Seleukos Self-Appointed General Stratego PDF

STUDIA HELLENISTICA
53
THE AGE OF THE SUCCESSORS

AND THE CREATION OF THE
HELLENISTIC KINGDOMS
(323-276 B.C.)
edited by
Hans HAUBEN and Alexander MEEUS
PEETERS
2014
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IX
Conference Programme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XI
Abbreviations and Reference System. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XV
Introduction. New Perspectives on the Age of the Successors . . . 1

Hans HAUBEN & Alexander MEEUS
LITERARY SOURCES FOR THE HISTORY OF THE SUCCESSORS

Die historischen und kulturgeographischen Notizen über die Dia-
dochenära (323-276 v.Chr.) in Strabons Geographika . . . . . . . . . . 9
Johannes ENGELS
Diodorus XVIII 39.1-7 and Antipatros’ Settlement at Triparadeisos 33

Franca LANDUCCI GATTINONI
Diodor und seine Quellen. Zur Kompilationstechnik des Histo-

riographen. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
Michael RATHMANN
The Strange Case of the Missing Archons. Two Lost Years in Dio-
dorus’ History of the Successors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
Brian SHERIDAN
ARCHAEOLOGY, ART AND NUMISMATICS

Réflexions sur la ‘Tombe 77’ de Salamine de Chypre. . . . . . . . . . 137
Claude BAURAIN
Le monnayage à Chypre au temps des Successeurs . . . . . . . . . . . . 167

Anne DESTROOPER
VI TABLE OF CONTENTS
Sur les pas de Ptolémée Ier. Quelques remarques concernant la

ville d’Alexandrie. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
Adam ™UKASZEWICZ
The Frescoes from the Villa of P. Fannius Synistor in Boscoreale

as Reflections of Macedonian Funerary Paintings of the Early
Hellenistic Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
Olga PALAGIA
THE AMBITIONS OF THE SUCCESSORS

Ptolemy’s Grand Tour . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235
Hans HAUBEN
The Territorial Ambitions of Ptolemy I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263

Alexander MEEUS
‘Men to Whose Rapacity Neither Sea Nor Mountain Sets a Limit’.

The Aims of the Diadochs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307
Rolf STROOTMAN
Seleukos, Self-Appointed General (Strategos) of Asia (311-305 B.C.),

and the Satrapy of Babylonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323
Robartus J. VAN DER SPEK
LEGITIMATION, STATE-BUILDING AND

THE NATIVE PEOPLES
Königinnen ohne König. Zur Rolle und Bedeutung der Witwen
Alexanders im Zeitalter der Diadochen. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345
Ann-Cathrin HARDERS
Ptolemy I and the Economics of Consolidation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 379

Margarita LIANOU
Überlegungen zur Herrschaft der Diadochen über die Indigenen

Kleinasiens . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 413
Christian MILETA
TABLE OF CONTENTS VII
Nachfolge und Legitimierung in Ägypten im Zeitalter der Dia-

dochen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 441
Donata SCHÄFER
WAR AND THE MILITARY

Perdikkas’s Invasion of Egypt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 455
Joseph ROISMAN
Zur Organisation und Rolle der Reiterei in den Diadochenheeren.

Vom Heer Alexanders des Großen zum Heer Ptolemaios’ I. . . . . 475
Sandra SCHEUBLE-REITER
Seleukos and Chandragupta in Justin XV 4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 501

Pat WHEATLEY
The Naval Battles of 322 B.C.E. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 517

Graham WRIGHTSON
SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS ASPECTS OF THE AGE

OF THE SUCCESSORS
Discrimination and Eumenes of Kardia Revisited. . . . . . . . . . . . . 539
Edward M. ANSON
Der fromme Diadoche. Zur Situation der großen griechischen

Heiligtümer um 300 v.Chr. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 559
Wolfgang ORTH
THE SUCCESSORS AND THE CITIES

Ruler Cult and the Early Hellenistic City. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 579
Andrew ERSKINE
History and Hindsight. The Importance of Euphron of Sikyon

for the Athenian Democracy in 318/7 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 599
Shane WALLACE
VIII TABLE OF CONTENTS
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 631
Index Locorum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 691
General Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 709

SELEUKOS, SELF-APPOINTED GENERAL (STRATEGOS) OF
ASIA (311-305 B.C.), AND THE SATRAPY OF BABYLONIA*
Robartus J. VAN DER SPEK
Abstract: In the Diadochoi Chronicle from Babylon it is stated that when in

spring 311 B.C. Seleukos recovered Babylon, he took the title of “general of
Asia” (strategos tes Asias) from Antigonos. This decision was not accepted by his
allies Ptolemy, Kassandros and Lysimachos and evidently not by Antigonos,
with whom the allies made peace in the same year. This is an extra argument
that Seleukos was not a partner in the peace treaty. Seleukos himself was prob-
ably officially satrap of Babylonia, but appointed Patrokles as strategos of Baby-
lonia to defend the satrapy while he was absent. In the ensuing Babylonian war
Antigonos’ son Demetrios tried to reconquer Babylonia from August 310 to
March 309 B.C. In March 309 Demetrios left Babylon for Asia Minor leaving
behind Archelaos as rival satrap (or strategos?) of Babylonia to carry on the war.
Probably some time after 305 B.C. (when Seleukos became king) a new satrap
of Babylonia was appointed. The first possible attestation is in chronicle
BCHP 7 (301 B.C.?); the first certain attestation is in an astronomical diary
concerning 274 B.C., acting side by side with a strategos.
***
Introduction
The satrapy of Babylonia played an important role in the contest for
the control of Asia in the early Hellenistic period. Alexander the Great
apparently saw the city of Babylon as a major royal residence in the
centre of the conquered Persian empire, a city preferred above Susa
in Persis (Str. XV 3.9-10 C731). After Alexander’s death in Babylon,
June 11th, 323 B.C., the city was a major bone of contention between
Antigonos Monophthalmos and Seleukos, and the latter’s victory in
*
I benefited much from discussions with Patrick Wheatley, who read my manuscripts
at several stages. Still we politely disagree as to the chronology of Demetrios’ invasion in
Babylonia, discussed in this article.
324 R.J. VAN DER SPEK
this Babylonian War (311-308 B.C.) heralded the end of Antigonos’

