56

Chapter-III
Western U.P. during the Slave Dynasty

In 602 H./ 1206 A.D. after his last campaign at the time, when

Muiz-ud-din proceeded to Ghazni from Lahore, he had formally

invested Qutub-ud-din Aibak with vice regal prowers and conferred

upon him the title of Malik. When received the information of

Muizuddin death, the citizen of Lahore sent on invitation to Qutub-

uddin to assume sovereign power. He proceeded to Lahore and took

up the rein of government in his hand, although his formal accession

took place on 17 Zilqada 602 H./25th June 1206 A.D., that is a little

over three months after Muiz-ud-din's death. In fact, long before his

accession, he had strengthened his position by clever policy of

matrimonial alliances. He had given his daughter in marriage to

Altamash and his sister to Nasiruddin Qubacha, when he himself had

married the daughter of Tajuddin Yaldoz. On his accession he used the

title of Malik and Sipah Salar but not that of Sultan. It seems that he

did not strike coins or read the Khutba in his name. The reason,

perhaps, was that he was still technically a slave. His formal

manumission could not be obtained till 604 H/1208 A.D., But Ghias-

ud-din Mohammad of Ghaur, who was his master's successor, sent

 57

him the royal insignia and standard and also conferred upon him the

title of Sultan. Now Qutub-ud-din became de-facto sultan of almost

the entire Hindustan and established the Mamluk dynasty, which ruled

upto 689H./1290 A.D.

Saharanpur District :

Qutub-ud-din ruled for a few time only four years and this

period was also spent in foreign affairs. So he made no fresh conquest

during this period even Western Uttar Pradesh. There is no any

reference that Qutub-ud-din had made any conquest in Saharanpur

district. But it is clear, however, that the district was included in the

dominions of the Sultan and was probably administered from the

Capital. In many parts of the country, no doubt, the conquest was but

nominal at first. The struggle between Hindu and Muslims had been

made.1 So we are told that in 614H./1217 A.D. Shamshu-ud-din

Altamash subjugated all the territory upto the Siwaliks, presumably

for the first time and captured Mandawar in the Bijnor district.2 In 651

H/1253 A.D., after a compaign in the hills of the Punjab, Nasir-ud-din

crossed the Jumna at Rajghat and traversed the north of the district,

making the passage of the Ganga at Hardwar, hence he turned

southward to Badaun. This progress seems to have been due to a local

 58

rebellion in the northern Doab and Rohilkhand,3 which in the latter

had compelled the governor to abandon Sambhal. At that time

Saharanpur territory was called Ushinager.4

Muzaffar Nagar District :

After the battle of Tarain Qutub-ud-din Aibak started

consolidating his hold over his possessions including the area covered

by this district.5

But the Jats who by now had risen into prominence in the district,

would not allow the Muslim conquerors to established themselves so

early. They gathered round one Vijai Rao of Sisauli and held meetings

in 598H./1201 A.D. at villages Bhaju and Bhanera in Khap Baliyan,

taking pledge to raise an army of 60,000 to 1,00,000 from various

Khaps to defend their solidarity. All the Khaps were subservient to a

Serv Khap, a political organization formed to protect the territories of

Khaps from foreign invaders.6 However, it is not known whether these

Jats offered any resistance to Qutub-ud-din, but they were forced to

acknowledge the supremacy of Altamish.7

In 653H/1255 A.D. The Jats, together with 225 representatives

of various Hindu castes and communities of the upper Doab, taking

 59

advantage of the unsettled affairs of the administration of Nasirud-din

Mahmud (1246-1266 A.D.) assembled at village Bhukerheri (Khap

Badanu) and protested against the imposition of taxes on religious

worship and festivals.8 In 665 H/1267 A.D. they again rose in

rebellion blocking the roads leading to Delhi.9 But they were quickly

suppressed and order was restored in the region by Ghias-ud-din

Balban (1266-1287 A.D.).10 For crushing the power of the nobles,

Balban tried to regulate the tenure of lands in the doab by resuming

the Iqtas enjoyed by Shamshi noblemen since the time of Altamish,

but the resumption order was withdrawn. However, the grantees lost

much of their former influence.11

Meerut :

From 588 H./1192 A.D. the conquest of Meerut by Qutubuddin

till 652 H./1254 A.D., there is no reference of any event of Meerut, In

the reign of Sultan Nasiruddin, Sultan conferred upon the name and

title of Khan to Ulug Khan.i.Azam, the Malik Kishli Khan was

elevated Malik Amir-i-Hajib.

