Himalaya, the Journal of the

Association for Nepal and

Himalayan Studies
Volume 19
Number 2 Himalayan Research Bulletin; Special Article 6
Topic: The Tharu

1999

The Shaman and the Priest: Ghosts, Death and

Ritual Specialists in Tharu Society
Arjun Guneratne
Macalester College

Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya

Recommended Citation
Guneratne, Arjun (1999) "The Shaman and the Priest: Ghosts, Death and Ritual Specialists in Tharu Society," Himalaya, the Journal of
the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies: Vol. 19: No. 2, Article 6.
Available at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol19/iss2/6

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 The Shaman and the Priest:
Ghosts, Death and Ritual Specialists in Tharu Society
Arjun Guneratne
Macalester College

In the cosmology of the Chitwan Tharu, the supernatu- doves there on behalf of the village as a whole. He does so
ral world on which human beings and human society de- twice a month, on the days of the new moon and the full
pend consists of three classes of beings. They are served moon. Thus, primary responsibility for the prosperity and
by three different types of ritual specialists. The first of well being of the village falls on the shoulders ofthejimidar,
these classes are the malevolent spirits or ghosts known as the second type of ritual specialist in Tharu society. Only
pret or bhut. Such spirits are the primary cause of ill health when a severe crisis affecting the whole village (such as an
or misfortune, and interceding with them lies in the do- epidemic of illness or widespread disease in the crops) oc-
main of the guruwa or gurau, a term that may be glossed curs is agurau (known as apatharithiyagurau) summoned
as shaman. The gurau is typically a Tharu villager who to deal with the situation.
has learned his art by apprenticing himself to a master of
Finally, there are the pan-Indic deities, among the more
it. The second class of beings is deities more or less pecu-
important of whom locally are Vishnu, Sarasvati, Durga,
liar to indigenous society in Chitwan: that is, they are not
and Lakshrni; conducting their worship is the prerogative
usually worshipped by the hill people who have settled
of a Brahman, who acts as purohit (priest) to a number of
among Tharus in their villages. Such godlings or minor
Tharu families. The rituals of purification following a death
deities are innumerable. These may be both local (to a
are in the domain of the Brahman and are necessary to the
particular village) and shared by Tharu society as a whole.
proper balance of the more "shamanistic" aspects of the
Very often, these godlings are human beings who have
Tharu cosmology. In that sense, the Brahman (as ritual
become deified after their death. Examples of purely local
specialist) plays an essential role in it.
or village gods are those inhabiting the bramathan (the
village shrine) and the guardian spirits of the household, The distinction between Brahmanical and Tharu ritual
who are its most recently deceased ancestors.' practices can be made in some other areas of belief. For as
long as any Tharu with whom I discussed these matters
While the gurau has the primary responsibility and techni-
could remember, the Brahman has been essential to the
cal knowledge for interceding with these deities and spir-
proper observance of the rituals surrounding a death. This
its, the propitiation of the deities associated with the
may not have always been the case, however. Certainly, in
bramathan (who will vary from village to village) is the
some other Tharu communities in the Western Tarai Brah-
prerogative of the jimida1:2 He sacrifices chickens and
mans play no part in Tharu ritual of any kind, but we have
'When the most senior man in the household dies, he becomes no way of knowing the circumstances under which the situ-
a guardian spirit known as gan, who is responsible for ation may have changed in Chitwan. It may be that over a
preserving the household from robbers. The ga11 occupies the period of time, the Brahmans who visited Chitwan in the
space where the household is most vulnerable to entry, namely cold season impressed on Tharus (or at least their jimidar)
the area around doors and windows . The interior of the house the importance of following prestigious sanskritic, rather
is the responsibility of the tirapul , who is the spirit of the most . than ''jangali" practices in these matters . These ideas may
recently deceased senior woman. Apart from these two .
gradually have spread then to other segments of the popu-
ancestral spirits , the rest of one's ancestors are treated collec- ·
lively and not individually distinguished , and are collectively lation . This is, for example, what has taken place with
worshipped during the Emosa Pavani (Pitr Aunsi in Nepali ) on respect to the preeminence today of the kanyadan ceremony
. the day of the New Moon in the month of As\vin (September- (Guneratne 1994 ). Whatever the circumstances under
October).
2
li111idar was the term applied to the revenue collectors of former end ofRana rule, but the term has been retained in village usage
times. This system of revenue collection was abolished ·after the as an honorific for the descendants of these revenue collectors.