rule in Asia, finally terminated in the battle of Ipsos, where Antigonos
fell at the age of 81 (301 B.C.)1. In this period, control of Babylonia and
the command of Asia changed hands a number of times and it is the
purpose of this short contribution to shed some light on the power
structure in this period.
One complicating factor was that Alexander had no heir fit to rule.
He was succeeded by his mentally deficient half-brother Arrhidaios, who
was king under the royal name of Philip (III) until his death in the
autumn of 317 B.C. Philip was succeeded by Alexander IV, who was
born after the death of his father Alexander the Great and was the offi-
cial king until he was murdered in 311 or 310 by Kassandros, in whose
custody he was left according to the peace treaty of 311/0 B.C. (D.S. XIX
105.1-4). Though these kings had in effect no power at all, they were
important for the legitimacy of the generals who wielded real power, as
it was important for them to stress their loyalty to the kings and thus to
the empire as a whole. This loyalty even went so far that after the death
of Alexander IV official documents were still dated to his years of reign,
a situation which came to an end when the main contestants, Anti-
gonos, his son Demetrios, Ptolemy, Lysimachos and Seleukos adopted
the royal title for themselves (306-305 B.C.).
It is worth stressing that there is a curious discrepancy between the
account of the literary sources and the official documents as regards the
official position of the kings. Whereas the first suggest that Alexander
IV was king right after his birth, so that from that moment on there
were two kings, the official documents in Babylonia and Egypt acknowl-
edge only one king and Alexander’s first year of reign was Philip’s eighth
and last year. As a matter of fact there seems to have been some hesita-
tion to date by Alexander IV, as Philip died already in his 7th year, so
that one posthumous year of Philip was added before dating by Alexan-
der started2.
1
Plu. Demetr. 28-9; D.S. XXI 1.1-4b. Cf. Bar-Kochva 1976, 107 n. 7 and Billows 1990,
181-5.
2
Cf. Boiy 2007a, 86.
SELEUKOS AND THE SATRAPY OF BABYLONIA 325
The Satrapy of Babylonia 331-311 B.C.

When Alexander the Great for the first time arrived in Babylon,
c. 21 October 331 B.C., he appointed Mazaios, a general of Darius who
had deserted to Alexander, as the first satrap of Babylonia (Arr. An. III
16.4; Curt. V 1.44). Alexander separated the civil from the military
authority and appointed Apollodoros of Amphipolis as strategos of the
forces left in Babylonia. This man was still in office when Alexander
returned to Babylon in 323 B.C. (Arr. An. III 16.4; VII 18.1; Curt.
V 1.43; D.S. XVII 64.5). Mazaios did not live long to enjoy this func-
tion. He died in the winter of 328/7, when Alexander was in Baktria,
where the latter appointed Stamenes (Arr. An. IV 18.3) or Ditamenes
(Curt. VIII 3.17) as his successor. We know nothing about this Stamenes
from other sources. A Babylonian chronicle of uncertain date mentions
the appointment of a certain “[xx]-Bel, his son”, to the office of satrap,
which might refer to one of Mazaios’ sons, all of whom had names end-
ing with the theophoric element Bel: BCHP 1 = ABC 8:14’3. Another
well-known official in Babylon was Harpalos, who supervised Alexan-
der’s war chest. Diodorus Siculus (XVII 108.4) calls him, probably erro-
neously, “satrap”. One more satrap is known from Alexander’s time:
Archon, son of Kleinias (D.S. XVIII 3.3; Just. XIII 4.23). After Alexan-
der’s death he retained the satrapy (Arr. Succ. FGrHist 156 F10A.3; D.S.
XVIII 3.3; Just. XIII 4.23). In the ensuing Diadoch wars Perdikkas, since
the death of Hephaistion in 324 chiliarchos and in actual fact a kind of
substitute ruler after Alexander’s death4, found it necessary to replace
Archon and install Dokimos. However, Archon refused to resign and
Dokimos had to conquer his satrapy, which caused Archon’s death (Arr.
Succ. FGrHist 156 F10A.3-5). Dokimos’ arrival in Babylon may have
been mentioned in the Diadochoi Chronicle ABC 10:3’ = BCHP 3:22.
This happened in the same month as the battle on the Nile between the
‘royal’ troops of Perdikkas and the forces of Ptolemy, satrap of Egypt
3
Cf. Van der Spek 2003, 304 and 306-7.
4
Collins (2001) distinguishes between a court chiliarch (hazarapatis) and a military
chiliarch, commander of the Macedonian cavalry. Collins argues that Perdikkas’ chiliar-
chy was a court chiliarchy, an illustrious title of honour, and that Perdikkas’ real power
lay in the fact that he declared himself strategos of the army and epimeletes of the kingdom
(Collins 2001, 276-7). Cf. also Meeus 2008.
(320 B.C.)5. Thanks to the betrayal of Seleukos, who was the leader of
the Companion Cavalry in the royal army, Perdikkas was murdered. In
the following peace conference at Triparadeisos in Syria (late summer of
320 B.C.) Seleukos was appointed satrap of Babylonia (Arr. Succ.
FGrHist 156 F9.35; D.S. XVIII 39.6 and XIX 12.2) and on 14 November
320 Seleukos entered Babylon in this function (ABC 10:5’-6’ = BCHP
3:24-5). Seleukos’ term of office lasted four years (D.S. XIX 91.2), hence
until the summer of 316 B.C. This schedule supports the so-called ‘eclec-
tic chronology’ according to which Seleukos fled from Babylon after a
conflict with Antigonos in the summer of 316 B.C.6
The conflict between Antigonos and Seleukos can be attributed to the
unclear power relations after Alexander’s death. There were no kings who
could give orders and the satraps could consider themselves as autono-
mous princes. Yet there was a functionary between the satrap and the
king and for Asia this was the ‘general of Asia’. This office was given to
Antigonos at the conference of Triparadeisos: t±v Âsíav stratjgòv
aûtokrátwr (D.S. XVIII 50.1, cf. 39.7). That Antigonos was superior to
the satraps is proven by the fact that Antigonos time and again appointed
satraps. When Antigonos, after the battle of Gabiene against Eumenes,
via Media, Persepolis and Susa (where he appointed Aspisas satrap of
Susis, D.S. XIX 55.1) had arrived in Babylon, he wanted to show his
authority over satrap Seleukos:
In twenty-two days he arrived in Babylon [from Susa], and Seleukos, the
satrap of the country, honoured him with gifts suitable for a king and
feasted the whole army. When Antigonos, however, demanded an account-
ing for the revenues, Seleukos answered that he was not bound to undergo
a public investigation of the administration (euthynai) of his country which
the Macedonians had given him in recognition of his services rendered
while Alexander was still alive (D.S. XIX 55.2-37; cf. App. Syr. 53).
5
It happened in a month before month VIII of year 4 of Philip, i.e. before 5 Novem-
ber 320, but probably in the summer. Cf. BCHP 3:23-4. The date of this battle and the
ensuing peace conference is still disputed. Some scholars favor 321 B.C. See for a discus-
sion Boiy 2007a, 111-24.
6
Or: 315 (‘low chronology’). I shall not go into the discussion about the date of this
flight. See Boiy 2007a, passim, and most recently Wheatley 2009a with previous litera-
ture.
7
Translations of Greek authors are taken from the Loeb Classical Library, occasion-
ally with adaptations.
As the tension grew more serious each day, Seleukos decided to leave
Babylon and fled to Egypt.
As Babylon was now without satrap, Antigonos appointed Peithon,
son of Agenor, a former satrap of India, as Seleukos’ successor (D.S.
XIX 56.4), while Diphilos became garrison commander of Babylon’s
“citadel” (akra, which is probably the royal palace, D.S. XIX 91.3) and
Antigonos withdrew to the West. Satrap Peithon apparently did not stay
for long in Babylon as we see him as strategos in Syria under Antigonos’
son Demetrios (D.S. XIX 69.1; 80.1) during the years 314-312. This does
not mean that he lost his office in Babylon: the use of satraps as generals
in military commands outside their own satrapy is attested on other
occasions as well8. Bengtson assumed that Peithon left Polyarchos as his
representative in Babylon (D.S. XIX 91.3)9.
Seleukos’ Position 311-305 B.C. and the Satrapy of Babylonia

