Children and young people

build participatory democracy

in Latin American cities

YVES CABANNES

Yves Cabannes is a A B S T R A C T This paper presents case studies from four cities in Latin America –
lecturer in Urban Planning Cotacachi in Ecuador, Barra Mansa and Icapuí in Brazil, and Ciudad Guyana in
at Harvard University Venezuela – all of which involved initiatives to foster the active participation of
Graduate School of Design, children and young people in the governance of their cities. The paper describes
and an economist, planner
the larger context in each case, the range of methods used to involve young people
and urban specialist. Until
in each city, the process as it evolved over time, the challenges experienced and
December 2003, he was
the Regional Coordinator of the impact of the initiatives. To some extent, all four projects involved the adap-
the UN Habitat/UNDP tation of participatory budgeting as an approach to participation for young people.
Urban Management The paper concludes with a discussion of the lessons drawn from these cases.
Programme for Latin
America and the KEYWORDS children and young people / local governance / participatory
Caribbean. He has budgeting
particular experience and
interest in participatory
planning, municipal public
policies, low-cost housing, I. INTRODUCTION
participatory budgeting,
community-based
This paper presents four case studies from Latin America, all of them
microcredit systems and
appropriate technologies focused on efforts over a period of several years, starting in the late 1990s,
for local development. He to assert the right of children and young people to an active role in their
is currently the convener cities. The cities in question are Cotacachi (Ecuador), Barra Mansa and
for the UN Advisory Group Icapuí (Brazil), and Ciudad Guyana (Venezuela). These cities vary con-
on Forced Evictions, and
senior advisor to the
siderably in terms of their size and other characteristics, but they shared
International Centre for in common the willingness to foster the active participation of young
Urban Management (CIGU) people.
in Quito and also to the The case studies all focus on “urban consultations”, the cornerstone
municipality of Porto
of interventions supported by the Urban Management Programme (UMP)
Alegre in Brazil for the
international network on for Latin America and the Caribbean.(1) These UMP consultations aimed
participatory budgeting. to facilitate dialogue between urban administrations and other sectors of
the community – in this case, children and young people – with an
Address: 3 Linnean Street, interest in resolving the community’s most pressing problems, and in
# 33, 02138 Cambridge MA,
USA; tel: +1 617 945 0513;
strengthening the capacity of local participants to support these
e-mail: ycabanes@mac.com improvements.
The experiences described in these four case studies all attempted, to
Acknowledgement a greater or lesser degree, to extend or adapt the phenomenon of partic-
This paper draws from four ipatory budgeting to include young people. Since 1989, participatory
research works on local budgeting has become an important tool and area of innovation for the
processes supported by
the UMP. The researchers
promotion of citizenship, democracy and local development in many
in charge were: Lucía Ruiz Brazilian municipalities, and increasingly also in other South American
and Flor María Vaca countries and in Europe. The common thread in these participatory

Environment & Urbanization Copyright © 2006 International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED). 195
Vol 18(1): 195–218. DOI: 10.1177/0956247806063973 www.sagepublications.com
E N V I R O N M E N T & U R B A N I Z AT I O N Vol 18 No 1 April 2006

budgeting experiences is the involvement of local residents in decisions (Cotacachi); Emly de

about the allocation of some part of the municipal budget. Every experi- Andrade Costa, Sandra
Magalhães and Eliana
ence is unique, however, and there are variations with regard to the level
Guerra (Icapui and Barra
of influence exercised by local citizens, the percentage of the total munici- Mansa); and Lucy Guerrero
pal budget involved, the extent of citizen involvement in the control and (Ciudad Guayana); Fiorella
management of work after the budget has been approved, and the degree Mackliff produced a
of formality or flexibility in the process.(2) synthesis and compiled the
cases in Quito.
While these variations are evident in these four case studies involv- This documentation
ing young people, what they share is perhaps more important. All of them effort was conducted
indicate the need, and provide the opportunity, to identify and address jointly by the UN–Habitat –
the priorities of young people, to provide a space within which they can Urban Management
Programme and UNICEF –
function as citizens, and to consider the ways in which power can be
Child Friendly Cities
shared at the local level with these young citizens. Programme, and
coordinated by Eliana
Riggio, Jaime Vásconez and
Yves Cabannes.
II. COTACACHI, ECUADOR: A MUNICIPALITY “BUILT ON The contribution of
CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH” these researchers is duly
acknowledged. We would
also like to thank the
a. Context various contributors who
helped verify and
The canton of Santa Ana of Cotacachi, in the north of Ecuador, is
complement the data,
geographically, ethnically and culturally diverse. Its three zones, the especially Jaime Vásconez,
urban area, the sub-tropical zone and the Andean zone, range from 1,600 Auki Tituaña, Patricia
to 4,939 metres above sea level. The population of 37,250 consists of Espinosa, Rodika Meyers,
mestizos, blacks and indigenous people, the latter representing around 60 Tatiana Saltos and Jomar
Cevallos (Cotacachi), and
per cent. Children and young people aged between six and 24 years make Inês Pandelo and Marta
up 40 per cent of the population. Barcelo (Barra Mansa).
Livelihoods revolve around agricultural production, handicrafts, Thanks are also due to
tourism and some hotel industry. Limited access to land and the continu- Children, Youth and
Environments for
ous division of family holdings has meant a sharp increase in rural impov-
permission to reprint this
erishment, resulting in considerable out-migration. The population paper.
growth rate in the canton, both urban and rural, is lower than the
national rate. 1. These “urban consultations”
Most local inhabitants lived below the poverty line in 1995–53 per were a UNDP/UN–Habitat
cent in the urban area and 91 per cent in the rural area. The infant mortal- programme focused on
ity rate – 79 per thousand in the rural area and 48 per thousand in the strengthening municipal
governance, which ended in
urban area – is alarming, and levels of malnutrition are high. Children
March 2003. The UMP closed
suffer from respiratory and infectious illness, especially in the sub-tropical down in March 2005 because
zone, due mainly to poor water quality, inadequate infrastructure and the of the withdrawal of support
lack of permanent health workers. Primary school enrolment, although on the part of
high in the urban area, is only 77 per cent in the rural sector. Secondary UNDP/UN–Habitat and
international donors. This was
school enrolment, about 50 per cent in the urban area, is scarcely 12 per despite tremendous demand
cent in the countryside. Children and youth work in agriculture to help by grassroots and local
their families, and in the Andean area there is a growing problem of governments in the region,
juvenile migration. which were overwhelmed by
the management demands
Since 1996, the municipal administration has implemented a policy
placed on them by
of civic participation through the Assembly of Cantonal Unity, an inde- decentralization and limited
pendent and largely informal forum that is composed of 16 elected resources. However, part of the
members. The assembly meets every year (usually with several hundred programme’s work has carried
people attending) and evaluates the administration and the limitations on independently under the
aegis of CIGU (the International
of cantonal policies. Its objectives are to energize and train citizens in the Center for Urban
exercise of their rights and responsibilities; to support self-determination Management), which continues
and self-management among all groups, promoting co-existence; and to to provide limited (due to

