Rebels and Gnostics: al-Mug̣īra Ibn Saʿīd and the Mug̣īriyya

Author(s): W. F. Tucker
Source: Arabica, T. 22, Fasc. 1 (Feb., 1975), pp. 33-47
Published by: Brill
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4056451
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 REBELS AND GNOSTICS:
AL-MUcfIRA IBN SA'ID AND THE MU4IRIYYA

BY

W. F. TUCKER

BY 700 the Umayyad dynasty of Damascus had ruled the Islamic

I.) state for almost forty years. During the half century after 700
the dynasty encountered a succession of political, religious, and social
upheavals in the province of Iraq. These disorderz contributed signi-
ficantly to the ultimate collapse of the Damascus government. Among
the groups of 'icite extremists which participated in these outbreaks
was a party known as the Mugiriyya, the followers of al-Mugira ibn
Sa'Id. Aside from their role in Umayyad history and their contributions
to extremist 'icite doctrine, the Mugiriyya deserve attention because
of the curious (perhaps only to the Western observer) manner in
which they combined in action and idea a form of gnosticism (with its
connotations of extreme spiritualism) with a militance and exclusive-
ness ultimately manifested in violence and terrorism.
Although information concerning the life and doctrines of al-
MuAira ibn Sacid is more complete than that for many gicite heresiarch
it still leaves much to be desired, particularly in respect to his social
and economic position. The sources generally agree on at least one
point, namely that he was blind. Ibn Qutayba records a poem in
which al-Mugira is called al-A' md, ((the blind one))'. Another work
describes him as having been both old and blind 2. But little agreement
exists regarding other data on al-Mugira. Even his ethnic identity
in dispute. The best indication of this is to be seen in the work of
gahrast,ini who, in one place, calls al-Mugira al-I#li (member of the
Banu 'Igl) but then proceeds to refer to him as a Mawla (non-Arab)
of Halid ibn 'Abd Alliah, the famous governor of Iraq who belonged
to the Banu Bagila 3. Other authorities generally avoid the contra-

- 1. Abul Mu4ammad 'Abd Allah ibn Muslim IBN QtTAYBA, 'Uyun al-A&bbr, II (Cairo,
1964), 146.
2. Abul 'Utman 'Amr ibn Bahr AL-(4Ax, Kitcb al-Bayan wa-l-Tabyin, I, Part II
(Cairo, 1949), 267.

3. Mu14ammad ibn 'Abd al-Karim AL-gAHRAST!NI, al-Milal wa-l-Ni4al, I (Cairo,

Arabica, Tome XXII, Fascicule 1

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 34 W. F. TUCKER [2]

diction by designating him either as al-'IglB or as Mawld. A possible

solution to the dilemma is suggested by the fact that al-Mugira's
grammar was poor. One may hazard a guess that he was in fact a
Mawld, since, as Goldziher pointed out, the Arabs were quick to
ridicule the Mawdlt for linguistic errors 1.
Al-Mugira appears to have been a sort of magician or, at least,
familiar with the occult sciences 2. Tabarl- for example, calls him a
wizard 3 and records a story to the effect that al-Mugira visited
cemeteries, murmuring some sort of incantations over the graves 4.
Tabarl's story, however, is somewhat suspicious, and the entire
episode may well be a hostile fabrication. Kassi reports that al-Mugira
learned magic from a Jewish woman 5. It should be pointed out that
there is no reason to doubt altogether that al-Mugira dabbled in some
form of magic. Wizards and diviners appear to have been accepted
in al-Mugira's time and region as a part of the natural order 6. Al-
Mugira's skill in matters of the occult or magic, furthermore, may
have been an important factor in attracting followers to him.
Al-Mugira, according to some accounts, engaged in the fabrication
of kHadit. One individual is supposed to have stated that he did not
know of a single sound H!adit from al-Mugira 7. Elsewhere one reads

1961), 176. Cf. MirzA Muhammad AL-ASTARABiDI, Minhd# al-Maqcl ft llm Ia-RBi#l
(Teheran, 1313 H.), 340.
1, Ignaz GOLDZIHJR, Muelim Studie8, trans. C. R. BARBER and S. M. STERN, I
(Chicago, 1967), 115. For al-Mugira's grammar of. IB QUTAYBA, Kitdb al-Ma'trif
(Cairo, 1883), 206; gams al-Din Muhammad ibn Aljiad AL-DAHABI, Mizan al-l't
ft Naqd al-Ri#i1, IV (Cairo, 1963), 161.
2. Sams ad-Din Sibt IBN AL-6AWZI, Mir'"& al-Zamdn ft Ta'rib al-A'yan, Bodle
library, Oxford University, Ms. Pococke 371, fol. 139a. My appreciation to the adminis-
tration and staff of Oxford University, particularly the Bodleian library, for making
photostatic copies of the relevant pages available to me. Cf. Sihab al-Din IBN 5A6An
AL-'ASQALLNI, Li&in al-Mizdn, VI (Hyderabad, 1331 H.), 76; 'Abd al-Hamid IBw ABI
AL-HADID, garh NahI al-Bald#a, VIII (Cairo, 1960), 121.
3. Abil (a'far Muh.ammad ibn (arir AL-TABAR!, Tadn4 al-Ruul wa-l-Mulik, II
(Leiden, 1964), 1620. Cf. eal14 al-Din Muhammad IBN gixn AL-KuTuBI, 'Uyin ad-
Tawdri, Biblioth6que Nationale Ms., Arabe 1587, fol. 163a. My thanks to the adminis-
tration and staff of the Bibliotheque Nationale for their kind assistance in my research.
4. TABAR!, Ta'r4, II, 1619.
5. Abiu 'Amr Mu.hammad ibn 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz AI1-KAAI, Ri#dl al-Kair =
Maarifa al-Ri#dIl (Karbali', 1963), 196.
6. Alfred GUILLAumE, Pro.phecy and Divination among the Hebrew and otkher Semite8
(London, 1938), 188.
7. AL.DAHABI, Minzn, IV, 162.

