Journal of Hellenic Studies cxi (1991) 71-86

ASPECTS OF SELEUCID ROYAL IDEOLOGY:

THE CYLINDER OF ANTIOCHUS I FROM BORSIPPA*
PREFACE

A major contention of our book Hellenism in the East1 was that the most profitable
way for making progress in understanding the Achaemenid and Seleucid empires was to
try to evaluate, sensitively, the very disparate types of evidence within their own social
and cultural contexts, however difficult this might be in practice. In the case of the
Antiochus I cylinder we are confronted by an inscribed object whose significance lies as
much in its physical form as in the content of the text it bears. These aspects are
inextricably intertwined as part of a tradition specific to Mesopotamian culture—object
and text combined arc the physical representation of a major, longstanding, socio-
political institution for which a mass of earlier evidence exists. It is all too understandable
that Greco-Roman scholars, who have been the primary students of the hellenistic
world, should find it hard to know how to approach such material emanating from an
unfamiliar cultural milieu. Yet, for once, this text is not fragmentary—it is a long, well-
preserved document, easy to read and readily accessible in translation which in itself
demonstrates an acknowledgment by hellenistic historians of the potential importance
of this non-Greek text for understanding Seleucid history. At the same time, the
minimal amount of commentary that the text has received amply illustrates the inherent
problems raised for Greco-Roman historians when trying to deal with evidence from
such an alien and apparently impenetrable culture. This is in stark contrast to the
Ptolemaic empire, where considerable progress has been made in setting the Ptolemies
into their non-Greek, traditional Egyptian context. In this article we would like to show
by what methods a specific Seleucid document may be placed in its indigenous socio-
political setting, as scholars have been doing in the case of Ptolemaic Egypt, and to
demonstrate how it may serve to modify substantially received views of Seleucid
interaction with their non-Greek subjects. This study is intended to complement the
material in chapters one to three of Hellenism in the East2, and exemplify the process
involved in unravelling the problems presented by such a text.

A. EARLIER INTERPRETATIONS

When discussing the evidence for Seleucid activity and interest in Babylonia in his
Social and economic history of the hellenistic world Rostovtzeff considered the Antiochus
cylinder only briefly but drew from it the following conclusion:-
Antiochus I never did any work on Esagila3; he confined himself to Ezida 4 —he says so in his
inscription (from there). N o texts or remains testifying to the activity of Alexander or
Antiochus (in Babylon) have been found, and the reconstruction of Alexander is not
mentioned by excavators in their report. 5

* Photographs reproduced by courtesy of Babyloniaka and Seleucid rule in Babylonia', ibid.

Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities, British 32-56; R. van der Spek, 'The Babylonian city* ibid.
Museum 57-74-
1 3
A. Kuhrt and S. Sherwin-White (eds), Hellen- Name of the sanctuary of the Babylonian god
ism in the East: aspects of the interaction of Greeks and Bel-Marduk in Babylon.
4
non-Greeks from Syria to Central Asia after Alexander Name of the sanctuary of the Babylonian god
(London/Berkeley 1987). Nabu in Borsippa.
2 5
i.e. Sherwin-White, 'Seleucid Babylonia: a M. RostovtzefF, Social and economic history of the
case-study for the installation and development of hellenistic world2 (Oxford 1951) iii 1427.
Greek rule', Hellenism 1-31; Kuhrt, 'Berossus'
72 AMELIE KUHRT and SUSAN SHERWIN-WHITE
This view fits well with a prevailing opinion expressed by a number of influential
scholars, which tends to diminish the role and character of the Seleucids as imperial
rulers: according to this approach, the Seleucids were not actively interested in the
eastern areas of their empire and had little regard for their various non-Greek subjects;6
their realm consisted of a motley collection of peoples whom they exploited as
conquerors but with whom they scarcely interacted in other respects;7 their residence
was typically in north-west Syria, remote from the Iranian plateau and Mesopotamia,
but close to the Mediterranean, specifically the Aegean, where the 'real scene of the
action' is felt to be centered in the hellenistic period.8
One would have thought that the text under discussion—a text of traditional
Babylonian form using the old Akkadian language and cuneiform script, and found
in Babylonia—might have resulted in modifications of such a characterisation
of Seleucid imperial attitudes. But even in this instance any real royal involvement
with or patronage of non-Greek cultural and religious values has normally been
denied: emphasis was, instead, placed on the fact that Antiochus I says (I,io) that he
made the bricks for the Borsippa temple 'in Hatti' = i.e. an older Mesopotamian
term for north Syria;9 obviously, therefore, it is implied, he did not go himself to
Babylonia at any stage of the building, but merely gave the building a vague blessing
from afar.
Further, it has usually been considered to be a fact of major importance that the
text concerns exclusively the sanctuary of Nabu (Ezida) in Borsippa. This, it was
thought, confirmed Seleucid disregard for 'native' Babylonian sentiment which
would only have been appeased by major work on the Esagila temple in the old city
of Babylon. In such activity, however, the Seleucids had no interest, and they
deliberately expressed their contempt for such local feelings by building Seleucia-
Tigris as a new royal centre designed to 'degrade' Babylon and encourage its gradual
abandonment.1 °
That is, broadly, how the cylinder has been interpreted: acknowledgement of its
potential importance for Seleucid attitudes to local cults is represented by the inclusion
of the cylinder in Austin's sourcebook,11 but given its, to classical scholars, unfamiliar
style12 it has remained, perhaps understandably, underused. What we propose to do in
this paper is first to set it in its context, then consider its function and, finally, to suggest
that a re-evaluation of it as a positive source for Seleucid history, royal ideology and
policy in relation to Babylonia is inevitable.

6
See, e.g., F. W._Walbank, The hellenistic world Materialien 59, 131 (although he stresses the
(London 1981) 125. continued importance of Seleucia-Tigris and
7
cf. Walbank loc.cit.; more cautious and stressing Babylon). On the limitations of this view see Kuhrt
the difficulties of evidence and interpretation, D. and Sherwin-White, Hellenism, esp.i- iii.
Musti 'Syria and the East' Cambridge ancient history2 9
cf. J. D. Hawkins, Reallexikon der Assyriologie
vii.i: The hellenistic world (Cambridge 1984), 216- ( = RIA) iv.2/3 (Berlin, New York 1973) 152-95.1-.
18. For a more positive image, cf. D. Musti, 'II Hatti.
10
regno ellenistico' in R. Bianchi Bandinelli (ed) e.g. S. Burstein, The Babyloniaca of Berossus
Storia e civilta dei Greci vii (Milan 1977) 244, 246 (Malibu 1978) 5; A. Mehl, Seleukos Nikator und sein
and, briefly, E. J. Bickerman, The Jews in the Greek Reich i. : Seleukos' Leben und die Entwicklung seiner
Age (Cambridge MA 1988) 99 (but contrast ibid. Machtposition (Louvain 1986) 68.
J1
126). For the view that the persistence of local M. Austin, The hellenistic world from Alexander
cultures was one of the factors leading to the to the Roman conquest: a selection of ancient sources in
disintegration of the Seleucid empire, see J. translation (Cambridge 1981) no. 189.
12
Oelsner, Materialien zur babylonischen Gesellschaft cf. Austin, Hellenistic world: 311, n . i : 'contrast
und Kultur in hellenistischer Zeit (Budapest 1986) the style and terminology of this cuneiform
62-63. inscription with the many Greek texts in this
8
Musti, 'Syria' 175, 179, 210; Oelsner, chapter'.
 ASPECTS OF SELEUCID ROYAL IDEOLOGY 73
B. THE TEXT

Although the text is written in Akkadian (with which most readers of this journal
will be unfamiliar) neither the language nor script present major difficulties, though
their use is, of course, highly significant. The well-preserved text is not, in fact,
particularly hard to read or translate and translations are readily available;13 in fact, it is
considerably more difficult to find a cuneiform copy of it.

