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The Battle of Mactan and the Indigenous Discourse on War
Author(s): Jose Amiel Angeles

Source: Philippine Studies, Vol. 55, No. 1, Battle of Mactan (2007), pp. 3-52
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The Battle of Mactan and the
Indigenous Discourse on War
Jose Amiel Angeles
The Spanish conquest of the Philippines is a neglected topic in Philip-

pine historiography, with most interpretations , especially of its military
aspect, being dated, biased , or cursory. This article revisits the conquest
by focusing on the interaction of the Spanish and Filipino paradigms of
warfare - what John Lynn calls a people's discourse on war. This dis-
course is a product of a people's history, geography, and culture and it
affects such factors as how and why a people wage war. Through an
examination of the Spanish and Filipino discourses on war, events of the
Spanish conquest may be seen in their proper context, and the actions
and motivations of the people involved are illumined.
KEYWORDS: Spanish conquest, warfare, indigenous culture, discourse

on war
When mention is made of the Spanish conquest of the Ph

islands in the sixteenth century, the first event that inevitably
mind is the Battle of Mactan. Every Filipino schoolchild know
chieftain, Lapu Lapu, who defeated a small force of European
the command of the famous Portuguese explorer and conq
Fernão de Magalhães or Ferdinand Magellan. This batde has ent
the canon of Philippine history and, indeed, is etched in P
nationalist consciousness. Lapu Lapu is a national hero, and h
over Magellan is extolled as a typical example of prehispanic P
martial prowess. The narrative of the battle is fairly well kn
bears repeating in brief. The analysis of this batde can also s
model for reexamining other battles during the Spanish conqu
PHILIPPINE STUDIES 55, no. 1 (2007): 3-52
4 PHILIPPINE STUDIES 55, no. 1 (2007)
the peoples of the Philippines would

engagements.
In 1521 Magellan reached portions of t
he named the Islas de San Lazaro and cla
and prompdy got involved in the rivalr
managed to secure the allegiance or subm
important being Rajah Humabon of Ceb
Lapu Lapu of Mactan (Cushner 1966, 23;
famous man, Lapu Lapu is a remarkably s
tions him only once before the Battle of
of the chiefs of Mactan. It is not known
any contact prior to the exchanges that l
given that Mactan (as Pigafetta states) w
Lapu's setdement was just across from H
surely at least aware of Lapu Lapu.
Magellan?
The immediate cause of the batde was apparendy another chief from
Mactan named Zula, who claimed to be unable to send the bulk of his
tribute to Magellan because of Lapu Lapu, who denied the overlordship
of either Humabon or the King of Spain (Cushner 1966, 23; Jocano
1975, 68). Zula asked for one boadoad of Europeans to help fight Lapu
Lapu, but Magellan decided to send three boadoads with sixty of his
men, himself included. He personally led this small force, despite the
protests of his crew (Pigafetta 1969, 87). He also brought Humabon and
some of his warriors to witness what was supposed to be a European
victory (Jocano 1972, 68).
On 27 April 1521 Magellan, coming from the main island of Cebu,
arrived at Mactan three hours before dawn. With a local Muslim mer-
chant acting as interpreter, Magellan gave Lapu Lapu a chance to
capitulate, and the two exchanged threats involving their respective
cultures' spears. Lapu Lapu was defiant and unsuccessfully tried to lure
the Europeans into attacking his setdement prematurely, where pits had
been dug as traps. Magellan and his men waited in their boats and only
attacked in the morning.
The boats of the Europeans were unable to approach the shore,
supposedly because of rocks or corals in the water, which also prevented
ANGELES / MACTAN AND DISCOURSE ON WAR 5
the large ships from supporting Magellan with t

and his men had to wade "three crossbow fligh
reach the shore.1 Magellan attacked with only fo
himself, the equivalent of less than half of his
confronted Lapu Lapu's much larger force that,
exaggerated estimate, numbered 1,500 men.2
The Mactan warriors formed themselves into
tacked Magellan from both flanks and the front,
brandishing their weapon (Jocano 1972, 68).3 Ma
force into two and ordered his men to engage t
their arquebuses and crossbows. However, the m
ciable effect since the local fighters were at the
Europeans' projectiles. Furthermore, Lapu Lapu'
bullets and crossbow bolts with great dexterity.
of the warriors of Mactan were made of light
ily pierced by the European missiles, but this
warrior wielding the shield. Despite his best effo
to stop his men from wasting their missiles, and
their missile fire for almost half an hour. In res
riors subjected the Europeans to a heavy and de
arrows, iron-tipped bamboo lances, fire-hardened
Pigafetta did not indicate at what range Lapu Lapu's
projectiles or how effective this barrage was, a
fatalities they inflicted must have been minimal, gi
the Europeans were killed in the entire battle, th
and two raiders) were killed after this barrage. Perh
kill count could be attributed to the fact that th
ing "corselets and helmets," and missiles stood li
armor (Tobler 2004, 195). 4 Magellan attempted t
his small force by sending two men to burn
which, however, did not distract or demoralize t
After enduring the barrage for some time, Magell
the leg by a poisoned arrow. Pigafetta did not make
was finally hit at this point - after enduring what
half an hour of fighting. Was this a lucky hi
Mactan realize that the legs were better targets tha
If the latter is the case, one wonders why the

Europeans' legs immediately. Surely it wou
tice of Mactan's trained warriors - who also used armor themselves
- that Magellan's legs were relatively undefended.

In any event, Magellan now called for an orderly withdrawal. Most of
his men were shaken and demoralized, and beat a hasty and undisciplined
retreat, abandoning Magellan with just six or eight men. Magellan tried
to cover his army's retreat with his remaining men. Only now was he
ineffectually aided by the large ships' cannons. Mactan's pursuing warriors
aimed at the other Europeans' unarmored legs - providing proof only at
this point that they had focused most of their attention on Magellan,
who finally succumbed while wading to the boats, after fighting off
repeated attempts at his person. Interestingly, only after Magellan had
been injured and abandoned is there evidence that the warriors of
Mactan fought with swords at close quarters.
Humabon then took command and ordered the boats to withdraw
after the wounded had been rescued, although the dead bodies were left
behind. According to Pigafetta, the batde cost the Europeans eight dead
and a large but unspecified number of wounded. Four of Humabon's
warriors were killed, although when and where these warriors were killed
are not known. Possibly, they were killed when they tried to rescue the
fleeing Europeans. Pigafetta's account mentions that the ships' cannons
killed fifteen of Lapu Lapu's men but does not say how many casualties
Lapu Lapu's warriors sustained during the heat of the batde itself.
Philippine Military Historiography
Very litde is actually known of this batde and much is lost to history,
including such basic details as its exact location or whether Lapu Lapu
personally fought in the battle. There are only two reliable documentary
descriptions of the Batde of Mactan: the account by Antonio Pigafetta
(1969, 87-89), and a very brief description by Fernando Oliveira (2000,
34-35).5 Yet this lack of information has not prevented commentators
from imputing a variety of possibly anachronistic motives to Lapu Lapu's
actions. For instance, Uldarico Baclagon (1975, 3-4) ascribed to Lapu
Lapu's actions such modern tactical considerations and concepts like
double envelopment, or the "principle of co

power." The battle is especially (and understand
tioners of modern Filipino martial arts, who c
existence of martial arts like amis (e.g., An
Pigafetta and subsequent chroniclers offer litde
to-hand combat during the Spanish conquest. D
famous battle in Philippine history, it also see
Mactan is among the most misunderstood. Hist
evaluate the military actions of the prehispanic pe
through Western lenses. Such an approach is o
attempts to "lift the parchment curtain" in ord
Filipinos in history.
This article attempts to rectify the bias in Philip
ography by placing the Battle of Mactan in its p
comparing and contrasting it with other battles th
against Spaniards.7 It is hoped that analyzing th
on the prehispanic practices of warfare. Why
battles? Who fought in them? How did the isla
the consequences of battle? Why did the local in
but lose every other engagement against the Sp
century?
In order to answer these questions, this article briefly examines the
notions of warfare of the prehispanic coastal settlements whose
inhabitants, this article posits, had their own unique kind of warmaking
distinct from that of the Spaniards. Following the cultural approach to
military history that John Keegan is acknowledged to have pioneered,
and used by such scholars as John Lynn and Geoffrey Parker, one
should not assume that the Spaniards and the Philippine islanders were
"obeying, even if unwittingly, the rules of some universal higher logic
of war" (Keegan 1976, 21) or that the two cultures fought in ways
that were "essentially alike" (Lynn 2003, xiv). As Lynn (ibid.) says, "a
cultural interpretation is most likely to grant individuals and peoples
their full personal, social, and cultural character" - which is especially
relevant in the effort to recapture the Philippine "voice" in past events,
as William Henry Scott (1982) and Reynaldo lieto (1997) have sought
to do.
Geographically, the study is limited to lo

Luzon and the Visayas, although mention w
societies in Mindanao that interacted with
the important assumption that the lowland
Philippine islands shared a common culture
that this culture was part of the greater c
Southeast Asia.
This study follows the conceptual framework formulated by John