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 [3] AL-MUGIRA AND THE MUGIRIYYA 35

that 6a'far al-$adiq accused al-Mugir

of Muhammad al-Baqir (the fifth imdm and father of xa'far) 1.
Although these reports are undoubtedly exaggerated, there is no
reason to discount their essential accuracy. Clearly al-Mugira did
transmit spurious .Hadit.
Al-Mugira and Bayan ibn Sam'an (extremist il'ite leader) joined
forces in 737 and rose in rebellion against Halid ibn 'Abd AIIth al-
Qasri, Umayyad governor in Iraq 2. Hilid is said to have been so
surprised at the news of the revolt that he exclaimed: ( Give me water
to eat (sic)) 3! This account comes from the satirical poem of Ibn
Nawfal, which, directed against Halid, purports to show his terror
in the face of this minor emeute 4. This is clearly an attempt to
discredit Halid because of his loyalty to the Umayyads (widely hated
in Iraq). Al-Mubarrad states that Halid had previously given al-Mugir
an amnesty, but, as Francesco Gabrieli has shown, this information
is erroneous. The amnesty mentioned probably was given to another,
earlier rebel named Razin 5.
It is difficult, in fact nearly impossible, to determine how many
individuals took part in the revolt. Tabari, followed by Ibn Katir,
gives the number as only seven 6. Al-Mubarrad, on the other hand,
sets the figure at twenty 7. Both estimates are probably too low,
and in any case, Mugira and Bayan had followers who survived them.
It is of particular interest to note that al-Mugira's group included
both Arabs and Mawdli. We know that Mawdli of some sort partici-

1. AL-KA..I, Ri#41, 196. Similar accounts may be found in the following: Mir Mu.tafa
al-HusaynI AL-TAFRIMI, Naqd al-Ri#ll, British Museum Ms., Or. 3640, fol. 206b. My
thanks to the staff of the British Museum for their kind assistance. Muhammad ibn
('Abd al-) Rasfil al-garif al-I.usayni AL-MtsAwf, al-Nawcqid 1i I-RaWilfi4 wa-.-Nawfi4,
Library of the India Office Ms., Delhi 971, fol. 23b. This is one of a number of India
Office manuscripts discussing Islamic sects. My thanks to the staff for their aid in my
research.
2. Prince Leone CAzTAI, Chronographia Il8amica, V (Paris, 1922), 1481; Gerlof
VAN VLOTEN, De Opkomst der Abbasiden in Chorasan (Leiden, 1890), 66.
3. Abui al-Fara4 AL-IrAHiNI, Kitab al-A 4nf, XXII (Beirut, 1960), 20.
4. AL-61iHiz, Bayan, I, Part II, 266-267.
5. Francesco GAITrZU, It Califfato di Hiaham, Mdmoire de la Sociitd Archologique
d'Alexandrie, VII (1935), 18, note 1.
6. AL-TABARI, Ta'r(i-, II, 1621; 'Imid al-Din Abiu l-Fidl Ismi'll ibn 'Umar IBN KATIB,
al-Bidya wa-l-Nih4iya ft L-Ta'rfl, IX (Cairo, 1932), 323.
7. Mu.hammad ibn Yazid AL-MUBARRAD, al-.amil fi L-Lujja wa-L-Adab (Cairo,
n.d.), 20.

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 36 W. T. TUCKER [4]

pated in the rebellion 1. Wellhausen claims that they were Persian,

but this is uncertain 2. They may, on the other hand, have belonged
to the indigenous Aramaean population of Iraq. The Arabs involved
in the Mugiriyya were elements of Bagila, Kinda, and 'Igl 3. Inter-
estingly enough, the same tribes were involved in the rebellion of al-
Mubt&r in Iraq and in the terrorist sect led by Abiu Mansuir al-'I'li 4.
There are indications that al-Mugira taught his followers to look
upon themselves as an elite whose mission was to spread his teachings 5.
They appear, for example, to have been given a special name, al-
Wusafa', ((the servants)> 6. This name suggests that al-Mugira imbued
his supporters with a spirit of service and missionary dedication and
zeal. The implication takes on added significance when one considers
al-Malati's report that the Mugiriyya believed in freedom of behavior
for those who exerted themselves or suffered injury on behalf of the
'Alids 7. The emphasis here upon devotion to and suffering for a
special cause indicates the cultivation of a sense of exclusiveness, i.e.
elitism. A further sign of elitist feeling may be seen in the fact that
the Mugiriyya, after al-Mugira's death in all probability, began to
resort to the assassination of opponents (religious and/or social-
political opposition) 8. It is evident that they believed themselves to
be God's chosen, whose duty it was to eliminate the <x sons of darkness >.
After the death of al-Mugira the leadership of the movement went
to an individual named 6dbir al-4u'fi 9. 6&bir's successor was a
certain Bakr al-A'war al-Ha'arl 10, of whom nothing is known. 6dbir

