capacity installation goals (see Table 3: Long-
term growth trajectory of RPOs). According to the Niti Aayog’s estimates
for a scenario where the 175-GW target is met in 2022, renewable energy
generation would form only about 16 per cent of the total generation
percentage17, which makes the RPO benchmark targets of 21 per cent
unattainable.
State ERCs set their own RPO targets and tend to vary in the scale of their
ambitions. This is largely due to the concentration of renewable resources
in most western and southern states. The obligated entities in these states
have an advantage in being able to directly procure the generation at lower
costs. Cross-border power purchase from renewable IPPs comes with many
regulatory hurdles and charges which leaves those states with low renewable
resources at a disadvantage.
Another factor contributing to the inequality among discoms is their
customer base — discoms servicing a higher proportion of subsidised
residential and agricultural customers have higher cross-subsidies levied on
other segments. These discoms tend to be financially weaker and therefore
have less flexibility to procure additional renewable power.
However, most states (including the renewable-rich ones) have
comparatively modest RPO targets. Most of the larger states — with
the exception of Gujarat, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh — are yet to
Most states
pass regulations on their RPO trajectory up to 2022 in alignment with have not
that of the Union Ministry of Power. This is a serious shortcoming,
especially in states like Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, which
yet passed
have large operational renewable capacity as well as a significant pipeline regulations
in the coming years (see Table 4: RPO regulations of states with largest
renewable capacities).
on RPOs in
The RPO regulations also need some fundamental changes. Splitting the alignment
RPO requirements into specifically solar and non-solar (mostly wind) made
sense earlier, when the former was exorbitant in comparison. But now, with with that of
both wind and solar tariffs equally priced at under Rs 3/kWh, this division the Ministry of
is meaningless. Having combined targets is likely to allow utilities and other
obligated entities more freedom to opt for the technology mix that makes the Power
most sense.
119
*Each of the five discoms in Karnataka have their own RPO targets, and the range is indicative of the lowest and highest assigned.
Source: Compiled from state ERC RPO regulations of 2016 and 2017.
120
121
38,24,715
4,44,418
80,68,723
Captive generation
Open access
APPC
1,66,02,593
APPC/open access
1,63,59,559
Captive/open access
Rs 2,400 (see Table 5: Revised REC floor and forbearance prices). Wind
comprises 40 per cent of the cumulative capacity of projects registered for
participation in the REC market, with solar at 19 per cent.27
RECs were the ideal solution for discoms of states that did not
have sufficient renewable capacity within their borders for direct
procurement of power. They also enabled thermal OA customers to meet their
obligations. However, the REC market has lost its appeal for developers, who
prefer to construct projects within the auction regime, which has purchase
guarantees and payment default protections. There is little incentive and
a lot of risk associated with building stand-alone projects and signing
PPAs. Between 2015 and 2018, the number of projects registered with the
REC market has stagnated (see Graph 5: Capacity and number of projects
registered for RECs).28
It is important to note here that this market has been under-performing
right from its inception. It has remained constantly over-supplied: currently,
there are 1.86 million non-solar and 2.29 million solar RECs that are lying
spare in the system as of September 2018.29
122
1,400 7,000
Capacity (MW) No. of projects
1,200 6,000
800 4,000
600 3,000
400 2,000
200 1,000
0 0
2011-12 2012-13 2013-14 2014-15 2015-16 2016-17 2017-18
Maharashtra
Gujarat
19%
Delhi
Rajasthan
2% 31%
3% Odisha
3% Bihar
5% Madhya Pradesh
5% Punjab
13%
6% Chhattisgarh
6% 7% West Bengal
Others
123
The recent push by various ERCs and the CERC has seen a spike in REC
trading, with the largest ever volume of wind RECs (5.2 million) bought in
a single month in December 2017. While this is a promising sign for the
REC market, it still remains weak and oversupplied. The market clearing
price, even in instances of relatively high demand, is only slightly over
the floor price, skimming the Rs 1,000/MWh30 mark — hardly an incentive
for developers to opt for the REC route. Going forward, it is unclear what
the future of the REC market is likely to be, even when RPO enforcement
becomes stringent. The fall in tariffs has made the option of directly procuring
renewable energy far more enticing than trading in REC certificates. The
wind and solar Inter-State Transmission System auctions, which waive
inter-state transmission charges, are likely to further dilute the relevance of
the REC market.
Open access customers are likely to be the only consumers of RECs in the
coming days, because direct procurement of renewable (or conventional)
power is challenging, with most states making OA, especially renewable-
based, more demanding. Consequently, it is also likely to keep the pool of
REC traders limited.
124
OA transactions
REC Non-REC
Source: Prayas (Energy Group), September 2017, ‘Choosing Green: The status and challenges of renewable energy based open access — a working paper’
was estimated by Prayas (Energy Group).33 The data indicates that RE-OA
penetration has increased in the last three years (see Graph 7: Renewable
energy-based OA trends). Of the total open access consumption in 2016-17,
RE-OA consumption stood at around 30 per cent (2,700 MU) in Gujarat, 15
per cent (311 MU) in Madhya Pradesh, 8 per cent (167 MU) in Telangana
and 8 per cent (758 MU) in Maharashtra. Also, wind power-based renewable
open access dominated in most of the states except Madhya Pradesh, where
solar comprised almost 60 per cent of the RE-OA.
125
3,000 120
2,739
Total renewable energy-based OA consumption (MU)
2,284
2,500 Renewable energy-based OA consumption as a share of 100
total OA consumption
2,036
Renewable OA consumption (MU)
2,000 80
Percentage
1,500 60
1,000 40
758
566
447
500 20
311
282
267
257
103
184
64
167
56
0 0
2014-15
2015-16
2016-17
2014-15
2015-16
2016-17
2014-15
2015-16
2016-17
2014-15
2015-16
2016-17
2014-15
2015-16
2016-17
Source: Prayas (Energy Group), September 2017, ‘Choosing Green: The status and challenges of renewable energy based open access — a working paper’
126
8
7
6
Cost (Rs/kWh)
Source: Prayas (Energy Group), September 2017, ‘Choosing Green: The status and challenges of renewable energy based
open access — a working paper’
for green and grey sources (see Graph 8: Landed cost of coal and renewable
OA), the concessions/waivers on these charges can be gradually removed.