Lynn and used in his book, Battle (2003). Lynn (2004) offers a diagram
to illustrate how, during warfare, the opposing cultures each have their
own notion of warfare, and these notions of war interact to create the
reality of warfare:
Source: Lynn 2004
"Discourse" is defined as "the complex of assumptions, perceptions,

expectations, and values on a particular subject" (Lynn 2003, xx-xxi). A
society's "discourse on war" is its comprehensive image of ideal war as
influenced by its larger body of culture.8 This image of "ideal" war af-
fects the way a society wages war and, therefore, determines the ensuing
reality of war, including such important considerations as how a society
will fight, what it will choose to value during warfare, or how many ca-
sualties a society is willing to sustain. However, the reality of war is never
exacdy like the society's idealization of it. Lynn places great stress on the
evolution of discourse and reality.9
As is well known, the Spanish conquest of the Philippine islands was
not a continuous event. It probably began with Magellan's expedition in
1521, and continued on with the expeditions of Loaysa (1525-1526),
Saavedra (1527-1529), and Villalobos (1542-1546), befo

Legazpi's expedition (1565-1572). The Spaniards fough
Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao many times and in com
intensity. Most of these combats were small-scale am
mishes, or assaults on indigenous settlements. These s
cannot be defined strictly as "batdes." A batde may
armed engagement within a larger conflict that "must
unities of time, place and action" (Keegan 1976, 14).
with Felice Noelle Rodriguez (1999), who provides an
graphic study of indigenous terminology and wea
period of conquest, that certain elements - like spec
part of the islanders - must be met before any com
ered a "battle" by lowland Philippine cultures. Th
framework for understanding these elements, and from
for the period covered, only four battles - Mactan (
Manila (1570), and Bancusay Bay (1571) - can be coun
between the peoples of the Philippine islands and th
Did the locals consider the Westerners as outside t
spiritual world and thereby adopt unusual strategies
Europeans, or as part of their spiritual and political s
be dealt with like any other aggressor? That the indi
of the Philippine islands were aware that Europeans w
them is quite certain, although they could probably n
cific differences between Portuguese and Spaniards. T
instances during the Spanish conquest when the isla
mentioned the name "Castilla," and Pigafetta mak
Humabon was aware of the Portuguese - since the M
tried to intimidate Humabon with the claim that the
more powerful than the Portuguese king (Scott 1966,
76; Saavedra 1903, 42; Legazpi 1965, 95; Cushner 1
did the Philippine islanders think of the Spaniards as
system of power and treat them differently?
Rodriguez (1999, 42, my translation) is of the opinio
enous peoples treated the Europeans differently: "It
indigenous peoples] did not face the Spaniards as wa
the Spaniards as defenders of a world put in peril by the
of a new world." However, the evidence pres

that the locals thought the Iberians were w
scheme because the indigenous peoples' re
corresponded with their "normal" responses
did not show any of the shock that the inh
faced upon encountering Europeans. As F
conjectures, the inhabitants of the Philippine
the Spaniards to be human, and, therefore,
would have possessed dungan ." The locals lik
as part of their world, and were either chall
the local chiefs. In other words, the peoples
most of their usual strategies and tactics in b
Spaniards. In the case of Lapu Lapu and the
of shock may have been compounded by po
Portuguese (as the people of Cebu certainly
Spiritual Potency and Warfare
The indigenous lowland coastal peoples that

encountered in the Philippine islands posses
quite similar to that of other Southeast Asia
was that the indigenous Philippine coastal co
economic and political scale, their chiefs po
notion of centrality and government less co
similar societies in the region. This prehisp
been described at greater length in other stu
2000; Rafael 2000; Reid 1988; Wolters 1982
aspects relevant to warfare will be discussed
The lack of a central authority in the Phili
datu's power and legitimacy did not come fr
cal power base" like "a specialized police forc
law" or other means of coercion (Junker 200
land coastal cultures, legitimacy and auth
qualities and his ability to attract followers b
spirit world as a source of legitimacy, which w
lowland people respected (Aguilar 1998, 56;
cal authority was established through displays of

son refers to as Power, or spiritual potency. Ol
equates this spiritual potency to "soul stuff," w
refers to by the Ilonggo term dungan . This spir
"acute intelligence, vast knowledge, indomitable w
fidence" and "a robust physique, sharp mind, ma
good fortune, bravery" (ibid., 28-29) - in short,
an effective leader. However, there was a limited
in the cosmos. A chief was a "man of prowess"
tion of power (Anderson 1990, 22-23; Wolters 1
compete with other chiefs who could undermine his
of power and potency.
In practical terms, spiritual potency was display
be seen as acts of "good governance" in a prestate
of arbitrating in disputes (Morga 1971, 271; Chi
1994, 130). Gift giving, or sharing in the materia
spiritual potency, was also an important way of
obliged to the chief (Aguilar 1998, 29). At the hi
and interpersonal relations, a chief created poli
network by distributing rare, high- value objects, o
Chinese porcelain, jewelry, and iron weapons (Ju
chief also threw feasts for his followers, during wh
rice were eaten in abundance (ibid., 139). Perhap
way a chief had to act (particularly as far as a st
is concerned) was to show "valor" or bravery in
pecially important, since the indigenous spirit wo
were both fraught with conflict (Aguilar 1998,
protect their followers, but also had to lead them
(Morga 1971, 271; Scott 1994, 157, 221). Displays
implied the possession of spiritual potency, and
were attracted to individuals who could display s
simple reason that it expedited the basics of sur
The power system based on spiritual potency a
flected in the rivalries and conflicts between the datu of different
communities. The chiefs had to handle "external" relations the way they
would "internal relations," or by attracting the chiefs of other commu-
nities as individuals and making sure the

(Wolters 1982, 18). As Aguilar (1998, 56-5
settlements became a spatial expression of re
the native chiefs." Since vassals could shi
who they thought were stronger in spiritual
pete with other chiefs on an interpolity
authority within the local community. Th
tween "internal relations," or politics wi
"external relations."
The "perpetual competition," together with the uncertainties of suc-

cession and lack of institutional stability, led to what Junker (2000, 88)
calls "political cycling" as a successful chief could create alliance net-
works and increase in power, but then lose all of his gains and sink in
importance if he failed to maintain his power base. Authority shifted
from polity to polity, depending on a chief's ability to project spiritual
potency and attract followers (Wolters 1981, 17-18, 20; Junker 2000, 16).
Warfare, therefore, was another way for a chief to participate in the
prestige culture and show his level of spiritual potency (Aguilar 1998, 28;
Junker 2000, 336; Scott 1994, 153, 231; Charney 2004, 1-6). Warfare was
not strictly a matter of external relations, but was also an important
means for a chief to prove his legitimacy and prowess to his followers,
which thus blurred the distinction between the private quarrels of du-
els and feuds with the "public" conflicts of warfare (Aguilar 1998, 64).
The chief was obliged to defend his community, which was expected of
any leader, but a good datu also had to lead his people in offensive at-
tacks and raids (Scott 1994, 157). The spiritual reasons for warfare would
also explain why the causes of war were normally associated with "pres-
tige" or social standing (Rodriguez 1999, 136-37) - the chiefs went to
war to either increase their display of prestige, or to avenge any attacks
on their prestige and, therefore, their spiritual potency. The boundaries
between the private family and the public community were also blurred
because of the loose definition of kinship (Zialcita 2005, 57-58).
Some of these attacks, like slave raids, piracy, and attacks on rival
ports and trade, seem to have been "economically motivated," but they
were really meant to further a chief's participation and standing in the
prestige culture (Junker 2000, 337; Rodriguez 2003, 151-53). Aside from
ANGELES I MACTAN AND DISCOURSE ON WAR 1 3
showing a chief's bellicosity and valor, raiding

slaves, which he could disburse to his follower
versely, these raids destroyed a rival chief's resou
ability to participate in the prestige culture.10
Indigenous warfare in the Philippine islands
people within a chief's alliance network thro
potency; it was "aggregative" in that it aimed
people, as territory in and of itself was rare
(Carneiro 1994, 14; Scott 1994, 153; Andaya 197
suggest slave raiding, but a chief could gain e
ute simply by securing the allegiance of another
need to "collect" or physically transplant peop
The Purpose of Battles
In many cases, the costs and risks of frontal

weighed the potential benefits. Indigenous war
confrontation and combat. Observers have noted that Southeast Asians
in general had a propensity for "deception" in combat and chose to

avoid costly batdes and confrontations because these were wasteful in
lives and resources (Reid 1988, 123). 11 William Marsden (1966, 349, but
also 378-79) has emphasized this in his description of the warfare of the
Menangkabau: "although much parade attends their preparations for war
and their marches . . . yet their operations are carried rather in the way
of ambuscade, and surprise of straggling parties . . ."
Anderson (1990, 44) has pointed out that "[mļassive destruction leads
to local depopulation, disorder, and economic decline, and possibly later
to guerrilla resistance," which ran counter to a datu's desire to either
physically capture people or attract them as vassals. The conquest or ab-
sorption of a rival settlement was best accomplished through "diplomatic
pressure, and other halus (smooth, civilized) methods of inducing recog-
nition of superiority or suzerainty" (ibid., 44- 45). 12 Often this could be
done through intimidation or by trying to redirect trade toward the datu's
ports. During the Johor-Jambi Wars in the late 1660s and early 1670s, the
two sides frequently assembled large fleets, intimidated each other's capi-
tals, and engaged in attacks on each other's naval trade routes but rarely
fought pitched combats (Andaya 1975, 90