1. TABARf, Ta'rh, II, 1622.

2. JUliUs WELLHAUSEN, The Arab Kingdom and it8 Fall, trans. M. (G. WExI
(Beirut, 1963), 327.
3. A'6i HAMDIN, untitled poem, in Diwan al-A'8ha: Gedichte von Abil Bashir
Maimun ibn Qai8 al-A'8ha nebst Sammlungen von Stiicken Anderer Dichter de8 Gleichen
Beinamens und von al-Mu8ayyab ibn A'las, Gibb Memorial Series, N. Ser., VI (London,
1928), 336, no. 33.
4. Ahmad ibn Ya.hya AL-BALADuRI, Kitab al-An8ab wa-l-A?rdf, V (Jerusalem,
1936), 248, 254; IBN QtJTAYBA, 'Uyiin, II, 147; AL-61mI, Kitab al-.Hayawan, II (2n
ed.; Cairo, 1965), 146.
5. Muhammad 6&bir 'ABD AL-'AL, Harakdt al,k?'a l-MutaWarriftn (Cairo, 1954), 41
6. AL-TABARI, Ta'rih, II, 1621.
7. Abiu l-Husayn Muhammad ibn Ahmad AL-MALATI, Kitab al-Tanbih wa-l-Radd
'ala Ahl al-Ahwad' al-Bida' (Istanbul, 1936), 122.
8. AL-Aiz, .Hayawan, II, 267.
9. Abu l-Hasan 'All ibn Isma'il AL-A?'ARI, Maqelct al-Islamiyyin, I (Cairo, 1954),
73.
10. Ibid.

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[5] AL-MUGIRA AND THE MUGIRIYYA 37

al-4u'fi was a person of some stature. A strong 'Alid supporter, he

was a traditionist whose HIadit were accepted by the Imamite l'ites 1
There are indications that he believed in the doctrine of rag'a, # return
from occultation or, possibly, from the dead#>. He died in 128 or
132 H 2.
Al-Mugira ibn Sa'ld is said to have preached the imamate of Muham-
mad al-Baqir (fifth il'ite imam) 3. One authority states that al-
Mugira insisted that al-Baqir was the Mahdi-Qa'im 4. Numerous
other sources indicate, however, that al-Mugira was a partisan not of
al-Baqir, but rather of Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah, known as al-Nafs
al-Zakiyya (the < Pure Soul)>), who along with his brother rebelled
against the 'Abbasid al-Mansuir and was put to death 5. Al-Mugira
apparently believed al-Nafs al-Zakiyya to be the Mahdi 6. What
emerges from the two accounts is that al-Mugira recognized al-Baqir
at first, but after the latter's death or disavowal turned his attention
and allegiance to al-Nafs al-Zakiyya 7. Clearly the account in the
Kitdb al-AKani, according to which al-Mugira and Baydn rose on
behalf of 6acfar al-Sadiq, is incorrect 8.
Following the death of Muhammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyya in 762, the
Mugiriyya split into factions. One group refused to believe that he
had died, arguing that a devil had been killed in his place (an idea
strongly reminiscent of the mysterious 'Abd Allah ibn Saba'). This
faction argued that al-Nafs al-Zakiyya had gone into concealment in
Mount Hagir, from which place he would some day reappear as the

1. Sa'd ibn 'Abd Allah ibn Abi Halaf al-As'ari AL-QUMMi, Kitab al-Maqellt wa-l-
Firaq (Teheran, 1964), 183, editor's note.
2. 'ABD AL-QAIR ibn TThir Muhammad AL-BAGDADI, Mo8lem SchAi8m and Sects
(al-Fark bain al-Firak), trans. A. S. HALKIN (Tel Aviv, 1935), 55, note 1.
3. Abui Sa'id Nasw&n AL-HIMYARI, Kitdb al-HuIr al-In wa-Tanbih al-Sami'rn (Cairo,
1948), 168. Cf. Sabatino MOSCATI, # Per una Storia dell' Antica-i'as)), Rivista degli Studi
Orientali, XXX (1955), 260.
4. AL-QUMMI, Maqdldt wa-l-Firaq, 76.
5. Abu Muzaffar 8Shffir ibn Tahir AL-ISFARi'INI, Tabs&r fJ I-Din (Cairo, 19
73; NAWBAHTi, Firaq, 80. For an account of the rising of Muhammad and Ibrahim,
see the chapter entitled ((Caliph Mansur)) in Theodore NOLDEKE, Sketches from Eastern
History, trans. J. S. BLACK (Beirut, 1963), 107-145.
6. ISFARAVINi, Tabsfr, 73.
7. Wilferd MADELUNG, Der Imam al-Qasim ibn Ibrahim und die Jlaubenslehre der
Zaiditen (Berlin, 1965), 46; Claude CAHEN, Points de vue sur la Revolution 'Abbaside, in
Revue Historique, CCVII (1963), 315.
8. Abu l-Farag AL-ISFAHAN!, Kitab al-Agani, XVI (Beirut, 1959), 342-343.

