Alina REŞCEANU

INTRODUCTION TO GENERAL
LINGUISTICS:

Notes for the English Language Course

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 Alina ​REŞCEANU

INTYRODUCTION TO GENERAL
LINGUISTICS:

Notes for the English Language Course

Editura Universitaria
Craiova, 2015

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Referenţi ştiinţifici:
Prof. univ. dr. Victor Olaru, Universitatea din Craiova
Lect. univ. dr. Anamaria Trantescu, Universitatea din Craiova

Copyright © 2015 Universitaria

Toate drepturile sunt rezervate Editurii Universitaria

Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naţionale a României

REŞCEANU, ALINA
Introduction to general linguistics: notes for the English
language course​ / Alina Reşceanu. - Craiova: Universitaria,
2015
Conţine bibliografie
ISBN 978-606-14-0963-1

811.111

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 CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 11
CHAPTER 1. LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTICS 13
1.1 What is human language? 13
1.1.1 Design features of language 14
1.2 What is linguistics? 16
1.2.2 The two axes of the synchronic view 18
1.2.3 The various linguistic disciplines: Survey 19
CHAPTER 2. LANGUAGE UNIVERSALS 23
2.1 Semantic universals 23
2.2 Phonological universals 24
2.3 Syntactic universals 25
2.4 Absolute universals – universal tendencies; implicational –
nonimplicational universals 25
CHAPTER 3. THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH:
OLD ENGLISH 27
3.1 Languages in Britain before English 29
3.1.1 Celtic languages 29
3.1.2 Latin 30
3.2 Old English 31
3.2.1 Features of Old English 31
3.2.2 Scandinavian influence on Old English 33
CHAPTER 4. THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH: MIDDLE ENGLISH 35
4.1 The change from Old English to Middle English 35
4.2 Modern English 38
CHAPTER 5. LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND DISORDERS 41
5.1 Child language acquisition 41
5.1.1 Milestones 41
5.1.2 Stages 42
5.2 Language development and maturation 43
5.3 Second language acquisition 45
5.4 Language disorders 47
5.4.1 Aphasia 47
5.4.2 Anomia 48
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5.4.3 Dyslexia 49
5.4.4 Dysgraphia 49
5.5 Errors 49
CHAPTER 6. COMMUNICATION 51
6.1 Saussure's model of the speech circuit 52
6.2 Shannon's and Moles' communication models 53
6.2.1 Elements of the communication process 54
6.3 Bühler's organon model 55
6.4 Jakobson's model of communicative functions 57
CHAPTER 7. PHONETICS 61
7.1 Articulatory phonetics - consonants 62
7.1.1 Voicing 63
7.1.2 Manner of articulation 63
7.1.2.1 Plosives and continuants 63
7.1.2.2. Aspiration 64
7.1.3 Place of articulation 64
7.2 Articulatory phonetics — vowels 65
CHAPTER 8. PHONOLOGY 69
8.1 Phonemes and allophones 69
8.2 Distinctive features 70
8.3 Redundant features 71
8.4 Rules of phonology 71
8.4.1 Assimilation rules 72
8.4.2 Feature addition rules 72
8.4.3 Segment-deletion and addition rules 72
8.4.4 Movement (metathesis) rules 73
CHAPTER 9. MORPHOLOGY 75
9.1 Types of morphemes 76
9.1.1 Grammatical classification 76
9.1.2 Morphological classification 77
9.1.3 Morph, morpheme, and allomorph 78
9.2 Morphology and word-formation 79
9.2.1 Inflection 80
9.2.2 Word formation 80
9.2.2.1 Derivation. 80

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9.2.2.2 Compounding 81
9.2.2.3 Other processes of word-formation 81
9.3 Word classes and sentence functions 82
CHAPTER 10. SYNTAX 85
10.1 What is a sentence? 85
10.1.1 Aristotelian definition 85
10.1.2 Logical definition 86
10.1.3 Structuralist definition (Bloomfield) 86
10.2 Grammaticality and acceptability 86
10.3 Sentence types 87
10.4 Sentence structure 88
10.4.1 Segmentation 88
10.4.1.1 Reduction by omission 88
10.4.1.2 Reduction by substitution 89
10.4.2 Expansion and reduction 89
10.5 Immediate constituents 90
10.5.1 Noun phrase and verb phrase 90
10.5.2 Modes of representation 91
10.5.2.1 Labeled bracketing 91
10.5.2.2 Block diagram 91
10.5.2.3 Tree diagrams 92
10.5.3 Phrase structure grammar 92
10.5.4 Recursivity rules 94
10.5.5 Problems with IC-Analysis 94
10.6 Transformational generative grammar (TGG) 95
10.6.1 The components of TGG 95
10.6.2 Summary of TGG 96
10.6.3 Transformational rules 97
CHAPTER 11. SEMIOTICS 99
11.1 Saussure 100
11.1.1 The two-sided sign 100
11.1. 2 Concept and sound image 101
11.1.3 Meaning as opposition 102
11.2 Peirce 103
11.2.1 The triadic sign 104

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11.2.1.1 The representamen 105
11.2.1.2 The object 105
11.2.1.3 The interpretant 106
11.2.1.4 Unlimited semiosis 106
11.2.2 Firstness, secondness, thirdness 107
CHAPTER 12. SEMANTICS 109
12.1 The meaning of "meaning" 109
12.2 Word meaning and sentence meaning 110
12.3 Lexical semantics 111
12.3.1 Semantic features 111
12.3.2 Denotation versus connotation 112
12.3.3 Lexical fields 112
12.3.3.1 Markedness 113
12.4 The most relevant semantic relations between lexemes 113
12.4.1 Hyponymy 113
12.4.2 Synonymy 114
12.4.3 Antonymy 114
12.4.4 Asymmetry of the lexeme 114
12.4.4.1 Homonymy. 114
12.4.4.2 Polysemy 115
12.5 Metaphor 115
12.6 Deixis 116
CHAPTER 13. PRAGMATICS 119
13.1 Information structure 120
13.1.1 Categories of information structure 121
13.1.2 Pragmatic categories and syntax 122
13.2 Speech acts 124
13.2.1 Types of speech acts 125
13.2.2 Locution, illocution, perlocution 125
13.2.3 The cooperative principle 127
13.2.4 Indirect speech acts 129
CHAPTER 14. TEXT LINGUISTICS 131
14.1 What is text linguistics? 131
14.2 The principles of textuality 132
14.2.1 Cohesion 133

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14.2.1.1 Recurrence 133
14.2.1.2 Junction 134
14.2.2 Coherence 134
14.2.3 Intentionality and acceptability 136
14.2.4 Informativity 137
14.2.5 Situationality 138
14.2.6 Intertextuality 138
CHAPTER 15. SOCIOLINGUISTICS 141
15.1 Variation in language 141
15.1.1 Regional variation in language 143
15.1.1.1 Dialect vs. Accent 144
15.1.1.2 Varieties of English 144
15.1.2 Social variation in language 145
15.1.2.1 Elaborated vs. restricted code 145
15.1.2.2 Objections 147
15.1.2.3 Code switching 148
15.1.3 Ethnic variation in language 148
15.1.4 Lingua franca, pidgins and Creoles 149
15.1.5 Variation in language and sex 151
15.2 Register and Style 151
15.2.1 Style 151
15.2.2 Register 152
BIBLIOGRAPHY 155

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 INTRODUCTION
The overall aim of this course book is to investigate the
basic principles of language and to familiarize the students
with linguistic theory with emphasis on the English language.
The students will learn about the origins as well as the history
of the language and how we acquire and use it. Taking a look
on the history of English, the students will gain insight into the
principles of language change. They will be introduced to
communication models, theories of the linguistic sign and to
examples of how the linguistic sign is applied; phonetics,
phonology, morphology, syntax, semiotics, and semantics are
further stations on our linguistic journey. We will start at the
beginnings, pass contemporary linguistic theory​, and finish
with the latest developments, namely computer linguistics.
At the end of this course, the students should be know the
basic principles concerning the structure and use of languages
in general and the linguistic sign in particular and they should
then be able to apply this knowledge to the analysis and
interpretation of language.
These are notes for the Introduction to Linguistics course
taught to English major students at the University of Craiova. It
should help them in learning and understanding the topics we
will deal with. However, it cannot convert the students into a
full–sized linguist. The study of linguistics is a vast field and
this is just an introductory​ ​course.
Therefore, the information provided in these notes does
not cover all and everything the students need to know to
specialize in the various fields of linguistics. Rather, it is a
starting point from which they may proceed. Suggestions for
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further reading will always be given at each seminar. The
reading of these texts should suffice for the students to be able
to give detailed answers to the questions on the weekly work
sheets they are given in class.
In addition, the students can have a look at the
bibliography at the end of these notes. There they will find
suggestions for further reading that may help them in the
future, when they need more detailed information. Thus, the
course book should still be of use for the students’ studies after
this introductory course.

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 Chapter 1. Language and
Linguistics

In this course book, we will take a look at the unique

features of human language. Language has been examined by
linguists and philosophers for several millennia. Therefore, we
can look back on a respectable stock of literature on the topic
originating from the times of Ancient Greece until the present
day. The result is a compendium of linguistic disciplines that
are interwoven with the domains of, among others, philosophy,
psychology, neurology, and even computer science: a vast and
fascinating network of knowledge.

1.1 What is human language?

According to the Oxford English dictionary, the
etymology of the (English) word "language" dates to the 14th
century, from both the Middle English and Old French word
"​lang​" (tongue, language), which originated from the Latin
word "lingua" (tongue). ​Language is defined as "being a
system of communication consisting of a set of small parts and
a set of rules which decide the ways in which these parts can be
combined to produce messages that have meaning" (Oxford
English Dictionary, OUP, 1999)
So, language is a highly elaborated signaling system. We
call the aspects that are peculiar to it the ​design features ​of
language. Some of these we find only with the language of
human beings, others we have in common with animals.
Another aspect of human language is that we express ​thoughts
with words.

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1.1.1 DESIGN FEATURES OF LANGUAGE
A principle feature of human language is the duality of
patterning. It enables us to use our language in a very ​economic
way for a virtually infinite production of linguistic units. How
does this principle work?
All human languages have a ​small,​ ​limited set ​of
speech sounds. The limitation derives from the restricted
capacity of our ​vocal apparatus.​
The speech sounds are referred to as ​consonants and
vowels​.
Linguistically speaking, the distinctive speech sounds
are called ​phonemes,​ which are explained in more detail in
the chapter on ​phonology​. You cannot use isolated
phonemes for communication, because phonemes are by
themselves meaningless. But we can assemble and
reassemble phonemes into larger linguistic units. These are
commonly called "words". Although our capacity to
produce new phonemes is limited, we frequently coin new
words. Hence, our capacity to produce vocabulary is
unlimited.
Displacement
In contrast to other animals, humans have a sense of
the past and the future. A gorilla, for example, cannot tell
his fellows about his parents, his adventures in the jungle, or
his experience of the past. The use of language to talk about
things other than "the here and now", is a characteristic of
humans. Displacement is thus our ability to convey a
meaning that transcends the immediately perceptible sphere
of space and time.

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 Although some animals seem to possess abilities
appropriating those of displacement, they lack the freedom
to apply this to new contexts. The dance of the honey-bee,
for instance, indicates the locations of rich deposits of food
to other bees. This ability of the bee corresponds to
displacement in human language, except for a lack of
variation. The bee frequently repeats the same patterns in its
dance, whereas humans are able to invent ever new
contexts.
Open-endedness
The ability to say things that have never been said
before, including the possibility to express invented things
or lies, is also a peculiar feature of human language.
Stimulus-freedom is another aspect that distinguishes
human language from animal communication. The honey-bee
must perform its dance, the woodchuck must cry out in order to
warn his fellows when it beholds an eagle.
Humans have the ability to say anything they like in
any context. This ability is only restricted in certain
ceremonial contexts such as church services, etc., where a
fixed form is expected to be followed. The possibility to
violate this fixed linguistic behavior is then the source of
jokes, such as a bride's "no".
Arbitrariness
Why is a table called "table"? Obviously, the thing
never told us its name. And tables do not make a noise
similar to the word. The same applies to most of the words
of our language.
Hence, words and their meaning have no ​a priori
connection. We cannot tell from the sound structure which

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 meaning is behind it. Language is not ​motivated​, as we can
also put it.
There are, however, exceptions to this rule: language
can be ​iconic,​ which means that there is a direct correlation
between form and meaning. The length of a phrase, for
example, could represent a length of time the phrase refers
to, like in "a long, long time ago". Here, the extension
serves to visually represent the semantic emphasis. Iconicity
in language can be found frequently. We will see this in
more detail in the chapter on ​semiotics.​ Another example for
nonarbitrariness is ​onomatopoeia​. These are words that
seem to resemble sounds. There are many examples for
onomatopoetic words, like ​splash or bang​. Some names for
animals are also onomatopoetic, for example, "cuckoo".
Still, since animals such as the bird are named differently in
different languages, there can be no ultimate motivation for
the name.
The human vocal tract
An elaborated language requires a highly
sophisticated speech organ that will enable the speaker to
produce the many differentiated sounds. Only humans are
endowed with a speech organ of this complexity.

1.2 What is linguistics?

Linguistics is the scientific inquiry into the human

language with all its aspects. ​All its aspects:​ these are many.
There is a specialized branch for each approach to the
examination of language.

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 Until the beginning of the 20th century, scholars were
occupied with research on the history of languages and the
roots of words in ancient tongues. The famous linguist
Ferdinand de Saussure coined this approach the ​diachronic
analysis and moved to the analysis of the system of language,
which he assumed to be of greater importance. Saussure stated
this in the first decades of this century and thus formed the
fundament of modern linguistics.

1.2.1 DIACHRONIC VERSUS SYNCHRONIC VIEW

Diachrony
Diachronic linguistics views the historical
development of a language. Thus, on the diachronic axis we
can go back and forth in time, watching the language with
all its features change.
Synchrony
Synchronic linguistics views a particular state of a
language at some given point in time. This could mean
Modern English of the present day, or the systematic
analysis of the system of Shakespeare's English. However,

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 no comparisons are made to other states of language or
other times.
Modern linguistics, following Ferdinand de Saussure,
is primarily interested in the synchronic point of view.
Saussure postulated the priority of synchrony: no
knowledge of the historical development of a language is
necessary to examine its present system. He arrived at this
radical viewpoint due to his conviction that linguistic
research must concentrate on the ​structure of language.
Later, the whole paradigm was hence called ​structuralism​.

1.2.2 THE TWO AXES OF THE SYNCHRONIC VIEW

When we look at the structure of language, we find

sentences and words. This is, however, a very rough view. A
grammar of a language must be more precise.
One axis of the synchronic view is syntagmatic analysis.
Here we examine the relationships of all elements of a sentence
to one another. We ask ourselves exactly what element appears
where and under which condition in a sentence. For example,
where do nouns appear? Where are auxiliary verbs applied? All
word classes show certain syntagmatic relationships. They can
be defined by ​distribution analysis,​ a method that classifies
elements according to their appearance within the logical order
of a sentence.
Let's have a look at an example:

A + ______ + crosses + the + street

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 Obviously, a noun must appear in the blank space, for
example: a ​woman​ crosses the street.
Of course, nouns and verbs are not all the same. They do
not fit into contexts freely. Hence we apply ​paradigmatic
analysis.​ In our example, the idea of a sandwich crossing the
street is impossible.
As you can see, the elements of language obviously
evince paradigmatic relationships. Elements can be
substituted by others of the same paradigmatic class, such as
street, lane, road, etc. Articles can also be exchanged.
Words that belong to the same paradigmatic class thus
belong to the same grammatical class. They also belong to
the same ​lexical field.​
The following diagram shows the two axes of
synchronic analysis:

a woman cros the stre

ses et
t lady a lan
h e
e
female roa
d
*sandwi
ch

1.2.3 THE VARIOUS LINGUISTIC DISCIPLINES: SURVEY

In the following, the branches of linguistics we will deal

with in this course are listed. This is only a very rough
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summary. You will get more detailed information when you
turn to the respective chapters.
Historical linguistics
This discipline is occupied with the examination of
the historical development of languages. But apart from this
diachronic analysis,​ it also deals with the ​synchronic
analysis of certain states of language. In this course, we will
have a look at the development of the English language.
Language acquisition and communication
How do we learn our language? How do the processes
of language comprehension and production work? This
discipline gives answers to these questions. Also, it takes a
look at the role of memory in language and how it is used
once we are able to talk. Strictly speaking, it is a branch of
psycholinguistics,​ a discipline that emerged from the
interdisciplinary collaboration of linguistics and psychology
in the 1950's. Research in language acquisition has
meanwhile become a strong domain of its own.
Phonetics
The subjects of phonetics are the ​articulation,​
transport,​ and ​receival of speech sounds. Thus, there are
three corresponding branches of phonetics: ​articulatory,​
acoustic,​ and ​auditory phonetics.​ In contrast to ​phonology​,
phonetics deals with the physical aspect of speech sounds.
In order to give a correct transcription of speech sounds,
there are several special alphabets. The one most commonly
used is the IPA which you will find in this textbook.
Phonology
Phonology is the study of the distinctive sounds of a
language, the so-called ​phonemes​. Phonology examines the
functions of sounds w​ ithin a language.
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 Morphology
Morphemes ​are the smallest meaningful elements of a
language. Morphology is the study of these meaning units.
Not all words or even all syllables are necessarily meaning
units. Morphology employs ​discovery procedures to find
out what words or syllables are morphemes.
Syntax
Syntax is the study of sentence structure; it is a part of
grammar in the broad sense. There are several ways of
defining and examining sentences. We will have a look at
various grammars.
Semiotics
Semiotics is the study of ​signs in communication
processes in general. It concerns itself with the analysis of
both linguistic and non-linguistic signs as communicative
devices and with their systems. We will take a brief look at
the theory of signs, with emphasis on the linguistic sign.
Semantics
Linguistic semantics examines the ​meaning of
linguistic signs and strings of signs.
Pragmatics
Pragmatics is the study of the use of signs and the
relationship between signs and their users.
Text linguistics
The traditional linguistic disciplines regard the text as
a peripheral phenomenon, whereas Text linguistics regard
the text as a sign of its own. There are various text types and
mechanisms that constitute ​textuality.​ These lie beyond the
borders of the separate sentences.
Sociolinguistics
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 This is the study of the interaction of language and
social organization. There are several models that determine
the variation of language in social contexts both on an
individual as well as on a social-group scale.
Sociolinguistics is also concerned with national language
policies.
Computer linguistics (also: computational linguistics)
This domain is an interdisciplinary area of research
between linguistics and information science. There are two
main branches.
First, computer linguists simulate grammars by
implementing language structures into computer programs.
In this context, the term ​computer metaphor became
famous. It refers to the notion that the human brain can be
simulated by a computer.
Second, computer linguists use the computer as a ​tool
for the analysis of language. For instance, large corpuses of
text are processed with the aid of especially designed
software.

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 Chapter 2. Language universals

Nearly five thousand languages are spoken in the world

today. They seem to be quite different, but still, many of them
show similar principles, such as word order. For example, in
languages such as English, French, and Italian, the words of the
clause take the order of first the subject, then the verb, and then
the direct object.
There even exist basic patterns or principles that are
shared by all languages. These patterns are called ​universals.​
When the same principles are shared by several
languages, we speak of ​language types.​ There are several
examples for universals.

