Yaqui Deer Dancing PDF

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Hunting for History in Potam Pueblo: A Yoeme (Yaqui)

Indian Deer Dancing Epistemology
David Delgado Shorter
Published online: 09 Nov 2007.
To cite this article: David Delgado Shorter (2007) Hunting for History in Potam Pueblo: A Yoeme (Yaqui) Indian Deer Dancing
Epistemology, Folklore, 118:3, 282-306, DOI: 10.1080/00155870701621780
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00155870701621780
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Folklore 118 (December 2007): 282–306
RESEARCH ARTICLE
Hunting for History in Potam Pueblo: A Yoeme

(Yaqui) Indian Deer Dancing Epistemology
David Delgado Shorter
Abstract
Downloaded by [188.85.109.180] at 01:31 24 August 2014
Based on fieldwork with the Yoeme (Yaqui) Indians of northwest Mexico, this
article traces the ties between contemporary deer dances and pre-colonial deer-
hunting rituals. The author claims that indigenous performances provide
documentary evidence not only of intercultural dynamics but also of how
native people think historically about those dynamics. The essay details how, in
Yoeme deer dancing, community members demonstrate collective identity as well
as ontological and epistemological sensibilities. Additionally, it re-assesses the
ethnohistoric utility of the term “conversion” when writing about colonial and
missionary contact zones. As a research model, this project demonstrates the
central role of performance studies within the field of folklore.
Introduction
Throughout the northern state of Sonora, Mexico, one cannot go far without
encountering the image of a deer dancer. It can be found on large governmental
billboards, as sculptures along the highway (Figure 1), on public announcement
flyers, and even on prepackaged grocery items such as salsa, milk, and bread. [1]
For many Mexican citizens, these images do little more than associate a Sonoran
heritage with the indigenous populations that “once lived there.” For many
Yoemem, however, with communities in both northwestern Mexico and in the
southwest of the United States, the deer-dancer image speaks to issues of cultural
continuity, tribal sovereignty, and ritual sacrifice. [2] Earlier scholars of Yoeme
ethnohistory noted that the deer dances and their associated pahko’ola dances (see
Figure 2) contain a particularly clear example of pre-Jesuit Yoeme ritual, since
these particular ceremonies make relatively few references to Christian symbols
(Evers and Molina 1987, 25– 33). All of the ethnographic literature, as well as the
fieldwork that I carried out among Yoemem, suggest that deer dancing is
associated with hunting—as a means of securing appropriate relations with the
animal and plant world, especially the deer.
In the Yoeme homelands at the present time, deer hunts take place infrequently.
My tribal collaborators emphasise the difficulty in successfully hunting deer, the
danger of interpersonally offending deer through inappropriate behaviour, as well
as the labour-intensive preparation of the deer carcass for ceremonial and
household use. [3] Although everyone freely admits to enjoying it when an uncle or
godparent makes a gift of venison to their families, these occurrences are few and
far between. In Potam Pueblo, with a population of approximately five thousand
individuals, deer have been hunted only on a few occasions over the past few years.
ISSN 0015-587X print; 1469-8315 online/07/030282-25; Routledge Journals; Taylor & Francis
q 2007 The Folklore Society
DOI: 10.1080/00155870701621780
Hunting for History in Potam Pueblo 283
Figure 1. Mexico deer sign. Driving through Sonora, Mexico, one encounters large metal signs of the deer dancer
signifying an indigenous Mexican heritage for US tourists.
284 David Delgado Shorter
Figure 2. Pahko’ola Mateo Cocmea plays his sena’asom (hand rattle) at a June 2004 pahko alongside the Rı́o
Yaqui, Mexico.
And when discussing those hunts, tribal collaborators never mention a deer dance
associated with the expedition. Yet deer dancing takes place every year for the
Lenten semana santa (“Holy Week”) ceremonies, for the final part of a person’s
funerary ceremonies, during almost every pueblo fiesta, as well as being part of
many cultural exhibitions throughout the Americas. So why do Yoemem continue
to hold rituals for almost non-existent hunts? Why does the dancing continue after
deer hunting no longer sustains Yoeme culture? And, critical to my motivation in
this essay, how does deer dancing offer an insight into Yoeme ethnohistory?
I describe below how deer dancing still provides sustenance for Yoeme
communities, but in religious identity, rather than in hides and meat. My study
then involves the combined foci of performance and religion in a particularly
congruous way since Yoemem never perform the deer dance in a purely secular
manner. As in many indigenous communities, Yoeme worldviews cannot be easily
divided into separate spheres of religious and non-religious activities. Thus, my
use of the word “religious” relies on a very broad but useful definition of the term
provided by Sam Gill:
. . . those images, actions, and symbols that both express and define the extent and character of
the world, especially those that provide the cosmic framework in which human life finds
meaning and the terms of its fulfillment. We will also consider as religious those actions,
processes, and symbols through which life is lived in order that it may be meaningful and
purposive (Gill 1982, 11).
Strongly resonating with this definition, we can trace the role of deer dancing
as a principal component of the hunting ritual. Yoemem surely understood
that ritual as fulfilling an ethical requirement and establishing a dialogue with
their non-human kin. Previously represented by ethnologists as “profane”
entertainment, the deer dance provides a lens on indigenous Catholic
syncretism. Specifically, my research into deer dancing demonstrates that
historical claims of “conversion” not only fail to tell the whole story of native
agency in colonial zones, but also overlook the role of indigenous performance
in historically narrating a consistent and practical pre-colonial ritual logic. This
essay reconsiders the use of the label “conversion,” which is the act of, or
instance of, converting—that is, the turning of one thing into something else.
Yet the word does not differentiate in terms of the degree, extent, length of
change, or why the change takes place.
I quickly learned while doing fieldwork in Yoeme communities that in order to
understand their worldviews, I first had to grasp the significance of Yoeme
relationships with deer. Yoeme deer dancing, in particular, is important in order to
recognise how Yoemem came to terms with Catholicism during Jesuit contact, and
how they continue to view their other-than-human relations with the living world
around them. Drawing on Yoeme conceptions of nine overlapping aniam (realms
or worlds of being), I interpret deer dancing ceremonies as Yoeme representations
of knowledge and truth. After characterising some Yoeme attitudes on deer
hunting on the basis of an analysis of ethnographic literature on the topic, I
describe one particular deer dance form called maso me’ewa (“killing the deer”),
and demonstrate how this performative act assists in providing an ethnohistorical
explanation of Yoeme-Catholicism and of larger questions of religious change and
continuity.
Both Jesuit documents and Yoeme oral traditions suggest that Yoemem were
eager to learn new technologies in the early contact zones of New Spain, which
resulted from missionary activities in some Native American homelands in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. As the Spanish were unable to militarily
defeat the Yoemem, missionaries lived among other nearby native groups for
some time before being invited by into their pueblos by Yoemem in the early
seventeenth century. According to the tribe’s primary myth, the people had
already received prophetic knowledge that such changes were coming. Still, many
ethnographers fail to acknowledge that Yoeme religiosity continues to be
grounded in an aboriginal ritual logic. On the surface, many Yoeme rites seem to
indicate that they had converted to Catholicism. Prominent scholars of Yoeme
culture, such as Edward Spicer, Muriel Thayer Painter, and Ralph Beals, have
tended to accept preconceived categories of sacred or profane, Christian or pagan,
and pre-contact or post-contact. These are dichotomous terms that fail to
characterise accurately Yoeme religious action. Persuaded that Yoeme dances
were artistic rather than being epistemologically grounding, scholars have seldom
understood the ways in which deer dancing asserts Yoeme truth-claims regarding
history and identity. My own approach is that the deer-dancing ritual offers a
model for understanding the manner in which Yoemem grafted the Catholic
figure of Jesus onto older views of ritual sacrifice and hunting. This study then
joins the work of others such as William Merrill, Kenneth Morrison, and Vicente
Rafael in investigating how colonial subjects maintained aboriginal worldviews
through periods of social assimilation.
Deer Hunting as a Mode of Sustenance