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financial constraints) support support the municipal town council in improving the quality of life. The
for progressive, democratic working arm of the assembly is an elected council of 16 members.
urban governance in the
During the second cantonal assembly in 1997, the limited partici-
region. CIGU was founded in
2004, during a meeting in pation of young people was identified as a significant weakness in the
Quito that gathered more than development plan, and since 1998, there has been a move to increasingly
100 local governments, NGOs, involve children and youth in local management committees, groups and
grassroots and academic work commissions. The very fact that children and young people in Cota-
institutions that had been UMP
partners since 1997.
cachi are commonly part of the productive work force made it perhaps
easier from the beginning for adults to see the legitimacy of mainstream-
2. For more information on ing their participation as an extension of the adult process. An urban
participatory budgeting, see consultation was undertaken to recognize the rights and responsibilities
Cabannes, Yves (2004),
of young people, to strengthen their social participation, and to respond
“Participatory budgeting: a
significant contribution to to the multiple cultures of the canton in order to promote fair develop-
participatory democracy” ment. Broad local involvement was critical to this process, which
Environment and Urbanization depended on the enthusiasm and active support of the authorities, local
Vol 16, No 1, April, pages institutions and NGOs, children and youth, teachers and citizens in
27–46.
general.

b. The process
There were three main stages to the process.
The urban consultation (1999–2000). This was a stage of awareness
building and diagnosis. In preparation, radio, television and print media
were used to mobilize interest, as well as camps, games and painting
competitions organized by the municipality and the assembly. But these
were short-lived and seen as being “led by the adults”. A strategy was
therefore adopted that the young people themselves would programme
the activities.
In February and March 2000, 11 diagnostic workshops took place:
one in the urban zone, six in the Andean zone and four in the sub-tropical
zone, in each case through local groups. Teams had been trained in
advance to handle diverse geographical and ethnic groups. In the Andean
area, for instance, workshops were conducted in the local languages.
Themes for the diagnosis were survival (health and nutrition, housing),
protection, development (including education and recreation) and
participation (in the home, the school, the community and the canton).
At their request, the young people were divided into two groups, one for
children up to the sixth grade and another for youth up to 28 years old.
There were 1,394 participants, 750 children and 644 youths. With the
children, interactive techniques emphasized recreation and the children’s
customs, history, culture and art. With the youth, debate was the primary
activity, both oral and written. A gender perspective was stressed through-
out the process, along with tolerance and respect for different groups.
Adults were surprised by the quality of involvement on the part of the
young people.
From March to June 2000, delegates elected by their peers partici-
pated in congresses in each of the three zones of Cotacachi, one for
children and one for youth in each place. (These congresses were repeated
in August 2002.) In June 2000, the Cantonal Congress of Children and
Youth brought together democratically elected representatives from the
zonal congresses, as well as some children invited from various
educational establishments. Again, separate congresses took place for
children and for youth. This cantonal meeting was an opportunity to

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build consensus, to reach compromise on priorities and to coordinate

activities.
The children and young people expressed concerns in a range of
areas, both with regard to specific provisions for their own age group
(recreational facilities, access to information on scholarships, more
opportunities for their opinions to be heard) as well as more general
community needs (such as the improvement of local roads, water quality,
electricity and training for mothers on better nutrition). They pointed to
the need for sources of work in order to avoid migration, good mainten-
ance for recreational areas, improvements in the infrastructure for health
care, and improved literacy. They also pointed to social and emotional
concerns, including the lack of respect of adults towards children, absent
fathers, abandonment by parents, alcoholism, inadequate diet and
housing, ethnic tensions, and the loss of customs, language and traditions
of the community. In the urban area, young people were especially
concerned about the quality of services and housing, the creation of laws
for their protection, promotion of their rights with regard to sexual orien-
tation, and the creation of a youth office in the city.
Many of the improvements proposed by the young people were
striking in their simplicity and concreteness. They wanted trash recepta-
cles placed in plazas, for instance, and then they proceeded to remind
adults to use them. Children in some of the high Andean areas wanted
broken windows in their schools to be fixed. In locations 4,000 metres
high, it can be very cold; nonetheless, adults had not realized how
important this minor repair might be to the children. Even though the
maintenance of schools is technically a central government responsi-
bility, the local government decided to repair the windows.
The plan of action (2000). Plans in which the local government
would play a key role were specified, and the mayor, along with the board
of the cantonal assembly, legalized the process by signing the Great Plan
of Childhood and Youth (Gran Acuerdo de la Niñez y Juventud), which
focused on the following:

• the inclusion of the young people’s proposals in the development

plan of the canton;
• setting aside a percentage of the annual municipal budget for these
proposals;
• fulfilling the agreements proposed by the young people in the First
Cantonal Congress; and
• continued control of the situation by the children and youth, exer-
cising their citizenship.

This act of political commitment on the part of the mayor was

considered key to guaranteeing the execution of the proposals. With the
signing of the Great Plan of Childhood and Youth, the mayor handed
over to the young people a signed letter promising his resignation if he
failed to fulfill his pledges to them.
The programme of priority actions (2001–2002). This phase
involved defining specific actions and projects and extending the experi-
ence and its achievements by, for instance, channelling resources. Actions
included:

• setting in place a participatory municipal budget for 2001 that

protected the sectoral interests of children and youth;

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• assigning to children and youth a participatory budget of US$ 6,372

in 2002. In addition to these earmarked resources that funded small
specific youth requests, many projects were included within regular
sector programmes funded through a variety of sources (international
and national in particular). The local government acted as a “broker”
between the requests of the youth and the potential sources of
funding. This money was spent primarily on ensuring that existing
funded projects in the area included a component for young people.
The municipality granted a ten-year contract for the administration
of the Yana-yacu eco-tourist complex to the Maquimañachi. This
project continues to thrive and includes, among other things, a
swimming pool at 3,000 metres, heated by a solar heater, and run by
young people as a source of income generation. The solar heating
system was funded through a central government programme, the
funds of which were channeled to Cotacachi and based on the youth
request; and
• a programme for student scholarships in coordination with the
Cuban Embassy, so that seven young people could study in La
Havana.

c. Impacts and challenges

The opportunity to relate to people from the same age group but from
different cultures, strata and sectors enriched the experience of young
people in Cotacachi, allowing them, on the one hand, to learn more
about the realities of their area, and on the other to support proposals
taking into account both their specific needs and their collective well-
being.
These young people learned how to articulate their ideas and nego-
tiate for their rights. They learned about the inherent difficulties in any
participatory and collaborative process and recognized the importance of
exchanging experiences. Throughout the course of the consultation, the
youth leaders demonstrated a great ability for management and self-
management, and for coordinating and executing the projects. They
continue in their commitment to the proposals made in the zonal consul-
tations. Among the achievements accomplished were improvements to
the local environment with regard to parks and repaired streets.
Aside from encouraging the development of a new generation of
leaders, there were other positive impacts. The consultation was an
important contribution to the larger participatory process of Cotacachi,
especially in terms of the better understanding that developed with regard
to responding to local ethnic diversity. The dialogues with young people
also expanded the perspective of the adults. Identifying problems that
affect children and youth and outlining and implementing solutions
encouraged the authorities, the institutions and the citizens in general to
understand the importance of investment in the development of the
human being. It is noteworthy, for instance, that in this area, which
formally had a high level of illiteracy, all young people and adults are
now literate. It also became more clearly understood that it is children
and young people who will ultimately take responsibility for achieving a
participatory democracy.