2.1 Semantic universals

There are semantic categories that are shared by all
cultures and referred to by all languages - these are called
semantic universals. There are many examples of semantic
universals. Let's discuss two of them:
One semantic universal regards our notion of color.
There exist eleven basic color terms: black, white, red, green,
blue, yellow, brown, purple, pink, orange, and gray. The
pattern that all languages universally abide by, is that they do
not entertain a notion of a color term outside of that range. This
means, any imaginable color is conceived of as a mixture,
shade, or subcategory of one of these eleven basic color terms.
As a result, one way of classifying languages is by color terms.
The eleven color terms are not in usage equally among the
languages on Earth. Not all languages have all basic color
terms. Some have two, some three, and some four. Others have
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five, six, or seven, and some have eight to eleven. Those with
two color terms always have black and white, those with three
black, white, and red, and those with more have additional
basic color terms according to the order in the list given above.
This is a universal pattern. The languages which have the same
basic color terms in common belong to the same language type.
Hence, we find seven classes of languages according to this
scheme.
Another semantic universal is the case of pronouns.
Think of what it is you do when you talk to someone about
yourself. There is always the "I", representing you as the
speaker, and the "you", meaning the addressee. You could not
possibly do without that, and neither could a speaker of any
other language on earth. Again, we find a universal pattern
here. Whenever you do not talk about yourself as a person, but
as a member of a group, you use the plural "we". English is
restricted to these two classes of pronouns: singular and plural,
each in the first, second, and third person. All languages that
evince this structure are grouped into one language type. There
are other languages that make use of even more pronouns. In
some languages, it is possible to address two people with a
pronoun, that specifically indicates, not just their being plural,
but also their being 'two' people; this is then the ​dual​ pronoun.
Other examples are languages that have pronouns to refer
to the speaker and the addressee together, called inclusive
pronouns. Exclusive pronouns refer to the speaker together
with people other than the addressee. However, these are not
among the European languages.

2.2 Phonological universals

Different languages may have very different sets of
vowels. If you are familiar with a few foreign languages, you
may find it difficult to believe there are universal rules
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governing the distribution of vowels, but they do exist.
Remember our example of basic color terms: A similar pattern
could be drawn on the basis of the vowel system. Languages
with few vowels always have the same set of vowel types. And
if a language has more vowels, it is always the same type of
vowel that is added to the set. These vowels may not always
sound exactly the same, but they are always created at the same
location in our vocal apparatus.

2.3 Syntactic universals

About the word order of English mentioned above, you
might think that this cannot be a universal rule, since you know
other sentences from English and possibly from other
languages which do not follow this order. You are right, but the
order subject, verb, object (SVO) may be defined as the ​basic
order of English sentences. In other languages there are
different "basic" orders, such as Japanese (SOV) or Tongan
(VSO), a Polynesian language.
After an extensive study, one can define two different
sets of basic orders that languages follow: First SVO, VSO,
SOV and second VOS, OVS, OSV. What is the difference? In
the first set the subject precedes the object, in the second set it
follows the object. Since the first set is the one which applies to
the basic structures of far more languages than the second one
does, the universal rule is that there is an overwhelming
tendency for the subject of a sentence to precede the direct
object among the languages of the world.

2.4 Absolute universals – universal tendencies;

implicational – nonimplicational universals
Of course, not all universals can be found in all
languages. With so many tongues spoken, it would be hard not

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to find any exceptions. Most languages have not even been the
subject of extensive research as of yet. However, some rules
appear without exception in the languages which have been
studied so far. We call these ​absolute universals​. If there are
minor exceptions to the rule, we speak of ​universal tendencies
or ​relative universals.​ In saying this, we take for granted that
exceptions may be found in future surveys among languages
which have remained unexplored up to the present day.
Sometimes a universal holds only if a particular
condition of the language structure is fulfilled. These
universals are called ​implicational​. Universals which can be
stated without a condition are called ​nonimplicational​. In other
words, whenever a rule "If ... then ..." is valid, the universal
appears in the structure of the respective language.
There are thus four types of universals: implicational
absolute universals, implicational relative universals,
nonimplicational absolute universals, and nonimplicational
relative universals.
The final determination of which type a universal
belongs to is dependent on intensive field research.

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 Chapter 3. The history of English:
Old English

Looking at a living language, one of the most interesting

aspects is ​language change.​ All languages, except for the
extinct ones, change permanently. Usually we do not notice the
change that takes place during our own time because it happens
quite slowly. But if we take a look back over a considerable
span of time, language change becomes more obvious. Of
course there were no textbooks in the beginnings of language,
but fortunately linguists have developed certain methods to
trace back words even beyond earliest records. Thus we have
knowledge not only of the last 1500 years of English. We can
even make an assumption about the very roots of the language.
English is an ​Indo-European language. Indo-European
was discovered to be the parent language of most European,
Anterior-Asian, and Indian languages. As a rule, according to
prototypical features of some of these languages, two main
branches are defined in the Indo-European language tree,
namely an eastern branch and a western branch. However,
scholars have disputes about where the divisions within the
Indo-European language family are to be placed. For example,
in examining languages other than the prototypical, it has been
found that not all languages can be classified into one of the
two main branches, the eastern and western branches, of
language families.
How do we recover features of languages which are so
old that no speakers live to tell us about them? Historical
linguistics deduces that an abundant occurrence of features in a
daughter language, the presence of which cannot be explained
30
by language universals or by the assumption of them having
been borrowed, or adopted, from another tongue, is likely to
have been inherited from the parent language. Thus, by
inferencing from widespread phenomena on a mother tongue
from which these phenomena came, linguists trace back
languages.
In Indo-European languages, for example, obvious
correlations can be found. The Latin and Sanskrit words for
"hundred", namely L. "centum" and S. "satem", can be traced
back to a common root. Since these two languages were
considered to be the most prominent examples for the
respective branches, the whole branches were named after
them. Also, former scholars believed that they should make
judgements about the various languages. Sanskrit, Latin, and
Greek were commonly believed to be of a higher quality than
the modern languages. Often scholars argued that these
languages were more "pure" and praised their "perfection" and
"clarity". Today we consider such notions to be outdated.
There is no room in linguistics for the approval or disapproval
of a language. If we look for the origin of a word, we call this
the word's ​etymology​ (etymon = Greek for "root").
Within the Indo-European family tree and among the
centum languages, we find language families like the
Germanic, Celtic, or Latin families. Some authors refer to the
early Germanic language as "Proto-Germanic". The Germanic
language family is again split up in the West-, East-, and
North-Germanic groups.
While the Scandinavian tongues derived from the
North-Germanic language group, Anglo-Frisian and Modern
German came from the West-Germanic group.
In the case of English, interaction with other languages
was very important during its history, as we will see. Hence,
31
many influences from foreign sources can be found in Modern
English, while the family tree does not suggest these
interchanges to have occurred.

3.1 Languages in Britain before English

3.1.1 CELTIC LANGUAGES

The first culture in England of which we have definite
knowledge is the Celtic culture and language. It is assumed that
the coming of the Celts to England coincided with the
introduction of bronze on the island. There were—and still
are—Celtic tongues spoken on the British isles.
Celtic Languages in Britain are Welsh, Cornish, Scots
Gaelic, Manx, and Irish Gaelic. The main groups of Welsh,
Scots and Irish Gaelic still exist, as does Manx, and are even

32
promoted in order to preserve the ​language community.
Cornish, however, became extinct 200 years ago when the last
recorded speaker died. Due to the above mentioned promotion,
the rest of the Celtic languages have a better chance of
surviving. Other Celtic tongues are also still spoken in Brittany
(France) and, also on the verge of becoming extinct, are
sponsored as well.

LANGUAGE AREA STATUS

Welsh (Cymric) Wales still spoken
Cornish Cornwall extinct
Scots Gaelic Scotland still spoken
Manx Isle of Man still spoken
Irish Gaelic Ireland still spoken

3.1.2 LATIN
Another language in England was Latin. It was spoken
extensively for a period of about four centuries before the
coming of English. In 55 BC, Julius Caesar decided to invade
Britain. Because of the unexpectedly powerful resistance of the
Celts, however, a final conquest could not be accomplished
until about 100 years later. Almost all of what is now England
was then subjected to Roman rule.
Naturally, the military conquest of Britain was followed
by the romanization of the province, as was the case in other
countries and provinces conquered by the Romans, such as
Gaul of present day France. The Roman culture and the Latin
language were introduced. Note, however, that the Celts, who
33
then inhabited the whole of the British isles, withstood the
Romans in the other parts of the country. Hence, Latin did not
spread further north or west of what are roughly the present
day English borders.
Latin did not replace the Celtic language in Britain. Its
use was confined to members of the upper classes such as
landowners and the bureaucracy. Nevertheless​, vocabulary
for items not known to the Celts prior to romanization
infiltrated the language of the, mainly lower class, Celts, to
some extent.

3.2 Old English

About the year of 449 an event occurred that profoundly
affected the course of history in Britain: the invasion of Britain
by certain Germanic tribes. These were the ​Angles, Saxons,
and Jutes who came from regions of Northern Europe where
natural disasters and famine, due to overpopulation, had forced
them to leave.
Since the Roman Empire was under heavy attack at many
of its borders at that time, no legions could be spared to defend
the British province. The emperor in Rome, therefore, left the
British population on their own devices. The British
inhabitants, bereft of a military force, subsequently failed to
defend themselves and what was once Roman Britain became
inhabited by the newcomers. The Celtic population was forced
to leave and take refuge in other areas of Britain. The struggle
of the Celts against the Anglo-Saxons has been preserved in
the myth of the legendary King Arthur who led his people in
their resistance.
The names "English" and "England" were then drawn
from the name of the predominant tribe of the Angles, who had

34
established their most powerful kingdom in the former Roman
province.

3.2.1 FEATURES OF OLD ENGLISH

Old English (OE) was spoken from 449 to 1100 AD.
Characteristic features of Old English are that the vocabulary is
almost purely Germanic. OE is a period of full inflections: in
form of ​endings to the noun and pronoun, the adjective and the
verb. Since the grammar of such languages depends on the
synthesis of words and endings, we call them "synthetic
languages".

Nouns.​ It is impossible here to present the inflections

of the Old English noun in detail. Their nature may be
gathered from the examples of: ​stan (stone), ​giefu (gift), and
hunta​ (hunter), a masculine consonant-stem.
Verbs.​ There are certain differences between OE
verbs and Modern English (ModE) verbs. Verbs are divided
into two classes: regular and irregular verbs. Regular verbs
35
all follow the same inflection pattern, while there are
irregularities among the second group. The latter consists of
strong, weak, and anomalous verbs. Strong verbs are called
so because a change of tense is there indicated within the
word itself, by a modification of the verb’s root vowel, such
as in sing, sang, sung. In weak verbs, like walk, walked,
walked, this change is dependent on being indicated by an
additional syllable.
OE strong verbs can still be strong verbs in ModE:
OE bit b bit bit
an a on en
t
Mo bit b bit
dE e it te
n

OE strong verbs may be regularized in ModE:

OE helpa heal hulpo hol
n p n pen
Mo help help helpe
dE ed d

OE weak verbs may be regularized in ModE:

OE lufia lufo lufodo luf
n de n od
Mo love love loved
dE d

36
3.2.2 SCANDINAVIAN INFLUENCE ON OLD ENGLISH
Invasions and conquests were quite common during the
first millennium AD in Britain. From 787 on, the Danes raided
the English coasts and the hinterland quite frequently. In 850,
they started large-scale invasions. In this period, Ælfred the
Great, king of Wessex, gained recognition due to his long but
successful struggle against the Danes. In 878 he defeated them
and saved his kingdom, although the invaders still remained in
the eastern territories. The Danish rule in these countries was
also called Danelaw. To cut a long story short - after a lot of
battles, defeats and victories, the Danish king Svein became
king of England in 1014. The Danish rule lasted until 1042.
Their language naturally had some influence on the English
tongue.
This influence can be seen mainly with the English
vocabulary, for example word-borrowings. In Old English, the
sound ​sk​, which it had inherited from its Germanic ancestors,
had soon been changed to ​sh.​ The under the Danish rule
introduced Scandinavian words, however, retained their sk
sound until today, helping us to identify the Scandinavian
word-borrowings in English. This development also produced
a range of word pairs - newly introduced Scandinavian words
then stood side by side with the already existing altered
sh-version, such as ​skiff—ship; skirt—shirt. The words of these
word pairs are thus closely related on a semantic level, but
serve to designate different aspects or understanding of the
items.
Word replacements also occurred. Several of the new
foreign words replaced OE ones, as with ​take—niman;
cast—weorpan; cut—ceorfan.

37
 In 1066, the Normans invaded England. Through the
influence of Norman French, the OE period gradually ended.

38
 Chapter 4. The history of English:
Middle English

4.1 The change from Old English to Middle English

The Middle English (ME) period lasted from about

1100–1500. Major historical events influenced the language
change. In 1066, the Duke of Normandy, the famous William,
henceforth called "the Conqueror", sailed across the British
Channel. He challenged King Harold of England in the
struggle for the English throne.
After winning the battle of Hastings where he defeated
Harold, William was crowned King of England. A Norman
Kingdom was now established. The Anglo-Saxon period was
over. The Norman invasion naturally had a profound effect on
England's institutions and its language. The Norman French
spoken by the invaders became the language of England's
ruling class. The lower classes, while remaining
English-speaking, were influenced nevertheless by the new
vocabulary. French became the language of the affairs of
government, court, the church, the army, and education where
the newly adopted French words often substituted their former
English counterparts.
The linguistic influence of Norman French continued for
as long as the Kings ruled both Normandy and England. When
King John lost Normandy in the years following 1200, the
links to the French-speaking community subsided. English then
slowly started to gain more weight as a common tongue within

39
England again. A hundred years later, English was again
spoken by representatives of all social classes, this new version
of the English language being strikingly different, of course,
from the Old English used prior to the Norman invasion.
The English spoken at this turn of events is called Middle
English. About ten thousand French words had been taken over
by English during the Middle English period, and most of them
have remained in the language until the present day. Aside
from the already mentioned new vocabulary pertaining to the
affairs of government, court, the church, the army, and
education, many words relating to food and fashion were
introduced as well. In some fields an original English
terminology did not exist.
Therefore, many French terms were borrowed. One
example is the names of animals and their meat. Whereas the
names of the animals remained the same, their meat was
renamed according to the Norman custom. This correlated to
the sociological structures: the farmers that raised the animals
were predominantly English natives and could afford to keep
using their own vocabulary while farming - those serving the
meat at the dining room table to the mainly French upper
classes had to conform to the French language.

animal meat
sheep mutton
cow beef
swine pork

40
 The English language also has doublets—these are pairs
of words that have the same etymology, i.e. the same source,
but that differ in meaning because they had been introduced
into the English language by two separate languages. The Latin
and French influence, for instance, made for many of such
word pairs. Latin vocabulary adopted by the Celts directly
became a part of English. The same vocabulary was sometimes
adopted by the Gauls and introduced to English via Norman
French .

doublets meaning
adj.
urban (area) having qualities of large settlement
urbaine (person) having a certain sense for culture
noun
curtsy female gesture of respect (bending the knees)
courtesy politeness

As far as grammar is concerned, a ​reduction of

inflections began. The grammatical gender disappeared and
inflections merged. As the inflections of the Old English
disappeared, the word order of middle English became
increasingly fixed. This change made for a great loss of strong
verbs. At a time when English was the language mainly of the
lower classes and largely removed from educational or literary
domains and influence, it was natural that many speakers
applied the pattern of inflecting weak verbs to verbs which
were historically strong. This linguistic principle of adopting
the pattern of a less common form to a more familiar one is
called ​analogy.

41
 The exclusive use of the pattern SVO (subject - verb -
object; see the chapter on universals) emerged in the twelfth
century and has remained part of English ever since.

4.2 Modern English

The Modern English (ModE) period began in 1500 and
lasts until the present day. The complex inflectional system of
Old English had been simplified during the ME period.
Modern English is therefore called the ​period of lost
inflections​.
An important phonological change of English vowels
took place between 1450 and 1650, when all long vowels
changed their quality to a great extent. This development is
called the ​Great English Vowel Shift​.
Each long vowel came to be pronounced with a greater
elevation of the tongue and closing of the mouth. Those vowels
that could be raised were raised and those that could not be
raised became diphthongs. Diphthongs are sounds where two
vowels are pronounced after another so closely that they
become one acoustic phenomenon, like in German "​Eul​ e" or
"​Au​to". "Raising" here refers to the position of the tongue in
the mouth. This movement is commonly illustrated with the
help of the following graphic, which shows where the vowels
are produced in the mouth. The top left corner, for example,
corresponds to the upper front space in the mouth, where the
tongue moves when you pronounce the /​​/.

42
 Some examples can be drawn from the pronunciation of
words at the time of Geoffrey Chaucer, one of the most famous
authors of ME, and William Shakespeare, whose use of
English was already modern.
Chaucer Shakespeare
 five 

meed 

 
clean
 

name 


goat 


root 

 down 

Short vowels were not affected by the Great English

Vowel Shift. Thus, ME ​sak ​[​​] remained ModE ​sack
[​​], ME ​fish​ remained ModE ​fish​ [​​]

43
 This phonological change did not, however, express itself
in any alterations of writing conventions. This fact is confusing
for many learners of English. The spelling conventions of
English vowels had essentially been established by the time of
William Caxton, who founded his printing press in 1476. This
was some time before the phonological change had progressed
very far. Caxton's spelling reflects the pronunciation of the
Middle English period and thus does not do justice to Modern
English pronunciation.

44
 Chapter 5. Language acquisition
and disorders

Apart from the general ​historical development of

languages, there is another, rather personal development in
each of us when we acquire a language. We undergo child
language acquisition, development, and maturation. We
acquire second, third, fourth or even more languages in school
or when we travel abroad. Another feature of personal
linguistic development refers to language disorders due to
malfunctions of certain areas of the brain. In this chapter, we
will examine some of the findings of Neurolinguistics. This
branch of linguistics investigates the relationship between the
brain and language.

5.1 Child language acquisition

Children have to learn language from scratch, although
the capability to speak is inherent in everyone. There are
certain milestones and stages of language acquisition during
the child's first months and years.

5.1.1 MILESTONES
I​: 0–8 weeks. Children of this age are only capable of
reflexive crying.​ We also call this the production of ​vegetative
sounds.​
II​: 8–20 weeks. ​Cooing and ​laughter appears in the
child's vocal expression.
III​: 20–30 weeks. The child begins with ​vocal play.​ This
includes playing with vowels (V) ​and consonants (C), for
example: "AAAOOOOOUUUUIIII".
45
 IV​: 25–50 weeks. The child begins to ​babble.​ There are
two kinds of babbling, a) ​reduplicative babbling CVCV, e.g.,
"baba", and b) ​variegated babbling,​ e.g., VCV "adu".
V​:9–18 months. The child starts to produce ​melodic
utterances.​ This means that stress and intonation are added to
the sound chains uttered.
After having passed these milestones, children are, in
essence, capable of pronouncing words of the natural language.

5.1.2 STAGES
From this time on, children start to produce entire words.
There are three stages, each designating an increasing
capability to use words for communicative purposes:
I​: ​Single words and ​holophrases​. Children may use a
word to indicate things or persons, e.g., "boo" (=book), or
"mama". Also, a single word is employed to refer to entire
contexts. At this stage, "shoe" could mean "Mama has a nice
shoe", "Give me my shoe" or even "I want to wear my new red
shoes when we go for a walk"!
II​: The next stage is the usage of ​two word phrases​. This
stage is also called ​telegraphic speech​. It begins around the
second birthday, maybe sooner or later, depending on the child.
Examples are "Dada gone", "cut it", "in car", "here pear". At
this stage, children design so-called ​pivot grammars​. This
means that the child has a preference for certain words as the
pivotal (axis) words, implementing a variety of other words at
different points in time to create phrases:

46
 III​: The child begins to form ​longer utterances​. These
lack grammatical correctness at first and are perceived as,
though meaningful, rather rough assemblies of utterances.
Examples are "dirty hand wash it", "glasses on nose", "Daddy
car coming", or even "car sleeping bed", which a boy uttered,
meaning that the car was now parked in the garage.
There are many phonological and grammatical features
of speech development, all of which cannot be listed here. A
characteristic of children's early language is the ​omission of
consonants a​ t the beginning, ending, or in consonant clusters in
words. Examples: "boo" instead of "book", "at" instead of
"cat", or "ticker" instead of "sticker". Children learn
grammatical morphemes, commonly referred to as "endings",
in a certain order. They often start with the present progressive
"-ing", as in "Mama talk​ing"​ . More complex forms, such as the
contractible auxiliary be (as in "Pat's going") are learned at a
later point in time.