In earlier times, Yoeme society depended greatly on hunting for its sustenance,
and rabbits, peccary, badgers, raccoons, and iguanas, but most importantly deer,
were hunted. The Coues whitetails (Odocoileus virginianus couesi), maaso/m in
Yoeme, were the largest animals living in the Yoeme homeland, and provided the
people with hides, food, and religious utensils used for healing. Yoeme hunters
pursued deer with bows and arrows, snares, occasionally with fire drives, and
later with rifles. According to contemporary Yoeme collaborators, other animals in
the wilderness, such as rabbits, bees, and vultures, helped the deer to avoid
hunters, and, conversely, sometimes seemed to have assisted the hunters to
trap them. Yoeme hunting groups consisted of at least four men who bathed
themselves with sage and their weapons with chilli pods, on the morning of the
hunt, and who stalked the deer wearing deer masks and skin. They relied on their
dogs for assistance. The men held a sharp stick in one hand and a bow in the other,
while simulating the deer’s foreleg movements—which enabled them to come
very close to the deer. The hunters, being in such close proximity to the animal,
thus had a better opportunity to kill the deer, and, according to several sources,
this also enabled them learn deer language and ways. The leader of the hunt was
always a man who knew deer language and who possessed sea taka; that is,
“flower body” or “flower power.” Communication laid the groundwork for a
direct relationship between the hunter and the deer.
Indicative of their kinship obligations, Yoemem often linguistically refer to
the deer as saila maaso, “little brother deer”. When addressing or referring to
the governing deer, that is the leader of the deer herd, as they do when asking him
for permission to hunt and kill him, Yoemem use the term malichi which means
“fawn”. Such permission is sought through the performance of deer dances the
night before the hunt, which celebrates the relationships between humans and all
of the other-than-human persons in the wilderness, particularly deer (see Beals
1943, 13; 1945, 13; Savala 1980, 188– 90; Painter 1986, 120– 1, 272– 80, 282, 293– 4
and 297–302; Evers and Molina 1987, 47 – 8, 134– 5, 137– 8, 142 and 150– 4).
Yoemem still describe a number of practices and behaviours associated with
appropriate deer– human relations. For example, I have heard during fieldwork
that only Yoemem who receive positive dreams from the governing deer, or deer
leader, should attempt to hunt; and even then, hunters must always ask the deer
for permission before leaving the pueblo. While hunting, the men must always
think good thoughts, concentrate, and yet not think too much. One should never
have sexual thoughts about women, even wives, during the hunt, or else the deer
may become jealous. Yoemem should not kill for sport and should never look a
dying deer in the eyes, nor should a hunter blow on his food when eating on a
hunting trip. [4] Failure of hunters to meet these and other obligations could lead
to misfortune—something that Robert Brightman also noted in Rock Cree
communities, and Robin Ridington among the Dunne-za (Brightman 1993, 196–
212; Ridington 1988, 52– 3). Indeed, in this context, Yoeme elders tell stories of the
deer blowing tiny thorns into the hunters’ eyes or bodies, of arrows (and later,
bullets) turning around in mid-air and striking the hunter, of the deer hiding
themselves from the hunters, of hunters never having successful hunts for the rest
of their lives, or of having pains in their arms or legs.
Although only a few men continue to hunt, the form of these pre-deer hunt
ceremonies can be gleaned to a certain extent from oral and performative
traditions. Deer dancing can still be seen in contemporary Yoeme communities on
the occasion of death anniversaries, as part of the Passion Play of Jesus on Holy
Saturday, and during the festive celebration of the Saint’s Day of the respective
pueblos. In the Yoeme language, these dance events are called pahkom (singular
pahko, “ceremony”). Just as in the actual hunting parties, a deer-dancing
performance requires at least four people, consisting of one dancer and three
singers. Sitting on the ground in a line, one singer plays the water drum and the
other two play raspers, while singing the deer songs. The deer songs express the
perspective of the deer, plants, flowers, or animal friends, in the wilderness. They
thus always describe the deer’s special realm; that is, the sea ania, or “flower
world.” In these rituals, the dancer (maso ye’eme) enters the ceremonial space—
sometimes called “flower patio”—where the dance is to take place, as a young
deer. As the dances continue throughout the night, singers refer to the deer dancer
as an adolescent deer, and then later on as an adult deer. In the morning, the final
songs will either refer to him as an old-man deer, or they will end the night’s
dancing by referring to him as a newborn deer. As is the case in the actual hunting
practices, the deer dancer wears the head of a deer on top of his head, and he holds
gourd rattles in each hand, all of which enable him to convey more effectively the
deer’s actions as they are described in the accompanying songs. The deer dancer is
preceded into the ceremonial space by pahko’olam (old men of the fiesta, also
known as pascolas), who bless the entire space, including attendees, and who
entertain the people by performing as animals from the wilderness who taunt,
mimic, befriend, and sometimes hunt the deer dancer. The deer dancer must
simultaneously dance the meaning of the deer songs, showing everyone the
beauty of the flower world, and he must also grow old and allow himself to be the
focus of verbal attacks. He is pursued and sometimes killed by the pahko’olam,
thereby demonstrating that all existence must sacrifice so that life may continue.
Any discussion of Yoeme ritual must necessarily include references to Yoeme
worldviews. Most, if not all, Yoeme ceremonial performers understand their
world as dimensionally composed of overlapping, yet distinct, worlds or realms,
called aniam. The ethnographic literature suggests that Yoemem perceive as many
as nine different aniam, referred to, respectively, as: tenku ania, “dream world”; tuka
ania, “night world”; huya ania, “wilderness world”; yo ania, “enchanted world”;
kawi ania, “mountain world”; vawe ania, “world under the water”; teeka ania, “from
the sky up through the universe”; nao ania, “corncob world”; and, as mentioned
above, the sea ania, “flower world.” [5] Yoemem might reference a number, or,
indeed, all aniam, since the dances might have been held at night (“night world”),
the dancers’ abilities might have come from dreams (“dream world”), and the
songs might be substantiating sea life or animals in the sky (“world under the
water,” “from sky up through the universe”). Each of these worlds provides a
home for powerful beings or forces, but Yoemem relate deer dancing to three
worlds specifically—yo ania, in that the deer emerges from an enchanted home;
huya ania, in that the deer goes into the wilderness world; and finally sea ania, in
that the deer dances for us in the flower world.
In terms of Yoeme worldviews, the sea ania is of fundamental importance since
most community members in the southern pueblos understand flowers, seewam,
as the actualisation of sacrifice and of the nurturing acts of giving. The most
nurturing aspects of the world—streams, lakes, clouds, and rain—are found in the
sea ania. The deer is understood to live in the sea ania, and when he is killed he is
said to be laid “atop a bed of flowers.” As noted above, hunters must have sea taka,
or “flower power,” to hunt deer successfully. Flowers adorn the deer dancer’s
antlers and skirt, as well as the necklaces and hair of the pahko’olam. In their
extensive study of deer songs, Larry Evers and Felipe Molina write that the most
common words found in the songs are Yoeme terms for flowers. For Molina, a
well-respected Yoeme scholar and deer singer, the main purpose of the songs is to
bring the deer’s voice from the sea ania to the ceremony. He adds that, “almost
every piece of regalia and every instrument used in deer dancing and deer singing
may be called ‘seewa’ or ‘sea’ as well” (Evers and Molina 1987, 52).
The deer dance always entails the dancing of the pahko’ola (singular of
pahko’olam). Wearing black masks in either the shape of a human-like face or of a
goat’s head, pahko’olam lead the deer dancer into the performance area where they
will spend the evening dancing with him, clowning around with each other, and
entertaining the guests. When not dancing with the deer dancer, pahko’olam wear
their masks backwards or hang them from the left side of the head. Common mask
designs include the elongated goat-face style with ears and horns. Mask makers
often paint small insects or desert animals on the cheeks of masks. Typical Yoeme
pahko’ola masks feature a band of small triangles pointing inward around the
outside circumference, and are thought to represent goat’s teeth, sunrays, or
mountains. Many masks have cross-like paintings, which some people relate to
Christianity, although Edward Spicer apparently interpreted them as a pre-Jesuit
contact symbol for the sun (Spicer 1958, 434– 6; 1961, 31). Both the elongated and
face-shaped masks have either goat-hair or horse-hair dangling over the eyes and
from the chin. The ethnographic literature strongly links pahko’olam with goats,
and with the most ancient and respected realm, the yo ania. Their pre-colonial
beginnings are implied in their oft-used title, “old men of the fiesta,” with “old”
referring to their respected or ancient quality, not their ages. Since they are also
sometimes called “sons of the devil,” it is necessary to bear in mind that a minority
of Christian Yoemem tend to relate the yo ania to concepts of evil and the devil. [6]
When attending an all-night pahko, the banter and antics of the pahko’olam help to
elevate the mood and energy of the crowd. The dancers are charged with handing
out cigarettes to the audience, and, more often than not, they create quite a stir by
attempting to humiliate the deer dancer, the musicians, the female societies to
their right, and even the spectators. [7]
The ethnographic literature contains numerous descriptions of both the
pahko’olam and the deer dances (Bogan 1925; Montell 1938, 147–58; Wilder 1963;
Spicer 1980, 102– 10; Evers and Molina 1987; Burton 1990, 15– 32; Turner 1990;
Valencia, Valencia and Spicer 1990, 99 –100; Robinson 1992, 2– 18; Maaso, Molina
and Evers 1993; Padilla 1998, 45 – 54). And one rarely finds a newspaper story or
journal article about Yoeme culture that does not include an account of these
dancers, the music accompanying their motions, and their actual dance
choreography. In the United States, these descriptions often portray the deer
and pahko’ola dances as a southwestern native art form, or, more simply, “folk art.”
Such categorisations do apply, since the dances, as with other tribal public
performances, assert a sense of belonging to a specific region (if not the epitome of
regional “locality”). But deer dancing as an art form also expresses a specific
indigeneity, coming from somewhere else. The combination of the aboriginal
figures of the pahko’olam and the deer, with the Catholic features of the crosses,
saints, and Jesus, portrays Yoemem as border crossers on both cosmological and
geopolitical levels. The dances transfer cultural roots that are themselves
religiously hybrid, and, thus, while being tribally specific, they also express a
history similar to those of other native groups in the borderlands. Deer dancing
expresses, depending on the situations and audiences, a pre-contact religious
worldview, a syncretic borderlands fusion with Spanish Catholicism, and a
unique Indio “heritage” within Sonora regionalism.
Deer Dancing as Entertainment

