Conjure Doctors

Conjure/Doctors: An Exploration of a Black
Discourse in America, Antebellum to 1940
David H. Brown
Emory University
To catch a spirit or to protect your spirit against the catching or to release your caught
spirit-this is the complete theory and practice of hoodoo. (Hany M. Hyatt, Hoodoo-
Conjuration-witchcraft-Rootwork)
Now, this singular conduct of Mr. Covey really made me begin to think that there was
something in the root which Sandy had given me; and had it been any other day than
Sunday, I could have attributed the [kind] conduct to no other cause than the influence
of that root; and as it was, I was half inclined to think the root to be something more
than I at first had taken it to be. All went well until Monday morning. On this morning,
the virtue of the root was fully tested. . . . This battle with Mr. Covey was the turning
point in my career as a slave. It rekindled the few expiring embers of freedom, and
revived within me a sense of my own manhood. It recalled the departed self-confidence,
and inspired me again with the determination to be free. (Frederick Douglass, Narrative
ofthe Life of Frederick Douglas)
Introduction
African-American conjuring, encompassing healing, charm-making,
divination, and what are conventionally called witchcraft and sorcey,
has long filtered through the lens of Christianized Anglo-American
society as the rank superstition of primitive black people. Often
reported in the nineteenth century as a "relic of barbarism" on an
evolutionary scale of human and religious progress,2 it graduated to
the status of "mental antiques" in the early twentieth century,
representing a quaint practice in an era of increasingly more
professionalized, albeit nostalgic and sometimes condescending, folklore
~ o l l e c t i n Conjure
~.~ and related African-American practices received
their most serious treatment by Newbell Niles Puckett in the 1920s,
Zora Neale Hurston, Works Progress Administration interviewers (the
"ex-slave" narratives and "survival studiesn), and Harry Middleton Hyatt
in the 1930s (Puckett 1926582; Hurston 1931, 1935; Rawick 1972;
4 Folklore Forum 23:112 David H. Brown
Georgia Writers' Project 1940; Hyatt 1970).~All biases have not

disappeared from the literature, however. One historian wrote recently
that certain "folk beliefsn (conjure and superstition) that black slaves
"carried into their Christianity provided the means for easing the
transition into a higher realm of thought and were themselves not
essential" (Genovese 1976:231).'
Conjuring in the United States, as it is revealed in the narratives
of ex-slaves and other documents, exhibited a strongly West African
character in its method of making charms and medicines but was not
integrated into a larger religious system of Afncan origin (MacGaffey
1988:183-203;Thompson 1983:Ch. 2).6 Historically, conjure maintained
an essential, complementary position with respect to black Christianity
for many people, serving a set of day-to-day needs that the latter
either could not, or declined, to serve (Raboteau 1978:286-288;
Genovese 1976:168-182, 209-231; Levine 1977: 55-81). Conjuring, as it
existed in the South outside of New Orleans-where it historically
appears to have been integral to Haitian-influenced
Voodoo/Hoodoo-was a private practice: the conjurer engaged
primarily in doctor-patienticlient relationships.'
The following discussion explores conjuring in the United States
as it is reflected in documents covering the late antebellum period
through 1940. Nineteen-forty, the publishing date by the Georgia
Writers' Project of Drums and Shadows, serves as a rough cutoff date
for primary interview material from people who had their roots in the
slavery period. The earliest antebellum reference to apparent conjure
activity-healing and poisoning-in fact dates to 1720 in South Carolina
(see Wood 1974:289-292). My focus is the use of conjure by African-
Americans among themselves and at critical points of interaction with
white society, during and after slavery. Intending to offer a set of
interpretations using representative cases rather than an exhaustive
survey of conjure data, I happily refer those readers interested in a
comprehensive study to Michael Edward Bell's extraordinary
dissertation on Afro-American hoodoo performance (Bell 1980).
Conjure was used within the "slave quarters" and later free
communities as a system of alternative medical care, a mechanism of
social control by elders, and as an effective mode of settling scores,
effecting change in everyday situations, and satisfying ambitions. In
significant ways conjure continued to operate in the communities
investigated by interviewers in the 1930s as it had in the quarters. The
memories of ex-slaves on antebellum conjure practice correlate with
contemporaneous practices observed and documented by Georgia
Writers' Project interviewers. Clearly, conjure was also used during the
slave period, as Lawrence Levine has written (197755-SO), as part of
CONJURE/DOCTORS: A BLACK DISCOURSE 5
a larger "quest for control" vis-A-vis the master class, although the
effectiveness of conjure and conjurers in slave resistance has been
subject to some debate. According to Eugene Genovese, although
conjurers helped build a culturally "autonomous black world" in the
quarters, their role was conservative with respect to existing master-
slave power relations as they posed "no direct threat to the regime."
The kind of "revolutionary conjuncture" between priests of African-
based religions and political movements as found in the Caribbean was
never reproduced, except on a "trivial scale" in the United States, he
argues. Moreover, "however positive their role in the struggle of the
slave quarters for psychological survival, they never could have
matched the preachers as a force for cohesion, moral guidance, and
cultural growth" (Genovese 1976:221-224). The evidence and
interpretations offered below do not always affirm such conclusions. As
we shall see, conjure could and did offer moral guidance, cultural
growth, and effective instrumental power against oppression during
slavery-Frederick Douglass was by no means the historical exception
in experiencing such (see epigraph and below).
My reading of conjure thus seeks to find company with other
recent works that collectively suggest that alternative cultural practices
can, in fact, be mobilized as effective challenges to dominant,
hegemonic power and authority (see, for example, Gates 1988; Gregory
1986; Lipsitz 1990; Reisman 1970; Comaroff 1985; Taussig 1987; Smith
N.d.).
A reading of slave and ex-slave narratives as well as the reports
of outside observers reveals conjuring to have been a powerful and
dramatic idiom of communication and social action before and after
emancipation. Conjure may be seen as an idiom, an explicit, culturally
specific way of thinking and talking about cause, effect, power, and
agency, and as a practical, creative process of mobilizing spiritual and
material resources to address problems and to effect change. Conjure's
social arena in these African-American narratives and accounts is
everyday, predominantly rural, life-first on plantations and later in
small communities. The material it works on consists of the changing
relationships, fortunes, loves, finances, yearnings, and frustrations of
predominantly black people. Conjure exhibits similarities to the kinds
of witchcraft and sorcery activity found in most African societies, a
phenomenon anthropologists have seen as consisting in forms of
explanation of, and methods provided for, controlling "undeserved
misfortune, death, and illnessn as well as jealousy and antisocial
behavior, all considered in one way or another to be the product of
witchcraft (Ray 1976:150-151; Horton 1967; Marwick 1970; Middleton
1967). I am reluctant, however, to reduce such activity to the mere
6 Folklore Forum 23:1/2 David H. Brown
superstructural function of reflecting or resolving "underlying" social

issues that are somehow more "real" or "objective" than the conjuring
or witchcraft itself, to "demystify" it as "ideology" or define it as merely
"symbolicn-all of which might tend to skirt or dismiss emic
expectations of its empirical effectiveness. I am thus in agreement with
Jack Goody's critique of Stanley Tambiah's well-known article, "The
Form and Meaning of Magical Acts." Goody finds problematic
Tambiah's assertion that the
position and creative meaning [of "magical acts"] is missed . . . if . . . subjected
to . . . empirical verification associated with scientific activity. I find the argument
leads us back to where we started from, for my experience has been that the
actors in "rituals of affliction" d o indeed expect t o have their afflictions relieved.
And again, I find the planting of grain as "symbolic," often as "formal," certainly
as "repetitive" as any other kind of action. (Goody 1977:27-28)
Perhaps we are getting closer to the consideration of conjure as a

"social practice," a notion Jean Comaroff sees as unifying "context,
consciousness, and intentionality" (usually spoken of as ideology) and
"the transformative practice of human actors" in their "lived
experience," as they construct the self and transform the environment
(Comaroff 19851-6). While this brief consideration of conjure cannot
hope to develop exhaustively and systematically such an investigation,
Comaroffs study suggests a useful avenue for further thinking.
I. First Sightings: Conjure Through Mainstream Eyes

(First Frame)
The minister Charles Colcock Jones wrote in 1842 one of the first
elaborated accounts using the term "conjurer." He highlighted one of
the practice's central emic terms, "second sight," delineated the
conjurer's role in the black community as a powerful and influential
figure, and explicitly linked conjure to slave resistance:
Intimately connected with their ignorance is their superstition. They believe in
second sight, charms, witchcraft, and a kind of irresistible Satanic influence. The
superstitions brought from Africa have not been wholly laid aside. Ignorance and
superstition render them easy dupes to their teachers, doctors, prophets, conjurers;
t o artful and designing men. . . . On certain occasions they have been made t o
believe that while they carried about their persons some charm with which they
had been furnished, they were invulnerable. (Jones 1842:127-128)8
The influential J.D.B. DeBow articulated similar sentiments in 1853,

stating that "[oln almost every large plantation there is one or more
negroes, who are ambitious of being considered in the character of
conjurers, in order to gain influence, and to make others fear and obey
them" (DeBow 1853:321).
Jones's reference to the slaves' perception of their invulnerability

represents an unwitting insight into their cultural resilience.
"Invulnerability" suggests a refusal to accept the terms of the discourse
of the master class, which accorded them only the status of beings with
neither agency nor culture of their own. The master class wishfully
imagined slave resistance as the influence of designing,
conjurerslagitators over ignorant dupes. However, the possibility that
slaves believed in their invulnerability threatened that comfortable
theory. The threat is evident in Jones's tone:
They have, on certain other occasions been made to believe that they were
invincible. That they might go any where and do any thing they pleased, and it
would be impossible for them to be discovered or known; in fine, to will was to
d-fely, successfully. (Jones 1842:1 2 8 ) ~
If conjuring and conjurers represented resistance in the eyes of

observers during the slavery period, they presented similar problems
to a slew of post-emancipation era writers confronting black resistance
to acculturation. P. A. Bruce in The Plantation Negro as Freeman
(1889) pointed out the "obtuseness and narrownessn of the
superstitious Negro intellect. "Like a child, he dwells as much in a
visionary world as in the material world." Bruce concluded that
plantation negroes in a convenient distance of churches, schools, and railroads, are
found to have as firm a belief in witchcraft as those savages of the African bush
who file their teeth, perforate the cartilage of their noses, and expose their bodies
without a strip of clothing. (Bruce 1889:lll-115)
If the ethnocentric statement assumes an unquestioned faith in

Christian morality, education, and technology-dominant indicators of
the putatively advanced state of late nineteenth-century American
society-it nevertheless reveals an unwitting insight into the very heart
of African-derived conjure practice: that is to say, "second-sight," the
mediation of "spiritual" (visionary) and "material" worlds.
11. Second Sight: Healers, Leaders, and Conjure Practice

(Second Frame)
"Bard, physician, judge, and priestn: the complex role of conjurer
was filled by visionary men and women "of knowledge" (DuBois
1969:216). Conjure doctors were described as having blue gums, red
eyes, a gift for turning green as grass, and the ability to change into
animal forms (Puckett 1926:202-205). They were reported to carry
crooked or snake-entwined canes.'' Like Moses before Pharaoh, the
conjurer might, at a strategic moment, throw down his staff, say
something, and it would wiggle like a snake; when he picked it up, it
8 Folklore Fonun 23:1/2 David H. Brown
would be as stiff as any other cane. It was true, after all, that Moses
was one of the greatest con'urers and, testimony suggests, an African
himself (Puckett 1926:202)j1 Conjurers were said to carry little bags
filled with mysterious substances and wear dried reptiles on their belts
or necklaces. Conjure doctors often claimed to be a seventh son (of
a seventh son) and to have been born with a caul, or double caul. A
caul is a veil of placenta over the newborn's face. Ritually preserved
for later magical use, the single caul enabled one to see spirits, a
double caul to converse with them. Thus conjurers were referred to as
"strong in de head," as "two heads" or "double-sighters" (Bass
1973:386). The spiritual premium on children born with a caul
translated into special talents and regard: they were said to "talk
sooner than other children and have a lot more sense" (Steiner
1973:379).
One also could become a conjurer through initiations involving
ritual isolation, fasting and ordeals, accompanied by the learning of
dreamlore, charms and remedies. One initiation procedure required
that the novice drink a pint of whiskey into which was put some
rainwater-steeped bark gathered from two small saplings which rub
together in the wind (Puckett 1926:189).12
Ed Murphy, a famous conjure doctor interviewed by Newbell
Niles Puckett in Columbus, Mississippi, in 1926
lies down on his back at night, folds his arms, and a whole troop of visions swings
into sight. He can see enemies coming; can see the future. H e lives by himself a
lot and meditates; does not like to be bothered by other folks. By looking through
a clear pebble dipped in water he claims to be able to induce these visions.
(Puckett 1926205)
Braziel Robinson, as described by a plantation owner, "established a

reputation as a foreseer of events, as a root doctor would advise
Negroes when to plant their garden, when to expect rain, administered
in a medical way to the many wants of the community in which he
lived" (Steiner 1973:377). Conjurers apparently acted in lieu of
adequate medical treatment and/or engaged in a pluralistic system of
medical care in which both physical and spiritual needs were met.13
The conjurers of slavery times were often said to be Africans who had
"supreme magic powuh" and could turn into animals and "disappeah
lak du win, jis walk off duh plantation an stay fuh weeks at a time"
(Jack Wilson in GWP 1940:7). Their power was explicitly tied to
resistance and cultural origins and renewal: slaves were certain that
conjurers could easily "'scape an fly back tuh Africa" (Jack Wilson in
GWP 1940:7; see also Serina Hall, GWP 1940:81; Charles Hunter,
GWP 1940:176). A good many conjurers were pious, bi-religious
people and often were recognized preachers and "exhorters" (Puckett