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 38 W. T. TUCKER [6]

messiah 1. This belief reflects perhaps the impact of the Karibiyya

(or Karbiyya), who taught that Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyya had
gone into concealment in Mount Radwa. The idea of a devil being
killed instead of al-Nafs al-Zakiyya is a further manifestation of
Docetism, an important concept not only among certain gl'ite extre
ists but also with the Gnostics and early Christians 2. In the sources
this section of the Mugiriyya is called the Muhammadiyya. In addition
to the teachings already mentioned, they insisted that when al-Nafs
al-Zakiyya returned in his messianic role, he would receive the people's
allegiance between Rukn and the Maqdm in Mecca. He would then,
they taught, bring to life seventeen men, each of whom would be
given one of the letters of the # Greatest Name # of God. By means
of this power they would defeat armies and establish the messianic
reign on earth 3, a clear instance of the impact of millenarian ideas in
medieval Islam.
Another faction of the Mugiriyya accepted the death of al-Nafs
al-Zakiyya. As a result, they found themselves lacking an imam.
They did not recognize the imamate of anyone else after the death
of al-Nafs al-Zakiyya 4. Still another party repudiated al-Mugira's
ideas after the death of al-Nafs al-Zakiyya, arguing then that al-
Mugira had lied when he referred to al-Nafs al-Zakiyya as the Mahdi.
The latter was not the Mahdi, for he had died without ruling the
earth ((or a tenth of it)> 5. Obviously, these groups encountered
problems common to millenarians when the new order fails to appear.
Some of the Mugiriyya are said to have recognized the imamate of
al-Mugira himself. They believed that he had become imam after
being designated such by Muhammad al-Ba-qir and maintained that
he would continue to be imam until the appearance of the Mahdi,

1. AL-NAWBAHTI, Firaq, 84; Ghulam H. SADIGm, Le8 Mouvemente Religieux Iraniens

au lIe et au IIIe Si9cle8 de l'Hggire (Paris, 1938), 141. Mt. Hikir is said to be one of
the mountains of Radwa in Arabia.
2. Doceti8m, in The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church (London, 1958), 409;
Adolph HARNACK, History of Dogma, trans. from German 3rd ed. by Neil BucHANA
I (Boston, 1905), 259-260; G. BAREILLE, Dociti8me, in Dictionnaire de ThUologie Catholi-
que, IV, Part II (Paris, 1939), cols. 1490-1491.
3. gihab al-Din Ibrahim IBN ABi L-DAM, Dikr ama'd min ahl al-milal wa-l-
nihal, Fatih Kiitiibhanesi, Ms. 3153, fol. 17b. My sincere appreciation to the former
director, M. Dener, and the staff of the Suleymaniye Kutubhanesi for making a micro-
film copy of this manuscript available to me in 1970.
4. NAWBAHTI, Firaq, 80.
5. AL-A?"'AI, Maq&l&t, I, 73.

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[7] AL-MUGIRA AND THE MUGIRIYYA 39

al-Nafs al-Zakiyya 1. Al-Mugira no doubt did nothing to discourage

such a belief. One reads, in fact, that he claimed to be a prophet 2.
Such a claim is quite plausible. His references to al-Baqir and al-Nafs
al-Zakiyya may have been attempts to legitimize his own position by
establishing links with 'Alids. It is instructive to note that al-Muhtar
ibn Abi 'Ubayd, the earlier gi'ite leader of Kfifa, pretended to be a
prophet, while referring to Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyya as the
Mahdi. Al-Mugira's pretensions to supernatural powers add plaus
bility to the reports of his prophetic claim.
One of the most distinctive features of al-Mugira's teachings wa
description of God. He stated that God is a man of light, with a crown
of light on his head 3, a concept strikingly similar to the Mandeaan
idea of the deity. The Mandaeans referred to God as the ((King of
Light)> 4. This Light Deity was in fact identified with the life prin-
ciple itself 5. The Mandaeans considered him to be the source of all
good, the ruler of all worlds and kings, and the creator of forms and
beauty 6. Al-MuAlra's reference to the crown of light is reminiscent
of the Tda (crown) worn on the sleeve by the Mandaean priest 7.
Without suggesting any direct influences or contacts between al-
Mugira and the Mandaeans, the parallels in teaching are of more than
passing interest. The Mandaeans were numerous in Iraq in the time
of al-Mugira. It is said that by the time of the 'Abbasids they had