Chiang Mai chronicle, King Mangrai succes
ruler of Haribhunjaya through a clever str
Ai Fa, who infiltrated the king of Haribhunja
rule (Wyatt and Aroonrut 1995, 18-20). W
happened is debatable, but that this kind
epic says much of that culture's notions of
In the Batde of Mactan the role of Zula,
might have been one of dissimulation. Th
cause of the entire batde, yet he disappear
most as soon as he is mentioned. Where w
The translator, Rodrigue Lévesque (1980, 6
sibility (but without proof) that Zula was
Magellan into a trap. Another likely explan
he was a rival of Lapu Lapu and thought t
him. Nonetheless, it is interesting to sp
alliance.
Defensive responses to frontal aggressio

placed the threatened people, who were the
of reach. The forests of the Philippines w
because they were nearly impenetrable (Re
Phelan 1957, 17-18). What the indigenous i
was also highly portable and their houses w
not make them worth defending (Reid 19
from such seemingly important and well-p
or Manila chose to flee rather than stubbor
(Legazpi 1965, 102; Blair and Robertson 19
reasons, the people of Mindanao respond
retreating from danger. A chief as power
with the Spaniards in 1643 (Laarhoven 1
larger Southeast Asian setdements, such a
what they perceived were superior forces (
Weaker chiefs often chose to submit to,
chiefs. They could ransom themselves or t
maintain their authority (Rodriguez 200
considered defeat. A weaker chief who attached himself to a more
ANGELES / MACTAN AND DISCOURSE ON WAR 1 5
powerful chief could partake of the benefits and p

vassal of a spiritually powerful man. The tactic of
doubly attractive by the fact that the indigenous
power based on charismatic attraction through soul st
age a chief to be despotic, which would alienate his
one form of submission, or alliance-building, the c
pact, implied a union of equals (ibid., 160-61).
Examining those settlements that accepted the
during the Spanish conquest may help in determin
fight in frontal combat. Perhaps accepting batde w
spiritual potency, and was a very visible display of w
could be used to further a data's cause, undercut h
more followers. It seems apparent, for instance, t
datu who accepted the challenge of battle during t
Lapu Lapu, the Macabebe chief of Navo tas, Sol
Tupas of Cebu - were not the only chiefs either in th
ment or in the geographical area. Lapu Lapu and
involved in keen rivalries with the other datu in t
the challenge of something so visible as a batde - a
have added immeasurably to their prestige. This
inferred in the prebattle posturing of Lapu La
Navo tas: both men made very public displays of b
run-up to their batdes. Lapu Lapu repudiated in str
orders to submit, which included the well-known
Magellan's claim of the keenness of the European l
87; Jocano 1972, 68). The Navotas chief's challeng
Legazpi was even more visible and dramatic: he sai
to Tondo and hurled a spear, and vocally anno
(Licuanan and Mira 1990-1993, 3:359; Noone 19
2003, 155). Even Soliman evinced this posturing du
with Legazpl. These displays could be seen as publ
potency calculated to increase the chief's prestige.
One way of knowing that the islanders considered
ment as a batde was the overwhelming show of fo
fighting. The indigenous peoples accepted the
only when they had a clear advantage in numbers
ability of victory (Rodriguez 1999, 87, 112).

Lapu had 1,500 warriors in the Batde of
Legazpi fought around 2,000 warriors in
Noone 1982, 321). No exact figures were give
although an anonymous chronicler claime
warriors (Anon. 1965, 172-73). The people of
were also quite numerous, although they did cap
because of his diplomacy (ibid., 163). The ac
suspect, but the figures indicate a likely advant
of the islanders.
Batdes, therefore, were not the last recourse of the desperate, but
were the choices of strong chiefs who wanted to increase their prestige.
During the conquest the indigenous peoples accepted the challenge of
batde only when they had a perception of either strength or parity with
the Iberians. Thus, there was rationality behind the decision when to
fight or not to fight. Understandably, those settlements and datu that had
a previous experience with European military power chose not to fight.
The people of settlements in the Visayas (like Limasawa, Camiguin, and
Cabailan) fled from the men of Legazpi's expedition because they had
been the victims of a massive and destructive raid from the Portuguese,
who had claimed to be Spaniards (National Historical Commission 1969,
1:404-6). Raja Matanda wished to surrender to Martin de Goiti, prob-
ably because of his experience of being defeated by the Victoria as a
young man (Majul 1999, 78-79). When the Europeans returned to Ma-
nila a year after Goiti's expedition, the people of Manila fled straight
away (Blair and Robertson 1903, 153).
The Combatants
It is not easy to determine which sections of indigenous society fought

in their battles. Generally, historians have divided the prehispanic Phil-
ippine social ladder into three: the datu class ( maginoo in Tagalog society),
from which the chiefs were drawn; next came the timawa , although
Tagalog society had an additional group of people known as maharlika
who seem to have occupied the same social tier as the timawa; and the
slaves, the oripun in Visayan and alipin in Tagalog society.
Membership in these status groups could be ver

social stratification of the cultures in the Philipp
based on spiritual potency and levels of utang ng
Aguilar 1998, 69). Social differentiation was d
controlled labor, rather than through a rigid economi
such, there were no strict "social classes" in the P
existed were status groups where membership wa
displays of wealth, strength, or prestige. Every p
followers or debt peons and rise up socially; indig
to have had an antipathy to manual labor (e.g
agricultural duties), and "public life" was the mos
life for the islanders (Wolters 1982, 8-9).
Anderson's definition of spiritual power makes
could be acquired by the timawa or even an alipin,
son in indigenous society "believed that they,
achievement" (ibid.). This study theorizes that par
was the most public and most prestigious act in pr
thus wielding weapons and fighting in combat we
timawa, and any indigenous male that could, to
prowess or to rise up in social rank. Participation
able because of the potential rewards: slaves, mater
validation of prestige and spiritual power (Reid 19
This culture of martial prestige was likely what m
to fight better (Junker 2000, 348-49).
Given this kind of social ranking, it is difficult to
peoples had a dedicated warrior elite. Junker (ibid.,
timawa and maharlika as warrior elites, but the in
chy was too complex for this to be understood as
bellatore of medieval Europe or the samurai of m
timawa may have occupied a "higher" social sta
performed more prestigious duties, usually war-re
The Tagalog maharlika, for instance, may have bee
(ibid., 222-23; Junker 2000, 126). Although most tima
in vocation (Scott 1994, 222), the Visayan timawa were
However, they did have an elite group known as th
"one who faces the datu," who occupied and perf
gious public offices and duties than oth

There were even slaves in Visayan society
as warriors and were almost indistingui
(Scott 1994, 134).
This is not to say that, in war and the
practiced "equal opportunity" or was egalita
timawa at the top of the indigenous soc
the same advantages of warrior-elites in
debt-relations, social elites had more con
devote more of it to the prestigious duty
social groups; they had more control ove
ford the best weapons, armor, and nou
These elites would have dominated the
dominated even their own communities.
riors were tattooed even on their eyelids
martial prowess; Scott (1994, 20) posited
Spartan elite" that intimidated enemy an
What would have differentiated or ran
enous community would have been the l
his weapons, and the visibility of his p
which would have been dependent on a p
relations of society in his favor. It seem
location in the karakoa , or local warsh
ranking.15 The low-ranking timawa or orip
rung as rowers, which was a far less pre
individualistic martial virtuosity and was t
equivalent of manual labor. The elite dat
on the karakoa's fighting platform, visible
prestigious duty of fighting with other
islanders may have displayed a similar so
battles, a possibility explored below in t
ers fought.17
However, is there any proof that the
Philippine cultures actually specifically
words, is there proof of an indigenou
martial warrior culture? That the indige
and training in weapons handling may only be hinted at b

words from various Philippine languages that denoted spe
techniques, like pugot (decapitation), bungo I ("to grab som
behind and cut his throat"), or adjang (close combat) (Scot
154, 232, 249). Rodriguez (1999, 127-33) says that Juan
Declaraäon de la Doctrina Christiana en Idioma Tagalog mention
baca as meaning "to throw rocks or spears or any other pr
mooc as the Tagalog word for close combat. Morga (197
mented that the islanders were highly skilled and dexterou
daggers. Neighboring Southeast Asian cultures, with whom
of the Philippine islands had much contact, also offer som
technique in weapons handling (Raffles 1965, 299, 344).
None of these is direct or conclusive proof of a system
handling that will nowadays be called a "martial art," but a
scattered pieces of evidence point to a form of indigenou
weapons training and some technique in their employmen
have necessitated proper training and equipment. Knowled
fighting style might have given the warrior an advantage over
or lesser-trained opponents. Unfortunately, it cannot be determ
cial ranking influenced combat. Did, for instance, a datu
deign to fight an oripun?
Indigenous Battle Tactics and Weapons
Following John Lynn's framework, indigenous behavior or

field of battle would have involved displays of spiritual p
would have been a part of the local power-relational schem
any kind was a form of spiritual confrontation, where the
the greatest amount of soul stuff prevailed (Reid 1988, 12
1995). This study postulates that wielding weapons and figh
bat were "prestigious." The movements and the mental
warrior's fighting method - or "martial art," to use an an
term - lend themselves well to spiritual protocols and int
Southeast Asian warriors considered spiritual preparation to
tant as the physical: "rulers and warriors achieved their su
ascetic and ritual preparation, meditation, magical charms,
god-given sanctity" (Reid 1988, 125). l