After some time, when in the month of Rabi II 653 H./May

1255 A.D, Malik Qutubud-din Husain died or put to death, on

Monday, the 7th of Jamadi I/14th June the extensive fief of Meerut
 60

was assigned to Malik Kishli Khan.12 According to this the territory

and city of Meerut was placed under the charge of Amir Hajib to the

skirt of the mountain of the Bandiaran. During some years, he reduced

under his sway those confine and districts and took possession of the

country within the mountain territory of Bandiaran, as far as Rurki,

Miapur. From their he got a lot of wealth and overthrew Ranas and

Mawasat.13 In 656H./1258 A.D. he contracted an internal disease of

which he died in Meerut on Sunday, 20 Rajab 657H./13 July 1259

A.D.14

Ghiasuddin Balban built a Dargah Sharif at Garhmukteshwar in

682 H./1283 A.D. as is evident from an arabic inscription on one of its

walls.15 A coin of Balban has also been discovered in the excavation

made at Hastinapur16 in 1954-55 A.D. As the people of the doab and

Mewat were in constant rebellion against the Sultan of Delhi during

the latter half of the thirteenth Century, it is likely that the inhabitants

of the district, including the Meos (who had already settled down in

the southern Parganas), also took an active part in haressing the office

of the Sultans. It is presumable that it was for this reason that a strong

man was appointed the fief holder of Meerut. Kalwars17 of Meerut and

Kol used to take to Sultan Qaiqubad (1288-90) presents of scented

wine having full of flagon, which was two or three years old.18
 61

Baran (Buland Shahar)

The extirpation of the Dor dynasty from Baran was obviously

followed by Muslim rule, as according to Tabkat-e-Nasiri of Minhaj-

us-Siraj. We find that when Gwalior was taken (597 H./1200 A.D.),

Altamash became Amir of Gwalior town and after that he got the fief

(Iqta) of the town of Baran and its dependencies.19 He administered

these area efficiently and pleased with his performance Qutub-ud-din

entrusted to him the Iqta of Badaun.20

At the time when the Sultan Altamash was feudatory of Baran

in the reign of the Sultan Qutub-ud-din Aibak, during a raid against

one of the independent tribe of Hindu infidels, Hindu Khan Mehtar-i-

Mubarak with the spike of his torch, unhorsed a Hindu and sent the

man to hell.

Sultan Shams-ud-din Altamash's Slave Saif-ud-din Aibak, at

first was made Sir-i-Jandar. After that assigned him the Iqta of

Narnol. He served in the government of that fief for sometime, and

subsequently the Baran was assigned21 to him and after that again the

fief of Sunam was conferred upon him.

 62

After the Shamsi rule, during the reign of Sultan Razia, the Iqta

of Baran was conferred upon Ikhtiyar-ud-din Altumash.22

Subsequently Taberhinda was given to him.

In the reign of Sultan Nasir-ud-din. Mahmud, Tej-ud-din

Sanjer-i-Tez Khan (or Taber Khan) was assigned the Iqta of Baran23

Badaun and there he remained a considerable time.

During the reign of Ghayas-ud-din Balban, the Iqta of Baran

was held by Tuzaki, an important Malik of Balban. In the reign of

Kaiqubad, Malik Nizam-ud-din became the Naib-i-mumlikat and

assumed charge of all affairs of the administration. He relentlessly

followed his policy of executing the Maliks and Amirs and further he

put to death. Malik Nasir-ud-din Tuzaki governor of Baran.24 In the

vacancy caused by the execution of Tuzaki, Qaikubad summond

Malik Firoz Khilji, who was the Nayab of Samana and Sar-Jandar of

the court, appointed him Arz-i-Mumalik and the important Iqta of

Baran was given to him and entitled Siasat Khan.25 The appointment

gave great offence to the Turkish nobles and to the people of Delhi,

who despaired his tribe and feared both his increasing power and

ambition. So the conflicts and ambitions of the nobles got crystallized

into two hostile groups, one led by Malik Firoz Siasat Khan Khilji and
 63

the other by Malik Aitmur Surkha. Almost immediately after, he had

taken possession of his new fief incontinence and intemperance did

their work on Qaikubad. Now Surkha the leader of Turks made plan to

slay the Firoz but a relative of Firoz Khilji, named Ahmad chap, who

was in the service of Kachan, however, secretely conveyed the news

to him, so he became alert and forestalled their design and he marched

with a large force from Baran to Delhi and occupied the Delhi.

Anxious to strengthen his party in view of the approaching conflict, he

moved his quarters to Ghiyaspur, a few miles from Delhi and then sent

for his relations from Baran, on the plea of removing them from the

zone of a threatened Mangol invasion. He was joined by a number of

other non-Turks officers.

During this time Kachchan himself reached to Malik Firoz, he

beckoned to his men, who cut of his head and threw the body into the

Jamna. This action tore off the mask and the two parties now came out

in open conflict. Now Firoz sent his sons with a body of troops to

fetch Kaiumars from Delhi. They raided the palace and secured the

king. When a party of Turkish officers came in their pursuit, slew

most of them and captured. Firoz thus became the master of the

situation; even some Turkish officers now tacitly recognised it by

joining him.
 64

Qaiquabad in the meantime met with an ignominous end. As he

lay motionless on his bed. A Khilji trooper was sent by Firoz, entered

the apartment, rolled him in his bed-clothes and kicked him off into

the Jumna. Now Firoz set himself up as regent of the new inflent king.