In his work entitled The Yaquis: A Cultural History (1980), Edward Spicer
provocatively argues that enduring peoples share a “language of action.” His
reading of that language, however, was often, and understandably, through the
lens of modernist dichotomies. The Yaquis, Spicer’s culmination of his forty years
of research on Yoeme identity, insightfully stresses the importance of ritual activity
as a central factor in maintaining identity in spite of transnational and interethnic
factors. On the other hand, Spicer misrepresents Yoeme understandings of ritual
and identity by characterising Yoeme religion as a belief system that emerges from
natural – supernatural dimensionality. Spicer also decontextualises Yoeme ritual
performance by maintaining a functionalist distinction between “sacred” and
“profane” ritual activities (Morrison 1992b, 207–9; Carsten 1993, 43– 5; Shorter
2002, 91– 2; 2003, 199). Judging from his published work, Spicer’s focus on
pahko’olam and deer dancing as “arts” has prevented him from understanding
these activities as effective ritual actions. As far as he was concerned, the deer
dance could no longer function as a religious activity if deer hunting no longer
takes place regularly. However, to consider deer dancing solely as a non-religious
(that is, profane) activity would be to miss an essential aspect of Yoeme
“endurance.”
Unfortunately, Spicer’s functionalist approach and assertions have been
influential, and they have led the anthropologist Robert Redfield, for example,
to state that:
It is shown that one ceremonial institution, the deer-dancer, having no meaning except the old
connection with hunting, is becoming simply secular entertainment, and thus, inadequately
supported by functional value, tends to disappear altogether (Spicer 1984, xiv). [8]
Spicer later acknowledged that the initial acts of cultural revival for the Yoemem in
Arizona were, in fact, the deer dances and the masses for the dead (1988, 259). Yet,
he never reconsidered his serious claim that pahkom were fading in importance:
We have seen that the deer-dancer, while still a participant in ceremony, is surrounded by
secular attitudes. His appearance depends on conditions dictated by personal considerations. A
fiestero may feel that he does not want to spend the money necessary for the food for the dancer
and his musicians, or the deer-dancer himself may not care to dance. Nothing will happen to
anyone if the latter does not appear. He is not an essential in the ceremonial pattern. The deer-
dancer’s activities are, furthermore, gradually being disassociated from those of the pascolas. As
this happens, his connection with those aspects of the culture which are supernaturally
sanctioned—the church organizations—becomes very tenuous. He is gradually becoming
simply an entertainer (Spicer 1984, 298– 9).
As far as Redfield and Spicer were concerned, the function of deer hunting had
undoubtedly diminished as a primary cultural activity of Yoeme life. Spicer,
however, did not always appreciate how these deer dances had been, and
remained, central to sustaining Yoeme religious identity. [9] Although he was
aware of the importance of the dances to collective ethnic symbolism, his
functionalist (and Eliadian) view of ritual led him to portray deer dancing as
having become entertainment.
The second most famous ethnographer of Yoeme worldview, Muriel Thayer
Painter, has much to offer on the meaning of pahko’ola and deer dancing, although
she, like her teacher Spicer, understands the dancers as being primarily
entertainers. Painter’s work, With Good Heart (1986), offers a rich compilation of
Yoeme interpretations and interviews that derive from almost forty years of
collaboration with Arizona Yoemem. Painter devotes a chapter, entitled “The
Native Dancers,” to the lore, practices, regalia, and powers associated with
pahko’ola and deer dancing. She makes insightful if slightly survivalist comments
about those two dance groups, noting that they are “a profoundly important part
in the life of Pascua,” and also observes that:
it is in discussing these two groups with informants, watching and listening to them at fiestas,
that one gets a glimpse, however fragmentary, of the world before the padres made their
contributions to Yaqui culture (Painter 1986, 241).
Additionally, Painter’s chapter offers over fifty pages of Yoeme voices, telling her
about what pahko’ola and deer dancing mean. Although informants are continually
quoted, Painter’s interpretations frame the discussion, and usually both introduce
and conclude her extended quotes. Her interpretation of the events tends to
override Yoeme interpretations of their own culture. Despite her collaboration
with Yoemem, Painter, like Spicer, assumes that Yoeme religiosity is essentially a
belief-system that makes oppositional distinctions between pre-Christian and
Christian-Yoeme views. Moreover, one can see in her text that her Yoeme
collaborators’ statements do not always support Painter’s conclusions. [10]
Painter’s interpretation of these performances is evident in her concluding
remarks on the respective dancers. Her views are in line with Spicer’s
comprehension of the pahko’olam as being fundamentally “profane” clowns who