1926:205; Steiner 1973:377; Rawick 1972:TX/4/1:4; Webb 1873). In
short, they were powerful, recognized men and women comparable in
some degree to their Caribbean and Brazilian religious counterparts
who, as Stephan PalmiC has written, "easily slipped into the role of
authority figures manipulating one of the few sources of power open
to Africans in a slave society: superhuman resources that could only
be tapped by the possession of secrets bound to priestly titles" (see
PalmiC 1989 and DuBois 1969:216). While they were perhaps unable
to build cult institutions such as those found elsewhere in Afro-
America, and while they did not stand, like the preacher, at the center
of organized black churches, their charisma and authority must have
made them magnets of a sort in the creation of the "new social ties"
critical to the emergence of Afro-American culture (Mintz and Price
1976).
Evidence suggests that on the client's side of the equation, large
numbers of slaves, and later freedmen, put much stock in conjure and
were aware of key differences in charm types and meanings. Patsy
Moses, an ex-slave, stated: "De big, black nigger in de corn field mos'
allus had three charms around he neck, to make him fort'nate in love,
and to keep him well, and one for lady luck at dice to be with him.
Den if you has indigestion wear a penny round de neck" (Rawick
1972:TX/5/3:143). William Adams, an ex-slave and conjurer, explained:
"Some folks won't think for a minute of goin' without lodestone or de
salt and pepper mixture in de little sack, tied roun de neck. . . . When
one have de faith in sich and de accidentally lose de charm, dey sho'
am miserable" (Rawick 1972:TX/4/1:4).
After slavery, the use of such charms actually may have increased
rather than diminished. Cultural reproduction of conjure belief and
practice occurred through intergenerational transmission of knowledge,
that is to say, in learning from the elders through "hearingn and
"training." "No, ma'am," said a Georgia coastal woman, "dey sho ain
losin no faith in magic or sech tings. All deah libes dey heah about
um from du ole folks. Seem lak tuh me dey beliebin in um mo an mo
all du time" (GWP 1940:45). Informants interviewed by the folklorist
Harry Middleton Hyatt in 1935 concluded that "in the South . . . 90
percent of Negroes is been trained under that hoodooism and 40
percent of the whites believed in hoodooism" (Hyatt 1970:ii). In
November of 1885 a writer in the Atlanta Constitution had estimated
that perhaps "a hundred old men and women practiced conjuring as
a profession in that city, telling fortunes, locating lost and stolen
goods, furnishing love philters, and casting spells upon people and
cattlen (quoted in Culin 1890:281). The presence of one hundred
10 Folklore Forum 23:112 David H . Brown
conjure doctors implies the presence of a sizeable conjure

clientele-and much conjuring-three elements that were mutually
reinforcing.
111. Beyond Good and Evil: Conjuring Masters, Conjuring Slaves

Conjure and conjurers were, more often than not, regarded as evil
instruments of the Devil by white society, if not by more orthodox
members of the black church. Reconciling the perspectives on conjure
and conjurers taken by planters, ministers, and moralistic white
observers on the one hand, and conjure doctors and clients on the
other hand, requires an unpacking of one central feature of the
dominant religious discourse within which conjure was conventionally
located: the opposed concepts of good and evil, God and Satan, in
Christian thinking. Minister C.C. Jones saw in conjure an "irresistible
Satanic influence" (Jones 1842:128). P.A. Bruce was convinced that
conjure served as a vent for the Negro's "evil passions." According to
Jones, however, "a plain and faithful presentation of the Gospel usually
weakens if not destroys [their] superstitions" (Jones 1842:128; Bruce
1889:lll-115). An ex-slave spoke of the issue in similar terms: "I'm a
[Christian] believer, an' dis here voodoo an' hoodoo an' sper'ts ain't
nothin' but a lot of folks outten Christ" (Rawick 1972:AL/6:36-37).
Suggesting that blacks could be both Christians and conjure
adherents, or at least that conjure and Christianity were not always
theoretically irreconcilable, Norman Whitten has proposed that the
black folk worldview can shift between two frames of reference. The
first is the normative frame of good and evil as articulated by
mainstream Christian churches. In this view the "Lord and His servants
[ministers] are good and the Devil and his servants [conjurers] are
evil" (Whitten 1975414). The second frame of reference is particularly
AfricanJAfrican-American.Whitten found that, when asked, black
respondents generally felt that conjurers were not necessarily evil; they
know about evil things but they may also use this knowledge to
combat evil (Whitten 1973:413). Whitten's view could be nuanced with
additional shadings: Between the two frames of reference, we might
consider a continuum of black perspectives on these issues, especially
depending upon denomination, class, and region. The continuum was
probably never static. Moreover, the character and the status of more
recognizably "Africann folk practices vis-a-vis black Christianity
probably changed over time. Further research should historicize these
issues given the identifiable evolution of black "cosmologies" in the
United States from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries (see
Sobel 1988 and Raboteau 1978:Ch.2 and 3). At any rate, the
salvational and communal mission of the black church-even given its
historically more "this-worldly" orientation-might not solve day-to-day

interpersonal problems satisfactorily, especially where revenge or
seduction were sought. Therefore, church and conjure could be
complementary. Yet the complexity of that relationship and of the
feelings expressed by church-going individuals about conjure may never
be fully understood. The signification of the utterance "good" or "evil"
from a given individual's lips may have been multi-layered, with the
most conventional meaning resewed for public contexts and other
meanings for private, in-group contexts. "Devil" might refer to the first
frame of reference, where it signifies absolute evil. "Devil" used by
some blacks historically, especially with respect to conjure, might have
also signified "trickster," for the Devil in black folk tradition "is a
powerful trickster who often competes with God" (Hurston 1931:411;
Herskovits 1958:251-254).14
Life under the Peculiar Institution demonstrated to many enslaved
blacks the exploitative application of the first frame of reference and
its fierce incompatibility with their daily experience. White masters and
pro-slavery ideologists did, in fact, heavily invest in God's word as
sanction for black servitude, drawing on the services of white ministers
to encourage their acquiescence to the system. As a corollary, the
master class saw the Devil's work in any resistance to the institution.
At least one shrewd slave, however, found that he could take
advantage of the master's set of religious absolutes by turning it on its
head. Jacob Stroyer relates the case-we may see it as a subversive
allegory--of one James Hay, a black field hand. Hay was a much-
punished slave because he never finished his task. The morning
following a severe whipping his Aunt Patience, a church-going
Christian woman, assured him that the Good Lord would help him
that day to finish his work. He began faithfully but could not finish,
and the overseer would simply not accept Jim's excuse that the Lord
failed to help him: "I thought as I did half of the task, the Lord might
have finishcd thc other half if he intended to help me at all." Jim was
severely punished. Soon after, he was asked by
some professors of religion . . . if he was not tired of sewing the devil, and told
him that the Lord was God and had helped many of his people, and would help
all who asked him and then take them home to heaven. Jim said that if the Lord
would not do half an acre of his task for him when he depended upon him, he did
not think he could trust him, and Jim never became a Christian to my knowledge.
(Stroyer 1890:52)
Hay's trickster-like (certainly "devilishn) response not only challenges

the dominant framework of good and evil, God and the Devil, but also
its underlying value system: Hay resists the exploitative application to
slaves of the doctrine of salvation after death-intended really to gain

his acquiescence to a life of slave toil. Hay's more characteristically
African-American religious orientation seeks God's help in this world
rather than in the next (Genovese 1976:246-247). The apparent
unwillingness of "God" (read, in effect, as pro-slavery ideology) to
answer his needs made Christian faith (read as the internalization of
slave-status) an undesirable alternative. Some slaves, in conclusion, did
not place the same absolute evil value on the Devil as did "some
professors of religion." They may have felt less of a need to trouble
themselves about hell than white folks because, as a slave named Jack
declared in William Wells Brown's classic narrative, "us niggers have
to work out in the hot sun, and if us go to hell it would not be so
bad for us because us used to heat, but it will be bad for white folks
because they is not used to hot weather" (Brown 1880:70-71).
On the plantation, the Devil provided a formidable weapon of
persuasion if not physical force. The conjurer, seen by whites as the
Devil's evil agent, could frighten whites simply by allowing their own
language to shape their responses. Nowhere is this demonstrated better
than in William Wells Brown's story of Dinkie, the conjurer of Poplar
Farm plantation. Dinkie was a "full-blooded African" and "no one
could remember the time when Dinkie was called upon to perform
manual labor. . . . No one interfered with himn (Brown 1880:70).
Dinkie had "de power" and was "him own massan (Brown 1880:71). H e
had faithfully served the "good and lovely devil" for 20 years. Before
his wife and children were sold off he had served the Lord, "but dat
did no good, kase the white folks don't fear the Lord. Bud dey fears
you [the Devil], an' ever since I got into your service, I is able to do
as I pleasen (Brown 1880:74). Dinkie avoided all work and even a
violent whipping in the barn by the new overseer, who threatened to
"tear [his] black skin." Dinkie conjured up a scene of hell and the
Devil in the corner of the barn and told the overseer "dat if he lay his
finger on him, he'd call de debble up to take him awayn (Brown
1880:74). The overseer relented and both men emerged peacefully from
the barn to go about their respective business.
Dinkie's conjure not only worked symbolically but also empirically
in this story. One could interpret the story in the following way:
Dinkie graphically located slavery's violence in white society's
normative category of evil. At that crucial moment, the overseer was
forced to experience his own orientation as evil, a reversal of the
dominant ideology. U p to that point, white society had defined slavery
(for the overseer) as a function of God's will; whipping was a means
of "beating the devil" out of the unruly, possessed slave. Dinkie's
victory was a matter of the successful communication of the injustice
CONJUREDOCTORS: A BLACK DISCOURSE 13
of that proposition. Another more direct interpretation is possible: the

overseer, without reflection, simply balked in the face of Dinkie's
projection of implacable power, available to him through his
relationship with the Devil. In either case, the Devil remained a
faithful ally of the slave, an instrument with which to interrupt the
otherwise unhindered flow of pro-slavery ideology and behavior.''
Charles Chesnutt's 1899 conjure tale entitled "Mars' Jeems
Nightmare," reinforces the first, if not the second, interpretation of
William Wells Brown's story of Dinkie. Mars' Jeems, before departing
from his plantation, appoints an overseer to shape up the place while
he is gone. Before his departure, he is slipped some of the conjure
woman Aun' Peggy's "goopher" (conjure dust), which soon transforms
him into a young, difficult slave on another plantation. As such, and
by coincidence, he is then sent back to the Jeems plantation as a debt
payment to Mars' Jeems by the other plantation's master. He is
severely whipped by the new overseer and then sold in town because
the overseer was unable to "break him." Mars' Jeems, apparently
having had an extraordinary experience, returns to the plantation and
fires the overseer, shortens work hours, increases holidays and rations,
and divests the plantation of the whip. "Aun' Peggy's goopher had
made a noo man un 'im enti'ely"16 (Chesnutt 196954-102).
The inevitable question is raised as to why conjure, in this case,
could be instrumental in obtaining reform of plantations' conditions
but not the freedom of its slaves. Genovese raises precisely this
question, suggesting that slaves themselves perceived the "limitations
on the conjurer's powers." The conjurers were "accommodationists," he
feels, in their "double-edged adjustment to political reality": they were
subversive to the extent that their presence was psychologically
empowering to the slaves, but were ultimately unable to affect the real
balance of power. The "limitationsn slaves recognized, according to
Genovese, amounted to: "[wle believe in these things . . . whereas the
whites do not; hence it works for us and not for them" (Genovese
1976:222-223).17 Already we have seen that at least Dinkie's power
"worked" on the overseer and Aun' Peggy's on the masteralbeit
without "revolutionary" effect. Henry Bibb's important ex-slave
narrative, on the other hand, appears to reinforce Genovese's
conclusion-his conjure did not work at all on his master. Yet when
Brown, Chesnutt, and Bibb are read along with key events in the
Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, An American Slave, a more
subtle interpretation begins to emerge. Perhaps it was that conjurers
and their conjure were no more monolithic and homogeneous in their
"limitedn power and effect than were all masters, overseers, and
plantation orders in their resistance to conjuration. Genevese's