Ba. Circumstances of discovery

The cylinder, in its original position, was found by H. Rassam (funded by the British
Museum) in 1880 at the site of Birs Nimrud, the modern name of ancient Borsippa,14
situated 12 miles southwest of Babylon (cf. plan). It was a particularly prominent site
because of the considerable height to which its ziggurat was preserved.15 For some time
it was even thought to be the site of Babylon itself16 with the ziggurat remains
representing part of the biblical 'Tower of Babel'.17
Its precise findspot was the main temple-complex, known as Ezida, situated in the
centre of the city and dedicated to the god Nabu, who from around 1100 BC on appears
as the patron-deity of Borsippa.18 He was closely related to Marduk, chief god of
Babylon and head of the Babylonian pantheon—indeed he was often described as his
son and played a central role in the important New Year Festival at nearby Babylon
whither he was conducted by the king using a special processional canal (see plan
[FIG I]).19 When Rassam made the find he was simultaneously engaged on work at two
other sites so that the thoroughness of his excavations at Borsippa suffered. Though

13
Text publications: J. N. Strassmaier, Verhan- of H. Trenkwalder, cf. Iraq xlvii (1985): 219 and
dlungen des 5. Internationalen Orientalistenkongresses xlix (1987): 236-7—the latter notice also contains
(Berlin 1882) ii.i, Beilage zu I 14: 139^; T.G. details of a planned publication on their work to
Pinches, Cuneiform inscriptions of Western Asia v reconstruct the ziggurat.
16
(London 1884), pi.66. Transliteration and transla- See Joan Oates, Babylon (London 1979)
tion: F. H. Weissbach Die Keilinschriften der (rev.ed: 1985) 143.
17
Achameniden (Leipzig 1911), 132-5; translation only cf. S. A. Pallis, The antiquity of Iraq (Copen-
(apart from Austin above): J.B. Pritchard (ed) hagen 1956) for excavations; E. Unger, RIA i
Ancient Near Eastern texts relating to the Old Testa- (1928), 402-429 s.v. Barsippa for full discussion of
ment3 (= ANET) (Princeton 1969) 316-17. history, topography and bibliography of excava-
14
cf. H. Rassam, Asshur and the Land of Nimrod tions (add to the last now R. Ellis, A bibliography of
(Cincinnati 1897) 268ff.; for the position of the Mesopotamian archaeological sites (Wiesbaden 1972)
cylinder as found ('encased in kiln-burnt bricks 17 s.v. Borsippa and Trenkwalder, above); for a
covered with bitumen' in 'doorway') cf. discussion survey of Rassam's work see Rcade, 'Rassam's
by J. Rcade in his rc-analysis of Rassam's excava- Babylonian collection: the excavations and the
tions using the British Museum records, 'Rassam's archives' in E. Leichty Catalogue of the Babylonian
excavations at Borsippa and Kutha, 1879-82' Iraq tablets in the British Museum vi: Tablets from Sippar
xlviii (1986) 105-16: 109. For a general discussion (London 1989) xiii-xxxvi as well as Reade, 'Ras-
of the site in the hellenistic period, cf. Oelsner, sam's excavations'.
18
Materialien, 110-11 (for the cylinder ibid. 226). Unger, RIA 405-6; cf. J. A. Brinkman,
15
47 m. high according to R. Koldewcy Die Materials and studies for Kassite history i: a catalogue of
Tempel von Babylon und Borsippa (Leipzig 1911) 57;cuneiform sources pertaining to specific monarchs of the
for an earlier description recording the traces of Kassite dynasty (Chicago 1976) 255 (R.5.3).
19
colour of the different stages of the ziggurat cf. Discussed in some detail by J.A. Black, 'The
H.C. Rawlinson, 'On the Birs Nimrud', fRAS new year ceremonies in ancient Babylon: "taking
xviii (1861) 1-32; for a Late Babylonian poetic Bel by the hand" and a cultic picnic', Religion xi
description of Ezida that lists the same colours cf. F. (1981) 39-59; cf. Kuhrt, 'Usurpation, conquest and
Kochcr, 'Ein spatbabylonischer Hymnus auf den ceremonial: from Babylon to Persia' in D.N. Can-
Tempel Ezida in Borsippa' Zeitschrift fur Assyriolo- nadine and S. R. F. Price (eds) Rituals of royalty:
gie und uerwandte Gebiete ( = ZA) liii (1959), 236- power and ceremonial in traditional societies (Cam-
240. The ziggurat has been the focus of new b r i d g e 1987) 20-55, 33-
Austrian excavations at the site under the direction
74 AMELIE KUHRT and SUSAN SHERWIN-WHITE

BORSIPPA3^V

FIG. I. PLAN OF BORSIPPA

Koldewey, who excavated Babylon early this century, did some work at Borsippa20 a
full and detailed study of the temple-complex remains to be undertaken.

Bb. The cylinder and Mesopotamian tradition (see PLATE U(a) — photo of cylinder)
The text is inscribed in Akkadian cuneiform on a barrel-shaped clay cylinder—a highly
traditional shape for foundation texts in Mesopotamia21 and this fact in itself makes it of
tremendous significance for the hellenistic period. Such texts were deposited exclusively
in the foundations or walls of structures of major public importance and temples par
excellence, .which emphasises the cylinder's public character. This particular form of
foundation document is found in considerable quantity from the second millennium BC
on and continued to be used throughout the Neo-Assyrian (ninth to seventh centuries
BC), Neo-Babylonian (626-539) ar>d Achaemcnid periods (539-330).22 Most often the
texts record the building activity of the reigning king himself, although occasionally
20
See Koldewey, Dai wiedererstehende Babylon the Achaemenid period, the most famous of which
(Leipzig 1913) as well as Tempel. is the 'Cyrus Cylinder' in the British Museum;
21
For a full discussion see R. S. Ellis, Foundation translations: Weissbach, Keilinschriften 2-9; ANET
deposits in ancient Mesopotamia (New Haven) 108- 315-316; P.-R. Berger, 'Der Kyros-Zylinder mit
25- dem Zusatzfragment BIN II Nr.32 und die
22 akkadischen Personennamen im Danielbuch' ZA
So far only cylinders of Cyrus are attested for
 ASPECTS OF SELEUCID ROYAL IDEOLOGY 75
public building works carried out by a local governor acting on behalf of a king were
commemorated in a similar way. What is important to note is that, in such an instance,
it is absolutely clear that the builder is not the king himself. An example of precisely this
type of building inscription exists from a slightly later date in the hellenistic period: it
comes from Uruk where a local official (laknu la Uruk), bearing both an Akkadian and a
royally granted Greek name (Anu-uballit/Nikarchos), carried out building work on the
chief sanctuary in 244 BC 'for the life of the kings Antiochus and Seleucus'.23