Most importantly, if the CSS alone cannot fully compensate the licensee’s
loss in revenue due to sales migration, some form of additional transitional
support from the state and Central government is necessary. Such support
can be provided through subsidies or cross-subsidy with the levy of duties
on all grid-connected consumers, including captive consumers as suggested
in the draft National Energy Policy. A generic
Sales migration from the discom to OA can result in stranded generation problem that
capacity. To recover the fixed costs of such capacity, an OA charge known
as the additional surcharge is levied. This is enabled by Section 42(4) of the additional
the Electricity Act, 2003.35 The NTP 2016 states that such a surcharge can
be charged ‘only if it can be conclusively demonstrated that the obligation
surcharge
of a licensee, in terms of existing power purchase commitments, has been poses to
and continues to be stranded, or there is an unavoidable obligation and
incidence to bear fixed costs consequent to such a contract.’36
all OA
Concessions on the additional surcharge are not available widely stakeholders
across states, with the exception of Gujarat, which provides a 50 per cent
concession for wind-based OA transactions. A generic problem that the
is the non-
additional surcharge poses to all OA stakeholders is the non-uniformity in uniformity
the methodology to calculate the surcharge across states. Going forward,
there would be a need to identify the principles for such a methodology. The
in the
Ministry of Power in its Consultative Paper released in 201737 has identified methodology
this as a need, and suggested a new methodology that can be followed
uniformly by all states. This methodology was also supported by the Forum to calculate
of Regulator’s ‘Report on Open Access’.38 the surcharge
Renewable energy generation sources (especially wind and solar) have
seasonal and diurnal variations. The pattern of renewable energy generation across states
(from wind/solar) may not match with the demand of the RE-OA consumer
127
128
considering recent the PPA rates of around Rs 3 per kWh for wind and
solar power, the deviation penalties are higher for intra-state transactions
With fast
as compared to inter-state transactions.40 Hence, deviation penalties for declining
intra-state transactions based on absolute values need careful attention and
regular revision in line with the wind and solar market prices. Ideally, the
renewable
states should quickly move to schedule-based accounting and align the state prices, the
framework for renewable forecasting and scheduling in line with the CERC
framework for regional entities.
need for
These challenges can be dealt with in a more transparent way with better concessions
availability of data of RE-OA transactions. This will aid in taking informed
regulatory and policy-related decisions, thereby increasing the confidence may decrease
of stakeholders in making regulatory decisions. To enable this, ideally, the in the future.
CERC market monitoring report should broaden its scope and include STOA,
MTOA and LTOA RE transactions and track the amount of transactions and A gradual
average price. On similar lines, each SERC should also come up with its removal of the
own state market monitoring report.
Although RE-OA has seen growth in the recent past, some operational concessions
and regulatory challenges persist. With fast declining renewable prices, the
need for concessions may decrease in the future. Thus, a gradual removal
on RE-OA
of the concessions on RE-OA transactions is the way forward. A banking transactions
mechanism which addresses the variability in the RE-OA generation needs
to be deliberated on and made revenue-neutral for the discom. Finally, given
is the way
the ever-increasing economic attractiveness of renewable energy-based open forward
access, especially considering the high and rising consumer tariffs, there is a
need to critically examine the existing OA framework and work out a set of
rules for the near future which would balance the interests of the incumbent
discom and potential OA consumers.
129
The discom This includes expanding the role of the short-term markets, as well as strict
enforcement of PPAs to assure investors and developers of the legal sanctity
business of contracts signed with discoms.
needs to be Streamlining the open access process, with the fair application of
additional surcharges will boost the demand for renewable energy from the
fundamentally commercial and industrial sectors.
restructured Discoms will have to be pushed harder to invest in technical solutions
and infrastructure upgrade such as feeder seperation, installing smart meters
for a and undertaking detailed data collection and analysis to root out operational
renewable inefficiencies. In order to curb AT&C losses, as per the expectations set out
in UDAY, smart meters need to be set up at customer ends to fully evaluate
energy future their losses and enforce revenue collection.
RPOs will continue to be indispensable for driving the sector’s growth.
The MNRE has announced the creation of an RPO compliance cell that
is expected to track and report on a monthly basis on compliance by all
obligated entities.40 RPO compliance reporting should be made public and
compulsory; an annual audit by the CERC is likely to have more impact.
The bottom-line is that a renewable energy future cannot be built on an
outdated discom model. Fundamental changes are required to redefine the
role of the discoms.
130
Integrating RE:
Preparing for the future
I
ntegrating renewable energy into existing power grid networks is widely,
and mistakenly, perceived to be a major challenge. Since wind and solar
energy generation is variable and unpredictable, it is commonly assumed
that any efforts to integrate them into the grid — even if their share in
the total energy mix is small — would require significant investments in
evacuation network and grid management systems.
However, the experience from many countries indicates otherwise:
it shows grid networks are capable of accommodating a high share of
renewable energy through improvements in power system operations and
reforms in regulatory frameworks and markets.1 Ireland, for instance, is
currently managing the world’s highest renewable generation penetration
of over 35 per cent despite being a small island power system (see Box: The
Irish miracle). Similarly, countries like Germany, the United Kingdom and Global
Spain are successfully managing RE shares of over 20-25 per cent in their
networks.2 experience
In India, the Central Electricity Authority (CEA) estimates the share of
renewable energy in power grid networks would reach around 17.5 per cent
shows grid
by 2022, based on the 160-GW capacity in solar and wind.3 Grid integration networks can
is far easier at these penetration levels of 15-20 per cent. The International
Energy Agency’s (IEA) study of best practices in managing RE integration
accommodate
indicates that gradual technical and economic grid management measures a high share
are sufficient for reliable and cost-effective operation of power systems in
a high renewable scenario.4 The IEA also estimates only a 15-20 per cent
of RE through
increase in system cost even at a very high RE penetration of 45 per cent.5 improvements
India’s grid is well positioned to efficiently integrate the level of RE
share projected for 2022. The planned transmission capacity in the country
in power
is adequate. India already has a vast 83 GW of inter-regional transmission system
capacity which provides grid operators with a wide balancing area. The work
on Renewable Energy Management Centres (REMC) for real-time monitoring is operations
in its advanced stages. On the policy front, the Central Electricity Regulatory and regulatory
Commission (CERC) has put regulatory frameworks in place for forecasting and
scheduling of RE and flexible operations of thermal power plants and auxiliary reforms
services — all of which support higher RE penetration; however, implementation
131
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INTEGRATING RE: PREPARING FOR THE FUTURE
at the state-level has been unsatisfactory. Discoms, on their part, hold sizable
contracted supplies under power purchase agreements (PPAs) with a two-part
tariff that pays thermal power plants even when they are not generating, thus
ensuring availability of back-up capacity for renewables.
However, achieving a higher level of renewable penetration — beyond
175 GW — would require additional measures such as an increase in the
balancing capability of the grid and enhancement of transmission networks.
A key area of concern is the limited network augmentation by discoms —
which involves smart metering, augmentation in transformer capacity etc
— to support distributed renewable energy.