conclusion may simply represent an overgeneralization.
Henry Bibb felt deep frustration that the love powder a conjurer
had given him to change his master's sentiments toward him (from
anger to love) had failed. "After this," Bibb writes, "for fear they might
find me out in my dangerous experiments upon them, I had to give
them up, for the time being. I was then convinced that running away
was the most effectual way by which a slave could escape cruel
punishment" (Bibb 1969:71). Bibb's conjure failed to soften his
master's feelings toward him through the particular charm a conjurer
had given him. Insensitive to Bibb's "loven-overtures via conjure, his
master remained otherwise engaged to the oppressive discourse of
slavery which denied Bibb his humanity. Conjure gave Bibb neither
"psychological" nor political empowerment. As a result, he chose to
reject not only the aid the individual conjurer had provided, but also,
in effect, the conjure tradition as a cultural option. Did he feel that
reliance on this tradition could only seal his acquiescence and that a
more radical solution was neces~ary?'~ We cannot know precisely
what Bibb thought.
In Frederick Douglass's narrative, written four years earlier,
however, it was precisely the powerful "root" given him by the conjurer
("an old advisor") Sandy Jenkins that influenced and overpowered the
overseers Covey and Hughes and opened the door to his freedom.
Sandy Jenkins's root was apparently an all-purpose charm: it worked
"love," physical strength, "confidence," and protection. The root was
subjected to two "tests" (not unlike Bibb's "experiments") in the first
of which, Covey's kindness toward Douglass is apparently achieved.
Now, this singular conduct of Mr. Covey really made me begin to think that there
was something in the root which Sandy had given me; and had it been any other
day than Sunday, I could have attributed the conduct to no other cause than the
influence of that root; and as it was, I was half inclined to think the root to be
something more than I at first had taken it to be. All went well until Monday
morning. On this morning, the virtue of the root was fully tested. (Douglass
197372)
Whereas Bibb lost faith in the love charm with its decisive failure,
Douglass was forced to consider its possible effectiveness. His
reflection stands as exemplary of the empirically guided reasoning
around conjure-based phenomena. As it was the S a b b a t h a n extra
independent variable-Douglass was only "half-inclined" to attribute the
cause of Covey's kindness solely to the root. Skepticism remained until
that variable could be controlled. Monday morning was a normal
workday (slave labor resumes) and, therefore, the second test
proceeded with the independent variable eliminated. With his decisive

victory, he could but conclude that the root was the cause. This "battle
. . . was the turning point in my career as a slave. It rekindled the few
expiring embers of freedom, and revived within me a sense of my own
manhood. It recalled the departed self-confidence, and inspired me
again with the determination to be freen (Douglass 1973:74). H e was
never whipped again. For Douglass the "root" was a token of
unmatched power and, one might infer, a sign of African-derived
cultural identity in service of the cause of effective resistance to the
slave system (Douglass 1973:70-71).19
Predictably, the master class viewed the ingrained conjure
tradition, Africa, and the incidence of running away quite differently.
J.D.B. De Bow cemented a medicalized rhetoric of health and disease
to the biblical sanction of slavery and the ideology of paternalism, with
an interesting twist. "It may be thought," he wrote in 1853,
that the old superstition about conjuration has passed away with the old stock of
native Africans; but it is too deeply radiated in the negro intellect to pass away.
. . . The effect of such a superstition-a firm belief that he is poisoned o r
conjured-upon the patient's mind, already in a morbid state, and his health
affected from hard usage, over-tasking o r exposure, want of wholesome food, good
clothing, (etc.) . . . tends to directly generate that erythism of the mind which is
the essential cause of negro consumption. (DeBow 1853:322)
Such consumption formed the basis of what De Bow termed

"Drapetomania, or the disease causing Negroes to run awayn (DeBow
1853:322). With proper treatment it could be cured.
If the white man attempts to oppose the Deity's will, by trying to make the negro
any thing else than "thesubmissive kneebender' [emphasis in the original] (which the
Almighty declared he should be) by trying to raise him t o a level with himself. .
. o r by denying him the usual comforts and necessaries of life, the negro will run
away; but if he keeps him in the position that we learn from the Scriptures he was
intended t o occupy, that is the position of submission, and if his master o r
overseer be kind and gracious in his bearing towards him, without condescension,
and that at the same time ministers to his physical wants, and protects him from
abuses, the negro is spell-bound [my emphasis], and cannot run away. (De Bow
1853322)
De Bow's paternalistic mode of slaveholding was, in effect, a grandiose

love-charm, nothing less than the white man's conjure in its advertised
capacity to hold slaves spell-bound. In De Bow's system, the desire to
run away constituted the disease and slavery--properly understood-the
cure. Can it be suggested at this point that conjure used by blacks, on
the other hand, offered precisely the instruments required to turn the
master discourse on its head, prescribing its unique antidote of moral
clarity and instrumental power? Of course, it did not always work.
Thanks to "Doctorn De Bow, we can now diagnose Henry Bibb's

particular case as one of "drapetomania." If Bibb's master had only had
"an old adviser" (e.g., D e Bow) during Bibb's period of enslavement,
would Bibb have run away? That is to say, if his master could have
conjured Bibb effectively with a little graciousness, protection, and
paternalism, would Bibb not have been spell-bound? By the same
token, if Bibb had only had the advice of Douglass's conjurer Sandy
Jenkins, perhaps things would have worked out differently for him.
Can we begin to speculate that Bibb's conjurer gave him the wrong
charm-in which case we are talking about a doctor's malpractice.
Indeed, if Bibb had had Douglass's powerful, multi-purpose charm,
perhaps he could have had his "root" and his freedom, instead of
having to choose between them.
If Bibb's radical option of running away to freedom
replaced-stood in opposition t o w n j u r e , it was nevertheless
inextricably linked with conjure in numerous other accounts as one of
the art's particular specialties. Many ex-slaves interviewed along the
Georgia coast associated conjure tradition, African descent, and
freedom-liberation from slavery's yoke. In the tale of Dinkie (a full-
blooded African), of course, we saw that "de power" made him his own
master, essentially a free man. Charles Hunter of Harrington on St.
Simon's Island told of
a root makuh wut lib yuh name Alexanduh. He wuz African an he say he kin do
any kine uh cunjuh wut kin be done an he kin cuo [cause] any kine uh disease. He
wuz a small man, slim an bery black. Alexanduh say he could fly. (GWP 1940:176)
Serina Hall's mother told her about a couple "wut could wuk [work]
cunjuh. Any time dey want tuh dey would fly back tuh Africa" (GWP
1940:Sl). Was flying a metaphor for escape and freedom and Africa a
source of empowerment via cultural identity and renewal? Did conjure
really "work" in these escapes? Whatever the case, the accounts
suggest conjure as not only a powerful token of individual agency, will,
and self-mastery but also as a compass point for collective solidarity,
if not escape itself. Priscilla McCullough stated:
D u slabes wuz out in duh fiel' wukin'. All ub a sudden dey git tuh gedduh an staht tuh
moob roun in a ring. Roun de g o fastuhn fastuh. Den one by one dey riz up an take
wing an fly lak a bud. Duh obuhseeuh heah duh noise an he come out an see du slabes
riz up in du eah an fly back tuh Africa. (GWP 1940:154)
Does her account of an entire group's "flying back to African

suggest-in addition to nothing less than a ring-shout in full "shout"
(spirit possession)-coded reference to group escape underground-
railroad-fashion?20 At any rate, what is crystal clear is that one
doctor's drapetomania was another doctor's "flying back to Africa."

Does that principle represent grounds enough to reevaluate Genovese's
conclusion? Why should the "limitations" of conjure to "work"
successfully to achieve radical solutions be accepted any less than the
success of paternalism and its corollary of "accommodationist"
conjurers? Perhaps some conjure by some conjurers (Bibb's) simply
didn't work. Other conjure (e.g., Sandy Jenkins's, Dinkie's) apparently
did. The same might be said for De Bow's spells and the paternalistic
system of slavery.
IV. In the Era of Jim Crow:

Who is the Most Superstitious of Them All?
Twenty-four years after the end of the Civil War and twelve years
after the end of Reconstruction, conjure and conjurers among blacks
still provoked alarm and despair in the eyes of writers and landowners.
In P.A. Bruce's 1889 work, Plantation Negro as Freeman, conjure
remained the agent most likely to subvert black submission to white
social control and permit the free play of evil Negro passions, now
with respect to the system of plantation wage labor. Conjurers and
their followers, according to Bruce, "would not hesitate to commit any
crime . . . as revenge against such of their employers as have given
them offense" (Bruce 1889:124-25). The "trick-doctor," Bruce felt, acts
as a "secret agent for gratifying all the animosities that find lodgement
in their breastsn (Bruce 1889:125).~'
Animosities indeed, after the gutting of Reconstruction, the
institution of Jim Crow laws, and the establishment of the Ku Klux
Klan. When Bruce put his pen to paper to inscribe the following
observations, the incidence in lynchings and racial brutality throughout
the South had reached their zenith (Woodward 1974:43-44). Bruce was
disturbed by the fact that, when possessed by superstitious fears at the
specter of conjure in their communities, blacks failed to conform to
the polite and smiling character they were expected to exhibit:
All cheerfulness is banished from the atmosphere in which it flourishes, and only
malice, hatred, mischief and calamity remain. . . . The native sunniness of his
disposition does not irradiate this atmosphere with its own light; his mind . . . is
darkened by the gravest apprehensions . . . and loses the vivid gayety [sic] of his
ordinary temper. ... Whenever rhey arefree to follow such inclinations,the tendency
of these is always to grow in vigor and intensity. (Bruce 1889:111, 124, my
emphasis)
Clearly, Bruce's contrasting metaphors of light and darkness, order and

chaos, resonated with De Bow's earlier equation of black freedom with
disease and submission with healthsuperstitious fears indeed.
18 Folklore Forum 23:1/2 David H . Brown
One year earlier (1897), plantation owner and writer Julian Hall
had combined both sets of images in describing exactly the kind of
white nightmare Bruce had painted. Hall reports that he had hired a
new field hand named "Tom," whose amorous pursuits got in the way
of his effective exploitation as a laborer. Tom, twenty-five years old,
was "strong, active, and sensible . . . thinking intelligently . . . [and
was] altogether an unusually fine specimen." Yet, as soon as Tom had
been successfully "domesticated," he was conjured by a vindictive,
"duskie lassie." A sudden "change came over him . . . a 'misery.'"
Eventually the work schedule was disrupted and Hall had to fire Tom.
"And so it is. Poor Tom! We are sorry to lose him, but if he cannot
be cured soon, he will probably be gathered to his fathers in a short
time, a victim of a relic of barbarism and the dark ages. Can anyone
'minister to a mind diseased?'" (Hall 1897:243). Imagine Hall's trouble
if it had been just 33 years earlier. Hall would have owned Tom and
might have been unable to get rid of him. For Julian Hall, the
diagnostic and curative resources of his own cultural side of the
fence-conventional white doctors-and his ignorance of the breadth of
conjure's resources would not carry him far in the way of answering
his question. P . k Bruce had already concluded, with respect to
conjure, that the Negroes themselves had "no scheme for removing it
by a force commensurate with that which created it" (Bruce 1889:124).
Close study of statements by African-Americans collected during the
1930s on the workings of conjure reveal a different answer entirely.
V. "The Science of the Concrete":