5.2 Language development and maturation

Parents from different cultures behave differently
towards their children as far as linguistic education is
concerned. In some areas of the world, people think that ​baby
talk​, or ​Motherese hems linguistic development. There are also
cultures where parents talk to their children as they would to
adults), or where they do not put so much thought into how to

47
teach their children language at all. When taking a closer look,
no particular advantages or disadvantages can be found.
Children's language is creative, but rule-governed. These
rules comprise the seven ​operating principles of children's
language. These principles correspond to the essential
communicative needs of a child. One main aspect in all
principles is the predominant use of the active voice, the
passive voice requiring a more complex understanding of
concepts.
The instrumental principle serves to indicate the personal
needs of the child. These are the "I want" phrases.
The regulatory principle helps to demand action of
somebody else: "Do that."
"​Hello"​ is the utterance - among others - which
represents the interactional principle. It is very important for
establishing contact.
The personal principle carries the ​expressive function.​
"Here I come" is a proper substitution for many phrases.
The heuristic "Tell me why"-principle is very important
because once the child is able to form questions, language
helps in the general learning process.
The imaginative principle comes in when the child wants
to impart his or her dreams or fantasies. It is also what applies
when the child pretends.
Information is also important for children's
communication. To tell others about the own experience soon
becomes important.
Another major step in language development is taken
when the child learns how to write. Again, there are several
stages:

48
 I​: Preparatory. Age approx. 4–6 years.
The child acquires the necessary motorical skills.
Also, the principles of spelling are learned.
II​: Consolidation. Age approx. 7 years
When the child begins to write, its writing reflects its
spoken language. This does not only refer to the
transcription of phonetic characteristics, but also to word
order and sentence structure.
III​: Differentiation. Age approx. 9 years
Writing now begins to diverge from spoken language;
it becomes experimental. This means that the writing of the
child does not have to reflect speech. The child learns to use
writing freely and sets out to experiment with it.
IV​: Integration. Age approx. mid-teens
Around this age, children/teens develop their own
style. A personal voice appears in the written language and
the ability to apply writing to various purposes is acquired.

5.3 Second language acquisition

Some aspects of second language acquisition are similar
to first language acquisition. The learner has already acquired
learning techniques and can reflect on how to learn best.
However, learning languages depends on the personality, age,
intelligence, and active learning strategies of the learner.
The learners of a second language (L2) start out with
their own language, which we call ​source language​. They are
on their way to learn a ​target language (TL). All that lies
in-between we call ​interlanguage​. All L2 speakers are on some
stage of interlanguage. Beginners are closer to their source
language (SL), experts of L2 are closer to the target language.
And if we don’t continue with our studies, our interlanguage

49
competence may even decrease. People who have lived in
foreign countries for a long time are often so close to the target
language that they hardly differ from native speakers. There
are some features of interlanguage which are worthwhile to
look at. They play an important role in the learning process.
Everybody experiences their effects in language learning.
Fossilization. At a certain stage the learner ceases to
learn new aspects of the TL. Although perhaps capable to
express themselves in a grammatically correct way, the
learners do not proceed to explore the great reservoir of
language any further in order to express herself in a more
refined and sophisticated manner.
Regression. The learner fails to express herself in areas
(phraseology, style or vocabulary) that he or she had mastered
at an earlier point in time.
Overgeneralization. The learner searches for a logical
grammar of the TL that would cover every aspect of the
language, or seeks to find every aspect of existing grammars
confirmed in the living language. In doing so, the learner draws
on aspects of the target language already earned and overuses
them.
Overelaboration. The learner wants to apply complex
theoretical structures to contexts that may call for simpler
expression.
Interference from L1 (or L3), with phonological
interference being the most common example. Syntactic
interference and semantic interference are also possible, e.g.,
so-called false friends. These are words that exist in the source
language as well as in the target language. However, their
meaning or use might differ substantially, as in the German
"Figur" vs. the French "figure" (="face"), or the English
"eventually" vs. the German "eventuell" (="possibly").
50
 Variable input. This refers to the quality of education in
the TL, the variety and extent of exposure to the TL and the
communicative value of it to the learner. This is why the
design of learning material and contact with many TL native
speakers plays a vital role in learning a new language.
Organic and/or cumulative growth. There can be
unstructured, widely dispersed input which is not always
predictable. This is structured by the learner in progressive
building blocks.

5.4 Language disorders

The principle language disorders are ​aphasia​, ​anomia​,
dyslexia, ​and ​dysgraphia.​ Usually, language disorders are
caused by injuries or malfunctions of the brain. Neurologists
were able to locate those areas of the brain that play a central
role in language production and comprehension by examining
patients whose brains had suffered damages in certain areas.

5.4.1 APHASIA
This is a disorder in the ability to process or produce
spoken language. Two scientists, Broca and Wernicke, were
able to locate two areas of the brain responsible for these
activities.
Broca's area. In 1864 the French surgeon Broca was able
to locate a small part of the brain, somewhat behind our left
temple. This area is responsible for the organization of
language production. If it is damaged, the patient usually
knows what (s)he wants to say but can't organize the syntax.
More nouns than verbs are used. There is hesitant speech and
poor articulation. Comprehension and processing are usually
not impaired.

51
 Wernicke's area. Carl Wernicke identified another type
of aphasia in 1874. He located a part of the brain behind the
left ear where he found comprehension of language to take
place. Speech production and syntax are generally possible
with Wernicke's patients. However, comprehension and, also to
some extent, production is impaired, and patients show the
tendency to retrieve only general nouns and nonsense words
from their mental lexicon and to lose specific lexis, or
vocabulary. They do not seem to be aware of their problem and
thus do not react to treatment easily.
Both Broca's and Wernicke's areas are located in the left
half of the brain. The executive centers, however, are located in
the right hemisphere. A separation of the two halves of the
brain effects the capability of converting linguistic information
into action, or vice versa. Apart from the types of aphasia
identified by Broca and Wernicke, there are also other kinds of
aphasia.
Jargon.​ In "neologistic jargon aphasia", patients can only
produce new approximations of content words (nouns), they
will never hit the exact word. In general, messages are hard to
understand and often completely incomprehensible or not
decodable by listeners, although the speakers have good
syntax.
Conduction​. Patients understand what is being said to
them, however, they are unable to repeat single words and
make other errors when speaking. However, they are aware of
their errors. In this kind of aphasia, it is neither Broca's nor
Wernicke's area that is damaged, but the connection between
them.
In ​transcortical aphasia​, there is a weakness in
comprehension. The best preserved feature is the ability to
repeat heard phrases. Therefore, the processing of language is

52
impaired, but the patient is able to hear and pronounce the
acoustic chain.
Global aphasia has the worst effects on the patient. All
language abilities are seriously impaired in this case. Both
Wernicke's and Broca's areas are damaged.

5.4.2 ANOMIA
Anomia is the loss of access to certain parts of the lexis.
Anomia patients are unable to remember the names of things,
people, or places. There is often confusion between
semantically related words. Undoubtedly, you will have
experienced this phenomenon yourself! We are all prone to it
at times. It usually increases with age, although pure anomia is
a much more acute state and is not related to aging.

5.4.3 DYSLEXIA
This is a disorder of reading where the patient is not
capable to recognize the correct word order. Patients also tend
to misplace syllables. There is also an ​overgeneralization of
the relation between printed words and their sound value. For
example, a patient may transport the pronunciation of "cave" =
/​​/ to "have" = */​​/ instead of /​​/.

5.4.4 DYSGRAPHIA
Dysgraphia is a disorder of writing, mainly spelling.
Patients are not able to find the correct graphemes when
putting their speech into writing. Also, they are not able to
select the correct order of graphemes from a choice of possible
representations.

5.5 Errors
Errors in linguistic production are not a malfunction
caused by disease. They occur frequently and are part of the
53
communication process. Here are examples of the usual types
of errors made:
Anticipation​. Sounds appear in words before their
intended pronunciation: take my bike ​→ bake my bike. This
error reveals that further utterances were already planned while
speaking.
In ​preservation errors, the opposite is the case. Sounds
are "kept in mind" and reappear in the wrong place: pulled a
tantrum ​→​ ​pu​ lled a ​p​antrum
Reversals (​Spoonerisms)​ are errors where sounds are
mixed up within words or phrases: harpsichord ​→​ ​ca​ rpsi​h​ord
Blends occur when two words are combined and parts of
both appear in the new, wrong word: grizzly + ghastly ​→
grastly
Word substitution gives us insight into the mental lexicon
of the speaker. These words are usually linked semantically.
Give me the orange. ​→​ Give me the ​apple​.
Errors on a higher level o​ ccur when the structural rules
of language above the level of pronunciation influence
production. In the below example, the past tense of "dated" is
overused. The speaker "conjugates" the following noun
according to the grammatical rules of "shrink-shrank-shrunk":
Rosa always dated shrinks ​→​ Rosa always dat​ed​ shr​an​ ks.
Phonological errors are the mixing up of voiced and
unvoiced sounds: Terry and Julia ​→​ ​De​ rry and ​Ch​ulia
Force of habit accounts for the wrong application of an
element that had been used before in similar contexts. For
example, in a television broadcast by BBC, the reporter first
spoke about studios at Oxford University. When he then
changed the topic to a student who had disappeared from the

54
same town he said: "The discovery of the missing Oxford
studio" instead of "The discovery of a missing Oxford student."

Chapter 6. Communication

There is more to communication than just one person

speaking and another one listening. Human communication
processes are quite complex. We differentiate verbal and
nonverbal, oral and written, formal and informal, and
intentional and unintentional communication. In addition, there
is human-animal communication and human-computer
communication. A famous statement says that we are not able
to not communicate. In this chapter, we will concentrate on
verbal communication between humans in either spoken or
written form.
55
 Verbal communication involves the use of linguistic
symbols that mean something to those who take part in the
process. These symbols are spoken words in oral
communication and their realization as alphabetical units in
written communication.
Oral communication refers to messages that are
transmitted "out loud" from one person to another. We all
participate in this process every day, for example, as speakers
or listeners when talking, watching TV, or answering the
phone. The most prominent feature of oral communication is
that it is not permanent unless it is recorded.
Written communication is primarily verbal but involves
also other elements due to the variations in writing. In contrast
to oral communication, it is not transitory, but permanent.
Thus, written messages enable us to keep exact records of
language and communication. Living in a purely oral culture
would limit our capacity of cultural development enormously.
The communication process involves certain elements.
Let us have a look at these elements by examining some
communication models.

6.1 Saussure's model of the speech circuit

On the one hand, communication is linear in that two
persons, A and B, communicate in a way that a message is
conveyed from one to the other: A ​→ B. On the other hand, the
participants in the communication process are both
simultaneously active. Person B does not only listen, she or he
may answer or at least show some reaction. On the basis of this
understanding, ​Saussure devised a circular communication
model, i.e. the model of the speech circuit. It shows the
mechanisms of a dialogue: Acoustic signals are sent from a
speaker A to a receiver B, who then, in turn, becomes the
56
sender, sending information to A, who becomes the receiver.
Saussure outlined two processes within this framework. The
first one is phonation. Here the sender formulates mental signs
in the mind and then gives acoustic shape to them. The second
one, audition, is the opposite process of the receiver
transforming the acoustic message into mental signs.

Part of the Saussurean model of the speech circuit

consists of his model of the ​linguistic sign.​ You now know its
most important feature, namely the division into acoustic
shape, or ​acoustic image​, and the idea related to the image, the
mental ​concept​. Concept and acoustic image are transported in
communication.

6.2 Shannon's and Moles' communication models

In 1949, the American engineer Shannon developed a
model which explains what basically happens in
communication:
The input, or intended message, is sent by a sender via a
channel. The message received becomes the output. Input and
output may differ substantially as a channel is usually exposed

57
to circumstances that may alter its intended quality of
transmission. For instance, the channel of a telephone
communication line is usually impaired with noise, which in
turn affects the outcome, i.e. output, of the message.

Moles appended Shannon's model in 1963, adding a

crucial element, the code. The sender and receiver have to have
at least a fundamental set of codes in common, in order for
them to communicate successfully. For example, two speakers
from different countries who do not speak each other's
language can only rely on internationally known words, thus
making the sought for communication hardly possible. But
even speakers of the same language often have problems of the
same sort if their ‘personal codes’ differ greatly.

58
6.2.1 ELEMENTS OF THE COMMUNICATION PROCESS
Here are the various components of the communication
process in detail.
Input.​ The sender has an ​intention to communicate with
another person. This intention makes up the ​content of the
message.
Sender​. The sender ​encodes the message, e.g. the idea of
"piece of furniture to sit on" = /​​/. Thus he gives
expression to the content.
Channel​. The message is sent via a channel, which can
be made of a variety of materials. In acoustic communication it
consists of air, in written communication of paper or other
writing materials.
Noise. The channel is subjected to various sources of
noise. One example is telephone communication, where
numerous secondary sounds are audible. Even a solid channel
such as paper can be crushed or stained. Such phenomena are
also noise in the communicative sense.
Receiver. The ​receiver ​decodes the incoming message, or
expression. He "translates" it and thus receives the
Output. This is the ​content​ decoded by the receiver.
Code. In the process, the relevance of a ​code becomes
obvious: The codes of the sender and receiver must have at
least a certain set in common in order to make communication
work.

6.3 Bühler's organon model

59
 Plato was the first to discuss an instrumentalist definition
of language. According to this definition, language primarily
serves the purpose of communication. It is a linguistic tool.
From this instrumental approach, Karl Bühler devised a model
which described the communicative ​functions.​ In his words,
language is an "​organum for one person's communicating with
another about things"1 "Organum is Greek for tool. The three
main functions of language Bühler distinguishes in his model
are ​representation, expression, ​and ​appeal​. Which function
applies to which communicative action depends on which
relations of the linguistic sign are predominant in a
communicative situation.

1
Bühler, Karl. (1933) 1982. ​The axiomatization of the language
sciences. I​ n: Innis, Robert E., ​Karl Bühler.​ New York: Plenum, 75–164.

60
 How does this model work?
Bühler's model describes the communication between a
sender and a receiver ​by including ​a third party, the objects or
states of affairs. A communicative function is then attributed to
each act of communication, depending on which of the three
parties involved was focused on most heavily.
When the focus is on the sender, we speak of the
expressive function of communication. When the focus is on
the objects, the function is ​representative​. The third function
refers to communication where the focus is on the receiver.
This function is called ​appeal​.
The circle symbolizes the phenomenon of the sound, that
is the actual word spoken. The triangle symbolizes the
linguistic sign and shares common space with the circle in
61
some areas, while extending beyond it in other areas. This
overlapping portrays the two key features of the relationship
between the sign and its physical realization.
Abstractive relevance​. Where the circle overlaps the
triangle, the phenomenon sound contains more acoustic
information than the sign does. We are, however, capable of
filtering out the relevant information without being hindered by
all the additional stuff, e.g. the "ahs" and "ehms" of casual
conversation.
Apperceptive enlargement.​ The triangle also covers space
beyond the circle. This means that part of the message may be
lost, due to either misspellings or omissions on the part of the
sender, or because the channel is subjected to noise. In this
case, we are still able to fill in the gaps to create a meaningful
message. Somehow we gather what got lost. This is what we
call ​apperceptive enlargement.​

6.4 Jakobson's model of communicative functions

62
 Jakobson extended Bühler's system of communicative
functions. His model reminds us of those lined out at the
beginning of this chapter containing all the components of
Moles', except for one, namely context. Jakobson stated that a
common code is not sufficient for the communicative process.
A context is necessary from which the object of
communication is drawn. This context resembles Bühler's
object correlate. Jakobson allocates a communicative function
to each of the components.
The ​emotive function focuses on the addresser and
resembles Bühler's expressive function. The addresser's own
attitude towards the content of the message is emphasized.
Examples are emphatic speech or interjections.
The ​conative function is allocated to the addressee.
Bühler called it the appelative function, so it is possible to find
both terms in the literature. It is directed towards the addressee.
One example is the vocative.
The ​referential function refers to the context. Here we,
again, have the function emphasizing that communication is
always dealing with something contextual, what Bühler called
representative.
The ​phatic function helps to establish contact and
refers to the channel of communication. Some of these
utterances only serve to maintain contact between two
speakers.
The ​metalinguistic function deals with the code itself.
This is the function of language about language. This whole
course book is an example of ​metalanguage.​ We use it to
examine the code. The metalinguistic function is also
predominant in questions like "Sorry, what did you say?"
63
 where the code is misunderstood and needs correction or
clarification.
The ​poetic function is allocated to the message.
Messages convey more than just the content. ​They always
contain a creative ‘touch’ of our own. These additions have no
purpose other than to make the message "nicer". Rhetorical
figures, pitch or loudness are some aspects of the poetic
function.
Naturally, several functions may be active
simultaneously in utterances. To find out which function
predominates requires analysis.

64
65
 Chapter 7. Phonetics

Phonetics is a branch of linguistics that studies the

material aspects of speech sounds. What is meant by "material
aspect"? And what other features exist which characterize
sounds? Well, material aspects of sounds are those aspects that
make for the physical production, transportation and
comprehension of the sound. Another aspect of a sound is its
function within a language. The function of sounds is,
however, examined by another linguistic discipline, namely
phonology​.
Americans use the term "phonology" to refer to both
phonetics ​and phonology. They refer to ‘phonetics’ also as
‘phonetics’, but refer to what Europeans call ‘phonology’ as
‘phonemics’.
The modern alphabet does not suffice to transcribe all
sounds on a one-to-one basis. There are many instances
though, when we need an internationally comprehensible code
for the detailed transcription of sounds, such as in linguistic
research, as well as in foreign language teaching. A special
alphabet devised by the International Phonetic Association
(IPA) is then used. Phonetic characters refer to the actual
utterance of a sound. In phonetic writing, the symbols for these
sounds are put within brackets, such as: [​​].
We stated above that there are three different physical
aspects of a sound. These are the articulatory aspect of the
speaker, the acoustic aspect of the channel, and the auditory
aspect of the hearer.

66
 Articulatory phonetics researches where and how sounds
are originated and thus carries out physiological studies of the
respiratory tract, trying to locate precisely at which location
and in which manner a sound is produced.
Acoustic phonetics examines the length, frequency and
pitch of sounds. Special instruments are required to measure
and analyze the sounds while they travel via the channel.
Auditory phonetics studies what happens inside the ear
and brain when sounds are finally received. It also interested in
our ability to identify and differentiate sounds.

7.1 Articulatory phonetics - consonants

In this textbook, we will concentrate on articulatory
phonetics, which also happens to be what modern linguistics
has traditionally focused on. Our notion of the typical, classical
linguist, zealously studying speech sounds, such as the famous
Dr. Higgins from George Bernard Shaw's Pygmalion, is
derived from this stage in the discipline.
Any speech sound is caused by a stream of air that,
originating in our vocal apparatus, escapes our mouth or nose.
The various sounds all differ according to the voicing, location
and manner of their production. A minor change of any of
these three factors may alter a sound significantly. For
example, if a stream of air leaves the vocal tract unhindered,
the result is a vowel. If the stream of air is obstructed in any
way the result is a consonant. Although the procedure is very
67
complex, it is possible to determine the exact voicing, location
and manner of articulation of all sounds of a language.

7.1.1 VOICING
Try to utter two long consonants, first [z], then [s],
continually: "zzzzzzzzsssssssssszzzzzzz". Hold your fingertip
to your larynx (Adam's apple) and try to notice what happens.
You will feel a vibration. This is caused by a stream of air that
is being pressed through a narrow aperture, called ​glottis,​
between the vocal cords. It is the pressure of the air on the
walls of the glottis that causes the vibration of the cords. We
are able to produce two different sets of sounds, which are
otherwise identical: voiced and voiceless sounds, by this small
change of the glottis. There are many consonants which are
differentiated in this way, like [f]—[v], [t]—[d], or [g]—[k].