132
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THE STATE OF RENEWABLE ENERGY IN INDIA
EM
FO
PO
SYSTEM PER
GRID
ROCOF
DS3
LICIES
CODE
SY
STEM
TOOLS
CONTROL
WSAT CENTRE TOOLS
MODEL DEVELOPMENT
STUDIES
133
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INTEGRATING RE: PREPARING FOR THE FUTURE
Source: National Renewable Energy Laboratory, Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, Power System Operation Corporation
Limited and US Agency for International Development, ‘Greening the Grid, 2017’, https://www.nrel.gov/docs/fy17osti/68530.pdf
134
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THE STATE OF RENEWABLE ENERGY IN INDIA
Infrastructure development
Expanding the transmission grid network is crucial for both evacuating power
from upcoming wind and solar plants and enabling interstate/interregional
transfer of surplus power. Inadequate network availability or congestion has
led to curtailment of renewable power in renewable-rich states like Tamil
Nadu and Rajasthan (see chapters on wind and solar energy). A survey of
industry leaders reported transmission connectivity of projects as a major
challenge in the utility-scale renewable market.9 Recently, the SECI decided
to slash the 2,500 MW Inter-State Transmission System (ISTS) wind tender
to 1,200 MW due to investor concerns about evacuation constraints. Industry
observers say that the MNRE may need to lower its goal of 10 GW of wind
auction in 2018-19 primarily due to transmission concerns.10
In the 2017-22 five-year period, India is targeting to increase transmission
line length by 105,580 circuit km (ckm) and substation capacity by 292,000
mega volt amp (MVA) based on the projected demand and supply growth
(including renewable capacity).11 Past experience — 110,370 ckm of line
length and 331,214 MVA of substation capacity were added during the 12th
plan period (2012-17)12 — indicates that these targets are achievable. Efforts,
however, need to be focused on fast-tracking projects dedicated to serving
wind and solar projects, given their short gestation periods.
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INTEGRATING RE: PREPARING FOR THE FUTURE
10,000
8,500
Transmission (ckm) 8,000
6,000
4,000 3,200
2,000 1,100
650
0
Inter-state Intra-state
Target Achievement
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THE STATE OF RENEWABLE ENERGY IN INDIA
Regulatory progress
137
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INTEGRATING RE: PREPARING FOR THE FUTURE
Flexible while the CERC uses an average of power purchase agreement (PPA) rates.
Most importantly, generators connected to the state grid are paid as per their
thermal power actual injection against being paid as per schedule under CERC regulations.
plants can Further, state regulations require payment into a pool for both under- or over-
injection for intrastate transactions. For generators selling power outside the
easily balance state, the deviation charges are the same as under the CERC framework (see
Statistics section).
100 GW of
solar and 60 Emerging issues: The forecasting and scheduling framework in India is
at a nascent stage. Implementation is likely to lead to techno-economic
GW of wind in implications for various stakeholders which may need fine-tuning of
the grid regulations. Some of the emerging issues pertain to:
• Under CERC regulations, renewable generators have clear incentive to
under-schedule and take a chance that they may end up over-injecting,
since the payoffs are unequal: for under-injection, generators pay a
penalty but for over-injection, they merely receive a lower payment.21
Similarly, in state regulations, estimations by the Prayas Energy Group22
indicate that loss in revenue is always less for over-injection than under-
injection for the same absolute error, which may incentivise generators
to under-schedule slightly and over-inject.
• The existing forecasting and scheduling framework puts financial burden
on the host state. Deviation settlement of renewable generators is not
linked to frequency condition of the grid [in technical terms, renewable
generators do not pay unscheduled interchange (UI) charges]. However,
the host state will need to pay for deviation charges to the regional UI
pool for deviation caused by the renewable generators, bearing penalties.
• Deviation charges under state regulations specified in Rs per kWh terms
need to be updated regularly in line with market trends. These penalties
will have a higher impact on newer projects with lower tariffs. The target
should be to implement availability-based tariff (ABT) across states.
138
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THE STATE OF RENEWABLE ENERGY IN INDIA
139
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INTEGRATING RE: PREPARING FOR THE FUTURE
140
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THE STATE OF RENEWABLE ENERGY IN INDIA
141
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INTEGRATING RE: PREPARING FOR THE FUTURE
142
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THE STATE OF RENEWABLE ENERGY IN INDIA
1,200
1,000
1,000
CAPEX (US $/kW/hr)
800
800
630
590
600 550
0
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 2023 2024 2025
Source: Bloomberg New Energy Finance and KPMG, ‘Electric Vehicles: A case for a proactive approach’, https://assets.kpmg.com/content/dam/kpmg/in/pdf/2017/11/
Electric-Vehicles.pdf
143
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INTEGRATING RE: PREPARING FOR THE FUTURE
144
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THE STATE OF RENEWABLE ENERGY IN INDIA
(R-APDRP) initiative launched in 2008: the objective was ensuring better Despite major
utility efficiency by improving metering, indexing and automation. Some
of these works remain incomplete even after a decade and are now being benefits to
undertaken as a part of the Integrated Power Development Scheme (IPDS).
the discoms,
Smart metering yet to take off: Smart metering is the foundation on which smart grid
utilities can develop their expertise and understanding of data collection,
management and use, en route to the eventual transition to managing the
projects are
larger, more complex apparatus, that is, the smart grid. in a limbo in
Both Ujjwal Discom Assurance Yojana (UDAY) and IPDS schemes have
focused on rolling out smart meters for large consumer categories — the
the country.
progress, however, has been tardy. Against the national target of installing Less than
over 184 lakh smart meters for consumers in the 200-500 kWh consumption
category, less than 2 lakh meters have been installed so far. Similarly, for 2 per cent of
consumers in the over-500 kWh category, 1.9 lakh smart meters have been targeted smart
installed against a target of almost 60 lakh.38
meters have
Smart grid pilots in a limbo: Several pilot projects are under implementation been installed
in India with partial grant from the Ministry of Power (MoP) as well as under
the NSGM for demonstrating smart grid functionalities. These functionalities so far
include automatic meter infrastructure (AMI), power quality management
(PQM), outage management system (OMS), peak load management (PLM),
and distributed generation — all aimed at improving efficiency of discoms
and reducing distribution losses.
So far, very little progress has been made under these pilots. Out of 14
projects, only three projects (by UHBVNL, HPSEB Limited and CESC) and
IIT Kanpur’s smart city R&D platform have been completed. Implementation
has suffered owing to delays in award of contracts to vendors and finalisation
of detailed project reports, as well as implementation challenges. The Lok
Sabha’s Standing Committee for Energy notes that only Rs 5.5 crore has
been provided by the ministry to smart grid projects in past three years —
branding it a non-starter.39
The MNRE’s Solar Cities Programme remains equally uncertain. At
present, 60 cities including 13 pilot and five model cities have been
approved/sanctioned under the programme. Till date, little progress has
been achieved, with only 49 cities preparing master plan, 21 setting up
stakeholders committees, and 37 creating solar city cells.40
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INTEGRATING RE: PREPARING FOR THE FUTURE
Transmission on priority to prepare the grid for the next level of renewable development —
possibly 600-700 GW by 2040. Meanwhile, grid development for distributed
network for RE generation continues to suffer from legacy issues. Smart grid initiatives,
evacuation, while launched with much fanfare, have remained at pilot stage.
smart grid Going ahead, the following will have to prioritised for integrating large
technologies, penetration of renewable energy into the grid:
• Transmission network development for renewable energy evacuation
storage and transfer must be prioritised. Execution of projects under GEC-I and
infrastructure II must be monitored regularly by the CEA, and the roadblocks must be
addressed.
and demand • Deployment plans of smart grid technologies at the transmission grid,
like WAMS and control reserve monitoring, should also be scaled up
side both at inter- and intrastate grids to improve real-time monitoring and
management response.