9 THE SHAMAN AND THE PRIEST/Guneratne

which these changes occuned, by the time of the malaria funeral ce remonies or someone mi ght be an orphan with
eradication project of the 1950s, even though Thant soci - no relative s to conduct the ceremonies at his death (in such
ety had not been sanskritized to the extent of cre matin g its a case, anyone may petfonn these ceremonies to put the
dead, the role of the Brahman priest in the rituals of mourn - bhut to rest) . Someon e may die in a di stant place and hi s
in g had been well established. family may not know he has died (and thus fail to petform
the fun eral rites).
In thi s paper, I describe the beli efs that Tharus have
traditionally had regardin g blwt and witchcraft. 3 I di scuss Blurt come in many forms; I will give two examples
also the role of two ritual specialists - the Tharu gurau here, of a female and a male. Tharus believe that a woman
and the Brahman "priest" - in mediating these beliefs, who precedes her husband in death becomes a churaini if
and the decline in the significance of evil spirits and ghosts her funeral rites are not properly petformed . She seeks he r
in contemporary Tharu cosmology. I shall argue that this husband or another man to accompany her in her wander-
decline is the outcome of the material transformation that ings over the earth. Young men who slee p alone are espe-
has taken place in the Chitwan valley in the last 40 years. cially vulnerable, for she will seek them out and seduce
Two significant aspects of this transformation have shaped them, eventually causing their death as they waste away.
the way that Tharus th1nk about bhut. The first is the de- An example of a male ghost is the martuki, the spirit of a
forestation of most of the valley, except for the protected man who haunts the place where he came by an accidental
areas of the national park . The second is the year-round or unnatural death . A martuki inveigles peopl e to that spot
presence of Brahman ritual specialists in Tharu villages. (for example, by playing music) where he kjll s them.
Malevolent spirits and witchcraft beliefs Malevolent spirits, like the gods and the deities of the
Tharu, are primarily creatures of the forest. Before the
Belief in malevolent spirits is widespread throughout
malaria eradication project of the 1950s, Chitwan was cov-
India. In northern India and Nepal, the organization of this ered with jungle and full of wild animals. The sense of
cosmology is very sim1lar. Extensive descriptions of it, oppressiveness and fear that the jungle can bring is often
covering every district of Bihar and Bengal may be found recalled in conversation by Tharus living today (see also
in the notes prepared in the 19th century for H.H. Risley's Muller-Baker, this volume). The consciousness of Tharu
treatises on the castes and sub-castes of Bengal. 4 The be- was shaped by these conditions, reinforcing their belief in
liefs described here deal with both male and female ghosts malevolent spirits. The power and prestige of the gurau
of various kjnds, and witches, who are generally women. flouri shed under these conditions, for in a world in which
While British writers of the nineteenth and early twentieth blmt were commonplace, the gurau played an essential role
centuries tended to dismiss the Tharu cosmological sys- in protecting both individual s and society. The state's rec-
tem as simply a belief in ghosts and witches (Crooke 1896: ognition of this importance is indicated in the lal111ohar
396; Williams 1869: 111), Tharu belief in these beings is given toTetu Gurau ofChitwan in 1807. It reads in trans-
in no way different from that of other North Indian village lation as follows:
people, as a perusal of the descriptive notes in Risley's
papers demonstrates. To Tetu Gurau, Belaudh pragmma, Dhanauji vil-
lage: We bestow upon you as nankarjagir the un-
Tharus believe in the existence of malevolent spirits cultivated, forested and barren land s of Dhanauji
known as bhut, which have the power to do evil or bring village in Belaudh praganna and the revenue of the
misfortune to human beings. The characteristics of these area . . . Cultivate and make the land populous and
spirits do not differ very much throughout North India . A protect the people from the threats of elephants, ti -
bhut is essentially the spirit of a human being who has died gers, evil spirits , disease and epid e mic s . . .
an untimely death or whose funeraltites have not been per- (Krauskopff and Meyer n.d.: 134).
formed. People may be too poor to petiorm the proper
The commentary on the Ia/ mohar quoted above (in
Krauskopff and Meyer, ibid.) notes ofTharu gurau in gen -
3 eral that they "were reputed even beyond their own com-
The intensity ofTharu beliefs in malevolent spirits has been
remarked on by a number of colonial ethnogaphers; Ri sley for
munities . They were said to have tantric magical powers
example noted "the strong fear of evil spirits which c01itinually . . since they could chastise evil forces, they were seen as
haunts the tribe" (Risley 1892: 317) and Knowles wrote that being the most able to protect a village from the many dis-
the Tharus live " in mortal dread of these ghostly beings, more turbances threatening its welfare in such an inhospitable
savage and crue l than the leopards and tigers .. " (Knowles land ."
1889: 214-215) ; see also Crooke (1896: 396).
•Mss. Eur. E. 295, Reports 011 castes a11d sub-castes of Be11gal, The reason why blmt exist, according to the Tharu, is
Ri sley Collection, India Office Library, London. the failure to perform the funeral rites owed them, or to

10 HIMALAYAN RESEARCH BULLETIN XIX(2) 1999

perform them in the prescribed manner. Funeral rites re- her husband's younger brother could not recall any case of
quire the presence of a Brahman priest. Prior to the ma- witchcraft accusation in the village dwing the last 30 years .
laria eradication program, Brahmans were absent from the
What were the options open to a woman who was ex -
valley for much of the year for fear of malaria. The fune ral
pelled from the village for witchcraft? If she were very
rites of those who died during those months then had to be
unfortunate , she might die in the jun gle or become a wan-
postponed to the winter, the only time of the year that hi II
dering ascetic Uogi); but she could also move to another
people were willing to come down into Chitwan . Conse-
village, perhaps by matTying into it. A gurau might be
quently, malevolent shades proliferated in the valley.
willing to marry such a woman, for he would know how to
Tharus also believe in the ex istence of witches; the fe- control her power; but ambitious men, who wished to take
male is known as dain (boksi in Nepali), while male witches, advantage over her supposed power over the chaudaha,
who are much less common, are known as dai. A dai is might also be tempted into matrimony.
very often a gurau . There are two sorts of 111antra, those
Many people in Tharu soc iety continue to believe in
that do harm and those that protect one from harm. A witch
witchcraft and to suspect that their misfortunes may stem
is master of the first, while the gurau is master of the sec-
from the malevolence of witches, but this belief is impos-
ond. Sometimes however some gurau and some witches,
sible to "operationalize" in today's changed social context.
particularly those who pray to the same deity for their pow-
My research assistant's wife for example suspects the bane-
ers, may enter into sinister relationships for their mutual
ful influence of a witch were her daughters to fall sick for
benefit. Some gurau may have mastered both sorts of
any extended period, and urges her husband to summon
mantra, in which case they become dai. A dain makes
the gurau. He refuses to do so however, because, as befits
people sick through the power of her 111antra. She directs
his scientific training in Nepal's leading agricu ltural col-
her malevolence at people who have angered her, whom
lege, he does not believe in witchcraft. He did tell me, in
she is incapable of attacking physically. Tharus believe
some puzzlement, that he knew of well-educated young
that a dain acquires very young children to do her bidding
men who believed in witches. Why, he wondered, did they
by killing them through the power of her 111antra . She then
continue to believe stories they heard at their mother's knee
retrieves their corpses at night from their burial place and
when their education and their know ledge of science ought
brinas them back to life w ith more mantra. The dainlooks.
b to tell them otherwise?
after the child, which is now called a chaudaha, and puts It
to work to steal rice and other goods for its mistress. What The gurau in Tharu society
should be noted here is the relationship of the dain to the
The primary 1itual responsibility of the gurau is to deal
death of small children. Child mortality was very high in
with witches and bhut. There are two sorts of gurau . These
Chitwan before the Malaria Eradication Project and witch-
are referred to respectively as the ghar gurau and the
craft belief served as an explanation for it. People are much
patharithiya gurau. The ghar gurau is both "family priest"
less concerned about dain today. Child mortality has
and "doctor"; in fact, one young man translated the term
dropped very dramatically, and cremation rather than burial
into Engli sh as "family doctor." The patharithiya gurau,
has become the norm. If a chi ld is cremated, there is no
on the other hand, serves an entire village, or a number of
corpse for the witch to steal and no benefit to her from the
villages, and his services are called upon on matters affect-
murder of children.
ing the village as a whole, such as an epidemic. The
Although witchcraft accusations are unknown today, patharithiya gurau may also serve as ghar gurau to indi-
they seem to have occulTed in the period immediately pre- vidual famjlies. While the gurau appears to have once per-
ceding the malaria eradication program, although it is im- formed exorcism rituals, I never heard of or encountered
possible to ga uge now how widespread such accusations an exorcism ritua l performed during my fieldwork in
were. If a woman were suspected of being a witch, the Chitwan.
jimidar would summon a meeting of all the women in the
There is one other category of gurau, but it concerns a
village, young and old, and the witch would be named be-
single individual and plays no role in village life (at least
fore them . It was the gurau's responsibility to identify her.
in Eastern Chitwan) . This is the raj gurau or king's gurau.
The woman would be beaten and her head shaved, except
His position in the hierarchy of gurau was neatly summed
for a knot left on the back of her head to which a bd fruit
up by Ram Bahadur, the younger of the two jimidars in
(Aegle mannelos) was tied. She would then be driven out
Pipariya. Presumably wishing to make a comparison that
of the village. I was given this account by a Tharu woman
would be meaningful to me, he described him as a "Ph.D.
during my last visit to my fieldsite, Pipariya 5 , in 1999; but

5
The name of this village and the names of all individuals men-
6
tioned in this paper are pseudonyms. School Leaving Certificate.