The battle of Gaza (autumn 312 B.C.)10 between the troops of Ptolemy
(with Seleukos among them) and Demetrios heralded the return of
Seleukos to Babylonia. The army of Demetrios was beaten and Peithon,
who was present in Demetrios’ army, fell in battle (D.S. XIX 82.1). As is
well known, Seleukos received from Ptolemy a small force with which
he proceeded via Tyrus and Harran to Babylonia (Billows 1990, 128-9).
To the surprise of many he was able to get hold of Babylon in the spring
of 311 B.C.
On the basis of the report of Diodorus (XIX 90-1) the date of Seleukos’
return is taken as 312 B.C. in most textbooks, but cuneiform evidence has
unequivocally demonstrated that the return was in May 311 B.C., as can
be derived from a change in the dating system of Babylonian documents
between 12 Ayaru (II) of Antigonos’ seventh year (CT 49, 50) = 13 May
311 B.C. and 19! Ayaru of the sixth year of Alexander IV (BM 22022) =
20 May 311 B.C.11 We now have additional evidence that Seleukos’ actual
appearance at the gates of Babylon occurred one month earlier, in
Nisannu, April 311 B.C., from a small piece of what was probably an
8
Bengtson 1964 = 1937, 186-90.
9
Bengtson 1964 = 1937, 187
10
Wheatley 1998a; 2009a, 328 n. 22.
11
Boiy 2004, 125-6.
astronomical diary or part of a chronicle (BM 35920). I present an edition

in the appendix12.
In May 311 B.C. Seleukos took a bold step. After he had entered the
city of Babylon he declared himself to be the successor to Antigonos as
strategos of Asia. The claim was linked to the introduction of a new dat-
ing system, which was later taken as start of the Seleucid era.
Seleukos’ announcement of the change of the dating method is
expressly mentioned in the Diadochoi Chronicle, first edited by Sidney
Smith (1924, 124-49), later by A.K. Grayson (1975) as ABC 10 and most
recently by Irving Finkel and myself as BCHP 313. The change was
announced as follows (ABC 10 = BCHP 3, Rev. 3’-4’):
3’ [mSi-lu-uk]-ku iq-bi um-ma MU 7.KAM mAn-ti-g[u-nu-su lú GAL.ERÍN.MES
MU 6.KAM mA-lik-sa-an-dar LUGAL A-sú sá]
4’ [KI.MIN u] mSi-lu-uk-ku lúGAL lúERÍN.MES SID.MES ITI S[IG4?……]
3’ [Seleu]kos spoke as follows: “You/they willpl count(l. 4’) year 7 of Anti-
g[onos the general as year 6 of king Alexander, son of]
4’ [idem and] Seleukos, the general.” Month Si[manu? (III = 31 May —
29 June 311 B.C.)14……]
12
See Bosworth 2002, 217-45, esp. 225 and Capdetrey 2007, 25-8, who know that the
dating system changed in May 311 B.C. It is nevertheless Bosworth’s contention that
Seleukos arrived in Babylon in October 312 B.C. and took the city, including the citadel;
that he afterwards went to the east and defeated Nikanor, the satrap of Media; that, while
Seleukos was absent, Demetrios attacked Babylon between April and June 311 B.C. and
took one of the citadels of Babylon. The description of Seleukos’ actions in the Diado-
choi Chronicle BCHP 3, Rev. 7’-9’ would concern his return to Babylon after his cam-
paign to the east and his attempt to recover the citadel (= palace) occupied by Demetrios’
troops. I cannot agree with this scenario, as Seleukos apparently was not absent at all in
April — June 311, as is clear from the Diadochoi Chronicle BCHP 3, Rev. 2’-7’: he made
his announcement concerning the new dating system in May and was present in the next
month. In addition, this would mean that the beginning of the Seleucid era (starting
Nisannu 311 B.C.) did not start with Seleukos’ first capture of Babylon, but with his
second. Bosworth is right in stating that the arrival of Seleukos in Babylon is described
on the beginning lost part of the reverse of the chronicle, but the events must have taken
place in the months Nisannu (I) and Ayaru (II), as is now confirmed by the document
edited in the appendix below.
13
See also Glassner 2004, no. 30.
14
There is only a very faint remainder of a Winkelhaken, which would point to SIG4
= month Simannu (III). In late Babylonian this month name is usually written SIG. The
only other option would be month IV (ITI SU), but that does not fit the traces at all.
This date formula came into effect in the same chronicle, Rev. 14’
(year 7) and 32’ (year 8); it is also used in the astronomical diaries
ADART I, p. 230-1 no. -309, Rev. 11’ and upper edge (year 7) and p. 238-9
no. -308, Rev. 17’ and upper edge (year 8). In administrative documents
the name of Alexander IV is mentioned without the extension “Seleukos
(being) general”.
This means that Seleukos considered Alexander IV the rightful heir to
Philip, that he took Philip’s (posthumous) 8th year of reign as Alexan-
der’s first (like Ptolemy had done in Egypt with a minor difference due
to the peculiarities of the Egyptian calendar15) and that he considered
himself as the successor to Antigonos as general of Asia. This is an extra
argument that Seleukos was not a partner in the peace treaty of 311/0
B.C. of Antigonos with Ptolemy and Kassandros. In this peace treaty it
was agreed that Antigonos should rule Asia (âfjge⁄sqai t±v Âsíav
pásjv), i.e. continue to be strategos of Asia (D.S. XIX 105.1-4; RC 1)16.
The change in the dating system presents an illuminating insight
into the view on the empire of the contestants. While Seleukos in this
respect had always been loyal to the reigning king, Antigonos intro-
duced a dating system by his own name. In the overwhelming majority
of cases he dated by himself: year x of Antigonos, the general (rab uqu;
lú
GAL ERÍN.MES). A complicating factor is that the Babylonian docu-
ments continued to date by Philip after his death in the autumn of
317 B.C., i.e. Philip’s seventh year, so that even an eighth year is attested
(316/5). The last document dated by Philip is a record of deposit from
Borsippa, dated 18.VII.8 Philip = 9 October 316 B.C. (Stolper 1993, 78,
A2-5:5’). This same year was also the year in which Alexander IV, son
of Alexander the Great, was supposed to have succeeded to his uncle.
But in the second year of his kingship (315/4) a new change occurred:
this year was reckoned as the third year of Antigonos, the general.
Afterwards we find in exceptional cases a double dating system (year x
of Alexander, which is year x+1 of Antigonos), but normally the date
formula contained only the name of Antigonos17. The same procedure
15
Boiy 2007a, 35.
16
Cf. Bengtson 1964 = 1937, 118. The best analysis of the Peace of 311/0 is still Simp-
son 1954.
17
This is not the place to discuss all chronological problems. See for this Boiy 2007a,
passim, but especially 84-104. As a matter of fact, the fact that documents are dated by
Alexander IV until June/July 315 B.C. suggests that by that time Seleukos was still in
can be found in the Aramaic ostraka from Idoumaia, where we find