spiritual power could be gained throu
trolled bodily movements and other f
arts, in their essence, also involve cont
discipline.
Soul stuff was and still is supposed t
In Indonesia and Malaysia, penjak-silat
endowed with so much spiritual power t
sword blows to the neck, or kill peopl
1969, 181). Stamford Raffles (1965, 2
martial supernatural invincibility existed
spiritual power could be conferred by
render the wearer invincible or give
1997, 22; Medina 2002, 85). In the sam
kris were often endowed with supern
aside, the islanders probably saw soul
of martial virtuosity since the advant
warrior has over a rank-and-file comb
make that elite seem like an invincib
During batde the islanders were mor
combat than with killing. This is not
culture, or even just Southeast Asian
play a large part in humanity's accepte
out history, cultures often possessed
demoralize an enemy or even decide a
lence (Keegan 1993, 175; O'Connell 1
would have been especially attractive
the objective in warfare. In the indig
tion took the form of displays of sp
The tattoos of the Visayan cultures w
dation since they were applied to show
A large army in itself might also have b
since only a chief with great spiritual
bers of followers (ibid., 123).
The coastal peoples of the Philippine
to present an intimidating appearance.
of Mactan shouted loudly as they attacked (

of Cebu wore their full, showy, and intim
plumes and varicolored headdresses [that] w
Cebu also cried out and shouted loudly and b
a threatening manner (Legazpi 1965, 101-2).
ment in Mindoro beat drums, blew horns, r
and elaborate headdresses (ibid., 163). Th
perform such displays immediately before t
the Iberians and, with haughty mien, "did thin
not often tolerate" (ibid., 172).
When it came to actual fighting, it should
enous peoples still attempted to intimida
opponents, unless they were trying to take
given that vanquished opponents are gener
dead. This was reflected in how they used th
gunpowder weapons (Tarling 1999, 1:44; Leg
(1969, 87) description of the Battle of Mact
primarily fought with barrages of missile w
range. The warriors of Mactan threw missi
Magellan and, the armor of the Europeans n
ons did not cause many casualties. The peop
Cebu in 1565, hurled spears at the Iberians
and returning again to their station, going
canať (Legazpi 1965, 101-2). The Macabebe h
during the Battle of Bancusay Bay, but faile
ans or their local auxiliaries (Blair and Rober
men of Manila were caught by surprise, which
sile barrage was limited to just three cannon
to hit anything (Licuanan and Mira 1990-19
50) argued that the indigenous warriors wer
spears with great accuracy - which perhaps
their enemies if they wanted to.
Employing missile weapons in a relatively
average warrior some meaningful combat-v
engage in lethal hand-to-hand combat (O'Co
of missile weapons enabled ā datu to field la
armies without really exposing his warrior

missile barrage was itself intended to intim
achieved both effects in Mactan.
While the indigenous missile barrage was usually ineffective against the
Europeans, its efficacy against the forces of other indigenous settlements
is harder to establish. The European chroniclers mentioned that the lo-
cal warriors used shields, which were large and rectangular and may have
been a good defense against missiles - possibly, their constant labeling of
these shields as paves (pavises) also indicates function, as pavises were de-
fenses against missiles (Krieger 1926, 96-97). The indigenous shields
certainly proved effective against European missile weapons during the
Battle of Mactan, especially because the warriors bearing these shields
also jumped around and dodged the European projectiles with great
agility (Pigafetta 1969, 87). It is probable that the missile barrage was
nonlethal against other local warriors, which would be similar to combat
in other Southeast Asian cultures.
There is a significant lack of hand-to-hand combat in the narrative of

the Spanish conquest. This seems odd considering all the swords, spears,
helmets, armors, and daggers that the chroniclers noted, or the culture
of headtaking that was so integral to indigenous warfare. At best, there
were hints of close-quarters combat. An anonymous chronicler also re-
corded what could have been close-quarters combat when Martin de
Goiti's auxiliaries attacked the fleeing Macabebe after the Battle of
Bancusay Bay (Blair and Robertson 1903, 157).
The logical explanations for this lack of description of hand-to-hand
combat during the Spanish conquest are that the chroniclers either sim-
ply refused to note them down or forgot to note them down, or it was
just those particular sources used in this study that did not note down
any incidents of close-quarters combat, but other sources dealing with
the Spanish conquest might have had. These do not seem likely, however.
The Iberians came from a culture that highly prized close-quarters com-
bat, and the chronicles of the conquests in the Americas were careful to
note hand-to-hand combat when it happened. Many of the chroniclers
had keen eyes for military matters, if they were not military men them-
selves who would note such details as the designs of fortifications and
weaponry.
Perhaps Margaret Wiener's (1995, 199) expla

Asian warfare one fought an enemy with a su
may be applied to the indigenous warriors of
When fighting the Spaniards who used firea
one used firearms and missiles as well. The p
guns possibly because they did not have any.
Another explanation for the possible lack o
might be that the indigenous weapons were used
were not "true" weapons. The kris was rathe
but had great spiritual power (Frey 1986, 2;
173; Wiener 1995, 199-201). Also, Krieger (19
the locals sometimes used light and ineffectiv
armor and helmets.
However, there is some reason to believe that indigenous weapons

were not useless or merely ceremonial. Indigenous Philippine swords like
the kampilan were often sturdy and made of steel (Scott 1994, 148;
Rodriguez 1999, 210). The indigenous armor could also be reasonably
effective (Scott 1994, 151-52). The locals would surely not have both-
ered with armor, which could weigh twenty-five pounds and must not
have been cheap (Krieger 1926, 106-7), if they had no need for them.
However, no tests have been made to see how well a kampilan could cut
or how strong was the rope armor.
If the indigenous cultures engaged mainly in nonlethal skirmishing,
how were battles between indigenous inhabitants of the Philippine is-
lands decided?
There is the possibility that battles were not decided, or that nobody
came out the clear winner. Stalemated warfare was common in archipe-
lagic Southeast Asia, and Charney (2004, 10) suggests that this is why
peacemaking rituals, like the casi casi, were important to Southeast Asian
warfare. The conflict had to be resolved somehow.
However, in other Southeast Asian cultures, these skirmishes served

as a screen and a backdrop for duels between opposing leaders and their
immediate entourages. In the Chiang Mai chronicle, for instance, a series
of elite duels is claimed to have decided the battle of Prince Khram
against Phraya Boek (Wyatt and Aroonrut 1995, 48-51).20 Two chiefs in
Johor, Daeng Parani of the Buginese and Raja Kecil of the
Minangkabau, even arranged to fight a

because their warriors fought so poorly
person who had the most at stake, the d
the most willing to expose himself to dang
at close quarters (O'Connell 1989, 36-37;
11). The chief of Bone, Arung Palakka, c
reckless bravery in batde - that occasio
which he needed in order to restore his sir
honour," which was the basis of his p
119-20).
A battlefield duel of elites with a backdrop of lesser warriors would
have been the perfect manifestation of "continuous achievement" and
spiritual prowess, the ultimate terrestrial display of Philippine social rank-
ing in combat. Unfortunately, until more records are found this question
cannot be answered conclusively.22
Finally, perhaps the example of Sulawesi may suggest that the collec-
tion of booty after, or even during, a batde was an important component
of indigenous warfare. Arung Palakka allowed his men to loot and plun-
der after the successful sacking of the setdement of Sombaopu (to the
chagrin of his nominal Dutch superior, Admiral Speelman), and was
always concerned with the disbursement of spoil among his followers.
The urge to loot sometimes dictated the course of batdes, which had a
"tendency ... to transform quickly into individual raiding parties" (ibid.,
133-34). Even in combat, the needs of prestige culture were paramount.
Resolution and Aftermath
To summarize the points presented using Lynn's framework, the warfare

of the coastal peoples of the Philippine islands was therefore a logical
component of their culture at large. This sort of warfare involved
displays of spiritual potency, or soul stuff, as part of inter- and
intracommunity power rivalries in which local chiefs were engaged.
Datu did not have the need, willingness, or the means for sustained cam-
paigns of annihilation or conquest. In this context warfare had a
tendency to be indirect, avoiding direct confrontations even in the field
of batde, and there was a general unwillingness to sustain heavy casu-
alties. Even headhunting might have served to lim

prestige, or spiritual potency. The weapons, tacti
ployed by the indigenous warriors reflected thei
mores.
The coastal peoples of the Philippines, therefore, foug

Spaniards in a consistent manner. In all of the batdes o
conquest, from Mactan to Bancusay Bay, the indigenous
the fight by first parlaying with the Spaniards, often attemp
date them through visual display or bellicose words. Th
skirmish with the Spaniards at long range, using all sort
weapons, from rocks to firearms.
Also, the datu and his followers were unwilling to sust
alties, given the primacy of labor control in local politics
European tactics coincided with the local aversion for sho
susceptibility to intimidation from such weapons as gun
Every time the Spaniards charged, the historical records rev
indicate that the inhabitants of the Philippine islands fle
sion of the battlefield was among the goals of European
Europeans could usually claim victory.
It is harder to ascertain whether the locals also believed th
iards had won these battles, as they had different notion
notions that did not necessarily involve the capture of
ments or the extermination of their enemies. True vict
incorporation of more people into a ruler's alliance netw
not necessarily the reaction of a defeated party, but a pr
meant to create a "victory" for the fleeing datu by deny
ing datu any new slaves or followers. Defeat in a batde w
but it was only defeat of a sort - it displayed the losing
ity in spiritual potency to his competitor.
This may explain why most of the batdes with the Eu
not in any way "decisive" as the peoples of the Philippine
submit to the Europeans immediately after being defea
resisted, as their discourse on war dictated, for days, som
after major batdes. However, if the locals did not consi
a setdement or eviction from a batdefield as an out-and-o
did Tupas, Soliman, or Matanda eventually submit to Le
battles were arenas of spiritual conflict, t