Conjure Practice as Revealed in 1930s Testimony
The eccentric but effective folklore researcher Harry Hyatt came
to understand that the system of "hoodoon (conjuration-witchcraft-
rootwork) did, in fact, have a scheme for removing with a
commensurate force what it had created. Hyatt codified cogently what
conjurers and clients reiterate throughout the published accounts: "To
catch a spirit or to protect your spirit against the catching or to
release your caught spirit-this is the complete theory and practice of
hoodoon (Hyatt 1970, I:24). Conjure doctors, root doctors, hoodoos,
and two-heads could "work" spells and unwork them, send illness and
other types of harm and cure illness and protect from harm sent by
others. Christine Nelson of coastal Georgia put it this way: "Ef a root
wukuh break yuh spirit, he kin hanl lak he want tuh. . . . Dey kin put
spells on yuh an lif duh spell some udduh root wukuh hab put on yuh"
(GWP 1940:19). Hyatt's idiom of "catching" and "releasing" resonates
with a variety of cognate terms African-Americans traditionally used
to express this dynamic: they can "lift" what others have "fixed,"
CONJUREJDOCTORS: A BLACK DISCOURSE 19
"worked," "put down for," or "put on yuh," terms that are, in fact,
found throughout the African ~ i a s ~ o r "Catchingn
a.~~ or "breaking"
one's spirit is analogous to controlling another's will and agency with
external "powuh" and "releasingnor "lifting" to returning one's control.
Fred Jones graphically fleshed out this cycle, "Deah wuz a man wid
duh powuh. He draw a ring roun anudduh man an dat man couldn git
out dat ring till duh root man come an wave tuh um" (GWP 1940:27).
Importantly, Hyatt's formulation draws on a set of terms that
skirts the mainstream Christian moral paradigm of good and evil and
speaks to Hcrskovits's articulation of an alternative, more fluid moral
universe characteristic of African-derived cultures (see discussion
above). Catching, releasing, and "protectingn have to do with agency
and manipulation, security and danger, creation and destruction,
ordering and disordering, not exclusively and absolutely with "good"
and "evil." At least, Georgia Writers' Project interviewees were less
willing to assign conjure exclusively to the category of evil as Bruce
and Hall had been and were quite clear that working conjure was
complex and multivalent. Mrs. Nelson insisted that conjurers had
"powuh obuh tings udduh folks dohn unnuhstan. Dey kin wuk dat
powuh fuh good aw bad" (GWP 1940:19). On a very practical level,
these African-Americans were simply being realistic, and vigilant. The
voices throughout the ex-slave and survival narratives echo precisely
how Paul Stoller's Songhay sorcerer-mentor admonished him in a
conversation:
"If you do not 'fix' a situation . . . you will be former unprotected and your work
is bound to fail. For almost everything you do, you must protect yourself from
your enemies, from the whims of the spirits."
"Everything?"
"Yes. In this world, you take nothing for granted, my son. Nothing!" (Stoller
and Olkes 1987:158)
Indeed, the very conjure charms that P.A. Bruce referred to as articles
of "a trivial nature" and the "bundle of trash" a Selma, Alabama,
journalist identified as belonging to an "old superstitious negro" (Bruce
1889:117), were, through other eyes, powerful media.
Conjurers traditionally obtained the force or power they employed
in their work from the spirit world of the dead and from nature, and
understood the power they manipulated as either morally neutral o r
ambivalent. Mississippi conjurer Ed Murphy, interviewed by Newbell
Niles Puckett in the 1920s, eloquently described graveyard
dirt-perhaps the most important medium of conjure work because of
its critical metonymic link to the world of the dead-as "a powerful
mixture and, like fire or money, is used for good or evil" (Puckett
20 Folklore Fonun 23:1/2 David H . Brown
1926:247)." William Edwards, a Georgia conjurer, prized the spider

in his work: "duh spiduh is bote good an ebil an is useful tuh man. I
make medicine out uh duh spiduh by stooin eel skin in lahd wid it"
(GWP 194056-57). These media embodied a power not intrinsically
good or evil but one that could be put to "use" for good or evil given
direction by human choices. A kind of universal currency or token of
possibility, like money, or a powerful transformative energy, like fire,
it could be commanded for creative or destructive purposes.25 While
certain people or beings, such as witches and sorcerers, might use
conjure power in ways that are inappropriate and destructive ("evil"),
the same power might be put to constructive and appropriate use
("good"). If graveyard dirt could be used to serve individual goals and
possible to harm, authorities within the slave quarters, on the other
hand, according to Jacob Stroyer, used it to serve the collective ends
of social control. Thieves were presented with a mixture of water and
graveyard dirt-and here the double-edged understanding of the
substance is thrown into relief--with the warning that they would burn
in hell if they had, in fact, stolen. If associated with the dead and the
"Devil," according to Stroyer, it also was a concrete sign of absolute
truth:
N o matter how untrue a man might have been during his life, when he came to
die he had to tell the truth and had to own everything that he ever did, and
whatever dealing those alive had with anything pertaining to the dead, must be
true, or they would immediately die and go to hell to bum in fire and brimstone.
(Stroyer 1890.60-61)
Working conjure can be compared to setting up a kind of

circuitry--a bricolage of diverse, symbolically resonant materials
constructed according to a set of principles that Claude Levi-Strauss
(1966:18) has aptly named the "science of the concrete." Like Levi-
Strauss's bricoleur, the conjurer "interrogates all the heterogeneous
objects of which his treasury is composed to discover what each of
them could signifi, and so contributes to the definition of a set which
has yet to materialize" (Levi-Strauss 1966:21). The conjurer makes the
right "connections" through metonymy and commands particular effects
and aims through "visual and verbal metaphor" and mimesis. Wyatt
MacGaffey7s analytical use of metonymy and metaphor line up with
Robert Farris Thompson's more descriptive formulation of "spirit-
embedding" and "spirit-directing" medicines, respectively (see
MacGaffey 1988; Thompson 1983).
A composite picture of their explication of the process, with
certain elaboration, might go something like this: 1) Spirit-power
harnessed from the "other world" through metonymy (graveyard dirt,
the bone or body of a dead person or animal--e.g., the spider, the

"black cat bone") is given direction ("toldn what to do) through . . . 2)
objects that signify intention metaphorically or mimetically (wordplay
is often involved) and then is . . . 3) linked metonymically, in turn, t o
a specific person upon whom or object upon which the conjure is
supposed to "work" through something of the person's body or clothing
that has been collected.
If we were to apply this scheme to descriptions given by Minnie
Dawson of Coastal Georgia, we would find that she supplies the two
most widely recognized examples of the last crucial link as it worked
in concert with the first: a person's hair combings and finger- o r toe-
nails along with the graveyard dirt. "Dey make mojoes [charms] outn
anything," Mrs. Dawson related, "but dey say grabeyahd dut an nails an
blood an haiah, dey is impawtant." Consequently, she warned, "yuh sho
hab tuh be keaful not tuh let no enemy git hole uh yuh haiah combins
cuz dey say dey sho could fix yuh den" (GWP 1940:84).~~
Frank Dickerson described to Puckett some of the "spirit-
directing" contents of a "debt-getting charmn-the middle factor (2) in
the equation-and in each case stated (what I have inserted in
bracketed quotes) what effect the charm component was intended to
produce:
Dust some nails thoroughly with some powdered "shame weed" ["make debtor
ashamed of not paying"], dried wasp stingers ["sting his mind into moving"], and
dirt-dauber's nests [make him "itching to see you"], and drive them into a locust
tree in the shape of an cross [the cross "draws from all directions"]. Within a short
time your debtor will come and pay you in full. (Puckett 1926:283)
The details of the accounts are so rich with apparent "meaning" that
one is tempted to begin and end their consideration with an
unreflective "decoding operation," a "hermeneutic representation of
practices" that tends to "reduce all social relations to communitive
relations." One is thus "condemned to see all practice as spectacle"
(Bourdieu 1977:l-2). The interpretive, structuralist, or communications
approach that looks merely to decode the conjure code may obscure
what is, in fact, most remarkable about the conjurers' explications of
their charms' "meanings": their action and praxis orientation. Charm-
doing-the "charm-eventn-is inseparable from the charm-done (charm-
as-structure, seen as a static code or expression). First, Dickerson's
account itself is organized around the imperative forms, "dust" and
"drive" as are other conjurers' prescriptions around sequenced actions:
"get," "name," "fold," and "stick." Through mimesis, these actions are to
elfect, directly or indirectly, and often quite mechanically, a set of
parallel actions in the individual who is being "fixedn or healed. This
22 FoNdore Forum 23:1/2 David H. Brown
principle-long in the anthropological literature-has been called

"sympathetic magic": i.e., "like produces like."27 Secondly, and more
importantly, it is likely that the conjurer uttered the "namen of each
object, possibly saying out loud what it was supposed to do (as in the
bracketed material above), upon its inclusion in the charm. The kind
of concrete "punningn and "word magicn found in the Dickerson
example--where saying and naming are about authorizing and
activating-is found throughout Africa and the Caribbean (Thompson
1983:129-130; Marks 1 9 8 7 ) . ~The essence of "word magic" and
"punning" is to render certain effects that the named object, often
because of characteristics, suggests, and, by its inclusion, calls into
being: shame weed "shames" its object; wasp-stingers "sting" the
targeted individual, whose will has presumably been circumscribed by
the conjurer's power.
Many charms are exceedingly simple. To break up a home or
marriage, bury a file under the doorstep (i.e., to file or wear down the
relationship) (Puckett 1926:269-70). Or mix dirt from the foot-tracks
of the man with dog's hair and dirt from the foot-tracks of the woman
with cat's hair and bury them together: "After that the man and the
woman could not live together any more than a dog and cat could"
(Moore 1896:228). As shall be further explored below, the burying or
inserting of the instruments of conjure (usually contained in bottles
and bags) in and around the domestic setting where the victim will
inevitably come into contact with them (front walk, doorstep, gatepost,
bed and pillow, dresser drawers)29 provides the remaining metonymic
connections-to specific, inhabited places-that complete the conjure
circuit.
It should be said that the analytical categories and distinctions
marshalled here to uncover the "syntax" of conjurers' practice may, in
fact, beg the question: did Afro-American conjurers make such
distinctions along the lines of subjectlobject, wordlmeaning,
signifierlsignified, nounherb, to begin with? The ability to control
anothercatch one's spirit-through conjure may imply notions of
agency, ecology, and modes of dissociation that are incompatible with
the "Western" concept of personhood and the body in physical, psychic,
and social space (see e.g., Geertz 1983 and Wafer 1989). "My" "egon
and "personality" ("spirits") are not necessarily seen as situated
immutably "in my bodyn but integrally part of the flow of objects in
general, and amenable--depending on the level of my "protectionn-to
be "captured" and transferred from one "containern to another, for
example, to a charm or covered jar under the control of the spirit-
worker, conjurer, houngan, bokor, etc. Jean Comaroff found among the
Tshidi, for example, that
the subject was enmeshed in a web of forces that promised to invade his bodily
domain. . . . [Plersonhood was not confined in space and time to a corporeal
cocoon: it permeated the world through its material and spiritual extensions. An
individual's name, his personal effects, and his footprints in the sand bore his
influence, and could be used by sorcerers wishing to attack him. Malevolent
thoughts toward others might cause them tangible harm. (Comaroff 1985:128-29)~~
Numerous people interviewed in the 1930s by the WPA

researchers were convinced of the existence of forces they had to
protect themselves against and relied on an etiology of malaise and
sickness that allowed witchcraft or conjure as possible causes. Mention
of witches as a thoroughly dangerous and disruptive influence is as
common in the accounts as conjure, although the distinction between
them is not always clear. Conjure was apparently multivalent: a threat
as directed by the malicious, malcontent, and vengeful, or a comfort,
protection, and cure in the hands others. Christine Nelson of Coastal
Georgia related that "a witch is a cunjuh man dat somebody paid tuh
tawment yuh. I know uh folks dat wuz rid so much by witches dat dey
jis pine way an dien (GWP 1940:19).~' James Moore felt that "deah's
root men wukin gense yuh all duh time. Dey kin lay tings down fuh
yuh an ef yuh walk obuh dis, yuh fall unduh duh spell. Less yuh kin
fine somebody else wut kin wuk roots an kin lif duh spell, yuh is
doomed" (GWP 1940:19).~~Whether it was a witch, "hag," or "ghost,"
a malicious "root man" (in effect, a witch), or a conjurer paid by
someone to "work against" or "fix" a person, people used preventative
and remedial measures. In short, they invested in insurance.
Minnie Dawson of Pin Point, a settlement southeast of Savannah,
Georgia, put stock in a typical method of warning against conjure,
despite a hint of pressure (perhaps due to public scrutiny) not to
believe in it:
Cose I know bettuhn belieb all dis but it make yuh sho full uh worry ef somebody
tryn tuh fix yuh. But ef yuh weahs a silbuh dime tied tuh yuh ankle and yuh step
obuh anything wut put down fuh yuh, duh dime'll sho tun black sudden an quick
an den yuh knows it. (GWP 1940:84)
George Boddison, an elderly man interviewed in Tin City, a