The regency was only a transitional arrangement. So Firoz set aside

Kaiumars, put him to death, and ascended the throne at Kilokhri with

the title of Jalaluddin in the month of Rabi II 689 H./April - May 1290

A.D.

Kol or Koil (Aligarh)

Qutubuddin assigned Koil and its adjacent territories to

Hisamuddin Ghulbak26 and returned to Delhi from now on, Koil

remained firmly in hands of the new rulers.27

After the Ghaurian conquest of Koil, sometime before

628H/1230 A.D. Maulana Raziuddin Saghani the distinguished

scholar of the traditions of the prophet and the author of Mashariqual

Anwar, Came to Koil from Badaun and became deputy Mushrif of

Koil, lateron, after resigning from that post he became the tutor to a

son of the governor of Koil, probably, Khwaja Johan Nizam-ul-Mulk,

on a salary of one hundrad Tankas a year. From Koil he went on a

pilgrimage to Macca.28
 65

During the reign of Sultan Shamshuddin Altamash Khwaja

Jehan Nizam-ul-Mulk Kamal-ud-din Junaidi, who was the minister,

was assigned the cuharge of Koil as its governor, as is evident from a

fragmentary inscribed slab.29 The district remained in the undisturbed

possession of Shamsh-ud-din Altamash but his successor Rukn-Ud-

din Firoz Shah so mismanaged affairs that rebellion ensued among the

governors, and on his departure from Delhi with an army, he was

deserted by the Wazir, Nizamuddin Mohammad Junaidi, who in

633H./1236A.D. flad to Koil and then joined the governor of

Badaun.30 The conspiry hatched at Koil proved successful and

Ruknuddin was deposed; but the wazir did not acquiesce in the

accession of the princess Razia and carried on a compaign against

Delhi with Koil as his base for sometime before peace was made.

During the reign of Sultan Alauddin Masud Shah Khwaja

Muhazzab-ud-din Nizam-ul-Mulk, who was the wazir, assumed

considerable power and appropriated Koil to his Iqta

(639H/1241A.D.)31 In 640H/1242 A.D. the Turkish amirs rose against

the powerful amir and put him to Death. Malik Badr-ud-din Nusrat

Khan, who was one of the ringleaders of this plot, was appointed as

the amir (commandant) of Koil.32 In the same year Minhaj-us-Siraj

Juzjani, the author of Tabqat-i-Nasiri, on his way from Delhi to

 66

Lakhnauti passed through Koil and was hospitably received hereby

Nusrat Khan.33 In 641H/1244 A.D. during the reign of Sultan

Alauddin Masud Shah ulug Khan having been appointed as the

Chamberlain (Amir-i-Hajib) marched out of Delhi into the Doab to

chastise the rebels of Jalali and Datoli.34 Which was repressed by him

with much severity; and it was at this date Jalali received a Pathan

garrison.35 Ever since the power of Balban had been unchallenged in

the doab and Koil was one of his many appanages.

In the fourteenth regnal year of Sultan Nasiruddin Maharud

Malik Nusratuddin Sher Khan was assigned the charge of the

territories of Koil. In the 9th regnal year, on 20 Rabi I 652H./10 May

1554, the Sultan visited Koil and conferred the title of Sadr-i-Jahan,

on Minhaj-ul-Siraj.36 In the same year the famous Koil Minaret was

also erected by Babban to commemorate his name and the victories of

his master Nasiruddin Mahmud, as is recorded in its inscription.

In 675H./1259 A.D. Koil was united with Biana and Gwalior to

form a Single province under the charge of Malik Mohammad Sher

Khan, the nephew of Ulug khan, better known as Balban, who was

then in command of the army.

 67

Sultan Ghias-ud-din Balban soon after his accession to the

throne in 663H./1265 A.D. directed a campaign against the rebellions

"Infedels" of the Doab. During the course of the same expedition he

constructed a fortress at Jalali and assigned it to the Afghans. "Jalali,

which had been on abod of highwaymen and where travellers to

Hindustan had been plundered, was converted into an abode of

Mohammadans.38 As an inscription shows Balban also built a mosque

at Jalali in 1266-67.39 This, however, could not be the present mosque,

where the inscription had been found and which is obviously a much

latter building. Balban assigned the Iqta of Koil to his eldest son,

prince Mohammad,40 known as the Khan Shahid, who held Koil for

several years. After this Malik Mohammad Sherandaz also held Koil41

for some time during the same reign.

Koil next appears as a centre for the manufacture of wine. The

wines of Koil and Meerut were freely served in the celebrated dancing

parties of Sultan Muiz-ud-din Qaiqubad (1288-89 A.D.)42

Kateher : (Territories of Moradabad, Amroha, Sambhal Badaun and

Etah)

It is said that Qutub-ud-din Aibakl was the first Muslim to

conquer this region. The region might have been lost to the Muslims
 68

for a while as Altamash is said to have reconquered these parts.43 But

their hold was confined to a very few towns and in consequence the

state of anarchy which prevailed was aggravated given the local chief

like the Katcherias. The opportunity to set up independent

principalities and to resist for centuries the authority of the sultanate in

this region.