Be. The text and its structure (transliteration and translation: A. Kuhrt)
Transliteration:
Col. I
1. lan-ti-'u-ku-us larru (LUGAL) rabu-u (GAL)
2. larru (LUGAL) dan-rut for (LUGAL) killati (SAR) Ysar (LUGAL) bdbili (Eki) for
(LUGAL) mdtdte (KUR.KUR)
3. za-ni-in e-sag-il u e-zi-da
4. aplu (IBILA) alaredu (SAG) fo lsi-lu-uk-ku forri (LUGAL)
5. Xuma-ak-ka-du-na-a-a lar (LUGAL) bdbili (Eki)
6. a-na-ku i-nu-ma a-na e-pi-il
7. 6-sag-U u e-zi-da
8. libbi (SA) ub-lam-ma libittu (SIG4hia)
9. e-sag-il u e-zi-da
10. i-na mat (KUR) ha-at-tim ina (AS) qate-ia (SU11) el-li-ti
11. i-na laman (I.GIS) ru-us-ti al-bi-in-ma
12. a-na na-di-e ul-lti sa e-sag-il
13. w i-zi-da ub-bi-il (?) ina (AS) arhi (ITI) addari (SE) umi (U4) 20kam
14. fotti (MU) 43k*m ul-lu la e-zi-da
15. biti (E) ki-i-ni bit (E) dm^nabu (AG) sa qi-rib bar-sipki
16. ad-di-e ul-li-lu Ain*"nabu (AG) aplu (IBILA) si-i-ri
17. igigal-la (IGI.GAL) Hani (DINGIR.MES) mul-tar-hu
18. la a-na ta-na-da-a-ti
19. lit-ku-nu aplu (IBILA) rel-tu-u
20. la dins"marduk (AMAR.UTU) i-lit-tid^rerru6-u-a
21. lar-rat pa-ti-qat nab-ni-ti
22. ha-dil nap-li-is-ma
23. i-na qi-bi-ti-ka si-ir-ti
24. la la in-nin-nu-u qi-bit-su
25. lu-um-qu-ut ma-a-ti a-a-bi-ia

lxiv (1975), 192-234 at 194-203; Texte aus der Ur, reign of Assur-bani-pal (669-C.630), who dedi-
Umwelt des Allen Testaments i.4: Historisch-chronolo- cated his work 'for the life of Assurbanipal' cf. UET
gische Texte i (Giitersloh 1984) 407-10. Less i nos.168 & 170 and E. Sollberger, Royal Inscriptions
frequently cited, being neither as long nor as well ii (UET viii) (London 1965) no. 102, cf. discussion
preserved, is a cylinder from Ur virtually certainly byj. A. Brinkman, 'Ur: 721-605 B C Orientalia ( =
to be attributed to Cyrus, see CJ. Gadd, L. Legrain Or.) xxxiv (1965) 241-258 at 248-253, and 'Ur: the
and S. Smith Royal inscriptions I (Ur Excavation Kassite period and period of the Assyrian kings' Or.
Texts (= UET) i) (London 1928) no.307; cf. Kuhrt, xxxviii(i969) 310-348 at 336-342; b) officials at
'The Cyrus Cylinder and Achaemenid imperial Uruk, reign of Nabu-nasir (747-734), cf. J.A.
policy' Journal for the study of the Old Testament xxv Brinkman, 'The Akitu inscriptions of Bel-ibni and
(1983) 83-97, 89. Nabu-zera-usabsi' Welt des Orients vi (1969) 39-50;
23
Published by A. T. Clay, Miscellaneous Inscrip- c)Anu-uballit/Kephalon, la re! ali of Uruk,
tions in the Yale Babylonian collection (New Haven recorded his building in 201 'for the life of Anti-
1915) no.52; cf. A. Falkenstein, Topographie von ochus, the king, my lord' on bricks, cf. Falkenstein,
Uruk i: Uruk zur Seleukidenzeit (Leipzig 1941) 4-5. Topographie 6-7.
Other examples: a) Sin-balassu-iqbi, governor of
76 AMELIE K U H R T and SUSAN SHERWIN-WHITE
26. ka-la-du er-ni-it-ti-ia
27. eli (UGU) na-ki-ri u-lu-uz-zu i-na li-i-ti
28. larru (LUGAL)-tWw mi-la-ri pa-li-e
29. bu-a-ri satiate (MU.AN.NA.MES) tu-ub libbi (SA)
30. se-bi-e lit-tu-tu lu li-ri-iq-ti

Col.II
1. larru (LUGAL)-u-fi la lan-ti-'u-ku-us
2. M si-lu-uk-ku larri (LUGAL) mari (DUMU)-lu
3. a-na da-ra-a-ti mam (DUMU) ru-bi-e
4. dm*irNabu (AG) apil (IBILA) e-sag-U
5. bu-kur d^irmarduk (ASAR.RI) ril-tu-u
6. i-lit-ti d{n^e^ru6-u-a lar-rat
7. <3-M<3 e-zi-da biti (E) ki-i-ni
8. />ft (E) dingi V«w-ti-ib 5w-^f m-[wfo] libbi (SA)-ka
9. «-«a hi-da-a-tu u ri-la-a-tu
10. j-«a e-ri-bi-ka i-na qi-bi-ti-ka
11.fei'Mi'^ /a us-tam-sa-ku li-ri-ku u^-mi-ia
12. li-mi-id landti (MU.AN.NA)-ia
13. //-fewH kussu (GIS.GU.ZA)-w-d li-il-bi-ir
14. pa-lu-u-a i-na hat-ta-ka si-i-ri
15. mu-kin pal-lu-uk-ki lame (AN)-e u ersetim (Kl-tim)
16. i-na pi-i-ka el-li lil-tak-ka-nu
17. du-un-qi-ia mdtdte (KUR.KUR.MES) iltu (TA*) 5i-i7 dinsir/dw5i (UTU-51)
18. a-di e-ri-ib Am^lamli (UTU-si) lik-lu-du
19. qdte (SU")-a-fl man-da-at-ti-li-nu lu-us-ni-iq-ma
20.fl-Mflluk-lu-lu e-sag-il
21. H £-*i-<fo lu-bi-ildins"nabu (AG)
22. ap/w (IBILA) alaredu (SAG) a-na e-zi-da
23.fcrti(E) ki-i-ni i-na e-ri-bi-ka
24. damiqtim (SlGs-tim) an-ti-'u-ku-us sar (LUGAL) mata'te (KUR.KUR)
25. lsi-lu-uk-ku larri (LUGAL) wan (DUMU)-&
26. (al-ta-ar-ta-ni-ik-ku
27. hi-rat-su lar-ra-at
28. da-mi-iq-ti-lu-nu
29. li-il-la-kin i-na pi-i-ka

Translation:-
Antiochus, the great king, the mighty/legitimate king, king of the world, king of
Babylon, king of lands, caretaker of Esagila and Ezida, first son of Sclcucus, the king, the
Macedonian, king of Babylon, am I.
When I decided to build Esagila and Ezida, the bricks for Esagila and Ezida I moulded
with my pure hands (using) fine quality oil in the land of Hatti and for the laying of the
foundation of Esagila and Ezida I brought (them). In the month of Addaru, on the
twentieth day, year 43, the foundation of Ezida, the true temple, the house of Nabu
which is in Borsippa I did lay.
(O) Nabu, lofty son, wise one of the gods, the proud one, worthy of praise, most
noble son of Marduk, offspring of Erua, 24 the queen, who formed mankind, regard

24
Erua is another name of Sarpanitu, divine
consort of Marduk of Babylon.
 ASPECTS'OF SELEUCID ROYAL IDEOLOGY 77
(me) joyfully and, at your lofty command which is unchanging, may the overthrow of
the countries of my enemies, the achievement of my battle-wishes against my enemies,
permanent victories, just kingship, a happy reign, years of joy, children in satiety, be
(your) gift for the kingship of Antiochus and Seleucus, the king, his son, for ever.
Prince Nabu, son of Esagila, first-born of Marduk, noble child of Erua, the queen, on
your entry to Ezida, the true house, the house of your Anu-ship25, the dwelling which
pleases your heart, with rejoicing and jubilation, may—at your true command which
cannot be denied—my days be long, my years many, my throne firm, my reign long-
lasting, under your lofty sceptre which sets the boundary between heaven and earth.
May my good fortune be in your pure mouth, may I conquer the countries from sunrise
to sunset, may I gather their tribute with my hands and bring (it) for the perfection of
Esagila and Ezida.
(O) Nabu, first son, when you enter Ezida, the true house, may favour for Antiochus,
king of lands, (and) favour for Seleucus, the king, his son, (and) Stratonicc, his consort,
the queen, be in your mouth.