1. NAWBARTI, Firaq, 83. Cf. Abui l-Qasim 'Abd al-Wahid ibn Ahmad AL-KIMLNI,
Ein Kommentar der Tradition iuber die 73 Seklten, Arabic text published by Sven
DEDERING, Le Monde Oriental, XXV (1931), 41.
2. 'Abd al-Qadir AL-ILATNI, al- Ounya li-talib tariq al-haqq (Cairo, 1322 H.), 99; Abu
l-Fa4l 'Abbas ibn Mansulr ibn 'Abb&s AL-BuIAYHI AL-SAKSAK! al-Hanbali, Kitdb
al-Burhan fi ma'rifa 'aq('id al-adydn, Nuri Osmaniye Kiitubhanesi Ms. 4919, fol. 139a.
Microfilm copy is available in the library of Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana;
For a later account see Abl Sa'id Muhammad ibn al-Azdi AI-QAHI^T!, KitSb al-Kaif
wa-l-bayan, British Museum Ms., Or. 2606, fol. 222a.
3. Anon., al-Sawi'iq al-mu.hriqa li-ihwan al-gayaftn wa-l-daldl wa-l-zandaqa, Library
of the India Office Ms., Delhi 916, 16a.
4. E. S. DROWER (trans.), The Thowsand and Twelve Que8tiona (Berlin, 1960), 13,
114; Mark IaDZBABSKI (trans.), Manddi8che Liturgien (Berlin, 1920), 171; Idem., Das
Johanne8buch der Mandeer (Berlin, 1966), 90.
5. Kurt RUDOLPH, Die Mandder, II (Gottingen, 1960), 122.
6. W. BRANDT, Mankaean8, in Ha8ting8 Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, VIII
(New York, 1961), 383; Kurt RUDOLPH, Theogonie, Kosmogonie, und Anthropogonie in
den Mandidi8chen Schriften (Gottingen, 1965), 77.
7. Israel FBIEDLAENDER, The Heterodoxie8 of the Shi'itea in the pre8entation of Ibn
Ibn IHazm: Commentary, in JAOS, 29 (1908), 83.

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 40 W. T. TUCKER [8]

some four hundred churches, and their leader resided in Bagdad 1.

The physical and doctrinal proximity are worthy of notice, if hardly
compelling arguments for any links between groups.
Among al-Mugira's other speculations was his teaching that God has
limbs which correspond to the letters of the Arabic alphabet 2. His
foot, for example, was likened to the letter alif, while his eyes were
compared with the 'ayn 3. Once more a non-Muslim parallel suggests
itself. Marcos the Gnostic maintained that the body of the Supreme
Wisdom (Aleutheria) was made up of the letters of the Greek alphabet 4.
The head was represented by the alpha and omega, the back by the
delta and tau 5. The basis of Marcos' idea was apparently the assump-
tion that universal forces were revealed in the form of letters 6. The
letters of the Arabic alphabet came to be viewed in extremist gI'ite
circles as being endowed with occult properties 7. From the time of
Abui al-Hattib (d. ca. 762-764 A.D.), the equivalent numerical values
replaced the actual letters of the alphabet 8. Such a practice also
occurred in S$lfism 9. Al-Mugira seems to have been the first gi'ite
thinker to speculate about the mystical nature of the alphabet and
to make it a prominent feature of his teachings.
Al-Mugira is undoubtedly best known for his elaborate theory of the
creation of the world and mankind. According to him, when God
wished to create the world, he first spoke the ( Greatest Name>>. This
flew up to his head and became a crown (Td4) 10, a concept which as
Israel Friedlaender pointed out many years ago is similar to that of
Marcos the Gnostic, who said that God opened his mouth and sent
forth the ( Word ) (obviously the Logos idea) when he wished to

1. Ibid.
2. al-Mahdi li-Din AllIh Ahmad ibn Yah1ya IBN AL-MURTADA, al-Bahr al-zahhdr,
British Museum Ms., Or. 4021, fol. 10b. Cf. AL-HIMYARI, H9zr, 259; IsFARx'IN, Tab?fr, 70.
3. AL-BA4DADI, Schisms (trans. HALKIN), 50.
4. Henri CORBiN, Histoire de la Philosophie I81amique, I (Paris, 1964), 112, 204.
5. IRENAEUS, Irenaeus Against Heresies, text in The Ante-Nicene Fathers, I (Buffalo,
1887), Book I, Chapter XIV, 337.
6. Eugene DE FAY, Gnostiques et Gnosticisme (2nd ed. aug.; Paris, 1925), 340.
7. T. FAHD, Djafr, in EI, II (2nd ed.; Leiden, 1954), 476.
8. Louis MASSIGNON, KCarmatians, in Shorter Encyydopedia of Islam (Ithaca, New
York, 1965), 221.
9. FAHD, Djafr, E12, 376.
10. Murtada ibn Di'! AL-RAZI, Tabsira al-'awimft m'rifa maqdlt al-anam (Teheran,
1313 H.), 170.

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[9] AL-MUGIRA AND THE MUGIRIYYA 41

create 1. Al-Mugira's inspirati

become crown was the Qur'anic verse (87:1): ((Glorify the Name of
your Lord most high? 2. This is a prime example of the allegorical
interpretation of the Qur'an, a practice which appears to have origin-
ated within the offshoots of the movement led by al-Mubttr ibn
Abi 'Ubayd. The remainder of al-Mugira's complicated and even
contradictory creation epic is given here in translation. The most
precise and coherent account is that of al-As'arl who wrote:

He then wrote with His finger on His palm men's deeds of obedience and dis-
obedience, and he was angered by the [deeds of] disobedience and he sweated,
and two seas were formed from His sweat, one salt and dark and the other sweet
and bright. He then gazed into the sea and saw His shadow. And He went forth
to seize it, but it flew away. He then plucked out the eye of His shadow and from
it created a sun. He then annihilated the shadow and said: <(There should not be
another god besides me ). He then created all creation from the two seas. He created
the unbelievers from the salt, dark sea and the believers from the bright, sweet
sea. And He created the shadows of men. The first shadow he created was that of
Muhammad, may God's prayers and peace be upon him. He said, and that is His
saying [i.e. in the Qur'dn], ((Say: 'If the merciful had a son, then I am the first
of the worshippers')) (Qur'dn, 34:81). He then sent Muhammad who was [still] a
shadow to all mankind. He then proposed to the heavens to protect 'All ibn Abi
T?lib, may God's approval be upon him, and they refused. He then proposed to
the earth and the mountains [to protect 'All], and they refused. And then he
proposed to all men [to protect 'All], and 'Umar ibn al-Hattab went to Abut Bakr
and ordered him to undertake his [All's] protection and to betray him. And Abul
Bakr did so. And this is [the meaning of] His saying, ((We proposed the trust to
the heavens and to the earth and to the mountains)) (Qur'dan 33:72). He [al-Mugira]
stated: And 'Umar said, <x I shall assist you against 'Ali provided you arrange to
give the Caliphate to me after you>>. This is [the meaning of] His saying a Like
unto Satan when he says to a man, 'Be an infidel'>>. The devil according to him
[al-Mugira] is 'Umar 3.

The first striking element in this story is the clear-cut dichotomy

between dark and light, which is reminiscent of Manichaean teachings.
The opposition between light, deemed synonymous with good, and
dark, identified with evil, is the basic tenet of the Manichaean religion 4.
For al-Mugira, too, light and dark represent good and evil, as is clear

1. FRIEDLAENDER, Ibn Hazm: Commentary, 82.

2. AL-AbMARI, Maqdldt, I, 72.
3. Ibid., 72-73.
4. Roman GIRSMAN, L'Iran des Origines a l'Islam (Paris, 1951), 284; R. McLean
WILsoN, Mani and Manichaeism, in Encyclopedia of Philosophy, V (New York, 1967),
149; F. C. BURKITT, The Religion of the Manichees (Cambridge, England, 1925), 39.

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 42 W. F. TUCKER [10]

from the context of the creation story, especially the comment about
unbelievers coming from the dark sea 1.
Al-Mugira is reputed to have forbidden the use of water from the
Euphrates because of its impurities. He also banned utilization of any
other water into which anything unclean had been thrown 2. This is
another instance of the emphasis on spiritual aspects, particularly
ritual purity, which seems to run through al-Mugira's teachings. A
parallel belief exists in the Mandaean system, where one sees great
importance attached to ( pure>> water. The Mandaeans believed water
to be a purification, as well as life-giving substance. Individual purifi-
cation, involving an infusion of (spiritual) life, was to be attained
through immersion 3. Because the Mandaeans always considered the
Euphrates to be a sanctified body of water 4, the parallel between
them and al-Mugira breaks down at this point.
Yet another intriguing aspect of the story is the idea of two seas 5,
which has a parallel in the Mandaean faith. A prominent part of the
Mandaean system is the concept of Maye Hiware and Maye Siyawe,
or < light waters)) and < dark waters)> 6. The black water is believed
to have covered the surface of the earth before creation. The King of
Darkness (Great Devil) is supposed to have dwelt in the dark water,
to which in fact he is presumed to have owed his creation 7. According
to one prominent authority, the black water is symbolic of chaos 8.
The white water, on the other hand, was understood to symbolize life
itself, being referred to as the O living water>> 9, or as ( pure water)>.
It was thought to encircle or traverse the realm of the ((higher
beings)) 10. The Mandaean idea was ultimately derived from the
ancient belief that the earth was created from water, an idea associated

1. 'Izz al-Din IBN AL-ATIR, al-Kamil f l-ta'rxh, V (Beirut, 1965), 208; 'A4ud al-
Din 'Abd al-Rahman AL- II, Kit2b al-Mawuqif fi 'irm al-kalam, VIII (Cairo, 1909), 385.
2. IBN HA6AR AL-'AsQALINf, Li8dn, VI, 76.
3. E. S. DROWER, The Mandaeans of Iraq and Iran (2nd ed.; Leiden, 1962), 100.
4. Ibid., 101.
5. AL-SAHRASTINI, Milal, I, 177.
6. FRIEDLAENDER, Ibn Hazsm: Commentary, 84.
7. RUDOLPH, Theogonie, 340.
8. RUDOLPH, Die Mandier, II (Gbttingen, 1961), 63.
9. JusTn, Baruch by Justin, trans. R. M. GRANT, Gnosticism. A Source Book of
Hereticail Writings from the Early Christian Period (New York, 1961), 94.
10. BBANDT, Mandaeane, E.R.E., VIII, 382.