In the year 625H./1227-28 A.D. Rukn-ud-din Firoz Shah

obtained the Iqta (fief) of Badaun,44 which he was administered with

the help of Ainul Mulk Husain Ashari, a former minister of Qubacha.

In 630H./1232-33 A.D. Malik Izzuddin Tughril Tughan Khan was

appointed the Muqta.45 of Badaun. When Sultan Altamash first

purchased him, he was appointed his Saqi-e-khas and after sometime

he was appointed Dawat-dar. Subsequently bestowed upon him a

Khilat and appointed him a chashnigir. After a considerable time, he

appointed Amir-Akhur. Subsequently he was made feudatory of

Badaun. When sultan Altamash first purchased Malik Bader-ud-din

Sunker Rumi, he appointed Tasht-dar and after that Bahala-dar

Subsequently he was appointed Shahnah of the Zarrad-Khana of

Badaun.
 69

On the next day of Altamash's death, Rukn-ud-din Firoz Shah

was seated upon the throne, on Tuesday, the 21 Shaban 633H/6 Jun

1236 A.D. Malik Ghiasuddin Mohammad Shah son of sultan Shamsh-

ud-din was younger in years than Rukn-ud-din Firoz Shah rose in

rebellion in Avadh and took possession of the whole of the treasure of

Lakhnauti, which was being taken to Delhi. He also sacked and

plundered several towns of Hindustan. Malik Izzuddin Mohammad

Salari, the Iqtadar of Badaun also rebelled.46 Rukunuddin could not

repressed this rebellion and returned to Delhi, but the temper of the

capital was against him. He was imprisoned and probably put to death

on 18 Rabi-ul-Avval 634H./19 November 1236 A.D.

After the accession of Sultan Razia, the Iqta of Badaun was

given to Malik Ikhtiyar-ud-din Aetgin47 after summoned him to

Delhi. After some time he was appointed Amir-e-Hajib on Monday 8

Moharram 638H./30 July 1240 A.D., he was assassinated. After his

death, the Iqta of Badaun was assigned to Badar-ud-din Sunker

Runu.48

In the reign of Muiz-ad-din Bahram Shah, summoned Malik

Bader-ud-din Sunker from Badaun and confirmed upon him the office

of Amir-Hajib but very soon afterwards he began to suspect him.

 70

Malik Sunqer also grew apprehensive of the sultan and his faith in the

sultan likewise ceased. So Sunquer began to look for an opportunity to

remove him. On 14th49 Safer 639H/24 August 1241A.D., Badr-ud-din

Sunqer convoked the greatmen of the capital, for the purpose of

discussing a change in the government, at the mansion of Saiyad Taj-

ud-din Musawi. The wazir, Khwajah Muhazzabuddin gave intimation

to the Sultan of this circumstance. Muizuddin Bahram Shah was quick

to act and mounted and before the conspirators could disperse, he

rounded them up. The Sultan probably considered himself too weak to

inflict any service punishments on them. All that he could do was

either to transfer or dimiss the rebels.A mandate was issued that Badr-

ud-din Sunqer should proceed to Badaun50 and that district was made

his fief. Qazi Jalal-ud-din Qashami was dismissed from the office of

the Qazi.

Badr-ud-din Sunqer was, however, not prepared to pass his days

in the obscurity of Badaun. Within four months the decree of destiny

having gone forth, it brought him back to the capital again without

having receive orders to return. He came to the city of Delhi and was

immediately thrown into prison. He continued in imprisonment and

confinement for sometime. In the end, on the night of wednesday, the

 71

14th Jamadi-ul-Awwal 639H./20 November 1241 A.D. he and Saiyad.

Tajuddin Ali Musawi were both put to death.

On Saturday, the 8th Ziqad 639H./10 May 1242 A.D., the city

of Delhi passed out of the possession of Sultan Muizuddin Bahram

Shah, the Maliks and Amirs agreed to the sovereignty of Alauddin

Masud Shah, so placed Sultan. Masud Shah upon the thrown.

Muhazzabuddin, the Nizamul-Mulk was again made wazir. The

province Nagaur and Mandaur and Ajmer were made over to Malik

Izzuddin Balban Kishlu Khan and the territory of Badaun51 was given

to Malik Tajuddin Sanjer Qutluq.

In the year 640H/1242-43 A.D. he overthrew the Mawasat of

the Katehar and Badaun and performed many exploits against the

infidels and founded Jami Masjids in several places and established

pulpits for the Khatibs.52 In the same year when the author

Minhajussiraj resolved upon leaving the capital city of Delhi, on a

journey to Lakhnauti and sent off his family and dependents, in

advance, towards Badaun. That Malik of excellent disposition

assigned a stipend for his family and children and treated them with all

sorts of honour and reverence. Five months afterwards when the

author following after his family reached Badaun. Malik Tajuddin

Sanjar bestowed upon him so many gifts and treated him with honour.
 72

He was pleased to assigned the author a fief with a residence at

Badaun together with ample benefits and favours. Malik Tajuddin

assembled a numerous body of forces 8,000 horse and foot, besides

Payik-ba-asp.53 A certain party began to be envious of the number of

his following the quantity and efficiency of his war material, the

greatness of his power. The deceitful promptings of the sprit of devilry

moved them, so that they prepared some poison placed him betel leaf

and administered it to him and disease of the bowels supervend and

from that disordered, in a few days he died.