THE SHAMAN AND THE PRIEST/Guneratne 11

gurau". Continuing to use the same metaphor, he described by the loc al deities in Chitwan, or is not in their power to
the ghar gurau as an "S.L.C. 6 pass gurau" while the grant.
patharithiya fell somewhere in between.
The gurau's work as a healer is not confined to inter-
The gurau of the household cession with gods and spirits to di scover the cause of ill -
ness; the g urau also seeks to cure disease throug h the me-
The gurau with whom Tharu families most typically
dicinal use of roots and herbs and other skills. This aspect
interact is the ghar gurau- the gurau of the household.
(as well as the relationship between ordinary villagers in
A household must renew its relationship ("contract") with
Nepal and the institutions of modemity) is particularly well
its ghar gurau every year, usually between the months of
illustrated in the following incident. A Tham boy in Pipariya
Phagun and Baishakh. This is done through a ritual known
broke his arm and was taken to Bharatpur hospital. The
as guro manave. Briefly, the household that wishes to ini-
journey to the hospital was long and painful: a sixty-minute
tiate or renew a relationship with a gurau sends its repre-
ride in a bumpy bullock cart to the nearest bazaar followed
sentatives to his house with a chicken and a bottle of the
by a journey in a crowded bus into town. Rather than put
locally distilled liquor. If the gurau agrees to the relation-
the boy' s arm in plaster right away however, his mother
ship, he accepts these offerings, and soon thereafter, the
was told to bring him back another day to have it done. As
household invites him to a meal. On this occasion, de-
she was unwilling to do this (it would have entailed an-
pending on the economic status of the household, he may
other long trip to Bharatpur), she decided to summon a
be presented with a dhoti (white cloth worn by men) and
gurau with a reputation for successfully healing broken
perhaps some other gifts, although households are notre-
bones. A few months earlier, under very similar circum-
quired to do so. If a new relationship is being initiated, the
stances, he had successfully set the broken arm of a Tharu
gurau will make inquiries at this time of the household as
woman in the village. (In her case, the hospital had recom-
to what sorts of problems and diseases it has suffered from
mended that she go to Kathmandu to have her arm attended
in the past, who its clan deity is, and so forth - informa-
to.) This particular gurau's family is said to have been
tion he needs in order to do his part properly.
specialists in the art of setting broken bones for genera-
The calling of a gurau is open to anyone who cares to tions. In any case, under his ministration, the child's bro-
follow it, and entails a period of several years' apprentice- ken bone was successfully healed .
ship to one or more practicing gurau. According to the
The summoning of the gurau in this instance was not
gurau ofPipariya, a guruwa is obliged to take on as a pupil
due to a lack of faith in western medicine (after all, taking
anyone who wishes to learn; he cannot refuse. He also
the boy to hospital, which required subjecting him to the
asserted that a pupil was not obliged to do anything in re-
considerable discomfort of the journey there, was the ini-
turn for the gurau. The novice gurau had to learn the types
tial response to the situation), but to the callousness or in-
of offering appropriate to particular gods, and the form of
ability to provide service of its practitioners. There is a
the worship or puja that accompanied it. Thus, Chitrasen
great deal of faith in Western medicine, and Tharus (and
Baba7 (one of the more important deities for whom, ac-
other village people) will go to great lengths and to consid-
cording to some Tharus, the valley is named) requires the
erable expense in order to benefit from it. Some of its lo-
sacrifice of a dove, while Ghurigurau and the gan (the
cally reproducible practices, notably the giving of injec-
guardian spirit of the household) require a chicken.
tions, have even acquired a titualistic character. The present
The gurau is essentially a healer. When Tharus wish jimidar's father had brought a schoolteacher from Bihar to
to draw an analogy between the gurau and a contemporary the village to teach the vill age boys. Now retired, he had
institution, they invariably compare him to a medical doc- begun to specialize in giving injections. From time to time,
tor. As the gurau in Pipariya put it, "Before, there weren't he would come to the house of the older jimidar to give
any doctors . There were only we gurau." The source of him an injection (of a vitamin B solution) in his buttock. A
illness or physical ailments (such as barrenness in women) vitamin B tablet would have been as efficacious as an in-
may be gods or malevolent spirits (blwf). While the gurau jection, but consuming it would have much less effect psy-
is the intermediary between human society and that of the chologically. To swallow a pill smacks too much of the
supernatural, he intercedes with the gods only in matters everyday; there is nothing mysterious or specialized about
pertaining to sickness and barrenness in women. Hecan- it. A needle and syringe, on the other hand, are not part of
not ask a god for favors such as success in a business en- the everyday and administering an injection entails a mo-
terprise or success in school, for such favors are not granted ment of pain that doubtless underscores its ritual efficacy.
It is also worth noting that the services of the specialist
trained in this sort of ritual- the medical professional-
7
Chitra Sen was one of the four sons ofMukunda Sen; see Muller- is dispensed with. A Tharu would not dream of encroach-
Baker, this volume. ing in a similar way on the ritual domain of a gurau, orfor