settlement in the rice country east of Savannah articulated the
"science" of conjure in a world of opposing forces and explained his
particular preventative investment:
I know deah is luck an unluck an some people kin wuk it. Its a science in mos
ebryting dey does. Dey kin swap yuh from good luck place tuh bad luck place. .
. . Some days I feel lak uh jis caahn [can't] make it. It seem lak sumpm hab a holt
on me an uh caahn wuk. Den I know strong currents is directed tuh do me ebil.
If they res on me, uh would be sick, maybe die. But deze dat I weahs [indicating
24 Folklore Forum 23:112 David H . Brown
the protective crown of copper wire and little mirrors, and charms bedecking his
body] keeps all deze tings from huttn me. Duh ebil caahn dwell on me. It hab tuh
pass on. . . . Long as I weahs em deah is nuttn kin do me reel hahm. (GWP
1940:21)
Conjure power, something that can take "hold" of him and prevent
him from engaging in work, is a "strong current . . . directed to do
him evil." Its directed intention is evil though it is not necessarily evil
in itself. His crown and set of charms are themselves, of course, a
bulwark of conjure power with protective ("good") intention.33
Whereas malign conjure would simply announce its insidious presence
by tarnishing Mrs. Dawson's silver dime-thereby alerting her of the
need take further precautions, it would be entirely deflected by Mr.
Boddison's devices.
Unprotected individuals were threatened by conjure as they went
about their daily routines in familiar settings. Of course people were
also threatened by a variety of other ills. The narratives suggest that
in communities in which conjure discourse was prevalent, people had
ways of distinguishing between classes of afflictions and employed
diagnostic methods based on observation and precedent to distinguish
conjure illness ("unnatural illness") from "natural illnessn-that is to say,
not caused by conjure (see Whitten 1970:414). One can imagine
extended conversations among family and friends, possibly with the
help of more informed lay people and conjurers themselves, that were
analyses, really, of both the symptoms and the apparent contexts in
which the symptoms were contracted. Suspicion of conjure emerges as
the signs of its difference from other afflictions are turned over in
people's minds through talking about them. The accounts of Evans
Brown and Emmaline Heard are analyses that throw into relief the
notion of the specificity of the intended victim and the specificity of
place, respectively. A doorknob was fixed-prepared with conjure--to
afflict Evans Brown's mother and no one else: "Fo' [four] women wuz
in duh house wid muh mudduh, but duh doe knob wuz dressed fuh
huh. All dem women pass out befo she did, all tuhnin duh knob. But
when she come out, a pain strik uh in duh side. . . . Uh whole side
tun black an she dien (GWP 1940:30-31). Emmaline Heard's sister
Lizzie
had a pretty peach tree and one limb spread out over the walk and jest as soon
as she would walk under this limb, she would stay sick all the time. The funny part
'bout it wuz that while she wuz at other folks house she would feel all right, but
the minute she passed under this limb, she would begin ter feel bad. (Rawick
1972:GA/13/4:260)
Conjure, in these accounts, is not like a contagious disease that affects

everyone in its wake. Nor does it reside constantly "in" the person, but
instead, in the person's relationship to a particular time, place, or
situation. Lizzie began to "feel bad" when she passed under the limb
in her own front yard, presumably moving out of the domestic setting
towards the street or returning from the street to the house. Her
conjure affliction was, thus, situated relative to the place in which she
lived, or to her transit between domains; for when she was at others'
houses, she felt "alright."
Conjure symptoms, as described in the accounts, range from
disturbing mental states and behavior perceived subjectively and/or
observed by others-from lethargy and indisposition ("pining away"), to
outright death or physical illnesses that lead to death, as in the case
of Evans Brown's mother. Therefore, it is not clear that conjure causes
particular illnesses or that particular illnesses prima facie indicate
conjure. It seems that contextual analysis of symptoms-holistic
diagnoses that include social and psychological categories-points to its
presence or absence as a cause. Sometimes, this is done in retrospect.
In either case, it is a subject over which there may be disagreement.
Katie McCarts of Old Fort in the northeastern section of Savannah,
Georgia, was "scornful" of the wild claims of her neighbors:
Wy they all believe that everything that happen tuh anybody is cause by some root
wukuh. They don't leave anything fuh God tuh do. Ef anybody takes sick, yuh'll
fine somebody theah sayin sumpn is wrong with yuh sickness, that somebody put
down sumpn fu yuh. If anybody dies roun yeah, some root wukuh is responsible
fuh duh death. Now me, I don't believe people kin put sumpm unduh steps aw
unduh yuh house that will hahm yuh. Some time ago my son, my only chile, wuz
drownded. Well every time I tun roun some of my neighbors wuz tellin me my
son's death wuzn't fair. They say "somebody hoodooed yuh chile an cause him tuh
git drownded." (GWP 1940:4)
Her statement does indicate, however, that among her neighbors,

considerations such as "fairnessn-perhaps including consideration of
whether the person merited such an end relative to his age, condition,
quality of being, the fates of others around him, or the law of
averages-entered into their diagnoses. Eighty-year-old Fred Jones of
Yamacraw near Savannah felt that one affliction was a clear cut
casealthough he did not elaborate upon its specific symptoms. H e put
it this way: "Wenebuh a pusson go crazy, wut is dat but conjuh?"
(GWP 1940:27).
With respect to analysis of symptoms themselves, conjure may be
suspected as affecting others when they exhibit strange or abnormal
behavior, when "[tlhey jes' ain't actin' natch'l" (Puckett 1926:216-217).
Emmaline Heard of Atlanta described a conjure case in which: "He
26 FoNdore Forum 23:1/2 David H . Brown
would squeal jest lak a pig and he would get down on his knees and
bark jest lak a dog" (Rawick 1972/GA/13/4:249). Dorothy Johnson of
Springfield near Savannah related that a conjured woman would "ack
queah an run away an stay fuh days at a time" (GWP 1940:44). With
respect to one's subjective apprehension of conjure, "[ylou can tell
'caze you feels so diffe'ntly" (Puckett 1926:216-217). The most bizarre,
frightening, and most frequently cited symptom was described by "Pipen
Ellen Jones, a 122-year-old ex-slave from near Savannah, who was
conjured by a woman who worked "a root on me so strong dat she put
a big snake in muh bed, an I could feel tings moobin all tru muh
body. I could feel duh snake runnin all tru me" (GWP 1940:143). The
most often cited and clearest signal of conjure-caused affliction arises
at the boundaries of a medicalized health-care context, where illnesses
do not respond to conventional medical treatment: where, according
to James Moore, "duh doctuhs couldn tell wut ail im" and the conjure
doctor is called in (GWP 1940:19). As Fred Jones related, in his case,
"duh doctuh he caahn [can't] help me none. Finally I went to a root
man. He say right off somebody done gib me a dose" (GWP 1940:27).
Beyond the cultural unpreparedness of most white physicians to
deal with conjure afflictions, it may also be that they were
pharmacologically untrained to deal with the sophisticated animal and
plant poisons that conjurers were known to use historically. Ellen
Jones's sickness may represent just one case of many whose symptoms
would suggest to conjurers, lay people, and ethnopharmacologists alike
the fruit borne by the administration of animal toxins. Whether or not
one accepts the whole of Charles Singleton's depiction of this
process-he stated that a local conjure woman would "kill duh insec [or
snake, frog, spider, etc.] an grine it tuh powduh an rub it on duh skin
uh duh pusson aw gib it tuh um tuh drink. When it entuh duh body,
it tun back intuh insec, sometime a lizud aw a frawg aw a snaken-the
composition and administration of the substance and the symptoms felt
by Ellen Jones closely resemble the preparative work of Haitian bokors
and the symptoms felt by their victims (Singleton quoted in Herron
and Bacon 1973:362; Davis 1988:119).~'
VI. Conjure Discourse, Narrative, and Dramaturgy

Given the frequency and elaborateness of conjure references in
the ex-slave, African survivals, and folklore literature (see Bell 1980:2-
24)-references that are often developed into poignant stories-it is fair
to suggest that the conjure story be considered a sub-genre of African-
American oral literature. Indeed, Charles Chesnutt must have been so
impressed with the conjure discourse as "usable" and authentic African-
American material in 1899 that he produced a stunning volume of

conjure stories (Chesnutt 1969).~'
The conjure references in the WPA and survivals narratives are
accounts of experiences that have benefitted from narrativization: they
are both documents of "the ongoingness of life as it [was] registered
through the filter of culture-that is, through acts we have already
learned to interpret as experiencesn-and of those mediated moments
as "reprocess[ed] . . . after the fact, by talking about them" (Abrahams
1986:SS). Conjure discourse was available to provisionally shape
participants' behavior and perception of events as they occurred-they
were going through something they knew others to have gone through,
in predictable ways-i.e., "I am being conjured." Then, conjure
discourse, in concert with African-American storytelling modes, allowed
the participants to narrate afterward what happened to them in
conventional terms, ordering and revising this material into coherent
stories. As documents, the accounts have a certain "empirical" value as
far as what "really happened" to people at the time; our evidence
really just consists in the stories themselves. However, they are not
"just stories." Probably by the time they were transcribed by WPA
interviewers-and this is a significant context to be considered-the
stories had been told and retold. In fact, the first stories probably
emerged as the events unfolded and then were told again. More
critically and dialectically, only through this process of talking and
people "seeing themselves" in a situation did the "experiences" take
shape to begin with (Goodwyn 1978). The "effervescent and
contradictory listening and talking surrounding" the symptoms would
seem to comprise empirical data as important as the symptoms
themselves (see Taussig 1987:190).~~ It is indeed imaginable that many
individuals who felt and exhibited symptoms were never "really"
conjured; that is, an actual charm or bottle was never disinterred or
else "sleight of hand" (see below) may have been used by the conjurer
himself during the diagnosis or healing ~ession.~'Thus the cause-and-
effect sequence inscribed by the narrative-from malicious intent to
conjure work to symptoms to discovery of the conjure should, perhaps,
not be reified-it may never have "actually" happened in that way or
in that order. Saying this is not to condescend to the victims but
merely to suggest that being conjured is as much about having certain
symptoms as having talked-about-symptoms and a certain cultural
preparedness, what medical specialists refer to as the "set and setting"
of the patient (Davis 1988:181).
Many of the stories, often little envelopes within the larger
narratives, reveal a pattern that can only be likened to that of the rite-
of-passage-from routine, ongoing lives, to sickness to wellness and
reincorporation into a group-a series of thresholds through which the

conjure doctor stewards the patient. However, the extremes should not
be idealized as necessarily orderly and harmonious, the "sickness" being
the only "disorder." Some accounts "begin" in the context of domestic
harmony, proceed to problems and other social asymmetries, move
through a struggle with conjure ("middle"), and climax with conjure
victims' deaths, their domestic situations in disarray ("end"). Others
begin in the context of tensions and end in harmony. And not all the
stories are "complete" in terms of tying all the ends neatly together.
The movement from beginning to end usually proceeds through
the cure, often effected dramatically and cathartically, as the sickness
is jettisoned and the patient gets better, sometimes in the company,
and with the help of friends and family. Moreover, some stories have
dramatic sequels in which the conjure is "turned around" and sent
back. The conjurer's role is multifold. If the cure depends, as is often
the case, on herbal remedies, it is also the doctor's construction for
the patient of a significant context to understand the illness and
concrete avenue to wellness, through drama and symbolism, that
completes the "cure" and which makes it an "experience" with
identifiable boundaries. The concrete avenue to wellness has as much
to do with the body as it does with the mind. The conjurer's healing
work often creates an immediate awareness of the body's insideness
and outsideness, in relation to which the successful cure depends on
the dramatic drawing out and displaying of the conjure. The con'ure
doctor thus becomes conjure dramaturg as well as stage-director.4s
Fred Jones related the case of his conjure, using indirection to
heighten the significance of the story by framing it with a self-effacing
opening.
I dohn lak tuh talk bout muhsef, but I caahn nebuh fuhgit duh time I hab a dose
put on me by a uhmun [woman] uh didn lak. I wuz a good frien ub uh huzbun an
she didn lak fuh us tuh go out tuhgedduh; so she tole me not tuh come tuh uh
house no mo. I ain pay no tention. Well, suh, duh nex night soon as uh laid down,
uh feel muhsef swoon. Ebry night it happen. Dis ting keep up till uh git sick. I
couldn eat an jis git tuh pinin way. Duh doctuh he caahn hep me none. Finally I
went tu a root man. H e say right off somebody done gib me a dose. H e say, 'I'll
be roun tuhnight. Git some money tuhgedduh cuz I caahn d o yuh n o good less yuh
staht off wid some silbuh.'
Wen he come dat night an git duh silbuh, he look all roun duh house an den
dig a hole unduh duh doe step. Deah he fine a bottle. H e tro it in duh fyuh an
holluh, 'Git gone, yuh debil.' Attuh dat I git bettuh, but I ain nebuh bin tuh dat
uhmun's house since. An I dohn lak tuh talk about it. (GWP 1940:27-28)
The conjure illness, objectified and named as a "devil," is dramatically

destroyed by fire. He is cured physically and, simultaneously, socially
changed as his interpersonal life is modified significantly. A seasoned