After capturing Talsanda, on wednesday, 24th Muharram

646H/19 May 1248 A.D. the Sultan Nasir-ud-din Mahmud with his

forces reached Delhi again. At this time Malik Jalal-ud-din Masood

Shah the Sultan's brother, who, when he presented himself to the

Sultan, on his march back from Kara, had been nominated to the fiefs

of Sambhal and Badaun, became suddenly filled with fear and terror,

from Sambhal54 and Badaun proceeded towards Delhi.

The forces of Islam pushed on towards the Koh-Payah and

Ranthambhor. During the stay of the Sultan at the capital, Qazi Jamal-

ud-din, the Shafurqani was accused, and Friday 9th Zilbijjah (25

March) was removed from his Qazi ship and by command left the city
 73

and departed towards Badaun and on the 12th Zilhijja, by the

endeavour of Imad-ud-din i-Rayhan, he was put to death.55

In the year 649 H./1251-52 A.D. Malik Izzuddin Balban pressed

on from Nagaur towards Uehcha and went to Malik Sher Khan in his

camp and relinquished the Fort of Uchcha to him and leaving it,

turned his face towards the capital on Sunday, 17th Rabi-ul-Akhir,

649H./10 July 1251 A.D. he presented himself at the court and the fief

of the district and city of Badaun was assigned to him.56

On Monday 22nd shawwal 650H/26 December 1252-53 A.D.

the Sultan departed in the direction of Lahore with the intention of

marching to Uchcha and Multan. During this March all the Khans,

Maliks and Amirs of the adjacent parts, joined the royal standards.

Qutluq Khan from Bayana and Izzuddin Balban from Badaun with

their respective followings accompanied the royal standards to the

boundary of the river Biah.

When the year 652H/1254 A.D. commenced, the river Jumna

was passed, and in the vicinity of the Koh-Paya of Haridwar and

Bijnor57 many successes were gained and vast booty acquired. On

Thursday, the 13th Muharram 652H./5 March 1254 A.D., the river

Ganga was crossed by the Sultan Nasir-ud-din and his troops infront
 74

of Mia-pur58 and in the same manner, keeping along the skirts of the

mountains, the force proceeded as far as the banks of the river Rahab

or Ramganga. During these expeditions, on Sunday, 15th Saffer 652H

(6 April 1254) at Tiklah-Bani, Malik Razi-ul-Mulk Izzuddin Durmashi

was killed by Hindus of Katechar. On the following day 16th Safar,

the Sultan in order to arrange that act inflicted such a chastisement

upon the infidels of Katehar as the people of that territory will

remember for the rest of their lifetime. From there he departed towards

Badaun. On Thursday 19th Safar 10 April the district of Badaun

became adorned with the magnificence and dignity of his auspicious

canopy59 of state and royal standards. The Sultan halted there for nine

days and after that return to Delhi.

On 26th Rabi-ul-Awwal 652H/16 May 1254 A.D. Sultan

reached Delhi and stayed at Delhi for a period of five months. During

this period information arrived respecting the assemblage of the

Maliks who had gathered about Malik Jalal-ud-din Masud Shah, the

Sultan's brother. The royal standards in the month of Shaban

(September-October), moved towards Sunam and Tabarhinda. The

forces of Maliks were along with Malik Jalal-ud-din Masud Shah, in

the neighbourhood of Taberhinda. The Sultan with his forces left

Sunam and retired to Hansi and those Maliks moved towards Kuhram
 75

and Kaithal. The Sultan marched from Hansi in the same direction. A

party of Amirs now interposed between the two personages about the

alliance. Imad-ud-din Rayhan was the cause of discord on both sides.

On Saturday, 22nd Shawwal 5 December of the same year, sultan

commanded that Imam-ud-din Rayhan should be sent to Badaun and

that Wilayat was given to him as a Iqta.60

In the year 654 H./1256 A.D. Malik Tajuddin Sanjer became

Wakildar (Representative of Darbar) of Nasirud-din Mahmud and

obtain the Iqta of Badaun.61 When Malik Qutlugh Khan, who was the

feudatory of Awadh, contrary to the commands of the court with the

forces of Hindustan advanced towards Badaun. Malik Taber Khan at

the head of a body of troops was nominated, alongwith Malik Bak-

tam-i-Aor Khan to march from the capital for the purpose of repelling

the troops of Hindustan. When the two armies met within the limits of

Sera-Mow, Malik Taber Khan was compelled to retire and returned to

the capital again.

Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud died in 665H./1266-67 A.D. and

Ulugh Khan ascended the throne with the title of Ghiyas-ud-din

Balban.
 76

Balban- Balban was confronted with a number of problems

after his accession to the throne. With the respect of law and order,

there were four problem-areas before Balban-The suburbs of Delhi;

The Doab; the trade-routes, specially the roads of Awadh and the

rebels of Kateher (Rohelkhand). At first he suppressed the Meos to a

whole year. Burni writes.62

After suppressing the Meos, the Sultan turned towards the

Doab. The Qasbas (towns) and the wilayats (territories) of the Doab

were assigned to Iqtadars, who had the requisite means, Balban

ordered-the villages of the disobedient to be totally destroyed and

ruined; the men were to be seized as spoils. The forest were to be cut

down completely and terminated the mischief-makers. Some great

amirs with their enormous armies determinants accomplish this task.

They annihilated the disobedient of doab, and cut down their jungles

and was scattered the rebels and reduced the Raiyat of the Doab to

obedient and submissive.

Burni continues

After completing the Doab enterprises, Balban twice marched

out of the city to open the road to Hindustan (Awadh). He went to

Kample63 and Patiali64 and stayed in those territories for five or six
 77

months. He put robbers and rebels unhesitatingly to the swords; the

route of Hindustan was opened and Banjaras carwans and merchants

could come and go in peace. At Kampil, Patiali and Bhojpur, which

were the great centre of robbers on the road to Hindustan, strong forts

and high and spacious mosques were constructed and assigned to the

Afghans. Thus the house of robbers became a military post. The land

of Jalali was also made Mafruz (tax-free). Jalali which had formerly

being the homeland of Musalmans and of the guardians of the roads,

While the Sultan was busy with these enterprises, the news had

been received continuously that the rebels of Kateher had grown in

numbers. 'They plundered and desolated the villages of the raiyyat

and molested the territories of Badaun and Amroha;65 their insolence

was a public fact; They had become so powerful that they ignored the

authority of the Iqtadars of Badaun and Amroha,66 and owing to their

strength the walis of the neighbouring districts could not interfere;

Balban decided that the suppression of Kateher was a task for imperial

army. He returned from Kample and Patiali to Delhi and ordered to

Hashm-e-Qalb (contingents of the central army) to get ready,

proclaimed publicly that he would go hunting to the Kohpaya. But the

army was ready, he marched towards Kateher. After crossing the

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Ganges entered in Kateher with Hashm-e-Qalbe-Ala having march

two nights and three days.

A force of five thousand archers were with him. Balban ordered

that the whole Katehar put to the arrows and destroy it; general

massacre of all male population and besides women and children no

any one should left alive not even boys eight or nine years old. But

this is absurd, for the Sultan had gone there to protect the peasants

against those, who plundered them. Balban remained in Katehar67 for

a few days and fearful massacre went on, so as the blood of the

Mufridan (mischief makers) of Katehar flowed as stream on the

ground. Corpses were piled before every village and jungle and the

strench of the corpses reached upto the bank of ganga. From the

frightful massacre of Katchar, the opponent of the vicinity also

trembled and made devotee innumberable. All the villages of Kateher

were savaged and plundered by army. Wood cutters and the soldiers of

Badaun cleaned to the routes of the dense jungles cutting by axes.

They kept on constructing the route for army and revenge from

plunderer. From that date the opponents were scattered together, till

the end of Jalaluddin's reign, no one opponent did not dare to raise in

revolt in Kateher. The wilayat of Badaun, Amroha, Sambhal and

Kanuri became safe from the disturbance of kateherias.

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Balban's theory of kingship about low-born person :

A distinction between the high-born and low-born was

constantly emphasized by Balban, and any contact with low-born

people or their appointment to any office in the administration was

considered by him as derogatory to the dignity of a ruler, He

dismissed low-born persons from all important offices and sharply

rebuked his courtiers for having selected Kamal Mohiyar, a convert to

Islam, for the post of mutasarrif of Amroha. In this relation Barni

says-

In the first regnal year of Balban's enthronement, the Iqta of

Amroha was given to Malik Amir Ali Sirjandar. The Sultan ordered to

high ranked officers of Darbar to present by choosing a moralist

mutasarrif,69 who is high-born and deserving for the khwajgi70 of Iqta

Amroha. At that time Malik Alauddin Kishli Khan was Amir Hajib

and Malik Nizam-ud-din Buzghhala Nayab Vakildar.71 They selected

to Kamal Mahiyar for job and was presented before the royal throne

for the Khwajgi of Amroha. When Kamal Mahiyar kissed the ground,

Balban said his officers that ask him, what is the meaning of Mahiyar

and what is his relation with him. He answered that Mahiyar was my

father, a Hindu slave. As these words heard the Sultan, he got up in

wrath and retired from the court to his private chamber.72

 80

After some time Adil Khan, Shamshi Ajami, Tomar Khan,

Malikul-Umra, Fakhr-uddin Kotwal and imadul Milk Rawat-i-Arz73

were summoned in reclusion. There after the five officers (Kardaran)