12 HIMALAYAN RESEARCH BULLETIN XIX(2) 1999

that matter a Brahman priest. Women are likely to have warrants the intervention of the patharithiya gurau. If they
more faith in the gurau than are men, particularly younger decide it does, they will then determine which group's turn
men with some education. Both men and women however has come to organize the event.
will have recourse to both doctor and gurau to treat illness;
This group's first responsibility is to ask the gurau to
in their minds, the two kinds of specialists complement
perform the barna. The gurau will set the date for the
rather than compete with each other.
ritual. The date appears to have little to do with auspi-
The patlwrithiya gurau ciousness and more to do with the gurau's convenience.
The only compensation the gurau gets for petforming the
The patharithiya gurau is chosen by the heads of the
barna is to be fed on the day he performs it. The responsi -
village households and is selected for his learning and ex-
bility for feeding him lies with the group that summoned
perience. The household heads meet in a kachaheri (a
him, but the village as a whole bears the expenses of the
council of the village's household heads) and discuss all
meal. Every village household must send a representative
the possible options before settling on a choice. Each house-
to a group entrusted with the task of catching fish for the
hold will contribute a small sum of money (from one to
gurau; if they are unable to do so, they must make a finan -
five rupees in 1991), and the principal household heads (or
cial contribution. In times past, the raiti 8 households shared
better still, all of them) will take the money, a chicken and
the cost of a barna; today, all households except those of
a bottle of liquor and go to the house of the gurau agreed
the landless are expected to contribute an equal amount
upon. They will invite him to be the patharithiya of their
towards the cost.
village. His acceptance of the gifts signifies his assent.
The gurau however must not assent too readily; if he does The ritual of the barna often involves the prohibition of
so, his mantra will be devalued. The delegation will keep meat consumption in the village for a given period of time,
pressing him until he either says yes or makes clear he generally a few weeks. On one occasion, the patharithiya
means no. gurau prohibited the consumption of meat as part of a
barna. Four of the village households however had bro-
Once the patharithiya has been chosen, he cannot eas-
ken that prohibition: ironically, they were those of the two
ily be changed. The reason is that only the patharithiya
jimidar and of the two village gurau. One of the gurau
knows what he has been saying to the gods; another gurau
had not been at home the day the patharithiya gurau pro-
will not know what communication has taken place and
nounced his prohibition, and his family had eaten fish with-
may not be able to function effectively. Nor do the villag-
out his knowledge. Where one of the jimidar was con-
ers want the trouble of selecting another patharithiya, as
cerned, his wife had killed a duck the day before the barna
the process is time consuming and expensive. The
so that the sick people in the house could have meat. Then
patharithiya of Pipariya village at the time of my initial
the gurau forbade the eating of meat, but rather than let it
fieldwork was a very well to do tractor-owning farmer from
go waste, the jimidar's household went ahead and ate the
a village near Sultana, about 90 minutes distant on foot.
duck. At the next kachaheri, the assembled men told the
He was chosen because he was the pupil of his predeces-
olderjimidar that as the chief man in the village he should
sor.
have been the first to set an example. Those households
The patharithiya's services, as I have said, is invoked which had violated the prohibition (including that of the
for matters affecting the village as a whole. If many in the two jimidar) were then assessed a fine of 20 rupees each. 9
village population are ill (a common phenomenon in the
The relationship a Tharu has with his ghar gurau is a
rainy season, when gastro-intestinal problems are rife) or
personal one; where the patharithiya is concemed, he must
the crops are being attacked by disease, the household heads
act as a member of a community. However, for this to
may decide to seek the expertise of the patharithiya gurau .
The village households are divided into a number of groups
8
(there were at least 16 such groups in Pipariya) each con- The term raiti refers to the tenants of the state, who held land
under raikar tenure; they enjoyed full citizenship of the village,
sisting of two or three households. Each group takes in
unlike their bahariya or servants, who did not participate in the
turn the responsibility of summoning the gurau when his
processes outlined here. See Guneratne 1996.
services are required, of hosting him, and making prepara-
tions for the ritual (known as barna) which he will per- ~he money collected in this way is kept by one of the
form . villagers, wbo maintains accounts. This money is used for
expenses involving the whole village, such as buying a klwsi
The initiative for organizing the event lies with the (gelded goat) for a feast, or to feed the patharithiya. The
jimidar. If he learns that there is illness in the village or penalty for refusing to pay the fine was ostracization; the threat
disease among the crops, he will summon the household of such a penalty was undoubtedly more serious in the days
heads to a kachaheri to determine whether the situation when the jimidar was the petty ruler of the village, but is
probably unenforceable today.

THE SHAMAN AND THE PRIEST/Guneratne 13

happen , the jimidar must take the initiative; summoning a Death and the Brahman
kachaheri is hj s prerogative. Without a kachaheri, the main-
The Tharu believe that when a person dies she becomes
tenance of communal action is imposs ible. The jimidar's
importance here recalls the time when he was the most a bhut who will remain near the place she knew in life and
stable element in the village's population, for most raiti do harm to the living unless she is properly propitiated and
and bahariya, as I have shown elsewhere, were a transient sent on her way into the next world in a timely fashion
population (Guneratne 1996). with the appropriate and necessary rituals. 10 The service
of a Brahman priest is necessary to accomplish tills pro-
The forces that may transform the role played by the cess successfully. The gurau on the other hand plays no
gurau in Tharu ritual life are both internal and extemal to role in funeral rituals. While traditionally this has been the
their society. A Tharu jimidar who withdraws from his most significant role the Brahman has played in Thamtitual
responsibility to the village conm1unity- by not summon- life, since the eradication of malaria Brahmans have be-
ing a kachaheri or by giving up worship of the Bramathan come an indispensable part of other rituals and life cycle
- will effectively bring about the disappearance of the rites- most notably, maniage- in which they formerly
patharithiya gurau from the field of village ritual and the played no role . I shall describe here the practices through
erosion of the village as a moral community. This ha s which the Tharu deal with death and the part played by the
happened in at least one village, Sultana, which has given Brahman in them . The structure of the set of rituals and
up the custom of retaining a patharithiya. practices described below gives the Brahman a critical role.
Belief in the efficacy of the gurau is in decline among Even though it is the gurau who deals with the manifesta-
Tharu generally (but less so among women than among tions of bhut, it is the Brahman who, by his petformance of
men). Nor are young men interested in tabng up the call- the fire ceremony and his acceptance of gifts, can ensure
ing. The patharithiya gurau of Pipariya had four students, that the dead never become bhut in the first place. The
none younger than about forty and at least one consider- gurau is able to manage and control bhut, but the ritual
ably older. The gurau's son, a young man in his twenties, over whjch the Brahman presides prevents their emergence
expressed no desire to take up his father's calling, "Be- or Ia ys them to rest.
cause a gurau never gets to sleep" (because he is con- The most sigruficant change that has taken place in the
stantly called away to attend to sick people). In general, funeral customs of the Tharu has been in the manner of
the calling of the gurau is seen by young men today as disposal of a corpse: from burial to cremation. Cremation
archaic and not very relevant to the needs of the society is a practice that has become widely established in Tharu
they live in . Women, whose lives are more rooted in the society only in the last fifteen to twenty years . 11 Before
village and who are relatively less exposed to outside in- that it was characteristic only of jimidari and other well-
fluences may think differently, but women apparently never to-do fanlilies and even then was probably linlited to im-
become gurau. portant individuals. Cremation was probably at one time a
There is then a declirung recruitment to the calling of marker of social status but like the kanyadan ceremony, it
gurau. None of the young men I knew in Pipariya had the has rapidly spread to the rest of the population. Like so
remotest interest in beconling a gurau, and those who had many other changes in Tharu society, the permanent pres-
been to high school and college (adnlittedly, a very small ence of Brahmans and the fear of appearing backward and
number) professed skepticism of the work of gurau in gen- "jangali" before them have played some part in this trans-
eral. One gurau summed up what I believe is the broader
view of the gurau's role today in these terms: 1
0'fhere are some bhut, however, who cannot be put to rest in this
In the old days when the work of the gurau was being way. The Tharu believe that if a witch dies, he or she will con-
done, when medicines were being given ... at that time tinue to haunt the living as bhut. Also, the so til of someone who
there was confidence in the gurau. Those who were ill has been un successful in some endeavor in life may, because of
its dissatisfaction, remain as bhut.
believed in the gurau. What's it like now? These days
now, it's a different time (arkai jabana bhayo ). You have ''The Japanese anthropologist Kiyatomo Mil<ame, who, based
to get the guru.wa, but you also have to bring the doctor's on fieldwork in the village of Sultana in 1979 has written the
medicine ... The doctor does his work. If [the patient] only other description available in English of Chitwan Tharu
becomes bent and twisted, one has to say that our bhut- funerary rites, notes that "Burial bhut [referring here to bhut as-
soc iated with graveyards] are scattered along a river to the south
baital are responsible and they [the doctors] can't do this.
of the village. A grave is about two meters by one meter and can
Then the gurau comes in useful. These days there is use to be recognized easily because the smface is a little higher than the
be had from both sides. The gurau by himself is useless, surrounding area, which is pasture land. Children fear these burial
the doctor by himself is useless places, never approac hing them but going round, shouting bhut,
bhut! " (Mikame 1990: 138) .