The main elements that make up the internal structure of the text can be broken down as
follows:-
i) I, 1-6: the first lines give a list of the titles of the king—quite a long one, preceded
by Antiochus' name and presented in the form of a statement in the first person:
Antiochus—titles—am I (a form attested in many earlier Mesopotamian royal inscrip-
tions26). Among the titles the term 'he who cares (zaninu) for Esagila and Ezida' and
'Macedonian' should be particularly noted.
ii) I, 6-16: describe Antiochus' activities in relation to the building and here it is
significant to note that he connects the building of Esagila in Babylon with that of Ezida.
According to his statement, he was inspired to build them both; he then formed the
special bricks for both of them in Syria and brought them himselfTor the laying of the
foundations of both temples. This is followed by the exact date (28 March 268) of the
laying of the foundations of Ezida only—which is perfectly appropriate as this particular
document was, of course, drawn up for deposition in Ezida itself.
iii) I, 16-II, 29: the remaining 43^ lines contain a lengthy prayer addressed to the god
Nabu, the rebuilding of whose temple is being commemorated. Antiochus prays for the
defeat of enemies, victory over opponents, long life for the dynasty and for himself,
stability in his kingship and conquest of the world. In return the king promises that the
tribute from such successes will be used for the continuing beautification of Esagila in
Babylon and Ezida at Borsippa. Included in the prayer for blessings is Antiochus I's son
and co-regent, Seleucus, who was in fact executed approximately one year later27 and
his wife, Stratonice, who is described by an archaic term (kirtu) meaning 'equal/principal
wife'28 and her description as sarratu 'queen' also represents a literary usage rather than

25
Anu, though in some ways an 'otiose' deity, by A J . Sachs with the co-operation ofJ. Schaum-
nevertheless held the highest rank in the berger (Providence 1955) 1220 + *I22I (Mercury
Mesopotamian pantheon; hence 'Anu-ship' is a observations); for references to his treason cf. OGIS
way of praising a god by assigning him the func- 220:13 ar>d Trogus prol. 26; earliest dating by the
tion and rank of the highest god, cf. The Assyrian new co-regent, Antiochus: SE 46, cf. R . A . Parker
dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of and W . Dubberstein, Babylonian chronology 626
Chicago ( = CAD) A II s.v. anutu. BC—AD 75 (Providence 1956) 21.
26 28
A good example is the Cyrus Cylinder, cf. J. cf CAD H s.v. hhtu: used of human beings
Harmatta, 'The literary pattern of the Babylonian only in the Old Babylonian period (first half of
edict of Cyrus', AASH xix (1971) 22off. second millennium BC); later usage of the term is
27
Last attested date is April 267, cf. T. G. Pinches normally restricted to goddesses ic. divine con-
and J. N . Strassmaier, Late Babylonian astronomical sorts—the only other instance known to us is a text
and related texts ( = LBAT) prepared for publication inscribed near the doorway possibly leading to the
78 AMELIE KUHRT and SUSAN SHERWIN-WHITE
the regular title for queen in the first millennium BC. 2 9 This is perhaps in keeping
with the use of some archaising cuneiformsign forms going back to the second
millennium BC; but it may also be connected with a more specific significance in
Stratonice's appearance in the text which will be discussed in more detail below (see
section G2).

C. ANALYSIS

The text reproduces perfectly the traditional form of Babylonian building inscrip-
tions which begin with the royal titulature, continue with an account of the ruler's pious
decision to build and his setting this in motion, and conclude with the king's prayer for
beneficence from the god of the temple under construction.30 This inscription thus
continues Babylonian tradition not only in the choice of its material form, language and
script but also in its literary content and formulations. The titulary alone reveals a
standard political programme: Babylonian claims to universal rule—sar kisHati: king of
the world; sar matati: king of lands—and of the might and legitimacy of the ruler—sarru
dannu: strong/legitimate king; 31 sarru rabu: great king. The ideology revealed can be
traced back via the Achaemenid kings to older Babylonian expressions of kingship
which the Persian conquerors, too, had found it politic to adopt, the chief example
being the Cyrus Cylinder from Babylon which, interestingly, also included Cyrus' son
and temporary co-regent, Cambyses, in the prayer section.32 The prayer to Nabu
articulates an ideal picture of the king's socio-political functions: in external relations,
the conquest of enemies and enduring superiority, internally, justice, peace, a long reign
and a stable succession. The king's wish towards the end concerning the tribute resulting
from conquest expresses a traditional Babylonian tenet that booty is gained for the

women's quarters of Sennacherib's palace, in 7 and 8, rev. 2) concerning some land, is not given
which the king refers to his principal wife, Tash- a title, but only called DAM-ft) = 'his (sc. Anti-
metum-sharrat, as his htrtu naramtu 'beloved wife' ochus') wife'; cf. also the occurrences in the newly
(cf]. Reade, 'Was Sennacherib a feminist?' in J.-M. published astronomical diaries, A.J. Sachs and H.
Durand (ed) La Femme dans le Proche-Orient Antique Hunger, Astronomical diaries and related texts from
(Paris 1987) 139-45, H 1 - Babylon ii: Diaries from 261 BC to 165 BC (Vienna
29
Note that the term farratu is used of the 1989) nos. -247, -181 where the queen is always
goddess Erua/Sarpanitu in the cylinder; for its called 'wife of the king'; unclear is the appellation
general restriction to divinities cf. M.-J. Seux, RIA given to Stratonice on the occasion of her death in
vi.1/2 (1980) s.v. Konigtum 159-60. The term in Sardis, late 254: MI.LUGAL (P'royal woman',
regular use for the chief wife of the reigning 'woman of the king'), Sachs and Hunger Diaries ii
monarch in the Neo-Assyrian empire was MIE- no. -253.
30
GAL: its precise rendering in Akkadian is disputed, Closest are the Babylon texts of Assurbanipal,
la-ekalli = 'she of the palace' has been generally Cyl. L1 and L2 (= M. Streck, Assurbanipal und die
used, but strong arguments for reading it (is)-su- letzten assyrische Konige bis zum Untergang Ninivehs
ekalli = 'wife of the palace' have been put forward, (Leipzig 1916) ii 226-232), and the Neo-
see J. N. Postgate, 'On some Assyrian ladies', Iraq Babylonian ones, cf. S. Langdon, Die neubabylonis-
xli (1979) 95, n.9; the suggestion has been followed chen Konigsinschiften (Leipzig 1912) Nbp.3; Nbk.
and developed by S. Parpola ('The Neo-Assyrian 1,3,4, 6-17, 20, 23; Ngl. 1-2; Nbn. 1-3, 5-7; for
word for "queen"', State Archives of Assyria Bulletin analysis of their literary structure cf. Berger, Die
ii.2 (1988) 73-7) who suggests reading ^segallu/i. Konigsinschriften des ausgehenden babylonischen
For continued use of the term in the Babylonia of Reiches (626-536 v.Chr.) (Neukirchen-Vluyn 1973)
the Persian period ( = SAL saE .GAL) cf. M. W. 32-59.
31
Stolper, Entrepreneurs and empire: the Murasu cf. CAD D s.v. dannu 2. and 3., for the
archive, the Murasu firm and Persian rule in Babylonia meaning 'legitimate' as well as 'mighty'.
32
(Leiden 1985) 62. (N.B. Laodice, wife of Antiochus cf. Harmatta, 'Literary pattern'; Berger,
II, who is mentioned in a later Babylonian docu- 'Kyros-Zylinder'; van der Spek, 'Cyrus de Pcrs in
ment (cf. van der Spek, Grondbezit in het Seleucidis- assyrisch perspectief,' Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis
che Rijk (Ph.D. diss. Amsterdam 1986) 24iff., obv. xevi (1983), 1-27; Kuhrt, 'Cyrus Cylinder'.
 ASPECTS OF SELEUCID ROYAL IDEOLOGY 79
greater glory and profit of the gods.33 The general picture is of a moral but energetic
and imperialistic monarchy devoted to, and dependent upon, the Babylonian gods.