Malik Alauddin Kishli Khan, Malik Nizamuddin Buzghhala, the Naib

Amir Hajib 74 and Khas Hajib Isami, who were concerned in making

the recommendation were also summoned. Balban said, addressing the

first four high ranked officers, "Seeing such a talks I have tolerated of

my this brother's son, who is Hajib and Nizamuddin Buzghala, who is

Vakildar, if my own father had done I would not have tolerate." They

brought selecting a bastard and mean Maulazada (handmade son)

before me and recommended him to give the Khwajagi of Amroha

and said that he is deserving and experienced person. Thereafter said

to Adil Khan and Temur Khan, "Both you are my old friends and

Khwaja Tash (comrades). Listen this attentively and understand very

well that I am a descendent of Afrasiab.75 I believe that God had

bestowed me that characteristic, due to that I can not give any post or

responsibility to a mean, characterless and a low-born person in a

government office. 'When a group of these persons appears, every

artery and vein in my body begins to agitate with fury.' When this

condition is mine as I told you, then I did not want to participate any

petty, mean and characterless in his state of affairs, which god

 81

entrusted me and to assigned them any post, work, or Iqta. Today I

have tolerate the talk of both officers, if after it any officer requests

before me to give any higher post or Iqta, Khwajgi, Mushrifi,76

Mudabbiri77 etc to any petty mean and characterless, either he is to

much competent, I will give him such hard punishment that the

people of the world will also take the lesson. The sultan sent back

those officers having warn about this matter. Balban never gave any

higher post to any petty, mean, coward and vile till his lifetime.

Balban looked upon the administration of justice as one of the

foremost duties of a king. Whenever any case of injustice or harshness

towards the common man came to his knowledge, he flew into a rage

and did not hesitate to punish his officers or even his relations. His

Barids (intelligence officer) kept him fully posted with the activities of

the imperial officers in different parts of the empire. if a Barid failed

to report any act of high-handedness on the part of the local officers,

an exemplary punishment was inflicted upon him. For example-Malik

Bakbak father of Qara Beg, who was the Iqtadar of Badaun,

Sarjandar and confident of Sultan Balban and Jagirdar (fief holder) of

four thousand Sawars, being fearless intoxication of wine, at Badaun

were to be so scourged to Farrash78 that he died. After some time

when Balban visited the Badaun, the widow of that Farrash solicited
 82

for justice. Sultan Balban forthwith ordered to murder Malik Bakbak

Muqtadar79 of Badaun having scourge before the widow of Farrash.

The Barid of Badaun was hanged over the gate of Badaun for failure

to report this misdemeanour to sultan in favour of Muqta.

In 679th 1280 A.D. Balban again visited Badaun, on his return

from the expedition against Tughril in Bengal and proceeded thence to

Delhi by the ferry of Gunnaur 80 probably Ramghat or Narora. Balban

again exhibited his severity by hanging the captured rebels on gibbets

all along the road from Badaun to Pilibhit.

Along the same road passed Balban's grandson and successors,

Kaiqubad on his way to his famous reconciliation with his father

Bughra Khan of Bengal.

 83

References

1. Sharma, K.K., Saharanpur Sandarbh, I, P-83.

2. Elliot and Dowson II, P-241, Nevill. H.R. Saharanpur Gazetteer

P-180, Sharma K.K., Saharanpur Sandarbh I, P-83

3. E&D II, 358, Nevil H.R. op.cit., P-180.

4. Ray H.C. Dynestic History of India, Map 7, Part I, P-8, Sharma

K.K. , Saharanpur Sandarbh, P-83.

5. Habibulla A.B.M., Foundation of Muslim rule in India, P-82,

Muzaffarnagar Gazetter, P-21.

6. Pradhan M.C., The Political System of the Jats of Northern India

P-252.

7. Prasad Dr. I. History of Medieval India, P-138, Habibulla

A.B.M., P-92-93.

8. Praddhan M.C., opp. cit., P-254, 261-62.

9. Haig Sir W. The Cambridge History of India. Vol III, P-76.

10. Ibid. P-73

 84

11. Prasad Dr. I., opp. cit., P-161-162.

12. Minhaj, P-220, Reverty (English Translation of Tabkat-i-Nasri

Part I, P-702, Hindi Translation of extract by S. A.A. Rizvi-Adi

Turk Kallen Bharat, P-52.

13. Mawasat ( ) is the plural of Mawas, means a place of

shelter.

14. Minhaj, P-280, Reverty (Eng. Tr of Tab. Nasri), P-799 Rizvi,

S.A.A, Adi Turk Kaleen Bharat. P-80, Joshi-Meerut Gazetter, P-

34.

15. Fuhrer A. The Monumental Antiquities and inscriptions in the

north western provinces and oudh, P-9, Meerut Gazetter, P-34.

16. Meerut Gazetter, P-34, Ancient India: Bulletin of the

Archaeological survey of India No.10 and 11, 1954 and 1955.

17. It means Kalal- A cast of liquor seller.

18. Barni, Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi, P-157, Rizvi, S.A.A. Adi Turk

Kaleen Bharat, P-232.