the change from year 2 of Alexander IV to year 3 of Antigonos in July
315 B.C.18 Antigonos apparently linked his accession retrospectively to
the real year of death of Philip (but cf. below, Appendix, commentary).
What is more: his loyalty to the royal house of Alexander was not
expressed anymore in official documentation. This may be attributed
to the fact that Antigonos was waging war against Kassandros, in whose
custody Alexander was. So Antigonos wished to stress the fact that he
had superior command in Asia as the strategos (rab uqu) of Asia. Cunei-
form document CT 49, 34:24 gives his full title: lúGAL.ERÍN KUR.KUR =
“general of the lands,” apparently meaning “general of Asia”. The title
also stresses Antigonos’ ambitions, as the title is also close to the title
of the Achaemenid kings and Alexander the Great, LUGAL KUR.KUR =
“king of the lands” = “king of Asia”19.
Seleukos’ claim to the title “general of Asia” was a bold step indeed as
he had not even captured the entire city of Babylon. The palace was still
in the hands of Antigonos’ forces (BCHP 3, Rev. 6’; D.S. XIX 91.3) and
it was only in August 311 that Seleukos was able to capture it (BCHP 3,
Rev. 7’-8’)20. Then he made another bold step by departing to the East
for conquest, leaving Patrokles as strategos of Babylonia (D.S. XIX 100.5;
BCHP 3, Rev. 8’-9’(?) — see also below). Seleukos departed to the East
in September 311 in order to defeat Nikanor, the satrap of Media and
the strategos of the Upper satrapies, and to conquer the Eastern satrapies
(“Susiane, Media, and some of the adjacent lands”: D.S. XIX 92.1-5;
BCHP 3, Rev. 9’-12’). It was again a rash enterprise and will have been
motivated by his wish to enforce his claims to Antigonos’ power and
prestige. The operation must have taken quite some time and during
power in Babylonia (‘low chronology’), but other arguments favor the ‘high chronology’
(see above and the conclusion of Boiy 2007a). Or we must conclude that Antigonos took
the decision to introduce a new dating system only in 315 B.C. It was only by then he had
refused the ultimatum from the other dynasts and moved down to Tyre to take Syria and
the Levant, see D.S. XIX 57-8; App. Syr. 53; Just. XV 1.2 (refs. P. Wheatley). See now also
Wheatley 2009a.
18
Boiy 2007a, 122; Porten and Yardeni 2008, 237-49, esp. the table. The systems are
mixed up for a while, some Alexander, some Antigonos (ref. P. Wheatley).
19
Del Monte 1997, 17-22.
20
Here I expand on my chronology of the Babylonian war (311-308?) as presented in
Geller 1990 and Van der Spek 1992, 243-9. Billows (1990, 129-47) arrived independently
at similar results.
this time Seleukos was absent from Babylonia, leaving the defense to
Patrokles.
Antigonos used this time for an attempt to recover Babylonia. Accord-
ing to the classical sources he did not do this himself, but he sent his son
Demetrios to do it. Patrokles, on hearing of the advance of Demetrios’
army, gave orders to the civilians to leave the city and he himself with
what soldiers he had, kept moving around in the satrapy sending word
into Media to Seleukos urging him to send aid as soon as possible.
Meanwhile Demetrios broke into the city, began to besiege the citadels
(tas akropoleis)21, took one of these and delivered it to his own soldiers
for plundering. The other he besieged for a few days and then, since
the capture took time, left Archelaos as general (strategos) for the siege.
Then Demetrios returned to the West (D.S. XIX 100.3-7). Plutarch
(Demetr. 7.3) stresses that he ravaged the countryside (chora).
The puzzling fact is that the chronicle does not mention the name of
Demetrios. Could the chronicler have missed it, as there might have
been a lacuna in the astronomical observations, due to the evacuation by
Patrokles? Were the historical notes destroyed so that the chronicler did
not have enough material for a continuous report22? Or should we
21
It is not immediately clear what Diodorus meant by this. As Babylonia is as flat as
the Dutch countryside, he may have meant huge buildings like the palace of Nebuchad-
nezzar, the temple complex with the still remaining ziqqurat, or the summer palace in the
outer city.
22
The astronomical diaries from a long period are missing, viz. from 322 to 311 B.C.
The first diary after the gap is no. -309 concerning the months V-VIII of year 7 of Alex-
ander IV = 17 August — 12 December 310 B.C., the second is no. -308 containing reports
from the first half of the Babylonian year 8 of Alexander IV = 10 April — 3 October
309 B.C. The chronicler resumes his report in the same month (V year 7 Alex. IV,
August 310) as the diary. This may of course be the result of pure chance, but the destruc-
tions by the Antigonid troops will not have helped preservation. It is tantalizing by the
way, that after August 310, when the Babylonian War raged on, the astronomers cold-
bloodedly continued to record the celestial phenomena and (high) grain prices, and only
once gave historical information, viz. the battle between the troops of Antigonos and the
troops of Seleukos in month V, year 7 (August 310; ADART I, p. 230-1, no. -309:14), also
mentioned in the Diadochoi Chronicle (BCHP 3, Rev. 14’-15’). The diaries concerning
the first half of year 8 (no. -308, months I, II […] V and VI = April — September 309)
and the first half year of year 9 (no. -307, III-VI preserved = May - September 308) are
extant, but not a single note about the war is given. The battle of 25 V 8 Alexander IV (=
10 August 309), recorded in the Diadochoi Chronicle on the Left Edge, is not reported
in the extant astronomical diary concerning this month. This fits into the general practice
assume a pause in the war? Tom Boiy has proposed to place the invasion
of Demetrios in the autumn of 31123. This would be strange, however, as
the chronicle makes no mention of any invasion of Demetrios in that
period and has nothing to report between November 311 and August
310. This is for once not due to a lacuna in the tablet. Year 6 of Alexan-
der IV (311/0) is described until the end. As a résumé of the year it is
stated that “in that year” the debris of Esagila was not removed (Rev.
13’). The account of year 7 (310/09) simply starts with the military con-
flict between the troops of Antigonos and Seleukos in month V (August
310). Hence, the chronicle simply does not know of an invasion of
Demetrios in that period. One might argue that the chronicler found it
not important enough to mention, or did not know anything about it,
but the invasion must have been known, even if documents would have
been lost. So either Bosworth’s contention that Demetrios occupied
Babylon from April to June 311 is right after all (which I cannot believe
— see above, n. 12) or the invasion is mentioned in l. Rev. 14’-31’ and
took place from month V to month XII = August 310 — March 309.
Is this suggestion not contradicted by the fact that the name of Anti-
gonos is mentioned three times (l. 15’, 19’ and 21’) in this account, while
Demetrios’ name is not? This may be explained by the fact that the
chronicle is badly damaged and Demetrios’ absence in the text may have
been a simple coincidence. In all cases it is possible to read either “[the
troops of] Antigonos” (l. 14’-15’, and this reading is confirmed by the
astronomical diary concerning the same month: see ADART I, p. 230-1
no. -309:14) or “[Demetrios son of] Antigonos” (l. 19’ and 21’).
For the rest the account more or less conforms to what Diodorus and
Plutarch have. The fact that both Antigonos and Seleukos were absent is
implied in l. 14’-15’ in the phrase: “[The troops of] Antigonos [did] bat-
tle with the troops of Se[leukos …],” and in the whole account concern-
ing these months Seleukos does not seem to be present. During eight
months, viz. month V (August 310) to month XII! (March 309)24, the
of the diaries in the earlier periods, when the historical notes are not numerous and often
very terse. See also below.
23
Boiy 2004, 125-37; 2007, 146-7. Same chronology assumed in Wheatley 1998a,
2001b and 2002.
24
Cornelia Wunsch (apud Wheatley 2002, 41 n. 8) observed that the month name in
Rev. 16 cannot be ™ebetu (X), but must be either Simanu (III) or Adaru (XII). I would
say that the traces best fit SE (Adaru), which also conforms to the context, as the military
troops of Antigonos and Seleukos were fighting in the neighborhood of