storyteller, he skillfully closes the story by leading the listener back out
of the frame, out of the world of somewhat dangerous conjure talk,
back into the flow of the interview.
In Ellen Dorsey's case, domestic schism and her husband's use of
a conjurer set the stage for her dramatic cure by another conjurer she
hired. The sickness, once again objectified and named (the devil) by
the conjurer, is just the kind of the fruit borne by the "dose" Charles
Singleton described. There is also the suggestion that Mrs. Dorsey
might have prevented her affliction if she had earlier purchased
protection from the man who eventually cured her:
M e an im couldn git long so I lef im. H e wen tuh a root doctuh fuh him tuh make
me come back home. Den duh root doctuh put me down sick so duh wite people
I wuz wukkin fuh would dischahge me. I had pains runnin up an down muh whole
body, an I knowed I wuz cunjuhed but uh wouldn gib in. I call me in a man who
use tuh try tuh sell me a han [hand=protection] to wawd off wnjuh. H e rub muh
legs down twice a day, an one mawnin a big black snake run outuh muh big toe.
"Deah goes duh devil," say duh root man, an frum den on I get bettuh. (GWP
1940:29-30)
The cathartic moment of the cure is often preceded by days or weeks

of tending by friends and family, as in the case of Dye Williams (see
appendix). In one reported case, the gathered group acted as a kind
of response chorus to the conjurer's "call," serving to herald the
jettisoning of the conjure and the reclaiming of the victim from her
dangerous and liminal state of affliction. Puckett writes that upon the
release of the accursed reptile, "the curious onlookers cried, 'Dar hit
goes! Dar hit goes!' . . . The woman was from that moment cured"
(Puckett 1926:303).
The conjurer's dramaturgy is often not complete until the drama
develops its proper sequel-that is, where the doctor "turns the trick":
it is sent back from whence it came and the perpetrator gets a taste
of his or her own medicine. D.C. Kelsey described his sister Ida
Walker's cure. After removing "puppy dogs" (small reptiles) from her
body, the conjure doctor
ax uh did she want em tuh go back weah dey come from an she say yes. S o he say
he know duh man wut sen um, an he went tuh duh winduh an tro duh watuh wid
duh puppy dogs in it in duh direction uf duh man house and say, "Go." O n e week
latuh duh man wuz in he fie1 ploughin an he drop duh plow an fall down. When
duh people git tuh im, all he could say wuz, "Dis is my wuk. Dis is my wuk" [this
is my conjure coming back to me]. H e went plumb crazy and died but muh sistuh
got well an fine. She lib neah Millen now. (GWP 1940:36)
30 Folklore Fonun 23:1/2 David H . Brown
The full cure requires the playing out of the drama in the form of a
concluding sequel in which a critical exchange is made: the
perpetrator's confession and death for the victim's health.
If the reptiles are not burned or sent back, they may serve
another set of purposes following the cure: as both proof and
conversation piece. Puckett reported a case in which a Dr. Roger
Williams, a white physician evidently sensitive to the terms of conjure,
gave the ailing patient a dose of ipecac. When she started to vomit he
let fall a live frog, apparently believing that conjurers sometimes carry
reptiles up their sleeves.
It fell with the vomitus, hopping out of the receptacle, and as she saw it she began
to shout, 'Thank God, Thank God! I knew it was down there!" And heedless of
the fact that she was soiling her floor, vomiting as she scampered around, she did
not stop until she had caught the frog, which she preserves till this day t o show
her friends what came out of her. She was at once cured. (Puckett 1926:304)
The preserved reptile, a badge of courage and emblem of the rite of

passage, could serve as the ever-ready foil for more conjure stories, the
link between conjure-cause, symptoms, cure-and conjure talk.
In some cases there is neither conjure cure nor conjure talk on
the part of the victim, for dead men tell no tales. However, there is
always room for conjure stories told by others. Emmaline Heard of
Atlanta told WPA interviewers of a case she "witnessed" in which there
was neither allowance for the long-term treatment to take effect nor
for the ritualized, cathartic transition from sickness to health. One
Reverend Dennis was conjured by his mistress. Sick for a year, medical
doctors could not help him. His wife prodded him to see a local root
man named Dr. Geech, who informed him that the "snakes in his
body" were the result of some "stuff' the mistress had put in his
whiskey. The Reverend rejected Dr. Geech's prediction that "he would
die when the snakes got up in his armn and that the mistress would
"come and take the medicine off the shelf and throw it away." The
Reverend simply "didn't believe a thing Dr. Geech said," according to
Mrs. Heard,
So sho' nulf she come jest lak Dr. Geech said and took the medicine away. After
he quit taking the medicine he got bad off and had ter stay in the bed; sho nuff
the morning he died you could see the snake in his arm; the print uv it wuz there
when he died. The snake stretched out in his arm and died too. (Rawick
1972/GA/l3/4:248)
At first I interpreted the story as a kind of cautionary tale with a clear

moral tone, inferring that it was "really" a kind of admonition to
marital fidelity and temperance. Mrs. Dennis, a genuinely aggrieved
party to the case, obviously wanted her husband "cured," that is, free
of his mistress. Reluctant to give up his mistress and content to
remain an adulterer, he was left, unrepentant, to die with the Devil in
him. This moral interpretation may represent just one possible
reconstruction of many. From another perspective, it is not essential
if we approach the story as a conjure tale. That the cause of death lay
in the Reverend's dissipation and moral turpitude could be a
consistent conclusion in a story-version inscribed with such value by
those so inclined-possibly, in this case, the late Reverend's wife, the
members of the Hardshell Baptist Church of which he was the
preacher, and Mrs. Heard herself. It is likely that Mrs. Heard's story
performance-tone and gesture-something lost to us now, would
provide additional evidence. And since we do not have the other
woman's side of it, we do not know if her intention was one of malice,
seduction, or legitimate revenge. At any rate, was the Reverend
reluctant-implying active volition-to believe Dr. Geech's warning and
take measures to prevent the mistress from lifting the medicine; or was
his spirit caught, broken, and fixed so effectively by her conjure that
he really had no choice (moral or otherwise) in the matter? Perhaps
Dr. Geech's medicine was simply not powerful enough to overcome
that provided by the mistress' conjurer.
In ending my discussion with a story whose central characters
include a preacher and conjurer, I suggest obliquely that any
formulation privileging one over the otherusually it has been
Christian over conjure practice-neglects their horizontal
complementarity in the plural Afro-American religious experience.
Notwithstanding the main characters' presumed participation in the
Hardshell Baptist Church, the events represented are not necessarily
or exclusively about God or issues of salvation. The solution pursued
to heal the preacher's sickness relied not on any "purely
ChristianM-theological, moral, or spiritual-guidance or perspective, but
precisely on conjure practice, perhaps blending in the participants'
minds with shared or overlapping set(s) of mores. We are thus led,
once again, to reevaluate the argument that the preacher historically
provided "moral guidance" where the conjurer did not. Of what does
"moral guidance" consist and how homogeneous is it in any given
community, not to mention across all of Afro-America? If we insist
upon interpreting Mrs. Heard's story along conventional "moral" lines,
we find the conjurer, Dr. Geech, in the front line of the battle for
temperance and fidelity. At the same time, we find apparently
churchgoing people, including the Reverend himself, deeply entrenched
in "immoral behavior" and conjure practice. It is imaginable that any
of those churchgoing people might have echoed Minnie Dawson's
32 FoNdore Forum 23:1/2 David H . Brown
ambivalent statement, "Of course, I know better than to believe all this
but it sure makes you worry if somebody is trying to FE you" (GWP
1940:84). God was someone to have on your side. But that never
precluded a visit to the conjure doctor.
Most intriguing, and really to the point where issues of conjure
practice are concerned, the manifestation of the illness here (and in
virtually all conjure cases), the prescription for the cure, and the
preacher's fate, graphically depicted by Mrs. Heard, all focus squarely
on the body. In whatever terms we hazard an explication of the events
and values associated with Reverend Dennis's case, we might avoid
formulations that either wholly medicalize (de-socialize) his case,
wherein the dramatic elaborations are seen as simply epiphenomenal,
or posit his symptoms as merely a ("psychomatic") reflection o r figure
of some other, more fundamental ground. It may be useful to draw on
the terms of Pierre Bourdieu and Jean Comaroff and to think of
Reverend Dennis's "casen-and those of other conjure victims who
undergo illness, transformation, and conjure rites-as that of a
particular "socially informed" or "socially constructed" body, situated in
and structured by its " h a b i t ~ s . ""The
~ ~ body," Comaroff writes,
"mediates all action upon the world and simultaneously constitutes
both the self and the universe of social and natural relations of which
it is a part. . . . [ T h e logic of that universe is itself written into the
'natural' symbols that the body affords" (Comaroff 19856-7). For
Bourdieu, "[ilt is in the dialectical relationship between the body and
a space structured according to the mythico-ritual oppositions that one
finds em-bodying of the structures of the world, that is, the
appropriating by the world of a body thus enabled to appropriate the
world" (Bourdieu 1977239). Not least in understanding this "space" are
kin relations, the "sexual division of labor," "the division of sexual
labor" (Bourdieu 1977:89) and the spatial organization of the house,
neighborhood, church, market, etc. And conjure practice, far from
being a stranger to this space or world, is part and parcel of it, or at
least works within that sub-domain inhabited by "unnatural," as
opposed to "natural," illnesses, events, causes and effects.
The conjure medicine in the Reverend's case, or the conjurers'
physical manipulations, rubbings, washings, etc. in other cases, work
directly on the afflicted body and are geared dramatically to jettison
the various snakes, reptiles, "puppy dogs," ants, etc. Whether the
creatures-"devilsn-are "really" in the body or the conjurer drops them
strategically out of a hidden fold in a sleeve is not truly an issue, since
their expected presence and the conjurer's handling of them in his
practice, are consistent objectively with other critical processes and
ways of acting and thinking in the society. There is no reason why
snake-devil should not be associated with afflictions in certain African-

American communities any more than "germs" should have a monopoly
anywhere else in "modern" society. The culturally specific category of
sickness as it appropriates and is appropriated by the body and its
apprehension by all involved "proves" the snake as much as the
appearance of the snake should prove that conjure was at work.
Indeed, particular cases of "unnatural" sickness should demand that the
conjurer supply a reptile if there is not one already there. The snake-
devil and its status inside or outside the body graphically indexes
the objective structures of a determinate state of the social world: this principle
is nothing other than the socially informed body, with its tastes and distastes, its
compulsions and repulsions, with, in a word, all its senses, that is to say, not only
the traditional five senses-which never escape the structuring action of social
determinisms-but also the sense of necessity and the sense of duty, the sense of
direction and the sense of reality, the sense of balance and the sense of beauty,
common sense and the sense of the sacred, tactical sense and the sense of
responsibility, business sense and the sense of propriety, the sense of humor and
the sense of absurdit moral sense and the sense of practicality, and so on.
(Bourdieu 1977:124) 4 8
Without reducing the reality of the physical affliction to a social
ground, condescending to the reptile idiom, or risking a facile set of
structuralist analogies, it is fair, I think, to index some of the resonant
features of Mrs. Heard's story: the apparently contested social and
spatial intrusion of the mistress into the various domains in which the
Reverend functioned: marriage, home, pulpit, and church community;
the parallel intrusion of the "stuff" into the whiskey into his body, and
consequently the birth of the snakes in his body. Then there is the tug
of war over the "medicine." There is an inverse relationship between
his rejection of the doctor's prediction and the continued ingress of
the mistress on the one hand, and the seriousness of his illness on the
other. Ultimately her ability to affect and change events, to reject
ejection, presumably through her own conjure, was his demise. The
medicine was thrown away and the snake remained. There would, of
course, be no verbal affirmation of "Deah goes de devil," no response
chorus of "Dar hit goes," and no question of "turning the trick" and
sending it back from whence it came. I venture to say that while the
"devil" associated with his death could be identified as "evil," it also
might be seen in the trickster-terms earlier discussed. That is to say,
it remains a multi-vocal symbol. A normative proscription against
drinking and marital infidelity may exist only as one extreme on a
continuum of contextually appropriate, gendered, and age-graded
behaviors. "The devil made me do it" (as in black comedian Flip
Wilson's routines) remains a convenient and double-edged alibi; such
34 Folklore Fonun 23.912 David H . Brown
badha-ad behavior gains moral disapprobation in some quarters while

it gains prestige in others(e.g., female versus male domains)--often
more prestige the more outrageous the act and more ingenious its
masking (see Abrahams 1983; Reisman 1970). The Reverend may have
died with the devil in him simply because he took in too much fun,
took too much for granted, and took too little medicine. He, unlike,
Minnie Dawson, George Boddison, and others, apparently failed to
invest in protection and failed in his only chance for a cure. Whatever
this "devil" was, it killed him.
Coda: Conjure, Christianity, Resistance,

and the Usable Past
Recent thinking and writing by Thee Smith suggests not merely
the complementarity of black Christianity and conjure, but their critical
interrelation in a uniquely African-American religious discourse with
potential for effective resistance against oppression and violence. The
evident struggle between voices such as those of James Hay and Jack
(in Stroyer and Brown's narratives, respectively) on the one hand, and
"some professors of religion" and De Bow's potent prescription on the
other hand, lend weight to Smith's argument that
the Bible was appropriated in slave religion as a pharmacopeic book, and was
thereby transformed from its intended use as (1) a spiritual toxin o r poison
sanctioning the enslavement of Africans to (2) a "conjuring book," prescribing the
(mimetic) conditions for Hebraic and Christian (theological) transformations of
reality as construed within the framework of an Afrocentric ritual cosmos. (Smith
n.d.)
Smith's argument and, I believe, the evidence presented so far, beg us