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III. BARRA MANSA, BRAZIL: INNOVATIVE EXPERIENCES IN

CITIZENSHIP

a. Context
Barra Mansa, a municipality in the southeast region of Brazil, lies
between São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro on the main economic axis of
Brazil. Its economy revolves around iron and steel, chemical and food
industries as well as trade, services and agricultural activity. Barra Mansa
has a population of 170,503, over one-quarter of whom are under the
age of 14. The Mayor’s Office has promoted policies directed at young
children with regard to health, education, social advancement and
citizenship. An example is a municipal programme of school scholar-
ships, introduced in 1998, which benefits families earning less than half
of the monthly minimum wage. The Mayor’s Office has also invested in
the improvement of living conditions, sanitation and water supply. Thus
the urban consultation, which began in 1998 in Barra Mansa, took place
in a favourable context with regard to the programmes aimed at the
young.

b. Objectives of the consultation

The consultation leading to OP Mirim (literally, the participatory council
for children) had its roots in 1997. Barra Mansa’s new mayor liked the
idea of introducing real opportunities for child and youth participation
in local government. Young people had been actively involved in her elec-
toral campaign, and she wanted to give them a place within her govern-
ment. Through the UMP, she learned of municipal experiences with
children in France. This same year, following the example of other
progressive municipal governments, Barra Mansa adopted participatory
budgeting. This administrative mechanism, until then dedicated exclus-
ively to adults, became the basis for establishing OP Mirim and later OP
Joven (the council for adolescents).
The objective of the initiative was to raise awareness in children and
adolescents of their civic duties, to awaken a feeling of ownership towards
the community; to provide opportunities for discussion and decision-
making; and, through the formation of a council, to apply part of the
municipal budget to carrying out projects and services based on the prior-
ities set by children that participated in neighbourhood and district
meetings.
The planning and support for this process involved the Mayor’s
Office and the Secretary of Education, along with a local NGO,
Encomen (Encontro de Meninos e Meninas de Barra Mansa), public
and private schools and church representatives, as well as the UMP and
several consultants. A committee to support the project included repre-
sentatives from the adults’ participatory budget council, the local
government, the school system, a parent and a member of the existing
children and adolescents’ councils. This committee met weekly to prepare
the project, to guide practical questions, to define the operation of the
assemblies, to resolve consequent problems and to evaluate the different
stages.

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c. The process
First phase (1997–1998): awareness. A number of activities took place
in the first year to raise general awareness among children and adults. The
department of education held a writing and drawing competition in the
municipal schools and the winners went on to become the first children’s
secretariat in the municipality. In all the schools there were two weeks of
activities, focused on the life and the work of Betinho and Paulo Freire,
great teachers and activists for human rights and democracy. A parade
took place on 7 September to commemorate Brazil’s independence, with
the presentation of work carried out in the schools. The topic of the
national budget was included in the school curriculum, starting at the
fourth level, with the intent of showing children how public money is
collected and utilized. There was also a campaign to make children and
their families aware of consumer rights and the importance of tax collec-
tion for municipal income.
In June 1998, the now ex-mayor, along with three of the child secre-
taries, the Secretary of Education and the coordinator of the OP Mirim
project, undertook an exchange visit to France. This motivated the group,
awakening in all of them the desire to move forward on the participation
of children in the government of Barra Mansa.
The first phase concluded with the formalization of the partnership
between the local government, Encomen and the UMP, which facilitated
the production of teaching materials and the mobilization within
schools, neighbourhoods, associations and other entities in Barra Mansa
Second phase (1998–2000): preparation of teaching tools and
implementation of the project. In 1998, the municipal team introduced
the OP Mirim project through strategically placed announcements,
posters and flyers. Items such as T-shirts and rulers were used as incen-
tives for children and adolescents to participate. Coordinators, municipal
agents, parents, school directors and community leaders organized neigh-
bourhood meetings, and community leaders were invited to be OP Mirim
“agents”, who would be trained to work directly with the children and
adolescents. One of the great victories was the fact that approximately
100 agents were attracted to the project. Starting with them, a real
network of agents as multipliers and hosts of the process was set up.
The OP Mirim process involved the following steps. Children and
adolescents participated in neighbourhood assemblies, electing their
“neighbourhood delegates” who, in turn, chose the “district delegates” in
the district assemblies. The district delegates, gathered in municipal
assemblies, chose the 36 councillors, 18 boys and 18 girls. All children
aged between nine and 15 could participate and vote in the assembly, but
only those in school could be elected delegates or consultants. Those
under nine or over 15 could participate, but could not vote or be elected.
At each level, concerns were debated and voted on according to the prior-
ities of the delegates and consultants. The young people were surprised
by the sheer quantity of demands and priorities raised by their peers: “The
day of the neighbourhood plenary . . . there were nearly 1,000 priorities! The
3. Augusto Sergio Soares district plenaries were like a raffle.”(3)
Dutra, 11 years old, consultant The challenge for the children elected to the council was to select
of the OP Mirim.
three priorities for each district: one on a neighbourhood scale, another
on a district scale and the third on a city scale. The project at that point
took place in six city districts, which meant a total of 18 priorities to be

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dealt with in one year, with a total budget of 150,000 Reals (at that time
worth US$ 150,000) allocated by the municipal government. The task was
a challenge and an educational opportunity – it was known from the
beginning that the resources did not come close to meeting the scale of
the demand. Choosing priorities based on needs as well as on technical
and financial viability had to guide the process, and this motivated
everyone to learn. The “caravans of citizenship” were an important part
of this learning. These were visits to the different neighbourhoods by the
young councillors, which helped them to acquire a better knowledge of
the city. Through discussions about their visits, the young citizens could
choose priorities in a more informed way.
These features of the process – the training of agents, the assemblies
in the neighbourhoods, districts and the municipality, and the formation
of the council, as well as the “caravans of citizenship” – have been
repeated every year since 1998. The process has also included the involve-
ment of two child councillors in the municipal council.
During this second phase, an international seminar on “Participatory
Governance and Child Citizenship” in April 2000 gave the project legit-
imacy locally and began to awaken the interest of other municipalities,
not only in Brazil, but also more broadly in Latin America.
Third phase: transition and the development of a new political
culture (2001–2003). In 2001, a change in municipal administration
resulted in a new administrative model in Barra Mansa, and the munici-
pality was divided into 17 units of planning. This had implications for
how the OP Mirim process was carried out, and several members of the
municipal government held internal meetings of evaluation and met with
some child consultants to discuss and promote changes in the project.
Those responsible for OP Mirim looked for support from residents’ associ-
ations, which had an important role in the new government.
The rules and criteria of the project underwent changes based on
both the internal evaluation and the meetings with the child consultants.
As of September 2002, children were elected from each of the 17 units of
planning, rather than based on neighbourhood assemblies, and the final
council consisted of 17 child councillors. Gender equity ceased to be a
criterion. The budgetary allocation from the municipality was divided
equally among the 17 units of planning, its use in each case to be deter-
mined by the full council. This approach, which does not take into
account the disparities between different parts of the city, was intended
to be a temporary measure until the units of planning had been classified
in terms of quality of life.
OP Mirim today remains an instrument of participatory adminis-
tration, despite its lack of legal status in municipal law. The fact that a
change of administration did not extinguish the project is a testament to
the fact that the population, and the children and young people of the
municipality, have taken on the project as their own, making it difficult
for any public agent to put an end to it. The commitment of the children,
along with the visibility of the project, both locally and more broadly,
was decisive for the continuity of OP Mirim.

d. Impacts
Although it took time to achieve results, and it was not possible to achieve
everything planned, the accomplishments of OP Mirim were a cause for