• The existing national plans for grid integration must be upgraded, to
will be the key appropriately reflect the country’s long term renewable targets of 597-
components of 710 GW by 2040 as per the draft NEP of NITI Aayog.
• Forecasting and scheduling of wind and solar power plants at the
the grid of the state level must be prioritised and implemented within the next year
future to effectively manage the increasing renewable energy penetration.
Standards/guidelines/protocols for forecasting technologies or tools
must be notified by the CEA.
• SERCs should reduce the technical minimum for state-owned coal-based
power plants in line with the CERC’s directions.
• Market mechanisms must be developed to provide incentives to
generation plants to participate in balancing support.
• The MNRE must support reduction in cost of utility scale energy storage
through measures such as increased R&D on technology or competitive
bidding of large tenders.
• Smart grids and policies for demand side management (for example,
time-of-day tariff), which can be an efficient tool in grid management,
need to be developed
• Interconnection rules for SRT must be revised to accommodate its higher
penetration; for instance, discoms should be mandated to undertake
load flow studies in relevant areas. Distribution grid codes must specify
incorporation of technical solution for voltage management and control
at the consumer end.
146
08Integration and transmission Preparing for the future(131-146).indd 146 17/01/19 1:08 PM
CHAPTER 9
Waste to energy:
Limited scope
W
aste to energy, or WTE, is an option of energy recovery from
waste that cannot be recycled or composted — simply put,
it means the generation of energy from high-calorific value
rejects. Energy can be harnessed from municipal solid waste
(MSW) either by directly incinerating it (thermal) or by converting it into a
fuel (thermo-chemical/biochemical). In several scenarios, given that most
WTE plants worldwide run on incineration-based technology, the terms
‘incineration’ and ‘WTE’ are used interchangeably.
WTE emerged as a topic of discussion in India way back in the 1980s,
at a time when municipal authorities had started grappling with the
problem of disposal of the gargantuan mounds of solid waste in cities: as
cities continued expanding, huge dumpsites or landfills began making their
appearance. Burning this waste seemed the most appropriate way of getting
rid of it.
The first WTE plant came up in Timarpur in Delhi in 1987. It was
designed to incinerate 300 tonne per day (TPD) of waste and produce 3.75
megawatt (MW) of electricity. The plant failed and was shut down. The
commonly cited reason for the failure was a mismatch between the plant’s
waste input requirements and the quality of waste it received in terms of
calorific value, moisture content and physical composition.1 In 1995, a High
Powered Committee Report of the Planning Commission stated that Indian Waste to
waste has a low calorific value, is usually not suitable2 for self-sustained
combustion, and hence, incineration-based technologies in most cases energy plants
might be uneconomical for the country. are ideally
In June 2013, the Planning Commission appointed a task force to assess
the feasibility of WTE technologies. The report of the task force, submitted suited for
in May 2014, recommended stand-alone WTE facilities for large cities with waste that
populations above two million, and pooled or regional facilities for smaller
cities it estimated that India could support 88 WTE facilities in the next cannot be
five to seven years, 215 by 2031, and 556 by 2050.3
In October 2014, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced a nationwide
recycled or
campaign to clean India — the Swachh Bharat Mission (SBM). One of composted
the components of this Mission was to improve solid waste management
147
When a capacities and infrastructure in cities. For this, the Mission provides an
incentive from the Central government in the form of a 35 per cent grant
comparison or viability gap funding (VGF) for each project to encourage public-private
between partnerships (PPPs) (see section on policy and regulatory framework in this
chapter).
renewable and
non-renewable WTE as a source of renewable energy
WTE, as indicated by evidence from across the world, has been a popular
sources is choice of waste disposal in industrialised countries for the last 50 years. It is
drawn, it is also considered a renewable source of energy. However, when a comparison
between renewable and non-renewable sources of power generation based
clear that on various parameters is drawn, it is clear that the energy produced by WTE
is minuscule in comparison to other sources, and much more cost-intensive.
the energy In fact, the cost of power generation from WTE is the highest among all the
produced renewable sources of electricity. Also, each WTE plant uses around 25-30
per cent of the power generated by it as auxiliary power in-house to run
by WTE is its own machines (see Table 1: Comparison between renewable and non-
minuscule and renewable sources of power generation).
Most of India’s WTE plants burn mixed waste, and need auxiliary fuel
much more for their operations. This is one of the reasons behind the expensive power
costly they produce. A unit of electricity produced in thermal or coal plants costs
Rs 3-4, while that produced in thermal-based WTE plants costs about Rs 7.
Also, India will have surplus energy by 2019, and the little contribution from
WTE will not add value — WTE, thus, can be considered as a technology for
waste management, not for generating energy.
Sources: Planning Commission Task Force Report, 2014, Volume 2; prod.sandia.gov, irena.org, http://cornerstonemag.net/
coal-based-electricity-generation-in-india, CERC 2016
148
moisture content. For the volume of waste generated, only if the moisture in Countries that
the waste feed is low and the calorific value is high, will mass-incineration
technologies for waste processing be suitable: this basic premise must be are heavily
kept in mind before setting up such plants.
In India, the study of waste has repeatedly shown that the proportion
dependent
of high-calorific value waste is low — most of the fraction is biodegradable on WTE have
in nature, with low calorific value. Countries that are heavily dependent
on incineration have high calorific value of waste. A study by the Shriram
high-calorific
Institute for Industrial Research4 on municipal waste in South Delhi found value of
that the net calorific value of the waste was 1,274 kcal/kg and the gross value
was 1,324 kcal/kg.
waste. Studies
As per an assessment of different Indian cities done by Centre for Science indicate that
and Environment (CSE), the biodegradable fraction of MSW — which is 40-70
per cent of the total — is much more than its non-biodegradable counterpart:
in India, the
the non-biodegradable fraction (comprising both recyclable and non- proportion of
recyclable dry waste) varies. It is 27-40 per cent in cities with a population of
a million-plus; 20-35 per cent in cities with a population of 0.1-1 million; and high-calorific
25-40 per cent in cities with a population below 0.1 million. Since segregation value waste
of waste at source in India is minimal, wet waste gets mixed with the dry,
reducing its calorific value. A 2017 report by GIZ,5 a German government is low
agency working on waste and sanitation, states that mixed municipal solid
waste in developing nations is by nature different from that in industrial
countries and has specific characteristics in every city. This diversity must be
considered in any technology assessment. There is no countrywide data, but
Delhi, for instance, produces 10,500 TPD of waste, of which just 1,300 TPD
is suitable for incineration. The rest can be composted, recycled or processed
through biomethanisation. However, Delhi has three WTE plants to treat
4,900 TPD and is planning to construct a fourth one.