 85

19. Reverty, P-604 (Eng. Tr. of Tabkat-i-Nasri), E. & Dowson vol.

II, P-332, Haig W. Vol. III opp.cit., P-51-52, Baghel A.S.

Bulandshahar, U.P. district gazetteer, P-21.

20. Reverty opp. cit P-604, Now a days Badaun was supposed

greatest aqta.

21. Reverty II, opp.cit P-730, Rizvi S.A.A., opp.cit.,.P-59.

22. Reverty II, P-748, Rizvi. S.A.A., opp.cit., P-66.

23. Rizvi, S.A.A., P-69 says Baran but Reverty P-757 says Badaun.

24. Habib and Nizami. opp. cit. p-306.

25. Barni. Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi, P-170, Rizvi. S.S.A., opp.cit., P-241.

26. Tajul Ma'asir II, f. 328, Siddiqui J.M. Aligarh District : A

Historical survey P-48.

27. Ibid. P-48

28. Ibid.

29. Ibid.

30. Nevil H.R. Aligarh: A Gazetteer, P.165

31. Minhaj P-469

 86

32. Ibid. II P-42

33. Reverty, opp. cit., P-787

34. Datoli (Datauli) stands on the south side of the metalled road

from Nanau to Dadon, in 270 53' N and 78o 19' E. at a distance of

16 miles from Aligarh and ten miles south of Atrauli. c.f. District

Gazetter, VI, P-234-35.

35. Elliot and Dowson. II P-362, III P-105, Nevil H.R. Aligarh : A

gazetter P-162.

36. Minhaj P-488

37. Ibid, 495

38. Barni opp. cit. P-58, See also Isami, Fatuhus Salatin, P-164.

39. See Epigraphical Supliment No. IV, Siddiqui J.M., opp.cit., P-54.

40. Barni P-66.

41. Ibid, P-88.

42. Ibid P-157 (Khumaran-i-Kol)

43. Majumdar R.C. The Struggle for Empire P-137, Joshi, E.B.,

Moradabad : U.P. District Gazetteers, P-38.

 87

44. Minhaj P-181, Rizvi, S.A.A. opp. cit., P-32, Reverty opp. cit. P-

631.

45. Minhaj P-242, Rizvi, S.A.A. opp. cit., P-61, Reverty opp. cit., P-

736.

46. Habib and Nizami opp. cit. P-235, Reverty opp. cit. P-633.

47. Minhaj P-253, Rizvi, S.A.A. opp. cit. P-66, Reverty opp. cit., P-

750.

48. Rizvi, S.A.A. opp. cit. P-67, Reverty opp. cit., P-752.

49. Same copies here as well as under the reign disagree about this

date. Some have the 10th and some, the 17th, but two of the best

copies have here, as well as previously, the 14th of Safer

(Reverty P.753, N-2).

50. Reverty opp. cit. P-654, Rizvi S.A.A. opp. Cit., P-18, Minhaj

P.255 Habib and Nizami opp. cit., P-245.

51. Reverty opp. cit. P-662, 755, Rizvi, S.A.A. opp. cit., P-68.

52. The preacher who pronounced the khutba already explained .

53. Payik-Ba-Asp. Those footsoldiers, who had horses too.

 88

54. Reverty opp. cit. P-684, Minhaj, P-212, Rizvi S.A.A. opp. cit., P-

48.

55. Compaire Elliot Vol. II, P-349 'Imad-ud-din did not killed him.

56. Minhaj P-215, Reverty opp. cit. P-690, Rizvi. S.A.A. opp.cit., P-

49.

57. As in all copies of text, (Bardar and Panjor) but

Hardwar or Haridwar and Bijnor is suitable (Indian Atlas).

58. A famous villages of ancient time near Haridwar.

59. Minhaj P-218, Reverty opp.cit., p-698, Rizvi. S.A.A. opp.cit. P-

51.

60. Minhaj.P-219, Rizvi. S.A.A., opp. cit., P-51.

61. Minhaj P-260, Rizvi S.A.A., opp.cit., P-70, Reverty opp.cit., P-

759.

62. Barni. P-57, Rizvi. S.A.A., opp. cit., P-164, Habib and Nizami.

opp.cit., P-278

63. In modern Farrukhabad district.

64. In District Etah.

 89

65. Barni P-58, Rizvi. S.A.A., opp. cit., P-165.

66. Ibid.

67. Barni P-59, Rizvi.S.A.A., opp. cit., P-165.

68. Ibid.

69. Accounts keeper

70. Accountship ( )

71. Vakildar meens executor of Palace and Nayab Vakildar is

deputy Vakildar.

72. Barni, P-36, Rizvi S.A.A., opp.cit., P-149

73. Head of the army department.

74. Deputy Incharge of the royal court.

75. A mythical king of Turan.

76. Head of Income.

77. Related from royal correspondences.

78. Incharge of sitting material and Farshes, ( )

79. Land Lord of a tract.

 90

80. Barni, P-107, Rizvi. S.A.A. opp.cit., P-198, Nevil H.R. Badaun:

A gazetteer, P-135.