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happiness and pride for the children involved. Projects that cost little
often had great social importance, as in the case of the sports areas in the
Roberto Silveira school, which, besides changing the life of the school,
validated and strengthened the leadership of the local child councillors.
The installation of lights in a pedestrian tunnel in the central neighbour-
hood of Pombal, as well as the streetlights and traffic signals in the Paraíba
valley, are both remembered as important OP Mirim achievements. One
of the projects children were proudest of was the refurbishment of the
neighbourhood health centre in Mangueira, where a dental clinic was
installed with modern equipment. The sports ground in the Nossa
Senhora de Lourdes (Vila Brígida) neighbourhood, which was still under
construction in 2003, was already being used by the region’s children and
young people.
Again, the improvements suggested by the children were often
marked by their simplicity. In one neighbourhood, they pointed to the
need for an open ditch to be covered to prevent injury; in another they
wanted ten trees to provide shade for their play space.
An especially simple change was suggested by the youngest children
– they wanted the school bus to stop for one minute longer because they
felt so rushed by the older children – they were often pulled on by their
elder brothers and sisters. The mayor spoke to the bus company and insti-
tuted this change – which resulted in fewer upset children in the morning
and a better start to the school day.
Among the non-material effects of OP Mirim, the following stand
out:
• recognition of the importance and value of children in the definition
of all municipal policies, not only in those that concern them
directly;
• the mobilization of the many adults involved in the OP Mirim
process, which stimulated more widespread work with regard to
rights and participatory administration in the city;
• the development of new means and models of civic education
through the participation of parents and teachers, local residents and
municipal officials, in the budgetary discussions and the implemen-
tation of projects and works of common interest;
• the involvement of two child councillors in the municipal council;
• the inclusion of the national budget as a topic in the school curricu-
lum, starting from grade 4; and
• awareness of, and interest in, the Barra Mansa experience by other
Brazilian and Latin American municipalities.

e. Challenges, opportunities and lessons learned

What stands out currently is the need for better coordination between OP
Mirim and the public entities, NGOs and local associations that work
directly with issues related to childhood and adolescence in the munici-
pality and the state. Reinforcing the role of the NGO Encomen is particu-
larly important in this regard, given their track record with children and
adolescents and their understanding of the dynamics of OP Mirim. A
monthly forum to bring all these stakeholders together could be very
constructive.
There is also still a need to involve municipal technicians (from

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departments of education, health, culture and planning) in the coordina-

tion of OP Mirim activities, in order to improve continuity. Considering
that the main objective of OP Mirim is the formation of citizenship, even
the adults involved need to go through a transformation in this regard.
Even when administrations change, a nucleus of people in the adminis-
trative apparatus of the municipality, familiar with the process and able
to work with young people, could help to ensure the viability of the
project.
One of the main lessons is that it is possible and very positive to work
with children and adolescents on the budget and public investment.
Although this is not an area that appears to have immediate appeal, in
fact many children quickly become interested and, in some cases, end up
involving their parents and family. According to Wanessa da Silva, “I
began to participate in OP Mirim as if it were a game. I liked the game so much
that I will play it my whole life. I will never forget that project!” The pleasure
that children took in this level of involvement, the pride of parents in
hearing their children speak in public, and the recognition of the
community at large of children’s capacity to take an active, knowledge-
able and responsible role, has been decisive for a generation – even if the
process has subsequently become more structured and detached from
community life.

IV. ICAPUÍ, BRAZIL: “DÍA FELIZ” (“HAPPY DAY”) – PLAYING A

SERIOUS ROLE IN CITIZENSHIP

a. Context
The municipality of Icapuí on the east coast of Brazil in the state of Ceará
has a largely rural population of 17,203 and an annual growth rate of
around 2 per cent. Almost half the population is under the age of 20.
Owing to the distance of Icapuí from the state authorities and, even more,
from the national authorities, which are little interested in a distant
“village”, the local government has often had to take on responsibilities
that should be assumed by other levels of government.
Icapuí, like many municipalities in Brazil, has suffered the conse-
quences of neo-liberal development policies and, in recent years, unem-
ployment and poverty have increased considerably, due mainly to crises
in their most important economic activities, the extraction of salt and
lobster fishing. Child labour and failure to attend school have been fairly
common, especially in the fishing communities. Problems such as drug
use and prostitution are still quite minimal; nevertheless, care needs to
be taken because of the proximity of more developed coastal cities where
predatory tourism is a sad reality.
The municipal government has been especially active with regard to
education. By 2001, almost all children in the primary school age group
were enrolled. The greater challenge has been with young people aged 15
to 17 years, mainly because of their involvement in lobster fishing. The
municipality has worked on providing alternatives to the regular
educational system, encouraging and facilitating access to education for
all.
The urban consultation began in Icapuí at the end of 1998, with
internal discussions within local government on enlarging the range of

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issues dealt with within the participatory budget, with an eye in particular
to integrating children and young people in the process. The notion of “Día
Feliz” arose from this – a day for considering the perceptions and dreams
of children and adolescents. Far more than that, Día Feliz is a method for
addressing the concerns of young people through political decisions, and
an instrument that would further the practice of local democracy.

b. The process
Día Feliz took place for the first time in 1999, as a pilot project in eight
municipal schools. In parallel with this, the first youth assembly was
held within the municipality, so that the concerns of young people
could also be included in the municipal participatory budget. By 2001,
all 22 local schools were participating, with more than 3,000 children.
After the first Día Feliz, the by-laws of the local participatory budget were
amended to include concerns related to Día Feliz as a theme for its
plenary session.
The day itself. Día Feliz takes place annually in September, when the
municipal budget is being prepared. In order to involve local organiz-
ations and the community in general, a number of strategies are used:
interviews on local community radio, leaflets distributed in the schools,
paintings on the school buses with the project slogan, and banners in
strategic places throughout the city. Día Feliz is carried out simultaneously
in all the schools, with the support of 30 municipal staffers and trainees
who have been trained in working with children. Over a four-hour period,
children participate in the following steps (although due to human
resource limitations, not all activities take place in all schools):
• through puppets or theatre, the team establishes rapport with the
boys and girls;
• the participatory budget is explained through comparison with the
family budget, so that it is understood by the young people. The class
is divided into small working groups, and by means of drawing and
painting, the children describe their perceptions of the city, as well
as their expectations and dreams for the future;
• several collective class activities then take place, such as theatre,
dance or drawing, that allow children to share, propose, discuss and
participate – essential elements in a practical apprenticeship for
democracy; and
• children elect a representative from each classroom to participate in
the general assembly of the school and to present the demands of
each working group – what they would like for their family, their
home, their school, their community and their municipality. Each
representative explains the priorities selected. The general school
assembly then chooses a representative to be a part of the Council of
Child and Youth Participation. In this secret ballot, every student is
entitled to vote and to be elected.
Among the main concerns for the city’s future expressed by the
children as part of this process have been the improvement of schools,
the creation of children’s parks, the establishment of health centres,
improved access to electric power and asphalting of the streets. The
demands most voted for in many schools have been the construction of
sports areas and classrooms for information technology.