According to the National Green Tribunal (NGT)6 order of January 2017,
only non-recyclable non-biodegradable high-calorific value waste should
be used as waste feed for WTE. Though this portion of waste has high
combustibility and low moisture, using it as waste feed is possible only
if source segregation of waste is practiced. Without segregation at source,
resource recovery — this ensures the required characterisation from mixed
waste — is a complex process. It is energy-intensive and has exorbitant costs.
Also, neglecting the livelihood issues of the informal sector workers
and rag-pickers dependent on the availability of recyclable waste can cause
complex socio-economic problems related to WTE. In its survey ‘Give back
our waste’, Chintan7, an NGO that works for environmental sustainability
and social justice with diverse stakeholders, said that although WTE plants
have become a clean development mechanism favorite, they should not be
adopted blindly without considering them in the overall socio-economic
context.
WTE plants have regularly faced protests from residents and societies
in their neighbourhoods. Residents of Sukhdev Vihar in New Delhi, just 35
metres from the infamous Okhla WTE plant, have protested against it since
2003, alleging toxic emissions. The Okhla plant has been allowed to run
149
Despite despite its close proximity to residential areas, three major hospitals and
a significant green cover. While Indian emission standards for incineration
the poor plants in the SWM Rules 2016 are more comprehensive than in the SWM
performance Rules 2000, they are not as stringent as international standards.
The Union Ministry of Environment, Forests & Climate Change
of WTE plants, (MoEF&CC) has made installation of Continuous Emission Monitoring
Systems (CEMS) mandatory for WTE thermal-based plants. A plant
they are being discharging effluents is required to install a Continuous Effluent Quality
promoted — Monitoring System (CEQMS) as well. All four operational plants in India on
incineration technology have installed CEMS to monitor their air emissions.
in most cities, Real-time data from these systems is sent to the Central Pollution Control
capacity of Board (CPCB) and the respective State Pollution Control Boards/Committees.
However, according to CSE’s field surveys conducted in 20168, and field
the plant is studies and assessments (unpublished) carried out in 2017 and 2018,
equivalent to implementation of CEMS and CEQMS in India is marred by insufficient
information on different technologies, lack of standardisation in equipment
or even more quality, improper installation, and inadequate operation and maintenance
than the waste for most plants. Also, the emission standards are not as stringent as those
in European nations. For now, the CPCB is focusing only on installation
generated by and data collection — it is not checking for compliance, as the quality of
the city the data is questionable. Therefore, it is very difficult to say whether the
standards are being followed or higher emissions are being under-passed
through illegal means.
Despite the poor performance of WTE plants, they are being promoted
in the country — in most cities, capacity of the plant is equivalent to or
even more than the waste generation of the city! The overriding concern is
whether the WTE plants are intended to treat the mixed waste of one city
alone rather than of a cluster of cities, as the combustible, non-recyclable
fraction of waste in one city is too little to feed a single plant. Additionally,
almost all WTE projects in India have faced public protests and some have
been subjected to public litigation as well (this is an illustration of the so
called Nimby — not in my backyard — effect).
150
400
382.7
350
Waste to energy in India (MW)
300
250
200
150
50
151
Niti Aayog Action Plan, 2017-2020: According to the Niti Aayog Agenda
Report for 2017-2017, the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan has a deliverable for WTE
generation: 330 MW in 2017-18 and 511 MW in 2018-19, which is an over
400 per cent increase from the current installed capacity.
The report says: “…technologies such as composting and biogas are not
sustainable solutions since they generate by-products or residues in large
quantities that these cities will find difficult to dispose off efficiently. Only
152
153
Power generated 24 MW
PLF 80%
Debt 70%
Equity 30%
154
155
energy in the 5 per cent bracket under the Goods and Services Tax (GST).
This will make WTE more cost-intensive and discoms will resist any further
tariff increase, making electricity generation through WTE more unviable.
156
and providing land on a long-term lease (30 years and above) at a nominal WTE plants
rent. Also, state nodal agencies are given an incentive of Rs 5 lakh per MW
of power for promotion, coordination and monitoring of such projects. are running on
There is also a provision for financing 50 per cent of the preparation cost
of detailed project reports (DPRs) or techno-economic feasibility reports,
government
subject to a maximum of Rs 2 lakh per report. The Indian Renewable subsidies,
Energy Development Agency Ltd (IREDA) provides subsisted loan, which
is restricted to energy generation system and excludes pre-fuel processing
tipping fees
system. Other financial institutes can also be approached for loans. The and higher
Manual adds that for commercial projects, financial assistance is provided
by way of interest subsidy to reduce the rate of interest to 7.5 per cent
power tariff.
capitalised with an annual discount rate of 12 per cent. Once these
Partnerships: Public-private partnerships (PPPs) are strongly recommended
factors are
by the MoHUA for waste management-related services. The idea is to bring removed, a
private investment into these public interest-related areas of work. A PPP
scheme to avail viability gap funding (VGF) is also an option for private WTE plant
players. The MoUD, which implements the SBM, has a provision under will not be
which Central support of up to 35 per cent of the project cost in the form of
VGF grant can be provided for setting up WTE plants, subject to availability financially
of overall state-wise funds for waste management.27 viable
In September 2017, the National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC)
invited developers and investors to set up 100 WTE plants in the country.28
The Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) has initiated a Task Force on
Waste to Worth, which has also proposed inviting foreign investors for
WTE development in India.29 The Niti Aayog, on its part, has proposed the
formation of WECI — the Waste to Energy Corporation of India — which
could help set up WTE plants through PPP models.30
It is evident that WTE plants are running entirely supported by
government subsidies, tipping fees and compulsory power purchase by
discoms at higher tariffs; on paper, these plants seem a profitable venture
for any city and hence the growing interest in them. But if these factors are
removed, a WTE plant will not be financially viable.