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 [11] AL-MUGIRA AND THE MUGIRrYYA 43

with the Sumerians, who, interestingly enough, appear to have

distinguished in religion between salt and sweet waters 1.
The part of the story which relates how God looked down and saw
his shadow also has a Mandaean parallel. According to a Mandaean
tale, Abatur, a creative power, looked down into the black water of
chaos. He saw the reflection of his image, and at that moment the
demi-urge Ptahil was born 2. Ptahil created the earth and its
inhabitants.
Still another aspect of Mugira's creation legend has a non-Islamic
counterpart. As noted previously, al-Mugira asserted that God create
both good and bad men 3. One encounters a similar idea in the
teachings of a gnostic named Saturninus, who believed that the angels,
responsible for the creation of mankind, created both good men and
bad men 4. It is impossible to speak, at least with any certainty, of
( influences)>, but doctrinal similarities should not be overlooked. It is
worth noting that Gnostic groups had existed in Mesopotamia and
lower Iraq 5, and their ideas had been preserved in the beliefs of the
Mandaeans, who are in fact themselves a form of Gnostic sect.
According to al-As"arl's account, al-Mugira claimed that Muhammad
was the first person whom God created. gahrastani's account differs
in saying that Muhammad and "Ali were created first 6. This latter
version may very well be the correct one, since it coincides in part
with a concept called Tafwid, which is usually associated with the
extremist l'ites 7. Essentially the idea involved in Tafwu1 is that
God created Muhammad and "Ali first, entrusting these two with the
task of creating the rest of the world 8. The term TafweZ refers to
God's ((entrusting>> of creation to Muhammad and 'Ali, an idea which
may reflect the influence of the Gnostic demi-urge. Moreover, the

1. S. G. F. BRANDON, Creation Legends of the Ancient Near East (London, 1963), 72.
2. G. BARDY, Mandiens, in Dictionnaire de Th4ologie Catholique, IX, Part II (Paris,
1927), col. 1819.

3. Taqi al-Din AL-MAQRIzl, al-Mawu1'4 ua-l-i'tibar ft dilr al-.itaj wa-l-.tr, III,

Part I (Cairo, 1959), 303.
4. R. M. GRANT, Gnosticism and Early Christianity (New York, 1966), 102.
5. A. C. CHRISTENSEN, L'Iran 80W9 les Sassanides (2nd ed. rev.; Copenhagen, 1944),
43.
6. AL&HRASTINf, Milal, I, 177.
7. FRIEDLAENDER, Ibn IHazm: Commentary, 90-91.
8. Ibid.

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 44 W. F. TUCKER [12]

statement that shadows were created prior to bodies calls to mind the
antique identity of the shadow and soul 1.
Another important element in the creation legend was the allegorical
interpretation of Qur'anic passages. For example, al-Mugira inter-
preted Qur'dn 59:16 (< Like unto Satan when he says to a man 'Be
an Infidel'))) symbolically 2. In this instance Satan is considered a
reference to 'Umar, whose evil consisted in causing Abui Bakr to
(betray)> 'All, i.e. usurp the caliphal throne. Al-Mugira's symbolic
Qur'anic interpretation is another indication of the importance of
this practice for extremist gi'ism.
Mugira's belief that Abu Bakr and 'Umar betrayed 'All has been
the source of considerable dispute. Ibn Hagar al-'AsqalIna claimed
that al-Mugira cursed the first two caliphs 3, while Nawbahti records,
in contrast, that the followers of Ibn Saba' were the first to curse the
first three caliphs 4. Nawbahti's view appears more plausible: in the
first place, Nawbahti lived about three centuries earlier than al-
'Asqalmni and was thus much closer to the events in question; further-
more Nawbahti, as well as the other early heresiographers and histor-
ians, are agreed that the followers of Ibn Saba' were the first individuals
to undertake widespread agitation against the Caliph 'Utman, insisting
that he had usurped 'Al;'s rightful authority.
With regard to other aspects of Mugira's teachings, the heresiarch
claimed, like Bayan ibn Sam'an 5, to know the # Greatest Name)> of
God. He pretended that this knowledge enabled him to raise the
dead 6. Some sources say that he assigned this power to 'All rather
than himself 7. One author maintains that al-Mugira attributed the
power to Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyya 8, a statement not confirmed
by any other source. The possible origins of the (< Greatest Name))

1. H. B. ALEXANDER, Soul (Primitive), in Ha8tings Encyclopedia of Religion and

Ethic8, XI (New York, 1961), 727.
2. Qur'dn 59:16.
3. IBN HA1;AR AL-'AsQALINI, Li8in, VI, 76.
4. NAWBAHTI, Firaq, 44.
5. William TuCKER, Baydn ibn Sam'dn and the Bay2niyya: ShiAnte Extremi8t8 of
Umayyad Iraq to appear in the Mu8lim World in 1975.
6. -A?'ARI, Maqgldt, I, 72; AL-TABARI, Ta'rih, II, 1916.
7. Abui l-Farag 'Abd al-Rahman IBN AL-6AWzi, al-Muntazam ft ta'rfh al-muliik
wa l-umam, Aya Sofya Ms. 3095, fol. 62a. My thanks to the director and staff of the
Suleymaniye Kiitiibhanesi, Istanbul, for their kind assistance in research conducted
in the summer of 1973.