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According to Dora Farias, a municipal technician who works with Día

Feliz:
“. . . the children raised questions about their personal leisure time,
improvements for the school, improvements for the community and
entertainment areas for themselves. But they also pointed out their
fathers’ unemployment, their mothers’ sadness, the poor conditions
in their homes, and sometimes they just wanted a toy that they could
take home. They also wanted a doctor available in the health centre
to attend them . . . it was incredible. People always think that
children don’t worry about those things. The programme demon-
strated that they do have these concerns. They drew the school, the
electric network, they knew where the health centre was, they drew
the health centre. In the coastal communities, they drew the sea and
they drew the school.”
Following on Día Feliz. The representatives elected by the children
during Día Feliz make up the Council of Child and Youth Participation,
which consists of 22 regular councillors and 22 substitutes, all aged
between six and 15. This body is essentially a monitoring mechanism for
ensuring that the priorities established on Día Feliz are addressed.
Despite the energy in the schools that goes into the election of these
representatives, the council has not really played its part in a satisfactory
way. More thought needs to be given to the best way to transform it into
a practical instrument. Ongoing support appears to be needed for the
children so that monitoring and the evaluation really happen. In addition
to the evaluation carried out by the council, before each year’s Día Feliz,
there is an evaluation of what was or was not executed the previous year,
as well as the reasons why it was or was not accomplished. The fact that
NGOs do not exist in Icapuí means that only municipal institutions carry
out monitoring and evaluation of the activities.
In addition to the activities of the council, representatives from the
schools have also participated in Icapuí’s annual participatory budgeting
congress. Fifty children and youths, representing 11 municipal schools,
appeared at the 2001 Congress of the Participatory Budget, attended
previously by adults only.

c. Impacts
Limited financial resources have influenced the extent of concrete
material results, but given the limitations, these results are significant:
• two children’s parks have been built with the State University of
Ceará, one with resources from the municipal Department of
Education. Although this does not come close to the number of parks
requested by the children, it is worth noting that only 14 per cent of
schools in the northeast of Brazil have any children’s parks; and
• school equipment has been acquired or renovated – for instance,
three schools have received computers, new drinking fountains have
been installed, and some schools were painted.
The non-material outcomes are perhaps even more important:
• the process has led to the creation of municipal indicators on the
children’s living conditions, thereby facilitating decision-making by

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the municipal government on these issues and establishing and

strengthening policies for a group that had previously been neglected
in the city’s participatory processes;
• it has also meant the development of methods and skills for working
with children and youth, for both municipal staff and the NGO
partner;
• the ideas and creativity of the boys and girls have benefited urban
development more generally;
• the children have been encouraged to think of the city as a whole
and not to look solely at their own neighbourhood or community.
They gain an understanding of the municipal machinery (budgetary
limitations, collection systems, the constitution of the municipal
budget) and learn about reaching consensus. Prioritizing demands in
the course of voting, and attempting to minimize discrepancies
among districts, has meant a greater understanding of the principles
of democracy and the meaning of real citizenship;
• the recreational component of Día Feliz highlights the importance of
the right to play, which is often forgotten. The violence and
insecurity these children are exposed to, as well as their premature
introduction to the world of work, has led them to take on adult
responsibilities. The methods used, based on the Paulo Freire
approach, allow the children to approach complex topics related to
city administration, and at the same time to enjoy themselves as
children;
• the teachers’ opinion about the experience has changed over time,
as they became more aware of changes in the children’s behaviour,
above all with regard to the care of the school and their responsibility
to their duties;
• there has been a productive exchange of experiences among children,
youth and technicians of Icapuí and the cities of Independence-CE,
Barra Mansa and Belém; and
• participation in meetings and seminars, both national and inter-
national, in order to exchange experiences and present results,
impacts and lessons learned, has been another way to disseminate
information beyond the municipality.

d. Challenges and opportunities

The first rounds of Día Feliz demonstrate that the planted seed is sprout-
ing, and that the mechanisms of participatory democracy – involving
children and adolescents – are being consolidated little by little. Building
on the experience could result in the construction of an important instru-
ment of public administration. There are hints of how to go about this:
• greater involvement of teachers and children in the preparation of
the process should be encouraged;
• a team of young people and adults to encourage and support the
members of the elected children’s council could be very helpful;
• the involvement of the Guardian Council of Icapuí (El Consejo
Tutelar de Icapuí) would be valuable. Its members visit schools and
communities, and have first-hand knowledge of the problems
children face;
• the minimal presence of NGOs in Icapuí means the process is

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concentrated within the municipal government’s team. The estab-

lishment of a permanent forum on children could create a space for
the mobilization of other actors to accompany municipal activities;
and
• most important, budgetary restrictions represent a true limit for these
programmes. Although Icapuí has established health and education
as a priority, with the highest budgetary allocations going to these
needs, there are still limits to what it can accomplish. There is a need
to mobilize national and international partners to support the real-
ization of the projects debated and prioritized by the children. A fixed
amount should be allocated to the priorities of children and
adolescents. More resources are also needed for training adults and
children, improving working methods, and acquiring materials,
equipment and logistical support for the process.

V. CIUDAD GUYANA, VENEZUELA: “WE, THE CHILDREN AND

THE YOUNG, ARE CITIZENS TOO”

a. Context
Ciudad Guyana in Venezuela is the capital of the district of Caroní in the
northeast state of Bolivar, strategically located for business and industry
in the fork of the Orinoco and Caroní rivers. The city is characterized by
ethnic and cultural diversity, due to immigration following the expan-
sion of big business in the 1970s. In 2000, Ciudad Guyana had a popu-
lation of 732,456, with 38 per cent being under the age of 15.
This city is an outstanding example of planned development in a
Latin American country in the early 1960s. However, the provision of
basic services has remained a concern. Some of the city’s problems have
to do with generally increased poverty in the country, related to falling
investment, inflation and unemployment and a failure to develop a non-
oil economy. The poorest sectors lack access to the city’s programmes and
political sphere because they are not formally registered as citizens. There
are significant implications for children. Child abandonment in Ciudad
Guyana has increased since the 1990s, and growing numbers of children
fail to complete primary school. Domestic violence is an issue, along with
teenage pregnancy and high infant mortality levels. With these problems
in mind, the city undertook the urban consultation process.

b. The framework of the urban consultation

The urban consultation in Ciudad Guyana marked an innovation in Latin
America and the Caribbean, and became a formative experience in
promoting city planning from the perspective of children and young
people. The general objective, established in the 1998 framework
document, was to “. . . improve participatory governance for economic
development and to strengthen the participation of children, young people and
women in decision-making, in order to consolidate a project for democratic
administration of the city, directed at eradicating poverty.” Specific objectives
included:
• finding options for economic development, training and partici-
pation for the young people of Ciudad Guyana;

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• promoting the competitive inclusion of young women in employ-

ment, occupation, technology and local decision-making;
• establishing a Municipal Council for Youth (Consejo Municipal de
Jóvenes) and a Municipal Council of Boys and Girls (Consejo Munici-
pal de Niños y Niñas); and
• formulating a plan of action to implement the proposals developed
during the urban consultation.