D. THE BUILDING CEREMONY

The totally Babylonian character of the text is also reflected in Antiochus's brick-
making and foundation-laying. This was a ceremonial procedure of which there is
considerable knowledge from earlier royal building texts that refer to it, from pictorial
evidence reaching back to the mid-third millennium BC, 34 and from texts preserved in
copies from the hellenistic period which prescribe the ritual to be followed by one of the
religious experts in this connection.35
First the decision to build had to be taken for which omens were sought and reported
to the king before the order to start could be made:36 gods and king had to be in accord
on this point, and it was the gods who both equipped the king with the superior wisdom
and imagination to envisage the feat,37 as well as demonstrating their approval of him
by allowing him to proceed with the endeavour. On the day thus formally determined,
a diviner offered a lamb on the king's cloak and read the entrails; if the omens were good
then the work of demolishing the old brickwork and rebuilding would be favourable
for the king and his country.38 This was followed by elaborate sacrifices and ritual
lamentations performed and sung by a lamentation-singer during a propitious night and
day; offerings were made to the chief deities of the pantheon as well as the god, goddess
and 'spirit' (Akk. lamassu) of the temple to be rebuilt. Subsequently, someone called the
'builder', dressed in special robes, placed a tin bracelet on his arm and took a lead axe
with which he removed the previous foundation-brick from the old temple and set it
aside. The lamentation-singer then made offerings before it to the 'god of foundations',
bewailed the fate of the old temple, smeared the old brick with cream, honey, beer and
oil and recited a hymn itemising all the divine acts of creation which made the building-
act possible: the list included mankind (to carry out the labour), the brick-god who
enabled bricks to be successfully made and, most interestingly, the king to be the
'caretaker' of the temple, using precisely the term (zaninu) listed as one of the titles of
Antiochus in the cylinder.39 All these rituals continued until the new foundations were
33
One of the clearest examples occurs in the fact that Marduk had decreed that Babylon should
inscription of Nabonidus where the king mentions lie in ruins after its destruction in 689 for 70 years
the gift of 2850 prisoners-of-war from his Cilician (= (j n Akkadian) T ^ , ie. 60+10 in the sexagesi-
campaign to sanctuaries of Marduk, Nabu and m a i s y s t e r n ) ; but when Esarhaddon (681-669) was
Nergal (Langdon, Konigsinschriften: Nbn. 8, col. a n x i o u s t 0 re build the city, the god relented and
,4 c ' ,,,,, , . L • 1 • L i_ 1 c graciously reversed the signs thus: <f T = 10+1
J4
Sec PLATE II(b) (Assurbampal with basket of b ' . ,. , , , , I ,-
bricks on his neck); further illustrations of this = " /?>«• " g a t i n g thereby that he favoured
royal act: Ellis, Foundation deposits,figs.19, 22-25 E s " h a d d o c n « the one to carry out the task,
(dating between 2200 and 1800 BC); E. Strom- " E,.g. Sargon II, cf. Ellis, Foundation deposits 7.
menger and M. Hirmer, The art of Mesopotamia J Fo\ t h e delicate situation raised by having
(London 1965) pi. 73 (dating c. 2500 BC) effectively to destroy the old temple in order to
35
F. Thureau-Dangin, Rituels accadiens (Paris Tf°uM/• c
f; f' 1S> Foundation deposits 13; for the
1921), transliteration and translation of AO 6472, Seleucid penod lamentations cf. M.E. Cohen, The
O 714, BE 13987: 34-47; cf.ANET 339-342. canonical lamentations of ancient Mesopotamia
"Enormous numbers[of examples of this prac- (Potomac, MD 1988) 24-27. .
39
tice exist (cf. further Kuhrt, 'Alexander and For a clear formulation of the Babylonian
Babylon' in H. Sancisi-Weerdenburg and j.-W. c o n c c P c o f t h c ^ " P physical and mental distinc-
Dnjvers (eds) Achaemenid History vii: the roots of the " o n , t h a t e x i s ^ d between ordinary mankind and
European tradition (Leiden 1990) 121-30, 127). One t h e ^ng, see W. R. Mayer, E.n Mythos von der
of the nicest, however, is Esarhaddon (R. Borgcr, Erschaffung des Menschen und des Konigs , Or. lvi
Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, Konig von Assyrien (X987) 55-68.
(Graz 1956) §11:15 Fassung b:B) who mentions the
80 AMELIE KUHRT and SUSAN SHERWIN-WHITE
laid. These were dug on a propitious day followed by more elaborate sacrifices and
laments during the night and early morning. Then the sacrificial items were broken and
the foundation-laying began. When completed, ceremonies of consecration took place.
The close, personal involvement of the king in all this is quite evident and has been
emphasised by scholars.40 It is the king who takes the decision to build in the first place,
the gods grant favourable omens to him personally, the entrails for determining the start
of work are read on his cloak; and it is certainly he who made special bricks with
precious ingredients which he himself carried ceremoniously to the site in a basket borne
'on his neck' (see PLATE ll(b)). At what point in the proceedings these bricks were laid is
not certain, but it seems clear that the king laid them himself. One may speculate
(although specific evidence is lacking) that at some stage during the ceremonies the
prayers recorded on the cylinder were formally recited, before the document was
deposited, to an assembled gathering of citizens who were the main beneficiaries of the
temple-building being undertaken and were all closely involved in the ceremonial
processes: butchers, bakers, shepherds, oil-presscrs, unguent-preparers supplied the
ingredients for the innumerable sacrifices and offerings; weavers and launderers would
have been involved in supplying the linen towels with which the hands of the gods were
dried before and after their meals, as well as in preparing special garments worn by gods
and men for some of the rituals; smiths would have had to supply the tin bracelet and
lead axe for the builder, to say nothing of the diviners and astrologers, lamentation-
singers and other musicians needed to determine auspicious days, sing the correct hymns
and laments, play the kettledrums and consecrate the building—in fact, one obtains
from this a profile of the varied members of a Babylonian city-community as it existed
both earlier and at this time. 41
The fact that Akkadian was no longer a living, spoken language would have mattered
relatively little: it carried with it the authority and sonority of old-established learning,
and was the language in which it was appropriate to address the traditional gods. The
same attitudes are reflected by the archaizing form of the script which represents a
deliberate harking back to the past. The laments sung during the ceremonies were in
Sumerian—an even older language that had not been spoken for nearly two thousand
years; some of the other hymns were in Akkadian as, of course, were the ritual
instructions to which we owe all this information (and which would otherwise be lost).
The use of Akkadian in this ceremonial, formal context are thus somewhat analogous to
the use of Latin in the church long after its demise as a spoken language: some standard
phrases would be known generally, the various specialists such as the lamentation-
singers would know their part; beyond that, a number of scholars continued to study the
language, read its literature, make copies of older works and compose chronicles,
literary texts, astronomical observations and diaries and some legal documents in it. 42