157
158
UK 250,000
Italy
Germany 200,000
USA
150,000
Japan
China 100,000
50,000
0
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017
Source: International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA), 2018
160
France
UK
300,000 Spain
India
200,000 USA
China
100,000
0
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017
Source: International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA), 2018
Rene-
29.46 12 31.70 12 38.82 13 57.26 18 69.02 20 70.65 20
wable
Source: Central Electricity Authority (CEA); Note: Zero percentage points are an approximation
161
Sources, River
Development & 4,000
Ganga Rejuvenation
3,000
Ministry of New
and Renewable 2,000
Energy
1,000
-1,000
2011-12 2012-13 2013-14 2014-15 2015-16 2016-17 2017-18
Source: Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG) report
162
163
Source: Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE) Annual Report 2017-18
164
Mounting
500 structures
Civil work
400
Land cost
300 PV Module cost
200
100
0
2012-13 2013-14 2014-15 2015-16 2016-17 2017-18
Source: Compiled from CERC annual benchmark costs; 2017-18 data obtained from Karnataka Electricity Regulatory
Commission’s tariff order
165
Andhra Pradesh NREDCAP Yes (2015) 1 kWp - 30-50% ACoS Net/Gross 60% 100% AC
1000 kWp
Assam AEDA Yes (2018) 1 kWp - 500 70% ₹ 3.43 Net/Gross 20% 80% AC
kWp
Chandigarh CREST Yes (2015) 1 kWp - 500 30% 5.87 - 9.19 Net/Gross 30% 30% AC
kWp
Chhattisgarh CREDA Yes (2013) 50 kWp - 1 30% 4.35 Net 40% 100% SL
MWp
Delhi EE&REM Yes (2016) > 1 kWp 30% APPC + Rs 2 Net 15% 100% SL
(GBI)
Goa GEDA Yes (2017) up to 100 30-50% 7.87 - 8.06 Net/Gross 30% 100% AC
kWp
Haryana HAREDA Yes (2016) 1 kWp - 1 30% APPC + GBI Net 15% 90% AC
MWp
Himachal HIMURJA Yes (2016) 1 kWp - 1 80% ₹ 5.00 Net 20% 80% SL
Pradesh MWp
Jammu & JAKEDA Yes (2016) 1 kWp - 1 70% No Net 20% 50% SL
Kashmir MWp
Karnataka KREDL Yes (2014) 1 kWp - 500 30% ₹ 4.43 - 7.08 Net/Gross 65% 150% SL
kWp
Madhya MPNRED/ No; 0.5 kWp - 45% APPC Net 30% 100% AC
Pradesh MPUVN MPERC 250 kWp
Regulations
(2015)
166
Max
Cumulative
Capacity
Nodal Solar Policy Power SRT Size
State Subsidy Metering Allowed at
Agency Policy Scope Purchase Limit
a Particular
Distribution
Transformer
Manipur MANIREDA Yes (2014) 1 kWp - 500 70% ₹ 6.10 - 9.39 Net/Gross 40% 100% SL
kWp
Uttar Pradesh UPNEDA Yes (2017) up to 1 30% ₹ 0.50 Net/Gross 15% 100 % SL
MWp
West Bengal WBGEDCL Yes (2012) > 5 kWp 30% No Net -- 90% SL
ACoS - Average Cost to Serve (of the Discom as determined by APERC every year); AC - Actual Contracted Load; SL - Sanctioned Load;
APPC - Average (Pooled); Power Purchase Cost; GBI - Generation Based Incentive; *Not available on official website
Source: Compiled by CSE from various sources
167
Commercial 2018
Industrial 2017
168
2018
2017
2. Trina Solar
2016
2018
3.Canadian 2017
Solar
2016
2018
4.Hanwha 2017
Q CELLS
2016
2018
2017
5. JA Solar
2016
2018
6. LONGi Green
2017
Energy
Tecnology 2016
2018
7.GCLSI 2017
(incl. Chaori)
2016
2018
2017
8.Risen Energy
2016
2018
9.Yingli Green 2017
Energy Estimated capacity in 2018
2016
Capacity
2018
Production
10.Talesun 2017
Solar Capacity and production data based
2016 on company announcements and IHS
estimates
Source : http://16iwyl195vvfgoqu3136p2ly-wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/07023_Top_10-
solar_module_manufacturers_2017_Korr21.jpg
169
170
171
Up to
93.2 181.4 69.3 23.2 400.3 16.1 877
March’2002
172
173
Winning
Total
tariff Capacity
Date Conducted by capacity Company Bid (Rs/kWh)
(Rs/ (MW)
(MW)
kWh)
Aug-18 2.77 National Thermal 1,200 Sprng Vayu Vidyut 200 2.77
Power Corporation Mytrah Energy 300 2.79
(NTPC) Srijan Energy quoted 50 2.8
ReNew Wind Energy 300 2.81
Hero Wind Energy 300 2.82
Fasten Power 50 2.83
Sep-18 2.76 Tranche V 1,200 Torrent Power 115 2.76
Adani Green Energy 300 2.76
Alfanar Company 300 2.77
SITAC Kabini Renewables 300 2.77
Ecoren Energy India 175 2.77
Renew Wind Energy 10 2.77
Source: Compiled from MERCOM reports
174
175
May-18 140.27 83.23 2,605.95 2,563.76 41.63% 1.83 127.93 92.21 3,386.19 2,065.68 56.03% 1.61
Jun-18 142.92 90.11 2,475.11 2,216.85 43.53% 1.55 147.99 80.64 3,353.21 2,701.33 56.10% 1.83
Jul-18 149.92 88.83 2,530.89 1,644.06 61.51% 1.10 139.85 83.48 2,762.26 2,270.38 50.74% 1.63
Aug-18 131.61 99.76 2,612.46 1,602.97 53.49% 1.22 110.99 88.17 3,614.35 1,873.26 58.83% 1.69
Sep-18 114.96 86.65 2,398.59 1,669.93 47.52% 1.45 95.99 81.79 2,932.48 1,924.70 44.07% 2.01
176
177
ACS-ARR
Gap
Source: Compiled from Power Finance Corp reports and Uday Dashboard
178
179
180
181
182
183
Electricity
Name of the Capacity Capacity Status Type of Rate of
City State Developer purchaser
WTE plant (TPD) (MW) (April 2017) technology power
Power
Essel
Tendered in Mass incinerator
Pallavapuram Vengad-
December with recipro- Tamil Nadu Not de-
and Tambaram 328 aman- Tamil Nadu 5 Essel Infra
2015 Under cating grate discoms cided
MSW Pvt. Ltd galam
construction technology
(EPTMPL)
Was expect-
ed to start Madhya
Madhya
Indore WTE 1,000 Indore 21 Essel Infra operations Incineration Pradesh 6.39
Pradesh
by end of discoms
2017
RDF Power Under Com-
Hydera- RDF-based power
Bibinagar WTE 700 Telangana 7 Projects missioning TSSTCDL 7.9
bad generation
Ltd. stage
Ramky
(Hyder-
Jawaharnagar Hydera- Under con- Not
2,400 Telangana 19.8 abad Mass incineration TSSTCDL
WTE bad struction known
Integrated
MSW Ltd)
Visakhapatnam Visakha- Andhra Under con-
950 5 JITF Mass incineration AP discom 6.2
WTE patnam Pradesh struction
Source: Communication with the plant developers and their reports in 2017; Data taken from the Lok Sabha session held on 4 August 2017.and SBM 2017-18
184
185
186
187
20. http://hareda.gov.in/writereaddata/document/hareda810524221.pdf
21. https://www.hindustantimes.com/gurugram/50-000-litres-of-diesel-is-burnt-
every-hour-for-power-backup-in-gurugram/story-s9Jd1rgdzy4No3Ap0qnDoM.