The target population was young people between the ages of seven
and 20 from municipal, state and national schools, as well as colleges run
by the civil association, Faith and Happiness (which managed the urban
consultation together with the local government). Because of a change in
administration in 1999, there were two distinct stages in the process initi-
ated by the urban consultation.
1998–1999. After initial commitments were made to the urban
consultation process in Ciudad Guyana, a delegation of children, youth
and representatives of the local institutions went to France in July 1998
to become familiar with other experiences in the field. In November that
year, an agreement was signed between the local government, the UMP,
Faith and Happiness, and other civil society organizations. Media
campaigns and door-to-door canvassing were used to inform local citizens
of the process, and sponsors were identified for contributions to special
cultural and recreational activities.
In early 1999, meetings were held with the social organizations of the
ten parishes of Ciudad Guyana to familiarize them with the urban consul-
tation process, and then with teachers. There were also workshops held
with non-school-going children to explain the process, and over 4,000
school-going children and adolescents were surveyed, with a focus on five
themes: school, home, the community, the neighbourhood and the city.
The children’s concerns varied somewhat, depending on where they
lived. In general, they focused on civil security, drug prevention and
projects to improve the environment. They were fearful of the risks in the
street and the violence of local delinquents, and pointed to the need for
preventive programming. They drew attention to the poor condition of
streets and the general lack of maintenance, the lack of recreation areas,
and the need for public space where they could expend their energy and
expand their creativity. The growing number of landfills was seen as a
common and serious problem. Although sports came highest on the list
of activities they wanted, especially among girls, there was also a lot of
interest in the formation of music and theatre groups. In addition to diag-
nosing the state of their city, young people elected representatives
through a process of discussion and consensus in a series of weekly
meetings.
One of the limitations of the urban consultation process was a delay
in the tabulation of the survey results, both as a result of technical inex-
perience on the part of the commission responsible and because of the
municipal electoral campaigns taking place at the time. There was a
similar delay in processing information from the meetings with non-
school-going children. This prevented a plan of action from being
completed on time. Participants, however, pulled together a preliminary
plan of action in October 1999, based on the data they had at that point.
This plan was proposed as an instrument of negotiation in the middle
of a significantly polarized political campaign. Although there was a

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political commitment to carrying out the process, the time needed was
greater than the political time available, and the change in municipal
administrations left promises unfulfilled. The children’s demands for an
improvement in physical environment, for instance, were not incorpor-
ated into the Ciudad Guyana city plan; and the delays also prevented
the establishment of the child and youth municipal councils – a funda-
mental component of the planned civic empowerment of the new
generation.
Despite the limits in achievement, however, various programmes and
initiatives were developed in response to the preliminary plan, with
priority given to initiatives already undertaken by the various partner
organizations that focused attention on children with particular needs. A
number of these initiatives involved the economic inclusion of young
people:
• employment training was provided for young women, jointly
through FUNDAMUJER and the governorship of Caroní. This bene-
fited young women aged between 14 and 25, most of them disadvan-
taged single mothers working solely in the home. The majority of
these young women graduated from the programme with improved
life skills and a better understanding of their rights as women. Of the
70 participants, 14 of them later returned to formal education. Others
worked in fashion and sewing warehouses;
• the Don Bosco Centre of Training (Centro de Capacitación Don
Bosco) offered employment training to working-class youths. This
programme had been conducted in the area of San Félix since 1995
but, in 1998 and 1999, it was extended to the whole city. Students
participating in the programme received vocational training but they
also provided weekly service to the community focused on environ-
mental improvement. In 1999, 300 young people graduated from the
programme; and
• training courses were also held by the Foundation La Salle for young
people aged between 16 and 25 who had left formal education. These
courses provided opportunities for quick placement within the
labour market in companies and industries that supported the
programme: utilities, mechanics, welding, refrigeration and air condi-
tioning, and electronics. In 1999, approximately 175 youths gradu-
ated from the programme.
Unfortunately, these pilot programmes did not continue after the
change in administration. There was also a series of significant initiatives
intended to introduce children and young people to active citizenship
within their daily lives:
• the “personalized ticket” (Boleto Directo Personalizado, or BDP),
which provided subsidized student transport, had already been oper-
ating in Ciudad Guyana since 1977, but there were frequent abuses
of the programme (children giving their tickets away, trading them,
using them to pay for other people and so on.) The programme
improved noticeably during the years of the urban consultation,
when the children and young people directly controlled its use.
Workshops were held on the importance of using the tickets
correctly, and the students carried out daily monitoring of the
number of users. The creation of the Committee for Monitoring the

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Personalized Travel Ticket provided a clearing-house for children’s

complaints and suggestions;
• another transport-related initiative was the naming of student repre-
sentatives to the Advisory Council of Municipal Transport. This
council supported the integration of the various entities that form
the public transportation system – transport companies, users in
general, students and regulatory bodies. The objective was to ensure
the quality and comfort of public transportation, especially for the
children and young students in a city of extensive journeys and great
distances from educational centres. Service inspection committees
and mechanisms to gather student complaints and suggestions were
created. This initiative has been identified by the World Bank as an
outstanding example of public management, not only for setting up
real mechanisms of control and civic surveillance around transport,
but especially for its commitment to introducing the perspective of
young people;
• the programme of “school justices of the peace” was conceived as a
way of achieving solutions to conflict through friendly dialogue.
Elected students over nine years old, backed by trained facilitators,
acted as mediators among conflicting parties in problems arising in
daily relationships: violence in the school, conflicts among students,
conflicts between educational staff and students, and internal
problems in the school that affected the life of the school
community. These young school justices of the peace also led
campaigns for the protection of the school environment and of the
rights of the “school consumers” – the students. A support committee
was chosen, consisting of parents, educators and orientators, willing
to work voluntarily to support the young justices in the resolution of
difficult cases. More than 1,000 children worked as school justices,
contributing to better conditions within school communities. The
young people involved became visibly more confident in their
capacity to make decisions, and the initiative also had an effect on
teachers, many of whom modified the way they related to their
students; and
• the “Week Together for Children’s Rights” (Semana Juntos por los
Derechos del Niño) began in April 1998 in almost all the schools.
Coordinated by Faith and Happiness in Caroní (Fe y Alegría en
Caroní), the objective was to work with the UN Convention on the
Rights of the Child in an educational and interesting way. The week’s
special activities were conducted in different parts of the city over the
course of a month, and included an educational unit on the Conven-
tion and a discussion of the degree to which the rights of children
and youth in Caroní were realized in their homes, schools and
community. Students pointed to the frequent violation of their right
to a loving environment, and confirmation of hidden cases of child
abuse gave rise to reports that raised local awareness and called for
solutions to particular cases. Students also identified the right to
recreation as one often violated in the community. This gave rise to
efforts on behalf of the parents to improve school parks for the
youngest children.
A number of measures taken by Caroní’s municipal administration
made possible the accomplishments of the urban consultation. Priority

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was given to assigning professional personnel to the various programmes