Babylon, at some point Demetrios/Antigonos broke into the city (19’),
but was not able to capture the bit harê (store house of containers? Tem-
ple of Nabû sha Harê25?) (23’). In month XI (February 309) he left Bab-
ylon and plundered city and countryside (25’). On month XII, day 2
(2 March 309), he went to Kuthah and plundered the temple of Nergal
(26’-27’). Then he appointed Ariskilamu (= Archelaos?)26 as satrap of
Babylonia (28’). After that he seems to have left the country. The
account ends with an overview of the year: high prices; illegal requisi-
tioning of food; destruction and plunder; the evacuation of people? out
of Babylon, probably referring to the evacuation by Patrokles (BCHP 3,
Rev. 30’-31’ = ABC 10, Rev. 32-33); the (non?) removal of the debris of
Esagila.
That Demetrios left Babylonia only in March 309 seems to be con-
firmed by the statement of Plutarch (Demetr. 7.3) that he “swiftly”27
went from Babylonia to Halikarnassos in Karia to relieve the city from
a siege by Ptolemy. This operation was part of Ptolemy’s attempt to
wrest cities in Asia Minor (Kilikia, Lykia and Karia) from Antigonos’
operations apparently went on after month Sabatu (XI) (BCHP 3, Rev. 23’ = ABC 10,
Rev. 25’) and probably into Adaru (XII) (BCHP 3, Rev. 26’ = ABC 10, Rev. 28’).
25
Cf. CAD, H, p. 116b s.v. harû A (a large container; a religious ceremony) and
p. 118a, s.v. harû E in bit hare (meaning uncertain); Black, George, and Postgate 2000,
109, s.v. harû II (a sanctuary) = Nabû sa hare.
26
In Van der Spek 1992, 249, I suggested that this person (here read as [mA]r-is-ki-la-
mu, but [mA]-ri-is-ki-la-mu is to be preferred) was the Archelaos, whom Antigonos’ son
Demetrios “left as general for the siege” (âpélipe stratjgòn êpì t±v poliorkíav, D.S. XIX
100.7), when he left Babylon. If so, it would mean a divergence in the perceptions of the
chronicler and Diodorus, the first seeing Archelaos as rival satrap, the other as general.
The Akkadian rendering of the name is also a little problematic: what is the origin of the
sign is in the name? Geller (1990, 4 n. 19) suggests that the person mentioned here was
Arkesilaos, who was appointed satrap of Mesopotamia (not Babylonia as Geller has it!)
by Perdikkas in 323 B.C. (D.S. XVIII 3.3; Just. XIII 4.23). This satrap, however, is also
called Archelaos (Dexippus apud Photius and Orosius; cf. Klinkott 2000, 41 and 44) and
it may be that our sources could confuse names like Archelaos, Archesilaos and Arkesi-
laos, when borne by people who are not well-known to the author. Whatever the case, in
view of the context it seems reasonable to accept that Diodorus’ Archelaos, “general for
the siege,” appointed by Demetrios, was the same as the Ariskilamu, the satrap of Akkad,
appointed by [Demetrios/]Antigonos.
27
It may not have been that swiftly, as Demetrios first had to drive out Ptolemaic
forces from Kilikia Tracheia (Archon year 310/09, hence spring 309; D.S. XX 19.5).
garrisons (309 B.C., D.S. XX 27.1). Ptolemy took Kaunos in Karia, but
apparently failed to take Halikarnassos thanks to Demetrios’ interven-
tion.
All this means that Diodorus’ account is for the most part right, that
he only compressed the Babylonian war in his description of the battle
of Gaza and its aftermath28. It means that Demetrios was in Babylon
from August 310 to March 309, hence only after the peace of 311/0.
The operations of the next Babylonian year (April 309 to March
308 B.C.) are described in BCHP 3, l. 32’ to the end of the tablet. The
date of the first military operations is not reported, but the major actor is
neither Antigonos, nor Demetrios, but the “satrap of Akkad (= Babylo-
nia)”, apparently Archelaos. He seems to be in control. He went to Bor-
sippa (33’-34’) and he appointed someone (a shatammu?) in Esagila (35’).
One might speculate that l. 35’-37’ refer to the return of the evacuated
Babylonians, but the ravaging of city and countryside continued (37’-38’).
On the left edge of the tablet “Archelaos and the troops of Antigonos”
and a “battle with the troops of Seleukos” are recorded on month V, day
25 = 10 August 309 B.C. This marks the end of the account of the chron-
icle. Taking literally it means that neither Antigonos, nor Seleukos were
present at this battle. Diodorus may have been right in not describing an
Antigonos personally campaigning in Babylonia.
Contemporary documents confirm that Antigonos at least temporar-
ily regained authority in Babylonia, even in the city of Babylon itself.
One tablet from the Esagila archive of Babylon dates to the 8th year
of Antigonos (April 310 — April 309 B.C.), and one from Larsa to his
9th year (27 August 309 B.C.)29.
We have no information on the end of the Babylonian War. At some
point Seleukos must have taken control in Babylon again. It may have
happened in August 309, but the chronicle does not mention who won
the battle of that month. Seleukos’ final victory may have occurred later,
though the astronomical diaries do not have much to report after August
309 (cf. n. 22).
There is one classical text which may refer to a battle in Babylonia
between Antigonos and Seleukos in person: Polyaen. IV 9.1. The strata-
gem referred to was the fact that Seleukos instructed his soldiers to eat
28
Cf. for problems concerning Diodorus’ chronology Boiy 2007a, 105-9.
29
For more details, see Boiy 2004, 125-34; Wheatley 2002.
and sleep in full armor while maintaining battle order, so that Anti-
gonos’ men (Antigoneioi) were caught unarmed and in disarray and soon
yielded the victory to their foes. No one less than Johann Gustav Droy-
sen30 already suggested that it was a battle between the dynasts for the
recovery of Babylon. Ptolemy may have helped Seleukos, if the army
sent by the satrap of Egypt to Babylon, as mentioned in Arr. Ind. 43. 4,
refers to this event. This may be true, and may refer to the battle of
August 309, mentioned on the left edge of the Diadochoi Chronicle.
However, as suggested above, the text of the chronicle seems to say that
it was Archelaos who led the Antigonid forces. Polyaenus’ battle may
also have taken place later, at a time not recorded in the chronicle.
Another explanation is tentatively suggested by Pat Wheatley31, who sees
reminiscences with Seleukos’ first victory over Nikanor at the Tigris
(“When night was come and the army of Nikanor was keeping a per-
functory and negligent guard, Seleukos fell on them suddenly, causing
great confusion and panic” D.S. XIX 92.3-4). Though Wheatley is skep-
tical about this himself, I like to take the idea seriously, as Polyaenus is
mainly interested in stratagems and not in historical circumstances and
may for the sake of convenience have changed a battle between Seleukos
and the Antigonid forces under Nikanor into a battle between Seleukos
and Antigonos. Note also that in Polyaenus’ description of the battle
itself Antigonos is not mentioned, but only Antigoneioi.
Antigonos apparently was confident that the satrapy would finally fall
into his hands. His main mistake was that he underestimated the impor-
tance of Babylonia for his leadership in Asia, left its recovery to his son
and to Archelaos, and lost. Seleukos had also gambled by campaigning
in the East, leaving Babylonia under Patrokles, but won nonetheless.
Although not recognized by his competitors in the West, nor by the
ancient Greek historiographers, he was the real strategos of Asia until he
became king in 305. That he still regarded Babylonia crucial as power
base is indicated by the fact that here, on the Tigris, he founded his larg-
est city, his city of kingship, Seleukeia.
30
1980 [1878], 2:259-60.
31
2002, 44 n. 24.
The Satrapy of Babylonia after 311