7.1.2 MANNER OF ARTICULATION

7.1.2.1 Plosives and continuants
Another fundamental distinction of consonants is made
between so-called ​plosives ​and continuants​. Plosives are
consonants that are brought about by an explosive release of air
from the mouth, e.g. [t]. They are also called ​stops, o​ r oral
stops.​ If the air is released through the nose, we call the
resulting consonant is a ​nasal plosive, as in [m] or [n], which is
also called nasal stop since the mouth is kept closed for the
most part.
If the air continues to be released after the articulation of
the consonant, the sound is a ​continuant​. If we let out air
continuously through a space behind the upper teeth, the
so-called ​alveolar ridge​., we produce a type of continuant
sound called ​fricative​, e.g., [f]. ​Affricates are produced by a
plosive and a fricative continuant following immediately
thereafter, as in [t​x​], e.g., in the word "chair". Fricatives and
68
affricates with a hissing sound, as [z] in "zip", or [​j​] in
"measure" are also called ​sibilants​. ​Oral stops, i.e. non-nasal
plosives, and fricative and affricative continuants all have in
common that the air is ​not l​ et out through the nose; consonants
produced in this way are called obstruents. If air is released
also through the nose, these consonants are called ​sonorants.​
The sounds [l] and [r] are called ​liquids​.
7.1.2.2. Aspiration
A further manner of articulating a sound is by either
aspirating or not aspirating the sound. Try to pronounce these:
[pit]—[spit]. You will notice that while saying the word ‘pit’, a
stream of air evades your mouth, whereas when saying ‘spit’,
your glottis starts to vibrate immediately after the
pronunciation of [sp]. Hence, we may call the [p] aspirated
when saying ‘pit, while it is unaspirated when saying ‘spit’.
This distinction results from the glottis remaining open after
certain occasions of a sound, namely in the case of aspirated
ones.

7.1.3 PLACE OF ARTICULATION

Consonants are distinguished also according to the
location of their production, that is, after the various organs of
the vocal tract.
Labials are consonants that are articulated by use of the
lips. Some of these are created by bringing the lips together,
like [m]. These are called ​bilabials​. Other consonants are
brought about by bringing the bottom lip to the upper teeth.
These are called ​labiodentals​, e.g., [f].
Alveolars. These are articulated by raising the tip of the
tongue to the ​alveolar​ ​ridge,​ like [d].

69
 Velars. If you raise the back of your tongue to the soft
velum,​ velars are produced. An example is [g].
Interdentals are the sounds at the beginning of "thin" and
"then", in IPA: [​θ]​ and [​δ]​. In order to articulate these, you
have to press the tongue between the teeth. Again you can se
that the difference is voicing.
Palatals (or Alveopalatals) as in the middle of the word
"measure" are produced by the contact of the front part of the
tongue with the hard palate just behind the alveolar ridge.
With the help of this detailed information we can now
refer to every consonant by its location and manner of
articulation; [f], for example, is a voiceless, labiodental
fricative.

7.2 Articulatory phonetics — vowels

In contrast to consonants, where voice, manner and place
of articulation serve as descriptive categories, vowels are
differentiated by their position of the tongue and the lips. These
categories are indicative of the different ways in which the two
sounds are produced - while consonants are produced with the
help of many organs, vowels depend only on the position of the
tongue and the lips. The positioning the tongue and the lips
allow for a great amount of variation, enabling us to voice
many more vowels than the familiar five vowels a, e, i, o, u.
English has more than a dozen different vowels. Also, in
English we find several diphthongs.
Vowels can be produced by raising the tongue high,
keeping it in the middle, or low in the mouth; also, the tongue
can be moved to the front, center or back. The lips can be
rounded or nonrounded. If you try to articulate while moving
your lips and your tongue around, you will notice how

70
manifold the resulting vowel-like sounds are. A general chart
of the vowels of English looks as follows:

This chart is a rough sketch of the mouth. It is similar to

a coordinate system, with the positions high, middle, and low
representing one axis, and the positions front, central, and back
the other axis. The only position not used in English for the
pronunciation of vowels is the high central point.

7.3 English sounds — an overview

In the following, you will find a general characterization
of English sounds. With this table at hand, all sounds can be
easily identified according to their place and manner of
articulation.

71
 Here is a summary of the characteristics:
Oral stops, fricatives, and affricates are consonants
referred to as obstruents:

72
 The stream of air cannot escape through the nose and
where it passes through the mouth, it is ​obstructed​.
All other consonants are sonorants.
Glottals are sounds produced by the air stream moving
along the glottis. The glottal stop [] is produced by a complete
closure of the glottis. You may test this by saying "ah-ah-ah."
Another feature of vowels is whether they are ​rounded or
unrounded.​ This refers to the position of the lips.
English front vowels are always unrounded. German [y]
is an example of rounded front vowels.
English central vowels are always unrounded.
English back vowels are always rounded.

73
 Chapter 8. Phonology

Phonology deals with the ​function of sounds within a

language. Let us have a close look at these functions. Every
language has a precisely defined set of sounds. This set
consists of the so-called ​distinctive sounds. The system of the
speech sounds and their usage is defined as ​duality of
patterning​: with a given set of components, we may construct
an unlimited number of new arrangements of the components.
In other words: Our language provides us with a limited set of
sounds, but we can arrange these to ever new utterances.

8.1 Phonemes and allophones

By calling a sound distinctive, we refer to its capability
of changing the meaning of a word. Naturally, single sounds
cannot carry any meaning. "B" or "P", for example, are
meaningless utterances. But when several distinct sounds are
assembled to a word, each of them suddenly contribute to a
meaning. And by exchanging individual distinct sounds, we
may change this meaning. We call these sounds ​phonemes​, the
smallest distinctive elements of a language. They are easy to
discern.
Compare two words which differ only by one sound, e.g.,
"pin" and "bin". By replacing the beginning consonants, the
meaning of the word changes. We call such pairs ​minimal
pairs.​ The test we just performed to locate the phonemes is
called ​Commutation Test​. The phonemes thereby discerned are
then put within dashes, such as /p/, /b/, for phonological
transcription. These are, of course, ideal units of the sound
system of a language. They should not be confused with the
sounds of actual utterances examined by phonetics. Phonetics
74
tries to differentiate among the sounds with the highest
possible degree of accuracy. It does so without regard for the
influence a sound may have on the ​meaning of an utterance.
These phonetic units are put in brackets, as you can see in the
chapter on ​phonetics.
Not all sounds of a language are necessarily distinctive
sounds. Compare the English and American pronunciations of
"dance": [​​] versus [​​æ​​]. Although there are
different sounds in the pair, the meaning does not change.
Thus, [​​] and [æ] are not phonemes in this case. We call
this phenomenon ​free variation​. The two sounds can be
referred to as ​allophones​. These sounds are merely variations
in pronunciation of the same phoneme and do not change the
meaning of the word. Free variation can be found in various
dialects of the same language. In this case, the different
pronunciations of words throughout a country do not change
the meaning of those words.
Another example of sounds which are not phonemes are
those which occur in ​complementary distribution​. This means
that where one sound of the pair occurs, the other does not. An
example for complementary distribution are the aspirated and
unaspirated allophones of /p/. The initial consonant as in "pill"
is aspirated. The consonant after /s/ in "sprint" is unaspirated.
The respective transcriptions would be [​​ ​ ​] and
[​​], where [​h​] indicates aspiration. Aspirated [p​h​],
as you can see in this example, occurs only at the beginning of
words. [p​h​] and [p] are only allophones of the same phoneme
/p/.

8.2 Distinctive features

From our studies of phonetics, we know how to describe
the features of sounds. The same techniques apply for the

75
description of phonemes. In the pair "vault " and " fault ", for
example, the difference lies in the voicing of the first
phonemes: /v/ versus /f/, the first representing a voiced
consonant [+voiced], the second representing an unvoiced
consonant [-voiced]. Voicing is of great importance in the
English sound system. Therefore we call it a ​distinctive feature.​
Other distinctive features are [±nasal] (for consonants only) or
[±consonantal], etc.
Every feature has two values, the positive value ‘+’
contrasting the negative value ‘-’.

8.3 Redundant features

Some features of sounds may be redundant in a language.
This means that these sounds have a specific feature, but do not
constitute minimal pairs. An example for such a redundant
feature is [±nasal] of vowels in English. You have already seen
that phonetics treats consonants as nasal or non-nasal only.
Still, vowels can be positive nasal [+nasal] or negative nasal
[-nasal]. This does not make them into phonemes; they are
merely allophones of the same vowel. In the English language
the redundant feature of nasality is found to abide to a general
rule: Vowels that are [+nasal] are always followed by
consonant that are also [+nasal]. Likewise, ‘Consonants that
are [+nasal] are always preceded by vowels that are also
[+nasal]. For example, the vowel in "band" is [+nasal], while in
"bar", it is [-nasal]. ​Still, nasality ​is a distinctive feature in
English consonants. In languages other than English, nasality
of vowels may well not be a redundant feature. The general
rule stated above says that nasality in English vowels is
predictable​, because you can tell if a vowel is nasal or not by
looking at the consonant following it.

76
8.4 Rules of phonology
The sequences of phonemes are determined by certain
laws that are peculiar to that particular language. The English
language, for example, does not allow consonants such as /b/
or /g/ to be followed by a consonant similar to it. The phoneme
sequence */bgliz/, to give another example, is not permitted in
English due to the consonant cluster /bg/ at the beginning. The
following rules have been found to apply to the assembly of
phoneme sequences in the English language.

8.4.1 ASSIMILATION RULES

The rule stated above concerning the nasalization of
vowels preceding [+nasal] consonants is an ​assimilation rule.​
The vowel segment is assimilated to the consonant segment by
copying the [±nasal] feature of the latter to the former. You can
observe this phenomenon in your own language. There are
many instances in which we try to ease articulation and the
easiest way of doing this is to simplify articulation by
assimilating sounds. The assimilation rule also reflects a
phenomenon called ​coarticulation.​ According to this principle,
features of phonemes spread in anticipation of sounds or
perseveration of articulatory processes.

8.4.2 FEATURE ADDITION RULES

Sometimes, features are added to phonemes when they
occur in a specific ​phonetic context​. We have already looked at
aspirated and unaspirated occurrences of stops like /p/. At the
beginnings of words as in pill, /p/ is aspirated. The feature of
aspiration is hence added because /p/ is a sound at the
beginning of a word. In other phonetic contexts, the feature of
aspiration is not added.

77
8.4.3 SEGMENT-DELETION AND ADDITION RULES
Phonological rules of a language may result in the
addition or deletion of segments from a phoneme sequence. A
good example for this rule is French, where word-final
consonants are ​deleted when a consonant follows. But they are
maintained when the following word starts with a vowel or a
glide:
Before a consonant: petit tableau 
​]
Before a vowel: petit ami 


8.4.4 MOVEMENT (METATHESIS) RULES

In some languages, and in some English dialects,
phonemes are rearranged. Consider the example "ask". In some
English dialects, it is pronounced [æ​​]. Historically, "ask"
derived from OE "aksian". A metathesis rule changed it in
most English dialects to the form commonly known today,
whereas in others, the old form is pertained.

78
79
 Chapter 9. Morphology

Whereas phonology studies the ​smallest ​distinctive

elements of a language, morphology is the study of the ​smallest
meaning ​units of a language. This smallest meaning unit is also
called a ​morpheme. The overriding rule is that a morpheme
must be able to stand alone, i.e. to yield meaning independently
of its general context. Let’s start out by taking a closer look at
the term ‘smallest meaning unit’ and how it may be
understood.
We are inclined to think that a 'word' fits the definition of
'smallest meaning unit'. However, not all words are single
meaning units. Some words are ‘nonsense words’ and lack any
meaning whatsoever. These are invented words mostly, for
example "brillig", or "chorps". Then there are words that are
composed of more than one meaning unit.
Examples of words which consist of more than one
meaning unit are: blue-berry, auto-bus, hence-forth
Although a word may be a smallest meaning unit, such as
'blue', it does not necessarily have to be one, as in 'blueberry'
Neither can syllables be regarded as the smallest meaning
units. They are, in the first place, phonological units. They
consist of a nucleus, which is a vowel, a diphthong, or a
vowel-like consonant, and one or several satellites. A satellite
is always a consonant.
(satellites) + nucleus + (satellites)
(C1, C2,...) V + (C1,
+ C2,...)

80
 Words may consist of several syllables, but not all of
them are necessarily meaning units.
Example​: Mas-sa-chu-setts, po-lice, mo-ther
Thus, while a syllable may be a smallest meaning unit,
such as the syllable ‘end’ in the word ‘endless’, it does not
necessarily have to be one.
As we can see, a morpheme cannot necessarily be
confined to a particular form of a word or a syllable. The study
of morphology seeks to, in the first place, determine the precise
form (Greek- morph) that an elemental meaning takes.
However, it does, as we will see later, remain within the
abstract domain, in cases where form either varies or where
form is simply nonexistent.
Morphemes are also referred to as the ​minimal linguistic
signs;​ you may also come across the term ​moneme​, which is
the French term for morpheme.
The above may have given you an understanding of why
linguists have been engaged in endless debates over the
definition of the word "word". The term remains ambiguous,
and we should try as best to avoid it. After all, linguistic
terminology is available to describe linguistic units in higher
detail.

9.1 Types of morphemes

We can discern different types of morphemes when

analyzing a text corpus. The process of sorting out which
morpheme is which is called ​distributional analysis.​

81
9.1.1 GRAMMATICAL CLASSIFICATION
Grammatically speaking, there are two classes of
morphemes:
Free morphemes: these may occur on their own, they can
be used freely according to the rules of sentence structure, for
example "boy, tree, church, go, leave, love."
Bound morphemes: These are an exception to the rule
that a morpheme must be able to stand alone; they have no
meaning of their own, but add substantial meaning to other
morphemes to which they are attached. They are used for
various purposes, such as inflection. Example: "-ing, -er" in
"work​ing​, work​er.​ ", where "work" is a free morpheme
accompanied by various bound morphemes, namely suffixes.

9.1.2 MORPHOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION

Morphological classification will help you to understand
exceptions and different occurrences of morphemes.
Homophonous morphemes ​sound the same, although
their morphological function and visual realization may be
different, for example the "in" in "inn", and the "in" in
"incongruous".
Discontinuous morphemes. A morpheme of this type
does not appear in one continuous string in a word, but is split
up into fragments. For example, the morpheme "ge- and -t" in
the German word "ge-reis-t". Still, both parts belong together.
A ​portmanteau morpheme is the result of a fusion of two
other morphemes. For example, the French "au" is a fusion of
the former morphemes "à" and "le".
Unique or ​residual morphemes. These are a further
exception to the rule that a morpheme must be able to stand
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alone. Representing bound morphemes, unique or residual
morphemes are, by themselves, meaningless and gain meaning
only in combination with other morphemes. Examples for this
kind of morpheme are the "cran" in "cranberry", or the "mit" in
"transmit", "commit", and so on.
Zero morphemes. As already mentioned above, there
do exist meaningful grammatical features that are not
materialized, neither in writing nor in sound waves, in a
consistent manner. The plural of a noun, for instance, is not
always formed by adding a bound morpheme ‘s’ to the
word. Some words are not changed at all when meaning the
plural. We usually simply understand which case the
speaker meant from the context of the conversation. One
such example is the word ‘sheep’, designating singular as
well as plural sheep. The zero morpheme ‘plural’ would, in
this case, designate the abstract concept of the plurality. It
then ​means the plural sheep as opposed to the singular
sheep.

9.1.3 MORPH, MORPHEME, AND ALLOMORPH

Note that any language has a register of morphemes, the
physical realizations of which are called ​morphs​. While
morphemes remain ideal abstract units, the corresponding
morphs may show some variation. In the case of the plural
morpheme, various realizations are possible. These variations
sound and look differently:
/z/ in "dogs, beds";
/s/ in "cats";
/iz/ in "garages"
All three morphs are different representations of the same
morpheme of plurality. Several morphs that belong to the same
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morpheme are also called ​allomorphs​: variants of one
morpheme.
In morphological transcription, morphs are commonly
put in-between braces. The plural morph in "cats" thus
becomes {cat}+{s} in morphological transcription.

9.2 MORPHOLOGY AND WORD-FORMATION

We have already seen that the term ​word is highly
ambiguous. Now we come to consider it anew. Commonly,
various grammatical forms of linguistic units such as "sing",
"sang", "sung" are referred to as various ​words.​ In all three
words of our example, however, we are confronted with
various forms of the same unit, namely "sing". We will use a
more specific term for these "pure" linguistic units than ​word.​
We thus refer to the more abstract units, regardless of their
representation as phonological or orthographic units in various
inflectional forms, not as words, but ​lexemes​; in linguistic
transcription they are distinguished by capitals. Hence the word
"cut" can offer three forms of the lexeme C​ UT: present, past and
participle. The sum of the lexemes of a language is called the
lexicon.​
The lexicon of a language is not fixed. New entries may
occur, or old ones might become extinct. New entries are
called ​neologisms​, if they are created from existing resources
of the language. New entries can also be ​borrowed from other
languages. As for the process in the former case, we are able to
create new words by applying the ​morphological rules of our
language. Morphological rules apply to both ​inflection and
word formation​.

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9.2.1 INFLECTION
There are two kinds of inflection: The ​declension of
nouns, adjectives, and pronouns, and the ​conjugation​ of verbs.
There is a set of morphological rules which we apply in
order to form the correct tenses or cases. We combine free
morphemes with bound morphemes, the latter marking tense,
gender, number, case, and so forth. Bound morphemes like
{to}, which appears as a marker of the infinitive, are also used
in order to form correct sentences. T ​ hese ​markers help to
create sentences that are correct according to the syntactic rules
of a language. We see here that ​morphology and ​syntax cannot
be regarded as entirely different disciplines.

9.2.2 WORD FORMATION

9.2.2.1 Derivation.
There are morphemes in English that allow us to change
words. These are ​derivational morphemes​: new words are
derived​ in the process.
Derivational morphemes are ​affixes.​ If affixes are added
to the front of a word, we speak of ​prefixes l​ ike in-, a-. If they
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are attached to the end of the word, they are called ​suffixes,
such as -able, -ish. Derivational morphemes may or may not
cause a change of the grammatical class of the word. In any
event, the following morphological rules apply to most cases
cover the main changes brought about by affixes. We speak of
word formation as the ​productive feature of a language. By
changing one element, new classes of words can be produced.

NOUN TO VERB TO ADJECTIVE NOUN TO NO CHANGE

ADJECTIVE NOUN TO VERB IN CLASS
ADVERB
{boy}+{ish} {acquitt}+al {exact}+{ly {moral}+{ize {a}+{moral}
{virtu}+{ous} {clear}+ance {quiet}+{ly {vaccin}+ate mono+theism
Elizabeth+an {confer}+ence {brand}+{ish {ex}+wife
alcohol+ic {predict}+ion sub+minimal

9.2.2.2 Compounding
We may also create new words by combining two free
morphemes. The product of such a process is called a
compound​. While German is notorious for compounding a
multitude of units (e.g.,
Weihnachtsbaumschmuckvertriebsorganisationshandbuchverkä
ufer), compounds in English usually don’t exceed two units.
In a compound, the two morphemes always serve two
different purposes. The initial morpheme is also called the
head of the compound, the following is the ​body​. The head of
the compound always determines the body semantically, e.g.,
{black}+{bird}​→ a ​black bird, whereas the body usually
determines the grammatical class of the whole compound.
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There are various possible combinations of English
compounds:
-ADJECTIVE -NOUN -VERB
ADJECTIVE {bitter}+{sweet} {poor}+{house} {high}+{born}
NOUN {head}+{strong} {rain}+{bow} {spoon}+{feed}
VERB {carry}+{all} {pick}+{pocket} {sleep}+{walk}

9.2.2.3 Other processes of word-formation

Apart from the above mentioned morphological
processes, there are also other ways of creating new words:
Invention:​ Xerox, Exxon.
Acronymy​: NATO, Unicef.
Reduplication:​ zigzag, chitchat.
Blending​: smog, brunch.
Clipping:​ bus, auto, flu.