tactics as displays of greater potency th
emy chiefs' self-confidence or gradual
Europeans accomplished their battlefiel
men facing more numerous opponents; t
tiles; they attacked bravely and frontall
cannons, imposing steel armor, and wea
ers could have understood all these
spiritual potency. However, as stated in
iards still had to negotiate with datu lik
had to actively court the datu's followe
now they could attract the locals with
(Zialcita 2005, 50-51). The example of t
provide an instructive parallel: they qui
Malacca, and the indigenous setdement
recognized their military superiority. H
building alliances, and thus became just
in the region of Malacca and Johor (An
Given that it is not known how battles
were resolved, the aftermath of indige
mine. The evidence of the Spanish conq
needed to find ways to use his prestige
a capitulation. Unfortunately, it canno
coastal datu used a batdefield victory, s
batde that the indigenous peoples of th
Mactan, is not known. It is interesting
de Legazpi's expedition returned to the
an important role in local politics, and
appeared from the historical record. H
returned to Cebu at least fifty years after
could have happened in that span of ti
There is somewhat more evidence when it comes to how the coastal
peoples of the Philippines reacted to defeat in batde. Tupas, Soliman,

and the chief of the Macabebe all fled from the advancing Spaniards,
and hid in the mountains or forests of the Philippines. We know that
Tupas's and Soliman's authorities stayed intact, and they had to be en-
ticed to surrender. Still, both men were cl

military might and reacted accordingly. Soli
when they returned to Manila in 1571 (Blai
while Tupas attempted to use what he clearly
military strength to his advantage after he
with them (Cushner 1966, 83; Noone 1982,
these examples imply that the aftermath of
in terms of spiritual potency and alliance b
This picture of warfare in the Philippine
Some crucial details are missing because of t
able data. Nothing is known of how comman
the datu was present during combat, or how
efficacy of indigenous weaponry and the e
martial arts are largely a mystery. There is a b
how the coastal peoples of the Philippine is
The Backgrounds of the Conquistadors
The picture cannot be completed without de

the equation. How did Magellan's forces figh
question that runs the risk of encompassin
modern European military history, military
history of the early modern Iberian conque
a surprisingly neglected question when it c
Batde of Mactan. Popular or established acc
mainly on military history, seem to tacidy ass
how Magellan will fight and can dismiss th
handful of generalizations. The Kasay sajan s
82) says that "indigenous weapons were no m
and the fighting tactics of the invaders," with
tics were, or why artillery should confer an advan
(Roces 1977-1978, 859, 898) and Carlos Quir
offer much the same statements.
Who were the Europeans that came to the Philippines in 1521? What
sort of martial background would they have brought with them?
The documents in the Blair and R

capitulaciones , or capitularies, or th
Falerio brothers, and the Spanish Cro
included careful elaboration of what p
which would go to the state. Like all g
provisions for a form of death insura
Magellan's work after his passing. It
the area for a certain number of year
view of the fact that, because this wa
and not a carefully controlled crown i
nies could make inroads on Magellan's
legal shelter (Magalhães 1903, 251-52)
Because it was clearly a commercial
was not much different from the ma
nies that went to explore the New W
the mercenary adventuring compani
such as the Landsknechte , who were
Habsburgs (Showalter 1993). As it was
ish crown's financial position and con
its foreign ventures necessitated the p
tadors (Kamen 2002, 39-40, 84) or the
foreign banking houses, like the Fugg
context is important because it impi
therefore, on his and his men's "disco
These motivations explain the "why
discourse on war. Like other conquist
very material expectations. They wis
warded with the life of a nobleman, eith
or, in Magellan's case, a right and mo
mere land to toil (Elliot 1963, 65; Par
The conquistadors dreamed of becom
entering into the ranks of the nobility
arms. A setder in Mexico best descri
overseas enterprises: "here you are alway
personally, and you are always on hor
original). The motivation to become a
culture spread throughout Spanish (especially Casti

markable degree. Spanish nobility had never been a
circumstances of the Reconquista had allowed for th
nonnoble "knights" called caballeros villanos , or for
ers into the ranks of the nobility (Reilly 1993, 14
15-16; Lomax 1978, 99-100; Elliot 1963, 32). This
nobleman and live the noble lifestyle would have
the foreign sailors in Magellan's fleet as well. The
culture, like bravery in batde, likely helped motiv
combat as well.24
What all this meant was that Magellan and his m

employees of the Spanish crown. His capitularies d
form of regular salary, but offered him a share of
The crown was the main investor in the venture
business jargon, probably had controlling interest, but
Magellan's "boss." This may explain why Magellan
towards flouting his orders so brazenly. For instan
allowed to discharge his firearms in order not to f
but did so precisely to impress Humabon. Magellan
ordered to ask for the submission of any native rul
he was to maintain the most amicable of relations w
1903, 257-58). Magellan was most likely flouting his
to profit motive: perhaps it was out of a desire to
routes and create tributaries so the venture would
Also, as a private contractor, he may not have felt
low the orders of the crown - at least less likely th
although the question of military discipline in earl
a difficult one to answer.25
This leads direcdy to the next point. Magellan's m

not soldiers, if by that one means "trained, salaried
soldiers with uniforms and standard-issue weapon
Nowhere in Magellan's instructions and contracts d
crown would provide him with members of its ve
armies - an institution that was only slowly beginning
with the reforms of Gonsalvo de Cordova (Howard
Magellan's capitulaciones generally tended to stipul
tude what the crown was to provide - in this

manpower (Magalhães 1903, 252).
However, just because they were not sold
Magellan's men were not raised in a martial cu
how martial and chivalric culture had diffuse
ety, as John Guilmartin (1991) has argued. Th
with Matthew Restali (2004, 33) that Guilmar
Further, the martial training and culture, or the
that Guilmartin claims were widespread in S
further argues were widespread throughout Euro
imply training as a professional soldier. The qu
soldiers, what of fighting did they know?
Leaving aside the possibility of some conqu
job, training in martial arts was actually qui
Spain, and indeed throughout most of Europ
tioned since so many of Magellan's crew
Christopher Amberger (1998) highlighted the wo
England and in Germany, which had a ranking
very similar to the medieval guild, and whic
arms." That a similar system of combat exist
teenth century may be deduced from an une
presented by Jose Perez Gestoso (1901), wh
armas," including the famous Francisco [sic] R
de las Armas de sus Majestades [presumably C
ruled as Charles I of Spain), since Roman w
maestro examinador mayor [of several other
Anglo 2000). These fighting guilds taught th
cross-section of society, and not just to nobles
medieval and early modern European soci
Guilmartin have argued, was thoroughly infused
ness, for instance, Chaucer's Miller, who carr
weapons combination for which the earliest fi
likely written by and for monks (Forgeng 2003).
What these masters taught, and what most
taught, however, was personal combat - Gest
masters as esgrimadors. It is likely, for instance,
taught in Spain was the sword-and-shield style that e

large forces of rodeleros , warriors so called becau
rodelas. These were the same rodeleros so admire
which were abandoned by Gonsalvo de Cordova a
more corporate style of warfare practiced by the
(Howard 1976, 33). It is interesting to note that
not abandon the sword-and-shield style of fight
because there was no need to keep enemy nat
(Guilmartin 1991) but another possibility is that
system was what the conquistadors knew, and not
tem. The latter system requires drill, discipline, and
could only be taught by the professional training
army (Morillo 1995). The fighting guilds may hav
tial skills, but they did not necessarily teach militar
Still, given this training, Magellan's crew would lik
turated to the general fighting style of western
unclear, the peoples of western Europe chose to
tional, face-to-face manner that was lethal and less c
captive-taking, or ceremony (Keegan 1993, 332-3
Parker 1988, 121; O'Connell 1989, 48; Hall 1997, 1
batdefield, combat was usually decided through s
two opposing forces fought each other at close q
broke and abandoned the field. The origins of thi
to-face combat in Europe are not known. This st
have arisen from the Roman past, although the
came after the Romans and the Celts who came before them were al-
ready predisposed to fight at close quarters. Missile weapons were not

unknown to western Europe, but were generally integrated into the phi-
losophy of face-to-face battle, and usually not used in an evasive
hit-and-run style. For example, technical limitations aside, whenever the
bow or crossbow was used in Medieval Europe, it was usually used by
infantry standing still, loosing volleys of bolts or arrows at incoming en-
emies in order to disorder their ranks in preparation for melee combat.
In a tactical sense, the goal was usually an attempt at causing the dis-
integration of the enemy force's cohesion. The immediate goal was to
either evict the enemy from a plot of land or the destruction and dis-
persal of enemy forces. Both involved shoc

all of the battles of the later Spanish conq
advance and attempt to engage the indigen
in hand-to-hand combat, while being given co
arms or the large ships' guns. It is notable
do any of this in Mactan.
Then there is Magellan himself.27 What s
experience did he have? As a page in th
Magellan would have been trained as a k
taught at least the basics of martial arts a
of command (Daniel 1964, 14-15). His la
more significance: Magellan joined many of
ditions to Asia, starting with Dom Francis
India and Africa, and the expeditions to M
d'Albuquerque's expedition that capture
seemingly ill-advised or nonsensical, decisi
attack Lapu Lapu's large force with such a
glance, this seems either amateurish or a c
in light of Magellan's experiences, the decis
Portuguese victories in Asia were all won
whelming opposition. Some of this opposi
cultures that were undoubtedly better-equ
nized than Lapu Lapu's. Indeed, the Iberian
fighting the Aztecs and the Incas; both we
and bellicose societies. By 1521 Magellan w
commander, and perhaps his decision to fa
was taken with that experience in min
Transylvania looked back on the Batde of
Magellan's decision was not unreasonable,
times, two hundred Spaniards in the islan
two or three hundred thousand men to fl
Cohesion in Battle
The Spaniards had several advantages in the New World that helpe
contribute to victory, like technology, cultural shock, and disease
However, none of these advantages would have b