and initiatives, and to uniting institutional forces and resources. Munici-
pal civil servants assumed promotional roles in urban consultation activi-
ties, sharing these tasks with professionals from the local institutions that
were involved.
The total budget of the urban consultation, estimated at US$ 50,000,
was shared by the UMP (US$ 35,000) and the municipality (US$ 15,000).
The administration also reserved some seed money in the 1999 annual
budget to partially finance the plan of action that was to result from the
consultation process. However, delays in deadlines and the change of
administration prevented this action plan from taking shape and being
implemented.
Various steps were taken to ensure the financial sustainability of the
urban consultation process:
• coordination with the social organizations of the parishes and
communities and the educational authorities to carry out
programmes using the community’s own resources and the voluntary
help of teachers and parents;
• the combined execution of projects on a neighbourhood scale, with
the municipality granting economic resources, technical supervision,
and workforce;
• association with non-governmental institutions, which multiplied
resources and efforts in conducting training programmes;
• sponsorship from private companies, which financed a centre for
“street children”, and the installation of the first municipal ombuds-
man in Venezuela to deal with the increase in cases of abandonment
and child abuse; and
• international cooperation sought for the technical consultancy and
financial backing of the urban consultation process.
2000–2002. In 2000, a change in municipal government meant that
many initiatives fell by the wayside, especially the urban consultation
process. This was a setback for the establishment of child and youth
councils, and the plan of action (still in a preliminary stage of develop-
ment) was not adopted by the new administration. This was partly the
result of a lack of political will, but also because of the introduction of
legislative changes regarding the rights of children and adolescents. All
municipalities were now required to install a new system of protection
for children and adolescents (Law for the Protection of Children and
Adolescents (LOPNA)), and the new local authorities undertook to imple-
ment this system without first considering the advances made as a result
of the urban consultation.
Unusually for Venezuela, the elaboration of LOPNA was participatory
and public. The team responsible for drawing up the draft bill of the law
came from the Catholic University Andres Bello (UCAB) – one of the insti-
tutions that organized the urban consultation in Ciudad Guyana. Because
of that, the experience of Ciudad Guyana in the urban consultation process
in many ways formed the basis for the legal instrument. The principles
underlying “We, the Children and the Young, are Citizens Too,” were a
reference point for articles 80 to 85 of LOPNA (and refer to the right to
speak and to be heard, to the right to participate, to the right of assembly,
to the right to demonstrate, to the right of free association and to the right
of petition that it is granted to children and adolescents in their position

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as citizens in training). The outcomes of the participatory consultation,

similarly, became a reference point for article 64 of LOPNA, the require-
ment that the city plan ensure the creation of green, recreational and
sports areas dedicated to the use of children, adolescents and their families.
Under the new municipal team, various components of the new
protection system were put into place: the Fund for the Protection of the
Child and Adolescent (Fondo de Protección del Niño y Adolescente) in
August 2000; the Municipal Council of the Rights of the Child and
Adolescent (Consejo Municipal de Derechos del Niño y Adolescente) in
April 2001; the position of Defender of the Child and Adolescent (Defen-
soría del Niño y Adolescente) in September 2001; the Council for the
Protection of the Child and Adolescent (Consejo de Protección del Niño
y Adolescente) in November 2001. In May 2002, the first Consultation
on Public Policies (Primera Jornada de Consulta de Políticas Públicas) took
place – a joint situation assessment on the part of local institutions.
A number of municipal initiatives were established, including days
focused on educational reform, a drive to promote citizen registration;
the creation of school defenders in the 19 municipal schools; the estab-
lishment of a municipal school of music; and a project entitled “My
Family Is My Teacher at Home”.
It was a challenge to set LOPNA in motion in a coordinated way,
however, and there were persistent tensions around the administration
of resources, and exaggerated attention to the emergencies and social
politics surrounding children and adolescents, which diverted attention
from policies focused more on public participation.
The local government of Caroní assumed responsibility for the
investment of resources for the Fund of Protection of the Children and
Adolescents of Caroní, the use of which was dictated by LOPNA. For 2002,
it assigned 200 million Bolivars (US$ 200,000) to the fund, although at
the time of writing this report, it had not yet been paid. Other sources of
revenue were also approached to increase this fund – private companies,
civil institutions, NGOs and the organized citizens. The expenses that can
be financed by the fund are:

• specific programmes of protection for children and adolescents;

• training and investigation programmes;
• legal, communication and cultural protection programmes; and
• exceptional financing of basic social policies.

Administrative expenses cannot be funded, and the protection

system is heavily dependent on voluntary contributions of time and
expertise on the part of the citizens and municipal officials elected as
representatives. Only the protection advisors who do this as a full-time
job receive honorariums.
Despite the challenges, however, there have been some important
achievements:

• the protection system has been set in place and is operating in the
context of increasingly fluid inter-institutional relations;
• there has been good public involvement around policies affecting
children and adolescents in the municipality;
• an information system has been established on the situation with
regard to children and young people, and the working meetings on
the situation analysis have involved secondary school students;

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• of 5,000 children without identification or birth certificates, 2,000

cases were resolved during the campaigns undertaken;
• a pilot programme, “Children of Hope”, has responded to the needs
of 1,300 children, providing them with food and roofs over their
heads;
• over 300 teachers have been trained and are qualified to use the arts
as a learning resource;
• nearly 200 young people have graduated from a programme as art
teachers, endorsed by the Musical School of Caracas. Most of them
work in educational institutions, motivating popular expression; and
• 60 children and adolescents have received musical training that was
previously unaffordable.

c. Challenges and lessons learned

Despite breaking with the urban consultation process, there were a
number of ways in which LOPNA developed from the earlier initiative.
The urban consultation represented a real leap for the local municipal
authorities. It was the first time that they had really given serious thought
to the concerns and potential of local children and young people. This
commitment remained evident with the putting in place of the protec-
tion system, which made it clear that childhood and adolescence were a
real priority for the governorship. Local institutions, which had risen to
the challenge of carrying out the urban consultation within a difficult
political situation continued to pull together, along with educators,
professionals and community volunteers, to respond with flexibility and
creativity, to give of their time, and to organize a plan for the installation
of the protection system.
However, there remains a sense of separation or rupture between the
two situations, a function of municipal teams acting within different
political contexts. The central challenge in Ciudad Guyana is to integrate
the experiences and lessons learned from the two instances. Almost all
the participants from the governorship and the civil corporation spoke of
the need to overcome the limitations that interrupted the continuity of
the urban consultation process, and of the importance of ensuring the
sustainability of valuable programmes. The experience of the school
justices and of the initiatives for non-school-going and unemployed
young people seemed especially critical.
Despite the ongoing challenges, there have been important lessons
learned. It was demonstrated, first of all, that participatory consultations
can be a quick and reliable way to bring together the dreams, expectations
and demands of new generations. New direction can be given to
programmes designed initially for adults, once the perspective of young
people is introduced. The local population has also learned the import-
ance of turning to young people to recognize problems that are often not
spontaneously expressed – domestic violence, mistreatment and abuse
committed by the people closest to them. This has been picked up by the
participants of the protection system as a high priority to be dealt with.
Young people have demonstrated unexpected skills in the course of
the activities. Teachers and parents were pleasantly surprised, for
instance, by the capacity of the young people who worked as school
justices. It became clear to the adults that youth is not an impediment to
the assumption of collective responsibilities.

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But it was also clear that simply involving young people is not
enough. Political will is critical in adopting an agenda focused on children
and young people. It is only in this way that true democratic governance
is guaranteed. There is also a need for concrete tools and techniques in
order to execute commitments and common objectives. In the case of the
participatory consultations, for instance, technical knowledge on the
processing of data was critical to the adequate use of this information.
A key lesson has been acknowledging the importance of the schools
as favourable environments for programmes that guarantee the well-
being and full development of children and adolescents. To achieve this,
it is important to include all schools, municipal, state and national, in
common programmes.