9.3 Word classes and sentence functions

Traditional grammars often begin with a classification of
word classes​. There are the following eight classes (including
typical examples):
Nouns​ (communicator, starship, captain)
Pronouns​ (I, you, he, which)
Adjectives​ (fast, deep, many)
Verbs​ (see, retire, laugh)
Prepositions​ (on, in, at)
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 Conjunctions​ (and, but, because)
Adverbs​ (much, deservedly, partly)
Interjections​ (alas, oh)
Articles​ (the, a)
Numerals​ (one, two, three)

Some difficulties remain, such as with adverbs: one

cannot, for example, exchange the adverbs "very" and
"quickly" freely in a sentence:
*he ran very versus he ran quickly
To avoid this problem​, ​the subcategory of the ​intensifiers
is used to distinguish adverbs such as ‘very’, from the common
adverbs.
The classing of words gives us overall categorical
information about those words. Note that words from the same
class can take on different functions depending upon their use
in a sentence. Nouns, for example, may appear as subjects or
objects in sentences. This additional specification of the
function of words within the context of a sentence, such as
subject, object, etc., is called ​functional​ information.

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89
 Chapter 10. Syntax

We have studied the phonological and morphological

structures of the English language. But to know a language and
to speak it correctly also involves being able to articulate
complete sentences. The study of the syntax of a language is
the study of its ​sentence structure as well as the linguistic
knowledge necessary to form sentences.

10.1 What is a sentence?

At first sight, this may seem like a trivial question to you.
If you take into consideration though that there is a branch of
linguistics that has been devoting its energy solely to the
analysis of sentences, the question may be worthy of scrutiny.
Let’s take a look at some definitions of sentences first. Then
we will go into models of grammars in detail.

10.1.1 ARISTOTELIAN DEFINITION

Aristotelian logic claims that a sentence is an utterance
consisting of ​subject and ​predicate​. These terms have been
rephrased ​theme ​and ​rheme by the communicational sciences.
Here, theme means the part of the sentence that is already
known and that is to be specified. Rheme then means the
specifying part, the new information revealed on the theme.
However, subject-predicate and theme-rheme do not always
correspond. Consider the sentence "I went to London by train
last weekend." If this sentence answers the question "Where
did you go by train?", 'London' is the rheme. But, if it answers
the question "How did you go to London last weekend?", 'by
train' is the new information and, therefore, the rheme.

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10.1.2 LOGICAL DEFINITION
A logical definition claims that a sentence is the
expression of one single, complete thought. However, complex
sentences may consist of several thoughts which are
interwoven. Thus, this definition does not apply to all
sentences. One example of a complex thought structure are
subordinate sentences.

10.1.3 STRUCTURALIST DEFINITION (BLOOMFIELD)

Following the American structuralist ​Bloomfield,​ a
sentence is "an independent linguistic form, not included by
virtue of any grammatical construction in any larger linguistic
form." A sentence is independent of any other linguistic form
because it can stand alone, other than a single lexeme, which
represents no independent syntactic unit. According to this
definition, subordinate clauses are not sentences of their own
because the depend on the main clause. In the following, we
will see how structuralist analysis deals with sentence structure
where subordinate clauses appear.

10.2 Grammaticality and acceptability

Sentences can also be categorized under the aspects of
grammaticality and ​acceptability.​ Sentences of a language can
be grammatically correct or not. In the latter case, we call them
ungrammatical sentences.​ This term may sound contradictory,
since a sentence is, per definition, grammatically correct and
complete. Sentences can, nevertheless, lack correct
grammaticality, e.g.:
*Susan put the knife.

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 Ungrammatical sentences appear in everyday language.
When you observe your own language, you should find plenty
of them.
Also, sentences may be grammatically correct, but still
make no sense at all. In this case, they lack acceptability.
Examples from English and German are:
Colorless green ideas sleep furiously.
Nachts ist es kälter als draußen.
Acceptability hence means that the meaning content of
the sentence must be clear, understandable or acceptable to the
reader.

10.3 Sentence types

There are various types of sentences.
Simple sentences consist of one clause only. These
clauses contain only one verb:
"Mary ​went​ to town."
Coordinate sentences (also: ​compound sentences)​ consist
of two or more clauses joined by words like "and", "or", "but",
etc. These words are called ​conjunctions.​ The clauses in
coordinate sentences hold equal status, i.e. they could each
stand alone as simple sentences:
"The captain gave an order ​but the crew hesitated to
confirm."
Complex sentences consist of two or more clauses. Here,
one clause serves as the grammatical part of another. We call
these ​embedded clauses.​ Embedded clauses do not have a
status equal to a simple sentence. In other words, they cannot
stand alone and depend on the sentences which contain them.

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 "Peter said Jane became ill yesterday."
Most times embedded clauses are introduced by special
words such as "whether", "that", "if", etc. These are called
subordinators:​
"Peter said ​that​ Jane became ill yesterday."
Complex sentences may also differ in form from simple
sentences because the word order or grammatical form of
words is altered:
"The captain said the starship took up speed
immediately.", ​but
"The captain wanted the starship to take up speed
immediately."

10.4 Sentence structure

What are the constituents of a sentence? We have seen
that morphemes are packed together to form strings of
morphemes. These are called sentences. Nevertheless, not
every single morpheme in a sentence may have independent
status. Several morphemes may belong together more closely
than others do.
Bearing this in mind, we must look for units larger than
the morpheme if we want to know what actually makes up a
sentence. This discovery procedure is again called
distributional analysis​. ​The method of distributional analysis is
called​ segmentation​. Consider the following example:
"Aggressive Romulans relentlessly attack unguarded
starships." We will now analyze the sentence for its
constituents.

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10.4.1 SEGMENTATION

10.4.1.1 Reduction by omission

Which of the elements may be omitted without damaging
the essential structure of the sentence?

Aggressive Romulans relentlessly attack unguarded starships

Romulans attack starships
Romulans attack

A loss of the original meaning may occur in this

reduction process that is concerned only with the
grammaticality of the sentence.
10.4.1.2 Reduction by substitution
Which of the elements may be substituted by shorter
ones? Again, a change of the meaning content may be possible.

Aggressive Romulans relentlessly attack unguarded starships

Aliens attack Starfleet
They attack

Possible substitutions are pronouns, equivalent phrases or

synonyms.​
10.4.2 Expansion and reduction
Another method of distributional segmentation is the
expansion and reduction of phrases within the sentence. By

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doing so, we can find out what information is essential and
what information is not essential for forming the sentence.
Naturally, the phrase at the peak of the expansion contains
many elements which can be deleted without changing the
grammaticality of the sentence. Let us examine a phrase from
the sentence:
Two experienced aggressive Romulans seized control of
the starship.
Expansion Romulans
aggressive Romulans
experienced aggressive Romulans
two experienced aggressive Romulans Reduction

10.5 Immediate constituents

We have now analyzed the sentence and learned that it
can be segmented into several levels of ​constituents.​ The
broadest category of a constituent is the one that is discerned
'immediately', at the beginning of the analysis; for this reason
this type of constituent is called the ​immediate constituent​,
short 'IC'.
Let's have a look at the sentence: "Poor John ran away."
Our first step in analyzing the sentence would be to
distinguish "poor John" and "ran away"; therefore these two
elements are the immediate constituents of the sentence. If we
were to proceed with our analysis, we could discern the
immediate constituents of "poor John", which are "poor" and
"John". The immediate constituents of "ran away" would be
"ran" and "away."

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10.5.1 NOUN PHRASE AND VERB PHRASE
Immediate constituents of a simple sentence are thus the
Noun-phrase​ ("poor John") and the
Verb-phrase​ ("ran away")
These immediate constituents can then, as mentioned
above, be analyzed for their own respective constituents. As we
will see below, the structures of these noun- and verb-phrases
can be very complex. The determination of the immediate
constituents of all levels of a sentence is called IC-analysis.

10.5.2 MODES OF REPRESENTATION

The results of distributional analysis can be presented in
various forms. These representations then serve as tools for the
disambiguation of sentences. For example, in the sentence
"Old men and women dance.", the adjective may be understood
to refer to both "men" and "women", or "men" only. The
acronyms in the examples mean: NP = noun-phrase, VP =
verb-phrase, N = noun, A = adjective, V = verb, Adv =
Adverb.

10.5.2.1 Labeled bracketing

Bracketing is one way of representing the results of
distributional analysis. Different bracket types are here
reserved for particular structure levels of a sentence. Braces
, for example, contain whole sentences. To remind of its
function, the brace is additionally labeled after the opening
with an "s". Parentheses () indicate noun- or verb-phrases, and
brackets [ ] indicate nouns, verbs, adjectives, or adverbs.
{​S​(​NP​[​A​poor]+[​N​John])+(​VP​[​V​ran]+[​Adv​away])}

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 This method of representation is agreeable in that it
adheres to the actual sentence format.
It has the drawback, however, that it is rather laborious to
present and to grasp visually. Even in our short example, the
elements are hard to distinguish.
10.5.2.2 Block diagram
In this way of representing the constituents, the broadest
structure appears at the bottom of the diagram, with each row
further up showing a more segmented level. Each row thus
shows the immediate constituents of its lower row.

Poo Joh ran awa

r n y
Poo Joh ran awa
r n y
Poo Joh ran awa
r n y
Poo Joh ran awa
r n y

10.5.2.3 Tree diagrams

Tree diagrams have proven to be the most convenient
way of representing an IC-analysis. In the diagram, so-called
nodes,​ where the NP, VP, etc. are situated, are connected by
links,​ which serve for connection similar to the branches of a
tree. At the top of the diagram, the "s" represents the sentence.
The immediate constituents of the sentence are the NP and VP.

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10.5.3 PHRASE STRUCTURE GRAMMAR
Another type of analysis of sentences, phrase-structure
analysis, aims to sort out the ​rewrite rules or ​phrase-structure
rules (​PS-rules​) of a sentence. A sentence is here analyzed for
its constituents, or phrase-structure. From there on, alternatives
are sought that are capable of substituting these
phrase-structures, hence 'rewrite rules'.
Example "John runs":
Sentenc consists noun-p plus verb-phr
e of hrase ase
S → NP + VP “John runs“

VP → V + NP “change trains“
NP → Adj + N “fast run“
NP → Det + N “the dog“
VP → V + S “I ​believe John ran
away​“
VP → V + PP “I ​looked at John​“
PP → Prep + N “at John“
PP = Prepositional phrase, Prep = Preposition

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 As you can see, the system allows for ​alternatives, w​ ith
one element having the possibility of being rephrased in
various ways. These alternatives are due, in part, to the
structure of the ​transitive and ​intransitive verbs. Transitive
verbs take a direct object. Thus, transitive verbs always appear
with two noun-phrases. These are called the ​arguments of the
verb:
"​The dog​ frightened ​the man​."
Intransitive verbs do not take objects:
"The dog barked."
Some verbs can be used transitively and intransitively:
"George won."
"George won the race."
The variability of rewriting is thus important for the
creativity of a language.

10.5.4 RECURSIVITY RULES

Recursivity is a property all languages share. We can
always add another sentence to a sentence to get an even longer
sentence. Also, we could extend phrases infinitely. In the
​ V
rewrite rules given above, you find the recursivity rule VP →
+ S. Why is this recursive? Well, a sentence consists of a NP
and a VP. If the VP again contains a sentence, such as a
subordinate clause, another VP must appear within that
​ ​ V + S;
subordinate clause: VP →
S ​→​ NP + VP;
VP ​→​V + S;

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 S ​→​ NP + VP; etc.
Other recursivity rules are:
NP ​→​ NP + NP
VP ​→​ VP + VP

10.5.5 PROBLEMS WITH IC-ANALYSIS

In some cases, there remain ambiguities with IC-analysis,
as in:
"World War I was started ​by Austria​." and
"World War I was started ​by 1914​."
There are two different meanings behind these sentences,
but an IC-Analysis of both sentences will yield the same
structure. Thus, we are forced to rely on our "feeling" or
"linguistic knowledge" if such sentences occur. Furthermore,
there are ​discontinuous constituents,​ as in:
"Al ​turned​ the light ​off​."
Here, constituents appear separated from each other,
although they do belong together. Unfortunately, this is
difficult to show with the IC-analysis.
Obviously, there seems to be a level ​beyond the actual
sentence on which such structures appear more clearly. We
will investigate this in the chapter on ​transformational
generative grammar.​

10.6 Transformational generative grammar (TGG)

The American linguist Noam Chomsky revolutionized
the theory of syntax by formulating this completely new
approach. Chomsky defined a language as an ​infinite set of
grammatical sentences.​ According to him, a grammar is a ​finite

100
set of rules ​generating ​the grammatical sentences. The
grammar must be ​explicit and ​projective.​ It describes the
competence of an ideal native speaker and ignores
performance,​ the actual utterances.
This last point, in particular, caused criticism:
"Chomskyans" tend to acknowledge only those examples of a
language that fit into their TGG, disregarding everyday
language. This "idealism" thus neglects many non-grammatical
phenomena of the language.

10.6.1 THE COMPONENTS OF TGG

Phrase structure rules​. You already know them. They
make up the framework for the underlying, basic structure of a
language. Chomsky labels the phrase structure rules the ​base
component​ of the grammar.
Deep structure (also: underlying structure). This
component is generated by the phrase structure rules. The deep
structure is what lies "behind" the actual sentence. Two
sentences which ​mean the same may have the same deep
structure, but two sentences which mean something completely
different may also show the same deep structure. Due to this
stress on meaning, the deep structure makes up the ​semantic
component o​ f the model.
Transformational rules.​ These serve to transform the
"raw" construction of the deep structure into the surface
structure.
One transformational rule is:
If you want to construct a question in English, you have
to either change the word order, or add an auxiliary verb.

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Examples:
I can help. ​→​ Question: Can I help?
I go to town. →​ ​ Question: ​Do​ I go to town?
Another transformational rule applies to forming the
imperative: Leave away the subject.
Example: You go to town. ​→​ Imperative: Go to town!
The result of the transformation is called the surface
structure of the sentence. Nevertheless, this is still not the
actual utterance. Remember that TGG does not deal with the
performance of speakers. Thus, the surface structure is what is
in our minds just before we say it. The examples above show
two samples of surface structure.
The surface structure is then expressed, i.e. pronounced,
according to the phonological rules of that language.

10.6.2 SUMMARY OF TGG

The following diagram gives an overview of the
transformational processes:
PHRASE-STRUCTURE RULES
↓
Deep Structure
↓
TRANSFORMATIONAL RULES
↓
Surface Structure
↓
PHONOLOGICAL RULES
↓
Spoken Sentence

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 In this model, sentences are ​generated by
transformations.​ Hence the name TGG.

10.6.3 TRANSFORMATIONAL RULES

TGG is a very complex subject matter. Let’s take a look
at the basic transformation rules:
Deletion. A simple deletion rule deletes "that" when it
precedes a NP at the beginning of a "that-clause"
Example: I believe that he went to town.  I believe
he went to town.
Movement. Prepositions that "belong" to verbs are
moved to the end of sentences in certain cases.
Example: They called up the police.  They called the
police up.
Addition. In negative sentences, "do" is added. The
element "not" does not occur on its own.
We say They do not like worksheets.
but not *They not like worksheets.

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 Chapter 11. Semiotics

Semiotics is the ​science of signs.​

And so you might ask 'But what is a sign'? When people
talk about others "making" or "giving signs", they usually refer
to gestures. Then ​there are "signs" which help to guide and
regulate traffic. Wherever we go "signs" appear, such as words,
books, architecture, signs in people's behavior, etc. There are
even events that are regarded as "signs".
As you can see from this brief survey, the term "sign" is
used quite casually. Semiotics is not the science of how to
perform gestures, or of ordinances or municipal regulations for
traffic signs. In terms of semiotics, signs always serve a
communicative purpose​. Furthermore, signs are always ​part of
a ​system of signs. The system of human gestures or the system
of traffic signs and their ​meaning could thus indeed be subject
to semiotic inquiry.
Generally, signs consist of a ​sign vehicle and some
meaning connected with it. So, gestures or traffic signs are
interesting because of their ​meaning content. ​We shall see later
on what this means in detail.
Semiotics investigates a wide range of fields, starting
from ​zoosemiotics a​ nd cultural semiotics up to ​aesthetics and
computer semiotics​, to name only a few. Semiotic theory can,
in fact, be applied to almost any field since most processes in
nature and culture rely on communication, and with that, rely
on signs that serve that communicative purpose.
In this chapter we will concentrate on the linguistic sign
and semiotic ​models of the sign​. And of those there are quite a

104
few. They differ mainly in one characteristic: Most models of
the sign are either ​dyadic or ​triadic models. This means that
they show either two or three sides, or apices. The most
prominent example for the dyadic, or two-sided sign​, is the one
developed by Ferdinand de Saussure. The three-sided, or
triadic model of the sign​, was created by Charles Sanders
Peirce and influenced semiotic theorists of the 20​th century
more so than any other model.

11.1 Saussure
Ferdinand de Saussure (1857-1913), the founder of
modern semiotics, designed a dyadic or ​bilateral sign model.
According to him, the sign is two-sided. Unfortunately
Saussure did not live to see his theory spread. His insights
received their due recognition posthumously, when his students
published his theories that they had written down in their
scripts. Luckily, several versions of these scripts exist. This
enabled the publishers to give a very detailed survey of
Saussure's theories.

11.1.1 THE TWO-SIDED SIGN

Saussure's idea of the sign is based upon a notion of
duality​. The word "dual" implies the number of two. Hence,
Saussure's sign shows two sides. In order to understand the
more complex construct of Saussure's, consider a trivial
example: When you look at a thing, e.g., a tree, you instantly
know the word that designates the thing. Words and things are
connected in our minds. The same goes for words you hear
without seeing the respective things. So when somebody tells
you: "There's a tree in my father's garden", you know what
"tree" means in this context, even without ever having seen that
tree.

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 This explanation, however, does not entirely meet
Saussure's terminology. From his point of view, language is an
entirely psychological entity. Therefore, "things" in the real
world do not play any role in the model. Saussure so to speak
focuses on what goes on in our heads. So, neither the physical
aspects of things nor those of sounds are considered. The two
aspects of the linguistic sign Saussure identified are therefore
mental aspects: the ​ideas or ​concepts ​of things and the ​mental
images o​ f sounds, both of which are stored in our memory.

11.1. 2 CONCEPT AND SOUND IMAGE

Concept and sound image, Saussure contended, cannot
be separated. He compared them with the two sides of a piece
of paper: Just as one cannot cut the front side of a piece of
paper without cutting the back side as well, our mind is
structured such that the concept automatically evokes the
sound image and, vice versa, that the sound image
automatically evokes the concept. Therefore, concept and
sound image belong together and form a unity.
The following figures illustrate the idea of the two-sided
sign: The figure on the left shows the relationship between the
terms ​concept and ​image ​acoustique​. These two sides of the
sign are brought together by an ellipse encompassing them.
The figure on the right demonstrates this using an example.

Later, Saussure coined the term ​signified for concept, and

the term ​signifier for sound image (the original French terms
are ​signifié-concept,​ ​signifiant-image acoustique)​ . These terms

106
are interchangeable. The concept, or signified then, as
mentioned above, is the correlate of the sound-image, or
signifier. Saussure claims here that these mental concepts
always abide to the ideal and prototypical features that the
signifier ideally was to refer to. For instance, when we hear
"arbor", or "tree", we do not think of a particular tree, such as a
birch tree, or the old oak tree in our backyard, but of an
abstract concept that entails the ideal, prototypical features of
"tree", for example the trunk, branches, leaves, tallness, etc.
The sound chain, i.e. the actual utterance, may have brought
about this concept; however, it is the "impression" of this
sound chain in our minds that is of interest to Saussure. It is
this impression that he refers to with his term 'sound image'
and he regards it, as mentioned above, to be completely cut off
from the physical world.
The relation between the concept and the sound image,
furthermore, is an ​arbitrary one. There is no natural, inherent
connection between the two. Instead, we associate concepts
with sound images and vice versa following ​conventions​. ​(​The
concept of arbitrariness is discussed in the first chapter of this
course book.​)
A sign, with its signifier and signified, has to be, finally,
acknowledged by a social group, or language community in
order to be regarded as a sign. That is to say, a random
utterance of one individual, although he or she may want it to
signify something, may not have gained sufficient
acknowledgment to be regarded as a sign. This is because
Saussure regarded semiotics to be a social science. According
to him, signs are ​collective entities​.