14 . HIMALAYAN RESEARCH BULLETIN XIX(2) 1999

 and hands. Then more wood was placed around the body
for mation. Based on hi s fieldwork in Sultana in 1979 and
until she was completely covered . The items that had been
1980 , the Japanese anthropologist K iyotomo Mikame
removed - her clothes, the quilt - were cast on to the
writes, " [cremation] has recently bee n adopted from the
river where they floated away downstream; her x- rays and
Pa hariya, the Hindus surrounping the Tharu. Be that as it
med ic ines remained with her. After all this had been com -
may, burial is still common in the village" (1990: 138) . It
pleted, most of the men and boys present lit torches of jute
is ironic that thi s change has take n place concunently with
stems and elephant grass and then proceeded to circum-
the extensive deforestation of the Chitwan valley, which
nav igate the pyre clockwise three times. 14 They then set
has made wood for every purpose (including cremation)
fire to it, thrusting their torches in among the firewood.
scarce. At the cremation described below, some of the men
The entire process, from the time the cortege arrived at the
had to leave midway to cut down a tree for more wood,
riverbank to the time the pyre was lit took about 15 to 20
only to be berated by a soldier from the army post in Sauraha
minutes.
for felling the tree without permission . 12
After the cremation is over, if any portion of the corpse
My knowledge ofTharu funeral rituals is based mostly
has not completely burned (and given the chronic shortage
on observations made dLili ng the funerals of two old women
of wood, this is probably not uncommon), it must be re-
in the village and di sc ussions with a number of Tharus ,
trieved from the ashes and bundled up in a white cloth along
particularly lndrani, the wife of the jhnidar Ram Bahadur.
with some milled rice, chilies and some coins. Bikana and
One of the deceased was the mother of my neighbor Bikana
his brothers took such a bundle out to midstream and placed
Mahato; she died of tuberculosis. The other was the mother
it in the water. 15 Before this was done, however, the vil-
of a man named Defu La!. I did ~ot witness her cremation,
lage carpenter, who is Bikana's father's brother, broke off
but I had a description of it from my research assistant
a small piece of the charred flesh and put it in a container
Surendra, who attended it, as the dead woman was the sis-
made of a short piece of bamboo stem, which he then
ter-in-law of his wife's mother. I was however present at
stopped up. On the day of Magh Sankranti, this will be
the ceremonies on the 13th day after her cremation that
taken to Dev Ghat and deposited in the Narayani River,
marked an end to the period of mourning .
which flows down to join the Ganga (Ganges) on the plains
Bikana's mother had been ill for a long time and died oflndia. Meanwhile, the other men present, having doused
during the night. As soon as it was dayli ght, a party of the embers of the pyre, proceeded to dispose of the debris
men from the village, her husband's kinsmen, canied the of the cremation in the river.
dead woman to the riverbank on a makeshift stretcher, on
The final act of the cremation was then performed. A
which had been spread a quilt (sirak). A white sheet, called
figure representing the dead person was crudely made with
a kaparkot, which someone had covered with flowers and
sand on the riverbank: a head with two arms outstretched.
sprinkled over with red abir powder, covered her. Also on
Two banana leaves were placed on the hands and the
the stretcher were her x-rays and medicines : everything
woman's sons placed fried paddy (some of which had
the doctor had given her for her illness, all of which were
popped from the heat of frying) on these leaves. Milk from
to be consigned to the flames . An axe was placed on her
a small bottle was then poured over this offering. The milk
chest and a sickle under her head . A cart followed the pro-
represents the mother's milk with which the woman nour-
cession , catTying wood for the funeral pyre. 13
ished her children during life. Before they made this offer-
The old woman's body was placed on the riverbank ing to their mother's spirit, her sons bathed in the river and
while the men unloaded the cart. They ananged the wood dressed themselves in clean white dhotis . All the other
carefully to a height of about two feet. The body was then members of the funeral party also bathed at this time. The
lifted up by about half a dozen men who placed it on the cremation was over by 11 o'clock, three and a half hours
pyre with the feet pointing towards the river and the head after the funeral party left the village. People began to
towards the mountains to the north. They removed every- return to the village; Bikana, as he walked along, made
thing that Bikana's mother had on her- her clothes, the
quilt, the white cloth - and draped a fresh, new white cloth 14
ln the ritual as it is performed by high caste Hindus, the pyre
over her body. Mustard oil was rubbed on her feet . '. face is perambul ated counter-clockwise; see Bennett ( 1983: 99).
The Tharu ritual also departs from the ritual described by
Bennett in that no Brahmin priest is present.
12
T he atmy is responsible for protecting the national park.
15
ln Bennett's description of cremation among high-caste
13
When a man di es, befo re his corpse is taken out of his bouse Nepalese, a small portion of the flesh of the corpse is removed
to the riverbank, his wife, if she is living, will take up a fl aming and buried in the riverbank for the demon who eats corpses, to
torch of jute, and make a few passes with it over his mouth , in satisfy it and so prevent it from troubling the bereaved family
order to invoke hi s spirit not to visit her as a bhut. (1983:99) .