VI. CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FROM THE EXPERIENCES

The strategy of active consultation has been confirmed in these four

municipalities as a valid approach to improving the situation of children,
especially with regard to their own participation in the discussion, prior-
itization and formulation of solutions that concern them. Those experi-
ences relating to formalizing policies, channels and instruments directed
at the participation of children and young people in municipal adminis-
tration, as well as the related resources mobilized and committed by local
governments, have been extremely valuable. But also valuable have been
the less tangible changes in attitude that affect local people and processes
over a longer period of time, encouraging attention to the situation of
children and to their capacity as active citizens.
This strategy has also been confirmed as being adaptable to the differ-
ent contexts and processes of some very different cities. The experience
in these four cities, so different in scale, makes it clear that youth partici-
pation is possible even in small and remote places like Icapuí or Cota-
cachi. In fact, there may be more scope for action within these smaller
towns. They have problems similar to those in big municipalities, despite
the difference in complexity: they also experience poverty, violence,
insecurity, unemployment and inadequate public services. The precarious
state of infrastructure can be even greater in small municipalities, and
malnutrition and undernutrition more serious. But in small cities, there
is more likely to be more solidarity among inhabitants. People know each
other, they participate in the same events and they help each other in
case of illness. This helps to reduce the vulnerability of the community
and, in particular, that of the children and young people. Experience with
larger cities, for instance in São Paulo where there are 2 million children
and young people, indicates that initiatives such as these with children
tend to become more rule-based, and to thin out as they scale up.
A decisive factor in the results achieved in the four cities is the level
of local involvement, especially that of the local government. The
commitment of the various municipal authorities has been definitive in
guaranteeing the initiatives’ success and political, economic and even
social viability. The mayor’s leadership – or that of his or her representa-
tives – during the initiative has been essential in determining the dispo-
sition of other local participants, and has given legitimacy to the
decisions and agreements reached, as well as the implementation of
specific projects. The dedication of the mayor in Barra Mansa, for

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instance, even after her term expired, was critical to initiating the process;
and in Cotacachi, the mayor’s commitment to the Great Plan of Child-
hood and Youth was considered key in getting it passed.
At the same time, the critical role of the municipal authority as a
point of articulation has meant that these processes are vulnerable to
political changes of direction, especially during elections or periods of
transition, which have put initiatives at risk and led to uncertainty for
those who participate in them. In three out of the four cases, Barra
Mansa, Icapuí and Ciudad Guyana, the local government changed. Not
much is known about the effects on the programme in Icapuí, but in
Barra Mansa and Ciudad Guyana this had a tremendous effect on the
job being done. Although in both cases it is commendable that the
projects continued at all, it must be acknowledged that they became
very different, and arguably not as interesting in terms of their impli-
cations for the active citizenship of young people. This demonstrates the
importance of political will and, at the same time, the fragility of these
processes.
At the local government level, decentralization has allowed greater
freedom at the same time that it demands more responsibility from local
politicians in terms of policy and the “financial health” of the munici-
pality. A municipality’s important role in local interest politics can create
a favourable atmosphere for supporting laws and negotiations with a view
to a public administration shared among the public and private sector
and the communities.
One of the difficulties, however, with mainstreaming these initiatives
for children into larger processes of governance is the fact that young
people, although they constitute a significant proportion of the popu-
lation, are perceived as one among many special interest groups. Munic-
ipalities are faced with a number of groups whose interests they are
pressured to address. There are various ethnic minority groups, people
living in the streets, those with HIV/AIDS, the elderly, and gays and trans-
sexuals, among others. Making special efforts to include children in local
processes as a routine matter of business can mean intensified pressure to
create the same kind of political space for all local groups.
On the other hand, the focus on children in these initiatives has been
decisive in sensitizing and mobilizing other important participants.
Through the children and young people, families, teachers, officials,
municipal authorities, base organizations and NGOs have come together,
stimulating a very broad process of participation and, at the same time,
generating understanding about a more democratic model of city
administration, where children are considered citizens with rights.
Consider the case of Ciudad Guyana, for instance, where the implemen-
tation of the first stage of the initiative called on active contributions of
time and resources from parents and teachers, civil servants, members of
the social organizations of parishes and communities, and representatives
from NGOs and private companies.
An important factor in the success of these processes has been the
training that the promoters of the process received in each phase.
Despite the competence that children have demonstrated in the course
of these initiatives, it is evident that support from well-prepared adults
is key to success. In Icapuí, for instance, the absence of appropriate
support has meant that the children’s council, primarily intended for
monitoring relevant activities within the municipality, was not as

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effective as it might have been. Also of critical importance have been

the strategies of information, communication and diffusion to the popu-
lation in general, and to the children in particular, with the purpose of
generating real local mobilization. The variety of forms of mobilization
drawn on in these four cases could contribute to participatory processes
in other contexts.
Although committed adults are essential, the participation of
children has injected a notable element of creativity into these consulta-
tion processes, and has been extremely enriching and motivational. A
vision and understanding of a city from the perspective of children has
left its mark, as much on the diagnosis of problems as on fresh and inno-
vative solutions. This perspective is fundamental for the visibility of issues
that, in general, are absent from the perspective of adults, and it
contributes to a better understanding of the problems of the city. The
particular issues identified by girls (for instance, the need for lights in the
pedestrian tunnel in Barra Mansa) also make it clear that both age- and
gender-sensitive perspectives are essential.
Nevertheless, according to the analysis of the participants of each
process, there still remains a lot to do to overcome an excessively “adult”
vision of urban administration. The proven capacity of children to
assume a responsible role can do as much as anything to promote respect
for their particular perspective; the dependability and thoughtfulness
shown by the school justices in Ciudad Guyana, or the willingness of
child councillors in Barra Mansa to give their time to inspecting the
problems of neighbourhoods citywide make it clear that their age does
not prevent the young from assuming collective responsibility. This
awareness is likely to give more credibility to their perceptions and solu-
tions as well.
The concerns articulated by children in these four cases are marked
by certain characteristics. They demonstrate a keen awareness of the
surroundings and of the problems that most affect people. Their concerns
tend to be simple: young people focused on issues basic to their health
and well-being. Few unrealistic demands were made. On the contrary, the
tendency was to present immediate, down-to-earth solutions to more
general problems. They wanted lights in dangerous tunnels, covers for
drainage ditches that threatened their safety, window repairs in schools,
sports areas that could be completed for a small investment, or a doctor
at the local health centre. What the children wanted often did not cost
much, and yet these were things that could markedly improve the quality
of their lives.
Simple as the improvements were that the children requested, the
implementation of activities to resolve the problems they identified and
prioritized were restricted in every case by the limits to municipal
resources and the difficulties in obtaining other funds from other local,
regional, national or international participants. This meant an exagger-
ated dependence of the participatory processes on the good will and
political commitment of municipal administrations, and the potential for
disappointment on the part of the children, youth and those who have
supported them and driven the process.
The fact that the initiatives described in these four cases are focused
on children and young people, both as the main protagonists and the
main beneficiaries, has another critical implication. When these young
people become adults, they can no longer build on their accumulated

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experience to continue supporting the process, at least not in the same

way. Therefore, these child-based processes are to a certain extent fixed
in time and space. How can they be formalized in order to last for more
than one or two governments, or through more than one or two cohorts
of children? Or is this even important?
Although the continuity and institutionalization of these processes
is an aspect that is frequently raised, it is important to recognize that the
changes that take place in the young people themselves and in the adults
around them over the course of these experiences also provide a vital kind
of continuity. The process is anchored in the people it affects as much as
in local structures and laws. The experiences in these four cities can fairly
be said to have stimulated events and processes that go well beyond the
consultation process and any attempts to formalize it. In returning to visit
some of the young councillors in Barra Mansa after five or six years, it is
striking to see these outspoken, thoughtful, socially active young people
who continue to carry their experience into their adult lives. Even when
the formal processes deteriorate with changes in administration, or dis-
appear entirely, it is important not to see them as failures, but to consider
the impression they have made on a generation of young people and the
ripple effects for those around them. These new adults are the real sustain-
ability factor in building citizenship and participatory democracy.

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