Spanish forces did not have the wherewithal to stic
sively confront the enemy or defend against h
expedition (and subsequent expeditions) had non
vantages when it confronted the inhabitants of t
The winning element in both the New World con
ippines was therefore cohesion , or that which kept
in or out of battle. As John Keegan (1976, 175)
general:
Inside every army is a crowd struggling to get out, and the strongest
fear with which every commander lives - stronger than his fear of de-
feat or even of mutiny - is that of his army reverting to a crowd
through some error of his own making. For a crowd is the antithesis
of an army, a human assembly animated not by discipline but by
mood, by the play of inconstant and potentially infectious emotion
which, if it spreads, is fatal to an army's subordination.
The question of cohesion involves group bonding, and it is a ques-

tion of what keeps an army or armed force of men together. Therefore,
what creates cohesion? Stephen Morillo (1995) elucidates:
The answer is deceptively simple: trust. Each man in the formation

must trust his neighbor not to run away. How is trust achieved? It may
be a result of the social origins of the formation: neighbors from the
same polis, canton, or other small polity may know and trust each
other from long association on and off the battlefield. But practice
and experience are crucial even for such naturally cohesive groups, and
even more so for formations drawn from heterogeneous backgrounds.
Normally, an infantry unit gains cohesion through drill and through
experience.
On the one hand, trust can be created by training together, through

the creation of esprit de corps, an advantage that a standing army would
have, thus. On the other hand, the conquistadors of Iberia were not part
of a standing army, and their cohesion was likely the result of different
factors. S. L. A. Marshall's (1947)30 classic study of men in combat sug-
gests that cohesion in battle is primar

therefore to be noted as a principle that
tactical unity of men working togethe
their knowledge and sympathetic un
150). According to Marshall, most fig
fight and stay together primarily bec
of the immediate, small group in whic
armies do not necessarily have a mon
ous conquistador groups that the Span
their own ways of generating cohesio
The simplest reason could be that th
Morillo argued, a result of the experienc
Another could have been the feeling o
a strange land - and knowing or feelin
really trust or turn to were fellow Eu
may also have helped motivate the m
gether, as the conquistadors would
cowardly, or "unchivalric" - generally, t
ing in the shared cultural norms of t
a common task may have helped also,
basic survival (Lynn 2003, 252-53). Fin
held together because of personal tie
most important (Restali 2004, 38-43),
personal ties that could develop betwe
charismatic leadership.
The forces of Cortez, for instance,
degree of cohesion. Cortez was said t
highly praised the captains and comp

in the conquest of Mexico, saying that
ger and hardship, that wherever he sum
roic deeds with them, and that, even w
rags they never failed to fight and to c
however great the risk to their lives. (
This is not to say that the conquista

matically - Cortez was almost undone
Spanish ranks. Success for a conquistador, therefore, relied in

ability to keep his men together and motivated. As shall
later, a breakdown in cohesion was likely what determine
of the Battle of Mactan.
The Spanish Discourse on War
Far more could be said of the European or Spanish discourse on war.

Questions of political background, notions of power, religious motiva-
tions, and others have not been answered.31 For the purposes of this
essay, these elements are not necessary, since only the immediate tacti-
cal environment is important in a study of the Batde of Mactan. Still,
a thumbnail sketch of the conquistador's discourse on war can be drawn.
First, the primary motivation of the men in the expedition - from
Magellan to the rank and file - would have been material. Either they
were aiming for a share in the profits, or in trade, or perhaps for a
chance to live the hidalgo lifestyle. This is part of the Iberian tradition
of the Reconquista, where the values of the hidalgo had spread through-
out Iberian society. Presumably, even the non-Iberians among the crew
may have felt like they had a chance at rising up in the world by join-
ing a Castilian-sponsored endeavor.
That being said, an important aspect of the Magellan expedition's
discourse on war was that the men were likely not professional soldiers.
They were likely trained in fighting, and imbued with martial spirit
(through the diffusion of chivalric values), but they would have lacked
the teamwork, esprit de corps, coordination, and unity of a professional
army unit. Still, the men of Magellan's expedition would have fought in
the lethal close-quarters style prevalent in Europe, and the conquistadors
secured victory through shock action by closing with the enemy.
The Europeans, especially the Iberians, had several advantages in their
discourse on war when they fought their indigenous opponents in the
Americas or Southeast Asia, but the key requirement to victory would
have been cohesion. Because of the "amateur" nature of the men of
these expeditions, none of the advantages of martial culture, technology,

or cultural shock (when these were present) would have been of any avail
if the conquistadors did not hold together in battle or if they did not
have the moral strength to stand agai

face of overwhelming odds. There wer
cohesion, ways which were not mutua
This, then, was how and why the m
ally would have fought. However, as
upsets the conceptual discourse on wa
Magellan's defeat.
The Battle of Mactan in Context
Why did Magellan lose the Battle of Mactan? The indigenous and Eu-
ropean batde culture and tactics in this batde were not much different
from those in later batdes of the Spanish conquest of the Philippine
islands, so there must have been something unique about the Batde of
Mactan.
Initially, I was inclined to blame Magellan for tactical mistakes. It

seemed like a very poor decision to face an overwhelming force of in-
digenous warriors with just forty-nine men and no local auxiliaries.
However, further research and reflection showed that this decision was
not so dubious or amateurish after all. Magellan was a very experienced
commander, and had fought and prevailed against Moors, Africans, Pa-
cific Islanders, and Southeast Asians, often against overwhelming odds.
He could be excused for thinking that the Batde of Mactan would be no
different.
Other reasons could involve technical ones. The terrain also worked
against Magellan. The people of Mactan were on the beach, while
Magellan and his men had to wade a considerable distance before reach-
ing the shore. Both the crossbow and the arquebus suffered from
considerable performance degradations when wet. Add to this the fact
that it was April, the height of the dry season, and even if it was early
morning the Europeans' armor might have tired them more quickly by
trapping heat and humidity. Walking through water, with a sandy bottom,
would also be difficult and tiring. The accuracy of the Spanish missiles
must have been further degraded by the weariness of the troops.
Nevertheless, later Spanish expeditions also fought in harsh or diffi-
cult terrain. Legazpi's men had to approach the shore in boats and
establish a beachhead under fire before coming to grip

of Zula. Martin de Goiti had to cross open ground t
attack a fortified Manila. Juan de Salcedo attacked fort
walls and moats. Thus, while terrain and other phy
have been a factor in Magellan's defeat, it was not o
overcome.
In terms of weaponry, although the European weap

on an "absolute" scale, be said to have been more "ad
cumstances might have negated many of these weapo
may have helped lead to Magellan's defeat. Magellan c
people of Mactan in a long-range missile duel with cr
buses. The aimed, full-power range of a crossbow wa
to seventy yards, although when it was pointed upwa
pressive fire its range was about 350 yards. The gre
crossbow was its power, which was most advantageou
opponents. The warriors of Mactan were apparendy n
and relied on agility for safety. This negated the pow
crossbow, and even put the crossbow at a disadvanta
extremely slow reloading time. The arquebus, or th
many of the same limitations. It too was very slow-firin
and had the added penalty of being potentially danger
because the arquebus operated by touching a lit fuse
could sometimes explode (Peterson 1956, 10-13). Mag
gated his advantage in weaponry because he was unab
large cannons because he chose to attack at low tide
could not anchor near enough to the shore for their
although too much can be made of this. Early cannon
curate and had extremely low rates of fire.
However, if his missile weapons failed him, Magel
ways ordered a charge to engage in close combat. Ear
like these were inherently inaccurate, and really only us
bers. The conquistadors won most of their victories
sword or the spear, yet Magellan failed or was unable
Why he was unable to order a charge is likely direc
reasons why he and his men were unable to overcom
Pigafetta's account indicates clearly was that there
cohesion . The men refused to listen to Mag

expend their missiles futilely, and when as
integrated, leaving Magellan with on
Magellan was unable to overcome the ter
his shaken and demoralized men could n
quired such a high level of cohesion, m
This essay postulates that the main re
to successfully lead his men in combat
ready been called into question before e
Castilian majority of the crew, especially
for being a Portuguese even before they
254). Magellan had tried to put as many P
was prevented by the crown. His capitula
could only take a limited number of Por
260). As stated previously, personal ties
Magellan was aware of this, hence his at
in the boats.
On the voyage itself, "Magellan's captains had boasted to their friends

that if the Portuguese captain caused any trouble they would kill him"
(Cushner 1966, 15). The expected mutiny broke out on 2 April 1520.
The ringleaders were mainly Castilian, but it also included a French
priest. The mutineers almost succeeded in commandeering the fleet's
vessels, but Magellan managed to reassert his control. However, he had
to forgive most of the mutineers due to manpower problems (ibid., 16).
There is a note of irony in the fact that Juan de Cartagena, one of the
two whom Magellan marooned in Patagonia for instigating the mutiny,
was instructed by Charles V to ensure that there was "concord among
the persons in charge" (Carlos I 1903, 290).
Whatever the case may be, the mutiny highlights Magellan's lack of
authority, the distrust his men had in him, and the lack of cohesion and
bonding on the part of the crew. That he had to forgive most of the
mutineers would not have helped, as it would have kept discontented
men in the ranks and given them time to nurse their grievances. The end
result was that in combat Magellan was unable to keep his men together.
Except for a handful, like the loyal Pigafetta, most of Magellan's men did
not accept his command, and during the Batde of Mactan the Europe-
ans lost their cohesion and acted like a panicky