The position of Seleukos from 311 B.C. onwards as regards the satrapy
of Babylonia is not immediately clear. The classical sources only men-
tion the fact that he recovered his satrapy (D.S. XIX 91.1-5; Just. XV
4.11; Plu. Demetr. 7; Paus. I 16.1; Lib. Or. XI 82), but his exact office is
never indicated. Only from Appian (Syr. 57) one might deduce that he
became satrap: “Directly after the death of Alexander he (= Seleukos)
became the leader of the Companion cavalry (™gemÑn t±v ÿppou t±v
ëtairik±v), which Hephaistion, and afterwards Perdikkas, commanded
during the life of Alexander. After commanding the cavalry he became
satrap of Babylonia, and king after his satrapy (metà dè t®n ÿppon
satrápjv te t±v Babulwníav kaì basileùv êpì t±Ç satrapeíaç).” But as
Appian skipped the interlude of Antigonos’ rule in Babylonia, one might
not give too much weight to this statement32.
As we have seen above, Seleukos is named “general” (rab uqu) in the
Babylonian date formulas and it is arguable that the titles “satrap” and
strategos can be used interchangeably and that reference is made to
Seleukos’ position as governor of Babylonia33. But that is apparently not
the case here. From the above mentioned formulas it seems clear that
Seleukos’ title of strategos was meant as the title borne by Antigonos.
From May 311 B.C. Seleukos considered himself to be the new strategos
of Asia.
In addition, as we have seen above, right at the beginning of his take-
over Seleukos appointed someone else as strategos of Babylonia, viz.
Patrokles (D.S. XIX 100.5): ö dè kaqestaménov üpò Seleúkou t±v Babu-
lwníav stratjgòv Patrokl±v, “Patrokles, who had been established as
general of Babylonia by Seleukos.” This is not a temporary function or
a function as substitute, as is indicated by the term kaqestaménov, which
“bezeichnet einen vom Herrscher eingesetzten Statthalter im Gegensatz
32
Bengtson is ambiguous about the question who was governor of the satrapy of
Babylonia after Seleukos’ recovery of it. In Bengtson 1964=1937, 118 he argues that Seleu-
kos, as satrap of Babylonia, was not willing to obey Antigonos and thus was not incorpo-
rated in the peace treaty of 311, but in Bengtson 1964=1944, 47 he states that provinces
were normally ruled by a satrap, “abgesehen von jenen Provinzen, die vorübergehend
unter Militärgouverneuren gestanden haben wie z.B. Babylonien im Jahre 312 unter dem
Strategen Patrokles.”
33
Bikerman 1938, 197-205, but contested by Bengtson 1964=1944, 38-48, esp. 45: stra-
tegoi exist next to satraps. See also preceding note.
zu kataleleiménov, das für einen vom König mit seiner persönlichen

Vertretung betrauten Funktionär angewandt wird” (Bengtson 1964 = 1937,
39 n. 7)34. His appointment may well have been mentioned in the Dia-
dochoi Chronicle (BCHP 3, Rev. 8’-9’). Hence Patrokles was the general
of Babylonia tout court. The fact that Patrokles was strategos of Babylo-
nia means that Seleukos was not strategos of Babylonia. His generalship
was that of Asia.
As the new strategos of Asia Seleukos could have appointed a new
satrap of Babylonia. Probably he did not do so. As we have seen, the
Diadochoi Chronicle does mention the appointment to the office of
satrap of Akkad (= Babylonia) of a certain Ariskilamu (= Archelaos) in
March 309 B.C. (BCHP 3, Rev. 28’), but this appointment was not done
by Seleukos, but by his rival Antigonos (or more probably Demetrios
— see above) in the course of his Babylonian war against Seleukos.
For Seleukos the casus belli of the Second Diadoch War was his
satrapy and it would be strange to give up his title of satrap once he had
recovered it. The fact that he had gained by force of arms an even higher
authority, however, made his position in Babylonia ambiguous and
Seleukos will have left it this way. In this respect his position may also
be compared with that of Antigonos, who was satrap of Phrygia as well
as general of Asia, but was best known for the latter office. Conse-
quently, it is understandable that the literary sources do not stress the
fact that Seleukos was satrap; much more important was his overall
power in Asia and his conquest of Asia was the main concern of the
historians, though they refrained from naming him general of Asia, per-
haps due to an intentional silence on the matter in the work of Hiero-
nymus of Kardia, a partisan of Antigonos. For practical purposes, how-
ever, it was good for Seleukos to have a local representative in Babylonia
in the person of Patrokles, the strategos. He had the example of Alexan-
der, who also appointed strategoi next to satraps. This did not mean that
Seleukos only had civil authority in Babylonia, as he was the military
commander in all of Asia, at least in his own perception.
34
In contradiction with this Bengtson assumes that Patrokles was an officer “einge-
setzt zum Schutze einzelner Bezirke und Städte in Kriegsgebieten” (1964=1937, 190).
The Satrapy of Babylonia after 305 B.C.