to reconsider Genovese's formulation that the folk beliefs black slaves
"carried into their Christianity provided the means for easing the
transition into a higher realm of thought and were themselves not
essential" (Genovese 1976:231). In fact, the very notion of a "transition
into a higher realm of thoughtn rests on the hierarchical and
logocentric discourse Smith's African-American "purmukon" seeks to
"detoxify." Indeed, far from the desire to leave behind conjure practice,
Smith's project is precisely to recover it:
In our time the task for Christian praxis and for black social-political performances
is the initiation of (pharmacopeic) practitioners, skilled in crafting healing rites of
human transformation on the one hand. But such proficientes must simultaneously
contrive to detoxify, by de-centering or dispersing, the will-to-power operating even

in their own rifual action. (Smith n.d.)
Smith also suggests that perhaps "this task aim[s] beyond good
(mimesis) and evil (mimesis)."
Smith's contentions and the conjure evidence presented and
interpreted above suggest that conjure belief and practice did aid in
challenging dominant plantation authority in a range of ways, some
radical. Its diagnostic and curative powers may have transcended mere
literal application to medicalized sicknesses and acted incisively to
"signify" upon, in Henry Louis Gate's sense, and thereby overturn or
negate, master discourses (Gates 1988). After slavery conjure continued
to serve a subtle counterhegemonic role-at least to the extent that in
reported cases it subverted white expectations of black behavior and
labor productivity. Conjure was regularly used, moreover, as an
effective weapon-it was claimed-to subvert prosecution of blacks in
court. It often effectively prevented the prosecutor from "talking" or
prevented the judge from finding or using court "papers" (McTeer
1970).~' Where conjure was not directed to such ends, that is,
employed within the quarters or other post-slavery communities to
effect changes in a range of immediate day-to-day situations or
problems, it played a role in the long-term reproduction of culture and
the balancing of individual and collective claims to social goods.
Conjure may have been one regulatory mechanism mediating what I
referred to as a continuum of contextually appropriate behaviors and
limits at the same time as it was used by individuals to stake out and
maintain individual prerogatives and liberty in the face of social
scrutiny, pressure, and intrusion. Conjure might, for example, control
the callous rise of individuals at the expense of their immediate fellows
while, on the other hand, it might also serve an individual to control
peer envy (See Davis 1988:Ch.7 and 8; Brown 1989:ChS).
African-American conjure, it seems, did not vanish with the
passing of the 1930s, as Michael Bell's research attests (Bell 1980).
Moreover, its cognates of Afro-Caribbean provenance are daily
appealed to not only on the islands themselves, but also in major cities
in the United States, brought by practitioners of Santeria and Vodoun.
Most interestingly, the conjure narrative seems to have remained
strong in black writing as highly "usable" material, from Charles
Chesnutt to Rudolf Fisher (Fisher 1971), to B r a Neale Hurston to
Ishmael Reed (Reed 1972) and other more recent works. The novel,
Mama Day, by Gloria Naylor (1989), two recent plays by August
Wilson, Joe Turner's Come and Gone, and The Piano Lesson (Wilson
1990,1988), the "conjure-woman" collages of Romare Bearden (see
Schwartzman 1990), the assemblages and sculptures of Betye and

Alison Saar (Shepherd 1990), and the extraordinary film by Charles
Burnett, To Sleep W t h Anger, all turn, in one way or another, on
nuanced understandings of conjure and related beliefs. Recent writings
by black scholars have drawn upon conjure as a critical avenue to the
interpretation of black literary tradition (see Pryse and Sillers 1985 and
Martin 1988). To the extent that black folk beliefs in general and
conjure in particular are being and have been mobilized in literature
and the arts as signs of difference and cultural identity--in projects that
are not mere reflections of some exclusively "social" or "political"
struggle-but signifying practices in their own right, the doctor is not
only in, but alive and well.
Appendix: Complete Reverend Dennis Narrative and

an Additional Conjure Narrative: Dye Williams
There wuz a Rev. Dennis that lived below the Federal Prison. Now, he wuz the
preacher of the Hardshell Baptist Church in this community. This man stayed sick about
a year and kept gittin different doctors and none uv them did him any good. Well, his
wife kept on at him till he decided ter go ter see Dr. Geech. His complaint wuz that he
felt something run up his legs ter his thights. Old Dr. Geech told him that he had snakes
in his body and they wuz put there by the lady he had been going wid. Dr. Geech give
him some medicine ter take and told him that o n the 7th day from then that 'oman
would come and take the medicine off the shelf and throw it away. Course Rev. Dennis
didn't belive a thing he said, s o sho nuff she come jest lak Dr. Geech said and took the
medicine away. Dr. Geech told him that he would die when the snakes got up in his arm,
but if he would d o lak he told him he would get all right. Dis 'oman had put this stuff
in some whiskey and he drunk it so the snakes breed in his body. After he quit taking
the medicine he got bad off and had ter stay in the bed; sho nuff the morning he died
you could see the snake in his arm; the print uv it wuz there when he died. The snake
stretched out in his arm and died too. (Rawick 1972:GA/13/4:248)
Dye Williams of Old Fort, northeast of Savannah, described to interviewers how

conjure had "changed her whole life in a few short weeks." H e r story begins in a
harmonious domestic setting, in which conjure symptoms arise upon the very discovery
of the conjure, sometime after two momentous happenings.
Yeahs ago . . . I hab a huzbun wut treat me well an uh wuz libin good. Dis wuz
jus fo muh twins wuz bawn . . . Deah wuz somebody dat want muh huzbun tuh
leab me an go off wid urn, s o dey hab me fix. When uh come home one day, I
step in a hole by duh doe an deah wuz a bottle wid some tings in it. Right den an
deah I took sech a misery in my lef side an den uh swell up all obuh; muh hands
wuz twice deah size. I stay data way till I fine out wut tuh do. Den I sprinkle black
peppuh an potash in duh hole weah duh bottle wuz an bile it up. Den some friens
wahs me off in wiskey ebry day an soon uh wuz all right. But when duh twins wuz
bawn duh boy twin hab a lill hole right in is lef side weah I hab duh misery €rum
duh tiiin. H e lib nine days fo he die. . . . Whoebuh fur me fur muh huzbun too,
cuz he go off an l a b me an I know he ain nebuh done dad lessn he bin fix.
(GWP 1940:3)
The identity of the temptress is unclear, yet she loses her husband and one of her
children in the process. She apparently drew on local knowledge to "find out what do"
without the direct intervention of a conjurer. Her health returns with the attention of
friends, yet she is without a husband and the conjure's repercussions include the death
of a child.
Notes
This article is a revised version of a paper developed in a research seminar in
American Intellectual History with Professor David Brion Davis, Yale University, Spring
1983, with some new material added. I thank Professor Davis, Elizabeth Fenn, and Peter
Hinks from that seminar for their criticism as well as more recent criticism by Sidney L.
Kasfir and editing work by Katherine J. Hagedorn.
Daniel Webster Davis, "Conjuration," Southern Workmun 27:251-52. Davis, a

contemporary of Charles Chesnutt, was a black writer composing "blackdialect poetry"
in the two decades preceding the Harlem Renaissance. See Wintz 1988, p. 61.
See Norman E. Whitten Jr. and John F. Szwed's (1970) very good summary of folklore
collecting between the mid-nineteenth century and the 1930s in this introductory article's
subsection, 'The Romance of Afro-American Folklore" (pp. 30-34).
The Rawick multivolume work, composed of intetviews from around the South, is
organized by state. Citations hereafter will abbreviate the state, followed by the volume,
part, and page numbers. A separate volume of Georgia Writers' Project interviews,
conducted under the auspices of the WPA, called Drum and Shadows (hereafter called
GWP), was published in 1940. This latter volume refers to itself as "Survival Studies."
I am nevertheless indebted to Genevese's extraordinarily rich and welldocumented

work as a roadmap into obscure narrative sources on conjure practice.
The character of Kongo minkisi, one major African religious system from which
conjure practice derived, is richly described and interpreted by Wyatt MacGaffey and
Robert Farris Thompson.
' In the New Orleans practice described in detail by Zora Neale Hurston, conjure
practice is integrated into the larger trade of the voodoo priest. See Hurston 1931.
' Emphasis in the original. Jones was undoubtedly referring to the Denmark Vesey
insurrection in Charleston, South Carolina, of 1822 in which Gullah Jack, co-leader and
conjurer, fitted his men with protective charms to make them invulnerable. See also
Raboteau 1978:283.
Emphasis in the original.
lo For photographs of, and discussions about, extraordinary carved reptile-entwined

conjure canes, see the plates section in Georgia Writers' Project 1940 and Vlach
1978:227-43.
l1 One resident of Yamacraw, Georgia, interviewed in GWP 1940 describes Moses

throwing down his staff and turning it into a snake. He bases his assessment of blacks'
"magic power" on the fact that the event took place in Africa (Egypt) and U.S. blacks
are from Africa. See p. 28.
l2 Read about Zora Neale Hurston's multiple initiations and apprenticeships "under five
two-headed doctors" which precede her elaborate and extended initiation into Hoodoo
in New Orleans under a priest named Turner, who admonished her: "none may wear the
crown of power without preparation. It mmr be earned. . . . And what is the crown of
power? Nothing definite in material. Turner crowned me with a consecrated snake skin.
. . . The crown without the preparation means no more than a college diploma without
the four years work." See Hurston 1935:200, 207-208.
l3 William Newkirk's statement comments on the preferability of conjure to medical