THE SHAMAN AND THE PRIESTfGuneratne 15

marks on the ground with the hoe that he carried. This was The chief mourner dresses himself in clean white gatments
to enable the spirit of the dead woman to find her way back and wears around his chest ajanai or sacred thread. Dur-
to her house. There she will be given to eat and drink dur- ing this period , he isolates himself from contact with the
ing the 13 days of formal mourning that must take place rest ofthe village and his household; he becomes polluted
before she can depart to the svGJga-lok. for that period, lives in a room separate from the main house
and must prepare his meal s separately. He must avoid salt,
Once the fun eral party has returned to the village, they
chillies and turmeric as well as mustard oil (for which he
congregate at the dead women 's house where they are fed.
substitutes ghiu or clarified butter); these are all basic in-
The men of the patidar into which the woman married are
gredients in Tharu cooking . He may eat garlic, ginger, and
given to eat on banana leaves, probably because it is tradi-
root vegetables such as potatoes, and cokha made without
tional and helps to distinguish this occasion from ordinary
salt and oil. 16 Food may not be boiled. If the chief mourner
meals. Most people eat these days on large metal plates
is the son of the dead woman, he may not drink nlilk. He is
readily available in the bazaar. In addition to their own
allowed to eat only once each day. The dead person's soul
leaf plates, a smaller strip of a banana leaf is placed before
keeps him company and shares in the food he cooks, until
the men of the bereaved paticlar. The women who serve
it finally departs early in the morning following the purifi-
the food first place a small portion of it on this smaller
cation rituals of the final day.
leaf; tllis is the dead woman's portion. The men are served
rice, vegetables cooked without salt, and nlilk. Before eat- When someone dies, kinsmen, including women who
ing, each man takes a little water and sprinkles it on this have married out, are notified. Women who are so notified
portion , offering the food to the spitit of the deceased. After are supposed to return to the villages of their kinfolk, bring-
this has been done, the dead woman's portions are retrieved ing with them a boka (ungelded goat). Early in the morn-
by a couple of young girls who take them away to be dis- ing on the last day of the kaj, her kinsmen sacrifice one of
posed of. Only after this rite has been completed will the these goats to the dead person. Tharus believe she will
men begin to eat. take the sacrifice with her as she leaves her household for
the last time. Some of the more sanskritized Tharu fami-
The period of mourning
lies, such as that of Ram Bahadur, do not practice this cus-
Like other Hindus, Tharus observe a period of thirteen tom because they feel it an inappropriate thing to do at a
days of mourning for a woman and twelve days for a man . time of death; they substitute plantains and yogurt instead.
This period of mourning, culminating in a ritual to remove The rest of the goats are butchered and eaten at the feast
the pollution incuned is called the kaj (in Nepali, kriya) . It that concludes the kaj .
usually begins on the day of the death. The commence-
Rituals of Purification
ment of the kaj may be delayed if one is poor and cannot
afford it (the expenses are mostly those associated with Early on the moming of the 13th day, preparations had
prestations to the purohit), which would leave one vulner- been made for the ceremony to end the formal period of
able to the visitation of bhut. The burden of mourning in mounling for Defu Lal 's mother. On the threshing floor
this case was borne by Bikana's brother, who cooked and behind his house, grass mats and a blanket had been spread,
ate separately from the rest of the household to ensure that around which a few men were squatting; they were wait-
it would not be polluted by contact with him. Nor can the ing for the purohit to tum up. Item to be used in the ritual
person undergoing mourning in this way engage in any had been laid out on the ground. These included leaves of
work which was the reason that Bikana did not observe the peepal tree (Ficus religiosa) and lotus leaves, a basket
mourning himself; as head of the household he was respon - containing a leaf cup filled with yogurt, bananas, and twine,
sible for managing its affairs. Usually, only one person, and another containing white cloth and a leaf container
known as kartahana, observes mourning; I will refer to which contained little balls made of flour, and a little metal
the kartahana as the chief mourner. bowl.
The chief mourner is polluted for thirteen days (twelve At about 8:30 the purohit, Ghinlire, anived . He and
if the deceased is a man), and is ceremonially pmified on the men then set out in a group to the tiverbank, taking
the last day by an elaborate ritual conducted by a Brahman with them the items mentioned above and a hoe, as well as
priest. The Tharu do not have the custom of bi:trakhi and a small branch broken off from a peepal tree. At the
masik sraddh, in which monthly rites are observed for a riverbank, the hoe was used to dig a small hole in the damp
year following the death to assist the dead person's soul in
its journey to the next world (Bennett 1983: 107-08). Their
immediate responsibility to the dead ends with the comple- 16
Coklw is a type of food made by grinding or mashing potatoes
tion of the formal period of mouming .
or some other kind of vegetable and mixing it into a ball with
oil, salt and chilies.