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11.1.3 MEANING AS OPPOSITION
According to Saussure, language is a structure. This is
why his work and that of his followers has been called
structuralism. Within this structure, meaning comes into being
through opposition. We have already seen that, for Saussure,
meaning is not connected with physical objects, since he
claimed that nothing existed outside the semiological system of
signifiers and signifieds. In other words: without some
structure superimposed to it, nothing gains meaning. This
applies not only to the physical world, but also the realm of
thought. Thought would be thus, without the structure of
language, "amorphous", "uncharted", "vague". This important
notion manifests Saussure's theory of linguistics, and semiotics,
as a science concerned not with ​substance​, but ​form​. Do not be
confused by this terminology! People use the term "substance"
in everyday language in order to designate, say, a chemical
substance. But Saussure's term "substance" by no means refers
to physical shape. It is rather "that which needs to be
structured". For example, the substance of thought depends on
the structure of language, or form, to gain meaning.
Meaning takes form, comes into being, within this
structured system only. And this meaning, according to
Saussure, holds exclusively; in other words, a sign designates a
concept that ​no other sign ​designates. For example, the sign
"table" designates something exclusively. There is no other
sign which means "table". Hence, when we hear the word
"table", we can easily make out what it means. Saussure says
that the sign stands in opposition to all others. In other words:
A sign designates a concept as opposed to all others which ​do
not designate the same concept. All signs form a semiotic
network in which the oppositions between all signs give
meaning to the individual ones. Naturally, this is valid for

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individual systems of signs only. The counterargument that
correlate signs from other languages do exist, such as "Tisch"
meaning the same as "table", does not hold.

11.2 Peirce
Charles Sanders Peirce (1839-1914) was a contemporary
of Saussure, unfortunately however, neither of them had
contact with or knowledge of the work of the other. While
Saussure's model has been recognized as important for
linguistics in general and semantics in particular, Peirce is
considered one of the most important figures in the history of
semiotics. Some scholars regard him to be the founder of the
modern theory of signs.
There are some profound differences between Saussure's
and Peirce's views of the sign. Saussure two-sided model of the
sign claimed to regard language only (Remember 'the world
outside' was not a part of language for Saussure.). Peirce, in
contrast, saw that 'world outside' to be a part of the system of
language and incorporated it into his ​triadic model of the sign.
Saussure's two-sided model is, furthermore, static in that it
offers an explanation of how a sign is structured and an
analysis of its state. Peirce's model is dynamic in that it does
not regard the sign as a set entity and in that it takes the overall
production process of signs, ​semiosis, m ​ ore so into
consideration. This ​semiosis is, furthermore, a ​pragmatic
procedure: In this procedure everybody is seen to have his or
her own view of the world and by using signs to express this
individual view, is seen to contribute to an endless generation
of new signs. It is easy to see why this makes for a much more
dynamic understanding of language as people's individual
views of the world cannot be ascertained in a consistent, static
manner. This is the main, foremost difference between
Saussure's and Pierce's approaches to language. It is important
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to keep in mind that Peirce's model cannot be regarded merely
as an extention of Saussure's model. It is based on different
notions of the sign altogether and thus needs to be approached
in its own terms.

11.2.1 THE TRIADIC SIGN

Peirce's triadic model sees the sign as a phenomenon of
thirdness,​ with the various aspects of a sign relating to each
other as best represented with the triangle.

11.2.1.1 The representamen

This part of the sign model is what we already know
from Saussure who introduces it by another name, namely the
sign vehicle, the signifier, ​expression respectively. From this
you can see that semiotic theory, though it evolved differently,
drew on the same ideas and concepts quite often. The
representamen is the first correlate of the sign. Still, Peirce
sometimes mixed up his own terms and said the representamen
was the sign in the whole. In most cases, however, Peirce
makes quite clear that the sign is the whole, and the
representamen is only part of it.

11.2.1.2 The object

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 We have seen that the representamen is the sign vehicle.
Thus it refers to something which it itself is not. In other
words:
"Table" is only a chain of sounds. The thing it refers to is
nothing acoustic, but a body. Any real or ideal unit we can
refer to can be described as an ​object in the Peircean sense.
Peirce names two classes of objects:
immediate object: We speak of an immediate object
when a sign can spontaneously be associated with some
specific object. "Hunger", for example, assumingly evokes the
idea of the desire to eat.
mediate or dynamic object: How we experience objects is
a highly individual process that takes place independently in
each of us. The main, or direct, correlation of the sign as to
some object can, moreover, change over time. Somebody who
starved, will, for example, entertain a different notion of
'hunger' from then on. This is referred to as semantic language
change. The mediate or dynamic objects are, in this sense,
possible variations of the association of the immediate object.

11.2.1.3 The interpretant

The interpretant is the meaning of the sign as created in
the mind of the interpreter. Peirce also said that this was the
"effect" of the sign. This effect can be measured by everyday
experience. Everything we learn day by day changes our view
of the world. Thus, we may ​interpret signs differently today, if
our knowledge of them or experience with them has changed
since yesterday. For example, linguistics will mean something
else to you at the end of this class than it did at the beginning.
The ​interpretant ​is thus the meaning as created on the basis of
our sum of experience. This is a part of the overall process of
creating signs, ​semiosis​, to which we will get right now.

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11.2.1.4 Unlimited semiosis
The process of creating signs is called ​semiosis.​ The
representamen stands for something: the object. Also, there is a
person to whom the representamen is a representation. In the
mind of this person, the interpreter, the interpretant is thus
created.
Peirce speaks of a process that could go on indefinitely,
of an endless succession of signs. In it one thought leads to
another and every interpretant can in the course be the
representamen of another sign. As such, the search for a first or
last sign in this process, a coherent whole with a beginning and
ending, ceases to be the predominant aim. Peircian semiotics,
instead, focuses on the process itself.

11.2.2 FIRSTNESS, SECONDNESS, THIRDNESS

According to Peirce, a sign can stand in relation to that
which it stands for in three different ways. These potential
relationships are what he calls a trichotomy of firstness,
secondness, and thirdness. Peirce then elaborated this
trichotomy, leading to a very complex sign theory. In this
course we will start out by understanding this trichotomy in
regard to the correlate ​object​.
Icon. Icons are signs that are similar to that which is
denoted. One of the best examples are photographs, where the
picture resembles the object to a great extent. Icons stand in
relation of ​firstness​ to the object.
Index. The index does not resemble the object itself as
the icon does, though it does depict a physical context having
to do with that object. Smoke, for example, does not resemble
fire, but it does refer to fire nevertheless. The relation between
indices and objects is secondness.

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 Symbol. Peirce regards symbols as arbitrary and
conventional signs. Symbols refer to their objects "by virtue of
law". All linguistic signs, i.e. words, are therefore symbols.
(Note that many linguists have different understandings of the
term "symbol"; thus, when reading linguistic texts, make sure
that you are familiar with that linguist's notion of "symbol".)
Thus, in order to use symbols (in the Peircian sense of the
term) effectively, you simply have to know, i.e. learn, their
meaning. This type of relation is what Peirce called a relation
of thirdness.

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 Chapter 12. Semantics

Actually, this chapter ought to bear the name "linguistic

semantics", since semantic theories have been developed by
many schools of thought. However, philologists concerning
themselves with semantics regard it as the ​meaning structure of
human language.
We have already come across the term ​meaning in the
chapter on semiotics. We saw that the words of a language
carry meaning. In this chapter, we will take a look at the
semantic relations that exist between the words of a language
and the meaning these words designate (semantics comes from
Greek "semantikos", ​belonging to the sign.​ Also, we will take a
look at the two main linguistic phenomena that modern
linguists concerns itself with, namely ​metaphor​ and ​deixis.​

12.1 The meaning of "meaning"

Scholars have been busy thinking about the concept of
meaning since the beginning of philosophy. When we try to
explain the meaning of a word, say 'woman', we find that we
quite naturally take recourse to other words, such as 'human',
'female', and so on. But what is "human", we could go on to
ask. What is "female"? What does "what", "is", "define" mean?
What is the meaning of "meaning"?
At some point, we will undoubtedly fail to produce new
words in order to explain others. This means that finally we
arrive at a point where we must accept that some basic words
are left undefined. Nevertheless, they are understood by all
speakers of a language. These basic words are called the
primitive semantic elements.​

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 We've seen that language always refers to objects of one
kind or another, either physical (e.g., things) or mental (e.g.,
ideas or feelings). When talking about meaning, however,
language itself becomes the object of investigation. Thus, it is
language about language,​ describing, for example, the units,
characteristics, or sounds of a language. We call this language
about language the ​metalanguage.​ When we discussed the
functions of language as defined in the communication model
by Roman Jakobson, we mentioned this term for the first time.
We use metalanguage whenever we discuss linguistic theory in
any of its aspects. In the following, you will see again how
important it is to be able to move to the metalinguistic level.

12.2 Word meaning and sentence meaning

When we look at a language, we find that there are
different kinds of meaning behind different kinds of words.
Content words. These are principally nouns, verbs,
adjectives, and adverbs. All of these refer to concrete objects,
actions, or abstract concepts, feelings, etc. In other words: there
is always some immediate ​content which can be associated
with the word.
Function words​. These are prepositions or articles. There
is no immediate content ascribed to these words. They help to
construct meaning in larger linguistic units, in other words:
they have a ​function.​
As you have seen now, meaning has to do with words.
Words serve to build sentences. How do we know the meaning
of the sentence? Is it merely the sum of the meanings of its
words? Of course not. Consider this example:
The hunter bit the lion. — The lion bit the hunter.

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 In both sentences, the same words occur. However, the
meaning of each sentence is quite different from the other.
Sentence meaning​, hence​, depends not only on the words, but
also on word order, pronunciation, etc. Trying to determine
what a sentence means and why it means what it means, is
what is referred to in semantics as looking for the ​semantic
role​. This is, in essence, nothing other than a basic process of
asking '​who did ​what to ​whom​, with ​whom​, or for ​whom​'.
Features such as word order, pronunciation and stress help us
to define the semantic role.

12.3 Lexical semantics

We have already discussed the term ​lexeme.​ In principle,
all words in the ​lexicon of a language are lexemes (see
Morphology​). Examining the meaning of words in the lexicon
then is ​lexical semantics.​

12.3.1 SEMANTIC FEATURES

When we use a word, we know its meaning (or at least
we ought to​)​. This means, we know many things about the
word in question. Above, I mentioned the example "woman." I
said "woman" might be described by "human", and "female".
Well, these aspects are also called ​semantic features or
semantic properties​. We can list the features of all words. They
help to differentiate between words that sound or look the
same, such as "bachelor". Can you think of any more semantic
features for this word?
bachelor bachelor bachelor
+animated +animated +animated
+human +human -human
+male ... +male

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 The + and - signs indicate whether a lexeme is specified
by a certain feature or not. Sometimes, features do not apply to
lexemes, as in our example: while the bachelor on the left hand
represents an unmarried young man, who naturally is male, that
feature does not apply to the meaning in the middle: Here we
have the person holding the university degree (both male and
female).On the right, we finally have the animal bachelor: a
young male seal.

12.3.2 DENOTATION VERSUS CONNOTATION

There are two aspects to the meaning of a word. We also
say that there is a "core" meaning to every word, as well as
some additional meaning. The "core" meaning is the meaning
of a word in its literal sense. We call this the ​denotative
meaning​. The additional meaning is what we add according to
our feelings about the term. This is the ​connotative meaning.​
A good example is the disease called cancer. The
denotation of "cancer" is the mere disease that can be described
by growing tumors, malfunctioning organs, etc. The
connotation of cancer is all the emotional additions, as "cruel",
"frightening", "hard to heal", etc.
While the denotation of a lexeme is subject to language
change in the broad sense, the connotation may change
according to the taste ​en vogue​. A few decades ago, "fur coat"
had a connotation of value and high social status. Nowadays,
"fur coat" evinces a connotation of "animal murder", "cruelty",
"ignorance", and so on. In short, the wearer of such a coat
might find that people judge her (or him) differently.

12.3.3 LEXICAL FIELDS

There are always words in a language that seem to
belong together more so than others.

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 Consider the following words:
hammer, tongs, screwdriver, cutter, saw
All of these have something in common: they are tools.
These words with "something" in common belong to the same
lexical field.​ Other lexical fields contain emotions, vehicles,
furniture, and so on.
12.3.3.1 Markedness
We do not use all lexemes equally often: we use them
with different ​frequency​. Consider the example of the
following color terms:
blue, red, yellow, green
indigo, saffron, royal blue, aquamarine
The first set of color terms seems more familiar. Both
sets have a different status; we say that the "more familiar" set
is ​less marked​. Less marked forms are easier to learn and are
used more frequently.
Another example is the use of male and female forms.
Female forms are more marked than male ones in languages
such as German and French.

12.4 The most relevant semantic relations between

lexemes
Some semantic relations between lexemes determine
their semantic locus within the lexicon of a language. Others
simply govern the possibilities of substitution and
differentiation of lexemes.

12.4.1 HYPONYMY
Consider again the example of hammer, tongs,
screwdriver, cutter, saw.
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 All of these belong to the lexical field "tools". In this
case, "tool" is a semantically higher term, in that it stands for a
group of items. All of the terms (hammer,...) are ​hyponyms of
the broader term. "Hypo" is Greek for "below". Thus all tools
are hyponyms of "tool". The term "tool" is, consequently, the
hypernym​ for all tools ("hyper" = Greek "above").

12.4.2 SYNONYMY
Two words are synonymous if they "mean the same
thing." We all know words which serve the same purpose. An
example from German is "Geldbörse – Portemonnaie –
Geldbeutel." An English example is "film – movie – motion
picture."
True synonyms are hard to find in a language. Most
synonyms originate from local differences. For example, in
Austria people refer to a street as "Gasse", whereas for the rest
of the German-speaking community the same object is referred
to as "Straße."

12.4.3 ANTONYMY
Apart from equality in meaning, as with synonyms, there
is also the opposite. Opposition in meaning is known as
antonymy.​ Large-small, wide-narrow, white-black, fat-slim are
some examples for antonyms. All classes of words can have
antonyms.
Verbs: go-stand
Nouns: male-female
adjectives: good-bad

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12.4.4 ASYMMETRY OF THE LEXEME
As an ideal, the linguistic sign shows ​one meaning
connected with ​one ​expression. However, there are some
exceptions to this ideal.
12.4.4.1 Homonymy.
Two lexemes that ​look or ​sound the same may ​mean
something different. Hence, there are two types of homonymy,
according to visual or acoustic equality.
Homophony.​ These lexemes sound the same, such as
"whether-weather" and "meet-meat".
Homography. These lexemes look the same, as "read",
meaning as well /ri:d/ as /red/ in the past tense.
There are even homophones which are at the same time
homographs, as "ear-ear." This pair designates as well the
auditive organ ("Ohr") as the fruit of corn ("Ähre").

12.4.4.2 Polysemy
We say that a word is polysemic when it looks the same
and has more than one meaning. This term, although it is
closely related to, and has overlappings with, homography, is
used to exclusively refer to words of a common ​etymology. ​The
different meanings here usually constitute a specific stage in
the etymology of the word, and/or the altering meaning is
brought about by a metaphor (see next section).
Example: ride (to ride by car or to ride a horse), or the
German word "Stufe" (a step of a staircase or a level in
school).

12.5 Metaphor
The issue of metaphors is central to the debate over
'meaning'. Traditionally metaphors have been regarded as a
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type of extension of, or analogy to, the literal sense of
linguistic signs. Most commonly they are extensions of visual,
physical objects or experiences onto the abstract or emotional
domains of thinking. For example, the metaphorical use of the
word 'branch', as in the sense of 'branches of sciences', is
derived from a meaning originally denoting a physical object.
The debate carried out over 'metaphors' is thus largely a
philosophical one that questions our traditional dialectic
between the body and the soul. In trying to overcome this
dialectic, or in trying to understand it, some argue that
everything is a metaphor, while others question exactly how it
is that the meaning of a sign can be extended with a metaphor.
We can also say that people use and also create new
metaphors much more often than one might think. Most of the
metaphors we use are so conventionalized that we are not
aware of using them as metaphors. For example, if you ​see the
point​, you should understand that this is a metaphor, since one
cannot "see" an utterance.
As we see, there is some "literal" meaning in the
linguistic signs. However, signs may be used to create new
meaning. Metaphors work on the principle that something in
the original meaning is ​similar​ to the new one.

12.6 Deixis
Deixis comes from Greek, meaning "to point." Indeed we
frequently point at things, people, and events in our language.
We need function words, e.g., prepositions and pronouns, to
construct deictic utterances. We use deixis to articulate the
orientation of ourselves or things to some points of reference.
There are three forms of deixis:
Personal deixis.​ This form of deixis refers to the
utterances which refer to us or the persons involved in the
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discussion or the general context. Personal pronouns are used
to denote persons.
I​ think this is right.
Did ​you​ hand in the worksheet as ​you​ are required to?
Personal deixis may also point at persons mentioned
earlier in the text:
Beverly was quite upset yesterday. I hope ​she is in a
better mood today (she = Beverly)
Spatial deixis​. We use this to mark the position of the
speaker:
I've been living ​in Kassel​ for several years.
But also relative positions can be referred to:
Here​ ​there​ be dragons!
Temporal deixis.​ Finally, we use temporal deixis to mark
our place in time.
You will be attending classes ​for several years from
now​.
As you can see, function words suddenly become
relevant in the formulation of deictic utterances. They
constitute meaning in the context.

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123
 Chapter 13. Pragmatics

We have investigated two of the main issues of language

so far. The first was ​syntax​, which deals with the relations
among the various signs in a sequence of speech. The second
was ​semantics​, which deals with the linguistic sign and the
meaning behind it, that is, the relation between language and
objects. There is, however, a third issue to the linguistic sign.
What this issue is easy to guess when considering the
following example:
Speaker A (looks about a big square she's standing on:
"Oh, I just ​love​ Trafalgar Square!"
Speaker B (responding): "But this is the Place de la
Concorde!"
What's wrong with speaker A's utterance? Well, it's
correct both semantically and syntactically. It makes sense and
it is acceptable, apart from one aspect: It does not fit into the
context.
Here we see that there must be a relation between the
sign and its ​user in a certain context. Obviously, sentences can
be correct both semantically and syntactically and still be
contextually wrong. According to the American philosopher
Charles William Morris, this third relation of the sign is called
the ​pragmatic ​dimension of the sign. Morris was a follower of
Peirce, which accounts to why he adopted the model of the
sign and its three dimensions:

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 This chapter deals with pragmatics. We will take a look
at ​information structure a​ nd ​speech acts,​ investigating why we
say what in which context.

13.1 Information structure

As we have seen in the example above, information must
be organized according to the given context. We may
"understand" people all right in a conversation. Still, if
information occurs that does not fit the context, we are
puzzled:

Jack: "Hi, Helen. Nice to see you. Are you coming to my

party tonight?"
Helen: "Well... I don't know yet."
Jack: "O come on, it's my birthday!"
Helen: "My father owns a red sports car."
Jack: "What the hell are you talking about??"

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 "Contextually correct" does not only mean that
information can be correct or not, but also that the surface
structure of a sentence is generated from the deep structure due
to some regulative force in the language. In a birthday card, for
example, you do not expect the sentence:
"On this day, which is the 24​th anniversary of the day of
your birth, these words shall mean to you that the undersigned
wishes to transmit her best wishes, namely congratulations."
You will rather find something like:
"Happy birthday and best wishes. Yours, Elvira."
Obviously, there are alternatives of saying the same
thing. We are "told" how to structure information in a sentence
by several categories.