At one point Seleukos or his son Antiochos (king 281-261 B.C.) must
have decided that it was time to appoint a new satrap in Babylonia,
especially after Seleukos’ adoption of the title of king in 305 B.C. This
first attested satrap may have been mentioned in a Babylonian chronicle
(ABC 13b = BCHP 7, date lost), which refers to “the satrap of Akkad”
(l. 4’ and possibly l. 8’), the presence of the king in Ebir Nari, “Trans-
potamia”, the region west of the Euphrates (l. 13’; …]si LUGAL in this
line might refer to king Se(leukos)), “[… elephants from (?)] Baktria and
Ind[ia …]” (l. 14’) and “troops of Antio[chos …]” (Rev. 10’). One of the
possible interpretations of this chronicle is that it referred to prepara-
tions for the battle of Ipsos (301 B.C.), in which Seleukos I defeated
Antigonos the One-Eyed. Crown prince Antiochos took part in the bat-
tle, and there was a contingent of elephants from Baktria and India.
Corroboration of this idea is found in the observation that “the king”
(BCHP 7: 5’(?), 8’, 13’, Rev. 4’ and 6’) apparently was someone else than
Antiochos (Rev. 10’), son of the king. This chronicle, however, is badly
damaged and may refer to any period after ca. 302 B.C., the year Seleu-
kos I returned from India.
The first certain attestation of a satrap of Babylonia is found in an
Astronomical Diary concerning Seleucid year 38 where a postscript is
added concerning the month of Adaru (XII) of year 37 (ADART I, p.
344-5, no. -273B, Rev. 34’-35’), in which we read the following statement:
Year 37th, Antiochos (I) and Seleukos, month Adaru 9 (23 March 274 B.C.):
the satrap of Akkad (lúmu-ma-’i-ir KUR URI.KI) and the appointees of the
king, who had gone to the king to Sardes in the 36th year, returned to
Seleukeia, the royal city which is on the Tigris.
The satrap carried an instruction of the king to expropriate fields that

had been given to the Babylonian community before, which indicates
the civil authority of the functionary. In the diary concerning month
XII of year 38 SEB it is stated that “the satrap of Babylonia brought out
much silver, cloth, goods, and utensils from Babylon and Seleukeia, the
royal city, and twenty elephants, which the satrap of Baktria had sent to
the king, to Ebir Nari (Transpotamia), to the king.” (ADART I, p. 344-
5, no. -273B, Rev. 30’-32’)35.
35
Van der Spek 1993b, 67-8. The above-mentioned chronicle BCHP 7 may concern
this period as well, if we assume that the Antiochos mentioned in Rev. 10’ was king
Again, there was a strategos besides the satrap, as is indicated by the

same diary (ADART I, p. 338-9, no. -273B, 11-12):
That month (= VII 38 SEB = October 274 B.C.), another general (lúGAL
ú-qu 2-ú)36, whom the king had appointed in Akkad, entered Babylon. The
21st (27 October 274), the general gave one bull and [n] sheep for the regu-
lar offerings of Bel to the butchers of Esagila and they were sacrificed to Bel.
That this functionary was entrusted with military tasks is exemplified
by the same diary:
That month (XII 38 SEB = March 273 B.C.), the general gathered the
troops of the king that were in Babylonia, from its beginning to its end,
and went to the aid of the king to Transpotamia (Syria) in month I (of the
following year) (ADART I, p. 344-5, no. -273B, Rev. 32’)37.
Whether this strategos was the immediate successor to Patrokles we do
not know. It is possible, but not likely. What we know of Patrokles’ fur-
ther career is all outside Babylonia. He had a naval command under Seleu-
kos and Antiochos in 294/3 (Plin. Nat. VI 58: praefectus classis eorum).
Patrokles, “a trusted friend of Seleukos” (Plu. Demetr. 47.3) was on a cam-
paign in Asia Minor against Demetrios (286 B.C.). Between 286 and 281
he made an exploratory expedition in the region between the Caspian Sea
and the Oxos river and had a high command in these regions (Str. II 1.17
C74). In 279 he was involved in a campaign of king Antiochos I against
Nikomedes of Bithynia (Memnon FGrHist 434 F1.9). We have no further
information; he may have died there. As we may derive from the astro-
nomical diary, the general of 274 was appointed by Antiochos only recently.
The first satrap of Babylonia we know by name was a certain Theron,
mentioned in a diary concerning intercalary Adar SEB 50, i.e. March-
April 261 B.C., hence still in the reign of Antiochos I (ADART I, p. 376-
7, no. -261C, Rev. 9’). Many more satraps and generals of Babylonia are
mentioned in the diaries, far into the Parthian period. But that is not
the topic of this article.
Antiochos I and my above expressed view that “the king” was someone else than Antio-
chos is wrong.
36
Hunger translated “vice-general”, which is possible. In view of the context, how-
ever, I assume that the king only sent another general. In the next references the man is
only indicated as “the general” tout court. His tasks are not really fit for a second in
command (levying troops).
37
See for a discussion of this diary Van der Spek 1993a, 97. For the fiscal aspects, Van
der Spek 1993b, 67-9.
Conclusion
In May 311 B.C. Seleukos took a bold step. When he entered the city
of Babylon with a small force he declared himself to be the successor to
Antigonos as strategos of Asia. This was a bold step indeed as he had not
even captured the whole city at that juncture. This step was later taken
as the beginning of the Seleucid era. Officially Seleukos probably
remained satrap of Babylonia, but had to face the competition for a
while of Archelaos, appointed by Demetrios. Seleukos himself had
appointed Patrokles strategos of Babylonia in August 311. When Seleukos
became king, Babylonia turned into a normal satrapy and at some point
a new satrap was appointed. An important satrapy it remained: a new
royal capital city was founded there (Seleukeia on the Tigris) and it
became the seat of the viceroy (Seleukos’ son Antiochos) of the Upper
satrapies.
APPENDIX
The Return of Seleukos I — Fragment of an Astronomical Diary?