40
cf. Ellis, Foundation deposits 20-26; more Babylonian chronicles ( = ABC) (Locust Valley, N Y
recently, Sherwin-White, Hellenism 28-9. 1975) nos.io-i3b; the most striking literary text
41
For the Babylonian city communities sec van definitely composed in this period is the 'Dynastic
der Spek, Hellenism 60-65 ar>d 70-74; for the Prophecy' published by A.K. Grayson, Babylonian
various professional groups and families in hellen- historical-literary texts (Toronto 1975) 24-37; f ° r the
istic Uruk see L.T. Doty, Cuneiform archives from astronomical diaries compiled in this period see
hellenistic Uruk (Yale diss. 1977) passim; for now A. J. Sachs and H. Hunger, Astronomical diaries
Babylonia generally, G.J.P. McEwan, Priest and and related texts from Babylon i 632 BC—262 BC
Temple in hellenistic Babylonia (Wiesbaden 1982); (Vienna 1988) and ii (1989, for details see note 29
Kuhrt, 'Nabonidus and the Babylonian priesthood' above); for a complete list of these as well as copies
in M. Beard and J. North (eds) Pagan priests of other astronomical texts, see LBAT; for docu-
(London 1990) 119-55 a t 150-54- ments and letters cf. the exhaustive overview by J.
42
The compilation of the six published Oelsner Materialien 146-61, which includes a corn-
chronicle fragments must certainly be dated to the plete survey of all the scholarly, cultic and literary
Selcucid period cf. A. K. Grayson Assyrian and texts (many of them copies of earlier works) as well
 ASPECTS OF SELEUCID ROYAL IDEOLOGY 81

That the king himself would not have understood fully the wording of his formal
proclamation and was unlikely to be capable of reading it, seems very probable but is
neither problematic nor unprecedented: the Cyrus Cylinder relating to that ruler's
building in Babylon was also in Akkadian despite the fact that Cyrus did not speak it.
Such texts are merely the tangible, preserved expression of a complex process the
purpose and significance of which were fully understood by the king who initiated it—
he certainly did not need to be able to read or understand the language of the text to
know what he had done. 43

E. REBUILDING BABYLON'S TEMPLE: SELEUCID PATRONAGE OF BEL-MARDUK'S CULT

Having established. Antiochus' physical presence and participation in the work at

Borsippa, let us look at some of the further implications of the text. From the references
in 1.6-15, as well as the title 'caretaker of Esagila and Ezida', it seems reasonable to infer
that Antiochus undertook building in Babylon on the great Marduk temple as well.
Work on the Babylon sanctuary is, in fact, referred to, pace RostovztefF, in 322/1,44 320/
19,45 311/10,46 309/8,47 and 3O8/748, as well as during the time that Antiochus was the
heir-designate (mar sarri), probably from 305/4 until 292, before becoming co-regent
with his father, Seleucus I (between late 292 and 281).49 Further, a brief notice in 27450
records the baking of bricks for Esagila—suggesting that work started in Alexander's
reign was nearing completion at this date. Given the very close ritual interconnections
which existed between Babylon, the city of Marduk, and Borsippa, the city of his 'son',
Nabu, a closeness particularly well-documented for the occasion of the Babylonian

as the extant transliterations into Greek of Diaries i: no. -324.

45
Akkadian and Sumerian in chapter 3; for the latter ABC, no. 10:6.
46
cf. alsoj. A. Black and S. Sherwin-White, 'A clay ABC, no.10: rev.13.
47
tablet with Greek letters in the Ashmolean ABC, no.10: rev.33.
48
Museum, and the "Graeco-Babyloniaca" texts' B M 78651 = D . Kennedy, Cuneiform texts
Iraq xlvi (1984) 131-40. For some penetrating from Babylonian tablets in the British Museum 49
observations on h o w very differently language and (London 1968) (= CT49), no. 5 (dated 25 Decem-
writing may function in other cultural contexts, cf. ber 308) and BM 78707 = CT 49, 6 (24 January
M. Bloch 'Literacy and enlightenment' in K. 307). This last is a corrected copy of the text
Schousboe and M. T. Larsen (eds) Literacy and published in translation only by J. Kohler and A.
society (Copenhagen 1989) 15-38. Ungnad, Hundert ausgewdhlte Rechtsurkunden aus der
43
Comparable examples are, of course, the Spatzeit des babylonischen Schrifttums von Xerxes bis
Aramaic edicts of Persian kings contained in Ezra; Mithridates II (485-93 v.Chr.) ( = HALF) (Leipzig
but note also the close involvement (physical 1911) no.89. Cf. also F. Joannes 'Les successeurs
presence of government officials as well as supply d'Alexandre le Grand en Babylonie', Anatolica vii
of financial resources) of the British Government in (1979-80), 99-116 at 105-6.
49
India with Hindu temples quoted by M. Boyce, ABC, n o . u : obv. 2; cf. for the role of Anti-
'The religion of Cyrus the Great' in Kuhrt and ochus as mar sarri Sherwin-White, 'Babylonian
Sancisi-Weerdenburg (eds) Achaemenid history iii: chronicle fragments as a source for Seleucid
Method and theory (Leiden 1988) 26. O n the mis- history'J/VES xlii, 265-270 at 265-6 and 265, n.2.
conceptions surrounding the question of the use of Note also the reference to the 113 talents of silver
different languages in multi-lingual empires, see and 2 talents of gold 'of N a b u ' in connection with
Sherwin-White, Hellenism 4-8. craftsmen in Borsippa in late 303, cf. Sachs and
44
Astronomical diary: LBAT 212 = Sachs and Hunger Diaries i:- 302.
50
Hunger, Astronomical diaries: 226-7, no. -321, I.14; S. Smith, Babylonian historical texts relating to
note also ibid. 178-9, no. -330 rev. which mentions the capture and downfall of Babylon ( = BHT)
Alexander and Esagila together in an unfortunately (London 1924) 155/157, I.19 (part of astronomical
broken context. It is also worth noting that 'gold diary); Austin, Hellenistic world: no. 141; van der
for making the tiara of Bel' (which would prob- Spek, Grondbezit 211-213. The full text (with all
ably have required royal authorisation) is referred the astronomical data) is now available, Sachs and
to in August 325, suggesting some refurbishing of Hunger, Astronomical diaries: no.-273, rev.38.
the cult-statue of Marduk, see Sachs and Hunger
82 AMELIE K U H R T and SUSAN SHERWIN-WHITE
New Year festival51—a festival definitely still being celebrated under royal patronage in
the 220s52—it would indeed have been somewhat odd if Antiochus I had decided to
restore Borsippa while hastening the ruination of its close neighbour Babylon. This
conclusion is, of course, extremely important because of the continued denial of any
Seleucid royal activity at Babylon 53 as a result of the supposedly devastating effects of
the founding of Seleucia-Tigris, forty miles away to the north-east (as far as Athens is
from Thebes) and on a different river system.54 Reading Antiochus' cylinder in its
Babylonian setting, combining it with other pieces of evidence and thus giving it its full
weight, makes such a position quite untenable.

F. THE FOUNDING OF SELEUCIA-TIGRIS AND MESOPOTAMIAN TRADITION

With respect to this one should also reconsider the story given in Appian Syriake 58,
concerning the founding of Seleucia-Tigris—a story usually taken to demonstrate the
negative effect its foundation had on the status of Babylon. The scene portrayed is of
Seleucus deciding to build his new city, gathering his soldiers in readiness for its
construction and waiting patiently for the diviners to give him the sign to go ahead. The
latter wait for the omens when suddenly the soldiers are divinely galvanised into action,
without reference to the diviners. Although Appian appends a long explanation
designed to show that the omens were being deliberately delayed because the diviners
feared that Seleucia's existence would threaten Babylon's position, the true point of the
story is the emphasis on the gods' blessing for the king and all his enterprises: he is pious
and does everything possible to follow the correct, prescribed procedure; his project
pleases the gods so much that they themselves shortcircuit the usual media and inspire
the soldiers' limbs directly, thus frustrating completion of the usual ritual by sending a
differently formulated and dramatic omen. If one detaches the later explanatory section,
it becomes clear that the story fits into the category of royal logoi, designed to
demonstrate the superior wisdom and farsightedness of the king as well as his closer
connection with the divine sphere. It is further possible to compare this with col. 1,11.6-7
of the Antiochus cylinder, where stress is placed on the fact that: ' / conceived the idea for
the building'—which encapsulates the king's responsibility and initiative, and is
sometimes expressed in Other Mesopotamian texts of this type as 'I, in my superior
wisdom with which the gods have endowed me, decided to build . . . '. 5 5
The conclusions to be drawn so far may be summarized as follows:-
1. the physical context of the cylinder explains the emphasis which is placed on the
god Nabu and his temple in Borsippa. But both ritual considerations, as well as
references within the text combined with other bits of evidence, make it extremely
likely that Antiochus I was closely involved in temple rebuilding in Babylon as well.
2. the form of the document as well as its content make it clear that the king was
personally involved in the symbolically significant initial stages of the building.