8. Mutahhar ibn Tahir AL-MAQDIsI, Kitcb al-Bad' wa-l-ta'rfh, V (Bagdad, 1916), 130.

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[13] AL-MUOIRA AND THE MUGIRIYYA 45

belief among extremist il'ites have been discussed elsewhere and the
essential point here is that the concept is not unique to extremist
il'ite sects. The magic use of the ((Greatest Name)> and the powe
derived therefrom may, however, be considered an element in the
attraction of some individuals to these gI'ite groups.
Al-Mugira is said to have engaged in the excessive exaltation of
cAli ibn Abi Talib. Indeed, some sources report that he elevated cAll
above all of the prophets recognized by Islam. Those who credit al-
Mugira with saying that 'A1i was better than Muhammad himself'
appear to have exaggerated. Most authorities do not attribute such a
belief to him, an idea in fact much more compatible with the teachings
of the 6urTbiyya, who held that Gabriel's revelation was intended for
"Ali rather than Muhammad 2.
One of the most significant practices of the Mugiriyya was their use
of violence and terrorism against opponents. They came to be known
especially for their use of strangulation 3. According to the account
in the A?arh Nahg al-Bala7a, al-Mugira gave his followers permission
to strangle or to poison their opponents, justifying such tactics by
the statement that al-Nafs al-Zakiyya had authorized him to employ
practices of this sort 4. No other source duplicates this story, and its
authenticity is suspect. It seems unlikely that Mugira himself advocated
or encouraged terrorism. The use of terror by the Mugiriyya probably
dates from a period subsequent to the death of al-Mugira. It is probable
that members of the Mugiriyya later associated themselves with the
movement led by Abul Mans-ur al-JIgli and engaged in the violent
practices for which this extremist was so infamous. The information
is not altogether clear, but aside from any doctrinal consideration,
one wonders about the social implications of this terrorism. Was it
perhaps a way of expropriating the goods and being rid of wealthy or
prosperous individuals? There is reason to believe so, yet as in so
many instances, the source materials do not afford indisputable proof.
Finally, in several sources al-MugIra is said to have been a member
of the Saba'iyya-a rather odd statement at first glance. Such inform-
ation appears in the 'Iqd al-Farid, as well as the geography of Ibn
Rusta and the Kitdb al-Ma'irif of Ibn Qutayba 5. If these authors

1. AL-SA1KSAXi AL-HANBALI, Kitd b al-Burhkin, fol. 139a.

2. Anon., al-SawV'iq al-muhriqa, fol. 16b.
3. AL-6T!Hi, .Hayawun, II, 267.
4. IBN ABI L-HADID, Nah#, VIII, 121.
5. IBN QUTAYBA, Maarif, 206; Ahmad ibn 'Umar IBN RUSTA, Kitab al-Ald4q al-

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 46 W. F. TUCKER [14]

are using Saba'iy

may readily acce
mean to suggest
even very similar to those of 'Abd Allah ibn Saba', this opinion cannot
be sustained. Another apparent error is to be found in the work of
al-Kirmnim, where one reads that al-Mugira taught that God descends
into every being and every inanimate object 1. Such information, not
found in any other source, is clearly anachronistic.
By way of assessing the significance of al-Mugira and the group
derived from him, one notes first the unusual nature (in the Islamic
context) of some of the beliefs and doctrines taught. Is it possible to
see here an infusion of non-Islamic ideas into extremist gi'ite thought?
Obviously, positing a influences)> in doctrine is difficult, if not danger-
ous, especially in view of the nature of the sources. It is, nevertheless,
instructive to note the similarities between the ideas of al-Mugira
and those of the Mandaeans, Gnostics, and to a much lesser extent the
Manichaeans. In any case what is clear and worthy of note is the
impact which al-Mugira's ideas were to have on subsequent gi'ite sec
A specific example of this is the speculation about the letters of the
alphabet, which later gi'ite groups, including the Ism&'ilis, would
include among their beliefs.
Of much greater impact, the origins of religious elitism among
extremist gi'ites can be traced to al-Mugira and his followers. Th
real importance of al-Mugira lies in the sense of exclusiveness which
he inculcated among his followers. Such particularism or special
status was indispensable for anyone seriously attempting to take
control of the state, because it obviously required the discipline and
organization necessary for such an effort. By its very nature, also,
elitist feeling created a sense of militance and hostility toward those
outside the group. In fact, religious elitism was the psychological
foundation of terrorism such as appeared later in extremist gi'ism
with Abfi Mansuir al-'I4li and his followers. One may see with a
Mugira's teaching, furthermore, the germ of the later revolutionary,
terrorist Nizaris (Assassins, as they are known in the West).
Al-Mugira and his followers were the first to generate support for
the descendants of al-Hasan ibn 'Ali, The H.asanid involved was

nafra, BGA, VII (2nd ed.; Leiden, 1967), 218. A1mad ibn Muhammad IBN 'ABD
RABBIH, al-'Iqd al-farid, I (V Cairo, 1884/1885), 266.
1. AL-KIMN3, ZKommentar, 40.

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[15] AL-MU4IRA AND THE MUGIRIYYA 47

Muhammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyya. In a sense one may consider al-

Mugira the founder of the movement which later supported al-Nafs
al-Zakiyya and his brother in their abortive rebellion against Abfi
6a'far al-Mansuir. Probably this had little significance for al-Mugira
Judging from his pretensions to prophecy, it is unlikely that he was
deeply committed to the Hasanid cause. For al-Mugira, as for most
of the other heresiarchs, claims to support the 'Alids were primarily
attempts to legitimize their own political activities and ideologies.
For their followers, by contrast, the 'Alids were of special significance,
since they had come to be seen as the guarantors of right belief and,
more importantly, as the sources of justice and goodness on earth.
This explains the great veneration of the Mugiriyya for al-Nafs al-
Zakiyya, the central feature of their religious beliefs after the death
of al-Mugira. The power of the millenial idea in medieval Islam
presented itself once more.

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