13.1.1 CATEGORIES OF INFORMATION STRUCTURE

Given and new information. In every conversation there
are phrases that are taken to be commonly known. These
receive less stress and are expressed less elaborately than those
representing new information. For example:
"Yesterday my mother went to this new mall, the one
in Queen's road, you know, where the old cinema burnt
down last year."
"Yesterday" and "my" are obviously known elements
in this sentence. "New mall" is new information. It requires
further explanation.
Topic. The topic is the core of attention in a sentence, as
the underlined word in:
"I know it was ​you​ who took away my sandwich!"
It is not always that easy to say where the topic is in a
sentence. In:

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 "O damn it!"
The topic is definitely outside the spoken language,
e.g., a mischief or bad luck. The word "it" is obviously too
vague to represent the topic in a sufficient manner.
Contrast. Where nouns or noun phrases occur in
opposition to each other, we find contrast. Examples are:
"It was not Tom but Jerry who made me laugh more."
"Only Kathleen was able to pass the test."
In the second example, contrast occurs between
"Kathleen" and all other members of a given group.
Definiteness. Noun phrases are marked as ​definite when
it can be assumed that the listener is able to identify them
without difficulty.
"Where's ​the pub?" (definite) is appropriate in a small
village where one single pub exists, whereas "Where is a
pub?" or "Are there pubs around here?" (indefinite) would
fit the situation of a larger neighborhood or city.
Referentiality. Noun phrases are referential if they refer
to a ​particular entity. In the sentence ​"This is the ​book I bought
at Dillon's", for example, the noun phrase "book" is referential
as it is defined more precisely by the subordinate clause. The
noun phrase "it" in the sentence "It's fun to study linguistics",
on the other hand, is nonreferential as it remains vague.
Nonreferential phrases are thus used whenever some noun is
required that cannot be derived from the general content of the
phrase. In European languages, for example, nouns are
required for the construction of any sentence. Due to this,
phrases like "It's raining" exist. Try to think about whatever is
actually raining: is it the weather? The cloud? Is it the rain
itself? God? The answer is no. The word "it" serves a purpose

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in itself because we require a noun phrase, something that
"does rain" similar to "I run", "Joe swims", "Eva sleeps".

13.1.2 PRAGMATIC CATEGORIES AND SYNTAX

As we have seen before in the chapter on syntax, the
same deep structure of sentences can be transformed into
different surface structures. In this chapter, you will see when
pragmatic categories apply to trigger certain transformations.
Fronting. Moving phrases to the front of a sentence
serves to indicate givenness or contrast.
Givenness: "​Latin lessons​ I cannot stand."
The speaker in this sentence presumes that the listener
already knows that he/she can't stand something. Therefore
that part of the sentence is a given, something already
known. Placing the noun phrase to the front then serves to
distinguish the new and the given information of the
sentence from each other.
Contrast: "I really don't like Tim. ​Harvey​ I find nice."
In this example, contrast is expressed through
fronting. The unusual position of "Harvey" serves to
emphasize the like/dislike opposition
Left-dislocation. This is syntactically and formally
similar to fronting​; a noun is moved from its usual place to the
left, i.e. front of the sentence in order to indicate givenness or
contrast. The difference here is that the noun remains in the
form of a pronoun in its original place as well. It is frequently
used to reintroduce given information.
"Linguistics, I'd just die for it."
Clefting and pseudoclefting. Consider the following
sentence:
"Spock met Kirk in the transporter room."
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 Cleft sentences are of the form: "It + BE + that..."
"​It​ ​was​ Kirk ​that​ Spock met in the transporter room."
Pseudocleft sentences are of the form: "WH-word
(usually 'what') + ... + BE"
"​What​ Spock met in the transporter room ​was​ Kirk."
Both constructions serve to facilitate the information
process for the listener. Because the given information is
distinguished from the new, the listener can focus more
readily on the new information. Between the two
constructions, though, it is cleft sentence structure that has
more force in achieving this effect. In pseudocleft sentences
the new information is, though marked, not presented in one
block at the front. The listener thus, after receiving the
''what" element of the new information, has to contribute
somewhat more concentration to the given information in
the middle before resuming with the latter part of the new
information at the end of the sentence.
Sentence stress. In most languages, noun phrases that
represent new information receive more stress. But stress can
also serve the purpose of marking opposition. Stress refers to
intonation. In fronting and left-dislocation, stress is added to
strengthen the emphasis on the acoustic level.
Passive. Usually, the active voice is preferred in English.
Sentences as: "A good time was had by all" sound ridiculous.
This is because we prefer to name the agent in a sentence as the
active part. Still, the two possible kinds of passive sentences in
English fulfill important functions:
Agent passive constructions are used when the subject
of the sentence is of predominant interest, yet when a noun
other than the subject of the sentence takes the active role in
shaping the state of that subject.

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 "The Klingons were driven back by the ​Enterprise"​
Agentless passives are used when the agent is either
known or irrelevant and thus unimportant in the sentence:
"The Klingons were driven back."

13.2 Speech acts

In the 1960's, two linguists, Austin and Searle, made up a
theory on how language serves to perform action. Austin's
famous book is hence called: ​How to do things with words​.
When we communicate, we do not only intend to send
some information to a receiver. In fact, we are always ​acting in
one way or another when we talk. This does not mean that we
perform some sort of play with our bodies, but that we are
imparting something beyond the mere surface structure of the
utterance. Just consider your own everyday communication:
You do not merely 'seek and provide information', instead you
declare, pronounce, give orders, commiserate, approve, etc.
Speech acts can be quite diversified.

13.2.1 TYPES OF SPEECH ACTS

Representatives:​ these represent states of affairs, such as
assertions, statements, claims, hypotheses, descriptions, and
suggestions. They are commonly regarded as being either true
or false.
Commissives​: these commit the speaker to something,
such as promises, pledges, threats, and vows.
Directives intend to make the hearer carry out some
action: commands, requests, challenges, invitations, entreaties,
and dares.
Declarations bring about the state of affairs: blessings,
firings, baptisms, arrests, marrying, declaring a mistrial.

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 Expressives: these indicate the speaker's attitude, such as
greetings, apologies, congratulations, condolences, and
thanksgivings.
Verdictives make assessments or judgements: ranking,
assessing, appraising, condoning.

13.2.2 LOCUTION, ILLOCUTION, PERLOCUTION

A speech act has three aspects to it. Note that we are here
not interested in the denotative meaning, but rather in the
connotative meaning, i.e. what is actually inferred, brought
about, and effected by the speech act.
Locution​. This is the acoustic utterance that can also be
transcribed into phonetic transcription. It is also called the
utterance act.​ We referred to this earlier as the acoustic chain.
Illocution.​ Whenever you say something, you have an
intention to say something. There may be one or more
intentions behind the utterance. We say that there are one or
more ​illocutionary acts​ in the speech act.
Perlocution. T ​ his is the effect of the speech act on the
hearer. There are two aspects of the ​perlocutionary act​. First,
there is the effect that the sender wants to evoke in the listener,
and second​, the effect that is finally achieved. An example is
an order from someone without authority: The effect that the
sender wanted to evoke was obedience; what was finally
achieved, however, was disobedience.
But how is it that we know what illocutionary force is
behind a speech act, i.e., how do we know that somebody
asking "Are you free tonight?" is not merely expecting a
"yes/no"–answer, but wants to line up a date with us.
We infer the illocutionary act of a statement from its
context. This means that we presume, for one, that a speaker
always has some intention for wanting any information. The
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context here 'boy-girl-evening-free time' allows the listener to
deduce 'He wants to spend his time with me'. If the context
were such that both the speaker and the listener have part-time
jobs at McDonalds, the illocutionary act could well be very
different, namely "Could you take my shift tonight? (so that I
could go on a date with someone else?)".
Whether a context counts as a valid context of a speech
act usually rests on a number of ​conditions that, together,
render that context. There are also always a number of
conditions that have to be fulfilled so that a speech act can be
interpreted as intended.
"I now pronounce you husband and wife", for example​,
is valid only if the speaker is entitled to wed ​couples, the two
are willing and legally qualified to marry, all persons are
present in an appropriate environment, such as a church, or a
court, and so on.
Most of these conditions are a matter of ​convention.​ In
other words, whether a priest has the authority to marry
couples, rests on our Christian convention of entitling such
people with this authority. A promise is valid only if the
convention of truthfulness is acknowledged by the promising
person. As such, a directive, such as the invitation, is subject to
interpretation according to different conventions of that
specific condition. For instance, the invitation "Call me
whenever you want" has become, by convention, to function
also as a way of expressing a general willingness to help a
person. The offer itself is thus usually not expected to be taken
up at 4:30 in the morning. The pledge "I'll pay you back as
soon as I get the money." on the other hand, is usually taken
literally, i.e. our conventions for dealing with money matters
are usually literal.

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13.2.3 THE COOPERATIVE PRINCIPLE
As you can well imagine, sorting out the different
conventions that govern speech acts can be very complex.
There are, however, four maxims that can be regarded as
general principles in all speech acts.
Maxim of quantity. If you are asked something, you are
expected to give neither too little nor too much information. If
you don't abide by this maxim, you will usually be regarded as
uncooperative. If your answer doesn't convey all of the
information asked for, the listener has incomplete data,
whereas too much information distracts the listener.
Maxim of relevance. Imagine asking somebody: "What
time is it?" and getting the answer: "I've been to Switzerland
three times." This answer clearly lacks all relevance in the
given context.
Maxim of manner. This refers to the ​importance o​ f
details within the ​chronological order they are presented. "First
comes first" is a principle that is violated in the following
examples; the phrases that violate the maxim of manner are
marked.
"For the station, you turn left at the next crossing.
Then you walk for half a mile. Down the street is a subway.
Use it to cross the street. Turn left again. ​The subway's walls
are painted yellow.​ From that point, you'll be able to see the
station."

Maxim of quality. This maxim refers to the truth or

falseness of a statement. If a speech act lacks this principle, it
is a lie. ​Successful communication rests on the assumption that
the other is telling the truth, i.e. earnest about her/his
statements. Hence this maxim is the most important. It doesn't

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really matter if other maxims are violated, as long as the
quality of the speech act is assured. Note that the maxim of
quality refers to the conscientiousness of the speaker, in other
words, it is secondary if she/he is mistaken or not. A statement
such as "I think Marx was right" is qualified if the person really
does think Marx was right; the question then of whether Marx
really was right or not is another subject matter.
There are cases, as you may know from your own
experience, where even these cooperative principles can be
legitimately violated. Some lies are necessary due to cultural
conventions. You would not reject a birthday present given to
you by your best friend, saying it was ​Kitsch,​ even if you did
think it was Kitsch.
This leads us a step further, to the ​indirect speech act.​

13.2.4 INDIRECT SPEECH ACTS

In these speech acts one or more maxim is violated,
however, since both participants of the speech act recognize
the violation the speech act as a whole is seen to follow
cooperative principles. The example given above belongs to
this type as, although the listener may not overtly recognize the
violation, he/she would potentially tolerate the violation. As
such speech acts that violate these maxims are seen to follow
these principles indirectly. The following applies to the indirect
speech act:
1. At least one maxim of the speech act is violated.
The literal meaning of the locution differs from the
illocutionary force conveyed by it.
Hearer and speaker recognize due to the context, that 2
(through 1) is the case and, both assuming that they both

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 acknowledge this, and view their communication as
cooperative and proceed their conversation.
The indirect speech act has thus been identified and the
intended meaning of the locution has been constructed by
the interlocutors with the help of their knowledge of the
context.
In the following, you will find some examples:
Jeff: "Am I late?"
John: "The boss went crazy."
Jeff: "All right, I'll go straight to his office and
apologize."
Here John seems to ignore Jeff's question and thereby
violates the maxim of relevance. John's remark on the angry
boss and, following that, John's reply to that, confirms that
both John and Jeff have identified the illocutionary act, i.e.
they both know that what is of interest is the consequences
of Jeff being late, not the denotative meaning of his being
late. As such John's speech act is an indirect speech act; i.e.
as a whole it is cooperative.
Mary: "Are you finished with your work sheet?"
Charley: "Is Rome in Romania?"
The answer seems to have nothing to do with the
question; again the maxim of relevance is violated. Both
participants, however, rely on ​shared knowledge.​ T​ he basis
of the indirect speech act here is that two questions are
being compared. The natural answer as to the question
whether Rome was in Spain is "no". This answer then is
being transferred to the first question. Recognition of this
procedure in both parties then allows the indirect speech act
to be cooperative

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 Sometimes maxims are violated due to ​politeness.​ If you
ask somebody "Can you shut the window?" you are actually
saying: "This is a polite request. Please shut the window." You
are not really interested in the person's capability of performing
the act.
Metaphors are also indirect speech events. Consider the
utterance
"Jane is a block of ice."
This violates the maxim of quality, since Jane most
definitely does not consist of frozen water. However, literal
meaning is not intended here. Listeners quite naturally
attribute their associations of coldness to Jane and so arrive
at the intended meaning.

Chapter 14. Text linguistics

14.1 What is text linguistics?

The use of the term "text" is not quite that simple. None
of the branches of linguistics we are looking at in this course
book regards the complete entity of ​texts as their primary
subject matter in the way text linguistics does. Instead, they
focus rather on, e.g., the nature and function of morphemes and
words within texts on a very abstract level. Sentences are
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examined with syntax and word as well as sentence meaning is
discerned by semantics. Although all of these domains deal
with parts of texts namely sounds, words and sentences, they
fail to generate a broader understanding of the substantial and
unique import of texts as such.
This we can only understand when observing how texts
are ​produced, presented, a​ nd ​received​. Whereas our inquiry so
far was geared towards the ​structure of language, we are now
going to ask: 'In what way do processes in text production, that
is: ​decision and ​selection and their impact on ​communicative
interaction generate structure?' This approach to linguistics,
which is of regarding complete texts as entities of inquiry, is
still fairly young, having come into being only in the 1970's. It
is also referred to as text linguistics.
However, the origin of this regard for texts goes way
back to Ancient Greece and Rome, where philosophers
founded the science of ​rhetoric​. This science cultivates speech
and examines the complete text for its applicability for an oral
presentation and its overall effect and persuasive potential. As
a discipline rhetoric received high esteem and was
acknowledged as one of the main branches of science. This
cultivation for spoken speech continued on even up to the
Middle Ages, where the church implemented it for its aims. As
a science of texts, rhetoric shares many concerns with text
linguistics. Some assumptions are:
The accessing and arranging of ideas is open to
systematic control.
The transition from idea to expression can be ​consciously
trained.
Among the various texts which express a given
configuration of ideas, some are of a higher ​quality​ than others.

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 Texts can be evaluated in terms of their ​effects on the
audience.
Texts are vehicles of ​purposeful interaction.​"
You may remember some of these notions from our
chapter on pragmatics, however, while the emphasis then was
on the use of language, it is now the whole text which is of
interest.

14.2 The principles of textuality

What constitutes a text? Usually, we do not think about
how we produce or understand speech, i.e. the texts for speech.
Still, there are basic principles that structure texts and it is, for
example, thanks to our intuitive compliance to these principles
that we still know what a discussion is all about even after ten
minutes of talking. Also, you do not have to return to the first
pages of a book whenever you start reading the next chapter,
because you know that the text ​proceeds​. You can even refer to
other texts written in other books or taken from other media,
such as newspapers. These constructive elements of texts are
known as ​textuality.​ They help us in recognizing where texts
start, where they end and how to perceive a text as an entity.

14.2.1 COHESION
Texts are regarded as ​stable systems the stability of
which is upheld by a ​continuity of occurrences.​ This means
that elements re-occur throughout the text system and can thus
be interrelated. Our short term memory does not lend itself for
storing information on a larger scale. The continuity of
occurrences thus serves to refresh this short term memory,
creating a basis for a long term memory to function. Whereas
cohesion within a sentence is constituted by syntax, it is this
factor of the continuity of occurrences that makes for cohesion
within a text. As you can already guess, cohesion is established
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by means of syntax. The way sentences are constructed help in
establishing cohesion. The following features belong to the
re-occurrences that make for the cohesion of texts:
14.2.1.1 Recurrence
The direct repetition of elements is called ​recurrence​. It
can fulfill many functions. However, whenever applied, the
phenomenon of recurrence must be derived from a
comprehensible motivation. The phrase "I met Sally and I met
Sally.", for instance, seems awkward as there is just no reason
for repeating the same element.
One function recurrence fulfills is, as mentioned above,
the enhancement of memory.
In the recurrence of the following example, emphasis is
the primary function.
"The other day, I met ​Sally​. I mean, you know ​Sally.​
This ​Sally Atkins from the linguistics department. She's a
nice person, good old ​Sally.​ "
Recurrence can also be used as a means to ​repudiate the
assumptions of the other, as in the following example:
"I guess you love ​snow​, ​ice,​ and the whole of
wintertime​!" — "Good grief! I certainly don't like ​snow​, nor
ice​, and definitely not ​wintertime​!"
In poetic texts, recurrence is often used to emphasize the
emotional peak of poems, as in the famous recurring last line
of almost every stanza in Edgar Allan Poe's "Raven":
"Quoth the raven: nevermore."
In this example, the recurrence also helps to establish
a strong connection among the various stanzas. The reader
may expect the same line to occur again.
14.2.1.2 Junction

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 Events and situations are combined in texts. This action
is called ​junction​. ​Junctive expressions are commonly known
as ​conjunctions.​
Conjunctions​ link things of the same status: "and".
Disjunctions​ link elements of an alternative status: "or".
Contrajunctions link elements of the same status which
are incompatible: "but".
Subordinators link things where the status of one
depends on the other: "because", "since"

14.2.2 COHERENCE
Whereas cohesion is the syntactical means of keeping a
text together, there is also the meaning which interweaves the
whole of a text. This meaning principle is called the ​coherence
of a text. Coherence can happen only under the condition of a
set of prerequisites. For one, speakers must have a common
knowledge base that they draw from. Secondly, there must be a
context which is important in respect to the meaning (as we
have seen in the chapter on pragmatics, the meaning of phrases
depends on the intention and situation. Concepts in texts may
hence change their meaning regardless of their sememe).
Coherence, that is meaning, in texts, is in subsequence to
these prerequisites determined by the so-called ​control centers,
also called ​primary concepts,​ which are the pivots of the
meaning structure of a text.
Control centers are:
Objects:​ these have a stable identity; their core meaning
does not change substantially. Persons, abstract concepts or
things of any kind that are mentioned in a text play the role of
objects.

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 Situations:​ are configurations of objects in the present
state of affairs.
Events​: these are occurrences which change a situation.
Actions:​ events intentionally brought about by an ​agent.
An agent is not necessarily a person or living being. Any item
can gain the status of an agent. In the sentence "The wave
rolled up the beach", 'wave' is the agent, performing the action
of rolling.
There is a far more elaborate set of ​secondary concepts,​
which range from the ​agent to the ​value of an entity, but we
will not go into this in detail.
Consider the example:
"The big red bus approached the stop. Its roaring exhaust
frightened the small children and old ladies. A conductor was
at hand to provide the group with tickets. The sun shone at the
scene."
The dominating control center of the first part is clearly
an object: "the big red bus". There is also an action, namely its
approaching the bus stop. The next sentence just adds more
information to the first, being attached directly to the primary
concept by the cohesive means of ​pro-forms ​("its"). As you can
see, the object control center happens to be the subject of the
sentence as well. It is grammatically the most important part of
the sentence.
But the second part of the text is not so obviously
coherent with the first part. What needs to be done to combine
the two parts is called ​interference​. By interfering, we fill gaps
in the textual world with our knowledge from the real world.
What makes us understand that the 'conductor' and 'tickets' can
somehow be related to a bus exhaust, small children and old
ladies is our common world knowledge. The 'conductor' is
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associated with the bus because this is where he works, the
other persons are probably commuters. The 'scene' must be the
setting of the bus standing at the stop with a group of people
waiting to get in, etc.
Interferences are carried out intuitively by means of
imaginative associations. However, empirical tests have shown
that a slight degree of intuitive association takes place in all
types of language processing. As thus it takes place not only
when having to fill the gaps of explicitly textual worlds with
real, experienced worlds.

