Somali Notes
Somali Notes
Somali Notes
• Noun declensions
▫ They’re primarily done phonologically.
▫ And those phonological markers fall into four patterns.
Last mora high, Low elsewhere. (genitive!)
Penultimate mora high, Low elsewhere
Low throughout (nominative often!)
First mora high, low elsewhere. (vocative!)
▫ Note that absolutive case case complicated accentual
tendencies depending on gender, number and other
factors.
▫ In very particular cases, genitive case can include the
suffix -od: hadal naagood (“women’s talk”)
▫ Do you know what the vocative case actually means? It’s
the case invoked by “names and nouns used as forms of
direct address”
Here’s some vocative suffixes for pronoun names:
eey/aay/ooy (these three options depend on the
preceding letter!), ow
Here’s some vocative suffixes for common nouns:
-yahay, -yohow (wow, those are kinda long)
• Notes on Chapter 3
◦ Strange sound changes result from “lexical or
morphological pressure”.
/t/ and /k/ do not occur in syllable final position.
drag “See!” compare to arkay “I saw” (the k was the
original root, but syllable final position forced upon the /k/
by the imperative form led to /g/)
/m/ does not occur word finally.
laamo “branches” turns to laan “branch” in the singular.
And again, this is because you cannot have “laam”.
Frankly, /m/ cannot exist unless it is followed by
either /b/ or another /m/. (Think “immisa”)
/n/ does not occur syllable finally.
◦ Consonant cluster simplification
This is very simple. Words that would be predicted by the
grammar to end in a geminated consonant, such as
“cabb” (Drink it!), must be simplified to remove one of
the doubled consonant: “cab”.
◦ Restrictions on “V syllables”
What do we mean by V syllable? We mean a syllable that
begins with a vowel.
When adding the clitic “uu” (him) to the negative word
“ma”, we don’t get mauu, but instead we have to add an
epenthetic glottal stop: mu’uu. This is because we want
to avoid CV$V (i.e., a CV consonant with a random other
vowel jammed onto the end).
Similarly, when adding the plural marker -o to the word
“mindi” (knife), we don’t get mindio but rather mindiyo.
On the other hand, this is no concern when pluralizing
woman into women: naag becomes naago (wait, why
not naak and naago?)
Because /k/ is forbidden in syllable final position, as we
reviewed already. Though it may have been the original
syllable from the root, it had to switch to /g/.
Why does “naagokii” (the [remote] women) not allowed
and instead has to become “naagihii”? What rule forces
that metamorphosis?
◦ Stem contraction
CVCVCV gets shortened to CVCCV. Examples include
hilibo (meats) changing to “hilbo”, jirido (“trunks”)
changing to jirdo, “safaray” (I travelled) changing to
safray, ha maqalin (“Don’t listen!”) changing to ha
maqlin, and dadabay “I blocked”) changing to dadbay.
Very useful.
◦ continue from page 27.
• Notes on Chapter 4
◦ The gender of nouns
Gender is generally not predictable from meaning.
Gender polarity (found in many Cushitic languages)
means that when a singular noun becomes plural, its
gender flips from male to female or vice versa.
sannad “year” is male. sannaddo “years” is female. (note
that Arabic has a little hint of this, think kursi M and
kiraasi F.
How do we intuit gender? Three ways.
suffixed determiners (kii male, tii female for example)
subject-verb agreement (-ay male, -tay female in the
past, for example; or compare “yimi” he came vs. “timi”
she came)
agreement with clitic subject pronouns (these are the
things that join onto Sentence Type Marker “waa”, among
other particles, to create wuu vs. way)
◦ continue from page 57.
• Chapter 7
◦ Declarative sentences without focus
◦ Verbless declarative sentences.
◦ Declarative sentences with focus
◦ Interrogative sentences
◦ Imperative sentences
◦ Optative sentences
◦ Potential sentences
◦ continue from page 184.