doctors and adds the element of the conjurer's place as a broker in interpersonal
disputes figured in the language of witchcraft and conjure: "Well, duh root doctuh wuz
all we needed. Dey wuz bettuh dan du doctuhs now-adays. Deah wuzn all dis yuh cuttin
[surgery] an wen yuh sick, duh root doctu would make some tea and gib yuh aw sumpn
tuh rub wid and das all. Den fo yuh know it, yuh wuz all right. H e would fur tings fuh
yuh ef somebody done put sumpn down fuh yuh [set a charm against you]. Deah wuz
many ways tuh wuk it. Sometimes he would gib yuh sompn tuh weah wid yuh ow sumpm
tuh take" (GWP 1940:165). See the extensive citations on works about slave healthcare
in Genovese 1976:fn. 54, pp. 692-693. See comparative African view in Janzen: 1978.
l4 See Reisman 1970 for a discussion of the built-in ambiguity or polysemy of key terms
in culturally and socially plural situations in the black Caribbean. See also Genovese
1976232-255 ('The Gospel in the Quarters") for one of the best discussions of
denominational disputes, the doctrine of salvation, and the "this-worldly cast" to the slave-
churches and religious outlook.
l5 I am grateful to Dr. Sidney Kasfir for this latter interpretation.
l6 That Chesnutt's story does not represent an actual antebellum document of conjure
resistance is not wholly the issue. It does suggest that conjure remained a resilient vehicle
for resistance, and what is interesting here is that Chesnutt found the distinctly African-
derived conjure discourse, not Christianity, "usable" as the medium for critique of the
institution's injustice (in the story) and racial injustice in the dark post-Reconstruction
period. See Cary Wintz's (1988:Ch.3) good discussion of Chesnutt's work and intentions.
l7 Umberto Eco, in "Whose side are the Om2 on" [on Afro-Brazilian Candornblc!
religion], in his Travels in Hyperreality: Essays (Eco 1983: 103-112), suggests that belief
in the gods "represent[s] one of the many ways the disinherited masses are kept on their
reservation, while at their expense the generals industrialize the country, offering it to the
exploitation of foreign capital. . . . The question I didn't ask the [priests] is this: Whose
side are the OnxA on?" (p. 112).
l8 Did he ultimately see conjure as some kind of "opiate"?
l9 The full context is: "I found Sandy an old adviser. H e told me, with great solemnity,
I must go back to [overseer] Covey; but that before I went, I must go with him into
another part of he woods, where there was a certain root, which, if I would take some
of it with me, carrying it always on my right side, would render it impossible for Mr.
Covey, o r any other white man, to whip me. . . . I at first rejected the idea, that the
simple c a v i n g of a root in my pocket would have any such effect as he had said, and
was not disposed to take it; but Sandy impressed me with the necessity with much
earnestness" (72) I am indebted to Professor Brian Wolfe for suggesting the reading of
the root as a sign of African-based cultural discourse and identity in a Graduate Seminar
entitled, 'The Romantic Experience in America," Yale University, Spring 1983. Despite
possible anachronism, I am tempted, playfully, to read "root" as a double entendre,
refening to African-derived cultural root(s), i.e., identity.
20 Morton Marks has uncovered a pan-Afro-American (Brazil, Cuba, U.S. black Gospel)
telescoping of ritual action, spirit possession, and cultural identity in the metaphor of
"going home" ("going monte a h t r o " [back to the "deep forest"] in Spanish). What else
was "flying back to Africa" in the setting McCullough describes? (See Marks 1975).
21 Charles Colcock Jones had written exactly the same thing in 1842: "When fairly
committed to such leaders, they may be brought to the commission of almost any crime.
Facts in their history prove this." Perhaps Bruce had read Jones (1842:128).
22 C. Vann Woodward writes that "the evidence of race conflict and violence, brutality
and exploitation in this very period [late 1870searly 1890~1is overwhelming. It was, after
all, in the eighties and early nineties that lynching attained the most staggering
proportions ever reached in the history of that crime. Moreover, the fanatical advocates
of racism, whose doctrines of total segregation, disenfranchisement, and ostracism
eventually triumphed over all opposition and became universal practice in the South,
were already at work and already beginning to establish dominance over some phases of
Southern life" (see Vann Woodward 1974:43-44).
23 See the words of James Moore (GWP 1940:19). Spanish speakers in Latin America
use the terms trabajar (to work) and amawar (to tie) while Brazilians use trabalhar. A
common Afro-Cuban term for charm (the equivalent of the African-American "mojo" or
"hand") is nkangue which, Wyatt MacGaffey tells me, is rooted in the Ki-Kongo term
kanga, meaning "to tie." Personal communication, September 1989. The idiom of
"catching" has to do with the ambition to "contain" and control spirits by binding them
in appropriate containers. See Thompson's discussion (1983Ch.2).
24 Graveyard dirt is the conjure substance most widely cited and recognized by
informants as being powerful, throughout the published literature. It is a pan-Afro-
American medium of spirit work, especially where the "Kongo-Angola" religious complex
is found. See Cabrera 1983:Ch. V.
25 The literature most relevant to these issues, the African witchcraft and sorcery
literature, is quite vast. Benjamin Ray's survey of witchcraft and sorcery and issues of
"good" and "evil"-and his citations-in Ray 1976:lSO-153.
26 Perhaps the blood is the victim's but more likely an animal's as in sacrifices
performed to activate spiritual forces. See also Dorothy Johnson's observations on page
44. James Washington said that getting the hair is effective because "it grow neah duh
brain an a han [hand=charm] made outuh haiah kin sho affec duh brain" (p. 39).
27 See Victor Turner's own use of "sympathetic magicM-originallya term used by Sir
James Frazet-in his brilliant unpackings of Ndembu medicine in Turner 1967:Ch.10, 11,
esp. p. 314. See Zora Neale Hurston's collection of conjure "works," each of which bears
this action orientation (Hurston 1935280-283).
28 Marks draws on William Bascom's notion of word magic and punning: "the name of
an object sacrificed [in Yoruba religion] resembles the words expressing the result desired
by the client" (p. 238).
29 See Dorothy Johnson in GWP 1940:44.
30 A fine early discussion of this fluid practice of spirit transfer, bodies, and containers
is to be found in Deren 1970:Ch.I. Perhaps the best I have read, framed in critical terms,
is Wafer's discussion of bodies, spirits, and transformation in his dissertation (Wafer
1989). It is worth quoting Bourdieu with respect to the very method of mapping out this
system (i.e steps 1, 2, and 3): "Understanding ritual practice is not a question of
decoding the internal logic of a symbolism but of restoring its practical necessity by
relating it to the real conditions of its genesis, that is, to the conditions in which its
functions, and the means it uses to attain them, are defined. . . . Ritual practice owes
itspractical coherence (which may be reconstituted in the form of an objectified diagram
of operations) to the fact that it is the product of a single system of conceptual schemes
im&nent indractice, organizing not on& the perception of objects (and in this particular
case, the classification of the possible instruments, circumstances-place and time-and
agents of ritual action) but also the production of practices (in this case, the gestures and
movements constituting ritual action)" (1977:116-118). I hope, in further work to more
systematically incorporate this understanding into work on conjure.
31 The "riding" of a person by witches in his or her sleep, which drains one's energy as
witches are wont to do, is a typical understanding of the behavior and effect of their
jealous and destructive intentions.
32 See the subject heading for "Witches" in GWP 1940 as well as the Rawick 1972
Index.
33 His concept of conjure as "current" and his copper wiring suggest that he draws on
the electrical metaphor I suggested above. H e is described by the interviewers: "Hi wrists
and arms were encircled by copper wire strung with good luck charms; his fingers were
covered with several large plain rings. A copper wire was bound around his head and
attached to this wire were two broken bits of mirror which, lying flat against his temples
with the reflecting side out, flashed and glittered when he moved his head" (p.21). See
also Rosa Sallins, p. 129.
3 4 The actual use of animal and plant poisons and toxins by conjurers is suggested
everywhere in the literature but never fully fleshed out. It is striking that the initial
symptoms of zombie poisoning in Haiti, "characterized by a feeling of ants crawling
beneath the skin," is similar to that described by victims of conjure. Fred Jones reported
"a uhmun [woman] done up so bad by somebody dat ants wuz crawlin out tru uh skin"
(GWP 1940:27). In Haiti, reptiles are reported to be caught, dried, powdered, mixed with
other ingredients, and applied to the skin. Bokors in Haiti used, along with the deadly
puffer fish, "fresh specimens of the two local varieties of tarantulas and the three
nonvenomous lizards . . . roasted with the two tree frogs" (Davis 1988:119) While there
is quite a bit of controversy over Davis's pharmacological findings, his 0bSe~ationSof
the preparation process and his reporting of welldocumented symptoms should stand.
35 Which, as mentioned, are about subtle kinds of resistance in the everyday life of
slaves. See also Levine 1977 for a panorama of themes in the oral literature and music
from slavery to freedom.
36 I think that these symptoms can be spoken of similarly to the way Michael Taussig
speaks of the "meaning" around, and history of, the icons he studied, as a matter of "oral
history": where the reality of the phenomenon is "in curious ways dependent on
contradictory histories circulating around [the icon] in living speech. It is this effervescent
and contradictory listening and talking surrounding the icon that need to be first
considered." The notion of "seeing themselves" comes from Goodwyn 1978 (epigraph
page).
37 In many accounts the conjurer is often credited with going out and digging up a
bundle or jar from under the front steps. This may, in some cases, be integral to his
theater. See Turner's (1967) descriptions of healing as well as discussion below.
38 I use Claude Levi-Strauss with a certain caution here, but I am convinced that there
is importance to his sense that the "shaman provides the sick woman with a language"
(Levi-Strauss 1963197-198). The caution comes in not valuing the "psychological" and
linguistic element over the issue of the body itself, which Evan Zuesse stresses in his
reading of Turner's work on Ndembu ritual. 'The spatial universe of the body is
absolutely crucial for ritual. Religious meaning is mediated through the spaces ritual
establishes for the body" (Zuesse 1979142). I would add that it is also the body itself,
as I say, in its insideness and outsideness, that constitutes a critical threshold. This is
obviously part of the significance of the "cupping horn" used by Ndembu practitionem.
The drama metaphor as applied to society and as used in anthropology is too well-known
to need citation. We look to Goffman 1959 and Turner's work (1957, 1967). See
Turner's reference in the latter book to "actors" and "social dramas" in his article "Lunda
Medicine and the Treatment of Disease," chapter IX.
39 'The structures constitutive of a particular type of environment (e.g., the material

conditions of existence characteristic of a class condition) produce habirus, systems of
durable, transposable dirpositiom, structured structures predisposed to function as
structuring structures, that is, as principles of the generation and structuring of practices
and representations which can be objectively 'regulated' and 'regular"' (Bourdieu
1977:72).
40 The "socially informed body" and what he refers to as the "structuring action of social
determinisms" should not be taken, I believe, as excluding the biological and "natural
processes!' For he refers to "the whole system of ritual symbols and actions" as "natural
processes culturally constituted in and through ritual practice" (125).
41 Black defendants appealed to root doctors to positively influence court trials. "Duh
root doctuh kin hep yuh too. . . . Dey is powful smaht. I use tuh heah tell ub a rootman
name Smaht McCall. Ef yuh git in any trouble, yuh jis go see um an he git yuh out ub
it. Deah wuz a man wut got rested. He wuz plenty skeah bout wut would happen tuh um.
He go to see Smaht McCall an Smaht say not tuh wony cuz he would hep um. Duh day
uh duh trial come an wen dey-try duh case, a buzzud fly in duh cote house winduh. H e
fly roun. Den he light on duh jedge desk. Well suh, wid dat buzzud deah duh jedge jis
couldn do nuttin. He jis had tuh pick up an go. Duh case wuz dismissed!' See Georgia
Writers' Project, Peter McQueen p. 109; Floyd White, p. 184; Thomas Smith, p. 28,
Puckett, p. 277; Hyatt, 11, p. 1443, 1438. See also McTeer 1970: 19-41 for an account of
the famous Dr. Buzzard, conjurer and courtroom specialist. Sheriff McTeer writes that
"Many times I've looked back into the courtroom and seen the purple sunglasses glaring
at me as [Dr. Buzzard] 'chewed the root' on me. The basic goal of 'root-chewing' was
to render the evidence harmless and provide the best outcome for the accused" (p. 23).
42 FolWore Forum 23:112 David H . Brown
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Conjure/Doctors: An Exploration of a Black

Discourse in America, Antebellum to 1940

Georgia Writers' Project 1940; Hyatt 1970).~All biases have not

superstructural function of reflecting or resolving "underlying" social

Perhaps we are getting closer to the consideration of conjure as a

I. First Sightings: Conjure Through Mainstream Eyes

The influential J.D.B. DeBow articulated similar sentiments in 1853,

Jones's reference to the slaves' perception of their invulnerability

If conjuring and conjurers represented resistance in the eyes of

If the ethnocentric statement assumes an unquestioned faith in

11. Second Sight: Healers, Leaders, and Conjure Practice

Braziel Robinson, as described by a plantation owner, "established a

people and often were recognized preachers and "exhorters" (Puckett

conjure doctors implies the presence of a sizeable conjure

111. Beyond Good and Evil: Conjuring Masters, Conjuring Slaves

historically more "this-worldly" orientation-might not solve day-to-day

Hay's trickster-like (certainly "devilishn) response not only challenges

slaves of the doctrine of salvation after death-intended really to gain

of that proposition. Another more direct interpretation is possible: the

plantation orders in their resistance to conjuration. Genevese's

proceeded with the independent variable eliminated. With his decisive

Such consumption formed the basis of what De Bow termed

De Bow's paternalistic mode of slaveholding was, in effect, a grandiose

Thanks to "Doctorn De Bow, we can now diagnose Henry Bibb's

Does her account of an entire group's "flying back to African

doctor's drapetomania was another doctor's "flying back to Africa."

IV. In the Era of Jim Crow:

Clearly, Bruce's contrasting metaphors of light and darkness, order and

V. "The Science of the Concrete":

1926:247)." William Edwards, a Georgia conjurer, prized the spider

Working conjure can be compared to setting up a kind of

the bone or body of a dead person or animal--e.g., the spider, the

principle-long in the anthropological literature-has been called

Numerous people interviewed in the 1930s by the WPA

George Boddison, an elderly man interviewed in Tin City, a

Conjure, in these accounts, is not like a contagious disease that affects

Her statement does indicate, however, that among her neighbors,

VI. Conjure Discourse, Narrative, and Dramaturgy

American material in 1899 that he produced a stunning volume of

reincorporation into a group-a series of thresholds through which the

The conjure illness, objectified and named as a "devil," is dramatically

changed as his interpersonal life is modified significantly. A seasoned

The cathartic moment of the cure is often preceded by days or weeks

The preserved reptile, a badge of courage and emblem of the rite of

At first I interpreted the story as a kind of cautionary tale with a clear

snake-devil should not be associated with afflictions in certain African-

badha-ad behavior gains moral disapprobation in some quarters while

Coda: Conjure, Christianity, Resistance,

Smith's argument and, I believe, the evidence presented so far, beg us

contrive to detoxify, by de-centering or dispersing, the will-to-power operating even

Schwartzman 1990), the assemblages and sculptures of Betye and

Appendix: Complete Reverend Dennis Narrative and

Dye Williams of Old Fort, northeast of Savannah, described to interviewers how

Daniel Webster Davis, "Conjuration," Southern Workmun 27:251-52. Davis, a

I am nevertheless indebted to Genevese's extraordinarily rich and welldocumented

Emphasis in the original.

lo For photographs of, and discussions about, extraordinary carved reptile-entwined

l1 One resident of Yamacraw, Georgia, interviewed in GWP 1940 describes Moses

l3 William Newkirk's statement comments on the preferability of conjure to medical

l5 I am grateful to Dr. Sidney Kasfir for this latter interpretation.