html
22. https://www.cseindia.org/pollution-in-residential-societies-from-dg-set-8828
23. Aruna Kumarankandath and Sridhar Sekar 2017. SOLAR ROOFTOP:
Replacing Diesel Generators in Residential Societies, Centre for Science and
Environment, New Delhi
188
189
33. https://www.windpowermonthly.com/article/1032370/environment-turbine-
recycling---new-lease-life-old-turbine-parts
34. http://ieefa.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/Power-Industry-Transition-Here-
and-Now_February-2018.pdf
35. https://niwe.res.in/information_isw.php
36. https://smartinvestor.business-standard.com/market/story-519578-storydet-
TN_power_regulator_for_curbs_on_wind_power_banking_as_discom_losses_
mount.htm#.XDRs6VUzbIU
37. https://www.ndtv.com/south/tamil-nadu-utility-restrained-from-cutting-
power-to-wind-mills-506857
38. http://www.tnerc.gov.in/orders/Tariff%20Order%202009/2018/Wind-6of2018.
pdf
190
26. https://tuewas-asia.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/30-Solar-Water-Pumping-
for-Irrigation-Opportunities-in-Bihar-India.pdf
27. https://mnre.gov.in/file-manager/UserFiles/Scheme-for-Solar-Pumping-
Programme-for-Irrigation-and-Drinking-Water-under-Offgrid-and-
Decentralised-Solar-applications.pdf
28. http://www.ceew.in/sites/default/files/CEEW-Adopting-Solar-for-Irrigation-
Farmers-Perspectives-from-UP-Report-17Jan18.pdf
29. https://mnre.gov.in/file-manager/annual-report/2017-2018/EN/cover-inside.
html
30. https://www.epw.in/journal/2018/34/.../kick-starting-kisan-urja-suraksha-
evam.html
31. http://mofapp.nic.in:8080/economicsurvey/
32. http://petroleum.nic.in/sites/default/files/APR_E_1718.pdf
33. https://scroll.in/article/865853/pms-plan-for-free-gas-connections-is-failing-its-
objective-as-government-had-been-warned-it-would
34. http://www.ppac.org.in/WriteReadData/Reports/201710310449342512219Prim
arySurveyReportPPAC.pdf
35. https://www.ppac.gov.in/WriteReadData/Reports/201812060255068030287Da-
taonLPGMarketing1stOctober2018LPGProfile.pdf
36. http://www.ppac.org.in/WriteReadData/Reports/201710310449342512219Prim
arySurveyReportPPAC.pdf
37. http://petroleum.nic.in/sites/default/files/MonthSummary.pdf
38. http://niti.gov.in/writereaddata/files/document_publication/NITIBlog28_VC-
AnilJain.pdf
39. ccacoalition.org/en/file/4319/download?token=w21tWT40
40. http://www.ppac.org.in/WriteReadData/Reports/201710310449342512219Prim
arySurveyReportPPAC.pdf
41. http://niti.gov.in/writereaddata/files/document_publication/NITIBlog28_VC-
AnilJain.pdf
42. https://www.bijlibachao.com/appliances/cooktop-comparison-gas-electric-and-
induction.html
43. IBID
44. http://www.teriin.org/research-paper/induction-stoves-option-clean-cooking-
rural-india
45. http://www.iitb.ac.in/en/breaking-news/souls-iit-bombay-wins-national-level-
solar-chulha-challenge
191
5. Compiled from the Uday Dashboard’s AT&C Loss Parameter dataset, as viewed
on September 2018 https://www.uday.gov.in/atc_india.php
6. Discrepancies were noted by CSE, the starkest being that of Himachal
Pradesh which reports an impossibly low loss of under 5%. Off the record
conversations with the relevant authorities revelaed scope for multiple
interpretations of calculating the numbers. There have been no detailed
reports by Power Finance Corp, as per the norm prior to 2015, to enable cross
verification of the numnbers reported in UDAY.