dance in order to retain the crowd’s interest in them (Spicer 1980, 94). Yet, Painter
wavers on her own ability to make such claims. Of the pahko’ola, she states that
“ . . . it is true that he has been given a function in the ceremonies, although
primarily as an entertainer and ceremonial host” (Painter 1986, 271). She then ends
her section on the pahko’ola several sentences later, almost defending the previous
statement with an interpretive disclaimer: “it is difficult to obtain a precise
statement as to the deeper meanings and derivation of the pascola role” (ibid. 272).
Painter supplies the reader with many Yoeme views about pahko’ola dancing (ibid.
282– 305), but in her own interpretative framework surrounding those “insider”
voices, she implies that pahko’olam are important to Yoeme ritual only as clowns.
Painter points towards ritual efficacy without fully appreciating the importance
of a performative approach for an understanding of contemporary Native
American cultures when she says that, “ . . . it is only with the deer that the
pascolas can recreate the ancient world, remembered in dance, mimetic
dramatization, and in the words of the ancient deer songs.” In her assessment
of Yoeme dancing, she concludes that:
there appears to be no way to determine how important in earlier days the deer songs and
dances were merely as entertainment. They have been continued after the ritual function has
fallen into disuse (Painter 1986, 299).
Painter here rehearses a crucial problem in the study of Native American ritual
activity. Her approach precludes the possibility of discovering how Yoemem value
entertainment as having a religious perspective, by suggesting that ( pahko’ola)
dancing should no longer be conceived as efficacious ritual performance.
The effect of such thinking, as Sam Gill warns, “is to distract us from
understanding the full religious importance of clowns” (1982, 95). As Gill was
addressing the interpretation of clowns, ceremonial hosts, and masked dancers
who use humour in indigenous ceremonies, his comments are directly relevant to
pahko’olam, and offer an alternative interpretation to those provided by Spicer and
Painter. Whereas the latter authors have viewed pahko’olam as having evolved into
entertainers within deer dances, Gill argues that most clowns balance the
evocation of fear with that of humour. The uses made of the cross by pahko’ola
dancers, their often vulgar actions, their dancing with, and their sometimes killing
of the deer, their ability to make us laugh and to instil fear with threats of public
embarrassment, support Gill’s claim that clowning embodies a mastery of
symbolic inversion. “As a consequence,” he writes, “ritual clowns commonly have
the powers to heal, to bring luck in hunting and war, and to assure fertility in
plants, animals, and human beings” (ibid. 96). The contrast is clear, and Painter’s
and Spicer’s readers would be left to assume that Yoemem may have originally
danced pahko’ola for real, life-changing reasons, but “that was then,” and now they
perform merely to provide a humorous spectacle. An approach closer aligned to
Gill’s would illustrate not only the humour and art of the pahko’olam, but their
power and ritual accomplishments.
Dancing as Knowing
Like most indigenous ritual, the Yoeme deer dance is centrally concerned with
space, both physical and cosmological. Since the deer dancer is thought to embody
the original deer, Evers and Molina have written that deer songs place Yoeme
listeners in direct relation with their collective past. In their examination of deer
songs, they refer to both group identity, and group survival:
The deer songs are regarded as one of the most essential expressions of what it is to remain
Yaqui after four and one-half centuries of attempts to destroy their communities and to dissolve
them as a people. The continuance of Yoeme deer songs is thus directly related to Yoeme
memories of their history and survival as a people (Evers and Molina 1987, 19).
The two authors bring the study of Yoeme culture to an ethnographic highpoint by
combining comprehensive translations, rich cultural interpretations, field notes,
and many Yoeme voices in their work. Their description of Yoeme poetics relies on
local understandings of history as formed and performed through deer songs.
Evers and Molina clearly move beyond seeing these activities as solely
“profane” entertainment, and challenge us to consider how deer and pahko’ola
dancing offer the community insights into Yoeme religious history. Yoeme ritual
performances are occasions during which to share memories and establish a
collective identity, bonding old and young. By focusing on the spaces and places
remembered again and again in Yoeme ritual activity, Yoemem combine
Catholicism and indigenous Yoeme knowledge in order to maintain a singing
and blossoming worldview. By dissolving the hermeneutic dichotomy between
Catholic sacrality and profane native arts—a distinction that informed the works
of earlier writers such as Spicer and Painter—we see emerging a particularly
Yoeme form of historicising the dynamic of collaboration with the Jesuits centuries
earlier. For example, during the deer dance, pahko’olam inscribe crosses on the
ground, while invoking as saints the names of animals important to aboriginal life.
These inscriptions demarcate the performance space as well as the place of sharing
collective identity. They provide a context by which to better understand Yoeme
concepts of ritual theory and epistemology, since the symbol of the cross literally
becomes de-symbolised and actually embodied with agency.
Pahko’ola behaviour is a purposeful means of establishing, transmitting, and
reinforcing the ultimate values of Yoeme culture, while appearing to make light of
them. Molina emphasises this point when he explains that a moro (“ritual leader”)
will lead the pahko’olam into the pahko santo heka (“ritual dance area”) because
“they are not humans at this time.” Molina adds, “They started to say things that
popped into their minds—crazy things, because they were still on the side of
the Devil.” In these ways we understand that pahko’olam are different beings—
they become “over there,” in a place of otherness. Asking his grandfather why
they sometimes shouted, Molina was told, “this was because they were trying to
scare and frighten away the Devil, who was lurking in the area round the fiesta
ground” (Evers and Molina 1987, 83). Molina then adds that the pahko’olam created
a space for the pahko to begin:
They stood toward the east, home of the Texans, and they asked for help from santo mocho’okoli
(holy horned toad). Each pahko’ola marked a cross on the ground with the bamboo reed with
which the moro had led him into the ramada. Then they stood toward the north and said: “Bless
the people to the north, the Navajos, and help me, my santo vovok (holy frog), because they are
people like us,” and they marked another cross on the ground. Still they stood toward the west
and said, “Bless the Hua Yoemem (Papagos) and help me my santo wikui (holy lizard),” and they
marked another cross on the ground. Finally they stood toward the south and said: “To the
south, land of the Mexicans, bless them and help me my santo vehori (holy tree lizard),” and they
marked the last cross on the ground. The head pahko’ola said: “My holy crosses, we have
marked you on the ground so that you can protect us from all evil that might harm us.” . . .
Now that the ground had been blessed and purified, the pahko was ready to begin. The deer
dancer would arrive shortly, and the people were ready to enjoy and be blessed by the pahko
(Evers and Molina 1987, 83 –4).
Molina’s description of pahko’olam spatialising the pahko santo enables us to
understand ritual performance as actual social transformation, as opposed to
“simply secular entertainment.” The pahko’olam ask the “holy” animals to bless the
neighbouring cultures, the men bless the ground in the four directions with
crosses, and this act of inscription then protects the pahko’olam from evil. [11] Since
the pahko’olam directly address the crosses, we know that the crosses in the ground
are not representational, but, rather, efficacious embodiments with their own
fruitful concerns. The dancers also bless the ground with these crosses, who then
have the ability to return the blessing. We might even regard these inscriptions as
being ironic since the inscribers of the crosses are already ontologically “over
there,” and yet they are creating a boundary where the “over there” is a safe place.
Thus, in these ways they are deliberately working effectively with otherness. We
also see here that the pahko’olam are creating forms that exercise intentionality and
power. Molina also informs us that the entire pahko then blesses the people who
come to enjoy the pahko. In these words, Molina demonstrates the power of ritual,
the importance of spatialising, the community of beings in a Yoeme cosmos, and
the religious significance of “entertainment.”
Molina’s description also highlights the hybrid and syncretic character of
Yoeme worldviews. By referring to the Devil, Molina shows that the beings of the
Christian hierarchy inform appropriate Yoeme actions and morals. Such a view is
further clarified by the pahkolam wishing to be protected “from all evil.” The
question remains, however, as to how holy frogs, lizards and horned toads, are to
be understood. Clearly, the hierarchy of beings is more inclusive than in an
orthodox Roman Catholic cosmology. Moreover, the fact that the dancers address
the crosses directly, and understand them as having agency to bless and protect,
suggests a non-symbolic notion of ritual inscription. The crosses do not refer to a
signified power or deity. Rather, their ontological status demonstrates a Yoeme
theory of ritual that is evident in the saying of prayers over meals, cross greetings,
and throughout other deer and pahko’ola dances. The pahkolam write on the ground
to make a place different from other places, a place where the various Yoeme aniam
can be available, where history can be re-membered, identity developed, and

flower shared. The embodied dancing and singing creates a powerful
relationship between the performance space and all who come to the pahko.
I have relied on Molina’s description to demonstrate that Yoeme worldviews,
for many, cannot be easily condensed into either a sacred– profane dichotomy, or a
Catholic description of Heaven, Hell, and the human saints. While each village
church is a place for Mass and religious processions, the mountains, and the
wilderness world, still provide the community with transformative power. The
deer dance takes, and makes, place wherever it is performed. The pahko’olam
create a safe space, and yet they are associated with the Devil (by some) and with
the little desert friends of the deer (by most). The aniam are present to the
performers and audience. And, as I show below, Yoeme concepts of knowledge

and truth are often bound more to these songs and dances than to the Bible or
scholarly histories.
Deer Dancing as Mission History