14.2.3 INTENTIONALITY AND ACCEPTABILITY

You can also read about this phenomenon in the chapter
concerned with the Speech Act Theory. We will thus only
rehearse the basic principles here:
Cohesion and coherence are the most important
principles of textuality. However, there are texts which are
neither fully cohesive nor coherent. Hence, we must take the
attitude of the language users toward the text into
consideration. What is their ​intention?​ Presumably there is
some planning involved in order to put the intention into
words. Speakers may fail to clad their intention into a pattern
both cohesive and coherent:
"You know, I – where am I? Ah, yes, last night I visited
Dan, and he – but you do know Dan, don't you?"
We all know such inconsistent sentences from our
everyday experience. They derive from the change of intention
during the utterance. The change may be caused by an internal
reflection or by some external event, such as a frowning
listener. Nevertheless, when listening and talking we follow a
cooperative principle,​ which, in turn, places the text into an

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acceptable framework, even if their surface structure neglects
cohesion and coherence.

14.2.4 INFORMATIVITY
Informativity refers to whether the content of a text is
new or whether it was expected by the receiver. We
differentiate here with the following features:
Probability.​ Is the utterance probable? A sentence like: "I
like Chinese food" is quite probable as far as ​statistical
probability of correct sentences is concerned. But a sentence
such as "All you foul dishes of the degenerate West, you
cannot compete to my favorites from the East!" is much too
unique to be statistically probable. Another aspect is ​contextual
probability​. When talking about food, for instance, a sentence
like "And the new BMW is really nice to look at." is grossly
out of context and as thus improbable.
Orders of informativity​. If the predictability of intention,
cohesion, and coherence is high, we speak of ​first-order
informativity​. An example is the "stop" traffic sign, the content
and structure of which is very unambiguous and
conventionalized. First-order occurrences are also called
defaults:​ they are used very often, such as certain phrases. But
in order to make texts more interesting, informativity of second
or third order must appear. Usually, texts consist more or less
of second-order occurrences. These are ​upgraded or
downgraded in order to produce either more predictable or
more interesting bits of text. In a short story or novel, the
author will rather use downgraded, unpredictable text. This
will keep the reader focused on the book.
Text types.​ The rate of informativity differs in the many
various text types, such as literary, poetic, and scientific texts.

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Naturally, in poetry, the number of third-order occurrences is
much higher than in scientific texts.

14.2.5 SITUATIONALITY
Texts must be relevant to the current situation in which
they appear. We distinguish between the following:
Situation monitoring is being performed if the primary
function of a text is to describe a given situation as best as
possible.
Situation management means that a text is designed to fit
into a situation as best as possible.
Although texts have to be relevant to the situation in
which they appear, the situation does not have to be a real
situation, i.e. it can be fictional. For example, in drama the
audience is drawn into a situation generated on the stage. Thus,
when Hamlet says "All's not well...", his monologue naturally
does not mean that the audience is in Denmark, the setting of
the play. In short, literary texts have the prerogative to present
alternative situations in which they fit quite well.

14.2.6 INTERTEXTUALITY
No text is really independent, i.e. all texts relate to others
in one way or another. The expressions ​textual field or the ​text
universe have been created by scholars to refer to this textual
network. The principle of intertextuality is that the structure
(i.e. those principles listed above) of texts is determined largely
by texts that have been received by authors or readers prior to
that. Citations or a re-use of texts is one of the more obvious
ways in which this principle applies. But intertextuality can
also be detected in more subtle forms and occurs between
various text types as well.

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 In the narrower sense of texts within the framework of
text linguistics, we speak of intertextuality as the phenomenon
of interference between various texts in a conversation.
Situation management and monitoring depend heavily on other
texts which have been uttered in the conversation. A receiver
does not remain uninfluenced by these uttered texts and
interrelates them with his own textual production.

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146
 Chapter 15. Sociolinguistics

If you study language as it is spoken by humans in

everyday life, including the variations from area to area in a
country or within different levels of society, you are dealing
with ​sociolinguistics - the study of language in society. The
discipline is still quite young, having been founded only in the
late 1960's, but it now belongs to one of the established
branches of linguistic study. In the Anglo-Saxon countries,
sociolinguistics receives high esteem, especially in England,
where the study of ​dialects and variations in the ​stratified
society​ are a never-ending subject of research.

15.1 Variation in language

It is quite obvious that different people use different
languages. This is a given fact which you can experience when
you travel from one country to another. Also, there are
variations within one single ​language community.
There are various definitions of what a language
community is. In general, we call a group of people using a
common variant of a language a language community. For
example, all people speaking a certain dialect of English are
one speech community. However, speech communities can be
discerned on other levels of society. There are male and female
speech communities among the speakers of English. These
differ due to the contrast of language use in men and women.
On a social as well as a regional scale, such differentiations
gain in weight. If you travel to Bavaria, people speak a kind of
German which sounds quite different from the one spoken in
Hamburg. A professor uses a different language than a janitor
does. It then happens sometimes that values are attributed to
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these variations. People are considered to speak a "good" or
"bad" English. The language of the teenage generation is
sometimes valued as "declining". Sometimes, exotic languages
spoken in foreign parts of the world are labeled "inferior" by
people who are convinced that European languages should be
regarded as the topmost standard. All these opinions are of no
value to sociolinguistics. Rather, we try to classify various
variants of languages by neutral features. Here are some of
these basic features by which language variations can be
classified.
Standardization. Is the language variation
recognized/understood/spoken by a majority of speakers of one
language community?
Vitality. Is the language variation still developing or has
it become static/unchangeable?
Historicity. Does the language variation have a literate
historical background? Note that this aspect does ​not mean the
historical development of a variation.
Autonomy. Is the variation an autonomous state of a
language, i.e., can it be studied on its own or is the language
variety a daughter language? In the latter case, it is dependent
on the mother language which must be studied as well.
Reduction. Is the variation a reduced form of a standard
language, i.e., is its spectrum of features a part adopted from
another variation that has a larger spectrum?
Mixture. Is the variation a mixture of several languages?
'De facto' norms. Is there a system of rules that govern
the variation? These rules have to be acknowledged by all
users. It must be recognizable whether these rules are violated.
The following chart gives examples for variations of
English. These variations are from all over the world and cover

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many centuries. This aspect of language variation, language
change in the course of history, we have discussed when we
talked about the history of the English language. At this point it
is important to keep in mind that language change should not
be equated with the decay of a language, a notion which seems
to be shared even more so by common, everyday people than
by scholars. Language variations from all times and from all
areas prove to have highly elaborated structures. Furthermore,
if language was decaying over the times, we would have
arrived at a devastated state already.

15.1.1 REGIONAL VARIATION IN LANGUAGE

When we refer to language variations within an area
occupied by a language community, we speak of ​dialects.​ They
have not evolved on their own accord. However, contrary to
popular opinion, they can influence or even give rise to a
standard language. The Romance languages are an example for
this development. Originally, the languages French, Spanish,
and Italian were very much alike. They were all variations of
Latin and a citizen of the late Roman period would have
regarded them as dialects of the same Latin. Today, the
Romance languages are much more distinct. We can still see
that they are closely related to each other, but they are
definitely not dialects. We find ​national variations​ here.
The many peoples that inhabit Germany, for example, the
Frisians, Saxons, Bavarians, and many more each constitute a
distinct group of people. But unlike the different language
groups of the Romance languages, the varieties of German
spoken from the north to the south of Germany are only
regional variations of the same language. The variations
remain regional, because the German peoples have maintained
close ties with one another throughout history. In many areas it
is the geography that allows a speech community to either
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merge or diverge. The vast mountain ridge of the Pyrenees
dividing France and Spain, for example, separated the speech
communities so that their linguistic development diverged.
As you can see, languages distinguish themselves from
one another or they may merge. Presently, the dialects of the
German tongue are merging, for example. Some of its rare
dialects have even become extinct.
15.1.1.1 Dialect vs. Accent
These are two terms which should not be confused.
While a dialect is a distinct variation of a language bound to
geographical regions or a social stratification, the accent of a
speaker is a blend of his linguistic background with his effort
to pronounce the standard language or a distinct dialect of a
completely different language group. The accent a person may
show hence only occurs when he or she uses a language variety
or a language different from their own. A person can speak
French with an English accent or Standard English with a West
Midland accent. The variety of English the person is used to at
her or his home is then the dialect, e.g. "Black Country
English" of the West Midlands.
15.1.1.2 Varieties of English
There are variations in the English within any one
English speaking country just as there are variations between
the English of different English speaking countries. You are
already aware of the different pronunciation of the /​​:/
(British), /æ/ (American) respectively, as in "dance". There are,
however, many more differences. One of these is the
vocabulary. There are different words used in both countries
for the same things:
American British
elevator lift
flashlight torch
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 can tin
truck lorry
TV telly

The various dialects within the countries are dependent

on geographical regions. In order to locate them with more
precision on a map, the usage of words or expressions is
documented and evaluated throughout the country. These
statistics then allow for marking the boundaries that separate
the regional dialects. These boundaries are called ​isoglosses.​
Three dialects of North America, for example, North
Midland, South Midland, and Southern can be identified by the
variation of the standard word "bastard". In the North, such a
person is called a "come-by-chance", in the Midlands an
"old-field colt", and in the South a "woods colt".

15.1.2 SOCIAL VARIATION IN LANGUAGE

A language variation may well reveal social rank. This
applies to language variations of the whole country on a ​macro
level as well as to regions on a ​micro level​. In the 1950's, a
linguist named Bernstein examined social differences in
language. He could trace two profoundly different ​codes​,
namely the elaborated and the restricted code.
15.1.2.1 Elaborated vs. restricted code
The restricted code is used by a certain social group only.
Speakers of the restricted code wish to establish and maintain
close contact with the group. They do not use it when in
contact with representatives of other social groups.
Elaborated code is less personal and more formal. It
applies to situations where the speaker cannot rely on the

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immediate sympathy or understanding of the group. In the
following, you find differences in more detail.

Restricted code Elaborated code

Consists of short, Accurate grammatical order
grammatically simple and syntax
sentences
Simple and repetitive use of Logical modifications &
conjunctions stress are mediated through
range of conjunctions and
relative clauses
Infrequent use of impersonal Frequent use of "one"
pronouns ("one") as subject
Rigid and limited use of Discriminative selection
adverbs from a range of adverbs and
adjectives
Statements formulated as
implicit questions which set
up sympathetic circularity
Frequent use of short Frequent use of prepositions
commands indicating logical relations
and temporal and spatial
contiguity
A statement of fact is often
used as both a reason and
conclusion
Individual selection from a
group of idiomatic phrases
will frequently be found

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15.1.2.2 Objections
Consider the following example:
1) "The blokes what was crossing the road got knocked
down by a car."
2) "The gentlemen were crossing the road and a car
knocked them down instantly."
Although the first sentence is not standard, it is,
according to the above features, more elaborated than the
second one in certain respects. There is a subordinate clause in
the sentence while the second sentence consists of two main
clauses. The use of subordinate clauses is held to be more
elaborate. Still, the lexis, that is, word choice of the second
sentence is located on a higher level. Elaborated code and
restricted code seem to blur in our example. This phenomenon
leads to the conclusions that
everyone uses a restricted code,
there is not an exact correlation between
restricted-non-standard and elaborated-standard codes.
However, the restricted code does not lend itself for
logical, theoretical purposes, or for expressing a temporal
succession of events.
We find that it is due not only to the existence of
different social classes, but also to diverging circumstances of
people as individuals, that these different codes have come to
develop. Middle class people, for instance, are confronted
more often with theoretical topics, which is why they use the
elaborated code more frequently than working class people do.
On the strictly individual level, a person never forced to deal
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with more complex ideas may not use metalanguage, while
others may seek complexity on their own accord.

15.1.2.3 Code switching

Humans are known to be flexible. They easily adopt the
habits of their surroundings in order to fit into the respective
social group. This is why we are able to ​switch codes.​ Watch
yourself closely: you will find yourself using elaborated and
restricted sentence structures according to the situation: family,
university, friends, etc. Each group seems to prescribe a certain
code.

15.1.3 ETHNIC VARIATION IN LANGUAGE

Variation in language among ethnic groups is somewhat
similar to the one among social classes. Whether or not a
person identifies him-/herself in the first place with his/her
ethnic origin or with his/her social class may depend on many
factors. One factor has to do with whether this ethnic group is a
minority in that society - a person who belongs to an ethnic
group that is a minority of that society is likely to identify him-
or herself more with his ethnic group than with a social class.
In any event -
Ethnic groups may speak a language which is different
from that of the dominating society
If ethnic groups speak the same language, it has a series
of linguistic variables
Examples are the Italian and Jewish groups in New York
City. Most of these immigrants who arrived in New York in
the 19th century never quite learned to speak English. Their
children grew up with the English language as it was spoken in
schools and in everyday life, however, their ethnic background
left its marks on their English. It is for this reason that in the
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New York accents of both groups, some characteristics appear
that cannot be found anywhere, by no member of any social
class in the United States. One example is the ​high onglide of
mid vowels in the words "dog" and "coffee": /dog/ and /kof​​/
became /d​​og/ and /k​​of​​/. This ​high onglide is considered
very poor language by other American speakers of English.
The most outstanding example for ethnic variation in the
English language is ​Black English Vernacular BEV. It has
been cultivated to the extent that this same dialect is spoken by
Blacks throughout the United States.
Obviously it is also the racial conflicts that continue on
up to the present that have led this ethnic minority to
distinguish themselves from white, main-stream America by
language. One feature of ​Black English Vernacular is that
verbal skills are valued very highly. What we know as ​rap​,
only recently made known to a wider public through pop
music, has long been a means of poetic expression among
blacks. Some street poets are able to do spontaneous rap
rhymes of several hours' length.

15.1.4 LINGUA FRANCA, PIDGINS AND CREOLES

These are special cases of variation which come to exist
where people speaking various languages meet and need to
communicate.
'Lingua franca' refers to any variation that evolves out of
the need to facilitate communication among people whose
mother tongues are different. The variation does not
necessarily have to be the mother tongue of any one of the
participants and does not have to be fully developed. One
example is "air speak", a variation of English spoken by pilots
and flight personnel. The term lingua franca most probably
derived from the name given to the simplified French dialect
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spoken by the crusaders in the Middle Ages: lingua franca,
language of the Francs. This variety was widely used around
the Mediterranean.
'Pidgin' is a variation deriving from the need of speakers
of differing mother tongues to communicate within a restricted
context, such as trade. In contrast to a Lingua Franca, a pidgin
Language derives by mixing various features of two or more
languages. In most cases, the native languages of the people
living in European colonies were mixed with the colonists'
languages. A pidgin is a language variety invented by the
speakers. Therefore, there is no native speaker of a pidgin
language; i.e. no speaker born into this language as their
mother tongue. Various Pidgin languages arose from the
contact of whites with native people in the Americas and
Africa as well as Asia. Among the qualities that all Pidgins
have in common is that they evince a rather restricted
vocabulary and lack tense markers. Their grammar is therefore
elaborated to a minimal extent. Examples from
Neo-Melanesian or Tok Pisin are:
"mi go" = "I go", but also "I went", "I will go", etc.
"mi lukim yu" = "I see/will see you", etc.
"gras bilong het" = "hair"
'Creole', etymologically derived from the native tribe of
the ​Criollio, ​refers to a Pidgin variation that has become
established and conventionalized to the extent that it can be
called a language. For instance, if two people of different
language communities marry, they will create a Pidgin
variation. This, in turn, becomes the mother tongue of their
children who elaborate this Pidgin with more grammatical
features, such as case markers and an expansion of vocabulary.
The language variety can then be called a ​Creole language.​

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 This phenomenon occurs on a wide scale wherever
two cultures mix, as has happened during colonization. In
the second and third generations, Creole languages tend to
merge more and more with the dominating parent language.
In former colonies, this is the respective European tongue.
The Creole then merges into the so-called ​Post-Creole
Continuum.​ At the end of the process, only traces of the
original Pidgin or Creole languages remain. The language
spoken then resembles the standard, usually a European
language. In some countries, native languages are also
official languages, but Creoles are mostly doomed to
become extinct.

15.1.5 VARIATION IN LANGUAGE AND SEX

In most languages of the world, men and women do not
speak identically. In English, some words are used more often
by females than by males and vice versa. Some of the "female"
words are, for instance, "lovely, darling, cute". Linguistic tests
have also shown that boys prefer the /​​n/ to the /​​/ in
words like "testing, riding, hiking", while the opposite is valid
for girls. In speaking, males tend to speak a variety that is
diverging from the standard while women's language tends to
converge with the standard. This may even lead to
overcorrections by female speakers. Hence our gender does
seem to influence our way of speaking. The English as well as
the German language is, furthermore, very male-dominated as
masculine titles and pronouns are applied when references to a
general public or to an unknown addressee are made. An
example is 'chairman', while it could just as well be a woman.
The branch of ​feminist linguistics has thus evolved to explore
these matters in more detail and to strip language of its
discriminatory features. Some results are the ​he/she statements
which you find throughout this paper or the famous capital "I"

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in German words, like "StudentInnen". Other novelties are
"chairperson" instead of "chairman". Policemen became police
officers, etc.

15.2 Register and Style

15.2.1 STYLE
Stylistics is a science which explores all the formal
characteristics of language. ​Style then is a selection of a set of
linguistic features from all the possibilities in the language. It
includes, for example, word choice and grammar. We have a
'feel' of what has 'no style', or what it 'out of style', yet when
trying to pinpoint just what it is that makes a text, speech, or
anything for that matter, stylish, we may be at a loss for words.
Stylistics tries to explore this matter.
Style is something which is of importance to the speakers
of a language. There is "good style" and "bad style", "high" as
well as "low" style, etc. These qualifications are commonly
made by examining to what extent the possibilities of, say,
grammar have been exploited by a speaker. A speaker
performing incomplete sentences will not be regarded to have
"good" style. An individual may use one particular style all his
life, but there is also something called ​style shifting.​ This is in
some aspects similar to code switching. People can adapt their
style to any context. Some aspects of style can be the use of
tenses (more past or more present), frequency of foreign words,
amount of vocabulary.

15.2.2 REGISTER
Linguists try to also observe and register the different
occupational varieties or ​role relatives of language. They are
differentiated according to a various criteria and are then

158
comprise a compendium of 'registers'. Some of the aspects that
are observed in a register are:
Job relativity. Is written language used frequently? Is it
broadcast spoken language?
Length of sentences. Are there many subordinate clauses
involved? What is the average amount of words per sentence?
Specific vocabulary. Does the speaker use a certain
amount of foreign words? Does he/she use a basic vocabulary
or are there specialist words in the texts?
Archaic language. Can we find old-fashioned
pronunciation, word choice, etc. in the language variety?
Appearance in writing, such as capital letters, etc. This is
interesting for registers of the print media, such as newspapers,
books, reports, written laws.
Rules to save time. Are there acronyms? Military
English, for example, is full of those. Abbreviations and
elliptic sentences are further examples.
Thematic ordering (first things first, etc.). Is there a
thematic structure in the register? Again, newspaper articles are
a good example. The yellow press will first name the amount
of a disaster's victims, their age, family relations, etc. while a
conservative magazine will most probably inform the readers
about the cause, time, place, etc.
By examining speech varieties, we can easily discern
registers. Some registers in English are:
Children's programs. No subordinate clauses, simple
sentences, slow voice, simple lexis.
Scientific texts. Many adjectives, technical terms, long
sentences, argumentation lines, present tense, special graphic
presentation.

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 Language at court (legal language). Formal language,
ancient words, repetition of certain structures, formal, slow
language.
Letter writing. Colloquial expressions, emotional,
handwriting, syntax approximates thought structure.

160
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