BM 35920
Description of the Tablet

This small fragment (width 38 mm, height 28 mm) is part of a tablet con-
taining more than one column. Preserved is a small part of a right column. The
left column contains only few traces, but these suggest that this column con-
tained astronomical observations. The right column apparently preserved his-
torical information.
Col. I
1’ [……] IGI
2’ [……] SÚ
3’ […… I]GI
4’ [……] X
Col. II
1’ [sá ana] q[é-re]b K[UR …..]
2’ ITI BAR ITI BI mS[i-lu-uk-ku ……….]
3’ sa ina MU 1.KAM mAn-t[i-gu-nu-su lúGAL ERÍN.MES……]
4’ TA E.KI ZÁH GUR UD 1 […………]
5’ ≥al-tum E.KI X […………]
6’ [bi-ri]-[…..]
Translation
Col. I
1’ [……] visible
2’ [……] overcast
3’ […..] visible
4’ […..] x
Col. II
1’ [who in]t[o] the l[and of….]
2’ Month Nisan (I = 3 April — 1 May 311 B.C.). In that month, S[eleukos
….]
3’ who in year 1 (of?) Ant[igonos, the general, …..]
4’ from Babylon had fled, returned. Day 1? [……….]
5’ battle (in?) Babylon [………..]
6’ [between]?
Commentary
It is difficult to establish the character of this document. If we take the traces
of the obverse into account, it looks as though we are facing an astronomical
diary. The reverse, however, seems to point to a chronicle. Although astro-
nomical diaries contain historical information, these sections are normally intro-
duced by the formula: “In that month” and not “Month MN. In that month”
since the month name is self-evident, the historical information being inserted
after the astronomical reports of a certain month. One exception is the diary
concerning SEB 38 (discussed above), which also contains information about
SEB 37. See ADART I, p. 344-5, no. -273B, Rev. 30’, 34’.
If the document would turn out to be a chronicle, it could be part of the
Diadochoi Chronicle, col. III. As we have seen, the Diadochoi Chronicle pos-
sibly was a two-column tablet, while this fragment certainly was a two-column
document.
Col I.
The traces preserved in this column may refer to recurring words in astro-
nomical sections of the diaries. IGI (l. 1’ and 3’) is an ideogram representing the
verb amaru, “to see”, mostly used in the passive tense: “to be visible”. The
ideogram is also used to represent “front”, as in MÚL IGI, “front star”. SÚ means
“overcast” (cf. comments Hunger in ADART I, p. 32-3).
Col II.
The fragment seems to deal with the return of Seleukos in Babylon after his
earlier flight. It gives us the information that Seleukos arrived before the walls of
Babylon in Nisannu = April 311. The awkward thing is that the flight of Seleu-
kos seems to be dated to year 1 of Antigonos. This poses two problems. So far
only one doubtful reference to year 1 of Antigonos, which would be 317/6 B.C.,
exists (ADART V, no. 53, II 26’; but see my review Van der Spek 2005). Chron-
icle BCHP 3 = ABC 10 describes this year and the following year as years 7 and
8 of Philip respectively. Secondly, the flight of Seleukos would have taken place
even one year earlier than the ‘high chronology’, which dates his flight in the
summer of 316 (Boiy 2007a, 120-4; Bosworth 2002, 213 and 282), which would
be year 2 of Antigonos. Perhaps Seleukos’ flight occurred before the end of year
1 of Antigonos = year 7 of Philip = before 27 March 316 B.C. One might even
consider the thought that Antigonos did not choose year 317/6 as year 1 of his
rule because it was the real year of death of Philip III, but because it was the year
in which he ousted Babylonia from Seleukos. It was also the year in which Anti-
gonos was granted the dignity of kingship (time basilike) by the inhabitants of
Persia, as if he was acknowledged lord (kyrios) of Asia (D.S. XIX 48.1). After all,
he took 316/5 as the first year of Alexander IV, who also was supposed to have
succeeded to Philip.
Another solution is that “year 1” is not year 1 of Antigonos, but year 1 of
Alexander IV (i.e. 316/5), and that Antigonos is the subject of the sentence.
Note that in the Chronicle of the Diadochoi (Rev. 40’) also mention is made of
the first year of Alexander. If correct, one could propose a translation like: “In
that month, S[eleukos ….], whom in year 1 Ant[igonos, the general, had
deposed and who] from Babylon had fled, returned.”
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STUDIA HELLENISTICA

THE AGE OF THE SUCCESSORS

Hans HAUBEN and Alexander MEEUS

Abbreviations and Reference System. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XV

Introduction. New Perspectives on the Age of the Successors . . . 1

LITERARY SOURCES FOR THE HISTORY OF THE SUCCESSORS

Diodorus XVIII 39.1-7 and Antipatros’ Settlement at Triparadeisos 33

Diodor und seine Quellen. Zur Kompilationstechnik des Histo-

ARCHAEOLOGY, ART AND NUMISMATICS

Le monnayage à Chypre au temps des Successeurs . . . . . . . . . . . . 167

Sur les pas de Ptolémée Ier. Quelques remarques concernant la

The Frescoes from the Villa of P. Fannius Synistor in Boscoreale

THE AMBITIONS OF THE SUCCESSORS

The Territorial Ambitions of Ptolemy I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263

‘Men to Whose Rapacity Neither Sea Nor Mountain Sets a Limit’.

Seleukos, Self-Appointed General (Strategos) of Asia (311-305 B.C.),

LEGITIMATION, STATE-BUILDING AND

Ptolemy I and the Economics of Consolidation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 379

Überlegungen zur Herrschaft der Diadochen über die Indigenen

Nachfolge und Legitimierung in Ägypten im Zeitalter der Dia-

WAR AND THE MILITARY

Zur Organisation und Rolle der Reiterei in den Diadochenheeren.

Seleukos and Chandragupta in Justin XV 4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 501

The Naval Battles of 322 B.C.E. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 517

SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS ASPECTS OF THE AGE

Der fromme Diadoche. Zur Situation der großen griechischen

THE SUCCESSORS AND THE CITIES

History and Hindsight. The Importance of Euphron of Sikyon

Index Locorum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 691

General Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 709

Robartus J. VAN DER SPEK

Abstract: In the Diadochoi Chronicle from Babylon it is stated that when in

this Babylonian War (311-308 B.C.) heralded the end of Antigonos’

The Satrapy of Babylonia 331-311 B.C.

Seleukos’ Position 311-305 B.C. and the Satrapy of Babylonia

astronomical diary or part of a chronicle (BM 35920). I present an edition

can be found in the Aramaic ostraka from Idoumaia, where we find

troops of Antigonos and Seleukos were fighting in the neighborhood of

The Satrapy of Babylonia after 311

zu kataleleiménov, das für einen vom König mit seiner persönlichen

The Satrapy of Babylonia after 305 B.C.

The satrap carried an instruction of the king to expropriate fields that

Again, there was a strategos besides the satrap, as is indicated by the

The Return of Seleukos I — Fragment of an Astronomical Diary?

Description of the Tablet

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