Indigenous ceremonial performances offer historical narratives that often run
counter to tropes of conversion. Anthropologists have frequently sought to
explain native people’s conversions with concepts such as “assimilation,”
“acculturation,” “syncretism,” or “fusion.” William Taylor describes how three
main processes—“pagan” resistance, syncretism, or Christian transformation—
have been hypothesised regarding Indian religious change in Mesoamerica,
although his claim is applicable to other regions as well (Taylor 1996, 51 – 62). Due
to what Ashis Nandy (1983) considers the implicit metaphor of conquest, scholars
commonly assume that transformation wins out. Still, many scholars, including
Nandy, work from the position that there was a “shared culture” of colonialism.
According to Taylor, this scholarship acknowledges the accommodation and
appropriation, not just submission, linking the colonised and coloniser (Taylor
1996, 6). [12] Or, as is evident in William Merrill’s ethnographic study of the
Rarámuri worldview, newer religious forms are often adopted to some extent,
although not at the expense of a core of indigenous cosmology (Merrill 1988,
79– 84). At the very least, culture change is a conversation toward both collective
and competing goals. When writing about acculturation and assimilation, we can
choose to posit syncretism and hybridity over models of either simple resistance
or transformation. By doing so, people see their own agency in the emergence of
new cultural forms as well as in the continuation of endemic logic.
Taylor demonstrates multiple ways in which various scholars of colonial New
Spain have pursued syncretic models. Taylor notes that, according to Jorge J. Klor
de Alva (1982) and Miguel León-Portilla (1990), the majority of native groups
borrowed just enough Christian symbolism to appear converted (Taylor 1996, 53).
Taylor also notes that, arising from his study of the Maya, William Madsen (1957)
spoke of two kinds of syncretism—one in which symbols or god-figures were
added without deep change taking place, and another in which emotions and
beliefs actually experienced change. The recognition of these two forms of change
was instructive for Madsen in his work among the Maya. As a result, he came to
the conclusion that this native group did not change its core religious values
during missionary instruction. As with the Yoemem, the Maya were relatively
isolated for almost a century with only a few Jesuits working in their territory.
Although Taylor finds Madsen’s differentiation between deep and surface change
instructive, he has also criticised Madsen for not giving credit to the parish priests
and Jesuits for their roles as insightful and accommodating interpreters of the
Catholic faith (Taylor 1996, 55– 7).
Taylor notes that, like Madsen, Nancy Farriss, who also worked with the Maya,
retained the language of syncretism, while adding to that notion a sense of layered
convergence (Farriss 1984, 57). Farriss tones down the difference between
deep and shallow change, but demonstrates how the Maya merged their
indigenous worldview with Catholic deities and saints forming a “creative
synthesis.” Farriss joins Madsen in representing the Maya as moving toward a
Christian identity without “conversion.” Farriss argues that the three main factors
that enabled this situation to emerge were the lack of Spanish encroachment
deep into Maya territory during the first century of Jesuit relations, the small
numbers of Jesuits present, and their sense of necessary indigenous moulding of
doctrine. Although the missionary conditions expressed by Farriss and Madsen
were much different to what natives encountered in southern and central Mexico,
the Yucatan experiences are important here since their geohistorical contexts are
similar to the Yoeme example.
Because both Madsen and Farriss downplay the internal native agency and logic
that clearly must inform any reading of “conversion,” I will return to the Yoemem
by way of more promising scholarship. I wish to specifically mention the works of
Inga Clendinnen, Elizabeth Wilder Weismann, and Kenneth Morrison, who
interpret cultural change as reflecting a coherent indigenous sensibility and
intelligence. Clendinnen (1987, 154–60) finds that some colonial native groups in
Central Mexico appropriated only those aspects of Catholicism that seemed
appropriate within their pre-existing religious logic—for example, the adoption of
saints as other-than-human intercessors, or Mary as a powerful feminine
embodiment of fertility. Weismann (1985) reaches a similar conclusion in her
study of Central Mexican indigenous art, asserting that the Indians adopted those
Christian practices that were familiar to, or even strengthened, pre-contact religious
ideas. For both authors, Catholic drama in ceremonies and myth provided local
tribes with additional means of expressing and thus of continuing non-European
worldviews. While both authors seem attached to uncritical notions of “the sacred”
and “deities,” Taylor rightfully considers Clendinnen’s and Weismann’s works to
be exemplary studies as they focus on religious change under colonialism, without
utilising common concepts of substitution, imposition, and loss. Taylor gives credit
to these two authors for opening “the possibility that Indians innovated in order to
maintain the familiar” (1996, 61). In this way, we can come closer to understanding
native responses to colonial mission as being, in William K. Power’s words, “logical
transformations based on earlier cultural context” (1987, 124).
As an ethnohistorian of native colonial encounters and their effects on
indigenous religiosity, Kenneth Morrison provides an eloquent description of, and
direct assault on, the widespread use of “conversion” in both colonial and mission
histories. Describing the intersection of seventeenth-century and early eighteenth-
century eastern Algonkian and French-Catholic cosmologies, Morrison demon-
strates that religious change need not mean “conversion”:
The main problem with conversion is that it stipulates a particular and singular outcome to
religious encounter. To describe eastern Algonkian religious change as conversion is to fail to
understand that change itself is a process, and particularly a process of discerning, negotiating,
making, and adapting religious meaning. The category conversion is intimately related to the
pervasive view that Native American history proceeds in terms of victimization and cultural
decline, and in terms of non-Indian views of a universal, progressive, and Christian history
(2002, 33 –4).
Morrison’s work calls for more nuanced interpretations of cultural exchanges and
transformations. He holds that religious change did occur in the seventeenth and
early eighteenth centuries, but he is also correct to doubt the usefulness of the label
“conversion” in that context. Morrison’s conviction is persuasive:
Conversion claims that Native Americans came to agree with pervasive and aggressive
critiques of their cultures and lifeways. Conversion denies that either pre- or post-contact
Native American cultures had or have systematic and rational integrity. Conversion contends
that Native Americans themselves perceived the superior truth claims of Christianity as a series
of over-arching theological and cultural propositions about the nature of reality. Conversion
claims that Native Americans repudiated their religious traditions, and thus their way of
perceiving, thinking, valuing, and acting. Conversion concludes that Native Americans turned
away from ancient truth, and moved toward a system which offered them a morally better, and
intellectually more effective, way of understanding the world. Conversion stipulates that
Christianity proclaims a new truth by which Native Americans could understand an
unprecedented, post-contact world. In all these ways, conversion is a problematic category, and
one that fails utterly to understand the distinctive and integral character of Native American
life both before and after contact (2002, 33 – 4).
Morrison challenges us to engage more carefully with the epistemological systems
from which natives were reasoning, and the values on which they relied, to decide
which cultural changes were practical. He appears to justify then an abandonment
of the term “conversion” in those cases of culture contact that appear not to entail a
consummate exchange of values.
We might put this another way. If, as Vicente Rafael writes (1993, xvii),
conversion entails “the act of winning someone’s voluntary submission” and the
“restructuring of his or her desires as well,” then we have no reason to believe that
Yoemem converted to Catholicism in the seventeenth century. From what we can
tell—using previous ethnographic accounts as well as Yoeme ritual and myth as
evidence—Yoemem adopted (as one would adopt a child) Catholic personae and
associated relations into their still-visible and still-sensible religious worldview.
Of course, deer dancing and pahko’olam are just a few embodied claims by which
to counter the comments of one historian of Yoeme missionisation, who stated:
“Jesuits proceeded to stamp out what they considered to be heathen customs”
(Hu-DeHart 1981, 32). Spicer, on the other hand, describes the conditions that
placed Yoeme in control of their “directed cultural change.” Yoemem in the
seventeenth century had been inspecting Jesuit missions south of their own
territory for years before inviting the Jesuits into their homeland in 1616. One year
later, Father Andrés Pérez de Ribas arrived with another missionary, Tomás
Basilio, and four Zaque Indian converts who spoke a mutually intelligible
language to Yoeme. As was Jesuit custom at the time, no military escort was
requested, nor was one provided, for their stay in Yoeme territory. Although Pérez
de Ribas left after a year for a higher position in the Society of Jesus, four other
missionaries replaced him. Spicer highlights the fact that in the next century of
Jesuit presence, no more than six missionaries at a time were living within the
Yoeme villages. This low ratio of Jesuits to Yoemem is of primary importance.
In order to understand Yoeme religious change in the seventeenth century, it is
necessary to account for the dynamics of Jesuit instruction. If, as many historians
state, the Yoeme population in the mid-1600s was around thirty thousand, then
there were, at least, about five thousand Yoemem per Jesuit. Since this period also
entailed the process of consolidating the more than eighty Yoeme rancherı́as into
eight pueblos, there were clearly some pueblos without constant Jesuit presence.
We know that the Jesuits managed their project by developing a programme to
train temastianes; that is, Yoeme church assistants. These locals were the first to
learn the Catholic prayers and would assist in communicating the Jesuit message
to the other community members. According to Spicer, the villagers would only
see the Jesuits at Sunday Mass or at the large, collective ceremonies (1961, 440).
Thus, the primary work of translating Catholicism to the people fell upon the
temastianes, of which there were never more than twenty (Spicer 1980, 21). Spicer
was of the opinion that this mediation process on the part of a small group of
Yoemem, still residing with kin groups in the villages, remains the important
factor in order to understand how Yoemem actively adopted some new religious
forms, but not necessarily their meanings (1961, 33).
From Spicer’s point of view, the ratio of Yoemem to Jesuits, the role of the
temastianes, and the absence of any non-Jesuit Spanish in Yoeme communities for
over a century enabled Yoemem to pick and choose what parts of Catholicism
resonated with pre-contact worldviews (1958, 434– 8; 1980: 20– 1, 60 and 62). The
cross provides a telling example of this. Looking back over two hundred years,
Spicer writes that Yoemem somehow seemed very receptive to the cross. But,
despite Jesuit intentions, they referred to the cross as “our mother” and, placing
her in a dress with ornamentation, they celebrated her at their spring festival
(Spicer 1958, 434– 6; 1961, 31). Spicer suggests that the cross may have been used
before Jesuit contact in 1617, because, when Pérez de Ribas first arrived, he was
greeted by a large gathering of Yoemem, each of whom held small crosses (Spicer
1961, 31). Moreover, from watching the interplay between references to the church
and the huya ania, or wilderness world, Spicer labels the religious change as one of
“oppositional integration,” where the Yoemem were offered “alternatives” to their
existing religion (1961, 29– 30; 1980, 70).
Continuing Spicer’s line of reasoning, we can return to contemporary deer and
pahko’ola dances to see how Yoeme ceremonial integration attests to a critical and
practical response to Jesuit alternatives. These rituals and their embodiments
within the larger ceremonial calendar demonstrate the Yoeme adoption of
Catholic alternatives into a still-visibly indigenous religious logic. In these
contemporary performances, we can learn from Yoemem themselves about Yoeme
reception and materialisation of Catholicism. After weeks of preparing for Easter,
and of slowly dramatising the passion of Mary and Jesus in Lent, the narrative
climaxes in the defeat of evil and the triumph of Jesus.
Spatially, the deer and pahko’olam are at the centre of that ritual. When the
villagers and spectators leave the church and plaza, they follow the deer and
pahko’olam back towards the everyday, towards their homes, and towards the
desert. This movement is one of return, and also of sustenance. We can see that
Yoeme identity is sustained through the embodiment of Yoeme relations to Jesus,