51
Black, ' N e w Year ceremonies'; Kuhrt, which the cities controlled different routes as a
'Usurpation'. result of their situation on different rivers is the
52
ABC, no.13b: 3-9; cf. Sherwin-White, 'Ritual separate despatch from the t w o centres of resources
for a Seleucid king at Babylon?' JHS ciii (1983) for t h e a r m y to Syriain 274, cf. BHT 154/156,11.11-
156-9. It is also very probably a performance of the 13, Sachs and Hunger, Diaries i n o . -273, rev.30-32.
55
N e w Year festival with royal participation that is A particularly good example is the cylinder of
referred to in the broken passage of Sachs and Sargon II (721-705) relating his building of the n e w
Hunger Diaries ii, -204. city D u r Sarrukin: Luckenbill, Ancient records of
53
For example, the rather negative assessment Assyria and Babylonia ii (Chicago 1927), §119: '(but
by McEwan, Priest and temple 193-194. I), in m y all-embracing wisdom which at the
54
Full discussion of this by Sherwin-White, c o m m a n d of Ea, lord of the abyss, was made rich in
Hellenism 18-19. A clear illustration of the w a y in understanding and filled with cleverness . . . '
 ASPECTS OF SELEUCID ROYAL IDEOLOGY 83
3. the royal ideology expressed in the text is a totally Babylonian one, already
adopted earlier by the Persian conquerors and, as is becoming increasingly evident, by
Alexander too. 56

G. NON-BABYLONIAN FEATURES OF THE CYLINDER

Having stressed the purely Babylonian character of the cylinder and the ideology it
projects, the two elements in it that do not fit with this cultural conservatism should
now be considered.

G i . The Macedonian element.

First, the epithet 'Macedonian' which appears among the titulary near the beginning.
Such ethno-dynastic appellations are not typically Babylonian and for this reason its
appearance here has been considered the product of Greek/Macedonian concepts of a
Herrenvolk57 ruling over 'oriental natives'.58 Such a view ignores the stereotypes at play
here: ethnic identity was particularly stressed in the genealogical self-definitions used by
the Persian emperors in their royal inscriptions.59 A more plausible interpretation,
therefore, would be that Antiochus' Macedonian identity follows the models set by the
Achaemenids' statement of their Persian origins: it is an imperial usage demonstrating a
development by the Seleucids of the titulary of their Persian predecessors, whose
imperial style was so influential in the formation and articulation of the hellenistic
monarchies.60 It would also be wise to bear in mind Antiochus' parentage and
upbringing; as Bernard has so aptly put it when speaking of Antiochus' appointment as
co-regent: '(at this point) Asia received a king who had never known Greece and whose
tastes and concerns were probably marked by the 'Greek-Oriental' ambience in which
he had lived.' 61

G2. Stratonice the queen.

The other unusual element in the text is the mention of Stratonice. This is remarkable
in a Mesopotamian building text and certainly no queen is ever mentioned in an Old
Persian royal inscription.62 This would, then, appear at first sight to be a real innovation
reflecting hellenistic royal practice where queens figure so prominently in letters to, and
decrees of, cities and in dedications.63 Should this then be seen as a specifically Greek
innovation? It is possible that that is, indeed, the right interpretation, but another
approach might be tried: for such a very Babylonian document one might instead seek
parallels in other texts from this cultural milieu rather than the Greek one.

56
cf. Kuhrt, 'Usurpation'. 179; Sherwin-White, Hellenism 7-8; M. Colledge,
57
F. E. Adcock, 'Greek and Macedonian king- 'Greek and non-Greek interaction in the art and
ship', Proc.Brit.Acad, xxxix (1953), 163-180. architecture of the hellenistic east', Hellenism, 142-
58
For cogent arguments against such a view cf. 144.
61
already E. Bikerman, Institutions des Seleucides P. Bernard, 'Les traditions orientales dans
(Paris 1938) 6-7. l'architecture greco-bactrienne', Journal Asiatique
59
See R . G. Kent, Old Persian: Grammar, texts, cclxiv (1976) 245-75 a t 2 57-
62
lexicon (New Haven 1953) for the royal inscrip- See H. Sancisi-Weerdenburg, 'Exit Atossa:
tions; cf. M. Dandamaev, Persien unter den ersten images of women in Greek historiography on
Achdmeniden (Munich 1976) 210-214 for the Persia' in A. Cameron and A. Kuhrt (eds) Images of
deliberate emphasis placed on the Persian character Women in Antiquity (London 1983) 20-33 a t 2 2 -
63
of the Achaemenid empire after Darius I's success- e.g. Stratonice: OGIS 222, 229; Laodice (wife
ful seizure of the throne. of Antiochus III) G. Pugliese-Carratelli, ASAA
60
e.g. P. Briant, 'Des Achemenides aux rois xxix-xxx (1967-8) 445-453, P. Herrmann, Anadolu
hellenistiques: continuite et rupture', Rois, tributs et ix (1965) 34-36, L. Robert, Hellenica 7(1949) 5-22.
paysans (Besancon 1982) 291-330; Musti, 'Syria':
84 AMELIE KUHRT and SUSAN SHERWIN-WHITE
Although some later Babylonian building inscriptions exist,64 the queen is never
named in these so that Stratonice's mention in this text genre remains at present
unique.65 There are, however, three earlier Mesopotamian royal women who figure,
unusually, in the inscriptions of their sons who had become kings.66 In the case of two it
is clear that the reason for their apparent prominence is directly linked to the fact that
their sons had come to the throne in unusual circumstances. The reason for the
importance of the third, who is the historical figure around whom the legendary persona
ofSemiramis was elaborated, is unknown, 67 but given the rarity of mentions of female
members of the royal family in formal inscriptions one would presume here, too, that it
was her role in maintaining the dynastic succession that led to her name being
commemorated and gave rise to the enormous number of legends associated with her
68
name.
Similarly, it may well be the exceptional position of Stratonice that is being stressed
here rather than a regular role performed by hellenistic queens. As is well known she
was the daughter of the famous Phila (herself the daughter of Antipater, widow of
Craterus and Demetrius Poliorcetes' long suffering wife, cf.Plutarch Demetr. 14; 22; 32;
37; 45), who was married as part of a political deal to Seleucus I (Plut. Demetr. 31.5) and
to whom she bore a child (Plut. Demetr. 38); and she was later passed on to become the
wife of Seleucus' son, co-regent and designated successor, Antiochus. The extraordinary
circumstances of her history generated popular tales in considerable number.69
To sum up, then, the character of Stratonice's role is indicated by the following
features: first, the analogy with the earlier Mesopotamian examples; second, the nature
of her mention in this text and at this time when Seleucus I's vast realm was being
consolidated—one aspect of which must surely have been the extensive rebuilding in
Babylon and Borsippa after the massive ravages wrought there by Antigonus' forces
between 311-308;70 third, the many tales told about her. From this one may conclude
that Stratonice as the daughter of a king, who married one of the most powerful of the