L. A. Marshall (1947) made clear, is the essent
it prevents the breakdown of discipline and o
purpose and direction.32
The Batde of Mactan can then be better un
defeat rather than a local victory first and for
sion, equally small numbers of Spaniards coul
numbers of local warriors who were using the
This is not to deny Lapu Lapu and his men th
Unfortunately, the complete lack of sources fr
that we are simply unable to determine what
his commanders did right. For instance, it ma
Lapu Lapu or his commanders somehow preve
warriors of Mactan in the face of the Magella
missiles, although in the later battles of Legaz
of the Philippines tended to flee when the Sp
cause of their missile fire. Until more can be
know how Lapu Lapu commanded his troops (
has to be concluded that the warriors of Mactan
of the ordinary. They followed the native disc
first and only time it led to victory against th
The irony is that the Battle of Mactan is of
example of the battles between the peoples of
the Europeans. In fact, it was the one exceptio
peoples of the Philippine islands won. The Span
ations in the battles of Manila and Cebu: t
outnumbered, had to attack across the water,
who skirmished and avoided hand-to-hand wa
fought in combats that could be considered re
Battle of Mactan: Salcedo's attacks on fortress
naval battle at Bancusay Bay were all difficult
of the Philippine islands fought hard. Howeve
leadership of Salcedo, Legazpi, Sauz, and Goiti
of some innate characteristics of the conquist
the Spaniards militarily "won" every single o
Legazpi, Goiti, or Salcedo all had the benefit of
forces - often more of them too, and th

enlist indigenous support.
Conclusion
The Battle of Mactan was the clash of two different conceptions o

batde and combat. First, there were the warriors of Mactan, who fol
lowed their risk-averse, aggregative, display-oriented, skirmish-style
discourse on war. Then there were the Europeans under Magellan, wh
followed the materialistic, confrontational, aggressive style of the con
quistadors. The interaction of the two produced what John Lynn call
in his chart "the reality of war."
In future engagements, the peoples of the Philippines reacted to the
aggressive Spanish shock tactics by running away, only logical given their
aversion to casualties and the reading of displays of spiritual potency in
warfare. This would be the "normal" reality of war, and, because the
conquistador's discourse on war frequendy defined a tactical victory as
possession of the battlefield and the dispersal of enemy forces, the late
conquistadors could often claim victory.33 Thus, by happenstance almos
the Iberian tendency to advance coincided with the indigenous notion
of casualty aversion, a product of cultural and material conditions.
However, von Moltke famously said that no plan survives first con-
tact with the enemy, and the Magellan expedition was unable to carry out
their ideal notion of batde because of an internal failure of cohesion.
The result was defeat, and, ironically, the Battle of Mactan was the only
"decisive" native victory in the Spanish conquest of the sixteenth cen-
tury, since Magellan's death forced the Europeans to leave the Philippine
islands in the interim. The Europeans were given no chance to adapt and
create what Lynn calls an "alternative discourse on war" to account for
their lack of cohesion.
Ironically, therefore, the Batde of Mactan was actually atypical of the

Spanish-native engagements during the Spanish conquest. While the
peoples of the Philippines fought in roughly the same way as they would
in later engagements, the Europeans did not fight in Mactan according
to their own discourse on war. Yet, the Batde of Mactan, as the most
famous of all the engagements in the Spani

be illustrative of prehispanic Philippine mar
The Battle of Mactan has become the local version of the Battle of
Isandhlwana. It too has become the basis of a historical and national-
istic legend. Much is made of the Zulu victory in Isandhlwana but their
defeats in Rorke's Drift or Ulundi are less emphasized.34 Indeed, the
similarities between Isandhlwana and Mactan are striking. The case can
be made that, like Magellan, it was essentially Lord Chelmsford's weak
leadership that cost the British the batde, since similar Zulu tactics in the
Battles of Rorke's Drift and Ulundi ended in disaster for the Zulus
(James 1995, 257-58; Holmes 2001, 1021-22). Another similarly legend-

ary, but atypical, batde is Hannibal's victory at Cannae (Goldsworthy
2000, 42-91), which was also caused by weak leadership on the part of
the Roman commanders, especially Varro. In both these battles the de-
feated parties lost because of faults in leadership, cohesion, or bad luck,
but would then go on to defeat their enemies because of the qualities
of their material culture, like superior organization or a brutal and reso-
lute approach to combat. In other words, culture would prove the key
to victory, and, like Mactan one can see these battles as exceptions, per-
haps even exceptions that prove the rule. Whenever the Spaniards, for
instance, could properly deploy their discourse on war, the indigenous
discourse on war could not attain victory, at least tactically.
One final note must be made of the relationship of warfare during
the Spanish conquest and warfare in other parts of Southeast Asia in
roughly the same period. This is important because Michael W. Charney
(2004), in his Southeast Asian Warfare, 1 300- 1 900, has recently challenged
most of the old theories of warfare, especially those laid down by An-
thony Reid. Charney argues that widespread killing and siege warfare
were far more common than Reid and others have given credit for.
However, the records of the Spanish conquest do not support this
theory for the Philippines. Warfare and conflict in the Philippine islands
were certainly not bloodless, since headtaking and ritual sacrifice were
part of combat. Yet, the warriors of Luzon and the Visayas were far too
quick to escape from the Spaniards, and did not defend their settlements
stubbornly, even important ones like Cebu or fortified ones like Manila.
They made no concerted attempts to retake th

had been captured. Although the people of Ceb
Spanish lines, this did not take the shape
Visayan efforts slackened further after the S
Perhaps this proves that the peoples of the
caught by surprise by the Spaniards after all, alt
likely given previous knowledge of the Portug
Visayas in 1521, and seems especially unlikely
expedition, when the natives were fully aware
fought in the same way as in Mactan). What m
that European contact, especially with the D
escalation in the level of violence in warfare for the rest of Southeast
Asia - an argument that Charney (2004, 21) himself suggests. It is pos-

sible that prolonged contact with Europeans would have changed
Philippine approaches to war as well. Unlike the peoples of Java or Thai-
land, the peoples in Luzon and the Visayas did not have intensive
military contact with Europeans, and they also accepted Spanish authority
much too quickly for them to adapt or learn from European methods
of warfare during the conquest period. It would certainly be interesting
to track Spanish influence on native warfare after the Spanish conquest
and see if the peoples of the Philippines ever created an "alternative
discourse on war" when they perceived that the Spaniards had managed
to establish their control over the islands and needed to be resisted.
Or another possibility may be that the more established or more

powerful Southeast Asian cultures in Vietnam, Thailand, or Java had
more resources, were more politically advanced, and were more central-
ized, which was why they fought differendy from the peoples of the
Philippines. The chiefs of Luzon and the Visayas could simply not af-
ford to waste manpower, and likely did not have the coercive power to
compel their followers into accepting massive casualties in combat. This
would then bring Philippine prehispanic warfare closer to warfare of
"primitive" peoples, and perhaps the peoples of Luzon and the Visayas
showed how war was fought in Southeast Asia before the formation of
large polities. This study does not try to contradict Charney per se, but
it is suggesting that if Charney is to be accepted then the example of
the Battle of Mactan suggests that, contextually, the peoples of the Phil-
ippines may have been different from most of S

respects, while still following the broad contours
gion (for instance, a similar emphasis on ruse
economic attacks).
Whatever the case may be, this study has endea
Batde of Mactan by taking its circumstances int
it must always be remembered that warfare does
and battles must be understood in their proper
context if they are to be of any value to the pres
Notes
I am very grateful to the two anonymous referees for their extremely valuable
inputs. I would also like to thank my Master's thesis panelists, Dr. Rico Jose, Dr.
Francis Gealogo, and Dr. Fernando Zialcita. Dr. Alexander Dracobly, of the
University of Oregon, directed me to many new works on military historiogra-
phy, which helped update many of my points and ideas. I especially would like
to thank Dr. Glenn May, also of the University of Oregon, for his untiring
support and whose insight on the neglected Spanish side in Philippine revolu-
tionary historiography was what prompted me to review my thesis and made me
radically change my original conclusions. Finally, I would especially like to thank
Dr. Filomeno Aguilar, who has been my mentor, editor, and friend. Whatever
coherence and insight this study has is due in no small measure to his sagacity
and untiring scrutiny, and whatever faults it has are entirely my own.
1. This vague reference could mean anything from 180 yards to 1,080 yards
(Peterson 1956, 10). Perhaps the example of Hans Delbrück may one day be
followed, and if the actual site can be found a survey can tell how far it was that
Magellan and his crew had to wade.
2. This figure is close to the "two thousand" warriors with which Tupas of
Cebu would later oppose Legazpl.
3. Pigafetta makes vague references to indigenous formations. It is hard to
determine if Lapu Lapu's warriors really did form up into three sections, or if
there were simply too many of them that they naturally surrounded the Euro-
peans. It is possible that Lapu Lapu had actual combat formations if he was in
contact with the warfare styles of, say, the Bugis in Bone or the Siamese, who
theoretically had formations in battle (Charney 2004, 6-8).
4. If these figures are to be believed, then the warriors of Mactan were still
able to destroy almost ten percent of Magellan's forces - or five out of forty-
nine. However, these casualties were inflicted only after the barrage had been
sustained over a period of time, and with the loc