16 HIMALAYAN RESEARCH BULLETIN XIX(2) 1999

soil about two feet from the water's edge. A pot of rice and placed in the river. The bundle floats away down the
was placed in this hole and the peepal branch anchored in river, but before it has gone very far, the contents sink into
place behind it with a large rock. A clay lamp was placed the water and only the leaf floats on. The chief mourner
next to the pot of rice. Once these preparations were com- then has hi s own head shaved . He is given a new white
plete, the Brahman sat himself down in front of this ar- cloth by the Brahman, which he dons; the old cloth is dis-
rangement on a grass mat. In front of him were placed the carded in the river. Then he repeats the earlier ritual twice
various items enumerated earlier, includin g the yogurt and more. l-Ie kneads a mjxture of flour, yogurt and water into
the balls of flour; next to him was a small pile of banana five little balls which he places on the banana leaf, along
leaves. with peepalleaves; this is then bundled up and left in the
water as before. The chief mourner repeats this action with
The sapinda sraddh. At the tiverbank, under the guid-
flattened rice (ciura) in a leaf basket wrapped in a white
ance of the priest, the chief mourner performs a ritual in-
cloth.
tended to transform the deceased from a bhut into an an-
cestor spirit (pitri) . 11 The chief mourner, who had now One more act remains to be done before the rituals per-
completed the thirteen days of ritual pollution, stripped formed at the riverbank are complete. The mourner must
down to a loincloth and bathed in the river. Around his push earth into the pit dug at the river's edge, using hi s
body was tied the sacred thread, which he had wom during head and hands, until he has covered the pit; the pot of rice
the 13 days of mourning. After he completed the bath, he it contains is retrieved before the hole is filled in. The
approached the Brahman and squatted in front of rum, while branch of the peepal tree is now firmly anchored near the
the priest lit the oil lamp. Ghimire then poured some flour edge of the river. The base of this branch is sprinkled with
onto a banana leaf set in front of Defu La!, who kneaded water from the lohota, and the clay oil lamp is placed at its
the flour into ten little balls using water from a metal pot. foot. The mourner washes his head and hands in the river.
A third man started a fire next to the priest. The funeral
All those who accompanied the priest and the mourner
party meanwhile was squatting on the riverbank while a
to the riverbank must wash themselves in the river before
Mardaniya (a man of barber caste) was busy shaving them
returning home. Someone had bought along a radio, and
one by one. All the hair is generally removed except a
this had been playing softly throughout the activities by
little knot at the top. The male relatives of the deceased
the riverbank. Men and women, as they finish bathing,
shaved their heads on this occasion, although younger men
move away from the river in small groups. Shaving the
are increasingly reluctant to submjt to this and instead com-
head, trimming one's fingernails, bathing, and putting on
promjse by having their hair trimmed.
fresh clothes all symbolize the transformation of one's con-
The chief mourner is given a ring made of kus grass by dition from impure to pure.
the priest to signify that he has now shed the pollution of
The sudddha santi ritual. In preparation for the ftre
death; he places this on a finger of his right hand. Thirty-
worship ceremony that will mark the termjnation of the
one balls of flour dough are placed in the chief moumer's
mouming period, a jagya or ritual space had been con-
cupped hands by Ghimjre, and he then places them on the
structed in the courtyard of Defu La! 's house. Its sole oc-
banana leaf. This offering is followed by a handful of coins
cupants were Defu Lal (as chil:'f mourner) and the Brah-
and a clump of leaves tied together. The Brahman then gives
man priest Ghimire. The Brahman sat on the open side
the moumer a little lighted taper, and a stick of incense,
facing into the enclosure, while Defu Lal sat facing him.
with which he makes passes around the banana leaf. The
Between the two was a small fire. On either side were
incense is then stuck into the side of the pit across from the
banana leaves piled with uncooked rice, on which were
peepal branch. The priest then instructs the mourner to
placed a few bananas. To the priest's right was a basket of
take up this entire bundle wrapped in the banana leaf and
marigolds, which flower during this season. The chief
cany it on his tight shoulder into the river in which he
mourner was also sunounded by banana leaves piled with
abandons it while dipping his body into the water. The
grain. The ceremony itself was very brief, and followed
chief moumer then retums to his earlier position in front of
by a series of prestations to the Brahman, whose elaborate-
the priest. The ritual described above is repeated, this time
ness and cost is typically commensurate with the resources
with the ten balls of flour. A little mjlk is sprinkled over
and social standing of the household concerned. The pur-
the various items on the banana leaf before it is bu~dled up
pose of these prestations is to provide the deceased with all
the goods she will need in her next life. In this instance,
17
While this and other rituals surrounding the death are based the household was one of the better off in the village, own-
on texts, there are variations from reg ion to region and cu lture ing four bigha (about 2.7 hectares) of land and having two
to culture. See Bennett (1983 : 105-107) for an account of the of its male members employed in salaried jobs.
sapinda sraddh as performed by high castes in the hills of
Nepal. The following items were gifted to the priest. The first

THE SHAMAN AND THE PRIEST/Guneratne 17

item brought into the enclosure (by removing the wall of come for the funeral , partake of this; it affirms their kin -
thejagya behind the chief mourner) was a rope bed. Along ship.
with the bed were gifted various items of bedding: a mat, a
The kanlza katlzke ritual. After the fire ceremony and
pillow and a quilt, a mattress and a blanket. All these items
the prestations to the Brahman are over, a ritual ending the
are gifted to the priest in the name of the dead person, who
kaj is performed. A woman brings out a winnowing tray
will have use of these items in the next world . Other items
covered with a ban ana leaf on which a large quantity of
of use to the dead person are given to the priest: a pair of
food - dal , rice, vegetables, pickles, yogurt and other food-
slippers, a plate, a metal pot, a spatula, a clay pot, various
stuffs - is placed, together with a little clay container of
other cooking utensils, a blouse and a saree (if the deceased
rice liquor. 18 The chief mourner places a long bamboo
were male, a man's clothes would have been given), white
pole known as a bah ina on the floor outside the door (which
cloth, turmeric, bananas, oil. The priest received all the
has earlier been smeared with cowdung to purify it), and
uncooked rice used in the fire ceremony. He was also given
an axe next to it. (This is the same axe that accompanied
a female calf, worth about 500 to 600 rupees (the total value
his mother to her cremation.) He stands with one leg on
of the gifts would have come to a few thousand rupees).
the bamboo pole and the other on the axe, holding the clay
All these items were from the dead woman's son's house-
pot of liquor in one hand and a lohota of water in the other,
hold. Her daughter also made gifts to the priest, but these
his hands crossed in front of him. He faces away from the
were much more modest in scope, contained on four win-
nanglo, which has been placed behind him. Then another
nowing trays brought forward by women: items of food
man poses the following question to the chief mourner,
(potatoes, roots, chillies), colored cloth, rock salt, and cash.
repeating it three times and receiving the same response
After the prestations to the Brahman had been com- each time:
pleted, the Mardaniya who had earlier shaved heads by the
"Is the ktiya over?" (kanha kath utarala?)
riverbank came forward to receive tika from the chief
mourner, from whom he also received flowers and cash. "Utarala", he replies (It's over).
Once the gifts had been made, the Brahman began to After he has answered in the affirmative for the third time,
recite verses in Sanskrit, while Defu Lal took a handful of the chief mourner throws the contents of the two vessels
colored rice (akset) and threw it on the gifts . All the mem- over each shoulder onto the nanglo . He then wraps up
bers of his household then touched the bedstead (on which everything on the nanglo in a banana leaf and puts it into
the various gifts had been piled) while the priest continued an old basket, which already contains the remains of the
to recite, to signify that the gifts had come from all of them. earthen stove on which he had been cooking for the last
The chief mourner then made a gift of cash, which was twelve days. He carries this to the river and tosses it in.
placed on the bedstead. The Brahman asked if there was The burden of the kaj is now completely lifted; he may
more money and continued to recite in Sanskrit from a book. reenter into full intercourse with society at large. While he
When he ceased reciting, the onlookers, who had fished must refrain from drinking milk for a year, he no longer
out their change at his prompt, threw it onto the bed. At need observe the other food prohibitions.
this point, other individuals brought forward winnowing
This ritual completes the process of purification of the
trays filled with items to be gifted, and each gift was treated
chief moumer. All that remains is tore integrate the chief
in the same way, by being sprinkled with marigold petals
mourner into society by reestablishing hi s commensality
and colored rice while the priest continued to recite. The
with his fellows. This is accomplished through a meal
sprinkling of these items on the gifts is said to contribute
known as the called bhadarko bhat; this is also the last
to the spectacle, and make it more pleasing (ramailo) for
meal the pitri will eat in her home. That she shares in it
those who both watch and participate.
makes all who partake of it polluted; they must bathe on
At the end of these proceedings, the Brahman gives the morning after to purify themselves. Because women
tika to all those present who come forward to receive it, of the dead person 's patidar may not cook, a kachaheri is
beginning with the chief moumer who receives yellow tika; called to arrange for the feast, and the work is relegated to
he receives coins in return. Yellow tika made from tur- women of other households. One or more women , known
meric paste (called setho (white) tika) is also giveri to wid- as bansiya, are appointed to cook rice, and others, known
ows; all others receive red tika. As he gives tika;he also as khajalahari, do other work related to the fea st. Mikame
pours a few drops of cow's urine from a metal lohota by adds a third to this list, the ghathoriya , "a man whose work
his side into a folded leaf and gives it to each person to
drink. Only members of the dead person 's kul, who have
18
The items are as comprehensive as possible because if
anything is missing, the soul of the dead person will not be able
to eat it in its next birth .