64
Such as those referred to (above, Bb) from at that time, as mother of the designated successor,
Uruk. Ashur-nadin-shumi, who was installed as ruler
65
An apparent exception is the document, dated of the Assyrian subject-territory of Babylonia
SE 139 (Antiochus IV) in which the satammu of between 700 and 694. He was removed from the
Esagila refers to a gift of land made by Antiochus II throne in the course of an Elamite raid and died or
to Laodice and his two sons (see above note 29). was executed in captivity. The text is very short
However, this is not a formal royal decree, but a and Tashmetum-Sharrat does not, on present
record of the history of land gifted to Babylonian evidence, seem to have ever occupied as excep-
cities presented by a representative of the tional a position as the other three. Cf. Reade
Babylonian urban communities; as already said (n.28). Different again are the recently discovered
(n.29), Laodice is simply described as Antiochus II's texts (April and August 1989) accompanying the
'wife'; also not comparable are the historical burials of Assyrian queens found at Nimrud, which
references in the astronomical diaries, cf. above are more in the nature of short funeral notices; the
note 29. texts will be published in the next issue of Baghdader
66 Mitteilungen by A. Fadhil and K. Deller.
These are Sammuramat, mother of Adad-
67
nirari III (810-783): for details of the texts cf. W . cf. Grayson, 'Assyria: Ashur-dan II to Ashur-
Schramm, ' W a r Semiramis assyrische Regentin?' nirari v (934-745 BC)' Cambridge Ancient History2
Historia xxi (1972), 513-521; Naqi'a-Zakutu, iii.i 277; Schramm, 'Semiramis'.
58
mother of Esarhaddon (681-669): for the texts see See W.Eilers, Semiramis, Entstehung und Nach-
Borger, Asarhaddon, 115-6: §86; Adda'guppi (not hall einer altorientalischen Sage (Vienna 1971).
69
herself a queen), mother of Nabonidus (556-539): Plutarch Dem. 38; Appian Syr. 59; Lucian de
for texts cf. C.J. Gadd, 'The Harran Inscriptions of dea Syria 17-18; note esp. the extraordinary story of
Nabonidus', AnSt viii (1958), 35-92: N a b . H i B . A Stratonice's romantic adventure (while married to
possible fourth that should n o w be included is Seleucus) with the eunuch Kombabos at Hierapolis
Tashmetum-Sharrat, w h o was at one time the contained in Lucian de dea Syria 18-25; also, the
MIEGAL of Sennacherib and who is attested in an brief but significant allusion by Lucian at 23 to
inscription in which Sennnacherib commemorates numerous variants of the story.
70
the building of a section of the palace for her. It is ABC, no.10: rev. 14-23 and left edge, 1-2; cf.
speculated that her prominence is due to her status, Sherwin-White, Hellenism 15-16; Kuhrt, ibid. 51.
 ASPECTS OF SELEUCID ROYAL IDEOLOGY 85
successors and was then passed on to the crown-prince to secure a smooth succession,
was an unusually powerful political figure inasmuch as she fulfilled the important
function of what Goody has aptly termed a 'stakeholder' in the delicate business of
transferring power over an enormous, newly-formed empire.71 And it is these
exceptional circumstances that explain her mention in this context, and possibly also
dictated the specific choice of titles she bears in the cylinder: both hirtu = 'principal
wife' and sarratu = 'queen' are , in fact, limited in their use to designate female divinities
in this period—a translation of 'divine consort' for the former and 'heavenly queen' for
the latter might get close to rendering some of the nuances of meaning (cf. Be above).

H. FUNDING OF THE TEMPLE BUILDING

One final question which needs brief consideration is the funding of the temple-
building: there is no direct reference to finances in this or the later texts from Uruk. But
it would be a serious mistake to rule out Seleucid funding of such major public works—
indeed it is difficult to see how such large-scale projects could have been achieved
without a special allocation of financial and other resources. Other instances, including
the amply attested Seleucid funding for Greek temple building, may provide the
appropriate model for what went on in Babylonia. Apart from a direct grant from the
treasury such as Cyrus is supposed to have made for the rebuilding of the Jerusalem
temple (Josephus AJ xi 7) or the expenses of temple worship borne by a king from his
own revenues as in the case of Seleucus III72 as well as Seleucus IV (II Mace. 3.3), kings
could either allocate a place's tribute payment for the purpose73 or new tithes could be
granted (or restored) as Antiochus III (AJ xii 138) did at Jerusalem. There is, in fact, one
Akkadian text dating to January 307 which records a tithe payment (of about one pound
of silver) by a Babylonian slave for the purpose of clearing work at Esagila.74 Although
the question cannot at present be fully answered, the possibilities and likelihood of active
royal involvement in funding certainly exist.

CONCLUSION

The significance of the Borsippa cylinder for Seleucid history is immense: it illustrates
the cultural continuity in the region, the manipulation of traditional Babylonian forms
and development of Achaemenid imperial ones by the Seleucids and what this involved
in terms of their personal participation. It indicates their active interest in the Babylonian
cities and is one of the best examples, apart from Jerusalem, of Seleucid benefaction and
patronage of non-Greek cult-centres which were the foci of the local communities.75 It
would also be wrong simply to see such activity 'as a one-way system enabling only the
king to make his rule as palatable as possible. The traditional duties of a Babylonian

71 74
J . Goody, Succession to high office (Cambridge CT 49, 6 = HALJ, no.89 (cf. note 48 above);
1966) 10-12. note also CT49, 5 in which five individuals present
72
For Seleucid royal funding of the N e w Year silver for the clearing work of Esagila.
75
Festival at Babylon, see ABC, 13b: 4-6, cf. In this connection Lucian's close association of
Sherwin-White, 'Ritual', van der Spek, 'The Stratonice with the building of the temple at
Babylonian temple during the Macedonian and Hierapolis is also significant; at the very least it
Parthian domination', Bibliotheca Orientalis xlii reflects a tradition of Seleucid involvement with
(1985) 541-562 at 557-561. yet another non-Greek cult.
73
e.g. Cyrus at Jerusalem: I Esdras 2.8; Ezra
1.4-6.
86 AMELIE KUHRT and SUSAN SHERWIN-WHITE
king, in temple-building, cult, as provider of peace and prosperity—in fact, the all-
responsible ruler—equally gave his subjects, or the more powerful among them, a set of
expectations of how a good king should rule and a basis for the exercise of pressures on
the king. Just as in the case of Greek sanctuaries, where Seleucid patronage has been
traced to the pressure from influential Greeks at court,76 so in Babylonia their temple-
patronage, strikingly illustrated by this cylinder, may at times also have been elicited by
Babylonian groups and individuals'.77
AMELIE KUHRT SUSAN SHERWIN-WHITE
History Department Classics Department
University College London Royal Holloway and Bedford New College

76
As demonstrated by J. and L. Robert, 'Pline cviii (1984) 467-472.
77
vi 49, Demodamas de Milet et la reine Apamee' Sherwin-White, Hellenism 9.
BCH
PLATE II JHS cxi (1991)

(a) Clay barrel cylinder from Borsippa with inscription of Antiochus I (BM 36277; photograph courtesy
of British Museum).

(b) Stele of king Assurbanipal of Assyria (668-627 BC), probably from Babylon, shown in the traditional
role of tcmple-buildcr. He is wearing the Assyrian crown and carrying on his head a basket containing
bricks for the construction of the temple, (BM 90864; photograph courtesy of the British Museum).

ASPECTS OF SELEUCID ROYAL IDEOLOGY