7. PFC Annual Report 2016-17 http://www.pfcindia.com/DocumentRepository/
ckfinder/files/Investors/Annual_Reports/21_PFC_Annual_Report_2016-17_
Deluxe.pdf
PFC Annual Report 2015-16 http://www.pfcindia.com/DocumentRepository/
ckfinder/files/Investors/Annualreport_2015-16.pdf PFC Annual Report 2014-
15 http://www.pfcindia.com/Default/ViewFile/?id=1472565527097_PFC%20
Annual%20Report%202014-15.pdf&path=Page&Name=2014-15
8. KPMG, December 2017
https://www.iitk.ac.in/ime/anoops/FOR-17/FOR-17%20photos/PPTs/IITK%20
Outreach%20Centre%20Day%201/ppt/UDAY_Challenges%20and%20
Way%20Forward_KPMG%20.pdf
9. Compiled from the Uday Dashboard’s Smart Metering Progress Dataset, viewed
on october 2018
https://www.uday.gov.in/national_parameter_dashboard.php?id=29
10. Compiled from the Uday Dashboard’s Feeder Segregation dataset, as viewed on
October 2018
https://www.uday.gov.in/national_parameter_dashboard.php?id=3
11. Uday Dashboard’s list of states that have undertaken tariff revisions, as viewed
on October 2018
https://www.uday.gov.in/home.php#modal-two
12. KPMG, December 2017 same as ref [8]
https://www.iitk.ac.in/ime/anoops/FOR-17/FOR-17%20photos/PPTs/IITK%20
Outreach%20Centre%20Day%201/ppt/UDAY_Challenges%20and%20
Way%20Forward_KPMG%20.pdf
13. PFC Annual Report 2016-17 same as ref [7] http://www.pfcindia.com/
DocumentRepository/ckfinder/files/Investors/Annual_Reports/21_PFC_
Annual_Report_2016-17_Deluxe.pdf
PFC Annual Report 2015-16 http://www.pfcindia.com/DocumentRepository/
ckfinder/files/Investors/Annualreport_2015-16.pdf PFC Annual Report 2014-
15 http://www.pfcindia.com/Default/ViewFile/?id=1472565527097_PFC%20
Annual%20Report%202014-15.pdf&path=Page&Name=2014-15
14. PFC Annual Report 2016-17 same as ref [13] and [7] http://www.pfcindia.
com/DocumentRepository/ckfinder/files/Investors/Annual_Reports/21_PFC_
Annual_Report_2016-17_Deluxe.pdf
PFC Annual Report 2015-16 http://www.pfcindia.com/DocumentRepository/
ckfinder/files/Investors/Annualreport_2015-16.pdf PFC Annual Report 2014-
15 http://www.pfcindia.com/Default/ViewFile/?id=1472565527097_PFC%20
Annual%20Report%202014-15.pdf&path=Page&Name=2014-15
15. PFC Annual Report 2016-17 same as ref [14] [13] and [7] http://www.pfcindia.
com/DocumentRepository/ckfinder/files/Investors/Annual_Reports/21_PFC_
Annual_Report_2016-17_Deluxe.pdf
PFC Annual Report 2015-16 http://www.pfcindia.com/DocumentRepository/
ckfinder/files/Investors/Annualreport_2015-16.pdf PFC Annual Report 2014-
15 http://www.pfcindia.com/Default/ViewFile/?id=1472565527097_PFC%20
192
Annual%20Report%202014-15.pdf&path=Page&Name=2014-15
16. https://powermin.nic.in/sites/default/files/webform/notices/RPO_
trajectory_2019-22_Order_dated_14_June_2018.pdf
17. http://niti.gov.in/writereaddata/files/new_initiatives/NEP-ID_27.06.2017.pdf
18. https://cag.gov.in/sites/default/files/audit_report_files/Union_Civil_
Performance_Renewable_Energy_Report_34_2015_annexures.pdf
19. https://www.recregistryindia.nic.in/pdf/REC_Regulation/APTEL_Order_
Dated_20042015.pdf
20. http://www.mperc.nic.in/091215-PNo-34-2015.pdf
21. http://www.mercindia.org.in/pdf/Order%2058%2042/Order%20In%20
Case%20No%20159%20%20of%202013__20%2012%202013_final.pdf
22. http://mercindia.org.in/pdf/Order%2058%2042/Order-191%20of%202014-
21042015.pdf
23. https://solarrooftop.gov.in/notification/Notification-09012017.pdf
24. https://www.recregistryindia.nic.in/pdf/Others/Report_on_REC_Mechanism.
pdf
25. https://www.crisil.com/content/dam/crisil/our-analysis/publications/ratings-
roundup/credit-quality-improvement-sustains-through-the-year.pdf
26. https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/industry/energy/power/increase-in-
power-demand-met-by-improved-hydro-nuclear-generation-india-ratings/
articleshow/66120847.cms
27. https://recregistryindia.nic.in/flasher_attachment/Report_on_REC_Mechanism.
pdf
28. https://recregistryindia.nic.in/flasher_attachment/Report_on_REC_Mechanism.
pdf same as ref [27]
29. Rec registry database, as viewed on September 2018 https://recregistryindia.
nic.in/index.php/publics/Source_Wise_Capacity_Status#
30. https://www.iexindia.com/Uploads/Presentation/REC_WEB_2017.pdf
31. http://www.prayaspune.org/peg/publications/item/364-choosing-green-the-
status-and-challenges-of-renewable-energy-based-open-access.html
32. http://www.cercind.gov.in/report_MM.html
33. http://www.prayaspune.org/peg/publications/item/364-choosing-green-the-
status-and-challenges-of-renewable-energy-based-open-access.html same as ref
[31]
34. https://powermin.nic.in/sites/default/files/webform/notices/Tariff_Policy-
Resolution_Dated_28012016.pdf
35. https://powermin.nic.in/sites/default/files/uploads/The%20Electricity%20
Act_2003.pdf
36. https://powermin.nic.in/sites/default/files/webform/notices/Tariff_Policy-
Resolution_Dated_28012016.pdf same as ref [34]
37. http://prayaspune.org/peg/publications/item/
download/812_1dd0c1b734e1ba45f1dda777d3e12f7e.html
38. http://www.forumofregulators.gov.in/Data/WhatsNew/Open_Access.pdf
39. http://www.mercindia.org.in/pdf/Order%2058%2042/Notice-85%20of%20
2017-27072017.pdf
40. The deviation penalties for intra-state transactions vary from 0.50/kWh to
1.50/kWh. Considering PPA of 3/kWh, the deviation penalties for inter-state
transactions come in the range of 0.30/kWh to 0.90/kWh.
41. https://mnre.gov.in/sites/default/files/webform/notices/RPOper
cent20Complianceper cent20cellper cent20order.pdf
193
194
36. https://www.itsmysun.com/solar-state-wise-policy/
37. http://www.comsolar.in/fileadmin/user_upload/I-RE_-_Grid_Study/GIZ_
Mainreport.pdf
38. https://www.uday.gov.in/home.php
39. http://164.100.47.193/lsscommittee/Energy/16_Energy_39.pdf
40. http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=176272
195
16. Ibid
17. Niti Aayog Agenda, 2017;http://niti.gov.in/writereaddata/files/coop/India
Action Plan. pdfurbanupgrading/urbanenvironment/resources/references/
pdfs/ MunicipalSWIncin.
18. Letter issued by MoEF&CC, 2017; http://environmentclearance.
nic.in/writereaddata/ public_display/orders/156128664$SECper
cent20MEFCCLETTER.pdf
19. Planning Commission, High Committee Report 1995; http://
planningcommission.nic.in/reports/publications/pub95_hghpwr.pdf
20. The Central Electricity Regulatory Commission, Norms for determination
of generic tariff for Municipal Solid Waste/Waste to Energy projects and
indicative tariff for 2015-16;
http://www.cercind.gov.in/2015/regulation/SOR115.pdf
21. Value out of Waste, Assocham,2015; http://www.ckinetics.com/publications/
Valueper cent20Outper cent20ofper cent20Waste_2015.pdf
22. Waste To Energy Opportunities In India 2017-2022 - Research and Markets,
2017; http://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20170426006844/en/Waste-
Energy-Opportunities-India-2017-2022---Research
23. Standing Committee Report , MNRE, 2015-16; http://164.100.47.193/
lsscommittee/Energy/16_Energy_16.pdf
24. Energy Opportunities In India 2017-2022 - Research and Markets, 2017; http://
www.businesswire.com/news/home/20170426006844/en/Waste-Energy-
Opportunities-India-2017-2022---Research
25. Waste to Energy (WTE) Market Size By Technology, https://www.gminsights.
com/industry-analysis/waste-to-energy-WTE-market
26. Manual on SWM Rules, MoHUA, 2016; http://moud.gov.in/
pdf/584e4b8b1e3da584e4a5c4a867Book2.pdf
27. Ibid
28. Economic Times, ‘NTPC invites developers to set up 100 waste-to-energy
plan\ts’, https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/industry/energy/power/ntpc-
invites-developers-to-set-up-100-waste-to-energy-plants/articleshow/60718255.
cms
29. CII< Waste to Worth; https://www.cii.in/PhotoGalleryDetail.
aspx?enc=2W4v0yOmC6Lo9MzR/
30. Niti Aayog Agenda, 2017;http://niti.gov.in/writereaddata/files/coop/India
Action Plan. pdfurbanupgrading/urbanenvironment/resources/references/
pdfs/ MunicipalSWIncin.
31. GIZ, 2017, Output-Based Market Development Assistance (OMDA), ‘Proposal
for Promoting Co-processing of Municipal Solid Waste (MSW) Based Refuse
Derive Fuel (RDF)in cement plants in India’
196