Mary, deer, and to other living beings. Such relations are aptly defined by the
Yoeme concepts of “flower.”
In his comprehensive analysis of flower symbolism in Yoeme culture, Morrison
demonstrates how their understanding of flowers as reciprocating sacrifice
provides Yoemem with an indigenous theory of ritual power, by which they
integrated Catholic cosmology and Christian ceremonial performances into their
worldview. In his essay, “Sharing the Flower: A Non-Supernaturalist Theory of
Grace,” Morrison (1992b) works against a wide and deep disciplinary current
of Eliadian influence in the study of religion. [13] Working specifically outside of
sacred– profane and natural – supernatural binaries, Morrison shows the perva-
siveness of flower symbolism, not only in relation to Yoeme conceptions of the

deer and pahko’ola, but also concerning ideas about God, Mary, Jesus, the saints,
and ceremonial labour. He explains how Yoemem understood Christian
dimensionality within pre-existing terms of ritual sacrifice and shared
responsibility among all cosmic beings. Since most of the previous ethnographers
of Yoeme culture dichotomised Yoeme ritual into foreign notions of sacred–
profane, supernatural, worship, or belief, Morrison’s examination of flowers
brings us closer to understanding Yoeme Catholic identity. His analysis of the
concept of “flower” as a non-supernaturalistic theory of grace exemplifies the way
Yoeme ritual, regardless of its Catholic characteristics, proceeds from a
commitment to other-than-human kinship. Morrison’s explanation of Yoeme
ritual theory can help us to think about deer dancing and its continuation, within a
ceremonial calendar that seemingly emphasises Christian devotion more so than a
hunting culture.
Yoemem explain their conceptions of Christianity through their stories of Jesus
living in the Rı́o Yaqui and their portrayals of his life and death during the Easter
ceremonies. For Jesus to come to earth as a man, God enlisted the help of the stars,
sun, moon, and planets, providing a Yoeme ethic of cosmic sharing and reliance on
others. His birth came about only because Mary found a flower in the river while
collecting water and she placed it in her bosom in order to walk home and share
the flower’s beauty with Joseph. In stories of Jesus as a man, Yoemem describe him
as walking in the huya ania, out in the wilderness, healing people among the
flowers. Although he was hot, thirsty, and tired, he had the self-discipline to
keep walking and to keep helping people. When he became frustrated with the
world and wanted to kill everyone, his mother told him that he could only do so if
he returned the breast milk that he had taken from her when he was a child. In this
way, she taught him that humanity relies on giving. And when he was about to be
killed by the soldiers, Mary left for the wilderness and transformed herself into a
tree so that an unknowing Joseph would cut her down and make her into a cross.
Some Yoemem say that she opened up her arms in the shape of a cross and that her
sacrifice for him enabled them both to ascend to heaven. And when Jesus was
nailed to the cross, the blood that flowed from his wounds hit the ground and
sprouted into flowers. For all of these reasons, Yoemem sometimes refer to Jesus as
“flower person.” They relate to him and Mary in the terms of ethical behaviour
and sacrificial reciprocity.
Jesus’ giving of himself for others is further evident in the Easter ceremonies in
which Yoemem portray Jesus during the first weeks of Lent as a baby without a
home, then as a young man, and then during Holy Week as an old man. Towards
the end of the “big week,” the old man is literally chased around the pueblos and
surrounding wilderness by the “soldiers” and by masked “big head” monsters
that seek his death. In the large Lenten processions that take place first weekly,
then on a daily basis, and, lastly, day and night during the last few days of Lent,
Yoemem carry statues of the saints and the Marys (Mary Magdelene, the Virgin
Mary, and Our Lady of Guadalupe) while the fariseos (Pharisees) and masked men
follow in pursuit of Jesus, embodied by the old man. [14] The army, out to find
Jesus, finally catch him in a garden constructed of willow branches, called
Gethsemane. They bring him on horseback around the church plaza so that others
can mock him and tease him, and they tie him to a post and whip him. The old
man’s role is then replaced by a huge crucifix from which hangs the corpus of
Jesus, covered with a white cloth. When they finish acting out the nailing of the
corpus of Jesus to the cross, they lift it and the figure, still covered with a white
cloth, and flowers that were wrapped in its folds fall to the ground beneath where
Jesus now hangs. The fariseos and masked others, who are clearly happy at the
“crucifixion,” move him inside the church and lay the corpus upon a bed of
flowers. During the night, the body of Jesus disappears from under the big noses
of the masked guards. On the morning of Holy Saturday, the fariseos and other
masked ones use a series of processional formations and intensifying staccato
rhythms to rush the church repeatedly. As protectors of the church and the saints
inside, anhelitom (“little angels,” children dressed as beautiful angels) whip these
“evil” aggressors with willow twigs and chase them out of the church. After the
last assault, the black curtain—which had cut off the front quarter from the rest of
the church—is thrown wide open to reveal all the anhelitom and saints. Christ has
risen, the tomb is empty, and the anhelitom chase the defeated aggressors out of the
church for the last time. One of the ceremonial societies of Mary, called matachinis,
play their music and dance flowers for her, holding flower wands and wearing
flower hats. The pahko’olam dance first in the church, then, moving outside the
front doors, they dance around the “flower patio.” Because the deer is dancing and
flowers are everywhere, we know that the performers are successfully presenting
sea ania—the beautiful world of sacrifice and communion—to us. The onlookers
throw confetti flowers at the attacking “soldiers.” For what seems like hours,
multicoloured flowers drifting on the wind shower down upon the community.
After the whole community defeats evil, fireworks shoot into the sky heralding
Saint Michael’s return to heaven, since he has collected everyone’s flowers that
they shared through their ceremonial labour during the previous months. [15]
It might be assumed from this description of Holy Saturday, that Yoemem
simply added the pre-contact deer and pahko’ola dances to the Catholic ceremonial
calendar; or deer dancing might be interpreted as a metaphor for the life and
divine role of Jesus Christ, as the Yoemem were taught about them by the Jesuits.
Clearly, I have described deer-dancing rituals and the Yoeme performance of
Christ’s passion in ways that suggest comparison: the hunt, the sacrifice, the
worlds or aniam involved in the ceremonies, the shared components of flower, and
so forth. I have come to learn, however, that while the comparisons seem evident,
the causal relationship between Yoeme views of Jesus and deer must also be borne
in mind.
Deer dancing, as a pre-hunting ritual, demonstrates Yoeme–deer reciprocity

and an acknowledgment of their mutual sacrifice. Deer dancing, as a