18 HIMALAYAN RESEARCH BULLETIN XIX(2) 1999

is to go for the guests to attend the dinner, and to prepare the previous night's meal. Very early in the morning, after
for the dinner" (1990: 148). The khajalahari and the it is supposed to have left, people go into the pitri's room.
other workers are fed, but are not paid for their contribu- If the food is untouched, the people who performed dllling
tion to the formal rituals of mourning. The chief mourner the night will eat it. If a mouse has been at the food, lndrani
and the men of his patidm; along with various other visi- observed, people would say that it is the pitri who has eaten
tors, seat themselves in a c ircl e in hi s courtyard and are it. Money has also been left on the bed for the pitri to give
served cooked rice, ghiu (clarified butter), vegetables and to the performers and they help themselves to this.
other foods on plates made of lotus leaves. The chief
Later that morning, everyone in the village - but usu-
mourner must be the first person to eat; he takes five mouth-
ally just the household heads- are bidden to a meal, which
fuls, and then the rest of the party may begin to eat.
is referred to by the term basiyaka bhat. Those who attend
The departure of the pitri bring with them some milled rice and one rupee or what-
ever they can afford, which is given to the household that
The pitri departs this world for heaven (svarga-lok)
has been in mourning. This is a contribution towards the
early in the morning following the final day of the kaj.
expenses of the funeral.
She takes with her the calf that was presented to the Brah-
man on the previous day, as well as all of the other items CoNCLUSION
given to him. The Brahman leaves everything outside for
In the first half of this paper, I discussed Tharu belief
one night so that the pitri may take them; only after the
in the malevolent spirits of the dead and the Tharu ritual
pitri has gone does the Brahman take them home with him.
specialist's role in controlling these beings. I followed that
The jimidar's wife laughed when she told me this; how
by describing the series of rituals through which the emer-
can the p itri take anything with it, she asked. "It's Ghimire
gence of malevolent spirits is channeled in the proper di-
baje who gets everything" and the woman who was sitting
rection . That is, at death the deceased becomes a ghost,
listening to our conversation in the courtyard laughed with
but through the timely performance of the proper funerary
her. 19 The pitri, meanwhile, holds on to the animal's tail,
rites, it may be prevented from roaming the world bringing
and it carries her across the ocean to the svarga lok, where
misfortune on to the living and its journey into the afterlife
she will lose all knowledge of her earthly existence. Once
facilitated. The Brahman is essential to this process be-
there, she will eventually be reincamated; if her karma has
cause he alone possesses the knowledge to conduct the 1itual
been good, she will soon be reborn as a human being.
properly and because he is the proper intermediary through
On the day before the pitri leaves, a separate bed is whom the gifts intended for the spirit's afterlife may be
prepared for it in an outlying building of the main house, presented to her. The essence of these prestations belongs
such as the granary, where it can rest and observe the night's to the spirit; the Brahman keeps their material residue.
festivities . This is usually the room that was occupied by
I have also noted that Tharu beliefs in the pervasive-
the chief mourner. A plate of food and a lohota of water
ness of malevolent spirits seem to be in decline. While the
are left there for the spiiit. In the case ofDefu Lal 's mother,
intensity ofTharu beliefs in these beings has been remarked
dust was scattered on the floor around the bed so that her
on by many ethnographers since the nineteenth century,
footprints would show, evidence of her presence.
they do not unduly trouble Tharus in contemporary
The pitri is entertained on her last night with her kin- Chitwan. The decline of the role of these beings in the
folk with music . A couple of musicians are brought in to Tharu cosmology is indexed by the decline in the prestige
play traditional Tharu songs and music . This is one occa- and ritual importance of the gurau and the lack of interest
sion on which Hindi film music and musical styles, which among young men to pursue the gurau 's calling. A com-
have infiltrated into many other aspects of Tharu life, are plex of reasons is responsible for this transformation, and
deemed inappropriate. People gather round to listen to them they stem from the malaria eradication project. Before that,
and raksi (rice liquor) flows liberally. This goes on until the Tharu lived in small villages hemmed in by a vast for-
moming . The pitri takes her ease on the bed prepared for est, having to cope with the depredations of wild animals.
her, enjoying the music until it is time for her to depart, The project opened the valley to intensive settlement and
which she does around 4 a.m. This is the auspicious time because of that, the destruction of the forest cover that had
to bathe and cleanse oneself of the pollution incurred by made it a prime hunting preserve for the Ranas . Today,
only a third of the valley is forested, and almost all of that
19
forest lies within the national park. The traditional cos-
Pres tations to funeral priests are typically exp lained in the
mology of the Tharu is closely bound up with the exist-
antlu-opological literature as a transfer of pollution or inauspi-
ciousness (Parry 1994; Raheja 1988). This does not seem to be ence afforest. Tharus believe for instance that the destruc-
the way that Chitwan Tharus and even the Brahman under- tion of the forest has weakened their traditional gods, who
stands it; s uch explanations were never vouchsafed to me. drew their strength from the jungle. The clearing of the

THE SHAMAN AND THE PRIEST/Guneratne 19

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ened species in Chitwan.

20 HIMALAYAN RESEARCH BULLETIN XIX(2) 1999