numerical superiority, which still suggests a rela
5. Maximilian of Translyvania's account of t
coincide with Pigafetta's or Fernando de Olive
descriptions of the voyage, is likely not very r
account of the voyage by interviewing th
Pigafetta's account is of course accepted as
veteran, having served in the galleys of the Kn
ably be relied upon to understand what was go
account of the voyage is filled with remarkably
of Transylvania, Pigafetta was an eyewitness.
6. Many martial arts websites make this claim
Tactics n.d.; Bergamo n.d.; Sabayan Kali 2006.
ish the dedication to martial expertise by these
7. These other battles are only rarely mention
For instance, the fifth edition of Agoncillo and
People (1977) and Corpuz's The Roots of the Filipi
the battle fought in Cebu in 1565 at all. Rather v
that Legazpi arrived in the Philippine islands a
Cebu.
8. This study defines "culture" as the specifi

social group, like the sixteenth-century coasta
islands, or of a subgroup of a larger society, lik
worldview is the product of the society's hist
society's actions and responses, culture therefo
also influenced by a society's physical circumst
ating factors" mentioned previously. Included
guage, technology, philosophy, ethics, religion
governance, among others.
9. As a corollary, "war" is defined as a "cultur
uct of human social structures (Carneiro 1994,
groups of people, not mere individuals, and th
pendent." Warfare is goal-oriented, organized,
mindless violence (O'Connell 1995, 5; Lynn 20
goals or objectives in war may encompass "som
religious, ideological, or cultural purpose" (Lyn
10. The disbursement of prestige goods may
ing or immediately after combat itself, as it w
34).
11. Michael Charney's (2004, 18-22) recent work on Southeast Asian warfare
contradicts Reid's theory, however. He mentions documentary evidence that may
contradict the notion that Southeast Asians avoided casualties. He also mentions
Gerrit Knaap's argument that perhaps warriors in co

tional and calculating in the heat of batde. However,
probably the widespread introduction of European w
invading Europeans - especially the Dutch - that allo
escalation in the levels of violence in warfare. Charn
the notion that killing was also ritualistic. However,
ish conquest does not suggest that the peoples of th
widespread killing in batde.
12. Militarily, these methods could include slave-raid
or gobat , or ambushes, or attacks on ports and othe
lomatic means may include intermarriage or simple d
other methods are extensively covered in Angeles 2
Junker 2000.
13. Leonard Andaya (1981, 184) also comments that
were rare and did not involve many casualties.
14. Again, Charney (2004, 73-74) rebuts this theory
east Asians did engage in furious siege warfare. Yet th
Spanish conquest suggest that in the Philippines, at
native defenders fled from opponents they perceiv
defend their fortifications with much persistence,
uniqueness of Philippine warfare relative to Charney
Asian warfare will be explored at the end of this stud
15. In many other cultures, notions of social rankin
into combat itself (O'Connell 1995, 114).
16. Placing the elite warriors on an elevated platfo
purposes: elevation added power to their missiles, mad
lessened the force of missiles thrown at them from a
the main deck were more vulnerable to enemy missile
the upper deck could only have served to strengthen no
17. In Maguindanao, social ranking certainly influen
naval raids. The datu and the other high-ranking m
fixed share of the slaves, while the warriors were m
slaves than the rowers (Laarhoven 1989, 162-63).
18. lieto was describing the "peasant" interpretatio
However, he himself links this notion of "power" wi
"power" in Javanese society and history.
19. It certainly worked quite well on Alcina (1668/2
they [the tattoos] caused me much horror and revuls
only natural."
20. Elite duels in the battiefield can be found elsewhere in this chronicle.
They are also mentioned in Prince Damrong's (2001) famous account of Thai
batdes against the Burmese.
21. However, Raja Kecil did not think he coul

of the latter's maille armor, and Raja Kecil su
through the chest instead. This did not work i
Parani 's Buginese continued the fight, this tim
1975, 303-4). Perhaps it was because Raja Kecil
ess through the accepted rituals of the duel?
22. Some local epics like the Ljam-ang depict
in them. It is tempting to use these as proof o
ture in the prehispanic Philippines. This, howe
these epics can be properly situated in their hi
23. In medieval Europe, a fief could include a
or any other money-generating item, and did no
land. Some fiefs were sums of cash outright, t
Magellan and his crew perhaps may be seen as
could mean being raised up to the knightly clas
a nobleman.
24. The values of chivalry were especially widespread in early modern Spain.
25. It was precisely because Magellan and other conquistadors were so un-
controllable that the officers of the Legazpi expedition became, in part, salaried
employees of the state.
26. The Legazpi expedition brought swords and shields, for instance. Further,
it is highly unlikely that the men of the Legazpi expedition used pikes - a
weapon that can be twenty feet long - when they rowed ashore in boats during
the taking of Cebu, or when they clambered up a slope and squeezed through
the gunports of the fortifications of Manila, for instance.
27. For Magellan's life, see Daniel 1964; Nowell 1962; Stanley 1874; Zweig 1938.
28. This was in retrospect because Maximilian of Transylvania, the author of
the quote, was speaking long after 1521, and knew of Cortez's victories against
the Aztecs. Maximilian claimed that this was Magellan's speech before the Batde
of Mactan, which is hardly likely since Magellan would not have been aware of
Cortez's conquests - which were happening either concurrendy, or happened
afterwards.
29. Given that the people of Cebu were aware of the Portuguese, or that
gunpowder was widely available in the area (even if it was not used by the
Visayans), it is hardly likely that the men of Lapu Lapu were faced with any kind
of cultural or technological shock. The bravery the natives displayed during the
Batde of Mactan also speaks against shock or surprise of any kind.
30. Marshall had studied combat in the Second World War, but his work has
often been used for other periods. Note, for instance, Lynn's use of it for the
armies of Louis XIV or those of the early French Republic.
31. However, they are part of my Master's thesis (Angeles 2006) on which
this article is based.
32. Perhaps Magellan can be faulted for not using

ever, given that he was unable to keep the Europea
native troops was likely not to have helped. These t
less reason to stick with Magellan. The situation mi
bated by the tendency of native troops to quickly w
minent defeat.
33. Whether these were "actual" victories in a broader strategic sense is far
more debatable, because Legazpi still had to find ways of attracting Tupas and
the other ostensibly "defeated" chiefs in order to secure his objectives. This is
covered in greater detail in Angeles 2006.
34. In the Battle of Isandhlwana 22,000 Zulus overwhelmed 1,400 British
soldiers and killed all but 60. In the Battle of Rorke's Drift 149 British soldiers
held off and defeated 4,000 Zulus. The Battle of Ulundi was the final battle of
the Zulu War, and broke the back of the Zulu Nation.
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The Battle of Mactan and the Indigenous Discourse on War

Author(s): Jose Amiel Angeles

The Spanish conquest of the Philippines is a neglected topic in Philip-

KEYWORDS: Spanish conquest, warfare, indigenous culture, discourse

When mention is made of the Spanish conquest of the Ph

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 55, no. 1 (2007): 3-52

the peoples of the Philippines would

the large ships from supporting Magellan with t

If the latter is the case, one wonders why the

- that Magellan's legs were relatively undefended.

Philippine Military Historiography

double envelopment, or the "principle of co

Geographically, the study is limited to lo

This study follows the conceptual framework formulated by John

Source: Lynn 2004

"Discourse" is defined as "the complex of assumptions, perceptions,

Saavedra (1527-1529), and Villalobos (1542-1546), befo

of a new world." However, the evidence pres

Spiritual Potency and Warfare

The indigenous lowland coastal peoples that

cal authority was established through displays of

nities as individuals and making sure the

The "perpetual competition," together with the uncertainties of suc-

showing a chief's bellicosity and valor, raiding

The Purpose of Battles

In many cases, the costs and risks of frontal

in general had a propensity for "deception" in combat and chose to

fought pitched combats (Andaya 1975, 90

Defensive responses to frontal aggressio

powerful chief could partake of the benefits and p

ability of victory (Rodriguez 1999, 87, 112).

It is not easy to determine which sections of indigenous society fought

Membership in these status groups could be ver

gious public offices and duties than oth

and training in weapons handling may only be hinted at b

Indigenous Battle Tactics and Weapons

Following John Lynn's framework, indigenous behavior or

god-given sanctity" (Reid 1988, 125). l

of Mactan shouted loudly as they attacked (

armies without really exposing his warrior

There is a significant lack of hand-to-hand combat in the narrative of

Perhaps Margaret Wiener's (1995, 199) expla

However, there is some reason to believe that indigenous weapons

However, in other Southeast Asian cultures, these skirmishes served

Minangkabau, even arranged to fight a

Resolution and Aftermath

To summarize the points presented using Lynn's framework, the warfare

alties. Even headhunting might have served to lim

The coastal peoples of the Philippines, therefore, foug

battles were arenas of spiritual conflict, t

peoples of the Philippines reacted to defeat in batde. Tupas, Soliman,

ticed to surrender. Still, both men were cl

The Backgrounds of the Conquistadors

The picture cannot be completed without de

The documents in the Blair and R

culture spread throughout Spanish (especially Casti

What all this meant was that Magellan and his m

This leads direcdy to the next point. Magellan's m

tude what the crown was to provide - in this