contemporary mode of collective identity formation, demonstrates community
survival in the face of persecution. Additionally, these hunting rituals bring
together a very large body of indigenous Yoeme religious views, including the
deer songs as other-than-human language, the aniam as real and present
geographical transformation, the interplay with pahko’olam as kinship relations,
and, of course, flower symbolism as cosmic and communitarian give and take.
Seen in this larger frame, Yoeme– deer relations provide a pre-existent logic by
which Jesuit stories of Jesus, as well as a history of colonial dynamics with the
Mexican Government, can be understood. My research thus supports the claims of
Evers and Molina, who note that any parallels drawn between deer and “lamb of
God” are basically non-Yoeme interpretations (1987, 129). I would add that the
parallel confuses the poetics with the politics of representation. To say that Yoeme
communities perform the killing of the deer as a native passion play suggests that
an axiological shift, a missionary success story, took place in Yoeme communities.
To contend, however, that Yoemem understand Christian consciousness because
they already understood human– animal relations as being powerful, familial, and
epistemologically grounding, enables us to recognise an indigenous logic that was
neither turned into something else nor “converted.”
Conclusion
At the beginning of this essay I asked why Yoemem continue to perform deer-
hunting ceremonies when their sustenance activities minimally include deer
hunts. I believe that deer and pahko’olam survive because they nourish Yoeme
senses of self through grounded, embodied ritual action. These performances
document a particular history of syncretic traditionalism through both Catholic
references and aboriginal ritual logic. Studying such performances as efficacious
community auto-ethnohistory enables us to better understand how previous
interpretations reflect modernist anthropological impulses. In relation to Yoemem
in particular, when it is realised that they understood Jesus in terms of a deer
figure, and not vice versa, it becomes possible to see how the concept of
“conversion” fails to adequately represent Yoeme history. [16]
We might also use this Yoeme case study as a call for further research on how
aboriginal hunting practices and modes of sustenance have informed both ethical
views on social relationships, as well as indigenous responses to Christian notions
of grace, the supernatural, divinity, worship, religion, and so forth. We might find
that hunting represents what it means to be human. We might also learn that other
native communities continue their hunting ceremonies in some form because, like
the deer and pahko’ola dances, these rituals signify the essential characteristics of
collective identity, the basic ideas of traditional cosmology, and an internal means
of ritualistically “writing” one’s place in the landscape. [17]
Edward Spicer and Muriel Thayer Painter both interpret the deer and
pahko’olam dancing as entertainment, thus constituting profane activities within
the larger, sacred, Catholic ceremonial system of the Yoeme. In order to achieve
a more contextual understanding of Yoeme ritual activity, I have shown some
of the problems that result from categorising culture within modernist binaries.
I have also wanted to show the complexity of notions of “conversion” within

native mission histories. I developed these approaches after asking how Yoeme
ritual was communicating knowledge of collective history, and thus ethnic
identity.
In the Yoeme case, it bears repeating that the “killing of the deer” dance that
I described is only one set of deer songs, among hundreds of others. Deer and
pahko’olam rituals are part of a larger corpus of meaningful religious actions. As I
have suggested, the range of expressed Yoeme religiosity is wide enough to
include among others, agnostics, devout Protestants, and a multitude of
Catholicisms, with each individual relating to pahkom differently. In every
Yoeme pueblo, I have noticed that some Yoeme men and women of all ages seem
to be apathetic to the dances. But these people are always in a minority as most
Yoemem speak of deer dancing as being central to tribal identity. Moreover, we
can see how deer and pahko’ola dancing provide a striking example of Yoeme
epistemology.
In a co-authored article entitled “‘Like this it stays in your hands’: Collaboration
and Ethnopoetics,” Felipe Molina writes that he has come to know ritual in his
community as lutu’uria; that is, as the “knowledge about living in the Yaqui world
that, by virtue of being in the memories of respected community members, is
considered to be central” (Evers and Molina 1998, 26 – 7). Molina draws upon
Spicer’s description of lutu’uria as belonging to those who demonstrate the
“highest of all human qualities” since they spend their entire lives committing
themselves to the fulfillment of Yoeme religious obligations (Spicer 1980, 85).
Molina then specifies that such obligations are nothing less than Yoeme
ceremonial participation. Clearly, lutu’uria is knowledge that is socially
constructed. Molina further explains:
There is then a sense in which the pahko becomes the kind of ‘proving ground’ . . . Subsequent
performances during the ceremonies in the towns will be the occasion for this knowledge to be
recognized and validated (Evers and Molina 1998, 27).
Molina directs our attention to a type of knowledge that we might recognise in
other indigenous cultures, namely social knowledge. His description of the ritual
performance of knowledge also supports a central promise of performance
studies; that is, that we move our bodies in ways that shape what and how we
know, or what Nancy Hartsock has called “standpoint epistemology” (1984,
231– 4; 1987, 204–6). Providing a community-based definition of knowledge and a
social method of verification, Molina’s description of lutu’uria demonstrates how
deer and pahko’ola rituals provide Yoeme communities with a veritable historicism.
Although the inscription process takes (and makes) place through non-literate
acts, pahko’olam differentiate Catholic and Yoeme personae, dimensions, and ways
of knowing—effectively, these acts are performed ethnographies of a certain
Yoeme lifeworld that many community members consciously engage with as their
tribal identity. If these histories and interpretations of Yoeme culture lack western
or historically academic notions of “documentation” or anthropologically
verifiable “data,” then we know that the rituals are fulfilling at least one purpose;
that is, “the pahko is a place where an opposition between knowledge gained in the
towns and knowledge gained in the mountains is negotiated” (Evers and Molina
1998, 27). Yoeme community knowledge—indeed, a Yoeme epistemology—from
the times of Jesuit contact until now, is clearly sustained through the negotiation
of ritual.
Acknowledgements
This particular research project was made possible thanks to the funding obtained
from a University of California Dissertation Research Grant, the Andrew W. Mellon
Foundation, the National Science Foundation (Award #0603320), and a New
Frontiers in the Arts and Humanities Exploration Traveling Grant from Indiana
University. This piece would not have been possible without the help of the
author’s Yoeme collaborators, particularly Guillermo Amarillas Flores (Potam

Pueblo) and Felipe Silvestre Molina (Marana Pueblo). Sara Friedman, Mary Gray,
Kathryn Lofton, the two anonymous reviewers, and the Editor of Folklore provided
invaluable editorial advice. All translations in the text are the author’s, unless
otherwise noted. All photographs were taken with the expressed permission of the
performers. Tribal authorities do not allow documentation of ceremonies in any of
the Yoeme (Yaqui) communities, except by permission.
Notes
[1] To see video clips and many of the images—the deer dance, the pahko’ola dances, the deer-
dancing symbol in Mexican popular culture—associated with this essay, please refer to the
author’s website “Vachiam Eecha: Planting the Seeds” (http://hemi.nyu.edu/eng/cuaderno.
shtml).
[2] The Yoeme Indians are more widely known as “Yaqui” or the “Yaquis.” I use “Yoeme” since my
collaborators refer to themselves in their own language as “Yoeme” (plural, “Yoemem”). The
terms “Yaqui” and “Yaquis” are retained in direct quotes and references. In this paper I have
usually given the plural form (with the addition of an “m” of Yoemi words). Evidenced
throughout the rest of the paper, most Yoeme words are pluralised with the addition of an “m”
at the end of the word.
[3] As with all fieldwork, mine is particularly situated within a certain network of collaboration
and resistance. I work primarily in Barrio Santamea of Potam Pueblo, the largest and most
central among the Yoeme pueblos in Sonora, Mexico. I began my field research in 1992 and I
have continued to visit since then. My personal relationships with collaborators have
developed over time, from that of researcher, student, to ceremonial kin, friend, and patron.
My collaborators are fieldworkers, elders, ritual specialists, and teachers. They are mostly men
and all at least bilingual.
[4] Muriel Thayer Painter collected numerous warnings and requirements regarding deer – human
relationships, many of them analogous to curers who transmit power through their eyes and
do not blow on hot medicines (1986, 272– 80).
[5] For reasons of the scope of this essay and community privacy, I do not describe here the tenku
ania, tuka ania, kawi ania, vawe ania, teeka ania, or nao ania (the latter being the corn cob world
accessed for witchery).
[6] Yoeme religiosity, as with other worldviews, allows for a wide range of perspectives. See
Shorter (2002, 63 –4) for a detailed description of how various community members have come
to represent “aboriginal” life-ways as being less-Catholic and, therefore, immoral.
[7] The pahko’ola regalia are analysed in depth in Robinson (1992). For descriptions of the female
societies, see Painter (1986, 143– 50) and Erickson (2000, 227– 52).
[8] For more information on how Redfield, Spicer’s thesis director, came to the quoted conclusion,
see Edward H. Spicer, letter to Robert Redfield, 11 February 1940, “Unprocessed
Correspondence between Edward Spicer and Robert Redfield” (Spicer 1942b).
[9] Spicer’s interpretations may have reflected a comment that Juan Valenzuela made one
afternoon in conversation: “The pascolas don’t come from the people of the enchantment. They
just make jokes about coming from somewhere before they begin to dance” (Spicer 1942a).
After spending, by this point, thirty years working in Yoeme communities, Spicer may not have
recognised when his questions continued to be eluded.
[10] James Clifford notes: “Polyphonic works are particularly open to readings not specifically
intended” (1988, 52).

[11] The types of animals addressed vary among pahko’olam. The practice of addressing these
animals supports dialogic relations with the wilderness world. In this case, particularly,
lizards, toads, and other desert animals that walk close to the ground may be addressed due to
their close connection with bringing rain in Yoeme cosmology. Personal conversation with
Herminia Valenzuela and Felipe S. Molina, 21 June 1996.
[12] This view of the shared culture of colonisation is also taken up by Morrison (1979), Scott (1985,
1990), and Trigger (1985, 183– 225).
[13] See also Morrison (1992a; 1992b; 2002). A well-developed critique of Eliadian thinking
throughout religious studies is Dudley (1977).
[14] The “big headed” or masked monsters of the fariseos group belong to a secret society whose
name, I am warned, should not appear in print outside of Lent. As a respectful gesture, I will
use circumlocution regarding these performers.
[15] My understanding of the Yoeme dramatisation of this battle between good and evil reflects an
approach to ethnographically reading indigenous rituals. In particular, I agree with Trexler that
“missionary theatre of Mexico was ethnography” (1987, 594; his emphasis). In contrast to
Trexler’s focus on the clergy’s role as the ethnographic authors, however, I would prefer to
think diachronically about native authorship and communicative intentions, both internally
and externally.
[16] In a similar manner, Jeffrey Anderson (2001, 695– 6) examines how the Northern Arapaho
translation of the Christian prayer, “Our Father,” negates the label of religious “conversion.”
[17] Along this line of questioning, I am intrigued by the work of other scholars working among
native hunters. Tim Ingold (2004), Sylvie Poirier (2004), and Adrian Tanner (2004), are among
the authors providing both the casestudies and the theoretical models that might enable a
better understand of the importance of hunting to indigenous ontology and epistemology.
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Biographical Note
David Delgado Shorter is an Assistant Professor of Folklore and Ethnomusicology at

Indiana University. With degrees in Religious Studies and History of Consciousness, he has
worked with the Yoeme (or Yaqui) people of northwest Mexico and southern Arizona since
1992. Shorter’s forthcoming book (University of Nebraska Press) examines Yoeme ritual
practices, ethnic identity, and epistemology. More can be learned of his research by visiting
his website (http://www.indiana.edu/,folklore/Menu_FacultyStaff.html).

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Hunting for History in Potam Pueblo: A Yoeme (Yaqui)

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Hunting for History in Potam Pueblo: A Yoeme

Deer Hunting as a Mode of Sustenance

Deer Dancing as Entertainment

comprehension of the pahko’olam as being fundamentally “profane” clowns who

can be available, where history can be re-membered, identity developed, and

performers and audience. And, as I show below, Yoeme concepts of knowledge

Deer Dancing as Mission History

Yoeme identity is sustained through the embodiment of Yoeme relations to Jesus,

siveness of flower symbolism, not only in relation to Yoeme conceptions of the

Deer dancing, as a pre-hunting ritual, demonstrates Yoeme–deer reciprocity

I have also wanted to show the complexity of notions of “conversion” within

author’s Yoeme collaborators, particularly Guillermo Amarillas Flores (Potam

intended” (1988, 52).

Morrison, Kenneth M. “Towards a History of Intimate Encounters: Algonkian Folklore, Jesuit

University Press, 1983.

David Delgado Shorter is an Assistant Professor of Folklore and Ethnomusicology at

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